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Title: Negritos of Zambales
Author: Reed, William Allan
Language: English
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Negritos of Zambales
by
William Allan Reed
Manila
Bureau of Public Printing
1904
LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
Department of the Interior,
The Ethnological Survey,
Manila, March 3, 1904.
Sir: I have the honor to transmit a study of the Negritos of Zambales
Province made by Mr. William Allan Reed, of The Ethnological Survey,
during the year 1903. It is transmitted with the recommendation that
it be published as Part I of Volume II of a series of scientific
studies to be published by this Survey.
Respectfully,
Chief of the Ethnological Survey.
Hon. Dean C. Worcester,
Secretary of the Interior, Manila, P. I.
LETTER OF SUBMITTAL
Department of the Interior,
The Ethnological Survey,
Manila, March 1, 1904.
SIR: I have the honor to submit herewith my report on the Negritos
of Zambales.
Very respectfully,
William Allan Reed.
Dr. Albert Ernest Jenks,
Chief of The Ethnological Survey, Manila, P. I.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Letter of Transmittal
Letter of Submittal
Illustrations
Preface
Chapter 1: Distribution of Negritos
Present Distribution in the Philippines
In Luzon
In the Southern Islands
Conclusion
Chapter 2: The Province of Zambales
Geographical Features
Historical Sketch
Habitat of the Negritos
Chapter 3: Negritos of Zambales
Physical Features
Permanent Adornment
Clothing and Dress
Chapter 4: Industrial Life
Home Life
Agriculture
Manufacture and Trade
Hunting and Fishing
Chapter 5: Amusements
Games
Music
Dancing
The Potato Dance, or Piña Camote
The Bee Dance, or Piña Pa-ni-lan
The Torture Dance
The Lovers' Dance
The Duel Dance
Chapter 6: General Social Life
The Child
Marriage
Rice Ceremony
Head Ceremony
"Leput," or Home Coming
Polygamy and Divorce
Burial
Morals
Slavery
Intellectual Life
+ Superstitions
Chapter 7: Spanish Attempts to Organize Negritos
Anthropometric Measurements
Vocabularies
Plates
ILLUSTRATIONS
I. Outline map of the Philippine Islands, showing distribution of
Negritos. 18
II. Outline map of Zambales, showing distribution of Negritos. 30
III. Negrito women of Bataan on a rock in a stream. 30
IV. Negrito man from Nangsol, near Subig, Zambales. 30
V. Negrito man from Aglao, Zambales. 30
VI. Negrito woman of Zambales. 30
VII. View near Santa Fé, Zambales. 30
VIII. Capitán of Villar. 30
IX. Negrito man of Zambales. 30
X. Showing the relative height of American, mixed blood and pure
Negrito. 30
XI. Group of Negritos and Constabulary at Cabayan, Zambales. 30
XII. Old man of Zambales, pure Negrito. 30
XIII. Old man of Zambales, pure Negrito, showing hair on face and
chest. 30
XIV. Negrito of Zambales, showing hair on the chin and skin disease
on the arm. 30
XV. Pure Negrito of Zambales, showing hair on the chin. 30
XVI. Negrito Man of Zambales, showing hair on the face. 30
XVII. Negrito girls of Zambales, one with hair clipped behind to
eradicate vermin. 30
XVIII. Negrito man of Zambales, pure blood. 30
XIX. Negrito man of Zambales, mixed blood. 44
XX. Negrito man of Zambales, pure blood. 44
XXI. Negrito man of Zambales, mixed blood. 44
XXII. Negrito girl of Zambales, pure blood. 44
XXIII. Negrito woman of Zambales, mixed blood. 44
XXIV. Old Negrito woman of Zambales, pure blood. 44
XXV. Negrito man of Zambales, pure blood. 44
XXVI. Negrito man of Negros, mixed blood. 44
XXVII. Negrito man of Zambales. 44
XXVIII. Negritos (emigrants from Panay) of Maao, Occidental Negros;
mixed bloods. 44
XXIX. Group of Negrito men at Santa Fé, Zambales. 44
XXX. Principal men of Tagiltil, Zambales; pure Zambal and mixed
Negrito. 44
XXXI. Negritos of Zambales, mixed bloods. 44
XXXII. Group of people called Aburlin; non-Christian Zambal and
Negrito mixed bloods. 44
XXXIII. Negrito women of Zambales. 44
XXXIV. Group of Negrito women at Santa Fé, Zambales, showing dress. 44
XXXV. Negrito girls of Zambales, one wearing necklace of dried
berries. 58
XXXVI. Combs worn by Negritos of Zambales. 58
XXXVII. Ornaments worn by Negritos of Zambales. 58
XXXVIII. Negrito man, wife, and hut, Bataan. 58
XXXIX. Better class of Negrito hut, Zambales. 58
XL. Negrito man of Bataan making fire with bamboo. 58
XLI. Negrito men of Bataan making fire with bamboo. 58
XLII. Bows and arrows used by Negritos of Zambales. 58
XLIII. Position taken by Negritos of Zambales in shooting. 58
XLIV. Negrito man of Bataan drawing a bow; hog-bristle ornaments on
the legs. 58
XLV. Negrito man of Negros (emigrant from Panay) drawing a bow. 58
XLVI. Musical instruments used by Negritos of Zambales. 58
XLVII. Negritos of Zambales singing the "talbun." 58
XLVIII. Negritos of Zambales dancing. 58
XLIX. Negrito men of Bataan beating gongs and dancing. 58
L. Negritos of Zambales dancing the "torture dance." 58
LI. Negrito woman and daughter, Bataan. 72
LII. Pure Negrito woman and mixed blood, with babies, Zambales. 72
LIII. Negrito women and children, Zambales. 72
LIV. Negrito children, Santa Fé, Zambales. 72
LV. Capitán of Cabayan, Zambales, with Negrito and Zambal wives. 72
LVI. Boys of Zambales, showing scars made by blistering for fevers,
etc. 72
LVII. Negrito woman of Zambales, pure blood, showing scars made by
blistering for fevers, etc. 72
LVIII. Negrito woman of Zambales, pure blood, showing skin disease. 72
LIX. Negrito man of Zambales, mixed blood, showing skin disease. 72
LX. Negrito boy of Zambales, mixed blood, showing skin disease. 72
LXI. Negrito man of Zambales, mixed blood, showing skin disease. 72
LXII. Capitán-General del Monte, Negrito of Zambales. 72
Figure 1. "Belatic," trap used by Negritos. 45
Figure 2. Marks on dice used by Negritos. 49
PREFACE
This report is based on two months' field work pursued during May and
June, 1903. Accompanied by Mr. J. Diamond, a photographer, the writer
went in the latter part of April to Iba, Zambales, where a few days
were spent in investigating the dialects of the Zambal people and in
preparation for a trip to the interior.
After a journey of 25 miles inland a camp was established near
Tagiltil. During the three weeks we were there the camp was visited
by about 700 Negritos, who came in from outlying settlements, often
far back in the mountains; but, owing to the fact that most of them
would remain only as long as they were fed, extended investigations
had to be conducted largely among the residents of Tagiltil and the
neighboring rancheria of Villar.
From Tagiltil a trip was made southward behind the low mountain
chain, which marks the limit of the plain, and through a hitherto
unexplored territory, very broken and next to impassable except in
the dry season. The trail, known only to Negritos and but little
used, followed for the most part the beds of mountain streams. Four
little rancherias were passed, the people of two of which had already
visited us. A hard two-day trip brought us to Santa Fé, a barrio
of San Marcelino. After a week with the Negritos at this place a
trip was made toward the Pampanga boundary to Cabayan and Aglao,
the former locality inhabited by several small groups of Negritos,
the latter an isolated Ilokano barrio in and near which the Negritos
live. A visit to the rancherias near Subig and Olongapo concluded
the investigation. In all, more than a thousand Negritos were seen.
With only a short time at a place it is evident that an exhaustive
study of the people of any particular locality could not be made. But
the culture plane of the entire area is practically the same, and
the facts as here presented should give a good idea of the customs
and the general condition of the Negritos of Zambales Province. The
short time at my disposal for the investigation is my only excuse
for the meager treatment given some lines of study--as, for example,
physical anthropology and language.
Inasmuch as nothing has yet been published by The Ethnological Survey
on the Negritos of the Philippines, I have thought it not out of
place to preface my report with an introductory chapter on their
distribution. The data contained therein have been compiled by me
from information gathered by the Survey during the past two years
and are sufficiently authentic for the present purpose.
The photographs of the Zambales Negritos were made by Mr. J. Diamond
and those of the Bataan Negritos are from the collection of Hon. Dean
C. Worcester, Secretary of the Interior. Credit for each photograph
is given on the plate as it appears.
CHAPTER I
DISTRIBUTION OF NEGRITOS
Probably no group of primitive men has attracted more attention from
the civilized world than the pygmy blacks. From the time of Homer and
Aristotle the pygmies, although their existence was not absolutely
known at that early period, have had their place in fable and legend,
and as civilized man has become more and more acquainted with the
unknown parts of the globe he has met again and again with the same
strange type of the human species until he has been led to conclude
that there is practically no part of the tropic-zone where these
little blacks have not lived at some time.
Mankind at large is interested in a race of dwarfs just as it would
be in a race of giants, no matter what the color or social state; and
scientists have long been concerned with trying to fix the position of
the pygmies in the history of the human race. That they have played an
important ethnologic rôle can not be doubted; and although to-day they
are so scattered and so modified by surrounding people as largely to
have disappeared as a pure type, yet they have everywhere left their
imprint on the peoples who have absorbed them.
The Negritos of the Philippines constitute one branch of the Eastern
division of the pygmy race as opposed to the African division, it being
generally recognized that the blacks of short stature may be so grouped
in two large and comprehensive divisions. Other well-known branches of
the Eastern group are the Mincopies of the Andaman Islands and perhaps
also the Papuans of New Guinea, very similar in many particulars to the
Negritos of the Philippines, although authorities differ in grouping
the Papuans with the Negritos. The Asiatic continent is also not
without its representatives of the black dwarfs, having the Sakai of
the Malay Peninsula. The presence of Negritos over so large an area has
especially attracted the attention of anthropologists who have taken
generally one or the other of two theories advanced to explain it:
First, that the entire oceanic region is a partly submerged continent,
once connected with the Asiatic mainland and over which this aboriginal
race spread prior to the subsidence. The second theory is that the
peopling of the several archipelagoes by the Negritos has been a
gradual spread from island to island. This latter theory, advanced
by De Quatrefages, [1] is the generally accepted one, although it is
somewhat difficult to believe that the ancestors of weak and scattered
tribes such as to-day are found in the Philippines could ever have been
the sea rovers that such a belief would imply. It is a well-known fact,
however, that the Malays have spread in this manner, and, while it
is hardly possible that the Negritos have ever been as bold seafarers
as the Malays, yet where they have been left in undisputed possession
of their shores they have remained reckless fishermen. The statement
that they are now nearly always found in impenetrable mountain forests
is not an argument against the migration-by-sea theory, because they
have been surrounded by stronger races and have been compelled to
flee to the forests or suffer extermination. The fact that they live
farther inland than the stronger peoples is also evidence that they
were the first inhabitants, for it is not natural to suppose that a
weaker race could enter territory occupied by a stronger and gain a
permanent foothold there. [2]
The attention of the first Europeans who visited the Philippines
was attracted by people with frizzly hair and with a skin darker
in color than that of the ruling tribes. Pigafetta, to whom we are
indebted for an account of Magellan's voyage of discovery in 1521,
mentions Negritos as living in the Island of Panglao, southwest of
Bohol and east of Cebu. [3] If we are to believe later historians
the shores of some of the islands fairly swarmed with Negritos when
the Spaniards arrived. Meyer gives an interesting extract from an
old account by Galvano, The Discoveries of the World (ed. Bethune,
Hakluyt Soc., 1862, p. 234): [4]
In the same yeere 1543, and in moneth of August, the generall
Rui Lopez sent one Bartholomew de la torre in a smal ship into
new Spaine to acquaint the vizeroy don Antonio de Mendoça, with
all things. They went to the Islands of Siria, Gaonata, Bisaia
and many others, standing in 11 and 12 degrees towards the north,
where Magellan had beene. * * * They found also an Archepelagus
of Islands well inhabited with people, lying in 15 or 16 degrees:
* * * There came vnto them certaine barkes or boates handsomely
decked, wherein the master and principall men sate on high, and
vnderneath were very blacke moores with frizled haire * * *: and
being demanded where they had these blacke moores, they answered,
that they had them from certaine islands standing fast by Sebut,
where there were many of them.
Zúñiga [5] quotes the Franciscan history [6] as follows:
The Negritos which our first conquerors found were, according to
tradition, the first possessors of the islands of this Archipelago,
and, having been conquered by the political nations of other
kingdoms, they fled to the mountains and populated them, whence
no one has been able to accomplish their extermination on account
of the inaccessibility of the places where they live. In the past
they were so proud of their primitive dominion that, although
they did not have strength to resist the strangers in the open,
in the woods and mountains and mouths of the rivers they were very
powerful. They made sudden attacks on the pueblos and compelled
their neighbors to pay tribute to them as to lords of the earth
which they inhabited, and if these did not wish to pay them they
killed right and left, collecting the tribute in heads. * * *
One of the islands of note in this Archipelago is that called Isla
de Negros on account of the abundance of them [negroes]. In one
point of this island--on the west side, called "Sojoton"--there
is a great number of Negritos, and in the center of the island
many more.
Chirino has the following to say of the Negritos of Panay at the end
of the sixteenth century: [7]
Amongst these (Bisayas) there are also some negroes, the ancient
inhabitants of the island of which they had taken possession before
the Bisayas. They are somewhat less black and less ugly man those
of Guinea, but are smaller and weaker, although as regards hair
and beard they are similar. They are more barbarous and savage
than the Bisayas and other Filipinos, for they do not, like them,
have houses and fixed settlements. They neither sow nor reap, and
they wander through the mountains with their women and children
like animals, almost naked. * * * Their sole possessions are the
bow and arrow.
Meyer, [8] who has given the subject much study and has conducted
personal investigations on the field, states that "although at the
time of the arrival of the Spaniards in the country, and probably
long before, the Negritos were in process of being driven back by
the Malays, yet it appears certain that their numbers were then
larger, for they were feared by their neighbors, which is now only
exceptionally the case."
Of the vast amount of material that has been written during the past
century on the Negritos of the Philippines a considerable portion
can not be taken authoritatively. Exceptions should be made of the
writings of Meyer, Montano, Marche, and Blumentritt. A large part
of the writings on the Philippine Negritos have to do with their
distribution and numbers, since no one has made an extended study
of them on the spot, except Meyer, whose work (consisting of twelve
chapters and published in Volume IX of the Publications of the Royal
Ethnographical Museum of Dresden, 1893) I regret not to have seen. Two
chapters of this work on the distribution of the Negritos, republished
in 1899, form the most recent and most nearly correct exposition of
this subject. Meyer summarizes as follows:
It may be regarded as proved with certainty that Negritos are
found in Luzon, Alabat, Corregidor, Panay, Tablas, Negros, Cebu,
northeast Mindanao, and Palawan. It is questionable whether they
occur in Guimaras, Mindoro, and the Calamianes.
This statement would be more nearly correct if Corregidor and Cebu were
placed in the second list and Guimaras in the first. In this paper it
is possible, by reason of special investigations, to give more reliable
and detailed information on this subject than any yet published.
Present Distribution in the Philippines [9]
In Luzon
This paper concerns itself chiefly with the Zambales Negritos whose
distribution in Zambales and the contiguous Provinces of Bataan,
Pampanga, and Tarlac is treated in detail in the following chapter. But
Negritos of more or less pure blood, known variously as Aeta, Agta,
Baluga, Dumagat, etc., are found in at least eleven other provinces
of Luzon. Beginning with the southern end of the island there are
a very few Negritos in the Province of Sorsogon. They are found
generally living among the Bicol population and do not run wild
in the woods; they have probably drifted down from the neighboring
Province of Albay. According to a report submitted by the governor
of Sorsogon there are a few of these Negritos in Bacon and Bulusan,
and four families containing Negrito blood are on the Island of Batang
near Gabat.
Eight pueblos of Albay report altogether as many as 800 Negritos, known
locally as "Agta." It is not likely any of them are of pure blood. In
all except three of the towns they are servants in Bicol houses, but
Malinao, Bacacay, and Tabaco report wandering groups in the mountains.
Meyer, who makes no mention of Negritos in Sorsogon or Albay, deems
their existence in the Camarines sufficiently well authenticated,
according to Blumentritt, who places Negrito half-breeds in the
neighborhood of Lagonoy and around Mount Isarog. Information received
by The Ethnological Survey places them in the mountains near Baao,
Bulic, Iriga, Lagonoy, San José, Gao, and Tigaon, as well as scattered
over the Cordillera de Isarog around Sagnay. All of these places
are in the extreme southeastern part of the province contiguous to
that part of Albay inhabited by Negritos. In neither province is
the type pure. In the northern part of the province a few Negritos,
called "Dumagat," are reported near Sipocot and Ragay. The towns of
San Vicente, Labo, Paracale, Mambulao, and Capalonga along the north
coast also have Negritos, generally called "Aeta." These are probably
of purer blood than those around Mount Isarog. More than a hundred
families of "Dumagat" are reported on the Islands of Caringo, Caluat,
and Jomalic.
Farther to the north the Island of Alabat was first stated by
Blumentritt to be inhabited by Dumagat, and in his map of 1882 he
places them here but omits them in the map of 1890. Meyer deems their
occurrence there to be beyond all doubt, as per Steen Bille's reports
(Reise der Galathea, German ed., 1852). Reports of The Ethnological
Survey place Aeta, Baluga, and Dumagat on Alabat--the former running
wild in the mountains, the latter living in the barrios of Camagon
and Silangan, respectively. On the mainland of the Province of Tayabas
the Negritos are generally known as Aeta and may be regarded as being
to a large degree of pure blood. They are scattered pretty well over
the northern part of the province, but do not, so far as is known,
extend down into the peninsula below Pitogo and Macalelon. Only at
Mauban are they known as Baluga, which name seems to indicate a mixed
breed. The Island of Polillo and the districts of Infanta and Principe,
now part of the Province of Tayabas, have large numbers of Negritos
probably more nearly approaching a pure physical type than those
south of them. The Negritos of Binangonan and Baler have received
attention in short papers from Blumentritt, but it yet remains for
someone to make a study of them on the spot.
Meyer noted in 1872 that Negritos frequently came from the mountains
to Santa Cruz, Laguna Province. These probably came from across the
Tayabas line, as none are reported in Laguna except from Santa Maria,
in the extreme northern part. Even these are probably very near
the boundary line into Rizal Province; perhaps they are over the
line. Tanay, Rizal Province, on the shore of Laguna de Bay, reports
some 300 Negritos as living in the mountains north of that town. From
descriptions given by natives of Tanay they do not appear to be pure
types. There is also a small group near Montalbán, in Rizal Province,
not more than 20 miles from Manila.
Going northward into Bulacan we are in possession of more definite
information regarding the whereabouts of these forest dwellers. Zúñiga
in 1803 spoke of the Negritos of Angat--in those days head-hunters who
were accustomed to send messages by means of knotted grass stalks. [10]
This region, the upper reaches of the Angat River, was visited by
Mr. E. J. Simons on a collecting trip for The Ethnological Survey
in February, 1903. Mr. Simons saw twenty-two little rancherias of
the Dumagat, having a total population of 176 people. Some of them
had striking Negroid characteristics, but nearly all bore evidence
of a mixture of blood. In some cases full-blooded Filipinos have
married into the tribe and adopted Negrito customs entirely. Their
social state is about the same as that of the Negritos of Zambales,
though some of their habits--for instance, betel chewing--approach
more nearly those of lower-class Filipinos. A short vocabulary of
their dialect is given in Appendix B.
Negritos are also found in northern Bulacan and throughout the
continuous mountain region extending through Nueva Ecija into Isabela
and the old Province of Principe. They are reported from Peñaranda,
Bongabong, and Pantabangan, in Nueva Ecija, to the number of 500. This
region is yet to be fully explored; the same may be said also of that
vast range of mountains, the Sierra Madre, of Isabela and Cagayan. In
the Province of Isabela Negritos are reported from all the towns,
especially Palanan, on the coast, and Carig, Echague, Angadanan,
Cauayan, and Cabagan Nuevo, on the upper reaches of the Rio Grande
de Cagayan, but as there is a vast unknown country between, future
exploration will have to determine the numerical importance of the
Negritos. It has been thought heretofore that this region contained a
large number of people of pure blood. This was the opinion set forth
by Blumentritt. He says:
This coast is the only spot in the Philippines in which
the original masters of the Archipelago, the Negritos, hold
unrestricted possession of their native land. The eastern side
of the Cordillera which slopes toward this coast is also their
undisputed possession. However, the western slopes they have been
compelled to share with branches of Malay descendants. Here they
retain the greatest purity of original physique and character.
These statements stand much in need of verification. Inquiries
pursued by The Ethnological Survey do not bear them out--in fact,
point to an opposite belief.
There is a small body of what may be pure types near the boundary
between Isabela and Cagayan, west of the Cagayan River, but the coast
region, so far as is known, does not hold any Negritos.
As many as sixteen towns of Cagayan report Negritos to the total number
of about 2,500. They are known commonly as "Atta," but in the pueblo
of Baggao there are three groups known locally as "Atta," "Diango," and
"Paranan." They have been described by natives of Baggao as being very
similar to the ordinary Filipinos in physical characteristics except
that they are darker in color and have bushy hair. Their only weapons
are the bow and arrow. Their social status is in every way like that of
the Negritos as distinguished from the industrious mountain. Malayans
of northern Luzon. Yet future investigations may not associate these
robust and warlike tribes with the weak, shirking Negritos. Negritos
of pure type have not so far been reported from Cagayan.
At only two places in the western half of northern Luzon have Negritos
been observed. There is a small group near Piddig, Ilokos Norte,
and a wandering band of about thirty-five in the mountains between
Villavieja, Abra Province, and Santa Maria, Ilokos Sur Province, from
both of which towns they have been reported. It is but a question of
time until no trace of them will be left in this region so thickly
populated with stronger mountain peoples.
In the Southern Islands
Although Negritos were reported by the early Spanish writers to
be especially numerous in some of the southern islands, probably
more of them are found on Luzon than on all the other islands in the
Archipelago. Besides Luzon, the only large islands inhabited by them
at present are Panay, Negros, Mindanao, and Paragua, but some of the
smaller islands, as Tablas and Guimaras, have them.
Negritos of pure blood have not been reported from Mindoro, but only
the half-breed Manguian, who belong in a group to themselves. It is
questionable whether the unknown interior will produce pure types,
though it is frequently reported that there are Negritos in the
interior.
There is a rather large colony of Negritos on the west coast of Tablas
near Odiungan, and also a few on the Isla de Carabao immediately
south of Tablas. These have probably passed up from Panay. All the
provinces of the latter island report Negritos, locally known as
"Ati" and "Agta." They seem to be scattered pretty well over the
interior of Panay, being especially numerous in the mountainous region
where the Provinces of Antique and Iloilo join. In Antique there are
about 1,000 Negritos living in groups of several families each. They
are reported from nearly all the towns, being more numerous along
the Dalanas and Sibalon Rivers. The number of pure types is said,
however, to be rapidly decreasing on account of intermarriage with
the Bukidnon or mountain Visayan. They are of very small stature,
with kinky hair. They lead the same nomadic life as the Negritos in
other parts, except that they depend more on the products of the forest
for subsistence and rarely clear and cultivate "ca-ing-in." [11] They
seem to have developed more of religious superstitions, and believe
that both evil spirits and protecting spirits inhabit the forests
and plains. However, these beliefs may have been borrowed from the
Bukidnon, with whom they come much in contact. From a mixing of the
Ati and Bukidnon are sprung the Calibugan, who partake more of the
characteristics of their Visayan ancestors than those of the Ati, and
generally abandon the nomadic life and live in clearings in the forest.
About ten years ago there was a group of about 200 Ati at a place
called Labangan, on the Dalanas River, governed by one Capitán
Andres. They made clearings and carried people across the river for a
small remuneration. Many of them are said to have emigrated to Negros
to escape public work to which the local authorities subjected them
without compensation.
There is a small, wandering group of Negritos on Guimaras, probably
emigrants from Panay. They have been reported from both Nagaba and
Nueva Valencia, pueblos of that island.
Investigation does not bear out the statements of the historian
previously quoted in regard to the early populations of Negros. At
least it seems that if the southwestern part of that island known
as Sojoton had been so thickly populated with Negritos early in the
eighteenth century more traces of them would remain to-day. But they
seem to have left no marks on the Malayan population. While in the
Isio region in August, 1903, I made special investigation and inquiry
into this subject and could find no trace of Negritos. Expeditions
of the Constabulary into the interior have never met with the little
blacks except a single colony near the boundary line between the two
provinces just north of Tolon. A few Negritos have also been seen
scattered in the interior of southern Oriental Negros back from
Nueva Valencia, Ayuquitan, and Bais. From there no trace of them
exists until the rugged mountains north of the volcano of Canlaon
are reached, in the almost impenetrable recesses of which there are
estimated to be a thousand or more. They are especially numerous
back of Escalante and formerly made frequent visits to that pueblo,
but recent military operations in the region have made them timid, as
scouting parties have fired on and killed several of them. The sight
of a white man or native of the plain is a signal for an immediate
discharge of arrows. Also in the mountains behind Sagay, Cadiz, and
Manapla live a few scattered families. I was fortunate in securing
photographs of a Negrito captured by the Constabulary near Cadiz. (See
Pl. XXVI.) He was much taller than the Negritos of Zambales, but with
very little muscular development. He spoke Visayan, and said he knew
no other dialect. While in Negros I also secured photographs of a
small colony of Ati, who emigrated from Panay about twenty years ago
and now live on a mountain hacienda on the slope of Mount Canlaon.
So far there is no evidence that Negritos exist on Cebu, Bohol, Samar,
and Leyte. In Mindanao they are found only in the extreme northern
part of Surigao, not having been reported below Tago. They are called
"Mamanua," and are not very numerous.
We have detailed accounts of both the Tagbanua and Batak of
Paragua, by señor Manuel Venturello, a native of Puerto Princesa,
who has lived among them twenty years. These interesting articles,
translated by Capt. E. A. Helmick, Tenth United States Infantry, and
published in pamphlet form by the Division of Military Information,
Manila, are especially full as to customs, religion, language, etc.,
of the Tagbanua who inhabit the central part of Paragua from the
Bay of Ulugan south to Apurahuan. However, the Tagbanua, although
perhaps having a slight amount of Negrito blood, can not be classed
with the Negritos. But, in my opinion, the Batak who inhabit the
territory from the Bay of Ulugan north to Caruray and Barbacan may
be so classed, although they are by no means of pure blood. They are
described as being generally of small stature but well developed
and muscular. They have very curly but not kinky hair, except in
rare cases. Their weapons are the bow and arrow and the blowgun or
sumpitan, here called "sumpit." Their only clothing is a breechcloth
and a short skirt of flayed bark. A notable feature of their customs
is that both polygyny and polyandry are permitted, this being the
only instance of the latter practice so far observed among the tribes
of the Philippines. The Batak are not very numerous; their villages
have been decimated by ravages of smallpox during the past five years.
Conclusion
This rapid survey leaves much to be desired, but it contains about
all that is definitely known to-day concerning the whereabouts
of the Negritos in the Philippines. No attempt has been made to
state numbers. The Philippine census will probably have more exact
information in this particular, but it must be borne in mind that
even the figures given by the census can be no more than estimates
in most instances. The habits of the Negritos do not lend themselves
to modern methods of census taking.
After all, Blumentritt's opinion of several years ago is not far from
right. Including all mixed breeds having a preponderance of Negrito
blood, it is safe to say that the Negrito population of the Philippines
probably will not exceed 25,000. Of these the group largest in numbers
and probably purest in type is that in the Zambales mountain range,
western Luzon. However, while individuals may retain in some cases
purity of blood, nowhere are whole groups free from mixture with the
Malayan. The Negritos of Panay, Negros, and Mindanao are also to be
regarded as pure to a large extent. On the east side of Luzon and in
the Island of Paragua, as we have just seen, there is marked evidence
of mixture.
The social state of the Negritos is everywhere practically the
same. They maintain their half-starved lives by the fruits of the
chase and forest products, and at best cultivate only small patches of
maize and other vegetables. Only occasionally do they live in settled,
self-supporting communities, but wander for the most part in scattered
families from one place to another.
CHAPTER II
THE PROVINCE OF ZAMBALES
Geographical Features
This little-known and comparatively unimportant province stretches
along the western coast of Luzon for more than 120 miles. Its average
width does not exceed 25 miles and is so out of proportion to its
length that it merits the title which it bears of the "shoestring
province." [12]
The Zambales range of mountains, of which the southern half is known
as the Cordillera de Cabusilan and which is second in importance
to the Caraballos system of northern Luzon, forms the entire eastern
boundary of Zambales and separates it from the Provinces of Pangasinan,
Tarlac, and Pampanga. A number of peaks rise along this chain, of
which Mount Pinatubo, 6,040 feet in height, is the highest. All of the
rivers of Zambales rise on the western slope of these mountains and
carry turbulent floods through the narrow plains. Still unbridged,
they are an important factor in preventing communication and
traffic between towns, and hence in retarding the development of
the province. Another important factor in this connection is the
lack of safe anchorages. The Zambales coast is a stormy one, and
vessels frequently come to grief on its reefs. At only one point,
Subig Bay, can larger vessels find anchorage safe from the typhoons
which sweep the coast. The soil of the well-watered plain is fertile
and seems adapted to the cultivation of nearly all the products of
the Archipelago. The forests are especially valuable, and besides
fine timbers for constructional purposes they supply large quantities
of pitch, resin, bejuco, and beeswax. There are no industries worth
mentioning, there being only primitive agriculture and stock raising.
The following opinions of Zambales set forth by a Spanish writer in
1880 still hold good: [13]
There are more populous and more civilized provinces whose
commercial and agricultural progress has been more pronounced,
but nowhere is the air more pure and transparent, the vegetation
more luxuriant, the climate more agreeable, the coasts more sunny,
and the inhabitants more simple and pacific.
Historical Sketch
According to Buzeta, another Spanish historian, it was Juan de Salcedo
who discovered Zambales. [14]
This intrepid soldier [he says], after having conquered Manila and
the surrounding provinces, resolved to explore the northern part of
Luzon. He organized at his own expense an expedition, and General
Legaspi gave him forty-five soldiers, with whom he left Manila
May 20, 1572. After a journey of three days he arrived at Bolinao,
where he found a Chinese vessel whose crew had made captives of a
chief and several other natives. Salcedo, retook these captives
from the Chinese and gave them their liberty. The Indians, who
were not accustomed to such generosity, were so touched by this
act that they became voluntary vassals of the Spaniards.
It seems that nothing further was done toward settling or evangelizing
the region for twelve years, although the chronicler goes on to say
that three years after the discovery of Bolinao a sergeant of Salcedo's
traversed the Bolinao region, receiving everywhere the homage of the
natives, and a Franciscan missionary, Sebastian Baeza, preached the
gospel there. But in 1584 the Augustinians established themselves at
the extreme ends of the mountain range, Bolinao and Mariveles. One
of them, the friar Esteban Martin, was the first to learn the Zambal
dialect. The Augustinians were succeeded by the Recollets, who, during
the period from 1607 to 1680, founded missions at Agno, Balincaguin,
Bolinao, Cabangan, Iba, Masinloc, and Santa Cruz. Then in 1680, more
than a hundred years after Salcedo landed at Bolinao, the Dominicans
undertook the active evangelization of the district.
Let us now examine [continues the historian [15]] the state
of these savage Indians whom the zealous Spanish missionaries
sought to convert. Father Salazar, after having described the
topography of this mountainous province, sought to give an idea
of the political and social state of the pagans who formed the
larger part of the aboriginal population: "The principal cause,"
he said, "of the barbarity of these Indians, and that which
prevents their ever being entirely and pacifically converted,
is that the distances are so great and communication so difficult
that the alcaldes can not control them and the missionaries find
it impossible to exercise any influence over them."
Each village was composed of ten, twenty, or thirty families,
united nearly always by ties of kinship. It was difficult to bring
these villages together because they carried on wars continually,
and they lived in such a state of discord that it was impossible to
govern them; moreover they were so barbarous and fierce that they
recognized only superior power. They governed through fear. He who
wished to be most respected sought to inspire fear by striking
off as many beads as possible. The one who committed the most
assassinations was thus assured of the subordination of all. They
made such a glory of it that they were accustomed to wear certain
ornaments in order to show to the eyes or all the murders they had
committed. When a person lost a relative either by a violent or
a natural death he covered his head with a strip of black cloth
as a sign of mourning and could take it off only after having
committed a murder, a thing which they were always eager to do
in order to get rid of the sadness of mourning, because so long
as they wore the badge they could not sing or dance or take part
in any festivity. One understands then that deaths became very
frequent in a country where all deaths were necessarily followed
by one or more murders. It is true that he who committed a murder
sought to atone for it by paying to the relatives of the deceased
a certain quantity of gold or silver or by giving them a slave
or a Negrito who might be murdered in his place.
The Zambal had nevertheless more religion than the inhabitants
of other provinces. There was among them a high priest, called
"Bayoc," who by certain rites consecrated the other priests. He
celebrated this ceremony in the midst of orgies and the most
frightful revels. He next indicated to the new priest the idol or
cult to which he should specially devote himself and conferred on
him privileges proportionate to the rank of that divinity, for
they recognized among their gods a hierarchy, which established
also that of their curates. They gave to their principal idol
the name of "Malyari"--that is, the powerful. The Bayoc alone
could offer sacrifice to him. There was another idol, Acasi,
whose power almost equaled that of the first. In fact, they sang
in religious ceremonies that "although Malyari was powerful,
Acasi had preëminence." In an inferior order they worshiped also
Manlobog or Mangalagan, whom they recognized as having power of
appeasing irritated spirits. They rendered equal worship to five
less important idols who represented the divinities of the fields,
prosperity to their herds and harvests. They also believed that
Anitong sent them rains and favorable winds; Damalag preserved
the sown fields from hurricanes; Dumanga made the grain grow
abundantly; and finally Calascas ripened it, leaving to Calosocos
only the duty of harvesting the crops. They also had a kind of
baptism administered by the Bayoc with pure blood of the pig,
but this ceremony, very long and especially very expensive,
was seldom celebrated in grand style. The sacrifice which the
same priest offered to the idol Malyari consisted of ridiculous
ceremonies accompanied by savage cries and yells and was terminated
by repugnant debaucheries.
Of course it is impossible to tell how much of this is the product
of the writer's imagination, or at least of the imagination of those
earlier chroniclers from whom he got his information, but it can
very well be believed that the natives had a religion of their own
and that the work of the missionaries was exceedingly difficult. It
was necessary to get them into villages, to show them how to prepare
and till the soil and harvest the crops. And the writer concludes
that "little by little the apathetic and indolent natives began to
recognize the advantages of social life constituted under the shield
of authority and law, and the deplorable effects of savage life,
offering no guarantee of individual or collective security."
A fortress had been built at Paynaven, in what is now the Province of
Pangasinan, from which the work of the missionaries spread southward,
so that the northern towns were all organized before those in the
south. It is not likely that this had anything to do with causing
the Negritos to leave the northern part of the province, if indeed
they ever occupied it, but it is true that to-day they inhabit only
the mountainous region south of a line drawn through the middle of
the province from east to west.
The friar Martinez Zúñiga, speaking of the fortress at Paynaven,
said that in that day, the beginning of the last century, there was
little need of it as a protection against the "infidel Indians" and
blacks who were very few in number, and against whom a stockade of
bamboo was sufficient.
It might serve against the Moros [he continues], but happily
the Zambales coast is but little exposed to the attacks of these
pirates, who always seek easy anchorage. The pirates are, however,
a constant menace and source of danger to the Zambal, who try to
transport on rafts the precious woods of their mountains and to
carry on commerce with Manila in their little boats. The Zambal
are exposed to attack from the Moros in rounding the point at the
entrance of Manila Bay, from which it results that the province
is poor and has little commerce. [16]
Everything in the history of the Zambal people and their present
comparative unimportance goes to show that they were the most indolent
and backward of the Malayan peoples. While they have never given the
governing powers much trouble, yet they have not kept pace with the
agricultural and commercial progress of the other people, and their
territory has been so steadily encroached on from all sides by their
more aggressive neighbors that their separate identity is seriously
threatened. The rich valleys of Zambales have long attracted Ilokano
immigrants, who have founded several important towns. The Zambal
themselves, owing to lack of communication between their towns, have
developed three separate dialects, none of which has ever been deemed
worthy of study and publication, as have the other native dialects
of the Philippines. A glance at the list of towns of Zambales with
the prevailing dialect spoken in each, and in case of nearly equal
division also the second most important dialect, will show to what
extent Zambal as a distinct dialect is gradually disappearing:
Dialects in Zambales Province
Town Primary dialect Secondary dialect
Olongapo Tagalog
Subig Tagalog
Castillejos Tagalog Ilokano
San Marcelino Ilokano Tagalog
San Antonio Ilokano
San Narciso Ilokano
San Felipe Ilokano
Cabangan Zambal
Botolan Zambal
Iba Zambal
Palauig Zambal
Masinloc Zambal
Candelaria Zambal
Santa Cruz Zambal
Infanta Zambal
Dasol Pangasinan Zambal
Agno Ilokano Pangasinan
Barri Zambal
San Isidro Ilokano
Balincaguin Pangasinan
Alos Ilokano Pangasinan
Alumnos Pangasinan Ilokano
Zaragoza Zambal
Bolinao Zambal
Anda Zambal
Of twenty-five towns Zambal is the prevailing dialect of less than
half. As will be seen, the Ilokano have been the most aggressive
immigrants. As a prominent Ilokano in the town of San Marcelino
expressed it, when they first came they worked for the Zambals, who
held all the good land. But the Zambal landowners, perhaps wanting
money for a cockfight, would sell a small piece of land to some Ilokano
who had saved a little money, and when he ran out of money he would
sell a little more land, until finally the Ilokano owned it all.
This somewhat lengthy and seemingly irrelevant sketch of the early
history of Zambales and of the character of its inhabitants to-day is
given to show the former state of savagery and the apathetic nature
of the people who, in the days before the arrival of the Europeans,
were in such close contact with the Negritos as to impose on them
their language, and they have done it so thoroughly that no trace of
an original Negrito dialect remains. Relations such as to-day exist
between the people of the plains and those of the mountains would not
change a dialect in a thousand years. Another evidence of a former
close contact may be found in the fact that the Negritos of southern
Zambales who have never personally come in contact with the Zambal but
only with the Tagalog also speak Zambal with some slight variations,
showing, too, that the movement of the Negritos has been southward
away from the Zambal territory.
Close study and special investigation into the linguistics of
this region, carried also into Bataan and across the mountain into
Pampanga and Tarlac, may throw more light on this very interesting
and important subject and may reveal traces of an original Negrito
dialect. Prominent natives of Zambales, whom I have questioned, and
who are familiar with the subject, affirm that the Negritos know
only the dialect of the Zambal. Indeed those are not lacking who
believe in a blood relationship between the Negritos and the Zambal,
but this belief can not be taken seriously. [17]
Very little mention is made by the early writers of the Negritos. In
fact they knew nothing of them except that they were small blacks who
roamed in the mountains, living on roots and game which they killed
with the bow and arrow. They were reported to be fierce little savages
from whom no danger could come, since they did not leave their mountain
fastnesses, but whose territory none dared enter.
Habitat of the Negritos
As has been stated, the present range of the Negritos of this territory
embraces the mountainous portion of the lower half of Zambales and
the contiguous Provinces of Tarlac and Pampanga, extending southward
even to the very extremity of the peninsula of Bataan.
This region, although exceedingly broken and rough, has not the
high-ridged, deep-canyoned aspect of the Cordillera Central of northern
Luzon. It consists for the most part of rolling tablelands, broken by
low, forest-covered ridges and dotted here and there by a few gigantic
peaks. The largest and highest of these, Mount Pinatubo, situated
due east from the town of Cabangan, holds on its broad slopes the
largest part of the Negritos of Zambales. Many tiny streams have their
sources in this mountain and rush down the slopes, growing in volume
and furnishing water supply to the Negrito villages situated along
their banks. Some of the larger of these streams have made deep cuts
on the lower reaches of the mountain slopes, but they are generally
too small to have great powers of erosion. The unwooded portions of
the table-lands are covered with cogon and similar wild grasses.
Here is enough fertile land to support thousands of people. The
Negritos occupy practically none of it. Their villages and mountain
farms are very scattered. The villages are built for the most part on
the table-land above some stream, and the little clearings are found
on the slope of the ridge at the base of which the stream runs. No
use whatever is made of the grass-covered table-land, save that it
offers a high and dry site for a rancheria, free from fevers.
Practically all of the Negrito rancherias are within the jurisdiction
of the two towns of Botolan and San Marcelino. Following the winding
course of the Bucao River, 15 miles southeast from Botolan, one comes
to the barrio of San Fernando de Riviera, as it is on the maps, or
Pombato, as the natives call it. This is a small Filipino village,
the farthest out, a half-way place between the people of the plains
and those of the uplands. Here a ravine is crossed, a hill climbed,
and the traveler stands on a plateau not more than half a mile wide but
winding for miles toward the big peak Pinatubo and almost imperceptibly
increasing in elevation. Low, barren ridges flank it on either side,
at the base of each of which flows a good-sized stream. Seven miles
of beaten winding path through the cogon grass bring the traveler to
the first Negrito rancheria, Tagiltil, one year old, lying sun baked
on a southern slope of the plateau. Here the plateau widens out, is
crossed and cut up by streams and hills, and the forests gradually
become thicker. In the wide reach of territory of which this narrow
plateau is the western apex, including Mount Pinatubo and reaching
to the Tarlac and Pampanga boundaries, there are situated no less
than thirty rancherias of Negritos, having an average population of
40 persons or a total of more than 1,200. Besides these there are
probably many scattered families, especially in the higher and less
easily accessible forests of Mount Pinatubo, who live in no fixed spot
but lead a wandering existence. And so uncertain are the habits of the
more settled Negritos that one of the thirty rancherias known to-day
may to-morrow be nothing more than a name, and some miles away a new
rancheria may spring up. The tendency to remain in one place seems,
however, to be growing.
The mountainous portions of the jurisdictions of the two towns of
Botolan and San Marcelino, themselves many miles apart with three
or more towns between, are contiguous, the one extending southeast,
the other northeast, until they meet. The San Marcelino region
contains about the same number of Negritos, grouped in many small
communities around five large centers--Santa Fé, Aglao, Cabayan,
Pañibutan, and Timao--each of which numbers some 300 Negritos. They
are of the same type and culture plane as those nearer Piñatubo, and
their habitat is practically the same, a continuation of the more or
less rugged Cordillera. They are in constant communication with the
Negritos north of them and with those across the Pampanga line east
of them. The Negritos of Aglao are also in communication with those
of Subig, where there is a single rancheria numbering 45 souls. Still
farther south in the jurisdiction of Olongapo are two rancherias,
numbering about 100 people, who partake more of the characteristics
of the Negritos of Bataan just across the provincial line than they
do of those of the north.
Here mention may be made also of the location of rancherias
and numbers of Negritos in the provinces adjoining Zambales, as
attention is frequently called to them later, especially those of
Bataan, for the sake of comparison. Negritos are reported from all
of the towns of Bataan, and there are estimated to be 1,500 of them,
or about half as many as in Zambales. They are more numerous on the
side toward Manila Bay, in the mountains back of Balanga, Orion, and
Pilar. Moron and Bagac on the opposite coast each report more than
a hundred. There is a colony of about thirty near Mariveles. Owing
to repeated visits of tourists to their village and to the fact that
they were sent to the Hanoi Exposition in 1903, this group has lost
many of the customs peculiar to Negritos in a wild state and has
donned the ordinary Filipino attire.
Cabcabe, also in the jurisdiction of Mariveles, has more than a hundred
Negritos, and from here to Dinalupijan, the northernmost town of the
province, there are from 50 to 200 scattered in small groups around
each town and within easy distance. Sometimes, as at Balanga, they
are employed on the sugar plantations and make fairly good laborers.
The Negritos of Bataan as a whole seem less mixed with the Malayan than
any other group, and fewer mixed bloods are seen among them. Their
average stature is also somewhat lower. They speak corrupt Tagalog,
though careful study may reveal traces of an original tongue. (See
Appendix B for a vocabulary.)
In the section of Pampanga lying near Zambales Province more than a
thousand Negritos have been reported from the towns of Florida Blanca,
Porac, Angeles, and Mabalacat. There are estimated to be about 1,200
in Tarlac, in the jurisdiction of the towns of O'Donnell, Moriones,
Capas, Bamban, and Camiling. There are two or three good trails leading
from this province into Zambales by which the Negritos of the two
provinces communicate with each other. It is proposed to convert the
one from O'Donnell to Botolan into a wagon road, which will have the
effect of opening up a little-known territory. Across the line into
Pangasinan near the town of Mangataren there is a colony of mixed
Negritos somewhat more advanced in civilization than is usually the
case with these forest dwellers. According to Dr. D. P. Barrows,
who visited their rancherias in December, 1901, it seems to have
been the intention of the Spanish authorities to form a reservation
at that place which should be a center from which to reach the wilder
bands in the hills and to induce them to adopt a more settled life. A
Filipino was sent to the rancheria as a "maestro" and remained among
the people six years. But the scheme fell through there as elsewhere
in the failure of the authorities to provide homes and occupations
for the Negritos. The Ilokano came in and occupied all the available
territory, and the Negritos now hang around the Ilokano homes, doing a
little work and picking up the little food thrown to them. Dr. Barrows
states that the group contains no pure types characterized by wide,
flat noses and kinky hair. In addition to the bow and arrows they
carry a knife called "kampilan" having a wide-curving blade. They use
this weapon in a dance called "baluk," brandishing it, snapping their
fingers, and whirling about with knees close to the ground. This is
farther north than Negritos are found in Zambales but is in territory
contiguous to that of the Tarlac Negritos. The entire region contains
about 6,000 souls. The groups are so scattered, however, that the
territory may be said to be practically unoccupied.
CHAPTER III
NEGRITOS OF ZAMBALES
Physical Features
The characteristics which serve more than any others to distinguish
the true Negrito from other inhabitants of the Philippines are his
small stature, kinky hair, and almost black skin. His eyes may be more
round, his nose more short and flat, and his limbs more spindling than
is the case with peoples of Malayan extraction, but these features
are usually less noticeable. Perhaps undue emphasis has been given by
writers on the Negrito to his short stature, until the impression has
gone abroad that these primitive men are veritable dwarfs. As a matter
of fact, individuals sometimes attain the stature of the shortest
of the white men, and apparently only a slight infusion of Malayan
blood is necessary to cause the Negrito to equal the Malay in, height.
The Aeta of Zambales range in stature from 4 to 5 feet. To be more
exact, the maximum height of the 77 individuals measured by me, taking
them as they came, with no attempt to select, was 1,600 millimeters
(5 feet 2 inches); the maximum height for females was 1,502 millimeters
(4 feet 11 inches); the minimum height for males was 1,282 millimeters
(4 feet 2 inches), for females, 1,265 millimeters (4 feet). The average
of the 48 males measured was 1,463 millimeters (4 feet 9 inches);
of the 29 females, 1,378 millimeters (4 feet 6 inches). There is
perhaps no greater variation between these figures than there would
be between the averages of stature of as many individuals selected
at random from any other race. Yet it should be remembered that some
of the Negritos included in this list are not pure types--in fact,
are no more than half-breeds.
The abnormal length of the arm of the Negritos has been regarded by
some writers as an essentially simian characteristic, especially in
the case of the pygmy blacks of Central Africa. With the Aeta this
characteristic is not so marked, yet 7 out of 8 males had a reach or
span greater than the height. The proportion was not so large among
the females, being only 2 in 3. The maximum span for males was 1,635
millimeters, for females 1,538 millimeters, but in neither case did the
individuals having the greatest span also have the greatest height. The
average span of 48 males exceeded the average height by 37 millimeters;
the difference in the case of the females was only 16 millimeters.
Length of arm was taken on only 19 individuals, 16 males and 3
females. The longest arm measured 675 millimeters (2 feet 3 inches),
which is not so long as the average Caucasian arm, though more out
of proportion to the height, in this case being nearly half the
latter measurement. The shortest arm, that of an adult female, was
539 millimeters (21 inches).
So far from being ape like in appearance, some of the Aeta are
very well-built little men, with broad chests, symmetrical limbs,
and well-developed muscles hardened by incessant use. This applies
of course only to the young men and boys just approaching manhood,
and is especially noticeable in the southern regions, where the Aeta
are generally more robust and muscular. The younger females are also
as a rule well formed. In the case of unmarried girls the breasts are
rounded and erect, but after marriage gradually become more and more
pendant until they hang almost to the waist line. With advancing age
the muscles shrink, the skin shrivels up until an individual of 40
to 50 years usually has the decrepit appearance of an octogenarian;
in fact, 50 is old age with the Aeta. (See plates.)
Anthropometric observations fall naturally into two groups, dealing
with the proportions of the head and body, the latter of which have
already been discussed. Great interest attaches also to the relative
proportions of the different dimensions of the head and especially
to the cephalic index obtained by multiplying the maximum breadth
by 100 and dividing by the maximum length. Heads with an index of
75 or under are called _dolichocephalic;_ those between 75 and 80,
_mesaticephalic;_ and those over 80 _brachycephalic._ The beads of the
Aeta are essentially _brachycephalic._ Owing to the lack of proper
calipers during the greater part of my stay among them, I was able
to measure only 19 individuals, but of those all but 5 were in the
_brachycephalic_ group, one instance being noted where the index was
as great as 92; the lowest was 78. The average of the males was 82
and of the females 86.
Considerable importance in anthropometry is attached to the study
of the nose. The typical Aeta nose may be described as broad,
flat, bridgeless, with prominent arched alæ almost as high as the
central cartilage of the nose and with the nostrils invariably
visible from the front. The nasal index obtained by dividing the
nasal breadth by the height from the root of the nose to the septum
and multiplying the quotient by 100 serves to indicate the group to
which the individual belongs. Thus it will be seen that races with a
nasal index of more than 100 have a nose wider than it is long. This
is a marked characteristic of the Aeta. Of the 76 Aeta I measured,
25 were _ultraplatyrhinian_--that is, had a nasal index greater than
109. One individual, a female, showed the surprising index of 140.7,
the greatest so far recorded to my knowledge. The greatest nasal
index among the males was 130.7. Only one example of a _mesorhine_
nose was noted, also of a female, and but 7 _platyrhine._ The most
of them belonged in the _hyperplatyrhine_ group. The following table
will show the proper classification of the individuals measured by me:
Nasal index of Zambales Negritos
Group Sex and number
Males Females
Mesorhine (69.5-81.4) -- 1
Platyrhine (81.5-87.8) 3 4
Hyperplatyrhine (87.9-108.8) 27 16
Ultraplatyrhine (109 and over) 51 10
The shape of the eye varies from the round negroid of the pure bloods
to the elongated mongoloid in the case of mixed types. The color of
the eyes is a very dark brown or black. The lips are medium thick, far
less thick than the lips of the African negro, and are not protruding.
The hair of the Aeta is uniformly kinky in the case of the pure
types. Individuals were noted with other negroid features but with
curly hair, showing a probable mixture of blood. The hair grows low
on the forehead and is very thick. Eyebrows are not heavy, save in
particular instances, and beard is very scanty, though all adult
males have some beard. There is very little body hair on adults
of either Sex, except in the axillary and pubic regions, and it is
scant even in these places. The northern Negritos have practically
none in the armpits. Two or three old men were seen with a coating of
hair over the back, chest, and legs. The head hair is uniformly of a
dirty black color, in some instances sunburned on top to a reddish
brown. It turns gray at a comparatively early age, and baldness is
frequent. (See Pls. XI, XII, XIII, XIV, XV, XVI.)
In the case of women the hair is generally allowed to grow long,
and in this tangled, uncombed state furnishes an excellent breeding
place for vermin. However, if the vermin become troublesome the hair
is sometimes cut short. (See Pl. XVII.) The cutting is done with
the ever-useful bolo or sharp knife and is a somewhat laborious and
painful process. Sometimes the hair may be cropped behind and left
long on top. This is a favorite style of wearing it among the men,
and is frequently followed by the women. Attempt is seldom made to
comb the hair, but frequent vermin-catching onslaughts are made, the
person performing the work using a sharp piece of bamboo to separate
the tangled kinks and to mash the offending parasite against the
thumb nail. In Bataan the Negritos sometimes shave a circular place
on the crown, but I am not informed as to the reason. The practice
is not followed in Zambales.
The color of the skin is a dark chocolate brown rather than black,
and on unexposed portions of the body approaches a yellowish tint of
the Malayan. The loathsome skin disease common in the northern region
of Luzon gives it a mottled appearance.
The Aeta have practically no prognathism. The hands are not large, but
the feet are larger in proportion to the size of the body than those
of Filipinos. The toes are spreading, and the large toe frequently
extends inward so much as to attract attention, though this can not be
said to be a marked characteristic of all individuals. It may be caused
by a constant practice of the tree climber--that of grasping a branch
between the large toes and the other toes. I have seen Negrito boys who
would use their feet in this respect as well as they used their hands.
Permanent Adornment
The custom prevails throughout the entire Negrito territory of
sharpening the teeth. Usually only the upper teeth are so treated, but
numerous cases were noted where the teeth were sharpened both above
and below, and still there were others where they were not sharpened
at all. This sharpening is not performed at any certain age, and it
is apparently not obligatory; I do not believe parents compel their
children to submit to this practice. The object seems to be largely
for the sake of adornment, but the Negritos say that sharpened teeth
enable them to cat corn with greater ease. The sharpening is done by
placing the blade of a bolo against the part of the tooth to be broken
away and giving it a sharp rap with a piece of wood. The operation,
called "ta-li-han," is a somewhat delicate one, requiring care to
prevent breaking through into the soft part of the tooth and exposing
the nerve, and is no doubt practiced by only one or two persons in
a group, though this fact could not be ascertained. Notwithstanding
this mutilation, the teeth seem to be remarkably healthy and well
preserved except in old age.
In like manner each group of people possesses its scarifier, who
by practice becomes adept. Scarification simply for purposes of
ornamentation is not practiced to any great extent by the Negritos
around Pinatubo. They burn themselves for curative purposes (see
Chap. VI) and are sometimes covered with scars, but not the kind
of scars produced by incisions. Only occasionally is the latter
scarification seen near Pinatubo. In regions where it is common the
work is usually done at the age of 15 or 16, although it may be done
at any age. The incisions are made with a knife or a very sharp piece
of cane, and generally follow some regular design. Scarification is
called "ta-bád," and it has no other significance than adornment. The
parts of the body usually marked are the breast, shoulders, and back,
although scars are occasionally seen on the legs.
Clothing and Dress
The clothing of the Negrito consists simply of the breechcloth and an
occasional cast-off shirt given him by some Filipino in exchange for
articles. Sometimes in cases of extreme prosperity he may possess
a hat and a pair of trousers. The latter garment is usually worn,
however, only by the chief man or "capitán" of the tribe, and the
rank and file wear only the breechcloth.
A strip of cloth fastened around the waist and extending to the
knees serves a woman for a dress. With unmarried girls this strip
may be wound under the arms and so cover the breast. Rarely a short
camisa is worn, but seldom do the camisa and the saya, or skirt,
join. Sometimes, owing to the scarcity of cloth, a narrow strip will
be worn over the breast, leaving a broad expanse of dark skin between
it and the saya. (Pls. XXIX et seq.)
If given their choice among a variety of colors the Negritos always
select black for their breechcloth and saya, because, they explain,
the black will not show dirt as will other colors. Gaudy colors seem
to attract and will be readily accepted as gifts if nothing else is at
hand; yet I had some difficulty in disposing of a bolt of red cloth I
had taken among them, and finally had to take the greater part of it
back to the pueblo and exchange it for black. So far as I could learn
the breechcloth and saya are never washed, and any cloth other than
black would soon lose its original color. The cloth used by Negritos
is procured in trade from the Christian towns.
In the less easily accessible regions where the wilder Negritos live
the breechcloth and saya are made of the inner bark of certain trees
which is flayed until it becomes soft and pliable.
The Negrito takes little pride in his personal appearance, and hence is
not given to elaborate ornamentation. The women wear seed necklaces,
called "col-in'-ta," of black, white, and brown seeds, sometimes of a
single solid color and sometimes with the colors alternating. I have
also seen necklaces of small stones, hard berries of some sort, pieces
of button or bone, and little round pieces of wood. Some women possess
glass beads secured in trade from the Christianized natives. Often two
or three white or black beads are used for ear ornaments, though it is
not a very common practice to puncture the ears for this purpose as in
Bataan, where leaves and flowers are often worn stuck in a hole through
the lobe of the ear. What appears to be a necklace and really answers
the purpose of such is a string of dried berries, called "a-mu-yong',"
which are said to be efficacious for the pangs of indigestion. (See
Pl. XXXV.) When the Negrito feels a pain within him he pulls off
a berry and eats it. One may see a string with just a few berries,
and again a complete necklace of them, evidently just put on. These
are worn by both sexes and are so worn for the sake of convenience
as much as with the idea of ornamentation, for the Negrito has no
pocket. Necklaces of fine woven strips of bejuco or vegetable fiber
are sometimes seen but are not common. These strands are woven over
a piece of cane, the lengthwise strands being of one color, perhaps
yellow, and the crosswise strands black, giving a very pretty effect
and making a durable ornament which the Negritos call "la-lao'."
Hair ornaments are not generally worn, but nearly every Negrito,
male and female, especially in southern Zambales and Bataan,
possesses one or more of the so-called combs of bamboo. A single
style prevails over the entire Negrito territory, differing only
in minor details. A section of bamboo or mountain cane, varying in
length from 5 to 10 inches, is split in thirds or quarters and one of
these pieces forms the body of the comb. Teeth are cut at one end and
the back is ornamented according to the taste of the maker by a rude
carving. This carving consists simply of a series of lines or cuts,
following some regular design into which dirt is rubbed to make it
black. The combs may be further decorated with bright-colored bird
feathers fastened with beeswax or gum to the concave side of the end
which has no teeth. The feathers may be notched saw-tooth fashion
and have string tassels fastened to the ends. In lieu of feathers
horsehair and a kind of moss or other plant fiber are often used. The
most elaborate decorations were noticed only in the north, while
the combs of the south have either no ornamentation or have simply
the hair or moss. These combs, which the Negritos call "hook'-lay,"
are made and worn by both men and women, either with the tasseled and
feathered ends directly in front or directly behind. (See Pl. XXXVI.)
Leglets of wild boars' bristles, called "a-yá-bun," are more common
in the south than in the north. These are made by taking a strip of
bejuco and fastening the bristles to it so that they stand out at
right angles to the leg of the wearer. They are used only by men and
are worn on either leg, usually on the right just below the knee. The
Negritos say these leglets give the wearer greater powers of endurance
and are efficacious in making long journeys less tiresome. "For is
not the wild boar the most hardy of all animals?" they ask. This idea
is further carried out in the wearing of pieces of boars' skin with
the hair attached, which may often be seen tied around the legs or
wrists. Deerskin, which is quite as common among the Negritos, is never
used in such fashion. Metal rings and bracelets are entirely unknown
among the Negritos except where secured from the coast towns. (See
Pl. XXXVII.)
CHAPTER IV
INDUSTRIAL LIFE
Home Life
The general condition of the Negritos, although not one of extreme
misery, is indeed pitiable. Their life is a continual struggle for
sufficient food, but their efforts to provide for themselves stop short
at that; clothing and houses are of secondary importance. The average
Negrito takes little pride in his dwelling place. A shelter sufficient
to turn the beating rains is all he asks. He sees to it that the hut is
on ground high enough so that water will not stand in it; then, curled
up beside his few coals of fire, he sleeps with a degree of comfort.
The most easily constructed hut, and therefore the most common,
consists simply of two forked sticks driven into the ground so they
stand about 8 feet apart and 4 feet high. A horizontal piece is laid
in the two forks, then some strips of bamboo are inclined against this
crosspiece, the other ends resting on the ground. Some cross strips are
tied with bejuco to these bamboos and the whole is covered with banana
leaves. With the materials close at hand a half hour is sufficient
for one man to construct such a shelter. Where a comparatively long
residence in one place is contemplated more care may be given the
construction of a house, but the above description will apply to
many dwellings in a rancheria two or three years old. Instead of
two upright pieces make it four, somewhat higher, and place a bamboo
platform within so the occupants do not have to sleep on the ground,
and you have an approved type of Negrito architecture. Sometimes as
an adjunct to this a shelter may be erected in front, provided with
a bamboo seat for the accommodation of visitors. The more prosperous
Negritos in the long-established rancherias have four-posted houses of
bamboo, with roof and sides of cogon grass. The floors are 4 feet from
the ground and the cooking is done underneath the floors. A small fire
is kept burning all night. The inmates of the house sleep just above
it, and in this way receive some benefit of the warmth. If it were not
for these fires the Negrito would suffer severely from cold during the
night, for he possesses no blanket and uses no covering of any sort.
For two reasons he never lets his fire go out; first, because he likes
to feel the warmth continually, and second, because it is something
of a task to build a fire, once it has gone out. (See Pls. XXXVIII,
XXXIX.)
The method of making fire used universally by the Negritos of
Zambales is that of the flint and steel, which apparatus they call
"pan'-ting." The steel is prized highly, because it is hard to get;
it is procured in trade from the Christianized natives. Nearly every
Negrito carries a flint and steel in a little grass basket or case
dangling down his back and suspended by a fiber string from his
neck. In the same basket are usually tobacco leaves, buyo, and other
small odds and ends. Sometimes this pouch is carried in the folds of
the breechcloth, which is the only pocket the Negrito possesses.
The flint-and-steel method of fire making has almost entirely
supplanted the more primitive method of making fire by rubbing two
sticks together; but in some instances this method is still followed,
and everywhere the Negritos know of it. They do not know whether the
method is original with them or, not, but they admit they borrowed
the flint-and-steel idea from the Filipinos. When the friction process
is employed a piece of bamboo with a hole in it, in which are firmly
held some fine shavings or lint, is violently rubbed crosswise against
the edge of another piece until the friction ignites the lint. It is
called "pan-a-han'." When two men are working together one holds the
lower piece firmly while the other man rubs across it the sharpened
edge of the upper piece. If a man is working alone the piece with the
sharpened edge is held firmly between the ground and the man's waist;
the other piece of bamboo with the slit in is rubbed up and down on
the sharp edge. (See Pls. XL, XLI.)
In lieu of other vessels, rice and similar foods are cooked in joints
of green bamboo, which are placed in the coals and hot ashes. When
the food is cooked the bamboo is split open and the contents poured
out on banana leaves. This is by far the most common method employed,
though not a few Negritos possess earthenware pots, and some few
have a big iron vessel. Meats are always roasted by cutting into
small bits and stringing on a strip of cane. Maize is roasted on hot
coals. Everything is eaten without salt, although the Negritos like
salt and are very glad to get it.
It has already been noted that the Negrito has a hard time to get
enough to cat, and for that reason there is scarcely anything in the
animal or vegetable kingdom of his environment of which he does not
make use. He never has more than two meals a day, sometimes only one,
and he will often start early in the morning on a deer hunt without
having eaten any food and will hunt fill late in the afternoon. In
addition to the fish, eels, and crayfish of the streams, the wild boar
and wild chicken of the plain and woodland, he will eat iguanas and
any bird he can catch, including crows, hawks, and vultures. Large
pythons furnish especially toothsome steaks, so he says, but, if so,
his taste in this respect is seldom satisfied, for these reptiles
are extremely scarce.
Besides rice, maize, camotes, and other cultivated vegetables there
is not a wild tuber or fruit with which the Negrito's stomach is not
acquainted. Even some that in their raw state would be deadly poisonous
he soaks and boils in several waters until the poison is extracted,
and then he eats them. This is the case with a yellow tuber which
he calls "ca-lot'." In its natural form it is covered with stiff
bristles. The Negritos peel off the skin and slice the vegetable
into very thin bits and soak in water two days, after which it is
boiled in two or three waters until it has lost its yellow color. In
order to see if any poison still remains some of it is fed to a dog,
and if he does not die they themselves eat it. In taste it somewhat
resembles cooked rice. This was told me by an old Negrito who I
believe did not possess enough invention to make it up, and is in
part verified by Mr. O. Atkin, division superintendent of Zambales,
who says in a report to the General Superintendent of Education,
October, 1903, concerning the destitution of the town of Infanta,
that the people of that town were forced by scarcity of food to eat
this tuber, there called "co-rot'." He was told that it was soaked in
running water five or six days before cooking, and if not prepared
in this way it would cause severe sickness, even death. In fact,
some cases were known where persons had died eating co-rot'.
A white, thin-skinned tuber, called "bol'-wi," which is found in the
forests, is highly prized by the Negritos, although it grows so deep
in the ground that the labor of digging it is considerable. Among the
cultivated vegetables are the common butter beans, called "an-tak',"
and black beans, known as "an-tak' ik-no'" or "sitting-down beans"
from the fact that the pods curl up at one end. Ga-bi and bau'-gan
are white tubers, and u'-bi a dark-red tuber--which they eat. Other
common products are maize, pumpkins, and camotes.
The Negrito has ordinarily no table but the bare ground, and at best
a coarse mat; he has no dishes but banana leaves and cocoanut shells,
and no forks or spoons but his fingers. He brings water from a stream
in a piece of bamboo about three joints long in which all but one
joint has been punched out, and drinks it from a piece of cocoanut
shell. If he needs to cut anything to eat he has his ever-ready bolo,
which he may have used a moment before in skinning a pig and which
is never washed. He is repulsively dirty in his home, person, and
everything he does. Nothing is ever washed except his hands and face,
and those only rarely. He never takes a bath, because he thinks that
if he bathes often he is more susceptible to cold, that a covering
of dirt serves as clothing, although he frequently gets wet either
in the rain or when fishing or crossing streams. This is probably
one reason why skin diseases are so common.
Agriculture
The Negrito can not by any stretch of imagination be called a
worker. His life for generations has not been such as to teach
habits of industry. But for the fact that he has to do some work
or starve, he would spend all his days in idleness except that time
which he devoted to the chase. Yet when under pressure or urged on by
anticipation of gain from the white man, whose wealth and munificence
appear boundless, he is tireless. He will clear ground for a camp,
cut and split bamboo, and make tables and sleeping platforms, which
he would never think of doing for himself. He can get along without
such things, and why waste the time? Yet when the camp is abandoned
he will carry these things to his house. Most Negritos have seen the
better style of living followed by the more civilized Filipinos in
the outlying barrios; yet they seem to have no desire to emulate it,
and I believe that the lack of such desire is due to a disinclination
to perform the necessary manual labor.
By far the greater part of the Negrito's energies are directed to
the growing of tobacco, maize, and vegetables. He does not plant rice
to any extent. All planting is done in cleared spots in the forest,
because the soil is loose and needs no plowing as in the case of
the lowland. The small trees and underbrush are cut away and burned
and the large trees are killed, for the Negrito has learned the two
important things in primitive farming--first, that the crops will not
thrive in the shade, and second, that a tree too large to cut may be
killed by cutting a ring around it to prevent the flow of sap. The
clearings are never large.
Usually each family has its clearing in a separate place, though
sometimes two or more families may cultivate adjoining clearings. The
places are selected with a view to richness of soil and ease in
clearing. In addition to preparing the ground it is necessary to build
a fence around the clearing in order to keep out wild hogs. A brush
fence is constructed by thrusting sticks in the ground a few inches
apart and twining brush between them.
All work of digging up the soil, planting, and cultivating is done
with sharpened sticks of hard wood, sometimes, but not always, pointed
with iron, for iron is scarce. This instrument is called "ti-ad',"
the only other tool they possess being the bolo, with which they do
all the cutting.
Men, women, and children work in these clearings, but I did not see
any division of labor, except that the men, being more adept with
the bolo, do whatever cutting there is to be done. Once planted, the
weeding and care of the crops falls largely on the women and children,
while the men take their ease or hunt and fish.
The piece of ground for planting is regarded as the personal property
of the head of the family which cleared it, and he can sell it or
otherwise dispose of it at his pleasure. No one else would think
of planting on it even though the owner has abandoned it, unless he
declared that he had no more use for it, then it could be occupied
by anyone else.
An instance of the respect which the Negritos have for the property
rights of others was given me by a native of the town of Botolan. His
grandfather had acquired a piece of land near Mount Pinatubo from
a Negrito who had committed some crime in his rancheria and fled to
the pueblo to escape death. In return for protection the Negrito had
given him the land. This fact became known to the other Negritos,
but although the new owner made no use of the land whatever, and
never even visited it, it has never been molested or cultivated by
others. Now two generations later they have sent down to the grandson
of the first Filipino owner asking permission to buy the land. Land
may be sold to others, but of course there exists no record of such
transactions other than that of memory.
Manufacture and Trade
The Negrito knows little of the art of making things. Aside from the
bows and arrows which he constructs with some degree of skill he has
no ingenuity, and his few other products are of the most crude and
primitive type. The bows of the Negritos of Zambales are superior to
any the writer has seen in the Philippines. They are made from the
wood of the well-known _palma brava_ and are gracefully cut and highly
polished. The strings are of twisted bark, as soft and pliable and
as strong as thongs of deerskin. Although made from the same wood,
the bows of the Negritos of Negros are not nearly so graceful, and
the strings consist simply of one piece of bejuco with a small loop
at either end which slips over the end of the bow, and, once on, can
neither be loosened nor taken up. The Negritos of Panay generally use
a bamboo bow, much shorter and clumsier than those of _palma brava._
Also, while the Negritos of the southern islands generally use
arrows with hardwood points and without feathered shafts, those
used in Zambales are triumphs of the arrow maker's art. In either
case the shafts are of the light, hard, and straight mountain cane,
but instead of the clumsy wooden points the Zambales Negritos make a
variety of iron points for different purposes, some, as for large game,
with detachable points. (See Pl. XLII.) The shafts are well feathered
with the feathers of hawks and other large birds. Three feathers are
placed about the arrow and securely wrapped at each end with a thin
strip of bejuco or some strong grass.
The war arrows, in addition to having more elaborately barbed points,
are further embellished by incised decorations the entire length of
the shaft. These incisions consist simply of a series of lines into
which dirt has been rubbed so that they offer a striking contrast to
the white surface of the arrow.
The women weave some coarse baskets out of bamboo, but they are
neither well shaped nor pretty. Sometimes to adorn them one strand
or strip of bamboo is stained black and the other left its natural
color. Other objects of manufacture are their ornaments, already
described in Chapter III, and musical instruments. (See Chap. VI.)
The Negrito knows that the people of the lowlands for some reason
have more food than he. He can not go down and live there and work as
they do, because, being timid by nature, he can not feel secure amid
an alien people, and, besides, he likes his mountain too well to live
contentedly in the hot plains. He makes nothing that the lowlands want,
but he knows they use, in the construction of their houses, bejuco,
of which his woods are full, and he has learned that they value
beeswax, which he knows where to find and how to collect. Moreover,
there are certain mountain roots, such as wild ginger, that have a
market value. His tobacco also finds a ready sale to the Filipinos.
The bolo is the only tool necessary to cut and strip the bejuco,
which he ties into bunches of one hundred and takes into his hut for
safety until such a time as a trade can be made. These bunches never
bring him more than a peseta each. He collects the beeswax from a
nest of wild bees which he has smoked out, melts it, and pours it
into a section of bamboo.
It is not always necessary that he take his products down to the town,
for the Filipinos are eager enough to trade with him to go out to his
rancheria carrying the little cloth, rice, iron, or steel that he is
willing to take for his hard-gained produce. Perhaps the townspeople
go out because they can drive better bargains. However that may be,
the Negrito always gets the worst of the deal, whether in town or at
his own home.
Hunting and Fishing
The Negrito is by instinct, habits, and of necessity a hunter. Although
he has advanced somewhat beyond that stage of primitive life where man
subsists wholly from the fruits of the chase, yet it is so necessary
to him that were he deprived of it the existence of his race would be
seriously threatened. Since the chase has furnished him a living for
centuries, it is not strange that much of the ingenuity he possesses
should be devoted to the construction of arms and traps and snares
with which he may kill or capture the creatures of the woods and
streams. His environment does not supply a great variety of game,
but there are always deer and wild boars in abundance. Then there are
wild chickens and many birds which none but the Negrito would think
of eating, and the mountain streams have a few small fish.
It is the capture of the deer which makes the greatest demands on
the Negrito's skill. Doubtless his first efforts in this direction
were to lie in wait by a run and endeavor to get a shot at a passing
animal. But this required an infinite amount of patience, for the deer
has a keen nose, and two or three days might elapse before the hunter
could get even a glimpse of the animal. So he bethought himself of a
means to entrap the deer while he rested at home. At first he made
a simple noose of bejuco so placed in the run that the deer's head
would go through it and it would close on his neck like a lasso. But
this was not very effective. In the first place it was necessary
that the run be of the right width with underbrush on either side,
because if the noose were too large the deer might jump through it
and if too small he might brush it to one side.
The results of this method were so uncertain that the practice has
fallen into disuse. Recourse is now had to the deadly "belatic." I
do not believe that this trap, which is common nearly all over the
Philippines, is original with the Negrito. It is probably the product
of the Malayan brain. A trap almost identical with this and called
"belantay" is described by Mr. Abraham Hale [18] as belonging to the
Sakai of the Malay Peninsula, whom the Philippine Negrito resembles
in many ways. The similarity between the two words "belatic" and
"belantay" is apparent. In Ilokano and Pampanga this trap is called
"balantic," accented, like the Sakai term, on the last syllable. In
Tagalog and Bisayan the letter "n" is dropped and the word is
pronounced "be-lat'-ic." Mr. Hale does not state whether the word is
Sakai or is borrowed from the Malay. But according to Clifford and
Swettenham's Malay Dictionary the pure Malay term is "belante," which,
as it is even more similar to the terms in use in the Philippines,
puts an end to the doubt concerning the origin of the word.
The belatic consists of a long arrow or spear, which is driven,
with all the force of a drawn bough or other piece of springy wood,
across the path of the animal which strikes the cord, releasing the
spring. (See fig. 1.)
When the string C is struck it pulls the movable ring G, releasing K,
which immediately flies up, releasing the string I and hence the spring
F. The spear, which is usually tied to the end of the spring, though it
may simply rest against it, immediately bounds forward, impaling the
animal. The spring is either driven into the ground or is firmly held
between the two uprights L. This trap is almost invariably successful.
Wild chickens and birds are caught with simple spring traps. The
hungry bird tugging at an innocent-appearing piece of food releases a
spring which chokes him to death. The noose snare for catching wild
chickens invented by the Christianized natives is also used to some
extent by the Negritos. This trap consists of a lot of small nooses
of rattan or bejuco so arranged on a long piece of cane that assisted
by pegs driven into the ground they retain an upright position. This
is arranged in convex form against a wall or thicket of underbrush so
that a bird can not enter the space thus inclosed except by way of
the trap. In this inclosed area is placed a tame cock whose crowing
attracts the wild one. The latter, spoiling for a fight, makes for
the noisy challenger and runs his head through a noose which draws
the tighter the more he struggles.
The Negrito, as has been said, is remarkably ingenious in the
construction of arrows. Those with which he hunts the deer are
provided with cruelly barbed, detachable iron point. (Figs. 8,
9, Pl. XLII.) When the animal is struck the point leaves the
shaft, unwinding a long woven coil with which the two are fastened
together. The barbs prevent the point from tearing out of the flesh and
the dangling shaft catches on the underbrush and serves to retard the
animal's flight. In spite of this, however, the stricken deer sometimes
gets away, probably to die a lingering death with the terrible iron
point deeply embedded in its flesh. A similar arrow is mentioned by
De Quatrefages as having been found by Alan among the Mincopies of
the Andamans. [19]
The arrows which are used to kill smaller animals and birds have
variously shaped iron heads without barbs. (Figs. 10, 11, 12, 13,
Pl. XLII.) However, in shooting small birds a bamboo arrow is used. One
end is split a little way, 5 or 6 inches, into three, four, or five
sections. These are sharpened and notched and are held apart by small
wedges securely fixed by wrappings of cord. If the bird is not impaled
on one of the sharp points it may be held in the fork. (Figs. 2,
3, 4, Pl. XLII.) The fish arrows have long, slender, notched iron
points roughly resembling a square or cylindrical file. The points
are from 4 to 8 inches in length. Sometimes they are provided with
small barbs. (Figs. 5, 6, 7, Pl. XLII.)
The Negritos of Zambales are not so expert in the use of bows and
arrows as their daily use of these weapons would seem to indicate. They
seldom miss the larger animals at close range, but are not so lucky
in shooting at small objects. I have noticed that they shoot more
accurately upward into the trees than horizontally. For instance,
a boy of 10 would repeatedly shoot mangoes out of a tree, but when I
posted a mark at 30, yards and offered a prize for the best shot no
one could hit it.
The Negritos usually hunt in bands, and, because they have little
else to do and can go out and kill a deer almost any time, they
do not resort much to the use of traps. A long line of thirty men
winding down the path from their village, all armed with bows twice
their height and a handful of arrows, their naked bodies gleaming
in the early morning sun, presents a truly novel sight. They have
with them five or six half-starved dogs. When the haunts of the deer
are reached, a big gully cutting through the level table-land, thick
with cane and underbrush through which a tiny stream finds its way,
half a dozen boys plunge into the depths with the dogs and the rest
walk along either side or lie in wait at runs. The Negritos in the
thicket yell continually and beat the brush, but the dogs are silent
until game is scented. Then the cries of the runners are redoubled
and the din warns those lying in wait to be alert. Presently from
one of the many runs leading out of the ravine a deer appears and,
if there happens to be a Negrito on the spot, gets an arrow. But,
unless vitally wounded, on he goes followed by the dogs, which never
give up the chase of a wounded deer. When a deer is killed it is hung
up in a tree and the hunt proceeds.
Sometimes the thick canebrakes along the river beds are beaten up in
this way, or the lightly timbered mountain ravines; for the Negrito
knows that the deer lie in a cool, sheltered place in the daytime and
come forth to browse only at night. On clear, moonlight nights they
sometimes attempt to stalk the deer while grazing in the open field,
but are not usually successful. Quite often in the chase a long rope
net, resembling a fish net but much coarser and stronger, is placed
in advance of the beating party in some good position where the deer
is likely to run if started up. These are absolutely sure to hold the
deer should the unfortunate animal run into them--a thing which does
not happen often.
The Negritos are tireless in the chase. They will hunt all day without
eating, unless they happen to run across some wild fruit. Women
frequently take part, especially if dogs are scarce, and they run
through the brush yelping to imitate the dogs. But they never carry
or use the bows and arrows. This seems to be the especial privilege
of the men. Boys from an early age are accustomed to their use and
always take part in the hunt, sometimes performing active service
with their little bows, but girls never touch them. Not infrequently
the runners in the brush emerge carrying wild pigs which they have
seared up and killed, and if, by chance, a big snake is encountered,
that ends the hunt, for the capture of a python is an event. The snake
is killed and carried in triumph to the village, where it furnishes
a feast to all the inhabitants.
This sketch of hunting would not be complete without mention of
a necessary feature of every successful hunt--the division of the
spoils. When the hunt is ended the game is carried back to the village
before the division is made, provided the hunters are all from the
same place. If two or more villages have hunted together the game
is divided in the field. A bed of green rushes or cane is made on
which the animal is placed and skinned. This done, the bead man of
the party, or the most important man present, takes a small part
of the entrails or heart, cuts it into fine bits and scatters the
pieces in all directions, at the same time chanting in a monotone
a few words which mean "Spirits, we thank you for this successful
hunt. Here is your share of the spoils." This is done to feed and
appease the spirits which the Negritos believe inhabit all places,
and the ceremony is never neglected. Then the cutting up and division
of the body of the animal takes place. The head and breast go to the
man who first wounded the deer, and, if the shot was fatal, he also
receives the backbone--this always goes to the man who fired the fatal
shot. One hind quarter goes to the owner of the dog which seared up
the deer, and the rest is divided as evenly as possible among the
other hunters. Every part is utilized. The Negritos waste nothing
that could possibly serve as food. The two hunts I accompanied were
conducted in the manner I have related, and I was assured that this
was the invariable procedure.
The mountain streams of the Negrito's habitat do not furnish many
fish, but the Negrito labors assiduously to catch what he can. In
the larger streams he principally employs, after the manner of the
Christianized natives, the bamboo weir through which the water can
pass but the fish can not. In the small streams he builds dams of
stones which he covers with banana leaves. Then with bow and arrow
he shoots the fish in the clear pool thus formed. Not infrequently
the entire course of a creek will be changed. A dam is first made
below in order to stop the passage of the fish, and after a time the
stream is dammed at some point above in such a way as to change the
current. Then, as the water slowly runs out of the part thus cut off,
any fish remaining are easily caught.
CHAPTER V
AMUSEMENTS
Games
A gambling game was the only thing observed among the Negritos of
Zambales which had the slightest resemblance to a game. Even the
children, who are playful enough at times, find other means of amusing
themselves than by playing a systematic game recognized as such and
having a distinct name. However, they take up the business of life,
the quest for food, at too early an age to allow time, to hang heavy,
and hence never feel the need of games. Probably the fascination of
bow and arrow and the desire to kill something furnish diversion enough
for the boys, and the girls, so far as I could see, never play at all.
The game of dice, called "sa'-ro," is universal. Instead of the
familiar dots the marks on the small wooden cubes are incised lines
made with a knife. These lines follow no set pattern. One pair of dice
which I observed were marked as shown in fig. 2. The player has five
chances, and if he can pair the dice one time out of five he wins,
otherwise he loses. Only small objects, such as camotes, rough-made
cigars, or tobacco leaves, are so wagered. A peculiar feature of the
game is the manner in which the dice are thrown. The movement of the
arm is an inward sweep, which is continued after the dice leave the
hand, until the hand strikes the breast a resounding whack; at the
same time the player utters a sharp cry much after the manner of
the familiar negro "crap shooter." The Negritos do not know where
they got the game, but say that it has been handed down by their
ancestors. It might be thought that the presence of a negro regiment
in the province has had something to do with it, but I was assured by
a number of Filipinos who have long been familiar with the customs of
the Negritos that they have had this game from the first acquaintance
of the Filipinos with them.
Music
In their love for music and their skill in dancing Negritos betray
other striking Negroid characteristics. Their music is still of the
most primitive type, and their instruments are crude. But if their
notes are few no fault can be found with the rhythm, the chief
requisite for an accompaniment to a dance. Their instruments are
various. The simple jew's-harp cut from a piece of bamboo and the
four-holed flutes (called "ban'-sic") made of mountain cane (figs. 6,
7, Pl. XLVI) are very common but do not rise to the dignity of dance
instruments. Rarely a bronze gong (fig. 1, Pl. XLVI), probably of
Chinese make, has made its way into Negrito hands and is highly prized,
but these are not numerous--in fact, none was seen in the northern
region, but in southern Zambales and Bataan they are occasionally used
in dances. The most common instrument is the bamboo violin. (Fig. 2,
Pl. XLVI.) It is easy to make, for the materials are ready at hand. A
section of bamboo with a joint at each end and a couple of holes cut
in one side furnishes the body. A rude neck with pegs is fastened to
one end and three abacá strings of different sizes are attached. Then
with a small bow of abacá fiber the instrument is ready for use. No
attempt was made to write down the music which was evolved from this
instrument. It consisted merely in the constant repetition of four
notes, the only variation being an occasional change of key, but it
was performed in excellent time.
Rude guitars are occasionally found among the Negritos. They are made
of two pieces of wood; one is hollowed out and has a neck carved at
one end, and a flat piece is glued to this with gum. These instruments
have six strings. If a string breaks or becomes useless it is only
a question of cutting down a banana stalk and stripping it for a new
one. These guitars and violins are by no means common, though nearly
every village possesses one. The ability to play is regarded as an
accomplishment. A stringed instrument still more primitive is made
from a single section of bamboo, from which two or three fine strips
of outer bark are split away in the center but are still attached
at the ends. These strips are of different lengths and are held
apart from the body and made tight with little wedges. (Figs. 4, 5,
Pl. XLVI.) Another instrument is made by stretching fiber strings over
bamboo tubes, different tensions producing different tones. (Figs. 8,
9, Pl. XLVI.) These simpler instruments are the product of the
Negrito's own brain, but they have probably borrowed the idea of
stringed violins and guitars from the Christianized natives.
The Negritos of the entire territory have but two songs, at least so
they affirmed, and two were all I heard. Strange as it may seem, at
least one of these is found at both the extreme ends of the region. An
extended acquaintance with them might, and probably would, reveal
more songs, but they are reluctant to sing before white men. One of
these songs, called "du-nu-ra," is a kind of love song. Owing to the
extreme embarrassment of the performer I was able to hear it only by
going into my tent where I could not see the singer. It consisted of
a great many verses--was interminable, in fact.
The second of the two songs was called "tal-bun'." This is sung on
festive occasions, especially when visitors come. The words are
improvised to suit the occasion, but the tune and the manner of
rendering never vary.
Five or six men, each holding with one hand the flowing end of the
breechcloth of the one in front or with the hand on his shoulder and
the other hand shading the mouth, walk slowly about a circle in a
crouching posture, their eyes always cast on the ground. Presently
the leader strikes a note, which he holds as long as possible and
which the others take up as soon as he has sounded it. This is kept
up a few minutes, different tones being so sounded and drawn out as
long as the performers have breath. The movement becomes more rapid
until it is nearly a run, when the performers stop abruptly, back a
few steps, and proceed as before. After they have about exhausted the
gamut of long-drawn "O's" they sing the words, usually a plea for some
favor or gift, being first sung by the leader and repeated after him
by the chorus. I did not get the native words of the song I heard,
but it was translated to me as follows:
We are singing to the American to show him what we can do;
perhaps if we sing well he will give us some rice or some cloth.
The words are repeated over and over, with only the variation of
raising or lowering the tone. At intervals all the performers stop
and yell at the top of their voices. Sometimes a person on the
outside of the circle will take up the strain on a long-held note
of the singers. This song also serves for festive occasions, such as
weddings. (See Pl. XLVII.)
Dancing
Dancing forms the chief amusement of the Negritos and allows an
outlet for their naturally exuberant spirits. I had no more than set,
up camp near the first rancheria I visited than I was entertained by
dancing. Among the Negritos helping me was one with an old violin,
and as soon as a place was cleared of brush and the tent was up
he struck up a tune. Whereupon two or three youngsters jumped out
and performed a good imitation of a buck-and-wing dance. However,
dancing is not generally indulged in by everybody, but two or three
in every rancheria are especially adept at it. Aside from the general
dances, called "ta-li'-pi," which consist of a series of heel-and-toe
movements in excellent time to the music of violin or guitar, and
which are performed on any occasion such as the setting up of my
tent, there are several mimetic dances having a special character or
meaning. Such are the potato dance, the bee dance, the torture dance,
the lover's dance, and the duel dance. (See Pls. XLVIII, XLIX.)
The Potato Dance, or Piña Camote
Only one person takes part in the potato dance. At first the
performer leaps into the open space and dances around in a circle,
clapping his hands as if warming up, the usual preliminary to all
the dances. Presently in pantomime he finds a potato patch, and
goes through the various motions of digging the potatoes, putting
them in a sack, and throwing the sack over his shoulder, all the
time keeping close watch to prevent his being caught in the act of
stealing. He comes to the brush fence which surrounds every "caingin,"
draws his bolo, cuts his way through, and proceeds until he comes to
a river. This is significant as showing that the potato patch he is
robbing does not belong to anyone in his own village but is across a
river which he must pass on his way home. He sounds for deep water
with a stick. It is too deep, and he tries another place. Here he
loses his footing, drops his sack, and the swift current carries it
beyond his reach. While going through the various motions necessary
to depict these actions the movement of the dance is kept up, the
body bent forward in a crouching position, the feet leaving the ground
alternately in rapid motion but never out of time with the music. Such
agility and tirelessness one could scarcely find anywhere else.
The Bee Dance, or Piña Pa-ni-lan
This dance is also performed by one person and in a similar manner
as the potato dance. A piece of cloth tied to a pole serves as a
nest of bees. The performer dances around the circle several times;
presently he spies the nest and approaches slowly, shading his eyes
for a better view. Having satisfied himself that he has really made
a find, he lights a smudge, goes through the motion of climbing the
tree, and in holding the smudge under the nest he is stung several
times and has to retreat. This is repeated until all the bees are
smoked out and the honey is gathered. Then comes a feast in which,
drunk with honey, he becomes hilarious.
The Torture Dance
This dance, which commemorates the capture of an enemy, is performed
in much the same manner as the "talbun" except that there is no song
connected with it. The captive is bound to a stake in the center and
a dozen men circle slowly around him, in the same manner as already
described, one hand over the mouth and uttering long-drawn notes. The
movement becomes faster and faster until it consists wholly of frenzied
leaps, and the performers, worked up to the proper pitch draw their
bolos, close in on their victim, and slash him to pieces.
When executed at night in the light of a bonfire this dance is most
grotesque and terrible. The naked black bodies, gleaming in the fire,
the blood-curdling yells, and the demoniacal figures of the howling,
leaping dancers, remind one of the Indian war dances.
The dance seems to be a relic of more barbarous days when the Negritos
were, in truth, savages. They say that they never kill a prisoner in
this manner now, but that when they find it necessary to put a man
to death they do it in the quickest manner possible with a single
blow of the knife. (See Pl. L.)
The Lovers' Dance
As might be expected, a man and a woman take part in the lovers'
dance. The women are not such energetic and tireless dancers as the
men, and in the lovers' dance the woman, although keeping her feet
moving in time to the music, performs in an indolent, passive manner,
and does not move from the spot where she begins. But the man circles
about her, casting amorous glances, now coming up quite close, and
then backing away again, and at times clapping his hands and going
through all sorts of evolutions as if to attract the woman. This sort
of thing is kept up until one or both are tired.
The Duel Dance
The duel dance is by far the most realistic and interesting of any of
the Negrito dances. Is the name suggests, the dance, is performed by
two men, warriors, armed with bows and arrows and bolos. An oblong
space about 8 feet in width and 15 feet long serves as an arena for
the imaginary conflict. After the musician has got well into his
tune the performers jump into either end of the space with a whoop
and a flourish of weapons, and go through the characteristic Negrito
heel-and-toe movement, all the time casting looks of malignant hate at
each, other but each keeping well to his end of the ring. Then they
advance slowly toward each other, swinging the drawn bow and arrow
into play as if to shoot, then, apparently changing their minds or
the opportunity not being good for a death shot, they withdraw again
to the far ends of the ring. Advancing once more each one throws the
drawn bow and arrow upward, then toward the ground, calling heaven
and earth to witness his vow to kill the other. Presently one gets a
favorable opportunity, his bowstring twangs, and his opponent falls to
the ground. The victor utters a cry of triumph, dances up to the body
of his fallen foe, and cuts off the head with his bolo. He beckons
and cries out to the relatives of the dead man to come and avenge the
deed. Nobody appearing, he bears aloft the head of the enemy, shouting
exultingly and triumphantly as if to taunt them to respond. Still no
one comes. Then after waiting and listening for a time he replaces the
head with the trunk and covers the body over with leaves and dirt. This
ends the dance. Ordinarily it requires fifteen minutes for the full
performance. During this time the one who by previous arrangement
was to be the victor never for a single instant pauses or loses step.
CHAPTER VI
GENERAL SOCIAL LIFE
The Child
I was unable to learn anything in support of Montano's statement
that immediately after the birth of a child the mother rushes to a
river with it and plunges into the cold water. [20] On the contrary,
the child is not washed at all until it is several days old, and
the mother does not go to the stream until at least two days have
elapsed. It is customary to bury the placenta. The birth of a child
is not made the occasion of any special festivity. The naming is
usually done on the day of birth, but it may be done any time within
a few days. It is not common for the parents of the child to do the
naming, though they may do so, but some of the old people of the tribe
generally gather and select the name. Names of trees, objects, animals,
places near which the child was born, or of certain qualities and acts
or deeds all furnish material from which to select. For instance,
if a child is born under a guijo tree he may be called "Guijo;" a
monkey may be playing in the tree and the child will be named "Barac"
(monkey); or if the birth was during a heavy rain the child may be
called "Layos" (flood). Usually the most striking object near at hand
is selected. Like most primitive peoples, the Negritos use only one
name. If the child is sickly or cries very much, the name is changed,
because the Negritos believe that the spirit inhabiting the place
where the child was born is displeased at the choice of the name and
takes this means of showing its displeasure, and that if the name is
not changed the child will soon die.
Apparently no distinction is made between the names for the two
sexes. The child may be given the name of the father, to whose
name the word "pan," meaning elder, is prefixed for the sake of
distinction. For instance, if a man named Manya should have either
a son or a daughter the child might be called Manya, and the father
would henceforth be known as Pan-Manya. This practice is very common,
and when names like Pan-Benandoc, Pan-Turico, and Pan-Palaquan' are
encountered it may be regarded as a certainty that the owners of these
names have children of the same name without the prefix. Although one
may change his name at any time of life, if the years of infancy are
safely passed, no change is likely to be made.
It is regarded as a sign of disrespect to address elders or superiors
by name. The word "pan" alone is frequently used. Relatives are
addressed by the term which shows the relationship, as "anac" (son),
and names are used only when speaking of persons and seldom if ever
when speaking to them.
Parents seem to have great affection for their children, but exact
obedience from them. Punishment is inflicted for small offenses,
striking with the hand being the usual method. I have never seen a
switch used. Sometimes, as in cases of continual crying, the child
is severely pinched in the face or neck. Children also exhibit great
affection for their parents; this continues through life, as is shown
in the care which the aged receive at the hands of their juniors. (See
Pls. LI et seq.)
Marriage
Whatever differences there may be in the manner of conducting the
preliminaries to a wedding and of performing the ceremony, there is one
feature that never varies, the gift of some articles of value from the
prospective bridegroom to the parents of the girl he wishes to marry.
With the Negritos a daughter is regarded as an asset of so much value,
not to be parted with until that price is paid, and, while she is
allowed some freedom in the choice of a husband, parental pressure
usually forces her to the highest bidder.
The following is the customary procedure: The young man who wishes
to marry and has found a girl to suit him informs his parents of the
fact. He has probably already talked the matter over with the girl,
though not necessarily so. The affair is discussed in the family of
the suitor, the main topic being how much the girl is worth and how
much they can afford to pay. Then either the suitor or some relative
acting for him goes to the parents of the girl to ask if the suit
will be favorably considered. If it will, they return and a few days
later go again bearing presents of tobacco, maize, bejuco, knives,
cloth, forest products, or anything else they may happen to have. If
these gifts are of sufficient value to compensate the father for the
loss of his girl, he gives his consent. Value is determined by the
attractiveness of a girl and hence the probability of her making a
good match, also by her health and strength, as women are good workers
on the little farms. If the first gifts do not come up to the demands
of the girl's parents the wedding can not take place until the amount
lacking is made up. As to the money value of these gifts I have been
told different things by Negritos in different villages, the values
given ranging from 25 pesos to 500 pesos. As a matter of fact this
means nothing, for the Negrito's idea of value as measured by pesos is
extremely vague; but there is no doubt that the gifts made represent
almost all the wealth of which a young man and his family can boast.
This system of selling girls, for that is what it amounts to, is
carried to an extreme by parents who contract their daughters at an
early age to the parents of some boy, and the children are regarded
as man and wife, though of course each remains with the parents until
the age of puberty is reached. Whether or not the whole payment is
made in the beginning or only enough is paid to bind the bargain,
I do not know, but I do know that cases of this kind may be met with
frequently among the Negritos of Pinatubo, who give as an excuse that
the girl is thus protected from being kidnapped by some neighboring
tribe, the relatives of the boy making common cause with those of the
girl in case anything like this should happen. It seems more likely,
however, that the contract is simply a desire on the part of the
parents of the girl to come into early possession of the things
which are paid for her, and of the parents of the boy to get her
cheaper than they could by waiting until she was of marriageable
age. This practice is not met with in southern Zambales and Bataan,
where marriage does not seem to partake so much of the nature of a
sale but where presents are nevertheless made to a girl's parents.
If it happens that there is a young man in the girl's family who is
seeking a wife in that of the boy, an even exchange may be made and
neither family has to part with any of its possessions. I was told also
that in lieu of other articles a young man might give a relative to
the bride's family, who was to remain as a sort of slave and work for
his master until he was ransomed by payment of the necessary amount;
or he might buy a person condemned to death and turn him over at an
increased price, or sell children stolen from another barrio. As a
bride may be worth as much as 500 pesos and a slave never more than
40 pesos, it would seem necessary to secure several individuals as
payment. This was told me more than once and in different villages,
but I was unable to find any examples, and am forced to conclude that
if it ever was the practice, it is no longer so, at least among the
"conquistas." As to the true savages, still lurking in the inmost
recesses of the Zambales mountains, I am unable to say. The question
of slavery among Negritos is reserved to another chapter.
Rice Ceremony
All the preliminaries having been satisfactorily attended to,
it remains only to perform the ceremony. This proceeding varies
in different sections from practically no ceremony at all in the
Pinatubo region to a rather complicated performance around Subig and
Olongapo. In some of the northern villages, when the matter of payment
has been arranged, a feast and dancing usually follow, in which all
the relatives of both families participate, and after this the couple
go to their own house. There may be two feasts on succeeding days,
one given by the parents of the boy to the relatives of the girl,
and vice versa. If only one feast is given both families contribute
equally in the matter of food. No single act can be pointed out
as constituting a ceremony. In other places, especially at Cabayan
and Aglao, near Santa Fé, an exchange of food between the pair is a
necessary part of the performance.
A mat is placed on the ground, and in the center is set a dish of
cooked rice or some other food. The pair seat themselves on either
side of the dish, facing each other, while all the relatives and
spectators crowd around. The man takes a small piece of the food and
places it in the mouth of the girl, and she does the same for the
man. At this happy conclusion of the affair all the people around
give a great shout. Sometimes the girl leaps to her feet and runs
away pursued by her husband, who calls after her to stop. This she
does after a little, and the two return together; or they may take
a bamboo tube used for carrying water and set off to the river to
bring water for the others to drink, thus performing in unison the
first act of labor of their married life.
I was fortunate enough to witness a ceremony where the exchange of food
was the important feature. In this instance a piece of brown bread
which I was about to throw away served as the wedding cake. It seems
that the girl had been contracted by her parents when very young to
a man old enough to be her father, and when the time for the wedding
arrived she refused to have anything to do with it. For two years she
had resisted entreaties and threats, displaying more force of will than
one would expect from a Negrito girl of 15. The man had paid a large
price for her--200 pesos, he said--and the girl's parents did not
have it to return to him. It was suggested that if we made her some
presents it might induce her to yield. She was presented with enough
cloth for two or three camisas and sayas, a mirror, and a string of
beads, and she finally gave an unwilling assent to the entreaties of
her relatives, and the ceremony was performed in the manner already
described. At the conclusion a yell went up from the assembly, and
I, at the request of the capitán, fired three pistol shots into the
air. Everybody seemed satisfied except the poor girl, who still wept
furtively over her new treasures. Some days later, however, when I
saw her she appeared to be reconciled to her fate, and was happy in
the possession of more valuables than any other woman in the rancheria.
Head Ceremony
In the southern rancherias a bamboo platform is erected 20 or 30
feet high, with a ladder leading up to it from the ground. On the
day fixed for the marriage the groom, accompanied by his parents,
goes to the house of the bride and asks for her. They are usually
told that she has gone away, but some small gifts are sufficient
to have her produced, and the whole party proceeds to the place of
marriage. Here bride and groom mount the ladder--some accounts say
the bride is carried up by her prospective father-in-law.
An old man of the tribe, and, if the platform be large enough, also
the parents of the pair, go up and squat down in the rear. The bride
and bridegroom also squat down facing each other, and the old man
comes forward and knocks their heads together. I was told at Subig
that only the bride and groom mount the platform and seat themselves
for a talk, the relatives remaining below facing each other with
drawn weapons. If by any chance the pair can not agree, it means a
fight. But if they do agree, they descend from the platform and the
head bumping completes the ceremony. This is an extremely unlikely
story, probably the product of Malayan imagination.
"Leput," or Home Coming
After the ceremony has been performed the newly wedded pair return
to the home of the girl's parents where they remain a few days. When
the husband possesses enough gifts for his bride to fulfill the
requirements of the leput that important event takes place.
Although the writer heard repeated accounts of this ceremony in
southern Zambales he never had an opportunity to witness it. However,
the leput is described as follows by Mr. C. J. Cooke, who saw it in
Bataan: [21]
The bride had already left the home of her mother and formed the
center of a group passing through a grove of heavy timber with
very little underbrush. The evening sun cast strange shadows on
the weird procession as it moved snakelike along the narrow path.
Occasionally there would be short stops, when the bride would squat
to receive some bribes or tokens from her husband, his relatives,
or friends. Nor would she move until she received something each
time she elected to stop.
Clad in a bright-red breechcloth and extra-high silk hat was the
capitán who headed the procession. He carried a silver-headed
cane. Next in order came some of the elders of both sexes. Then
came the bride attended by four women and closely followed by
her husband, who also had a like number of attendants. Last
came the main body, all walking in single file. Two musicians
were continually executing a running dance from one end of the
procession to the other and always keeping time with their crude
drums or copper gongs, the noise of which could be heard for
miles around. Whenever they passed the bride they would hold
the instruments high in the air, leaping and gyrating at their
best. When the bride would squat the dancers would even increase
their efforts, running a little way to the front and returning
to the bride as if endeavoring to induce her to proceed. It did
not avail, for she would hot move till she received some trinket.
In crossing streams or other obstacles the bride was carried
by her father-in-law; the bridegroom was carried by one of his
attendants. Presently they arrived at a critical spot. This is
the place where many a man has to let his wife return to her
mother; for here it is the bride wants to see how many presents
are coming to her. If satisfied, she goes on. In this case there
was a shortage, and everybody became excited. The husband huddled
to the side of his bride and looked into her face with a very
pitiful expression, as if pleading with her to continue. But she
was firm. In a few minutes several people formed a circle and
commenced dancing in the same way as at their religious ceremony,
and chanting low and solemnly an admonition to the husband's
parents and friends to give presents to the bride. This was
repeated several times, when there came a lull. The bride was still
firm in her opinion that the amount offered was insufficient. I
had supplied myself with some cheap jewelry, and a few trinkets
satisfied her desires; so the "music" again started. Louder it
became--wilder--resounding with a thousand echoes, and as the
nude bodies of the Negritos glided at lightning speed from the
glare of one torchlight to the other, with no word uttered but a
continual clangor of the metal gongs, one thought that here was
a dance of devils.
In due time we came to a place in the path that was bordered
on either side by small strips of bamboo about 3 feet long with
both points sticking in the ground, resembling croquet arches,
six on either side. When the bride arrived there she squatted and
her maids commenced to robe her in a new gown (à la Filipina)
over the one she already had on. She then continued to another
similar place and donned a new robe over those already on. This
was repeated twice, when she arrived at a triumphal arch. There
she donned a very gaudy dress consisting of red waist and blue
skirt, with a large red handkerchief as a wedding veil.
Rejoicing in her five complete dresses, one over the other, she
passed through the arch and again squatted. Meanwhile a fire was
built midway between the arch and a structure specially prepared
for the couple. All present except those waiting on the groom
and bride joined in a dance around the fire, chanting gleefully
and keeping time with hands and feet.
All at once the circle divided just in front of the arch; two
persons on opposite sides joined bands overhead. The bride now
stood up, immediately her father-in-law caught her in his arms,
ran under the human arch, and deposited her gently in the house
of his son. When the husband, from where he was squatting under
the arch, saw his bride safely laid in his house his joy knew no
bounds. With a yell he leaped up, swinging his unsheathed bolo over
his head, and in a frenzy jumped over the fire, passed through
the human arch, and with a final yell threw his arms around his
wife in a long embrace.
The ceremony as above described contains many details which I did not
meet with in Zambales, but the main feature, the sitting down of the
bride to receive her gifts, is the same.
Polygamy and Divorce
As might be expected among the Negritos, a man may marry as many
wives as he can buy. His inability to provide the necessary things
for her purchase argues against his ability to provide food for
her. Hence it is only the well-to-do that can afford the luxury of
more than one wife. Visually this practice is confined to the capitán
or head man of the tribe, and even he seldom has more than two wives,
but one case was noticed in the village of Tagiltil, where one man
had seven. At Cabayan the capitán had two wives, a curly-haired one,
and a straight-haired one, the latter the daughter of Filipinos who
had taken up their abode with the Negritos. (See Pl. LV.) Polygamy
is allowed throughout the Negrito territory. It is not uncommon for
a man to marry sisters or a widow and her daughter. Marriage between
blood relatives is prohibited.
Divorce is not very common with the Negritos in Zambales. There
seems to be a sentiment against it. If a man is powerful enough he may
divorce his wife, but if he does so for any other reason than desertion
or unfaithfulness her relatives are likely to make a personal matter
of it and cause trouble. A man and his wife may separate by mutual
agreement and that of their families. In such a case whatever property
they may have is divided equally, but the mother takes the children.
A more frequent occurrence than that, however, is the desertion of
her husband by a woman who has found some one of greater attractions
elsewhere, probably in another rancheria, but even these cases are
rare. If it is possible to reach the offender the new husband will
have to pay up, otherwise it is necessary for the woman's parents to
pay back to the injured husband all that he has paid for her. But if
the offender is caught and is found to be unable to pay the necessary
price the penalty is death. In any event the husband's interests are
guarded. Ile can either recover on his investment or get revenge.
Burial
Notwithstanding the repeated statements of travelers that Negritos
bury their dead under their houses, which are then abandoned, nothing
of this kind was met in Zambales, and Mr. Cooke did not see it in
Bataan. He says that in the latter province the body is placed in a
coffin made by hollowing out a tree, and is buried in some high spot,
but there is no regular burying ground. A rude shed and a fence are
built to protect the grave.
In Zambales any spot may be selected. The body is wrapped up in a
mat and buried at a depth of 3 or 4 feet to protect it from dogs
and wild boars. With their few tools such interment constitutes an
arduous labor.
I was unable to learn of any special ceremony performed at a
burial. Montano says they have one, and Mr. Cooke states that all
the relatives of the deceased kneel in a circle around the coffin
and sing a mournful monotone. The Negritos of Zambales repeatedly
affirmed that they had no burial ceremony.
Morals
I believe that many of the vices of the Negrito are due to contact
with the Malayan to whom he is, at least in point of truthfulness,
honesty, and temperance, far superior. It is rare that he will tell
a lie unless he thinks he will be greatly benefited by it, and he
seems not to indulge in purposeless lying, as so often do his more
civilized neighbors. So far as my acquaintance with him goes, I never
detected an untruth except one arising from errors of judgment.
In their dealings with each other there seldom occur disputes among the
Negritos, which in itself is an evidence of their natural honesty. With
Filipinos, they are inclined to accept and respect the opinions of
their more knowing, if less honest, patrons, and take what is offered
for their produce with little protest. It is to be feared, however,
that as they realize the duplicity of the Filipinos they themselves
may begin to practice it.
Alcoholism is unknown among them, but they drink willingly of the
native drinks, "tuba" and "anisado," whenever it is offered them. They
do not make these beverages. Nowhere does it seem to have gotten a
hold on them, and there are no drunkards.
The practice of smoking is followed by Negritos of both sexes, old
and young, although they are not such inveterate smokers as are the
Filipinos. The custom prevails of smoking roughly made cigars of
tobacco leaves tied up with a grass string, always with the lighted
end in the mouth. After smoking a few whiffs, the cigar is allowed to
go out, and the stump is tucked away in the breechcloth or behind the
ear for future use. One of these stumps may be seen somewhere about
a Negrito at almost any time. Pipes are never used.
Very few Negritos chew betel nut, and their teeth, although sharpened
as they are, offer a pleasing contrast to the betel-stained teeth of
the average Filipino.
While one can not speak authoritatively in regard to relation of the
sexes without a long and close study of their customs, yet all the
evidence at band goes to show that the Negritos as a race are virtuous,
especially when compared with the Christianized natives. Their
statement that death is their penalty for adultery is generally
accepted as true, and probably is, with some modifications. Montano
mentions it twice, [22] and he asserts further in regard to the
Negritos of Bataan that "sexual relations outside of marriage are
exceedingly rare. A young girl suspected of it must forever renounce
the hope of finding a husband."
In Zambales the Negritos continually assert that adultery is punishable
by death, but closer questioning usually brought out the fact that
the offenders could buy off if they possessed the means. Montano makes
the statement that in case of adultery it is the injured husband who
executes the death sentence. However, the injured husband is satisfied
if he recovers what he paid for his wife in the beginning. In case
of a daughter, the father exacts the payment, and only in case he is
destitute is it likely to go hard with the offender.
It has been asserted also that theft is punishable by death. The
Negritos say that if a man is caught stealing and can not pay
the injured person whatever he considers the value of the stolen
article and the fine that is assessed against him, he will be put to
death. But, as a matter of fact, it is never done. He is given his time
in which to pay his fine or someone else may pay it; and in the latter
case the offender becomes a sort of slave and works for his benefactor.
Murder is punishable by death. The victim is executed in the manner
already described in the torture dance. But murder is so rare as to
be almost unknown. The disposition of the Negrito is peaceable and
seldom leads him into trouble.
Cooke [23] states that as a punishment for lighter offenses the
Negritos of Bataan use an instrument, called "con-de-mán," which is
simply a split stick sprung on the neck from six to twenty hours,
according to the degree of the crime, and which is said to be very
painful. Nothing like this was seen in Zambales.
Slavery
Notwithstanding the statements of Montano that the Negritos have no
slaves and know nothing of slavery, the reverse is true, in Zambales
at least; so say the Negritos and also the Filipinos who have spent
several years among them. The word "a-li'-pun" is used among them
to express such social condition. As has been stated, a man caught
stealing may become a slave, as also may a person captured from another
rancheria, a child left without support, a person under death sentence,
or a debtor. It was also stated that if a man committed a crime and
escaped a relative could be seized as a slave. It will take a long
acquaintance with the Negritos and an intimate knowledge of their
customs to get at the truth of these statements.
Intellectual Life
The countenance of the average Negrito is not dull and passive,
as might reasonably be expected, but is fairly bright and keen,
more so than the average Malayan countenance. The Negrito also has
a look of good nature--a look usually lacking in the Malayan. His
knowledge of things other than those pertaining to his environment is,
of course, extremely limited, but he is possessed of an intellect that
is capable of growth under proper conditions. He always manifests
the most lively interest in things which he does not understand,
and he tries to assign causes for them.
Natural phenomena he is unable to explain. When the sun sets it
goes down behind a precipice so far off that he could not walk to
it, but he does not know how it gets back to the east. Rain comes
from the clouds, but he does not know how it got there except that
thunder and lightning bring it. These things are incomprehensible to
him and he has apparently invented no stories concerning them. While
thunder and lightning are good because they bring rain, yet if they
are exceedingly violent he becomes afraid and tries to stop them by
burning deer's bones, which, he says, are always efficacious.
The mathematical knowledge of the Negritos is naturally small. They
count on their fingers and toes, beginning always with the thumb and
great toe. If the things they are counting are more than twenty they
go through the process again, but never repeat the fingers without
first counting the toes. To add they use rice or small stones. They
have no weights or measures except those of the civilized natives, but
usually compare things to be measured with some known object. Distance
is estimated by the time taken to walk it, but they have no conception
of hours. It may take from sunrise until the sun is directly overhead
to go from a certain rancheria to another, but if asked the number of
hours the Negrito is as likely to say three or eight as six. They have
no division of time by weeks or months, but have periods corresponding
to the phase of the moon, to which they give names. The new moon
is called "bay'-un bu'-an," the full moon "da-a'-na bu'-an," and
the waning moon "may-a'-mo-a bu'-an." They determine years by the
planting or harvesting season. Yet no record of years is kept, and
memory seldom goes back beyond the last season. Hence the Negritos
have no idea of age. They know that they are old enough to have
children or grandchildren, and that is as far as their knowledge of
age goes. To count days ahead they tie knots in a string of bejuco
and each day cut off one knot.
In regard to units of value they are familiar with the peso and other
coins of the Philippines and have vague ideas as to their value. But
one meets persistently the word "tael" in their estimate of the value
of things. A tael is 5 pesos. If asked how much he paid for his wife a
mail may say "luampo fact." Where they got this Chinese term I do not
attempt to say, unless it points to very remote commercial relations
with the Chinese, a thine, which seems incredible. [24]
The Negritos have developed to a high degree a sense of the dramatic,
and they can relate a tale graphically, becoming so interested in their
account as to seem to for get their surroundings. For instance, a head
man was giving me one night an account of their marriage ceremony. He
went through all the motions necessary to depict various actions,
talking faster and louder as if warming up to his theme, his eyes
sparkling and his face and manner eager.
They are much like children in their curiosity to see the white
man's belongings, and are as greatly pleased with the gift of a
trinket. Their expressions and actions on beholding themselves in
a mirror for the first time are extremely ludicrous. One man who
had a goatee gazed at it and stroked it with feelings of pride and
admiration not unmixed with awe.
Superstitions
It will also take a close acquaintance to learn much of the
superstitious beliefs of the Negritos. Some hints have already been
given in regard to feeding the spirits after a hunt and reasons
for changing names of children. Other superstitious were mentioned,
as the wearing of bracelets and leglets of wild boar's skin and the
burning of deer's bones to scare away thunder.
The basis of all the superstitious beliefs of the Negritos, what
might else be termed their religion, is the constant presence of the
spirits of the dead near where they lived when alive. All places are
inhabited by the spirits. All adverse circumstances, sickness, failure
of crops, unsuccessful hunts, are attributed to them. So long as things
go well the spirits are not so much considered. There seems to be no
particular worship or offerings to gain the good will of the spirits,
other than the feeding already noted, except in one particular. On
the Tarlac trail between O'Donnell (Tarlac Province) and Botolan
(Zambales Province) there is a huge black bowlder which the Negritos
believe to be the home of one powerful spirit. So far as I could learn,
the belief is that the spirits of all who die enter this one spirit or
"anito" who has its abiding place in this rock. However that may be,
no Negrito, and in fact no Christianized native of Zambales or Tarlac,
ever passes this rock without leaving a banana, camote, or some other
article of food. If they do, bad luck or accident is sure to attend
the trip.
Señor Potenciano Lesaca, the present governor of Zambales, when
quite young, once passed the rock and for amusement--and greatly to
the horror of the Negritos with him-spurned it by kicking it with
his foot and eating part of a banana and throwing the rest in the
opposite direction. The Negritos were much concerned and said that
something would happen to him. Sure enough, before he had gone far he
got an arrow through both legs from savage Negritos along the trail
who could have known nothing of the occurrence. Of course this only
strengthened the belief. There is nothing unusual about the shape of
the stone. It is merely a large, round bowlder.
Disease is usually considered a punishment for wrongdoing, the more
serious diseases coming from the supreme anito, the lesser ones
from the lesser anitos. If smallpox visits a rancheria it is because
someone has cut down a tree or killed an animal belonging to a spirit
which has invoked the aid of the supreme spirit in inflicting a more
severe punishment than it can do alone.
For the lesser diseases there are mediquillos or medicine men or women,
called "mañga-anito," who are called to exorcise the spirit creating
the disturbance. Anyone who has cured patients or belongs to a family
of mediquillos can follow the profession. There is an aversion to
being a mediquillo, although it pays, because if a patient dies the
medicine man who treated him is held accountable. As a rule they are
treated with respect, and people stand more or less in awe of them,
but they have sometimes been killed when they failed to effect a cure.
Señor Benito Guido, a native of Botolan, who accompanied me to the
barrio of Tagiltil as interpreter, became slightly ill while in a
camp. The Negritos were much worked up over it. They said it was
caused by cutting the bamboo for our camp, the spirits that owned
the bamboo being offended.
In order that we might witness their customs in such cases, an
old woman who practiced as "mañga-anito" was called and offered to
relieve the patient for a little money. A peso was given her and she
began. Upon being asked how he was affected Señor Guido said that he
felt as if something was weighing him down. Of course this was the
spirit, which had to be removed before a cure could be effected. The
Mañga-anito danced around the patient and bad him dance and turn
somersaults. This was to make the spirit sorry he had chosen such an
unstable abiding place. Finally she took hold of his hands, gave a
mighty tug and then dropped back stiff. The spirit had passed from
the body of the patient into her body.
During all these gymnastics the other Negritos had preserved a most
solemn mien, but at this juncture they set to work to restore the
stricken woman, rubbing and working her arms and legs until the spirit
was gone. All disease is caused by spirits, which must be expelled
from the body before a cure can be effected.
Use is also made of other remedies to supplement the ministrations
of the mañga-anito. Attention has been called to the string of dried
berries, called "a-gata," which the Negritos of Pinatubo wear around
their necks for convenience in case of pains in the stomach. In
southern Zambales what seem to be these same berries are used as a
charm against snake bite. Here for pains in the stomach they boil
a piece of iron in water and drink the water hot. Pieces of certain
woods are believed efficacious for rheumatism, and old men especially
may often be seen with them tied around the limbs. This superstition is
not far removed from the belief entertained in certain rural districts
of the United States that rheumatism may be prevented by carrying a
horse chestnut in the pocket. The Negritos also wear such pieces of
wood around the neck for colds and sore throat.
In cases of fever a bed is made from the leaves of a plant called
"sam'-bon," which much resembles mint, and leaves are bound to the
affected parts. The action of these leaves is cooling. For fractures
they use bamboo splints and leaves of a plant called "ta-cum'-ba-o."
A bad cut is also bound up in these leaves or with the sap of a tree
called "pan-da-ko'-kis."
The Negritos do nothing for skin disease, a form of herpes, with
which a great many are afflicted. They probably do not regard it as
a disease. (See Pls. LVI et seq.) In case of centipede bites, if on
a finger, the affected member is thrust in the anus of a chicken,
where, the Negrito affirms, the poison is absorbed, resulting in the
death of the chicken.
Goiter is quite common. It is said to be caused by strain from carrying
a heavy load of camotes or other objects on the head.
Smallpox, as has been said, is believed to be a visitation of the
wrath of the supreme spirit, and if it breaks out in a rancheria
the victim is left with a supply of food and water and the place
is abandoned. After several days have elapsed the people return
cautiously, and if they find the patient is dead they go away again
never to return, but if he has recovered they take up their abode
in the rancheria. A great many of the Negritos seen in Zambales have
scars of smallpox.
The practice of blistering the body in case of sickness is very common
in the Pinatubo region. The belief prevails with some individuals that
in the healing up of the sore thus produced the sickness with which
the body is afflicted will go away. Others affirmed that blistering
was done only in case of fevers, and that the pain inflicted caused
the patient to break out in a profuse perspiration which relieved the
fever. This seems a more rational belief. Individuals were seen with
as many as twenty scars produced in this manner.
Aside from the anito belief, the Negritos have other
superstitions. Cries of birds at night are especially unlucky. If a
person is starting out on a journey and someone sneezes just as he is
leaving he will not go then. It is regarded as a sign of disaster,
and delay of an hour or so is necessary in order to allow the spell
to work off.
A certain parasitic plant that much resembles Yellow moss and grows
high up in trees is regarded as a very powerful charm. It is called
"gay-u-ma" and a man who possesses it is called "nanara gayuma." If
his eyes rest on a person during the new moon he will become sick
at the stomach, but he can cure the sickness by laying hands on the
afflicted part.
Señor Benito Guido says that when a young man he was told by Negritos
that this charm would float upstream. And when he offered to give
a carabao for it if that were so, its power was not shown. In spite
of this, however, the Negritos are firm believers in it, and, for
that matter, so also are the Christianized Zambal and Tagalog. It is
likewise thought to be of value in attracting women. If it is rubbed
on a woman or is smoked and the smoke blows on her the conquest
is complete.
CHAPTER VII
SPANISH ATTEMPTS TO ORGANIZE NEGRITOS
The attention of the Spanish Government was early attracted to the
Negritos and other savages in the Philippines, and their subjection and
conversion was the subject of many royal orders, though unfortunately
little was accomplished. One of the first decrees of the Gobierno
Superior relating especially to the Negritos was that of June 12,
1846. It runs substantially as follows:
In my visits to the provinces of these Islands, having noticed,
with the sympathy that they must inspire in all sensitive souls,
the kind of life and the privations that many of the infidel
tribes, and especially the Negritos who inhabit the mountains, are
forced to endure; and persuaded that it is a duty of all civilized
Governments and of humanity itself to better the condition of
men, who, hidden thus from society, will in time become extinct,
victims of their customs, of the unhealthfulness of the rugged
places where they live, and of our negligence in helping them; and
desirous of making them useful, that some day, influenced by the
benefits of social life, they may enter the consoling pale of our
Holy Mother, the Catholic Church, I hereby decree the following:
ARTICLE 1. The alcaldes and military and political governors of
provinces in whose district there may be tribes or rancherias of
the aforesaid Negritos or of other infidels shall proceed with the
consent of the devoted curas parrocos, whose charity I implore for
them, through their head men or capitanes, to induce them to take
the necessary steps to assemble in villages, lands being given
for that purpose, in places not very near to Christian pueblos,
and seeds of grains and vegetables being furnished that they may
cultivate the land.
* * * * * * *
ART. 3. Two years after the pueblo shall have been formed the
inhabitants thereof shall pay a moderate tribute, which shall
not for the present exceed one real per head, the youths and
children being excepted, obtaining in compensation the usufruct
of the lands which they may hold as their own property so long as
they do not abandon the cultivation, being able to sell to others
under the same conditions with the knowledge of the authority of
the district.
ART. 4. Said authorities and also the priests shall maintain
the greatest zeal and vigilance that the Christian pueblos do
not intrude on those of the infidels or Negritos, neither that
individuals live among them nor that they harass or molest them
on any pretext whatsoever under penalty of being punished. * * *
ART. 5. As I have understood that if the Negritos refuse social
life it is on account of their being warned by the Christians
who employ them in cutting wood, bamboo, and bejuco, and in the
collection of other products of the woods which they inhabit,
the chiefs of the provinces and the justices of the peace shall
take care that no one enters into such contracts with the Negritos
without competent authorization, leaving his name in a register
in order that if he fail to pay the true value of the articles
satisfactory to the Negritos or mistreats them it will be possible
to fix the blame on him and to impose the proper penalty.
Article 6 states that--
It shall not be necessary for the Negritos to embrace the Catholic
faith, but the priests shall go among them to examine their
condition and learn their needs and teach them the advantages of
civil life and the importance of religion.
Article 7 provides for a report every three months from those officers
in charge of such districts.
This all sounds very well, and if carried out might have succeeded
in improving the condition of the unfortunate Negritos, but we can
not find that the provincial officials showed great zeal in complying
with the executive request.
On January 14, 1881, a decree very similar to this was issued. The
first part of this decree related to the newly converted or
"sometidos." But article 7 authorized the provincial authorities
to offer in the name of the State to Aetas and other pagans the
following advantages in exchange for voluntary submission: Life in
pueblos; unity of families; concession of good lands and direction
in cultivating them in the manner which they wished and which would
be most productive; maintenance and clothing during one year; respect
for their usages and customs so far as they did not oppose the natural
law; to leave to their own wishes whether or not they should become
Christians; to buy or facilitate the sale of their crops; exemption
from contributions and tributes for ten years and lastly, government
by local officials elected by themselves under the direct dependency
of the head of the province or district.
These provisions were certainly liberal enough, but they bore little
fruit so far as the Negritos were concerned. Being sent out as
circulars to the chiefs of all provinces, such decrees received scant
attention, each provincial head probably preferring to believe that
they were meant for someone else. Although it sounded well on paper,
the difficulties in the way of successful compliance with such an order
were many. But in one way and another the authorities sought to reach
the hill tribes, though it must be confessed they were actuated rather
by a desire to preserve peace in their provinces and to protect the
plainsmen from the plundering raids of the savages than by motives
of philanthropy in improving the condition of the latter.
The Negritos of Zambales were classed as conquistados and
non-conquistados, according to whether they lived in amicable relations
with the Filipinos or stole carabaos and killed the people whenever
they had the opportunity. The Guardia Civil made many raids into
the mountains for the purpose of punishing the predatory Negritos,
and many are the stories related by old members of that military
organization now living in the province concerning conflicts which
they had with the little black bow-and-arrow men, who always got the
worst of it. Gradually they came to see the futility of resistance. As
a matter of fact these raids were only for the purpose of securing food
and not because of enmity toward the Filipinos. When a group expressed
their desire to live peaceably in their hills they were dubbed
"conquistados" and left alone so long as they behaved. The number
of conquistados grew and the "unconquered" retreated farther into
the mountains. Carabao raids are very infrequent now, for the people
disposed to make them are too remote from the plains and would have
to pass through territory of the settled and peaceable Negritos, who
would inform the party sent in pursuit. But the Constabulary has had
two or three raids of this kind to deal with during the past two years.
Those Negritos still living in a wild state have very simple
government. They simply gather around the most powerful man, whom
they recognize as a sort of chief and whom they follow into raids
on the plains or neighboring tribes of Negritos. But when living
peaceably scattered through their mountains each head of a family
is a small autocrat and rules his family and those of his sons who
elect to remain with him. When he dies the oldest son becomes the
head of the family. Usually, however, a group of families living in
one locality recognizes one man as a capitán. He may be chosen by
the president of the nearest pueblo or by the Negritos themselves,
who are quick to recognize in this way superior ability or greater
wealth. The capitán settles disputes between families.
The next step in the civilizing process is the gathering together to
form villages. This was the end to which the Spaniards worked, but
the process was retarded by the Christianized natives who profited
by trade with the Negritos in forest products and who advised them
to avoid coming under Spanish rule where they would have to pay
tribute. If a community became sufficiently large and bade fair to
be permanent it was made a barrio of the nearest pueblo and given a
teniente and concejales like other barrios. This was the case with
Aglao and Santa Fé, in the jurisdiction of San Marcelino, but Ilokano
immigrants settled in these places and the Negritos gradually withdrew
to the hills and settled in other places, until now there are very few
Negritos actually living in these towns. One old man in Aglao, who once
went to Spain as a servant to an officer, speaks very good Spanish.
In spite of the reprisals made by the Guardia Civil and other
means employed by the Spaniards, Negrito raids went on without much
cessation until 1894. In that year the authorities induced a head
man named Layos to come down to the town of San Marcelino for an
interview. Layos came down about as nature had provided him and was
received with much ceremony by the town authorities. They dressed him
up from head to foot, made him presents, and feasted him for several
days. Then with the customary Spanish pomp, parade of soldiery, and
flare of trumpets, they presented him with a gaudy sash and named him
Capitán General del Monte. He was given charge of all the Negritos
in the district and charged to keep them under control. The sash was
a cheap print affair, but it answered the purpose. The effect of all
this on an untamed savage can be imagined. Layos was impressed. He
went back to the hills with his new treasures and an experience worth
relating. It is said that the robbing and killing of Christian natives
lessened materially after that.
When I was at Cabayan in that district I saw Layos. He was a heavy-set
man of about 38, harelipped, an old ragged shirt and breechcloth
his only apparel, and with nothing of his former grandeur but the
memory. The sash, his badge of office, he said had long since gone
in breechcloths.
In the same year (1894) all Negritos in the Botolan district who would
come down from the mountains were fed for five or six months in hope
that they would settle down and remain. But they were given nothing
to do and were not shown how to work, and when the feeding stopped
they all went back to the hills, the only place where they knew how to
secure sustenance. Although this experiment did not result as desired,
it probably had good effects, for the people of this region are the
farthest advanced to-day and are most inclined to live in villages. I
am informed that since my visit some of the Negritos have moved down to
the Filipino village of Pombato and there are several Negrito children
in the native school. The people of Tagiltil have even expressed a
desire for a school. The presence of several Zambal and halfbreeds
in this village and its nearness to the Filipinos probably account
for its being ahead of other villages in this as in other respects.
APPENDIX A
ANTHROPOMETRIC MEASUREMENTS
The paucity of measurements has already been explained, but those that
were taken are given here for what they are worth. I do not attempt
to draw any conclusions from them or undertake any discussion other
than that already given in the chapter on physical features.
In the following tables it should be noted that where the age is
given the number indicates only an estimate, as no Negrito knows his
age. It has been thought better to give these approximate ages than
to leave them out entirely, in order to distinguish the very young
from the middle aged and old:
Measurements of Negritos
No.
| Sex
| | Age
| | | Standing height
| | | | Span of arms
| | | | | Length of nose
| | | | | | Breadth of nose
| | | | | | | Nasal index
| | | | | | | | Length of ear
| | | | | | | | |
1 Female 18 1,408 1,456 35 38 108 57
2 do 35 1,487 1,487 38 38 100 64
3 do 14 1,325 1,325 36 30 83 55
4 do 30 1,440 1,462 36 38 105 55
5 do 40 1,388 1,400 40 43 107 58
6 Male 27 1,520 1,580 41 43 104 60
7 do 20 1,491 1,503 39 47 130 57
8 do 1,440 1,464 40 43 107 57
9 do 1,500 1,538 43 40 93 60
10 do 15 1,357 1,347 34 40 117 54
11 do 1,426 1,483 40 47 117 57
12 Female 20 1,390 1,380 30 37 123
13 do 19 1,265 1,170 35 35 100
14 do 20 1,400 1,410 35 40 114
15 do 1,410 1,375 35 42 120
16 do 1,430 1,435 35 40 114
17 Male 22 1,465 1,485 37 46 124 60
18 do 1,472 1,470 44 40 90 60
19 do 24 1,363 1,404 38 36 94 57
20 do 18 1,473 1,493 40 43 107 57
21 do 19 1,390 1,412 40 42 105 56
22 do 25 1,490 1,490 37 43 116 57
23 do 14 1,282 1,315 35 35 100 52
24 do 1,404 1,438 42 38 90 65
25 Female 19 1,302 1,313 27 38 140 55
26 do 20 1,472 1,538 40 38 95 58
27 Male 1,434 1,497 37 42 113 56
28 do 50 1,421 1,519 40 40 100 60
29 Female 28 1,358 1,418 35 37 105 58
30 do 55 1,333 1,350 40 40 100 60
31 do 1,383 1,435 41 38 92 62
32 do 30 1,285 1,285 34 38 111 55
33 do 50 1,318 1,302 35 40 114 69
34 Male 40 1,342 1,448 38 46 121 62
35 do 20 1,458 1,582 40 42 105 58
36 do 18 1,480 1,536 44 44 100 60
37 do 15 1,500 1,547 41 45 109 60
38 do 28 1,365 1,390 41 49 119 58
39 do 30 1,535 1,570 43 47 109 63
40 Female 15 1,308 1,354 41 35 85 54
41 do 35 1,373 1,368 36 38 105 59
42 do 35 1,355 1,370 40 40 100 60
43 do 16 1,407 1,430 36 36 100 56
44 do 22 1,420 1,466 40 43 107 64
45 Male 1,535 1,581 43 39 90 57
46 do 1,448 1,532 41 40 97 55
47 do 1,476 1,540 40 40 100 59
48 Female 1,396 1,415 40 35 107 60
49 do 20 1,368 1,400 35 40 117 53
50 Male 1,570 1,625 46 43 93 58
51 do 22 1,480 1,545 42 49 116 60
52 do 30 1,600 1,634 49 42 85 62
53 do 35 1,521 1,566 42 47 111 60
54 Female 1,502 1,520 41 39 95 58
55 do 1,410 1,410 32 38 118 60
56 do 16 1,316 1,336 34 38 111 56
57 Male 18 1,425 1,445 42 42 100 56
58 do 23 1,380 1,430 36 45 125 62
No.
| Sex
| | Age
| | | Standing height
| | | | Height of shoulders
| | | | | Span of arms
| | | | | | Width of Shoulders
| | | | | | | Length of hand
| | | | | | | | Length of arm
| | | | | | | | | Height sitting
| | | | | | | | | | Length of foot
| | | | | | | | | | | Length of head
| | | | | | | | | | | | Breadth of head
| | | | | | | | | | | | | Cephalic index
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | Length of nose
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | Breadth of nose
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | Nasal index
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | Length of ear
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
59 Male 28 1,480 1,227 1,530 375 163 600 1,200 215 189 150 79.3 38 39 102.6 58
60 do 16 1,470 1,227 1,510 370 165 623 1,180 230 175 144 82.2 35 35 100 55
61 do 40 1,520 1,295 1,530 356 170 640 1,224 225 176 145 82.3 39 37 94.8 61
62 do 17 1,490 1,247 1,500 425 145 600 1,203 230 190 153 80.5 33 40 121.2 51
63 do 25 1,510 1,245 1,545 386 175 635 1,215 226 190 150 78.9 40 42 165 54
64 do 18 1,445 1,218 1,500 350 160 600 1,235 220 175 150 85.7 35 37 105.7 50
65 do 28 1,444 1,210 1,540 350 170 605 223 176 141 80 47 40 85.1 64
66 do 30 1,524 1,275 1,620 390 180 675 245 171 158 92.3 40 49 122.5 54
67 do 35 1,550 1,324 1,410 384 180 655 1,255 240 182 145 79.7 40 41 102.5 60
68 do 40 1,500 1,248 1,465 364 180 640 1,290 245 174 145 83.5 46 46 100 66
69 do 35 1,480 1,227 1,550 383 175 650 1,272 225 180 152 84.4 37 37 100 53
70 do 60 1,586 1,370 1,635 373 177 625 246 191 83.2 43 44 102.3 54
71 do 25 1,395 1,169 1,469 342 149 586 207 180 142 78.8 43 36 83.7 58
72 Female 35 1,420 1,165 1,460 334 159 528 211 171 148 86.5 44 35 79.5 52
73 do 33 1,337 1,140 1,380 293 155 539 208 166 141 84.9 41 41 100 55
74 do 27 1,362 1,137 1,407 330 150 558 199 168 147 87.5 42 36 85.9 55
75 Male 30 1,526 1,281 1,524 370 163 616 230 174 140 80.4 42 38 90.4 52
76 do 17 1,435 1,197 1,447 350 160 586 210 170 135 79.3 42 35 83.3 56
77 do 45 1,450 1,270 1,480 322 162 571 213 175 148 84.5 39 38 97.4 64
APPENDIX B
VOCABULARIES
As has been pointed out already, the Negritos of Zambales seem to
have lost entirely their own language and to have adopted that of
the Christianized Zambal. A study of the vocabularies here given
will show that in various sections of the province Zambal is to-day
the language of the Negritos. Differences will be found, of course,
in the dialects of regions which do not come much into contact with
each other, and contact with other dialects creates different changes
in different localities.
The chief difference between the Bolinao dialect and that of the region
south is the substitution of the letter "r" in the former for "l"; as
"arong" for "along," nose; "dira" for "dila," tongue. Yet not a few
words are entirely different. These differences may arise from the use
of synonyms or from misinformation, as I was able to take the Bolinao
vocabulary from only two individuals. This dialect is spoken in the
towns of Bolinao, Anda, Bani, and Zaragoza, although I am informed that
there are even slight differences in the speech of the people of some
of these towns. The towns from Infanta to Iba have the second dialect.
When the Aeta element enters the differences become more apparent,
although the relationship between the differing words may often be
seen; for instance, "sabot," hair, becomes "habot;" "along," nose,
becomes "balongo." But the number of words which bear no relationship
is greater than in the case of the first two dialects. It is possible
that here we find traces of an original Negrito language, but I believe
that all these words can be traced to Malay roots. It will be noticed
also that the two following vocabularies taken from Negritos at Santa
Fé and Subig do not differ materially from the Zambal-Aeta--in fact,
they may be regarded as identical.
The writer can not vouch for the vocabularies from Bataan and Bulacan,
but gives them for the sake of comparison. The words collected by
Montano are mostly Tagalog and differ somewhat from Cooke's. The latter
states that he verified his seven times. The two sets are probably
from different parts of the province. The Dumagat vocabulary from
Bulacan Province, while offering greater differences, is plainly of
Malay origin like all the others.
English Man
Zambal of Bolinao la-la'-ki
Zambal of Iba la-la'-ki
Zambal--Aeta la-la'-ki
Aeta of Santa Fé la-la'-ki
Aeta of Subig ya'-ki
Aeta, Bataan Province la-la-ke'*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province ta'-nun-gu'-bat
English Woman
Zambal of Bolinao ba-bay'-e
Zambal of Iba ba-bay'-e
Zambal--Aeta ba-bay'-e
Aeta of Santa Fé ba-bay'-e
Aeta of Subig ba-bay'-e
Aeta, Bataan Province ba-bay'-e*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province mow'-na
English Father
Zambal of Bolinao a'-ma
Zambal of Iba a'-ma
Zambal--Aeta a'-ma
Aeta of Santa Fé ba'-pa
Aeta of Subig ba'-pa
Aeta, Bataan Province ba'-pa, ama*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Mother
Zambal of Bolinao i'-na
Zambal of Iba i'-na
Zambal--Aeta na'-na
Aeta of Santa Fé in'-do
Aeta of Subig in'-do
Aeta, Bataan Province in'do, inang*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Brother
Zambal of Bolinao bu'-sat
Zambal of Iba ta-la-sa'-ka
Zambal--Aeta pa'-tel
Aeta of Santa Fé ka-pa-tel
Aeta of Subig
Aeta, Bataan Province ka'-ka, kapatid*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Sister
Zambal of Bolinao bu'-sat
Zambal of Iba ta-la-sa'-ka
Zambal--Aeta pa'-tel
Aeta of Santa Fé ka-pa-tel
Aeta of Subig
Aeta, Bataan Province o-pa-tel', kapatid*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Uncle
Zambal of Bolinao ba'-pa
Zambal of Iba ba'-pa
Zambal--Aeta ba'-pa
Aeta of Santa Fé da'-ra
Aeta of Subig
Aeta, Bataan Province ale'*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Aunt
Zambal of Bolinao da'-da
Zambal of Iba da'-ra
Zambal--Aeta in'-do
Aeta of Santa Fé da'-ra
Aeta of Subig
Aeta, Bataan Province mama*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Son
Zambal of Bolinao a'-nak
Zambal of Iba a'-nak
Zambal--Aeta a'-nak
Aeta of Santa Fé a'-nak
Aeta of Subig a'-nak
Aeta, Bataan Province a'-nak*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province anak
English Daughter
Zambal of Bolinao a'-nak
Zambal of Iba a'-nak
Zambal--Aeta a'-nak
Aeta of Santa Fé a'-nak
Aeta of Subig a'-nak
Aeta, Bataan Province a'-nak*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province anak na mowna
English Head
Zambal of Bolinao o'-ro
Zambal of Iba o'-lo
Zambal--Aeta o'-lo
Aeta of Santa Fé o'-lo
Aeta of Subig la'-bo
Aeta, Bataan Province o'-o, ulo*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province pun'-tuk
English Hair
Zambal of Bolinao sa-bot'
Zambal of Iba sa-bot'
Zambal--Aeta ha-bot'
Aeta of Santa Fé ha-bot'
Aeta of Subig ha-bot'
Aeta, Bataan Province la-buk', bohoc*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Mouth
Zambal of Bolinao bo-bo'-y
Zambal of Iba bo-bo'-y
Zambal--Aeta bo-bo'-y
Aeta of Santa Fé bo-bo'-y
Aeta of Subig bo-bo'-y
Aeta, Bataan Province ba-lu'-go, bebec*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province un'-suk
English Eye
Zambal of Bolinao ma'-ta
Zambal of Iba ma'-ta
Zambal--Aeta ma'-ta
Aeta of Santa Fé ma'-ta
Aeta of Subig ma'-ta
Aeta, Bataan Province ma'-ta*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Nose
Zambal of Bolinao a'-rong
Zambal of Iba a'-long
Zambal--Aeta ba-loñg'-o
Aeta of Santa Fé ba-long'-o
Aeta of Subig ba-long'-o
Aeta, Bataan Province ba-tong', ilong*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province an-gut
English Teeth
Zambal of Bolinao ni'-pen
Zambal of Iba ni'-pen
Zambal--Aeta ni'-pin
Aeta of Santa Fé n-i'-pen
Aeta of Subig ni'-pen
Aeta, Bataan Province nil-pul
Dumagat, Bulacan Province ni'-pon
English Tongue
Zambal of Bolinao di'-ra
Zambal of Iba di'-la
Zambal--Aeta di'-la
Aeta of Santa Fé di'-la
Aeta of Subig di'-la
Aeta, Bataan Province gi'-lo
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Ear
Zambal of Bolinao to-tor'-yan
Zambal of Iba to-tol'-yan
Zambal--Aeta tu'-li
Aeta of Santa Fé tu'-li
Aeta of Subig to'-ok
Aeta, Bataan Province tu'-uk, taenga*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province ta-ling'-a
English Arm
Zambal of Bolinao ta-ki-ay'
Zambal of Iba ta-ki-ay'
Zambal--Aeta ta-ki-ay'
Aeta of Santa Fé ta-ki-ay'
Aeta of Subig ta-ki-ay'
Aeta, Bataan Province tu-ki-ay', camay*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province co-mot'
English Leg
Zambal of Bolinao pa'-a
Zambal of Iba pa'-a
Zambal--Aeta pa'-a
Aeta of Santa Fé pa'-a
Aeta of Subig pa'-a
Aeta, Bataan Province pam'-pa, paa'
Dumagat, Bulacan Province pa'-a
English Chest
Zambal of Bolinao ke-rep'
Zambal of Iba ke-lep'
Zambal--Aeta nib'-nib
Aeta of Santa Fé nib'-nib
Aeta of Subig dub'-dub
Aeta, Bataan Province dub'-dub, debdeb*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province dib'-dib
English Back
Zambal of Bolinao gu-rot'
Zambal of Iba bo-kot'
Zambal--Aeta bo-kot'
Aeta of Santa Fé bo-kot'
Aeta of Subig
Aeta, Bataan Province li'-kul
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Foot
Zambal of Bolinao ay'-e
Zambal of Iba ay'-e
Zambal--Aeta bi'-ti
Aeta of Santa Fé bi'-ti
Aeta of Subig ta-lim-pa-pa'-kan
Aeta, Bataan Province ta-lan-pa'-kin
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Hand
Zambal of Bolinao ga'-met
Zambal of Iba ga'-met
Zambal--Aeta ga'-met
Aeta of Santa Fé ga'-met
Aeta of Subig ga'-met
Aeta, Bataan Province a'-ma-kam'-a-ha
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Finger
Zambal of Bolinao ga-ra-may'-e
Zambal of Iba ga-la-may'-e
Zambal--Aeta ga-la-may'-e
Aeta of Santa Fé ga-la-may'-e
Aeta of Subig da-le'-di
Aeta, Bataan Province da-li-ri, dalin*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Earth
Zambal of Bolinao lu'-ta
Zambal of Iba lu'-ta
Zambal--Aeta lu'-ta
Aeta of Santa Fé lu-ta
Aeta of Subig lu'-ta
Aeta, Bataan Province lul-ta
Dumagat, Bulacan Province pu'-tok
English Sky
Zambal of Bolinao rañg'-it
Zambal of Iba lañg-it
Zambal--Aeta lañg'-it
Aeta of Santa Fé lang'-it
Aeta of Subig lang'-it
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province lang'-ot
English Sun
Zambal of Bolinao au'-ro
Zambal of Iba au'-lo
Zambal--Aeta al'-lo
Aeta of Santa Fé al'-lo
Aeta of Subig al'-lo
Aeta, Bataan Province u'-lo
Dumagat, Bulacan Province a-da'-o
English Moon
Zambal of Bolinao bu'-ran
Zambal of Iba bu'-lan
Zambal--Aeta bu'-an
Aeta of Santa Fé bu'-an
Aeta of Subig bu'-yan
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province ina-tal'-lung
English Star
Zambal of Bolinao bi-tu'-un
Zambal of Iba bi-tu'-un
Zambal--Aeta bi-tu'-in
Aeta of Santa Fé bi'-tu-in
Aeta of Subig bi'-tu-in
Aeta, Bataan Province ba'-tu-in
Dumagat, Bulacan Province bu'-ta-tul'-ya
English Cloud
Zambal of Bolinao re'-rem
Zambal of Iba a-la-pa'-ap
Zambal--Aeta da'-yim
Aeta of Santa Fé lo'-om
Aeta of Subig ta'-la
Aeta, Bataan Province u'-wip
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Rain
Zambal of Bolinao ra'-peg
Zambal of Iba a-ba-gat'
Zambal--Aeta u'-ran
Aeta of Santa Fé u'-ran
Aeta of Subig a-ba'-gat
Aeta, Bataan Province ulan*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Thunder
Zambal of Bolinao ko'-dor
Zambal of Iba
Zambal--Aeta cu'-rol
Aeta of Santa Fé ku'-rol
Aeta of Subig ki'-lot
Aeta, Bataan Province da-ug-dug'
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Lightning
Zambal of Bolinao ki'-mat
Zambal of Iba
Zambal--Aeta ki'-mat
Aeta of Santa Fé ki'-mat
Aeta of Subig ki'-mat
Aeta, Bataan Province ma-la'-wut
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Water
Zambal of Bolinao ra'-nom
Zambal of Iba la'-nom
Zambal--Aeta la'-nom
Aeta of Santa Fé la'-nom
Aeta of Subig la'-num
Aeta, Bataan Province la'-num, tubig*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province o'-rat
English Fire
Zambal of Bolinao a-po'-y
Zambal of Iba a-po'-y
Zambal--Aeta a-po'-y
Aeta of Santa Fé a'-po-y
Aeta of Subig a'-po-y
Aeta, Bataan Province a'-po-y*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province a'-po-y
English White
Zambal of Bolinao ma-pu'-ti
Zambal of Iba ma-pu'-ti
Zambal--Aeta ma-pu'-ti
Aeta of Santa Fé ma-pu'-ti
Aeta of Subig ma-pu'-ti
Aeta, Bataan Province maputi*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province ma-lup'-say
English Black
Zambal of Bolinao mañg-i'-sit
Zambal of Iba mañg-í'-tit
Zambal--Aeta mañg-i'-tit
Aeta of Santa Fé mang-i'-tit
Aeta of Subig ma'-o-lin
Aeta, Bataan Province maltim*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province mal-a-ton'
English Red
Zambal of Bolinao ma-o-dit'
Zambal of Iba ma-ti-bi'-a
Zambal--Aeta ma-o-rit'
Aeta of Santa Fé ma-o-rit'
Aeta of Subig
Aeta, Bataan Province mapula*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province mat-la
English Yellow
Zambal of Bolinao ma-sil-ya'-o
Zambal of Iba ma-hol-ya'-o
Zambal--Aeta ma-hol-ya'-o
Aeta of Santa Fé ma-hol-ya'-o
Aeta of Subig
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province sa-la-kut'
English Cooked rice
Zambal of Bolinao ka'-nen
Zambal of Iba ka'-nen
Zambal--Aeta ka'-nin
Aeta of Santa Fé ka'-un
Aeta of Subig ka'-nen
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Uncooked rice
Zambal of Bolinao bu'-yas
Zambal of Iba bu'-yas
Zambal--Aeta bu'-ya
Aeta of Santa Fé bu'-ya
Aeta of Subig bu'-ya
Aeta, Bataan Province bigas*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province a'-moy
English Day
Zambal of Bolinao au'-ro
Zambal of Iba au'-lo
Zambal--Aeta al'-lo
Aeta of Santa Fé al'-lo
Aeta of Subig al'-lo
Aeta, Bataan Province u'-lo
Dumagat, Bulacan Province adio
English Night
Zambal of Bolinao ya'-bi
Zambal of Iba ya'-bi
Zambal--Aeta ya'-bi
Aeta of Santa Fé ya'-bi
Aeta of Subig ya'-bi
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province du'-mong
English Cold
Zambal of Bolinao ma-ra-yep'
Zambal of Iba ma-la-yep'
Zambal--Aeta ma-la-yip'
Aeta of Santa Fé mal-a-yep'
Aeta of Subig mal-a-yep'
Aeta, Bataan Province ma-lam'-ig, maginao*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province mag'-id-non
English Hot
Zambal of Bolinao ma-mot'
Zambal of Iba ma-mot'
Zambal--Aeta ma-mot'
Aeta of Santa Fé ma-o-mot'
Aeta of Subig ma-o-mot'
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province may-a-nit'
English Large
Zambal of Bolinao a-la-ki'
Zambal of Iba ma-hi-ban'
Zambal--Aeta mal-hay'
Aeta of Santa Fé mal-hay'
Aeta of Subig mal-hay'
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province hun'-ga
English Small
Zambal of Bolinao da-i-te'
Zambal of Iba ma-ca-lug'
Zambal--Aeta may-a'-mo
Aeta of Santa Fé may-a-mo'
Aeta of Subig may-a-mo'
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province ma-sa-ninp'
English Good
Zambal of Bolinao ma-ong'
Zambal of Iba la'-bas
Zambal--Aeta ma'-ham-pat'
Aeta of Santa Fé ma-ham'-pat
Aeta of Subig ma-ham'-pat
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province ma-sam'-pat
English Bad
Zambal of Bolinao ma-ra-yet'
Zambal of Iba ma-la-yet'
Zambal--Aeta ma-la-yit'
Aeta of Santa Fé ma-la-yit'
Aeta of Subig ma-la-yit'
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province ma-lot'
English Rich
Zambal of Bolinao may-a-man'
Zambal of Iba may-a-man'
Zambal--Aeta may-a-man'
Aeta of Santa Fé may-a-man'
Aeta of Subig may-a-man'
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province may-a-man'
English Poor
Zambal of Bolinao ma-i-dap'
Zambal of Iba ma-i-rap'
Zambal--Aeta ma-i-rap'
Aeta of Santa Fé ma-i-rap'
Aeta of Subig ma'-i-rap'
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Sick
Zambal of Bolinao ma-sa-kit'
Zambal of Iba ma-sa-kit'
Zambal--Aeta ma-ha-kit'
Aeta of Santa Fé ma-ha-kit'
Aeta of Subig ma-in-ha'-kit
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province teoram
English Dead
Zambal of Bolinao na'-ti
Zambal of Iba na'-ti
Zambal--Aeta na'-ti
Aeta of Santa Fé na'-ti
Aeta of Subig na'-ti
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province nalebon
English Here
Zambal of Bolinao i'-ti
Zambal of Iba i'-ti
Zambal--Aeta a-ka-lung'-un
Aeta of Santa Fé bi-er'-i
Aeta of Subig a-ri'-di
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province dian
English There
Zambal of Bolinao i'-sen
Zambal of Iba i'-sen
Zambal--Aeta ba'-hen
Aeta of Santa Fé bay'-hen
Aeta of Subig a-ri'-do
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province dedeyaya
English No
Zambal of Bolinao ka'-i
Zambal of Iba ka'-i
Zambal--Aeta a'-he
Aeta of Santa Fé a'-he
Aeta of Subig a'-he
Aeta, Bataan Province ayaw*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province ayenok
English Yes
Zambal of Bolinao ó
Zambal of Iba ya
Zambal--Aeta a'-o
Aeta of Santa Fé a'-o
Aeta of Subig a-o
Aeta, Bataan Province o-o'*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province abu-kogid
English To sleep
Zambal of Bolinao ma'-rek
Zambal of Iba ma'-lek
Zambal--Aeta ma-to-lo'-i
Aeta of Santa Fé ma-to-lo'-i
Aeta of Subig ma-to-lo'-i
Aeta, Bataan Province matulog*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province napediak
English To jump
Zambal of Bolinao ru-mok'-zo
Zambal of Iba lu-mok'-zo
Zambal--Aeta mi-tok-tok-pa'-o
Aeta of Santa Fé mag-tok-pa'-o
Aeta of Subig lu-mo'-ko
Aeta, Bataan Province lemokso
Dumagat, Bulacan Province lumowat
English To run
Zambal of Bolinao mo-ray'-o
Zambal of Iba mo-lay'-o
Zambal--Aeta may'-o
Aeta of Santa Fé may'-o
Aeta of Subig may'-o
Aeta, Bataan Province takumbao*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province gumekan
English To fight
Zambal of Bolinao mi-a-wa'-y, raban
Zambal of Iba la'-ban
Zambal--Aeta mi-a-wa'-y
Aeta of Santa Fé mi-awa'-y
Aeta of Subig ina-ki'-a-wa'-y
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province sullo-sum-to-yan
English To eat
Zambal of Bolinao mañg'-an
Zambal of Iba mañg'-an
Zambal--Aeta mañg'-an
Aeta of Santa Fé mañg'-an
Aeta of Subig mañg-an
Aeta, Bataan Province caïn*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province mumungan
English To drink
Zambal of Bolinao mi'-nom
Zambal of Iba mi'-nom
Zambal--Aeta mi'-nom
Aeta of Santa Fé mi'-nom
Aeta of Subig mi'-nom
Aeta, Bataan Province minum*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province neniomok
English Tree
Zambal of Bolinao ka'-yo
Zambal of Iba kay'-yo
Zambal--Aeta kay'-yo
Aeta of Santa Fé kay'-yo
Aeta of Subig kay'-yo
Aeta, Bataan Province ka-hoy* kayo
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Mountain
Zambal of Bolinao ba'-ker
Zambal of Iba ba'-kil
Zambal--Aeta ba'-kil
Aeta of Santa Fé ba'-kil
Aeta of Subig ba'-kil
Aeta, Bataan Province bu'-kil
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English River
Zambal of Bolinao i'-log
Zambal of Iba i'-lug
Zambal--Aeta ka-bu-la-san'
Aeta of Santa Fé ba'-la
Aeta of Subig
Aeta, Bataan Province sa'-num
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Stone
Zambal of Bolinao ba'-to
Zambal of Iba ba'-to
Zambal--Aeta ba'-to
Aeta of Santa Fé ba'-to
Aeta of Subig ba'-to
Aeta, Bataan Province ba-to*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Grass
Zambal of Bolinao di'-kot
Zambal of Iba di'-kot
Zambal--Aeta di'-kot
Aeta of Santa Fé di'-kot
Aeta of Subig di'-kot
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Dog
Zambal of Bolinao a'-so
Zambal of Iba a'-so
Zambal--Aeta a'-ho
Aeta of Santa Fé a'-ho
Aeta of Subig
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Rooster
Zambal of Bolinao ma-nuk'
Zambal of Iba ma-nook'
Zambal--Aeta ma-nook'
Aeta of Santa Fé ma-nok'
Aeta of Subig ma-nook'
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Hen
Zambal of Bolinao o'-pa
Zambal of Iba tu'-a
Zambal--Aeta tu'-a
Aeta of Santa Fé
Aeta of Subig
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English One
Zambal of Bolinao sa'-ya
Zambal of Iba a'-sa
Zambal--Aeta mi'-ha
Aeta of Santa Fé mi'-ha
Aeta of Subig mi'-ha
Aeta, Bataan Province isa
Dumagat, Bulacan Province isin
English Two
Zambal of Bolinao ru'-a
Zambal of Iba lu'-a
Zambal--Aeta lu'-a
Aeta of Santa Fé lu'-a
Aeta of Subig lu'-a
Aeta, Bataan Province delawa*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province adua
English Three
Zambal of Bolinao ta'-ro
Zambal of Iba to'-lo
Zambal--Aeta tat'-lo
Aeta of Santa Fé tat'-lo
Aeta of Subig tat'-lo
Aeta, Bataan Province tatlo*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province telewan
English Four
Zambal of Bolinao a'-pat
Zambal of Iba a'-pat
Zambal--Aeta a'-pat
Aeta of Santa Fé a'-pat
Aeta of Subig a'-pat
Aeta, Bataan Province apat*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Five
Zambal of Bolinao ri'-ma
Zambal of Iba li'-ma
Zambal--Aeta li'-ma
Aeta of Santa Fé li'-ma
Aeta of Subig li'-ma
Aeta, Bataan Province lima*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Six
Zambal of Bolinao a'-nem
Zambal of Iba a'-nem
Zambal--Aeta a'-nam
Aeta of Santa Fé a'-nem
Aeta of Subig a'-nem
Aeta, Bataan Province anem*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Seven
Zambal of Bolinao pi'-to
Zambal of Iba pi'-to
Zambal--Aeta pi'-to
Aeta of Santa Fé pi'-to
Aeta of Subig pi'-to
Aeta, Bataan Province pito*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Eight
Zambal of Bolinao ca'-ro
Zambal of Iba ca'-lo
Zambal--Aeta ca'-lo
Aeta of Santa Fé oa'-lo
Aeta of Subig oa'-lo
Aeta, Bataan Province oalo*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Nine
Zambal of Bolinao si'-am
Zambal of Iba si'-am
Zambal--Aeta si'-am
Aeta of Santa Fé si'-am
Aeta of Subig si-am
Aeta, Bataan Province siam*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Ten
Zambal of Bolinao ma-pu'-ro
Zambal of Iba ma-po'-lo
Zambal--Aeta ma'-po
Aeta of Santa Fé ma,-po
Aeta of Subig ham'-po
Aeta, Bataan Province sampo*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province isin-a-mapolo
English Eleven
Zambal of Bolinao la'-bin-sa'-ya
Zambal of Iba la'-bin-a'-sa
Zambal--Aeta la'-bin-mi'-ha
Aeta of Santa Fé la'-bin-mi-ha
Aeta of Subig la'-bin-mi'-ha
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province isin-a-mopolo-a-isin
English Twelve
Zambal of Bolinao la'-bin-ru'-a
Zambal of Iba la'-bin-lu'-a
Zambal--Aeta la'-bin-lu'-a
Aeta of Santa Fé la'-bin-lu'-a
Aeta of Subig la-bin-lu'-a
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province isin-o-mopolo-adua
English Thirteen
Zambal of Bolinao la'-bin-ta'-ro
Zambal of Iba la'-bin-to'-lo
Zambal--Aeta la'-bin-tat'-lo
Aeta of Santa Fé la'-bin-tat'-lo
Aeta of Subig la-bin-tat'-lo
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Fourteen
Zambal of Bolinao la'-bin-a'-pat
Zambal of Iba la'-bin-a'-pat
Zambal--Aeta lal-bin-a'-pat
Aeta of Santa Fé la'-bin-a'-pat
Aeta of Subig la-bin-a'-pat
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Twenty
Zambal of Bolinao ru'-an-pu'-ro
Zambal of Iba lu'-am-po'-lo
Zambal--Aeta lu-am'-po
Aeta of Santa Fé lu-am'-po
Aeta of Subig lu-am'-pa
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province aduamapolo
English Twenty-one
Zambal of Bolinao rul-an-pu'-ro-sa'-ya
Zambal of Iba lu'-am-po'-lo-a'-sa
Zambal--Aeta lu-am-po-mi'-ha
Aeta of Santa Fé lu-am'-po-mi'-ha
Aeta of Subig lu-am'-po-mi'-ba
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Thirty
Zambal of Bolinao ta-ron-pu'-ro
Zambal of Iba to'-lom-po'-lo
Zambal--Aeta tat-lom-po'
Aeta of Santa Fé tat-lom'-po
Aeta of Subig tat-lom'-po
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Forty
Zambal of Bolinao a'-pat-a-pu'-ro
Zambal of Iba a'-pat-a-po'-lo
Zambal--Aeta a'-pat-a-po'
Aeta of Santa Fé a'-pat-a-po'
Aeta of Subig a'-pat-a-po'
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English One hundred
Zambal of Bolinao san-ya'-sot
Zambal of Iba say-a-tos'
Zambal--Aeta mi'-hun-ga'-to
Aeta of Santa Fé mi-hun-ga'-to
Aeta of Subig ma-ga'-to
Aeta, Bataan Province sandaan*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province isinadian
English I
Zambal of Bolinao si'-ko
Zambal of Iba si'-ko
Zambal--Aeta hi'-ko
Aeta of Santa Fé hi'-co
Aeta of Subig
Aeta, Bataan Province a'-co*
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English You
Zambal of Bolinao si'-ka
Zambal of Iba kay'-o
Zambal--Aeta kay'-o
Aeta of Santa Fé hi'-ca
Aeta of Subig
Aeta, Bataan Province icao
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English He
Zambal of Bolinao si-tao'
Zambal of Iba hi'-a
Zambal--Aeta
Aeta of Santa Fé
Aeta of Subig
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English We
Zambal of Bolinao si-ka'-mi
Zambal of Iba hi-ta'-mo
Zambal--Aeta hi-ta'-mo
Aeta of Santa Fé
Aeta of Subig
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English They
Zambal of Bolinao sa'-ra
Zambal of Iba hi'-la
Zambal--Aeta hi'-la
Aeta of Santa Fé
Aeta of Subig
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Our
Zambal of Bolinao i'-ko-mi
Zambal of Iba i-kun'-ta-mo
Zambal--Aeta i-kun-ta'-mo
Aeta of Santa Fé
Aeta of Subig
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English My
Zambal of Bolinao i-kon'-ko
Zambal of Iba i-kon'-ko
Zambal--Aeta i-kon'-ko
Aeta of Santa Fé
Aeta of Subig
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Near
Zambal of Bolinao a'-dam
Zambal of Iba ma-ra'-mi
Zambal--Aeta ma-ra'-mi
Aeta of Santa Fé
Aeta of Subig
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
English Far
Zambal of Bolinao a-day'-o
Zambal of Iba ma-day'-yo
Zambal--Aeta ma-ro'-yo
Aeta of Santa Fé
Aeta of Subig
Aeta, Bataan Province
Dumagat, Bulacan Province
The words marked (*) were taken from Montano's vocabulary in his
Mission aux Philippines. The others were collected by C. J. Cooke,
MS. of The Ethnological Survey, and E. J. Simons, MS. of The
Ethnological Survey.
NOTES
[1] Les Pygmées, 1887.
[2] However, when one attempts to fathom the mysteries surrounding
the origin and migrations of the Negrito race he becomes hopelessly
involved in a labyrinth of conjecture. Did the Negritos come from
somewhere in Asia, some island like New Guinea, or is their original
home now sunk beneath the sea? In the present state of our knowledge
we can not hope to know. We find them in certain places to-day; we
may believe that they once lived in certain other places, because the
people now living there have characteristics peculiar to the little
black men. But the Negrito has left behind no archaeological remains
to guide the investigator, and he who attempts seriously to consider
this question is laying up for himself a store of perplexing problems.
It may be of interest to present here the leading facts in connection
with the distribution of the Negrito race and to summarize the views
set forth by various leading anthropologists who have given the
subject most study.
The deduction of the French scientists De Quatrefages and Hamy
have been based almost entirely on craniological and osteological
observations, and these authors argue a much wider distribution of
the Negritos than other writers hold. In fact, according to these
writers, traces of Negritos are found practically everywhere from
India to Japan and New Guinea.
De Quatrefages in Les Pygmées, 1887, divides what he calls the "Eastern
pygmies," as opposed to the African pygmies, into two divisions--the
Negrito-Papuans and the Negritos proper. The former, he says, have New
Guinea as a center of population and extend as far as Gilolo and the
Moluccas. They are distinguished from the true Papuans who inhabit
New Guinea and who are not classed by that writer as belonging to
the Negrito race.
On the other hand, Wallace and Earl, supported by Meyer, all of whom
have made some investigations in the region occupied by the Papuans,
affirm that there is but a single race and that its identity with
the Negritos is unmistakable. Meyer (Distribution of Negritos, 1898,
p. 77) says that he and Von Maclay in 1873 saw a number of Papuans
in Tidore. He had just come from the Philippines and Von Maclay
had then come from Astrolabe Bay, in New Guinea. With these Papuans
before them they discussed the question of the unity of the races,
and Von Maclay could see no difference between these Papuans and those
of Astrolabe Bay, while Meyer declared that the similarities between
them and the Negritos of the Philippines was most striking. He says:
"That was my standpoint then regarding the question, neither can I
relinquish it at present."
Although they defended the unity of the Negritos and the Papuans they
recognized that the Papuans were diversified and presented a variety
of types, but Meyer regards this not as pointing to a crossing
of different elements but as revealing simply the variability of
the race. He continues (p. 80): "As the external _habitus_ of the
Negritos must be declared as almost identical with that of the Papuans,
differences in form of the skull, the size of the body, and such like
have the less weight in opposition to the great uniformity, as strong
contrasts do not even come into play here, and if the Negritos do not
show such great amount of variation in their physical characters as
the Papuans--which, however, is by no means sufficiently attested--it
is no wonder in the case Of a people which has been driven back and
deprived of the opportunity of developing itself freely."
Thus it remains for future investigations to establish beyond doubt
the identity of the Papuans.
De Quatrefages divides all other Eastern pygmies into two
divisions--insular and continental--and no authors find fault with this
classification. Only in fixing the distribution of the Negritos do
the authorities differ. The islands admitted by everybody to contain
Negritos to-day may be eliminated from the discussion. These are
the Philippines and the Andamans. In the latter the name "Mincopies"
has been given to the little blacks, though how this name originated
no one seems to know. It is certain that the people do not apply the
name to themselves. Extensive study of the Andamans has been made by
Flower and Man.
The Moluccas and lesser Sunda Islands just west of New Guinea were
stated by De Quatrefages in 1887 (Les Pygmées) to be inhabited by
Negritos, although three years previously, as recorded in Hommes
Fossiles, 1884, he had doubted their existence there. He gave no
authority, and assigned no reason in his later work for this change
of opinion. Meyer thinks this sufficient reason why one should not
take De Quatrefages too seriously, and states that proofs of the
existence of the Negritos in this locality are "so weak as not to
be worth discussing them in detail." From deductions based on the
examination of a single skull Hamy inferred that pure Negritos were
found on Timor, but the people of Timor were found by Meyer to be
mixed Papuans and Malays, resembling the latter on the coasts and
the former in the interior.
Likewise in Celebes, Borneo, and Java the French writers think
that traces of an ancient Negrito population may be found, while
Meyer holds that there is not sufficient evidence to warrant such an
assumption. In Sumatra he admits that there is an element not Malayan,
which on account of the nearness of Malacca may be _Negritic,_ but
that fact is so far by no means proved.
In regard to Formosa Meyer quotes Scheteleg (Trans. Ethn. Soc.,
n.s., 1869, vii): "I am convinced * * * that the Malay origin of
most of the inhabitants of Formosa is incontestable." But Hamy holds
that the two skulls which Scheteleg brought were Negrito skulls,
an assumption which Meyer (Distribution of Negritos, 1898, p. 52)
disposes of as follows: "To conclude the occurrence of a race in a
country from certain characters in two skulls, when this race has
not been registered from that country, is, in the present embryonic
state of craniology, an unwarrantable proceeding."
In like manner Hamy has found that a certain Japanese skull in the
Paris Museum resembles a Negrito skull, and he also finds traces of
Negritos in Japan in the small stature, crisp hair, and darker color
of the natives of the interior of the Island of Kiusiu. But Meyer
holds that the facts brought forward up to the present time are far
from being established, and objects to the acceptance of surmises
and explanations more or less subjective as conclusive.
There is no doubt of the occurrence of Negritos in the peninsula of
Malacca, where both pure and mixed people have been found. These
are reported under a variety of names, of which Semang and Sakaí
are perhaps the best known. Meyer (Distribution of Negritos, p. 62,
footnote 2) says: "Stevens divides the Negritos of Malacca into two
principal tribes--the Belendas, who with the Tumiors branched off
from the Kenis tribe, and the Meniks, who consist of the Panggans
of Kelantan and Petani and the Semangs of the west coast. Only
the Panggans * * * and the Tumiors are pure Negritos. A name often
recurring for the Belendas is Sakeis (Malay: 'bondman,' 'servant'),
a designation given them in the first instance by the Malays but
which they often also apply to themselves when addressing strangers."
In their efforts to find Negrito traces in the Mao-tse, the aboriginal
peoples of the Chinese Empire, De Lacouperie and De Quatrefages
have, in the opinion of Meyer, even less to stand on than had Hamy
in the case of Japan. In like manner it remains to be proved whether
the Moií of Annam are related to Negritos, as the two French writers
have stated, but whose opinions have been vigorously opposed by Meyer
and others.
The question of the aboriginal inhabitants of India is one of even
greater importance and presents greater difficulties. If it can
be shown that this aboriginal population was Negrito, and if the
relations which researches, especially in philology, have indicated
between the peoples of India and those of Australia can be proved,
a range of possibilities of startling importance, affecting the race
question of Oceania in general and the origin and distribution of the
Negritos in particular, will be opened up. In regard to the Indian
question there is much diversity of opinion. De Quatrefages and Hamy,
as usual, regard the Negritos as established in India, but Topinard
and Virchow are opposed to this belief. Meyer holds that "this part
of the Negrito question is in no way ripe for decision, and how much
less the question as to a possible relationship of this hypothetical
primitive population with the Negroes of Africa." (Distribution of
Negritos, 1899, p. 70.)
In anthropology a statement may be regarded as proved for the time
being so long as no opposition to it exists. With the exception of
the Philippine and the Andaman Islands and the Malay Peninsula,
as we have seen, the presence of traces of Negritos is an open
question. The evidence at hand is incomplete and insufficient, and
we must therefore be content to let future investigators work out
these unsolved problems.
[3] English edition of Stanley, 1874, p. 106.
[4] Distribution of Negritos, 1899, p. 6, footnote.
[5] Zúñiga, Estadismo de las Islas Filipinas. Reprint by Retana,
vol. I, p. 422.
[6] By this is meant Fr. San Antonio's Chronicas de la Apostolica,
Provincia de San Gregorio, etc., 1738-1744.
[7] Relación de las Islas Filipinas, 1604; 2d ed., 1890, p. 38.
[8] Meyer, Distribution of Negritos, 1899, p. 4.
[9] See sketch map, Pl. I.
[10] Estadismo de las Islas Filipinas. Ed. Retana, 1893, I, p. 421.
[11] Ca-ing-in is a Malayan word for cultivated clearing.
[12] The province has recently been divided by act of the Philippine
Commission, the northern part above Santa Cruz being joined to
Pangasinan.
[13] Francisco Cañamaque, Boletin de la Sociedad Geografica de Madrid,
vol IX, 1880.
[14] Diccionario Geográfico, etc., de las Islas Filipinas, vol. II,
1850.
[15] Cañamaque.
[16] Zúñiga, Estadismo de las Islas Filipinas, 1803.
[17] This was evidently the belief of some of the old
voyagers. Navarette, whose account of his travels in 1647 is published
in Churchill's Collection of Voyages, 1704, said that the people
called "Zambales" were great archers and had no other weapons than
the bow and arrow. Dr. John Frances Gemelli Careri, who made a voyage
around the world, 1693-1697, says in his report (Churchill's Voyages,
vol. IV): "This mixing [that is, of Negritos] with the Wild _Indians_
produced the Tribe of _Manghian_ who are Blacks dwelling in the Isles
of Mindoro and Mundos [probably Panay], and who peopled the Islands
_de los Negros,_ or of Blacks. Some of them have harsh frisled hair
like the _African_ and _Angola_ blacks. * * *
"The _Sambali,_ contrary to the others, tho' Wild have long Hair,
like the other Conquer'd _Indians._ The Wives, of these Savages
are deliver'd in the Woods, like She Goats, and immediately wash
themselves and the Infants in the Rivers, or other cold Water; which
would be immediate Death to _Europeans._ These Blacks when pursu'd
by the _Spaniards,_ with the sound of little Sticks, give notice to
the rest, that are dispers'd about the Woods, to save themselves by
Flight. Their Weapons are Bows and Arrows, a short Spear, and a short
Weapon, or Knife at their Girdle. They Poison their Arrows, which are
sometimes headed with Iron, or a sharp Stone, and they bore the Point,
that it may break in their Enemies Body, and so be unfit to be shot
back. For their defense, they use a Wooden Buckler, four Spans long,
and two in breadth, which always hangs at their Arm.
"Tho' I had much discourse about it, with the Fathers of the Society,
and other Missioners, who converse with these Blacks, _Manghians,
Mandi_ and _Sambali,_ I could never learn any thing of their Religion;
but on the contrary, all unanimously agree they have none, but live
like Beasts, and the most that has been seen among the Blacks on the
Mountains, has been a round Stone, to which they pay'd a Veneration,
or a Trunk of a Tree, or Beasts, or other things they find about,
and this only out of fear. True it is, that by means of the Heathen
_Chineses_ who deal with them in the Mountains, some deformed Statues
have been found in their Huts. The other three beforemention'd Nations,
seem'd inclin'd to observing of Auguries and _Mahometan_ Superstitions,
by reason of their Commerce, with the _Malayes_ and _Ternates._ The
most reciev'd Opinion is, that these Blacks were the first Inhabitants
of the Islands; and that being Cowards, the Sea Coasts were easily
taken from them by People resorting from _Sumatra, Borneo, Macassar_
and other Places; and therefore they retir'd to the Mountains. In
short, in all the Islands where these Blacks, and other Savage Men are,
the _Spaniards_ Possess not much beyond the Sea Coasts; and not that
in all Parts, especially from _Maribeles,_ to Cape _Bolinao_ in the
Island of _Manila,_ where for 50 Leagues along the Shoar, there is
no Landing, for fear of the Blacks, who are most inveterate Enemies
to the _Europeans._ Thus all the in-land Parts being possess'd by
these Brutes, against whom no Army could prevail in the thick Woods,
the King of _Spain_ has scarce one in ten of the Inhabitants of the
Island, that owns him, as the _Spaniards_ often told me."
[18] Journal Anth. Inst. Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 15.
[19] Pygmies, p. 111.
[20] Montano, Mission aux Philippines, p. 316.
[21] MS. Coll. of The Ethnological Survey.
[22] Voyage aux Philippines, p. 71; Mission aux Philippines, p. 315.
[23] MS. Coll. of The Ethnological Survey.
[24] In the footnote on page 29 is given an extract from Careri's
Voyages, in which the following occurs: "True it is, that by means
of the heathen Chinese who deal with them in the mountains, some
deformed statues have been found in their huts."
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