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Title: The Attempted Assassination of ex-President Theodore Roosevelt
Author: Remey, Oliver, Cochems, Henry, Bloodgood, Wheeler
Language: English
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[Illustration: THEODORE ROOSEVELT].
THE ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION
_of_
EX-PRESIDENT
Theodore Roosevelt
Written, Compiled, and Edited by
OLIVER E. REMEY
HENRY F. COCHEMS
WHEELER P. BLOODGOOD
Published by
THE PROGRESSIVE PUBLISHING COMPANY
of Milwaukee, Wisconsin
Copyright.
1912,
by O. E. Remey, Milwaukee
LIBRARY EDITION.
A Library Edition of this book is in the hands of the printers and will
be issued shortly.
This edition will be bound in hard cover. The volume will be neatly
bound and suitable for public and private libraries.
The Library Edition will be limited in number.
Those who desire a copy will be mailed a copy as soon as the edition
is off the press, if they will send one dollar to the Progressive
Publishing Company of Milwaukee, Wis., Room 600 Caswell Block,
Milwaukee.
The demand for this edition is rapidly exhausting it.
THIS HISTORICAL NARRATIVE
IS DEDICATED TO
EX-PRESIDENT THEODORE ROOSEVELT
THE GREATEST AMERICAN
OF HIS TIME.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
PAGE.
Theodore Roosevelt Frontispiece
Shirts Worn by the Ex-President 18
Page of Ex-President's Manuscript 24
X-Ray Photograph Showing Bullet 32
John Flammang Schrank 40
Page One of Schrank's Letter 50
Page Two of Schrank's Letter 60
Capt. A. O. Girard 70
Elbert E. Martin 80
Automobile in Which Ex-President Roosevelt Was Shot 90
Johnston Emergency Hospital 100
Judge August C. Backus 110
District Attorney Winifred C. Zabel 120
Dr. Joseph Colt Bloodgood 130
Dr. R. G. Sayle 140
John T. Janssen, Chief of Police 150
Mrs. Theodore Roosevelt 160
Members of Sanity Commission 170
Hotel Gilpatrick 180
Schrank in County Jail 190
Henry F. Cochems 199
James G. Flanders, Schrank's Attorney 236
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE.
Preface 9
Chronology 11
Chapter I. The Shot is Fired 15
Chapter II. Speaks to Great Audience 25
Chapter III. Roosevelt in the Emergency 51
Chapter IV. Careful of Collar Buttons 57
Chapter V. Arrival at Mercy Hospital 64
Chapter VI. Gets Back into Campaign 74
Chapter VII. Back at Sagamore Hill 82
Chapter VIII. Arrest, Appears in Court 91
Chapter IX. Appears in Municipal Court 99
Chapter X. Schrank Declared Insane 105
Chapter XI. Shows Repentance But Once 112
Chapter XII. Schrank Before Chief 117
Chapter XIII. Witnesses of the Shooting 132
Chapter XIV. A Second Examination 153
Chapter XV. Report of the Alienists 192
Chapter XVI. Finding of the Alienists 195
Chapter XVII. Schrank Describes Shooting 202
Chapter XVIII. Conclusion of Commission 208
Chapter XIX. Schrank Discusses Visions 210
Chapter XX. Schrank's Defense 213
Chapter XXI. Schrank's Unwritten Laws 224
Chapter XXII. Unusual Court Precedent 235
PREFACE.
At 8:10 o'clock on the night of Oct. 14, 1912, a shot was fired the
echo of which swept around the entire world in thirty minutes.
An insane man attempted to end the life of the only living ex-president
of the United States and the best known American.
The bullet failed of its mission.
Col. Theodore Roosevelt, carrying the leaden missile intended as a
pellet of death in his right side, has recovered. He is spared for many
more years of active service for his country.
John Flammang Schrank, the mad man who fired the shot, is in the
Northern Hospital for the Insane at Oshkosh, Wis., pronounced by a
commission of five alienists a paranoiac. If he recovers he will face
trial for assault with intent to kill.
This little book presents an accurate story of the attempt upon the
life of the ex-president. The aim of those who present it is that,
being an accurate narrative, it shall be a contribution to the history
of the United States.
This book is written, compiled and edited by Henry F. Cochems, Chairman
of the national speakers' bureau of the Progressive party during the
1912 campaign, and who was with Col. Roosevelt in the automobile when
the ex-president was shot, Wheeler P. Bloodgood, Wisconsin
representative of the National Progressive committee, and Oliver E.
Remey, city editor of the Milwaukee Free Press, who necessarily
followed all incidents of the shooting closely.
The story told is an historical narrative in the preparation of which
accuracy never has been lost sight of.
CHRONOLOGY.
October 14, 1912--At 8:10 o'clock P.M., John Flammang Schrank, of New
York, a paranoiac, shoots ex-President Theodore Roosevelt in the right
side with a 38-caliber bullet as the ex-President is standing in an
automobile in front of Hotel Gilpatrick, Milwaukee. Schrank is
immediately arrested, after a struggle to recover the revolver and
protect him from violence. Col. Roosevelt, bleeding from his wound, is
driven to the Auditorium, Milwaukee, and speaks to an audience of 9,000
for eighty minutes. Immediately after his speech he is taken to the
Johnston Emergency hospital, Milwaukee, where his wound is dressed. At
12:30 o'clock he is taken on a special train to Chicago, then to Mercy
hospital.
October 15, 1912--Schrank is arraigned in District court, Milwaukee,
and admits having fired the shot. He is bound over to Municipal court
for preliminary hearing.
October 18, 1912--Ex-President Roosevelt passes crisis in Mercy
hospital, Chicago.
October 21, 1912--Ex-President Roosevelt leaves Chicago for his home at
Oyster Bay, R.I.
October 22, 1912--Ex-President Roosevelt reaches home after a trip not
seriously impairing his condition.
October 26, 1912--Ex-President Roosevelt takes first walk out of doors.
October 27, 1912--Ex-President Roosevelt celebrates his fifty-fourth
birthday.
October 30, 1912--Ex-President Roosevelt speaks to an audience of
16,000 in Madison Square Garden, New York, over 30,000 having been
turned away. He is given an ovation lasting forty-five minutes.
November 1, 1912--Ex-President Roosevelt again speaks to an audience
filling Madison Square Garden. But for his request that it cease so
that he could speak, the ovation would have exceeded that of October
30.
November 3, 1912--Ex-President Roosevelt makes his last campaign speech
at Oyster Bay, R.I.
November 5, 1912--Ex-President Roosevelt votes at Oyster Bay, R.I.
November 12, 1912--John Flammang Schrank pleads guilty to assault with
intent to murder before Judge August C. Backus in Municipal court,
Milwaukee. Judge Backus appoints a commission of five Milwaukee
alienists to determine, as officers of the court, Schrank's sanity.
November 14, 1912--The sanity commission begins examinations of
Schrank.
November 22, 1912--The sanity commission reports to Judge A. C. Backus
in Municipal court, Milwaukee, that Schrank is insane and was insane at
the time he shot ex-President Roosevelt. Schrank is committed to the
Northern Hospital for the Insane at Oshkosh, Wis. Judge Backus in
making the commitment orders that in the event of recovery Schrank
shall face trial on the charge of assault with intent to kill.
November 25, 1912--Schrank is taken to the Northern Hospital for the
Insane, Oshkosh, Wis., by deputies from the office of the sheriff of
Milwaukee county.
CHAPTER I.
THE SHOT IS FIRED.
RELATED BY HENRY F. COCHEMS AFTER THE SHOOTING.
At 8:10 o'clock on the night of Oct. 14, 1912, an attempt was made to
assassinate Ex-President Theodore Roosevelt in the city of Milwaukee.
Col. Roosevelt had dined at the Hotel Gilpatrick with the immediate
members of his traveling party. The time having arrived to leave for
the Auditorium, where he was due to speak, he left his quarters, and,
emerging from the front of the hotel, crossing the walk, stepped into a
waiting automobile.
Instantly that he appeared a wild acclaim of applause and welcome
greeted him. He settled in his seat, but, responsive to the persistent
roar of the crowd, which extended in dense masses for over a block in
every direction, he rose in acknowledgement, raising his hat in salute.
At this instant there cracked out the vicious report of a pistol shot,
the flash of the gun showing that the would-be assassin had fired from
a distance of only four or five feet.
Instantly there was a wild panic and confusion. Elbert E. Martin, one
of Col. Roosevelt's stenographers, a powerful athlete and ex-football
player, leaped across the machine and bore the would-be assassin to the
ground. At the same moment Capt. A. O. Girard, a former Rough Rider and
bodyguard of the ex-President, and several policemen were upon him.
Col. Roosevelt's knees bent just a trifle, and his right hand reached
forward on the door of the car tonneau. Then he straightened himself
and reached back against the upholstered seat, but in the same instant
he straightened himself, he again raised his hat, a reassuring smile
upon his face, apparently the coolest and least excited of any one in
the frenzied mob, who crowding in upon the man who fired the shot,
continued to call out:
"Kill him, kill him."
I had stepped into the car beside Col. Roosevelt, about to take my seat
when the shot was fired. Throwing my arm about the Colonel's waist, I
asked him if he had been hit, and after Col. Roosevelt saying in an
aside, "He pinked me, Harry," called out to those who were wildly
tearing at the would-be assassin:
"Don't hurt him; bring him to me here!"
The sharp military tone of command was heard in the midst of the
general uproar, and Martin, Girard and the policemen dragged Schrank
toward where Mr. Roosevelt stood. Arriving at the side of the car, the
revolver, grasped by three or four hands of men struggling for
possession, was plainly visible, and I succeeded in grasping the barrel
of the revolver, and finally in getting it from the possession of a
detective. Mr. Martin says that Schrank still had his hands on the
revolver at that time. The Colonel then said:
"Officers, take charge of him, and see that there is no violence done
to him."
The crowd had quickly cleared from in front of the automobile, and we
drove through, Col. Roosevelt waving a hand, the crowd now
half-hysterical with frenzied excitement.
After rounding the corner I drew the revolver from my overcoat pocket
and saw that it was a 38-caliber long which had been fired. As the
Colonel looked at the revolver he said:
"A 38-Colt has an ugly drive."
Mr. McGrath, one of the Colonel's secretaries riding at his right side,
said:
"Why, Colonel, you have a hole in your overcoat. He has shot you."
The Colonel said:
"I know it," and opened his overcoat, which disclosed his white linen,
shirt, coat and vest saturated with blood. We all instantly implored
and pleaded with the Colonel to drive with the automobile to a
hospital, but he turned to me with a characteristic smile and said:
"I know I am good now; I don't know how long I may be. This may be my
last talk in this cause to our people, and while I am good I am going
to drive to the hall and deliver my speech."
[Illustration: Shirts Worn by Ex-President Roosevelt Showing Extent
of Bleeding from Wound While He Spoke to 9,000 People.]
By the time we had arrived at the hall the shock had brought a pallor
to his face. On alighting he walked firmly to the large waiting room in
the back of the Auditorium stage, and there Doctors Sayle, Terrell and
Stratton opened his shirt, exposing his right breast.
Just below the nipple of his right breast appeared a gaping hole. They
insisted that under no consideration should he speak, but the Colonel
asked:
"Has any one a clean handkerchief?"
Some one extending one, he placed it over the wound, buttoned up his
clothes and said:
"Now, gentlemen, let's go in," and advanced to the front of the
platform.
I, having been asked to present him to the audience, after admonishing
the crowd that there was no occasion for undue excitement, said that an
attempt to assassinate Col. Roosevelt had taken place; that the bullet
was still in his body, and that he would attempt to make his speech as
promised.
As the Colonel stepped forward, some one in the audience said audibly:
"Fake," whereupon the Colonel smilingly said:
"No, it's no fake," and opening his vest, the blood-red stain upon his
linen was clearly visible.
A half-stifled expression of horror swept through the audience.
About the first remark uttered in the speech, as the Colonel grinned
broadly at the audience, was:
"It takes more than one bullet to kill a Bull Moose. I'm all right, no
occasion for any sympathy whatever, but I want to take this occasion
within five minutes after having been shot to say some things to our
people which I hope no one will question the profound sincerity of."
Throughout his speech, which continued for an hour and twenty minutes,
the doctors and his immediate staff of friends, sitting closely behind
him, expected that he might at any moment collapse. I was so persuaded
of this that I stepped over the front of the high platform to the
reporters' section immediately beneath where he was speaking, so that I
might catch him if he fell forward.
These precautions, however, were unnecessary, for, while his speech
lacked in the characteristic fluency of other speeches, while the shock
and pain caused his argument to be somewhat labored, yet it was with a
soldierly firmness and iron determination, which more than all things
in Roosevelt's career discloses to the country the real Roosevelt, who
at the close of his official service as President in 1909 left that
high office the most beloved public figure in our history since Lincoln
fell, and the most respected citizen of the world. As was said in an
editorial in the Chicago Evening Post:
"There is no false sentiment here; there is no self-seeking. The
guards are down. The soul of the man stands forth as it is. In the
Valley of the Shadow his own simple declaration of his sincerity,
his own revelation of the unselfish quality of his devotion to the
greatest movement of his generation, will be the standard by which
history will pass upon Theodore Roosevelt its final judgment. This
much they cannot take from him, no matter whether he is now to live
or to die."
To the men of America, who either love or hate Roosevelt personally,
these words from his speech must carry an imperishable lesson:
"The bullet is in me now, so that I cannot make a very long speech. But
I will try my best.
"And now, friends, I want to take advantage of this incident to say as
solemn a word of warning as I know how to my fellow Americans.
"First of all, I want to say this about myself: I have altogether too
many important things to think of to pay any heed or feel any concern
over my own death.
"Now I would not speak to you insincerely within five minutes of being
shot. I am telling you the literal truth when I say that my concern is
for many other things. It is not in the least for my own life.
"I want you to understand that I am ahead of the game anyway. No man
has had a happier life than I have had--a happier life in every way.
"I have been able to do certain things that I greatly wished to do, and
I am interested in doing other things.
"I can tell you with absolute truthfulness that I am very much
uninterested in whether I am shot or not.
"It was just as when I was colonel of my regiment. I always felt that a
private was to be excused for feeling at times some pangs of anxiety
about his personal safety, but I cannot understand a man fit to be a
colonel who can pay any heed to his personal safety when he is
occupied, as he ought to be occupied, with the absorbing desire to do
his duty.
"I am in this cause with my whole heart and soul; I believe in the
Progressive movement--a movement for the betterment of mankind, a
movement for making life a little easier for all our people, a movement
to try to take the burdens off the man and especially the woman in this
country who is most oppressed.
"I am absorbed in the success of that movement. I feel uncommonly proud
in belonging to that movement.
"Friends, I ask you now this evening to accept what I am saying as
absolute truth when I tell you I am not thinking of my own success, I
am not thinking of my own life or of anything connected with me
personally."
The disabling of Col. Roosevelt at this tragic moment was a great
strategic loss in his campaign. The mind of the country was in a
pronounced state of indecision. He had started at Detroit, Mich., one
week before and had planned to make a great series of sledge hammer
speeches upon every vital issue in the campaign, which plan took him to
the very close of the fight. He had planned to put his strongest
opponent in a defensive position, the effect of which, now that all is
over, no man can measure. Stricken down, an immeasurable loss was
sustained. In the years that lie before, when misjudgment and
misstatements, which are the petty things born of prejudice, and which
die with the breath that gives them life, shall have passed away, this
incident and the soldierly conduct of the brave man who was its victim
will have a real chastening and wholesome historical significance.
[Illustration: Page from Ex-President Roosevelt's Manuscript of
Speech Showing Bullet Holes.]
CHAPTER II.
SPEAKS TO GREAT AUDIENCE.[1]
Standing with his coat and vest opened, holding before him manuscript
of the speech he had prepared to deliver, through which were two
perforations by Schrank's bullet, the ex-President was given an ovation
which shook the mammoth Auditorium, Milwaukee.
[1] Stenographic Report from The Milwaukee Sentinel.
The audience seemed unable to realize the truth of the statement of
Henry F. Cochems, who had introduced Col. Roosevelt, that the
ex-President had been shot. Col. Roosevelt had opened his vest to show
blood from his wound.
Even then many in the audience did not comprehend that they were
witnessing a scene destined to go down in history--an ex-President of
the United States, blood still flowing from the bullet wound of a
would-be assassin, delivering a speech from manuscript perforated by
the bullet of the assailant.
Col. Roosevelt said:
"Friends, I shall ask you to be as quiet as possible," he said. "I
don't know whether you fully understand that I have just been shot, but
it takes more than that to kill a bull moose. (Cheers.) But fortunately
I had my manuscript, so you see I was going to make a long speech
(holds up manuscript with bullet hole) and there is a bullet--there is
where the bullet went through and it probably saved me from it going
into my heart. The bullet is in me now, so that I can not make a very
long speech, but I will try my best. (Cheers.)
"And now, friends, I want to take advantage of this incident and say a
word of a solemn warning, as I know how to my fellow countrymen. First
of all, I want to say this about myself: I have altogether too
important things to think of to feel any concern over my own death, and
now I can not speak to you insincerely within five minutes of being
shot. I am telling you the literal truth when I say that my concern is
for many other things. It is not in the least for my own life. I want
you to understand that I am ahead of the game, anyway. (Applause and
cheers.) No man has had a happier life than I have led; a happier life
in every way. I have been able to do certain things that I greatly
wished to do and I am interested in doing other things. I can tell you
with absolute truthfulness that I am very much uninterested in whether
I am shot or not. It was just as when I was colonel of my regiment. I
always felt that a private was to be excused for feeling at times some
pangs of anxiety about his personal safety, but I can not understand a
man fit to be a colonel who can pay any heed to his personal safety
when he is occupied as he ought to be occupied with the absorbing
desire to do his duty. (Applause and cheers.)
"I am in this cause with my whole heart and soul. I believe that the
progressive movement is for making life a little easier for all our
people; a movement to try to take the burdens off the men and
especially the women and children of this country. I am absorbed in the
success of that movement.
"Friends, I ask you now this evening to accept what I am saying as
absolutely true, when I tell you I am not thinking of my own success. I
am not thinking of my life or of anything connected with me personally.
I am thinking of the movement. I say this by way of introduction
because I want to say something very serious to our people and
especially to the newspapers. I don't know anything about who the man
was who shot me tonight. He was seized at once by one of the
stenographers in my party, Mr. Martin, and I suppose is now in the
hands of the police. He shot to kill. He shot--the shot, the bullet
went in here--I will show you (opened his vest and shows bloody stain
in the right breast; stain covered the entire lower half of his shirt
to the waist).
"I am going to ask you to be as quiet as possible for I am not able to
give the challenge of the bull moose quite as loudly. Now I do not know
who he was or what party he represented. He was a coward. He stood in
the darkness in the crowd around the automobile and when they cheered
me and I got up to bow, he stepped forward and shot me in the darkness.
"Now friends, of course, I do not know, as I say, anything about him,
but it is a very natural thing that weak and vicious minds should be
inflamed to acts of violence by the kind of awful mendacity and abuse
that have been heaped upon me for the last three months by the papers
in the interest of not only Mr. Debs but of Mr. Wilson and Mr. Taft.
(Applause and cheers.)
"Friends, I will disown and repudiate any man of my party who attacks
with such foul slander and abuse any opponent of any other party
(applause) and now I wish to say seriously to all the daily newspapers,
to the republican, the democratic and the socialist parties that they
cannot month in and month out and year in and year out make the kind of
untruthful, of bitter assault that they have made and not expect that
brutal violent natures, or brutal and violent characters, especially
when the brutality is accompanied by a not very strong mind; they
cannot expect that such natures will be unaffected by it.
"Now friends, I am not speaking for myself at all. I give you my word,
I do not care a rap about being shot not a rap. (Applause.)
"I have had a good many experiences in my time and this is one of them.
What I care for is my country. (Applause and cheers.) I wish I were
able to impress upon my people--our people, the duty to feel strongly
but to speak the truth of their opponents. I say now, I have never said
one word against any opponent that I can not--on the stump--that I can
not defend. I have said nothing that I could not substantiate and
nothing that I ought not to have said--nothing that I--nothing that
looking back at I would not say again.
"Now friends, it ought not to be too much to ask that our opponents
(speaking to some one on the stage) I am not sick at all. I am all
right. I can not tell you of what infinitesimal importance I regard
this incident as compared with the great issues at stake in this
campaign and I ask it not for my sake, not the least in the world, but
for the sake of our common country, that they make up their minds to
speak only the truth, and not to use the kind of slander and mendacity
which if taken seriously must incite weak and violent natures to crimes
of violence. (Applause.) Don't you make any mistake. Don't you pity me.
I am all right. I am all right and you can not escape listening to the
speech either. (Laughter and applause.)
"And now, friends, this incident that has just occurred--this effort to
assassinate me, emphasizes to a peculiar degree the need of this
progressive movement. (Applause and cheers.) Friends, every good
citizen ought to do everything in his or her power to prevent the
coming of the day when we shall see in this country two recognized
creeds fighting one another, when we shall see the creed of the
'Havenots' arraigned against the creed of the 'Haves.' When that day
comes then such incidents as this tonight will be commonplace in our
history. When you make poor men--when you permit the conditions to grow
such that the poor man as such will be swayed by his sense of injury
against the men who try to hold what they improperly have won, when
that day comes, the most awful passions will be let loose and it will
be an ill day for our country.
"Now, friends, what we who are in this movement are endeavoring to do
is to forestall any such movement by making this a movement for justice
now--a movement in which we ask all just men of generous hearts to join
with the men who feel in their souls that lift upward which bids them
refuse to be satisfied themselves while their fellow countrymen and
countrywomen suffer from avoidable misery. Now, friends, what we
progressives are trying to do is to enroll rich or poor, whatever their
social or industrial position, to stand together for the most
elementary rights of good citizenship, those elementary rights which
are the foundation of good citizenship in this great republic of ours.
"My friends are a little more nervous than I am. Don't you waste any
sympathy on me. I have had an A1 time in life and I am having it now.
"I never in my life had any movement in which I was able to serve with
such wholehearted devotion as in this; in which I was able to feel as I
do in this that common weal. I have fought for the good of our common
country. (Applause.)
"And now, friends, I shall have to cut short much of the speech that I
meant to give you, but I want to touch on just two or three of the
points.
"In the first place, speaking to you here in Milwaukee, I wish to say
that the progressive party is making its appeal to all our fellow
citizens without any regard to their creed or to their birthplace. We
do not regard as essential the way in which a man worships his God or
as being affected by where he was born. We regard it as a matter of
spirit and purpose. In New York, while I was police commissioner, the
two men from whom I got the most assistance were Jacob Ries, who was
born in Denmark and Oliver Van Briesen, who was born in Germany, both
of them as fine examples of the best and highest American citizenship
as you could find in any part of this country.
[Illustration: X-Ray Photograph Showing Bullet as it Remains in
Theodore Roosevelt.]
"I have just been introduced by one of your own men here, Henry
Cochems. His grandfather, his father and that father's seven brothers
all served in the United States army and they entered it four years
after they had come to this country from Germany (applause). Two of
them left their lives, spent their lives on the field of battle--I am
all right--I am a little sore. Anybody has a right to be sore with a
bullet in him. You would find that if I was in battle now I would be
leading my men just the same. Just the same way I am going to make this
speech.
"At one time I promoted five men for gallantry on the field of battle.
Afterward it happened to be found in making some inquiries about that I
found that it happened that two of them were Protestants, two Catholics
and one a Jew. One Protestant came from Germany and one was born in
Ireland. I did not promote them because of their religion. It just
happened that way. If all five of them had been Jews, I would have
promoted them, or if all five had been Protestants I would have
promoted them; or if they had been Catholics. In that regiment I had a
man born in Italy who distinguished himself by gallantry, there was a
young fellow, a son of Polish parents, and another who came here when
he was a child from Bohemia, who likewise distinguished themselves, and
friends, I assure you, that I was incapable of considering any question
whatever, but the worth of each individual as a fighting man. If he was
a good fighting man, then I saw that Uncle Sam got the benefit from it.
That is all. (Applause.)
"I make the same appeal in our citizenship. I ask in our civic life we
in the same way pay heed only to the man's quality of citizenship to
repudiate as the worst enemy that we can have whoever tries to get us
to discriminate for or against any man because of his creed or his
birthplace.
"Now, friends, in the same way I want our people to stand by one
another without regard to differences or class or occupation. I have
always stood by the labor unions. I am going to make one omission
tonight. I have prepared my speech because Mr. Wilson had seen fit to
attack me by showing up his record in comparison with mine. But I am
not going to do that tonight. I am going to simply speak of what I
myself have done and of what I think ought to be done in this country
of ours. (Applause.)
"It is essential that there should be organizations of labor. This is
an era of organization. Capital organizes and therefore labor must
organize. (Applause.)
"My appeal for organized labor is twofold, to the outsider and the
capitalist I make my appeal to treat the laborers fairly, to recognize
the fact that he must organize, that there must be such organization,
that it is unfair and unjust--that the laboring man must organize for
his own protection and that it is the duty of the rest of us to help
him and not hinder him in organizing. That is one-half of the appeal
that I make.
"Now the other half is to the labor man himself. My appeal to him is to
remember that as he wants justice, so he must do justice. I want every
labor man, every labor leader, every organized union man to take the
lead in denouncing crime or violence. (Applause.) I want them to take
the lead (applause) in denouncing disorder and inciting riot, that in
this country we shall proceed under the protection of our laws and with
all respect to the laws and I want the labor men to feel in their turn
that exactly as justice must be done them so they must do justice. That
they must bear their duty as citizens, their duty to this great country
of ours and that they must not rest content without unless they do that
duty to the fullest degree. (Interruption.)
"I know these doctors when they get hold of me they will never let me
go back and there are just a few things more that I want to say to you.
"And here I have got to make one comparison between Mr. Wilson and
myself simply because he has invited it and I can not shrink from it.
"Mr. Wilson has seen fit to attack me, to say that I did not do much
against the trusts when I was president. I have got two answers to make
to that. In the first place what I did and then I want to compare what
I did while I was president with what Mr. Wilson did not do while he
was governor. (Applause and laughter.)
"When I took office as president"--(turning to stage) "How long have I
talked?"
Answer: "Three-quarters of an hour."
"Well, I will take a quarter of an hour more. (Laughter and applause.)
When I took office the anti-trust law was practically a dead letter and
the interstate commerce law in as poor a condition. I had to revive
both laws. I did. I enforced both. It will be easy enough to do now
what I did then, but the reason that it is easy now is because I did it
when it was hard. (Applause and cheers.)
"Nobody was doing anything. I found speedily that the interstate
commerce law by being made more perfect could be a most useful
instrument for helping solve some of our industrial problems with the
anti-trust law. I speedily found that almost the only positive good
achieved by such a successful lawsuit as the Northern Securities suit,
for instance, was for establishing the principle that the government
was supreme over the big corporation, but that by itself, or that law
did not do--did not accomplish any of the things that we ought to have
accomplished, and so I began to fight for the amendment of the law
along the lines of the interstate commerce, and now we propose, we
progressives, to establish an interstate commission having the same
power over industrial concerns that the interstate commerce commission
has over railroads, so that whenever there is in the future a decision
rendered in such important matters as the recent suits against the
Standard Oil, the sugar--no, not that--tobacco--the tobacco trust--we
will have a commission which will see that the decree of the court is
really made effective; that it is not made a merely nominal decree.
"Our opponents have said that we intend to legalize monopoly. Nonsense.
They have legalized monopoly. At this moment the Standard Oil and
Tobacco trust monopolies are legalized; they are being carried on under
the decree of the Supreme Court. (Applause.)
"Our proposal is really to break up monopoly. Our proposal is to put in
the law--to lay down certain requirements and then require the commerce
commission--the industrial commission to see that the trusts live up to
those requirements. Our opponents have spoken as if we were going to
let the commission declare what the requirements should be. Not at all.
We are going to put the requirements in the law and then see that the
commission makes the trust. (Interruption.) You see they don't trust
me. (Laughter.) That the commission requires them to obey that law.
"And now, friends, as Mr. Wilson has invited the comparison I only want
to say this: Mr. Wilson has said that the states are the proper
authorities to deal with the trusts. Well, about 80 per cent of the
trusts are organized in New Jersey. The Standard Oil, the tobacco, the
sugar, the beef, all those trusts are organized in New Jersey and Mr.
Wilson--and the laws of New Jersey say that their charters can at any
time be amended or repealed if they misbehave themselves and it gives
the government--the laws give the government ample power to act about
those laws and Mr. Wilson has been governor a year and nine months and
he has not opened his lips. (Applause and cheers.) The chapter
describing of what Mr. Wilson has done about the trusts in New Jersey
would read precisely like a chapter describing the snakes in Ireland,
which ran: 'There are no snakes in Ireland.' (Laughter and applause.)
Mr. Wilson has done precisely and exactly nothing about the trusts.
"I tell you and I told you at the beginning I do not say anything on
the stump that I do not believe. I do not say anything I do not know.
Let any of Mr. Wilson's friends on Tuesday point out one thing or let
Mr. Wilson point out one thing he has done about the trusts as governor
of New Jersey. (Applause.)
"And now, friends, I want to say one special thing here----"
(Col. Roosevelt turned to the table upon the stage to reach for his
manuscript, but found it in the hands of some one upon the stage. He
demanded it back with the words: "Teach them not to grab," which
provoked laughter.)
"And now, friends, there is one thing I want to say specially to you
people here in Wisconsin. All that I have said so far is what I would
say in any part of this union. I have a peculiar right to ask that in
this great contest you men and women of Wisconsin shall stand with us.
(Applause.) You have taken the lead in progressive movements here in
Wisconsin. You have taught the rest of us to look to you for
inspiration and leadership. Now, friends, you have made that movement
here locally. You will be doing a dreadful injustice to yourselves; you
will be doing a dreadful injustice to the rest of us throughout this
union if you fail to stand with us now that we are making this national
movement (applause) and what I am about to say now I want you to
understand if I speak of Mr. Wilson I speak with no mind of bitterness.
I merely want to discuss the difference of policy between the
progressive and the democratic party and to ask you to think for
yourselves which party you will follow. I will say that, friends,
because the republican party is beaten. Nobody need to have any idea
that anything can be done with the republican party. (Cheers and
applause.)
[Illustration: John Flammang Schrank.]
"When the republican party--not the republican party--when the bosses
in the control of the republican party, the Barneses and Penroses last
June stole the nomination and wrecked the republican party for good and
all. (Applause.) I want to point out to you, nominally, they stole that
nomination from me, but really it was from you. (Applause.) They did
not like me and the longer they live the less cause they will have to
like me. (Applause and laughter.) But while they do not like me, they
dread you. You are the people that they dread. They dread the people
themselves, and those bosses and the big special interests behind them
made up their mind that they would rather see the republican party
wrecked than see it come under the control of the people themselves. So
I am not dealing with the republican party. There are only two ways you
can vote this year. You can be progressive or reactionary. Whether you
vote republican or democratic it does not make any difference, you are
voting reactionary." (Applause.)
Col. Roosevelt stopped to take a drink of water and the doctors
remonstrated with him to stop talking, to which he replied: "It is
getting to be better and better as time goes on. (Turning to the
audience) If these doctors don't behave themselves I won't let them
look at me at all." (Laughter and applause.)
"Now the democratic party in its platform and through the utterances of
Mr. Wilson has distinctly committed itself to old flintlock, muzzle
loaded doctrine of states right and I have said distinctly that we are
for the people's right. We are for the rights of the people. If they
can be obtained best through the national government, then we are for
national rights. We are for the people's rights however it is necessary
to secure them.
"Mr. Wilson has made a long essay against Senator Beveridge's bill to
abolish child labor. It is the same kind of an argument that would be
made against our bill to prohibit women from working more than eight
hours a day in industry. It is the same kind of argument that would
have to be made, if it is true, it would apply equally against our
proposal to insist that in continuous industries there shall be by law
one day's rest in seven and a three-shift eight hour day. You have
labor laws here in Wisconsin, and any Chamber of Commerce will tell you
that because of that fact there are industries that will not come into
Wisconsin. They prefer to stay outside where they can work children of
tender years; where they can work women fourteen and sixteen hours a
day, where, if it is a continuous industry, they can work men twelve
hours a day and seven days a week.
"Now, friends, I know that you of Wisconsin would never repeal those
laws even if they are to your commercial hurt, just as I am trying to
get New York to adopt such laws even though it will be to New York's
commercial hurt. But if possible, I want to arrange it so that we can
have justice without commercial hurt, and you can only get that if you
have justice enforced nationally. You won't be burdened in Wisconsin
with industries not coming to the state if the same good laws are
extended all over the other states. (Applause.) Do you see what I mean?
The states all compete in a common market and it is not justice to the
employers of a state that has enforced just and proper laws to have
them exposed to the competition of another state where no such laws are
enforced. Now the democratic platform, their speaker declares that we
shall not have such laws. Mr. Wilson has distinctly declared that you
shall not have a national law to prohibit the labor of children, to
prohibit child labor. He has distinctly declared that we shall not have
law to establish a minimum wage for women.
"I ask you to look at our declaration and hear and read our platform
about social and industrial justice and then, friends, vote for the
progressive ticket without regard to me, without regard to my
personality, for only by voting for that platform can you be true to
the cause of progress throughout this union." (Applause.)
All through his talk, it was evident that his physicians feared his
injury had been more serious than he was willing to admit. That a man
with a bullet embedded in his body could stand up there and insist on
giving the audience the speech which they had come to hear was almost
incredible and it was plain the physicians as well as the other friends
of the colonel on the stage were greatly alarmed.
Col. Roosevelt, however, would have none of it. "Sit down, sit down,"
he said to those who, when he faltered once or twice, half rose to come
towards him. He insisted that he was having a good time in spite of his
injury.
Finally a motherly looking woman, a few rows of seats back from the
stage rose and said, "Mr. Roosevelt, we all wish you would be seated."
To this the colonel quickly replied: "I thank you, madam, but I don't
mind it a bit."
To those on the stage, who wished he would adopt the suggestion of
being seated, he said: "Good gracious if you saw me in the saddle at
the head of my troops with a bullet in me you would not mind."
The only time Col. Roosevelt gave up and took a seat was when he came
to a quotation from La Follette's weekly which paid him a tribute of
praise for his work as president. This was read by Assemblyman T. J.
Mahon, while the colonel rested.
At the conclusion of the reading Col. Roosevelt said that he was the
same man now that he was then. He had not been president since 1909 so
that what he was described as being then he was now.
T. J. Mahon read this editorial from La Follette's magazine of March
13, 1909:
"Roosevelt steps from the stage gracefully. He has ruled his party
to a large extent against its will. He has played a large part of
the world's work for the past seven years. The activities of his
remarkably forceful personality have been so manifold that it will
be long before his true rating will be fixed in the opinion of the
race. He is said to think that the three great things done by him
are the undertaking of the construction of the Panama canal and its
rapid and successful carrying forward, the making of peace between
Russia and Japan, and the sending around the world of the fleet.
"These are important things but many will be slow to think them his
great services. The Panama canal will surely serve mankind when in
operation; and the manner of organizing this work seems to be fine.
But no one can yet say whether this project will be a gigantic
success or a gigantic failure; and the task is one which must in
the nature of things have been undertaken and carried through some
time soon, as historic periods go, anyhow. The peace of Portsmouth
was a great thing to be responsible for, and Roosevelt's good
offices undoubtedly saved a great and bloody battle in Manchuria.
But the war was fought out, and the parties ready to quit, and
there is reason to think that it is only when this situation was
arrived at that the good offices of the President of the United
States were, more or less indirectly, invited. The fleet's cruise
was a strong piece of diplomacy, by which we informed Japan that we
will send our fleet wherever we please and whenever we please. It
worked out well.
"But none of these things, it will seem to many, can compare with
some of Roosevelt's other achievements. Perhaps he is loath to take
credit as a reformer, for he is prone to spell the word with
question marks, and to speak despairingly of 'reform.'
"But for all that, this contention of 'reformers' made reform
respectable in the United States, and this rebuke of 'muck-rakers'
has been the chief agent in making the history of 'muck-raking' in
the United States a national one, conceded to be useful. He has
preached from the White House many doctrines; but among them he has
left impressed on the American mind the one great truth of economic
justice couched in the pithy and stinging phrase 'the square deal.'
The task of making reform respectable in a commercialized world,
and of giving the national a slogan in a phrase, is greater than
the man who performed it is likely to think.
"And, then, there is the great and statesmanlike movement for the
conservation of our national resources, into which Roosevelt so
energetically threw himself at a time when the nation as a whole
knew not that we are ruining and bankrupting ourselves as fast as
we can. This is probably the greatest thing Roosevelt did,
undoubtedly. This globe is the capital stock of the race. It is
just so much coal and oil and gas. This may be economized or
wasted. This same thing is true of phosphates and other mineral
resources. Our water resources are immense, and we are only just
beginning to use them. Our forests have been destroyed; they must
be restored. Our soils are being depleted; they must be built up
and conserved.
"These questions are not of this day only, or of this generation.
They belong all to the future. Their consideration requires that
high moral tone which regards the earth as the home of a posterity
to whom we owe a sacred duty.
"This immense idea, Roosevelt, with high statesmanship, dinned into
the ears of the nation until the nation heeded. He held it so high
that it attracted the attention of the neighboring nations of the
continent, and will so spread and intensify that we will soon see
world's conferences devoted to it.
"Nothing can be greater or finer than this. It is so great and so
fine that when the historian of the future shall speak of Theodore
Roosevelt, he is likely to say that he did many notable things,
among them that of inaugurating the movement which finally resulted
in the square deal, but that his greatest work was inspiring and
actually beginning a world movement for staying terrestrial waste
and saving for the human race the things upon which, and upon which
alone, a great and peaceful and progressive and happy race life can
be founded.
"What statesman in all history has done anything calling for so
wide a view and for a purpose more lofty?"
[Illustration: Page One of Letter Found in Schrank's Pocket.]
CHAPTER III.
ROOSEVELT IN THE EMERGENCY.
After Colonel Roosevelt had finished speaking at the Auditorium, the
effect of the shock and loss of blood from the shot, was quite manifest
in his appearance. Despite this fact, however, he walked with firm step
to an automobile waiting at the rear of the big hall, and guarded by a
group of friends, was driven rapidly to the Johnston Emergency
hospital. Preparation had there been made for a careful examination and
for treatment by Dr. Scurry L. Terrell, who attended Col. Roosevelt
during his entire trip, Dr. R. G. Sayle and Dr. T. A. Stratton, both of
Milwaukee.
At the hospital, Dr. Joseph Colt Bloodgood, a surgeon of the faculty of
Johns-Hopkins university, was invited into the consultation. The
Colonel's first thought had been to reassure Mrs. Roosevelt and family
against any unnecessary fear, and before he received treatment, he sent
a long reassuring telegram, together with a telegram to Seth Bullock,
whose telegram was one of the first of the stream of telegrams which
began pouring in for news of the patient's condition.
During the preliminary examination of the wound by the doctors in the
Johnston Emergency hospital, preparations were completed to secure
X-ray pictures under the direction of Dr. J. S. Janssen,
Roentgenologist, Milwaukee. Dr. Janssen secured his views and left for
his laboratory to develop the negatives.
While these negatives were being secured, it was determined by the
doctors that no great additional danger would be incurred if Col.
Roosevelt were moved to a train, and by special train to Chicago, which
plan he had proposed, so that he might be nearer to the center of his
fight. He was moved by ambulance to the train, which left Milwaukee
shortly after midnight.
In the meantime, the completion of the X-ray pictures disclosed the
fact that the bullet laid between the fourth and fifth ribs, three and
one-half inches from the surface of the chest, on the right side, and
later examinations disclosed that it had shattered the fourth rib
somewhat, and was separated by only a delicate tissue from the pleural
cavity.
By a miracle it had spent its force, for had it entered slightly
farther, it would almost to a certainty have ended Col. Roosevelt's
life.
Upon Dr. Janssen's report of the location of the bullet, there was a
period of indecision, during which the train waited, before the
surgeons concluded that the patient might be taken to Chicago, despite
the deep nature of the wound, without seriously impairing his chances.
Arriving at Chicago about 3 in the morning of October 15, an ambulance
was procured and the Colonel taken to Mercy hospital, where he was
attended by Dr. John B. Murphy, Dr. Arthur Dean Bevan and Dr. S. L.
Terrell.
A week later, during which the surgeons concluded that the wound was
not mortal, and having recovered his strength somewhat, he was taken
East to his home at Oyster Bay.
The bullet lies where it imbedded itself. It has not been disturbed by
probes, because surgeons have concluded that such an effort would incur
additional danger.
That the shot fired by Schrank didn't succeed in murdering Col.
Roosevelt is a miracle of good fortune. A "thirty-eight" long Colt's
cartridge, fired from a pistol frame of "forty-four" caliber design, so
built because it gives a heavier drive to the projectile, fired at that
close range, meant almost inevitable death.
The aim was taken at a lower portion of Col. Roosevelt's body, but a
bystander struck Schrank's arm at the moment of explosion, and elevated
the direction of the shot. After passing through the Colonel's heavy
military overcoat, and his other clothing, it would have certainly
killed him had it not struck in its course practically everything which
he carried on his person which could impede its force.
In his coat pocket he had fifty pages of manuscript for the night's
speech, which had been doubled, causing the bullet to traverse a
hundred pages of manuscript.
It had struck also his spectacle case on the outer concave surface of
the gun metal material of which the case was constructed. It had passed
through a double fold of his heavy suspenders before reaching his body.
Had anyone of those objects been out of the range of the bullet,
Schrank's dastardly purpose would have been accomplished beyond any
conjecture.
Just before he went to the operating room in the Emergency hospital
Col. Roosevelt directed the following telegram to Mrs. Roosevelt and
gave orders that if the telegraph office at Oyster Bay was closed the
message should be taken to Sagamore Hill by taxicab.
"Am in excellent shape, made an hour and half speech. The wound is
a trivial one. I think they will find that it merely glanced on a
rib and went somewhere into a cavity of the body; it certainly did
not touch a lung and isn't a particle more serious than one of the
injuries any of the boys used continually to be having. Am at the
Emergency hospital at the moment, but anticipate going right on
with my engagements. My voice seems to be in good shape. Best love
to Ethel.
"Theodore Roosevelt."
The first bulletin issued by surgeons at the Johnston Emergency
hospital was:
"The bleeding was insignificant and the wound was immediately
cleansed, externally and dressed with sterile gauze by R. G. Sayle,
of Milwaukee, consulting surgeon of the Emergency hospital. As the
bullet passed through Col. Roosevelt's clothes, doubled manuscript
and metal spectacle case, its force was much diminished. The
appearance of the wound also presented evidence of a much bent
bullet. The colonel is not suffering from shock and is in no pain.
His condition was so good that the surgeons did not object to his
continuing his journey in his private car to Chicago where he will
be placed under surgical care."
(Signed)
"Dr. S. L. Terrell.
"Dr. R. G. Sayle.
"Dr. Joseph Colt Bloodgood,
_of the faculty of Johns-Hopkins University_.
"Dr. T. A. Stratton."
The following bulletin was issued just before Col. Roosevelt was taken
to the special train which carried him to Chicago:
"Col. Roosevelt has a superficial flesh wound below the right
breast with no evidence of injury to the lung.
"The bullet is probably lodged somewhere in the chest walls,
because there is but one wound and no signs of any injury to the
lung.
"His condition was so good that the surgeons did not try to locate
the bullet, nor did they try to probe for it."
"Dr. S. L. Terrell.
"Dr. R. G. Sayle."
CHAPTER IV.
CAREFUL OF COLLAR BUTTONS.
Miss Regine White, Superintendent of the Johnston Emergency Hospital,
cut the gory shirts from Colonel Roosevelt and, after he had been
attended by surgeons, tied the hospital shirt, with "Johnston Emergency
Hospital" emblazoned across the front, about him.
Miss White, describing the ex-President's stay in the hospital, said:
"Col. Roosevelt is the most unusual patient who ever was ministered to
in the Johnston Emergency Hospital, in that he was absolutely calm and
unperturbed, and influenced every one about him to be so, although
excitement and unrest were in the very atmosphere, and he was suffering
much.
"Col. Roosevelt had not been in the hospital fifteen minutes before
every one he came in contact with was willing to swear allegiance to
the Bull Moose party, and personal allegiance to, the genial Bull Moose
himself. He was so friendly and cordial, so natural and free, so happy
and genial and so inclined to 'jolly' us all that we felt on terms of
intimate friendship with him almost immediately, and yet through all
this freedom of manner he maintained a dignity that never for an
instant let us forget we were in the presence of a great man.
"It is almost unbelievable that he could have been as unruffled and
apparently unconcerned as he was when he really was suffering, and when
he did not know how serious the wound was."
"GOD HELP POOR FOOL."
"I asked the colonel how he felt about the prosecution of the man who
shot him," said Miss White, "and he said, 'I've not decided yet, but
God help the poor fool under any circumstances!' and the tone he used
was one of kindly sympathy and sincerity, and without one trace of
malice or sarcasm.
"He seemed kindly interested in everything that any one said to him.
Miss Elvine Kucko, one of our nurses, shook hands with him when he was
about to go and said she was sorry the shooting had happened in our
city. The colonel consoled her by saying it might have happened
anywhere. I broke in with a remark to the effect that he would have
felt even worse had it been perpetrated by a Milwaukeean, and that we
were glad it was a New Yorker who did the deed.
"'You cruel little woman!' the patient ejaculated, and I remembered
then that New York was the ex-President's state."
When he was ready to go, Miss White offered him a sealed envelope and
told him his cuff buttons, shirt studs and collar buttons were in it.
"No, you can't do that with me," he said, "I want to see! I don't
intend to get down to Chicago without the flat button for the back of
my collar."
Miss White joined him in a laugh as she pulled open the envelope and
counted each one separately into his hand. That flat bone button that
he treasured hid itself under one of the others and he had to have a
second count before he was satisfied that he was not going to be
inconvenienced by its loss when he should next care to wear a collar.
Doctors and nurses questioned the ex-President's coat being warm
enough, but he assured them that the coat was one he had worn in the
Spanish-American war, that it was of military make and would keep him
warm enough in a steam-heated Pullman.
When the bandages were being strapped on the colonel's chest to keep
the dressing in place, one of the doctors, Fred Stratton, a young
giant, didn't put one fold as Miss White thought it ought to be. She
ordered it put right, and the colonel began to laugh, which isn't to be
wondered at when one remembers that Miss White is a tiny, wee bit of
fluffy humanity who doesn't look a bit like what one would expect, the
superintendent of a big hospital and looked a pigmy beside the big
doctor.
[Illustration: Page Two of Letter Found in Schrank's Pocket.]
"That's nothing," said Dr. R. G. Sayle, "she's been bossing us doctors
for the past twenty years!"
"Oh, please--not quite that long----" began Miss White.
"Well, we'll knock off two and make it eighteen," the colonel
interposed.
When the wound was dressed doctors and nurses tried to persuade the
patient to remain over night, but without success.
"I know if Mrs. Roosevelt were here she would insist upon your
staying," Miss White said.
"Young woman, if Mrs. Roosevelt were here I am certain she would insist
upon my leaving immediately," her husband made reply, and gazed at the
four pretty nurses surrounding him.
When the patient was brought up the elevator and led into the
"preparation" room, the first thing to do was to prepare him for care
of his wound. Miss White took his eye glasses. The Colonel objected and
said he did not want those out of his sight. But when Miss White
assured him she would give the glasses her personal attention he seemed
content with the arrangement.
One of the physicians asked for a chair for Col. Roosevelt. Miss White
said the operating table was ready, and the colonel immediately
acquiesced and laid down on the carefully scrubbed pine slab on an iron
frame, which has carried the weight of tramps, laborers and other
unfortunates picked up in the street, but never before that of an
ex-President of the United States.
Miss White was a little diffident about exposing the fact that the
president had said a swear word, but she finally admitted that he
remarked:
"I don't care a d----n about finding the bullet but I do hope they'll
fix it up so I need not continue to suffer."
The doctors washed the wound area, painted it with iodine, itself a
somewhat painful operation, and proceeded to the dressing.
One of the doctors told Col. Roosevelt that Miss White was a
suffragist, and that after his kind treatment he ought to be converted.
Miss White said the Big Bull Moose was a suffragist and that was one of
the big planks of his party and the colonel laughed and said of course
he believed in it.
When the party left for Chicago Dr. R. G. Sayle took with his
antisepticized surgeon's gloves, surgical dressing and instruments to
be used in case of hemorrhage before Chicago was reached.
Not a souvenir of the ex-President's visit remains in the hospital. His
shirt was turned over to the police, and a blood-soaked handkerchief
which was bound upon the wound, and which was picked up by one of the
nurses, was found to have an "S" in the corner, so it was evident that
it either did not belong to the ex-President or he had not always owned
it, and this was discarded.
The Mercy Hospital nurses were appreciative of Col. Roosevelt.
"He was the best patient I ever had," said Miss Welter, and the
sentiment was endorsed by Miss Fitzgerald.
"He was consideration itself. He never had a word of complaint all the
time he was at the hospital, and his chief worry seemed to be that we
were not comfortable. We had expected to find him 'strenuous' and
possibly disagreeable. On the contrary, we found him most docile. He
chafed at being kept in bed, but he tried not to show it, and he never
was ill-humored or peevish, as many patients in a similar position are."
CHAPTER V.
ARRIVAL AT MERCY HOSPITAL.
Arriving at Mercy Hospital, Chicago, Col. Roosevelt was given further
examination on October 15. Several bulletins of his condition were
issued. The last official bulletin given out by his staff physicians,
J. B. Murphy, A. D. Bevan and Scurry L. Terrell, showed a most
favorable condition.
Mrs. Roosevelt reached Chicago with her son Theodore and her daughter
Ethel, was driven directly to Mercy Hospital and took charge of her
husband as soon as she had greeted him. She was quite composed on her
arrival and placidly directed affairs all through. As a result of her
presence, the colonel's visiting list was materially cut down, he
devoted less time to reading telegrams, and discussed the campaign very
little.
Part of the morning he spent in reading cablegrams of sympathy and
congratulation on his escape from Emperor William, King George, the
President of France, the King of Italy, the King of Spain, the
President of Portugal and the Crown Prince and Princess of Germany.
Among his few callers were Col. Cecil Lyon, Medill McCormick, Dr.
Alexander Lambert, his family physician, who accompanied Mrs. Roosevelt
to Chicago, Dr. Evans of Chicago and Dr. Woods-Hutchinson, a writer on
medical topics, a warm personal friend.
As soon as he saw Dr. Lambert the colonel said:
"Lambert, you'd have let me finish that speech if you'd been there
after I was shot, wouldn't you?"
"Perhaps so," returned the doctor, a little dubiously, "but I should
have made sure you were not seriously hurt first."
Before Mrs. Roosevelt arrived the colonel was insistent that he be
allowed to go to Oyster Bay shortly. After a talk with Mrs. Roosevelt,
he said he would leave that question to her.
"It will probably be ten days at least before we go," she said. "It is
too far distant to attempt a prophecy."
A more careful examination of the X-ray photographs taken of the
patient disclosed the fact that his fourth rib was slightly splintered
by the impact of the bullet lodged against it. This accounted for the
discomfort that the colonel suffered.
Mrs. Roosevelt was insistent on taking her husband home at the earliest
moment consistent with safety.
The colonel passed an easy day. He continued to exhibit the utmost
indifference to the motives of Schrank, who sought his life. "His name
might be Czolgosz or anything else as far as I am concerned," he said
to one of his visitors. "I never heard of him before and know nothing
about him."
To another friend he expressed the opinion that the man was a maniac
afflicted with a paranoia on the subject of the third term. He showed
no curiosity about him and did not discuss him, although he talked
considerably about the shooting.
"You know," he said to Dr. Murphy, "I have done a lot of hunting and I
know that a thirty-eight caliber pistol slug fired at any range will
not kill a bull moose."
Before he went to sleep, Col. Roosevelt called for hot water and a
mirror and sitting in bed, carefully shaved himself. Mrs. Roosevelt,
tired out after her long journey, also retired early, at 10 o'clock.
The following bulletin, issued by the surgeons on the morning of
October 15, described the wound inflicted by Schrank's bullet:
"Col. Roosevelt's hurt is a deep bullet wound of the chest wall
without striking any vital organ in transit. The wound was not
probed. The point of entrance was to the right of and one inch
below the level of the right nipple. The range of the bullet was
upward and inward, a distance of four inches, deeply in the chest
wall. There was no evidence of the bullet penetrating into the
lung. Pulse, 90; temperature, 99.2; respiration, 20; leucocyte
count, .82 at 10 a.m. No operation to remove bullet is indicated
at the present time. Condition hopeful, but wound so important as
to demand absolute rest for a number of days."
(Signed)
"Dr. John B. Murphy.
"Dr. Arthur B. Bevan.
"Dr. Scurry L. Terrell.
"Dr. R. G. Sayle."
The arrival of Col. Roosevelt in Mercy Hospital, Chicago, was described
by John B. Pratt, of the International News service, a correspondent
traveling with the ex-President during the campaign, as follows:
"Any way, if I had to die, I wanted to die with my boots on." Lying on
a hospital bed completely filled by his great bulk, Theodore Roosevelt
made this answer to a question by Dr. Terrell.
He had just talked with the newspaper men who were with his party
enroute. Terrell, coming in at the conclusion of the conversation,
expressed the fear that the ex-President was exerting himself beyond
his strength.
"You do too much," said Terrell. "The most uncomfortable hour I ever
spent in my life was while I sat on that platform in Milwaukee
wondering where that bullet was and in how imminent danger you were.
How could you be so incautious as to make a speech then? It was all
very well for you to say the shot was not fatal but how could you
tell?"
The colonel grinned, raised his arm heavily, trying not to show the
pain that came with every movement.
"I did not think the wound was dangerous," he said. "I was confident
that it was not in a place where much harm could follow and therefore I
wished to make the speech. Anyway, even if it went against me--well, if
I had to die--" and the colonel chuckled grimly, "I thought I'd
rather die with my boots on."
The newspaper men who were with him when out of the darkness came the
bullet that still menaces his life, felt that in that sentence he had
epitomized his unfaltering courage. Never once since has he wavered in
courage. Physically overcome he once sank back, and came as near to
fainting as so strong a man can. All the rest of the time he has been
as serene as a man unhurt.
It was in the gray of this morning's daylight that we caught our first
glimpse of him after the shooting. Standing in the corridor of his
private car as it lay in the North-Western station in Chicago, we heard
Dr. Terrell say:
"Now is a chance to see the old warrior, he is coming out."
The door of his state room creaked and swung open slowly. As it swung
back within loomed the figure that attracts attention everywhere. The
colonel stepped out slowly, his shoulders thrown back and his bearing
soldierly. He stretched out two fingers to one of the party.
"Ah, old comrade," he said, "shake. The newspaper boys are my friends,"
he added, as he proceeded toward the door of the car. "I'm glad to see
them."
"You had a pretty rough time last night, colonel," suggested somebody.
"We did have a middling lively time, didn't we?" said the colonel with
a broad grin.
"Pretty plucky of you," said another man. "Everybody agrees to that."
"Fiddlesticks," and the colonel stepped out on the platform and down
the steps.
He had indignantly refused a stretcher and even balked at an ambulance,
but finally agreed that this was the best means of conveyance to the
hospital.
He walked past a silent crowd, a crowd that wanted to cheer, but did
not dare, but stood, without a smile as he went by. To them all he
waved a hand. Just as he was leaving the steps a flashlight flared
forth, the sharp report of the powder startling everybody.
[Illustration: Capt. A. O. Girard.]
"Ah, shot again," said the colonel, without a tremor.
Before climbing into the ambulance he turned to the newspaper men who
had come out to see him off.
"I want to see you newspaper men at the hospital at 3 o'clock. I want
all the old guard there." Then he started up the steps of the
automobile conveyance with a firm step and tried to seat himself firmly
on the cushion. But he had counted on more strength than he possessed.
With a smothered exclamation he sank back among them, his head dropping
and his figure one of pathetic helplessness.
At 3 o'clock he welcomed the newspaper men sitting up in bed with his
massive chest hidden beneath an undershirt.
"I came away in too big a hurry to get my pajamas," he explained,
apologetically.
"Here they are, bless their hearts. They never desert me," the colonel
cried, as the visitors were ushered in.
His face had lost the gray of the early morning and resumed its normal
tint. He never looked better and certainly never looked larger. He
filled the narrow hospital cot completely, from side to side, and from
end to end.
Two beautiful rooms had been secured for him at Mercy Hospital, one of
the biggest and finest institutions in the west. The four windows of
the sick room faced two on Calumet avenue and two on Twenty-sixth
street, in a quiet part of town, away from the smoke and the roar of
the elevated trains. To make the air more salubrious an oxygen
apparatus had been placed in the room, which liberated just enough gas
to make the air fresh and to give it an autumn twang.
In response to a question as to how he felt, he replied with a laugh:
"I feel as well as a man feels who has a bullet in him."
"But haven't you any pain?" asked someone.
"Well," the colonel said, dryly, "A man with a bullet in him is lucky
if he doesn't experience a little pain."
Here Dr. Terrell, always on watch, held up a warning hand.
"You must not talk much," he said.
"I'll boss this job," said Roosevelt. "You go away and let me do this
thing."
Just then the door opened to admit Elbert E. Martin, the herculean
stenographer who had grabbed Schrank before he could fire a second
shot.
"Here he is," cried the colonel, waving his hand, "here is the man that
did it."
Martin had brought a lot of telegrams. The colonel, lying partly
propped up adjusted the great tortoise shell glasses and proceeded to
look them over. With one of them he seemed especially pleased. It came
from Madison, Wis., and was as follows:
"Permit me to express my profound regret that your life should have
been in peril and to express my congratulations upon your fortunate
escape from serious injury. I trust that you will speedily recover.
(Signed)
"Robert M. La Follette."
"Let me see that again," he said, after turning it back to Martin. When
he had read it a second time he said: "Here, take this," and dictated:
"Senator Robert M. La Follette--Thanks sincerely for your kind
expressions of sympathy."
Half an hour the colonel spent looking over and answering private
telegrams, dictating always in a clear, strong voice. When he had done
he talked with the newspaper men of former experiences of the kind he
had just gone through and of cranks at Sagamore Hill and at the White
House.
"But I never had a bullet in me before," he said.
CHAPTER VI.
GETS BACK INTO CAMPAIGN.
October 17, convinced that he was beyond all possible danger, Col.
Roosevelt resumed the active campaign from his sick room in Mercy
Hospital by dictating a statement in which he requested his political
opponents to continue the fight as if nothing had happened to him.
The colonel awoke feeling as he expressed it, "like a bull moose." In
the afternoon he overcame Mrs. Roosevelt's objections to work long
enough to send for Stenographer Martin and dictate the statement that
put him back into politics.
Then he answered dispatches from President Taft, Cardinal Gibbons, and
several other of those who had sent messages of sympathy.
He carefully reread the dispatch from President Taft and dictated this
reply:
"I appreciate your sympathetic inquiry and wish to thank you for
it."
"Sign that Theodore Roosevelt," he said to Martin.
To Cardinal Gibbons he sent this:
"I am deeply touched by your kind words."
To Woodrow Wilson: "I wish to thank you for your very warm sympathy."
His statement dictated to Stenographer Martin asking the campaign to
continue despite Schrank's shot was as follows:
"I wish to express my cordial agreement with the manly and proper
statement of Mr. Bryan at Franklin, Ind., when in arguing for a
continuance of the discussion of the issues at stake in the contest
he said:
"'The issues of this campaign should not be determined by the act
of an assassin. Neither Col. Roosevelt nor his friends should ask
that the discussion should be turned away from the principles that
are involved. If he is elected President it should be because of
what he has done in the past and what he proposes to do hereafter.'
"I wish to point out, however, that neither I nor my friends have
asked that the discussion be turned away from the principles that
are involved. On the contrary, we emphatically demand that the
discussion be carried on precisely as if I had not been shot. I
shall be sorry if Mr. Wilson does not keep on the stump and feel
that he owes it to himself and to the American people to continue
on the stump.
"I wish to make one more comment on Mr. Bryan's statement. It is of
course perfectly true that in voting for me or against me,
consideration must be paid to what I have done in the past and to
what I propose to do. But it seems to me far more important that
consideration should be paid to what the progressive party proposes
to do.
"I cannot too strongly emphasize the fact upon which we
progressives insist that the welfare of any one man in this fight
is wholly immaterial compared to the greatest fundamental issues
involved in the triumph of the principles for which our cause
stands. If I had been killed the fight would have gone on exactly
the same. Gov. Johnson, Senator Beveridge, Mr. Straus, Senator
Bristow, Miss Jane Addams, Giffford Pinchot, Judge Ben Lindsay,
Raymond Robbins, Mr. Prendergast and the hundreds of other men now
on the stump are preaching the doctrine that I have been preaching
and stand for, and represent just the same cause. They would have
continued the fight in exactly the same way if I had been killed,
and they are continuing it in just the same way now that I am for
the moment laid up.
"So far as my opponents are concerned, whatever could with truth
and propriety have been said against me and my cause before I was
shot can with equal truth and equal propriety be said against me
and it now should be so said, and the things that cannot be said
now, are merely the things that ought not to have been said before.
This is not a contest about any man; it is a contest concerning
principles.
"If my broken rib heals fast enough to relieve my breathing I shall
hope to be able to make one or two speeches yet in this campaign;
in any event, if I am not able to make them the men I have
mentioned above and the hundreds like them will be stating our case
right to the end of the campaign and I trust our opponents will be
stating their case also.
"Theodore Roosevelt."
October 19, Gov. Hiram W. Johnson, of California, candidate for
Vice-President on the National Progressive ticket, was summoned to
Mercy Hospital by Col. Roosevelt.
The governor hastened to the hospital and conferred with Roosevelt for
an hour. The ex-President urged upon Johnson that he return to
California to hold his office as governor. Johnson had two years to
serve of his term and under the law he would forfeit the governorship
if he did not get back. The law there provides that no governor shall
absent himself from office for more than two months running. Johnson
had been away all but a few days of that period.
"Governor, I realize the sacrifice you have made in keeping so long
away from your office," began the colonel, in serious tone. "I am told
that if you do not hurry back they will take the governorship away from
you. Now, I want you to go back. Leave the campaign to me. I can handle
it all right. Soon I'm going out on the stump and I'll lead the fight
myself."
Gov. Johnson marveled at the bold idea that Roosevelt, convalescing
from the bullet wound, would take command again.
"You can't do it, colonel," he protested. "You will need to build up
your strength. I won't----"
"Fiddlesticks," interrupted the colonel. "You'll do what I say. I never
felt any stronger in my life. It's all a matter of being able to
breathe easier with this splintered rib. That won't bother me more than
a few days. Then they can't hold me back."
Flatly Gov. Johnson informed Col. Roosevelt that he wanted to stay in
the fight.
"I'm needed," he went on. "I'm going to let them take the governorship.
I'll resign."
Leaning out from the arm chair in which he sat, Roosevelt whacked his
right fist down on the table before him. A sharp pain went through the
breast pierced by the bullet.
"I tell you, governor, you'll not do it," fairly cried the colonel, so
vehemently that Mrs. Roosevelt, in the next room, stepped to the
doorway.
"You must be quiet, Theodore," spoke Mrs. Roosevelt, lifting a warning
finger.
"Yes, that's right," agreed the colonel, "but the governor here is
recalcitrant and I've got to speak roughly to him."
After a brisk interchange of opinion as to the feasibility of the
governor giving up the campaign the two violently taking opposite
sides, bidding the colonel an affectionate good-bye, Gov. Johnson left
the hospital. As he passed out to an automobile, Johnson said he had
promised the colonel to talk the matter over with other leaders before
deciding what to do.
"He insists that I return to California and I insist I won't,"
explained the governor. "We couldn't agree."
Later Gov. Johnson conferred at his hotel with William Allen White,
Francis J. Heney and other Bull Moose leaders. The governor was
obdurate in his decision to stick in the race.
"Col. Roosevelt is in no shape to take up the responsibility," he
maintained. "It is but an evidence of his magnanimity that he urges me
to return to California. I'd rather lost the job than desert the
colonel now."
Attorney General U. S. Webb of California on October 20 issued the
following opinion, however, which did away with possibility of Gov.
Johnson losing his office:
[Illustration: Elbert E. Martin.]
"There is a code section in the state limiting the absence of the
governor and other officials from the state to sixty days, but the
legislature of 1911 by resolution, removed the limitations on the
governor and other high state officials. In addition to that the
constitution of the United States specifically provides the conditions
under which a state official may be removed, and it does not include
this particular condition. There is no reason why Gov. Johnson cannot
remain outside the state as long as he sees fit and there is nothing
the legislature can do to remove him for remaining away more than sixty
days."
CHAPTER VII.
BACK AT SAGAMORE HILL.
The trip of ex-President Roosevelt from Mercy Hospital, Chicago, to his
home at Oyster Bay, beginning the morning of October 21 over the
Pennsylvania road is described here by one of the correspondents who
traveled with him. Under date of October 21, he wrote at Pittsburg,
Pa.:
"On a mellow autumn day whose warmth seemed to breathe a tender
sympathy, Col. Roosevelt traveled from Chicago today on his way to
Oyster Bay on the most extraordinary trip ever undertaken by a
candidate for the presidency.
"Unable because of sheer weakness to show himself on the platform of
his private car, the stricken Bull Moose leader, with blinds drawn in
his stateroom, listened with throbbing heart to the soft murmuring of
eager throngs as they clustered at the stations along the way. As the
train rolled into Pittsburg tonight the colonel, shaken up by the
jostling of the train, meekly confessed to Dr. Alexander Lambert, his
New York physician, who with Dr. Scurry Terrell, are making the trip
with him, that he was 'tired out.'
"'I'm going to put in a sound night of sleep,' he sighed, 'I'll be all
right again in the morning.'
"The bullet nestling in the colonel's chest and the splintered rib gave
him more discomfort than the wounded leader had counted on. As the
train jolted at times the ex-President experienced piercing pain. But
he bore it without a whimper.
"When night came the physicians agreed that although the tumbling of
the train had caused the colonel more worry than he would admit, he
would suffer no ill effects.
"The ex-President's leisurely jaunt through Ohio, for he is running
upon a twenty-four hour train, was in truth an occasion of tragic
quiet. The waiting throngs which half anticipated that they would see
the plucky third party fighter walk out onto platform of his car, stood
in a respectful attitude as they learned that the colonel was unable to
see them.
"Almost the whole day the ex-President lay on a soft bed in his state
room, reading, or when that grew irksome, dropping into restful
slumber. Outside of his family, his stenographer, John Martin and the
latter's wife, who boarded the train at Lima, the colonel saw no one.
He asked for quiet, feeling himself that he needed to conserve all the
strength at his command for the long run to Oyster Bay.
"The ex-President started his jaunt homeward by fooling the newspaper
men in Chicago. At Mercy Hospital the tip was allowed to filter out
that the colonel would climb into an automobile at the front entrance.
Camera men adjusted their machines and a flock of newspaper men waited.
"Instead, the ex-President was wheeled to a side door to an automobile
ambulance, into which he pulled himself.
"'I fooled them that time,' chuckled the colonel to Dr. Lambert, who
climbed in after him.
"While the colonel was driven to the train, Mrs. Roosevelt, Miss Ethel
and Theodore, Jr., took an automobile. So as to avoid the crowd at the
Pennsylvania depot, the ambulance was taken to the train by way of a
yard, the colonel's private car being drawn up for it. Only a few
yardmen were there to salute the colonel as he stepped from the
ambulance. They raised their hats and one of them cried:
"'Colonel, good luck to you!' Roosevelt lifted his right hand to his
hat and gave a military salute."
Concerning the ex-President's appearance in Madison Square Garden, New
York, on the night of October 30, a press dispatch said:
"Bearing no outward sign of the bullet in his breast, Theodore
Roosevelt tonight hurled himself back into the campaign at Madison
Square Garden. He spoke for forty minutes to the biggest meeting he has
ever addressed in New York and to one of the greatest gatherings ever
seen in that historic auditorium.
"More than 15,000 men and women welcomed him. Another vast crowd waited
all evening outside in the hope that they might catch a word or two
from the colonel as he departed. They were disappointed, for his
physicians, fearing too great a tax on his strength, refused to permit
him to make more than one address.
"The crowd inside cheered for forty minutes when Roosevelt, at twenty
minutes past 9 o'clock led his guards into the Garden, climbed the
steps to the speaker's gallery and stood before them. Bandannas and
American flags waved like a moving forest, the shouts of the crowd and
the drumming of thousands of heels on the floor drowned the band and
every air that has been sung in the campaign from 'Everybody's Doin'
It' to 'Onward, Christian Soldiers,' boomed forth when the enthusiasts,
wearied of plain cheering, of mooing like the moose, or of yelling: 'We
want Teddy! We want Teddy!'
"The great hall whose galleries and arched ceiling were completely
hidden with bunting and huge flags, made a marvelous picture as the
colonel, leaning over the speaker's rail, his teeth snapping like a
bulldog's, raised his left hand in first greeting.
"For three-quarters of an hour he stood there. Now and then recognizing
a friend he would make a dash to the other end of the stand, a distance
of twenty feet and wave his hand--always his left--in greeting.
"As he faced first to the left, then to the right, he awakened
successive outbursts of cheers, and bandannas and flags were set in
motion by sections, till red flushes ran over the crowd like waves.
"The colonel's speech was pitched in a solemn and impressive key. He
made no direct allusion to the attack upon him. He made no attack upon
any individual among his political foes. He named no names save those
of Washington, Lincoln, Jefferson and Jackson.
"Deliberately avoiding the line of advance, which was punctuated with
applause, he appealed for the votes of his auditors for the progressive
cause, making no reference to himself and none to his achievements.
"With cheeks thinner than they were before the attack upon him, but
with a brilliant color, with figure sturdy and erect, and with a voice
that reached to every part of the hall, and never once cracked into the
falsetto squeak that often characterizes it, the colonel seemed the
picture of health. Not at all while he was speaking did he smile. All
his gestures, save one or two were made with his left hand which, being
farthest removed from the bullet wound, could be moved with impunity.
"Once or twice toward the end he brought his right hand down with a
resounding slap on the rail of the speakers stand, but his face gave no
indication that the gesture caused him pain. The flashlights which were
set off at intervals during the address he faced without wincing.
"Col. Roosevelt was preceded by Senator Dixon, who presided, by Oscar
Straus, candidate for governor in New York, and by Governor Johnson of
California."
"Col. Roosevelt's physicians went into his state room to see him soon
after the train left Englewood. They found him contentedly reading:
"'Col. Roosevelt is resting well and is very comfortable.'
"So well, indeed, was the ex-President that the doctor said he did not
bother to take his pulse and temperature."
Col. Roosevelt arrived at Sagamore Hill at 10 o'clock in the morning of
October 22.
When the ex-President's physicians left him at dusk they gave out this
bulletin, impressing their insistence that Roosevelt devote himself to
solid rest:
"Col. Roosevelt has stood the journey well, but, of course, is
tired. The wound is still open and oozing. Rest and quiet are
essential to him to avoid possibilities of wound infection. He will
be able to see no one tonight. While Col. Roosevelt is extremely
anxious to take up the work of the campaign we are not willing to
say at this time that that will be possible.
"Jos. A. Blake.
"George E. Brewer.
"Alexander S. Lambert.
"Scurry L. Terrell."
The colonel was brought to Sagamore Hill in an auto from Syasset, L.
I., without going to Oyster Bay, in order to avoid any crowd.
Flowers sent to Sagamore Hill by the school children of Nassau county
were the only tokens of public welcome for the homecoming.
When he arrived at Sagamore Hill the colonel's wound was dressed and he
went to bed at once, with instructions to remain quiet all day. The
physicians said the wound showed no ill effects from the trip.
Col. Roosevelt and his secretaries were busy on the train until late in
the night of October 21, looking for an old speech of the colonel's on
the trusts. This speech had been the basis of recent criticism by
William J. Bryan, and after a secretary had unearthed it and Col.
Roosevelt had gone over it he said he intended to reply to Mr. Byran's
criticism either in a statement or in a speech.
[Illustration: Automobile in Which Ex-President Roosevelt Stood when
Shot.
Crosses Marked Where Col. Roosevelt and Schrank Stood.
George F. Moss, Owner and Driver of Automobile.]
CHAPTER VIII.
ARREST, APPEARS IN COURT.
Within five minutes after he had fired the bullet into ex-President
Roosevelt's right side, John Flammang Schrank was on his way in the
auto police patrol to the central police station, Milwaukee.
Those who overpowered Schrank were Elbert E. Martin, Capt. A. O.
Girard, Col. Cecil Lyon of Texas, Sergeant Albert Murray of the
Milwaukee police department and Detectives Harry Ridenour, Louis
Hartman and Valentine Skierawski of the Milwaukee police department.
The thousands who were in the vicinity of the shooting clamored for
Schrank's life.
Capt. Girard and Sergeant Murray fought off the crowd and literally
dragged Schrank into the Hotel Gilpatrick through the main entrance,
through the lobby and into the hotel kitchen.
Here Schrank was left in charge of Capt. Girard and Herman Rollfink
while Sergeant Murray telephoned the central police station for the
auto patrol. Upon its arrival Schrank was hustled into it and taken to
the central station.
Schrank having disappeared, the crowd about the hotel hurried to the
Auditorium. This vast building was filled to capacity, 9,000, and at
least 15,000 were outside unable to even get to the doors, which had
been closed and locked by attendants at 8 o'clock.
When Schrank was first questioned at the central station he declined to
give his name. Within a short time, however, under supervision of Chief
John T. Janssen, he submitted to an examination, which appears in full
in another chapter.
Schrank necessarily was roughly handled immediately after firing the
shot. He clung to the revolver until it was wrenched from him, and at
one time he was beneath a pile of struggling men in the street car
tracks immediately in front of Hotel Gilpatrick.
One of the detectives, in his efforts to get hold of Schrank, was
carried down with Schrank beneath this struggling mass of men.
When Schrank arrived at the central station he was little the worse for
his rough handling, except that his clothing was badly soiled, his
collar torn off and his hair disheveled. He looked as though he were
glad he had been rescued from the crowd crying for his life.
Searched at the central station the following letter was found in a
coat pocket:
"To the People of the United States:
"September 15, 1901--1:30 A.M.
"In a dream I saw President McKinley sit up in his coffin pointing
at a man in a monk's attire in whom I recognized Theodore
Roosevelt. The dead president said--This is my murderer--avenge my
death.
"September 14, 1912--1:30 A.M.
"While writing a poem some one tapped me on the shoulder and
said--let not a murderer take the presidential chair, avenge my
death. I could clearly see Mr. McKinley's features. Before the
Almighty God, I swear that the above written is nothing but the
truth.
"So long as Japan could rise to be one of the greatest powers of
the world despite her surviving a tradition more than 2,000 years
old, as Gen. Nogi demonstrated, it is the duty of the United States
of America to see that the third termer be regarded as a traitor to
the American cause. Let it be the right and duty of every citizen
to forcibly remove a third termer.
"Never let a third term party emblem appear on an official ballot.
I am willing to die for my country. God has called me to be his
instrument, so help me God.
"Innocent--Guilty."
On a sheet of paper taken from the man when he was searched at the
central station, the police found a list of nine hotels where he is
supposed to have stopped recently.
The following is the list: Mosely hotel, Charleston, S. C.; Planters
hotel, Augusta, Ga.; Childs' hotel, Atlanta, Ga.; Plaza hotel,
Birmingham, Ala.; Redmon hotel, Chattanooga, Tenn.; Third Avenue hotel,
Rome, Tenn.; Bismark hotel, Nashville, Tenn.; Station hotel,
Evansville, Ind., and the Normandy hotel, Louisville, Ky.
At 10:35 o'clock on the morning of October 15 Schrank was taken to
District court before Judge N. B. Neelen. He admitted that he had fired
the bullet which hit ex-President Roosevelt, and he was bound over to
the December term of Municipal court, with bail fixed at $7,500. Bail
was later raised to $15,000.
Before Schrank appeared in court District Attorney Winifred C. Zabel
said:
"So far as I have been able to determine from several examinations,
John Schrank is legally sane," declared District Attorney W. C. Zabel,
in discussing Theodore Roosevelt's would-be assassin, yesterday.
"He has a perfect knowledge of right and wrong and realizes that the
act he committed was against the law. Medically he may have a slight
aberration, but only experts could determine that.
"Schrank will have as fair a trial under the law as any other man. He
has been given ample time in which to prepare his case, and, if he does
not engage an attorney himself, one will be appointed to defend him."
Schrank expressed no desire to be tried in a hurry. The revolver from
which the shot had been fired, together with the shirt and underwear
worn by Col. Roosevelt were brought into court and exhibited by
Detective Louis Hartman.
At the suggestion of others, Judge Neelen ordered the revolver and
bullets taken to Dean R. E. W. Sommers, Marquette university, for
chemical analysis to determine whether the bullets were poisoned.
Schrank seemed unconcerned over the crime he had committed.
"You are charged with assault with intent to kill and murder," said
District Attorney Zabel. "What do you plead, guilty or not guilty?"
"I am guilty," answered Schrank quietly.
The court then explained to Schrank that he was charged with a serious
offense, and had the right to ask for an adjournment and time in which
to obtain legal counsel and prepare a defense.
"I understand that," said Schrank. "I plead guilty and waive
examination."
"Then you are bound over to the municipal court under bonds of $5,000,"
said the court. Schrank was then asked if he wanted a speedy trial.
"No, I don't want one at once," was the reply. "I wish to have some
time."
"We will give you plenty of time. You will be tried during the December
term of the Municipal court."
As Schrank was being led back to the prisoners' "pen," one of the
newspaper men standing, remembering that President McKinley died
because of a poisoned bullet, reminded the court that it might be well
to have the bullets in Schrank's revolver chemically analyzed.
"Oh, if that's the case, it makes it much more serious," said the
court. "Infection might set in. I'll raise the bail from $5,000 to
$7,500."
A crowd of not more than 200 was seated in the courtroom when Schrank's
case was called, the general impression being that he would not be
examined before October 16. When his name was called every one in the
room pushed forward, and it was necessary for the deputies and
policemen to use force to push them back of the railing.
When in the "bullpen" Schrank's fellow prisoners shrank away from him.
They knew of his attempt to assassinate the former president, and he
was an outcast, even among his own kind.
He was led from the courtroom by Sheriff Arnold and a special corps of
deputies, the officials fearing violence, to the county jail, where he
was lodged in a cell on the first floor.
Schrank on his arrival in Milwaukee registered at the Argyle hotel, 270
West Water street, and was assigned to room number 1. He paid for his
room in advance and was very seldom seen at the hotel thereafter.
His meals, according to the clerk, he took outside. The clerk said the
only time the man was seen about the hotel was when he walked in and
out.
He was registered under the name of "Albert Ross," which name he has
registered under in a number of hotels at which he stopped while
following Col. Roosevelt about the country.
Without a tremor in his voice and talking willingly in the central
station, Schrank unfolded the fact that he had at one time been engaged
to be married to Miss Elsie Ziegler, New York, one of the victims of
the General Slocum steamboat disaster, in which over a thousand lives
were lost.
As he spoke of the girl his voice softened and his eyes sought the
floor of his cell. His lips seemed to quiver slightly, the first
evidence of remorse since his arrest.
Asked if the fact that the girl had lost her life during the disaster
had anything to do with the act he clenched his hands and with an angry
jerk of his head almost shouted his answer to the questioner.
"She had nothing to do with it," he exclaimed. "She was a beautiful
girl and I want you to understand that her soul is cleared from any
part of this act."
The five sets of finger prints were taken by the police at the request
of police departments of other cities.
The warrant under which Schrank was arrested read as follows:
"John Schrank, being then and there armed with a dangerous weapon,
to-wit, a loaded revolver, did then and there, unlawfully, wilfully
and feloniously make an assault in and upon one, Theodore
Roosevelt, with said loaded revolver, with intent, then and there,
him, the said Theodore Roosevelt, unlawfully, willingly and
feloniously and of his malice aforethought to kill and murder."
The crime with which Schrank still is charged reads as follows:
"Assault with intent to murder or rob. Section 4376. Any person
being armed with a dangerous weapon who shall assault another with
intent to rob or murder shall be punished by imprisonment in the
state prison not more than fifteen years nor less than one year."
CHAPTER IX.
APPEARS IN MUNICIPAL COURT.
November 13 Schrank appeared in Municipal court before Judge August C.
Backus. Two sessions of court, lasting only a few minutes each, were
necessary to dispose of Schrank's preliminary hearing. At 10 o'clock
the court heard Schrank's plea of guilty, and took recess until 2
o'clock, when the following physicians were appointed to look into the
prisoner's mental condition: Dr. F. C. Studley, Dr. W. F. Becker, Dr.
Richard Dewey, Dr. W. F. Wegge, and Dr. D. W. Harrington, all of
Milwaukee.
The court also appointed Attorney James G. Flanders to represent
Schrank.
At both sessions of the court, Schrank appeared perfectly at ease,
walking inside the bar with a jaunty air, chin up and a curious look on
his face. His appearance had changed considerably since the night he
shot the ex-President. Then his clothing was torn and bedraggled, his
hair unkempt, face unshaven and his expression wild.
[Illustration: Johnston Emergency Hospital, Milwaukee.]
In Municipal court he was neatly dressed in a carefully pressed suit of
blue serge, shoes shined, clean linen and spotless white tie, with a
white handkerchief peeping out of a side coat pocket. He had been
cleanly shaven and his hair was carefully pasted down, while in his
hands he carried a new fedora hat and a raincoat.
As he was led to the front of the courtroom by Deputy Sheriff Albert
Melms, everyone in the crowd stared at him, but the prisoner walked
with a firm step, and looked neither to the right nor left. It was only
when he was called before the bar and asked to plead, that he wavered,
and then only for an instant. Judge Backus ordered him to stand and
listen to the charge made against him, reciting that "John Schrank, on
Oct. 14, with malice aforethought, did attempt to kill and murder
Theodore Roosevelt."
"What do you plead to that, guilty or not guilty?" asked District
Attorney W. C. Zabel.
"I plead guilty to the shooting," answered the prisoner in a voice that
was slightly husky.
"Did you intend to kill Theodore Roosevelt?" asked Mr. Zabel.
Here the prisoner's voice became steady again, and he answered:
"I did not intend to kill the citizen Roosevelt."
"Did you intend to kill the candidate Roosevelt?"
"I intended to kill Theodore Roosevelt, the third termer," was the
answer. "I did not want to kill the candidate of the Progressive party.
I shot Roosevelt as a warning to other third termers."
"There we have it," broke in the court, and Schrank was told that he
might take his seat.
District Attorney Zabel moved that the court either appoint a
commission of alienists to examine Schrank or have him tried before a
jury. Judge Backus announced that he would appoint a commission of five
experts at 2 o'clock, and took a recess, ordering the deputies to take
Schrank back to the county jail. As the prisoner arose to leave many of
those in the courtroom rushed for the door, but all fell back when the
court said:
"Let no man leave the courtroom until the prisoner has left the city
hall."
At the afternoon session Schrank was simply brought in and allowed to
sit at one of the tables. When the physicians who are to examine him
arose to be sworn, he eyed them curiously, but evinced no outward signs
of emotion.
The court allowed the alienists as much time as they desired to make
the examination of the prisoner, and ordered the sheriff to allow them
to see Schrank whenever they wished. The prisoner also was given an
opportunity to confer with his attorney.
The decision which the alienists were to reach, as ordered by the
court, was whether "the defendant, John Schrank, is sane at the present
time."
District Attorney Zabel announced that the following had been
subpoenaed as witnesses: Detectives Louis Hartman, and Valentine
Skierawski; Dr. Robert G. Sayle and Dr. T. W. Williams, Emergency
hospital, who attended Col. Roosevelt; Capt. A. O. Girard and John
Campbell, Rescue Mission, an eyewitness.
Mr. Zabel received several letters and telegrams from New York asking
for leniency, and commending Schrank's action.
Several were sent with the request that they be handed to the attorney
who would defend the prisoner.
People all over the country sent letters to District Attorney W. C.
Zabel advising him how to handle Schrank.
"Think of all the brains that are uniting with mine in trying to
determine how to handle this case," said Mr. Zabel, with a laugh. "And
the best part of it is that it's not costing the city or county a cent
either. How do you like this one," handing over a letter which said:
"For God's sake, don't let any Catholic priest get near him."
Another said: "Hang him up by the thumbs. No punishment is too horrible
for such a man."
A third man looked with suspicion upon the Socialist district attorney,
and believed that he read something wrong in the statement that Schrank
would not be placed on trial immediately.
"Probably Schrank is not so crazy after all," this man wrote. And then
he insinuated that Schrank very carefully planned to commit the deed in
a state where there is no capital punishment and in a county--the only
one in the country--in which "there is a Socialist district attorney."
Still another advised the district attorney to look into the minutest
details, as he saw some big rich and powerful influence back of Schrank
which had urged him on to the crime.
"These are only a few of the letters I received from men who are
probably in as bad a mental state as they seem to think Schrank is,"
said the district attorney.
CHAPTER X.
SCHRANK DECLARED INSANE.
On November 22 Schrank was declared insane by the five alienists who
had examined him. He appeared in Municipal court and was committed to
the Northern Hospital for the Insane at Oshkosh, Wis., by Judge August
C. Backus in the following order:
"FINDINGS OF THE COURT:
"The court now finds that the defendant John Schrank is insane, and
therefore incapacitated to act for himself.
"IT IS THEREFORE ORDERED AND ADJUDGED, that the defendant John
Schrank be committed to the Northern Hospital for Insane, near
Oshkosh, in the county of Winnebago, state of Wisconsin, until such
time when he shall have recovered from such insanity, when he shall
be returned to this court for further proceedings according to law.
"AND IT IS FURTHER ORDERED, that all proceedings in this case be
stayed indefinitely and until such recovery.
"IT IS FURTHER ORDERED, that the sheriff of Milwaukee county is
hereby ordered to convey the said John Schrank to the said Northern
Hospital for Insane, near Oshkosh, in the county of Winnebago,
state of Wisconsin, and there to deliver him to the superintendent
thereof and the said superintendent is hereby ordered and directed
to receive the said John Schrank as an inmate of said hospital and
there to keep him until he has recovered from such insanity, when
he shall be returned to this court for further proceedings as
provided by law."
Schrank expressed the keenest disappointment both on the report of the
insanity commission and also on the judgment of the court.
"Why didn't they give me my medicine right away, instead of making me
wait," he exclaimed bitterly as he was led to the county jail. "I did
it, and I am willing to stand the consequences of my act.
"I want to say now that I am sane, and know what I am doing all the
time. I am not a lunatic, and never was one."
Schrank offered no defense. Before the judgment of the court was
pronounced he was asked if he had any statement to make.
"I have nothing to say," he said clearly.
While Judge Backus was reading the judgment, Schrank sat with bowed
head. His fingers twitched nervously, but otherwise he gave no outward
sign. As the deputy sheriffs led him away, he stopped and insisted upon
shaking hands with each one of the five alienists.
Although Schrank was not called to the witness stand during the
inquisition yesterday afternoon, District Attorney W. C. Zabel
introduced testimony to show Schrank's every movement in Milwaukee,
from the time he arrived until the time he shot Col. Roosevelt.
This testimony tended to show that Schrank "filled up" on beer just
before he committed the act, although each of the witnesses insisted
that he was not intoxicated at the time he did the shooting. One
policeman said that he was dazed, but was not intoxicated.
The testimony showed that Schrank spent the early part of the evening
he shot Col. Roosevelt in the saloon of Herman Rollfink, 215 Third
street, where he posed as a newspaper man "out on an investigating
trip."
"Schrank came into the saloon at 3 o'clock in the afternoon and drank
five or six beers," testified Paul Thume, a bartender. "He told me he
was a newspaper man, and to prove it, he pointed to the newspapers in
his pockets.
"We got to talking, and I told him I was going out west to earn some
money. He advised me to go south to make money. He wanted a place to
room, but when I recommended a room for $1 a day, he kicked. Said he
was willing to pay 75 cents.
"He came in again at 7 o'clock in the evening and we talked some more.
He then asked the bar musicians to play some song, something with
stripes in it, and then he bought each one a drink."
For the first time during the hearing, Schrank smiled. It started in a
broad smile, and then extended until it covered his entire face. It
developed that he asked the musicians to play the "Star Spangled
Banner," which the bartender described as a song having "stripes" in
it.
Schrank left the saloon only a few minutes before he did the shooting,
after having again treated all to drinks.
The testimony of the barkeeper was substantiated by two musicians,
Frank Galk and James Crawford, who said that Schrank danced around
while they were playing.
Herman Rollfink told how he jumped on Schrank after the shooting and
blocked the door to the kitchen in the hotel after Schrank had been
carried in there.
Capt. Alfred O. Girard said:
"I saw Schrank in the crowd just as I was getting into Col. Roosevelt's
automobile. I saw him as he raised the gun up between two men. I saw
the flash, and almost simultaneously, I sprang upon him. After taking
him into the hotel, we searched him, but found no other weapons."
Three policemen were placed on the stand as witnesses, and each one
insisted that he was not detailed to service there, but had been
attracted to the spot by the crowd.
This tended to show that Col. Roosevelt had no police protection while
he was in Milwaukee.
Robert M. Lenten, clerk at the Argyle hotel, recognized Schrank as the
guest who signed his name as Albert Ross.
"He came to the hotel about 10:15 Sunday night and I assigned him to
room No. 1," he said. "He did not act unusual, and we talked as I
showed him to his room. The room is right above the Milwaukee river, so
I told him he had better keep away from the window, if he didn't want
to fall into the 'Wabash.' That's the name we give to the river."
This struck Schrank as funny and he laughed again.
The report of the alienists was filed with the court just before 10
o'clock in the morning. It included fifty pages of typewritten matter,
and its reading consumed nearly two hours. After the report was read,
the alienists were placed on the stand and questioned by the district
attorney.
[Illustration: Judge August C. Backus.]
Schrank listened to the reading of the report without the slightest
sign of interest, until the clerk read the findings pronouncing him
insane.
Schrank was taken to the Northern Hospital for the Insane, Oshkosh, by
Deputy Sheriff Richard Muldenhauer and Fred Becker, bookkeeper in the
sheriffs office, on the morning of November 25, at 11 o'clock.
The three left the sheriffs office in an automobile shortly before 11
o'clock and arrived at the Chicago & Northwestern depot, Milwaukee, a
few minutes before train time.
Before leaving the jail Schrank asked for the sheriff and thanked him
for his kindness during his confinement in the county jail. He also
shook hands with Jailer Adam Roth and deputies who have been with him
during the trial.
Schrank's duties at the Northern Hospital for the Insane and are light
and remain so until the physicians of the hospital have had ample time
to observe him.
CHAPTER XI.
SHOWS REPENTANCE BUT ONCE.
Although Schrank's bail finally was fixed at $15,000, bail would not
have been accepted. This was announced by District Attorney Zabel. One
of the several reasons for raising the bail was that motion picture men
had planned to pay Schrank's bail and secure his release long enough to
once again go through the shooting for the purpose of making a motion
picture film of the event.
"I absolutely refused to sanction such a thing," said the district
attorney. "It is bad enough to have it happen once without perpetuating
the deed by enacting it once again for the motion picture men.
"I do not begrudge the earning of the motion picture men. What I object
to is the demoralizing effect such a picture film would have. It would
tend to make a hero out of this man, and I don't propose that the young
shall be allowed to worship him as a hero.
"I understand, however, that a motion picture concern, when it found
how we had frustrated its attempts to secure an actual picture of
Schrank actually reproduced a scene of taking Schrank from the county
jail to the city hall by palming off another man who resembles Schrank.
"In order to reproduce a scene of taking him from the jail, they picked
out a building that resembled the jail, the Ivanhoe temple. They
reproduced Schrank emerging from the 'jail' between two bogus deputy
sheriffs. Later some one told me the same performance was repeated at
the city hall to convey the impression that the would-be slayer was
being taken into the city hall and up to the courtrooms."
During the time Schrank was confined in jail he showed signs of
repentance but once, that was on Sunday, October 24, when religious
services were conducted in the jail.
The Rev. Mr. Cavanam, a traveling evangelist, started the services
shortly after 10 o'clock. Schrank, who a week before refused to attend
services conducted by Christian Endeavorers, was one of the first to
appear when a hymn was started.
At the close of the sermon Schrank turned away and walked to his cell
with head bowed. He entered the cell and fell on his knees alongside
his cot. Several of the prisoners who had been walking up and down the
corridor stopped in amazement on seeing Schrank on his knees, but
quietly walked away until he had finished.
When Miss Alice Evans, a soloist, sang a song, Schrank reappeared, and
the prisoners noticed a happy look on his face which had not been
visible before during his imprisonment. After the religious people had
left the jail Schrank mingled more than had been his wont with the
other prisoners, and seemed to be in high spirits.
When Gustave Struber delivered an address to the prisoners in German
Schrank appeared to be one of the most attentive hearers, and shook
hands with the speaker before he left the jail.
There is nothing about Schrank which portrays the human fiend.
On the contrary, he is a very ordinary type. There are hundreds of
thousands men of his very type, and who are peaceable citizens.
The only way that Schrank differs from other men is in mind. He
undoubtedly is a degenerate possessing a depraved and diseased mind,
but there is nothing in his physical make-up that would brand him as
such.
Police Chief John T. Janssen, student of human nature, penetratingly
studied and measured the man's features for hours during examinations,
and arrived at the conclusion that the man was suffering from a
condition of mind known as paranoia, pronounced the most dangerous form
of insanity.
This mental disease makes a man a monomaniac. He is perfectly sane,
except upon one subject, which controls him and pushes him forward,
even in some cases, to murder.
In telling of his crime, there was nothing defiant about Schrank. He
displayed no bravado. He told everything in a frank tone of voice--too
frank, almost, as it raised the suspicion that probably Schrank was not
a mad man.
There is nothing about him that would cause any passer-by to glance at
Schrank twice. And his face is the most uninteresting part of him.
His face is fat and round--moon-shaped. His eyes are placed wide apart,
but this effect is lost through ptosis, a species of paralysis of the
eyelids, which gives the eyes a half closed appearance, and is
responsible for the sleepy look in his face. It affects one eye more
than the other and is responsible for that squint which has been
designated as "a murderous squint" by sensationalists.
His nose is rather large and prominent. Continued application of the
handkerchief has caused it to turn almost sharply to the left.
His weak mouth finishes off what would otherwise be a fairly good face.
Cover mouth and chin and one will say that he has the strong face of
the ordinary American workingman. His lips, for the most part, are
closed, but in an irregular line, giving the idea that his jaws are
hanging loosely.
Altogether, he is not a repulsive looking man. Merely a weak looking
man. Laughs and grins come readily during his conversations.
The only remarkable feature about him is his knowledge of American
history and politics. He is able to talk intelligently upon modern
political questions, showing that he is a great reader along these
lines.
The more one looks at him and studies him, the more one wonders what it
is that could have pressed him forward to commit such a deed.
Nothing explains his weak character more than his hesitancy to fire the
shot at Chattanooga. He had traveled miles to do it, and at the last
minute his courage oozed out. The same thing happened in Chicago. He
stood at Hotel La Salle with murder in his heart, but hesitated until
it was too late.
And when he struck Milwaukee, he acted just like a boy afraid to coast
down a big hill, who, finally impelled by the taunts of his comrades,
closes his eyes and starts.
Look down through history and you find that the most atrocious crimes
were committed by weak persons of the same caliber as John Flammang
Schrank.
CHAPTER XII.
SCHRANK BEFORE CHIEF.
John Flammang Schrank was taken to the central police station,
Milwaukee, immediately upon his arrest in front of the Hotel
Gilpatrick. Under direction of Chief John T. Janssen, of the Milwaukee
police department, the following examination of Schrank was conducted:
Chief. What is your name?
A. Do I have to tell that tonight, sir?
Q. Yes.
A. I have to?
Q. Yes.
A. I have given the man below the promise I will do that tomorrow, tell
him all I know.
Q. Well, there is no reason for you to do that tomorrow, if you do it
this evening it will facilitate matters.
A. I suppose I will inconvenience someone by not telling.
Q. Yes, you are helping a good deal by telling.
A. Well, I come from New York.
Q. What is your name?
A. John Schrank.
Q. When did you come here from New York?
A. I left New York on the twenty-first of September and I left for
Charleston and I left my grip there in the Hotel Mosely; from
Charleston to Augusta and from there to Atlanta and from Atlanta I
think to Birmingham and over to Chattanooga, and from Chattanooga I
went to Nashville and then to Evansville, and then to Louisville, and
then to Chicago, and from Chicago here, and I arrived here Sunday at
one o'clock.
Q. Why did you go to all those places?
A. Because I wanted to meet that man.
Q. What man?
A. Theodore Roosevelt.
Q. How long have you lived in New York?
A. About twenty-five years.
Q. What is your business?
A. Well, I am not doing anything now, I have been in the liquor
business.
Q. Where?
A. In New York.
Q. What place?
A. Tenth street.
Q. Give us the number please?
A. Three hundred seventy, East Tenth street, between avenues B and C; I
have been with my uncle; my uncle's name is Flammang.
Q. Are you a married man?
A. No, sir.
Q. How long have you been in the liquor business?
A. Well, ever since I was a boy. My folks were in business the time I
come over here and I was twelve years old then.
Q. How old are you now?
A. Thirty-six.
Q. Well, what object did you have in following around and trying to
meet Theodore Roosevelt?
A. Well, because I have been reading history and following up history
and I have seen that this man Roosevelt is trying to break one of the
old established traditions of the country, calling it a third termer,
which he has no right to; he can create a third party and create all
the offices, but to nominate himself it was absolutely out of the way
and I think today that it is absolutely unnecessary to establish now
and have the third tradition to exist and not to be violated by
anybody.
Q. Well, what did you have in mind to do when you went around in these
different places?
A. I had in mind to meet him and he escaped me every time; he escaped
me in Atlanta and Chattanooga.
Q. He escaped what?
A. He has not come the way I expected, he did not come out the way I
expected; if he goes in a hall today and speaks in a hall and he come
in this way or that way he goes out a different way and the man got
away.
Q. What did he escape from?
A. From the places I wanted to meet him?
Q. Why did you want to meet him?
A. Because I wanted to put him out of the way. A man that wants a third
term has no right to live.
Q. That is, you wanted to kill him?
A. I did.
Q. Have you any other reason in wanting to kill him?
A. I have.
Q. What is that?
A. I had a dream several years ago that Mr. McKinley appeared to me and
he told me that Mr. Roosevelt is practically his real murderer and not
this here Czolgosz, or whatever his name was, Mr. Roosevelt is
practically the man that has been the real murderer of President
McKinley in order to get the presidency of the United States, because
the way things were that time he was not supposed to be a president;
all the leaders did not want him, that's the reason they give him the
vice-presidency, which is political suicide; and that's what I am sore
about, to think Mr. McKinley appeared to me in a dream and said, "this
is my murderer and nobody else."
Q. Did you speak with anybody in New York about this before you left?
A. No, sir.
Q. You made your mind up to this all yourself?
A. Yes, because I am alone, although I own property in New York.
Q. What property?
A. I own property in four hundred thirty-three East Eighty-first
street.
Q. What does it consist of?
A. It consists of an apartment house with ten tenants; it's estimated
at twenty-five thousand dollars.
Q. Did you attend any political meetings in New York before you left?
A. I attended several, yes, sir; ever since I was coming across the
country; I had political meetings in Evansville, Indiana, of the three
political parties.
Q. Who furnished you with the funds that you needed to travel around
the country?
A. I beg your pardon, I was just telling you I have property there and
had the money.
[Illustration: Winifred C. Zabel, District Attorney Milwaukee County.]
Q. Have you any money now?
A. No, sir.
Q. When did you run out?
A. I just took this three hundred dollars to go around and all I saved
up is one hundred forty dollars.
Q. Where did you leave that?
A. I left that here.
Q. Well, why did you come here; oh, this was yesterday?
A. I came here Sunday at one o'clock in order to find out in the city
where he was going to speak and where I could meet him.
Q. You never were married?
A. No, sir.
Q. You said a minute ago you weren't doing anything now; when did you
go out of business?
A. I am out of business going on two years, living off the income of
the property.
Q. And that is sufficient to keep you?
A. Sufficient to keep me as long as I keep in my limits.
Q. How much is the property worth?
A. Well, it has been worth for twenty-five, supposed to be worth at
twenty-five and taxed at twenty-five thousand.
Q. How much is the income you derive from it?
A. Around eight hundred dollars a year.
Q. And do you live with your brother when you are at home?
A. I have no brother. I have been living for the past seven months in
one hundred fifty-six Canal street, New York, that's a hotel.
Q. What is the name of the hotel?
A. White House they call it; the owner of the hotel is Jost, Gustav,
Gustav Jost.
Q. How long you been living there?
A. I think seven months.
Q. Is there a bar connected with the place?
A. Oh, indeed.
Q. Have you been drinking lately?
A. No, sir; no, sir; that ain't my habit.
Q. What is your favorite drink when you do?
A. Beer.
Q. If you had your mind set upon shooting Mr. Roosevelt, how does it
come that you had to follow him to so many places before you came here?
A. As I have been telling you a minute ago, he escaped me many a time,
he escaped me in Chicago.
Q. By leaving the place where he spoke by some other door?
A. By some other door and I was watching and he didn't come out that
way and it was advertised by the papers he would come on the
Northwestern and instead he come on the St. Paul.
Q. Where did you buy the revolver?
A. In New York.
Q. When?
A. On Saturday the twenty-first.
Q. And you bought it with the object in view of shooting Mr. Roosevelt?
A. Yes, sir; exactly.
Q. Where did you buy it?
A. I could not really tell you where I bought it, in Broadway, I know
it's below Canal street, but I could not tell you the name.
Q. What's the make?
A. Colt; thirty-eight caliber; it's where you turn the barrel to the
side way, it's none of those you open this way.
Q. What kind of place, a hardware store or gun shop?
A. No, sir; nothing but guns; I paid fourteen dollars for it.
Q. Did you ever discuss this matter with any other person of what you
intended to do?
A. No, sir; no, sir.
Q. You didn't speak to anyone?
A. I discussed as far as the political discussion is concerned, but I
never give anybody a hint that I was going to do this, that was all my
own make-up.
Q. You didn't tell anybody why you bought the revolver?
A. No, sir; nobody knew I bought a revolver.
Q. In this dream that you had, McKinley told you that it wasn't
Czolgosz that killed McKinley, but it was Roosevelt?
A. Well, he says in this way, "this is my murderer."
Q. Did you ever meet Czolgosz or know him in his life-time?
A. No, sir; no, sir; how could I. I have been all that time since I
have been here in New York.
Q. Did you know John Most when he was alive?
A. No, sir.
Q. Did you ever hear him talk?
A. No, sir.
Q. Did you ever hear Emma Goldman?
A. No, sir; I am not an anarchist or socialist or democrat or
republican; I just took up the thing the way I thought it was best to
do.
Q. You are not a member of any party?
A. No, sir; I thought there should be an example of the third term if
it should exist any longer; Mr. Grant was refused and he was satisfied;
this man was refused and he is not satisfied; it's gone beyond limits;
if he keeps on doing this after election, he can't possibly carry a
solid western state; the next thing we will have is a Civil War,
because he will say the scoundrels and thieves and crooks stole my
nomination and now they will steal my election, and they will take up
arms in all the western states; we are facing a civil war just to keep
him in a third term, in an illegitimate place.
Q. Where did you get all this idea from?
A. I have been reading history all the time.
Q. You don't find that anywhere in history that they stole his
nomination and going to steal his election?
A. I don't have to read that in history; you must know in the Chicago
convention it was in every paper, everybody could read it.
Q. You read it in the paper then?
A. He says it every time he speaks.
Q. What paper do you read at home in New York?
A. The World.
Q. Is that the only paper you read?
A. I read German papers and every paper I got, but the regular paper is
the World.
Q. What country do you hail from?
A. Germany.
Q. What part of Germany?
A. Bavaria.
Q. What is the name of the place?
A. Two hours from Munich; Munich is the capital of Bavaria.
Q. What is the name of the place?
A. Erding.
Q. What schooling did you have?
A. Well, I have attended school in the old country and I attended night
school in New York for about four winters; that's all the schooling I
had.
Q. You haven't a very good education then?
A. Indeed I ain't.
Q. Have you always enjoyed good health?
A. Yes, sir; I am a healthy, sane man, never been sick.
Q. Never been sick?
A. No, sir.
Q. Ever been sick within the last year?
A. No, sir.
Q. Well, do you believe that that's a sane act that you committed this
evening?
A. I believe that is my duty as a citizen to do, it's the duty of every
citizen to do so.
Q. Well, how did you happen to get the idea that it was your duty among
all the people that live in the United States?
A. I don't know; I thought maybe somebody else might do it before I got
there.
Q. And you spoke to no one about your intention on all the route you
took concerning this, nobody?
A. No, sir; nobody.
Q. Are you familiar with the law in New York with reference to carrying
concealed weapons?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. What is it?
A. I know when I bought the gun the man told me, "I have to take that
one screw out in order to make the trigger ineffective" and I told him
not to do so because I was going to leave town the very same day, which
I did.
Q. He didn't take it out?
A. No, sir; he didn't do it; I showed him the ticket for the steamship
that I was going south the very same day and he said as long as I was
going out the law didn't fit that.
Q. Where were you going to?
A. To Charleston.
Q. On the steamship to Charleston?
A. Yes, sir; I wanted to go from New York to New Orleans because I
thought he was going to speak in New Orleans and I thought I would be
too long on the road and he would be gone before I got there and I
thought I would go and get him at Atlanta.
Q. What hotel did Mr. Roosevelt stop at in Charleston?
A. Sir?
Q. What hotel?
A. He hasn't been at Charleston; I went to Augusta and from Augusta to
Atlanta.
Q. What hotel did he stop at at Atlanta?
A. I really could not tell you, I don't know; I think I left the
memorandum downstairs where I stopped, but I don't think I could tell
you where he stopped.
Q. What hotel did he stop at at Chicago?
A. At Chicago, at Chicago he stopped, stopped at La Salle.
Q. Where did you stop?
A. I stopped at Jackson, Hotel Jackson.
Q. Where is he going to after he leaves here?
A. The way I read in the paper this morning he is going back to Chicago
and from there to Indianapolis and from there to Louisville.
Q. What name did you register under at Augusta?
A. Walter Ross.
Q. What name at Atlanta?
A. All the way except Charleston I give my real name; the only time I
give the right name is in Charleston where I left my grip; I saw it was
a respectable house and I didn't have to stay away more than a week and
now I have been away more than three weeks.
Q. Have you a check for it?
A. No, sir; I have no check; it is not a hotel, it is a boarding-house.
Q. What street is it on?
A. It is I believe on Meading street near Main.
Q. What place did you stop at since you have been in this city?
A. In this city I stopped here, let me see, what do they call that
hotel again, right here on Wabash, small hotel.
Q. Blatz?
A. No, sir.
Q. St. Charles?
A. No, sir; small place, Argyle, that's on Third street.
Q. Did you have any baggage when you came here?
A. No, sir; I left all the baggage at Charleston.
Q. When you registered did they ask you whether you had any baggage?
A. No, sir; nobody asked me.
Q. Did you pay in advance?
A. I generally never stayed any longer than one or two nights and for
every night I pay a dollar for my room; nobody asked me about baggage.
Q. You paid that after you registered at the Argyle?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. What room did you occupy?
A. In the Argyle I guess it was number one, right toward the Wabash
River.
Q. Why do you call it the Wabash River?
A. Because the man told me it was; he said, "the only room I have left
is the one facing the Wabash River."
Q. What is the name of this city?
A. This city, it's supposed to be Milwaukee; I feel very sorry that the
trouble has happened in this city; I suppose I have made considerable
trouble for you people and for the citizens of the town.
Q. Have you any relatives living in this country?
A. No, sir.
Q. Any in Germany?
A. Yes, sir; I think I have, I haven't been in correspondence for quite
a while, I don't know if they are well.
Q. What relatives have you?
A. I have a mother living there.
Q. Mother?
A. Yes, brother and sister.
Q. At Erding?
A. No, they are at Tyrol.
Q. Switzerland?
A. Tyrol that is not Switzerland, that is Bavarian Tyrol.
Q. Have you ever been in trouble before?
A. No, sir; not that I remember.
Q. Ever been arrested for anything?
A. Not in my life.
Q. Have you ever been committed to an institution of any kind?
A. No, sir; never, I have always stayed out of trouble, I have never
been in any trouble whatever, and this trouble I committed myself, now
I am contented I did.
Q. You are not a bit sorry?
A. No, sir. You may look up the records of all New York police
headquarters, because I have never been there, I have never been
arrested there.
Q. What did you say your name was?
A. John Schrank.
Q. Did you tell anybody that you were going to leave your baggage
there?
A. I told them people I was going to stay away for about three days.
Q. Did you make any arrangement for them to send it in case you wrote
for it?
A. No, sir; I stopped there two days and paid eight dollars in advance
for a week's board, and I dressed up and went away and I told the
people I might be back in three days and of course ever since then they
didn't hear anything of me and I guess if they do hear and I can
communicate they will give it over and all perhaps they will charge is
the storage.
Q. Why did you tell them you were going to be gone three days?
A. I didn't think it would take longer than three days when I would be
away.
Q. Then you thought you would go back?
A. I thought I would be arrested, I couldn't tell.
Q. What does your grip contain?
A. Nothing but a suit of clothes and underwear and I got a deed to my
property and as I told you the box where the gun is in and that's about
all there is in.
Q. Are you a full citizen?
A. Sir?
Q. Are you a full citizen?
A. What does that mean?
Q. Got your second papers?
A. I never had my first, I come over here a minor; I got my papers when
I was twenty-one, I think my paper reads July twenty-third,
ninety-seven; I think that's what it reads.
Q. When did you first begin to think about this?
A. I began to think of it after the Chicago convention.
Q. What caused you to think of it?
A. I thought on account of calling a new convention and starting the
third party that makes anybody think; what's the use of being a citizen
if you don't take any interest in the politics of our country?
Q. What did you read in the paper that directed your mind to Mr.
Roosevelt?
A. You read a lot of things in the papers and especially in the New
York World; the New York World practically come out that the country is
in danger if he has the chair again.
Q. Did you read Harper's Weekly?
A. Harper's I don't read, no, sir.
Q. Did they say anything in particular that centered your attention on
this act?
A. No, sir; not at all, perhaps a million people read it and didn't
think anything and I just happened to read the matter over, I was
interested from there.
Q. Editorial page?
A. Editorial page.
Q. You remember any particular editorial?
A. No, sir; I do not remember. I could not repeat it.
Q. Well, did you read anything else in any other paper except the World
that made any impression on you of Mr. Roosevelt?
A. Well, in fact I have been following up all papers of the political
views and I have been taking out the World as the right thing, she is
right the way she talks and one paper I read, the New York Herald, and
she never speaks about Theodore Roosevelt but the third termer and she
don't mention his name, only the third termer.
Q. Did you ever apply for any position in the United States Government?
A. No, sir.
Q. Did you know Mr. Roosevelt when he was Police Commissioner?
A. I did, indeed I did. In those days we was and my folks were in the
liquor business and they closed us up like the other people and I
didn't feel any sympathy with them.
Q. Which particular place did he close up?
A. What do you mean?
Q. You say he closed up some place of your people, which one?
A. He closed up all places.
Q. Were you in the liquor business?
A. I was with my folks.
Q. With whom?
A. My uncle.
Q. He closed your uncle?
A. He closed everything and there was about two months there was
nothing open and a policeman stationed at every door.
Q. That was after midnight and on Sunday?
A. It was not closed up on Sunday but during the week, I am not talking
about the Sunday Law.
Q. And you thought that was not right?
A. Anybody encroaches on your right you think it is not right.
Q. How long ago was that?
A. Eighty-six he ran for Mayor against Henry George, I think it was
nine-three or ninety-four.
Q. Did the fact of that act of his, of closing you up on Sunday, have
anything to do with what you done tonight?
A. No, sir.
[Illustration: Dr. Joseph Colt Bloodgood, Johns Hopkins University.]
Q. You never felt kindly toward him?
A. Yes, sir; I did until he started a third party.
Q. You thought he was infringing on your right?
A. Well, on everybody's right, every citizen's right, he had no right
to do that; he could start a party and nominate every officer in there,
but not put himself on for a third term, that was no way to do.
Q. Did you vote for him in nineteen hundred four or for Parker?
A. I voted Democratic.
Q. Parker?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. You a member of Tammany?
A. No, I am not a member, I am not a member of any political party;
when they arrested me one man called me a Socialist.
Q. Did you oppose him in nineteen hundred four?
A. I voted against him; I never expected the man to draw as big a
majority as he did.
Q. Did you make speeches against him?
A. No, sir.
Q. Talk against him?
A. The same as anybody else.
Q. You thought he wasn't liberal?
A. He was not liberal.
Q. You didn't like his attitude, you were against him?
A. Yes, sir.
CHAPTER XIII.
WITNESSES OF THE SHOOTING.
The following statements of Wheeler P. Bloodgood, representing the
Progressive National committee; F. E. Davidson, Milwaukee county
chairman of the Progressive party, Capt. A. O. Girard and others set
forth arrangements for Col. Roosevelt's speech in the Auditorium on the
night of October 14, 1912, and present many facts concerning the
shooting of Col. Roosevelt not before made public.
These statements were made to District Attorney W. C. Zabel during the
examination of Schrank conducted by him on Oct. 16.
The purpose of this hearing was to ascertain if possible whether others
were with Schrank in the plot to kill the ex-president.
While the examination developed a second man who was very anxious to
get close to Col. Roosevelt during his stay in the Gilpatrick, no other
evidence concerning this second man's connection with the shooting was
developed.
* * * * *
The following statement by Attorney Wheeler P. Bloodgood was made on
Oct. 16 to District Attorney Zabel:
As the acting national committee man of the Progressive party in
Wisconsin, I called a meeting of the Executive Committee in connection
with the address to be made by Col. Roosevelt in Milwaukee, Oct. 14. By
direction of the committee, F. E. Davidson, county chairman of
Milwaukee County of the Progressive party, was put in charge of
arrangements for the meeting, and was directed to lease the main hall
of the Auditorium in Milwaukee for the evening of Oct. 14.
After Mr. Davidson, who accompanied Mr. Norman L. Baker, state
chairman, in engaging the hall and making other arrangements, had made
his report, I discussed with him the question of proper police
protection for Col. Roosevelt and his party while they were in
Milwaukee, and Mr. Davidson informed me that he and Mr. Paul Heyl, whom
he had appointed sergeant-at-arms, had taken this matter up with the
police department of Milwaukee.
I went to Chicago on the morning of Oct. 14th, accompanied by H. E.
Miles and others. Col. Roosevelt and his party came to Milwaukee. On
the train from Chicago to Milwaukee I advised Colonel Lyon, of Texas,
who was in charge of Col. Roosevelt's person, that we would be met at
the depot in Milwaukee by Mr. Davidson, who was in charge of the
arrangements for the meeting, and by others, and that they would
request that Col. Roosevelt have his supper, at least, at the Hotel
Gilpatrick. I advised them that Mr. Davidson had made all of the
arrangements in Milwaukee for the meeting of the Colonel, and his care,
between the time of his reaching the city and the holding of the
meeting at the Auditorium. Col. Lyon and O. K. Davis strongly objected
to Col. Roosevelt leaving his car, and said it was there that he should
have his dinner and go directly from the car to the Auditorium.
When the Colonel's car reached Racine, Capt. Girard got on the train
and spoke to me in reference to his acting as the Colonel's bodyguard
while he was in Milwaukee. My recollection is that the Colonel was in
the back part of the car when the captain got on board, and he at once
recognized the captain and spoke to him as though he were greeting an
old friend. Then Capt. Girard had a talk with Col. Lyon and Mr. O. K.
Davis, and it was understood that the captain would be with the Colonel
during the whole time he was in Milwaukee, and it was understood that
he was in charge of the Colonel's person.
When the train reached Milwaukee, Mr. Davidson got on the rear platform
and was introduced by me to Col. Roosevelt, and he at once said to Col.
Roosevelt:
"The boys are all anxious that you have your supper at the Hotel
Gilpatrick, and we have made arrangements there so that you can rest.
The hotel is not one of the best known hotels in Milwaukee, but it is a
quiet and good place. The owner has been a great friend of the county
committee and it would please us all very much if you would come."
The Colonel said to Mr. Davidson and to me that he had planned to stay
in the car and go directly from the car to the Auditorium. As I recall
it, Col. Lyon, O. K. Davis, Dr. S. L. Terrell spoke up and said:
"That is the arrangement, and that is what will have to be done."
Then the Colonel turned to Mr. Davidson and wanted to know whether
these arrangements had been made, and whether the boys would be
disappointed if he did not do what had been expected. Mr. Davidson
said:
"We do not want to do anything that will inconvenience you, but I think
they will be disappointed."
Whereupon the Colonel saluted and said:
"I am going."
The Doctor went back to get the Colonel's overcoat, and as soon as he
put on his overcoat the Colonel, accompanied by Mr. Davidson, Capt.
Girard upon one side and Col. Lyon on the other, went through the line
of the marching club and got into the automobile. Col. Lyon requested
of me that the party be made a small one and not have a great many
automobiles. They went directly to the Gilpatrick. At about twenty
minutes to eight I went to the hotel with H. E. Miles, Frank M. Hoyt,
Congressman H. A. Cooper, of Racine, Prof. Merriman, of Chicago, and
others. When I reached the lobby of the hotel I talked with Capt.
Girard and told him that I had another machine there and that I found
there was only one machine in front of the hotel; that Mr. Moss, Mr.
Taylor and I thought that machine should be used, and that I, with the
others who had accompanied me, would walk from the hotel to the
Auditorium, my understanding being that Col. Lyon did not want a large
crowd to accompany Col. Roosevelt to the Auditorium. Capt. Girard told
me that he understood that the party would be down and ready to start
promptly, to reach the Auditorium at a few minutes after eight. Mr.
Moss and Mr. Taylor were in the auto in which the Colonel was to drive
from the hotel to the Auditorium. The machine that I had came through
the crowd and got right close to Mr. Moss' and Mr. Taylor's auto.
I went immediately to the Auditorium and went in at the State Street
entrance and went on the platform. Mr. Miles, state treasurer of the
party, had called together Mr. Heyl, Mr. Davidson and some of the
sergeants-at-arms and was making arrangements to take up a collection
from the audience. Mr. Miles had started to go on the platform to
announce this collection and the sergeants-at-arms proceeded to their
various places to get instructions, and I went to the stage door.
Col. Roosevelt came and I knew nothing whatever of what had occurred;
while I noticed the party accompanying him seemed excited. The Colonel
showed no excitement at all, and I said to him:
"Wait a few minutes back of the stage while Mr. Miles takes up the
collection. Mr. Donald Ferguson desires to have it."
The Colonel said:
"Mr. Bloodgood, I have been shot and there is a bullet somewhere in my
body; the important thing is that nothing should be said or done to
cause a panic in the audience. I intend to deliver my address, or at
least a part of it."
Col. Roosevelt then went back of the stage and requested us to go to
the front and prevent any one saying anything. He said:
"It will only be a minute before I will be out."
I also heard the Colonel tell Mr. Cochems to say or do nothing that
would frighten the people.
The appearance of the Colonel on the platform and the circumstances
connected with it have been fully described. Col. Lyon, just before the
address of Col. Roosevelt was made, suggested to me that it was very
important that the crowd should not press around Col. Roosevelt and to
make arrangements to prevent that. I went back and found three men who
said they were detectives, and I asked them to come on the stage and to
make arrangements so as to prevent the crowd from pressing around Col.
Roosevelt. Mr. Cochems, in the mean time, had gone in front of Col.
Roosevelt so as to catch him if he should fall, and had made all
arrangements to prevent the crowd from rushing on the platform after
the address was finished.
Col. Roosevelt, after the address, walked through the aisle, which was
kept open from the stage door, to the automobile; as he got into the
automobile he shook my hand and said that he wanted it made emphatic
that he blamed no one; that the city authorities were not to blame, nor
was any blame to be attached to any one that had charge of this
meeting; that it was an accident and could not have been prevented;
that it might have happened anywhere; and repeated the importance of
making that clear, and that that was his feeling.
That was just before he left in the auto for the Emergency hospital.
* * * * *
The following statement was made by Capt. A. O. Girard, who was in the
automobile when Col. Roosevelt was shot. The statement was made in the
office of the district attorney on Oct. 16, 1912.
I was asked by the secretary of the Progressive State Central committee
to go to Racine and meet the Colonel, having been with him in his
department and been his body guard before, and take some papers down.
The Colonel requested that I stay with him for the evening and after we
got at the hotel I stood in front of the door so he wouldn't be
disturbed, and also at the dining room door.
While sitting in the dining room door there was a slight, dark man who
said he came there especially from New York to see the Colonel, and was
very persistent and wanted to open the dining room door and see him at
the table. I finally forced him away. He was sallow complexioned, 28 or
30 years of age, I imagine, had a dark overcoat on, not so extra well
dressed, smooth face. I noticed his eyes particularly--they were rather
shifty--and he was very, very persistent in getting to the dining room.
He was a man of about five feet ten; this happened at 7 o'clock at the
Gilpatrick dining room.
[Illustration: Dr. R. G. Sayle, Milwaukee.]
I saw him after that after I had told him to go away; he got something
to smoke at the cigar stand and then went out. I did not see him after
that, things happened so rapidly.
The Colonel went upstairs and got his hat and coat on and came down. I
cleared the way going out with Sergeant Murray, and I told the fellows
on the other side of the automobile to get back; they were jammed up
against the automobile; the Colonel started to get into the automobile.
Just as I put my foot on the step of the car, I saw this man raise his
gun, stick it between two fellows' heads at the full extent of his arm,
and Mr. Taylor can tell you the rest.
I started to get into the machine from the sidewalk, and Mr. Moss sat
up on the seat to get out of my way, and Mr. Taylor laid back, as I
remember it, to give him room; after he was laid back, I had my right
foot on top of the car door. That is as far as I got into the machine.
I saw this man extend his hand with this gun between two other men's
heads. He reached as far as he could with it. The end of that gun was
probably six feet raised to the level of his eye; he took a good aim.
Everybody was watching the Colonel.
The moment I saw that arm go up I remember distinctly the flourishing
of the gun almost in my face, and at the same time somebody else jumped
from the other end of the machine. We were all on the ground together
and then Sergeant Murray came up and Murray and I took the man over to
the Colonel's seat, Murray having him by the arm and I by the throat.
Mr. Martin had him by the other arm.
The Colonel said, "Bring him to me, bring him here," and we bent his
head back so the Colonel could see him. Then they began to shout,
"Lynch him, kill him."
The Colonel said, "Do not hurt him."
Before that, on the ground, the fellow tried to kick me and made it
more difficult for us to get the man, and as a result I got most of the
kicks.
After we took him to the Colonel, Sergeant Murray and I had a difficult
thing to get that man away. I shouted to Murray: "Into the kitchen."
We fought our way through the dining room into the kitchen with two or
three hundred fellows. Murray left the man in my care until he called
the patrol wagon. Then I started for the Auditorium. After we went to
the kitchen I searched the man again for possible other weapons. I did
not find anything. He said: "My gun is gone; your people took it away
from me."
I forced him down into a chair and held him down until the police got
back.
(Mr. Zabel)--You accompanied the Colonel from the train to the hotel?
(Answer)--Yes.
(Mr. Zabel)--Did you notice the police protection?
(Answer)--They did not have enough men to keep the crowd away from the
side of the Colonel. I think it was one of the ex-President's party who
walked along side of the ex-President. When I got to the hotel I was of
course pretty busy with the Colonel, and Sergeant Murray was there.
Someone asked me to see if he could not get an officer to go with the
carriage to the Auditorium and walk on the side the ex-President was. I
called the Sergeant and he said he would find a man for me there. As to
how many men were there, I do not remember. I know Sergeant Murray was
there and I saw one other man.
(Mr. Zabel)--Any policeman assisting you and the sergeant in making the
arrest of this fellow?
(Answer)--There was another officer there when we started to the hotel
trying to keep the crowd back.
* * * * *
Francis E. Davidson, chairman of the Milwaukee County Progressive
committee, made the following statements to District Attorney Zabel on
Oct. 16:
Mr. Bloodgood called me over to his office and said that I was to take
charge of the Roosevelt meeting in the Auditorium. Among other duties,
I was to inform the police department and ask for protection for Col.
Roosevelt while he was in the city. I went to the office of the chief
of police with Paul Heyl, sergeant-at-arms, two days before the
meeting. The chief of police was not in, but I was sent to the
inspector. We told him that we wanted police protection at the depot,
on the streets and at the Hotel Gilpatrick for Col. Roosevelt, which
was promised. In going away I did not think that he attached enough
importance to what I told him, and I went back and asked him on account
of conditions in the country I wanted extra police protection for the
Colonel, and was informed that he had taken care of Col. Roosevelt
before.
(Mr. Zabel)--When this car arrived in Milwaukee, what police protection
was visible to you?
(Answer)--I think there were two or three policemen down at the station
in uniform.
(Mr. Zabel)--Were there any plain clothes men that you recognized?
(Answer)--Not that I recognized.
(Mr. Zabel)--Are you familiar with them?
(Answer)--No.
(Mr. Zabel)--Where were they stationed?
(Answer)--One in front of the depot and one at the gate.
(Mr. Zabel)--Was the ex-President obliged to pass through the depot on
his way out?
(Answer)--No, through the small gate.
I told Mr. Bloodgood that we had made arrangements which would prevent
any one calling on Col. Roosevelt at the hotel, having a private room
and also police protection.
(Mr. Zabel)--What protection did you notice when you came there?
(Answer)--I noticed a policeman at the door. There may have been plain
clothes men.
* * * * *
The following statement was made to District Attorney Zabel on Oct. 16,
by Thomas Taylor, who was in the automobile with Col. Roosevelt:
We had the honor of escorting the ex-President in our machine from the
depot to the Gilpatrick. We left him there and we kept the machine in
front of the main part of the hotel door all the time. While Mr. Moss
was away I remained with the machine, and when he came back I went into
the hotel.
As I came in, I asked where the Colonel was. They said he was in the
dining room, and I talked to two or three of the committeemen there.
After I got to one side there was a man about twenty-eight or thirty
years of age, smooth face, fairly well dressed, who asked me if I could
get him a ticket to the Auditorium.
I said, "Where are you from?" He said, "I am from New York." Well, I
told him the tickets were all given out, and there was no way for him
to get in unless he wanted to go immediately over to the hall and take
chances with the rest.
The thing that struck me after that was that he did not go immediately
over to the hall, but stood about talking. His appearance is just
exactly as Capt. Girard described. He was a man that would weigh
probably 145 pounds, five feet nine, probably nine and a half, smooth
face, no emblems that I could see, but was very anxious about getting
into that hall.
Soon after that another man came to me with the same request and wanted
to know if I knew of any way he could get in. I told him the same
story.
I said, "Where are you from, are you a stranger here?"
And he said: "I am from Ohio," but I do not recall what place.
I returned to the machine and had it all ready when the ex-President
was seen coming down the stairs to the door. I turned on the power,
opened the door and the Colonel came right along; Capt. Girard was
right near him. Martin jumped into the machine first, and, turning his
back, started to assist the ex-President. Capt. Girard stepped up, as
he has described, and Henry F. Cochems had got in.
Just then, right to my side, I heard the very low report. I hunt a
great deal and shoot, and the flash of a gun doesn't scare me but sets
me instantly on my nerve.
Quick as a flash, I saw this man with his arm about so (indicating).
I was knocked down by Capt. Girard, and when I sprang to my knees Capt.
Girard and Martin were on top of Schrank.
A dark man took Schrank's arm; he looked like a laborer. He grabbed him
and seemed to be struggling with him. The laborer got hold of Schrank
first; I think the captain was up as soon as any man.
I turned to the Colonel and he was just sitting in his seat. Henry F.
Cochems put his arms around him. It was only for a second or two, and
the Colonel rose up and said:
"Do not kill him; bring him here; bring him here."
He must have said that five or six times immediately after, and they
brought the man back and bent his head back on the back of the machine.
The ex-President looked into his eyes for a second or two and the
ex-President shook his head, and then turned away. I turned to the
ex-President and I said:
"Colonel, he hit you."
He said:
"He never touched me; he never touched me."
I said:
"You have a hole in your coat," and the Colonel put his hand to his
side and said:
"He picked me; he picked me."
This did not scare him. Then he addressed the crowd and said:
"We are going to the hall; we are going to the hall; start the machine;
go ahead; go on."
After we got up and turned on Wells street, we turned up about a block
and a half and the doctor and some friend opened the front of
Roosevelt's coat, and he turned then and saw the blood. Then he turned
pale. That is the first time I saw him turn pale was when he saw that
blood. Before we got to the Auditorium he had recovered as far as the
paleness was concerned. He was immediately taken into a side room
there.
(Mr. Zabel)--Did you have charge of taking the tickets at the
Auditorium?
(Mr. Taylor)--I was one of the committee the same as the rest of the
people that were around there with badges on; I had given out some
tickets.
What strikes me as peculiar about this affair is that this man Schrank,
claiming not to be familiar with the use of firearms, should be able to
select the kind of revolver that was used, a 38-caliber Colt with a 44
frame, one of the most deadly weapons made.
I may explain that the frame being large enables the shooter to have a
more deadly aim. The Colonel also remarked the same thing in regard to
this weapon, 38-caliber, a 44 frame.
Col. Cecil Lyon held the gun up to us to look at, and it was an ugly
looking weapon.
* * * * *
Reference: It will be noted was made by members of the Roosevelt party
to a laboring man who struck Schrank's arm as he fired, and who was one
of the men who struggled with Schrank immediately after the shot was
fired. That man was Frank Buskowsky, 1140 Seventh avenue, Milwaukee. In
an interview Buskowsky said:
"I was so excited when I realized that the man next to me had shot at
Roosevelt that I felt like killing him, and I cried out at the top of
my voice as I held him, 'Kill him, kill the d----n scoundrel.'
[Illustration: John T. Janssen, Chief of Police.]
"The police must have thought that I meant Roosevelt, for when one of
them came up to me he yelled, 'What in h----l is the matter with you?'
and hustled me away.
"As I cannot speak good English, I could not explain that I had meant
Schrank and not Roosevelt. I was so excited when the police took me
away that way that I went immediately home.
"If I could have explained myself that patrolman would have heard
something from me for the way he clubbed me on my head. My hat was
smashed in.
"I came home, disgusted with the treatment I had received by the
police. The next morning I read all about Martin capturing that man and
it made me mad, for I was the first one to grab him and prevent him
from shooting any more."
Buskowsky is a Bohemian and has been in America seven years, during
which period he has been an enthusiastic supporter of the Bull Moose
leader.
Affidavits corroborating what is set forth in statements presented were
made by Donald Ferguson, of Goldfield, Nev.; Arthur W. Newhall, 812
State street, Milwaukee; Jacques R. Thill, 574 Jackson street,
Milwaukee, and Sergeant Albert J. Murray, Milwaukee police department,
and Abraham Cohen, 519 North avenue, Milwaukee.
CHAPTER XIV.
A SECOND EXAMINATION.
Report of questions propounded by District Attorney Winifred C. Zabel,
of Milwaukee county, and Wheeler P. Bloodgood, to, and answers given
by, John Flammang Schrank, at the county jail, of the county of
Milwaukee, Wis., in the presence of Sheriff Arnold, Donald Ferguson,
Francis E. Davidson and others, commencing at 12:50 P.M. on the 16th
day of October, 1912. Reported by Alfred O. Wilmot, court reporter,
District court, Milwaukee county.
Mr. Zabel:
While you were living in New York what newspapers did you read?
A. I read the New York Herald and I read the New York World, and the
New York Staats-Zeitung, a German paper.
Q. That is a German publication?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Is that a morning paper?
A. Yes, sir; also evening edition.
Q. Did you read any of the Hearst publications?
A. No, sir.
Q. The New York American?
A. No, sir.
Q. New York Journal?
A. No, sir.
Q. What you read in the New York World and what is the other news----
A. Herald.
Q. And New York Herald did anything you read in those papers impress
you in any way?
A. Well, it did in a way impress me, that means, I thought whatever I
read in the paper was pretty much right, what the people were talking
about this building of the new party and deserting the old party. You
can read that in the newspapers and that is what I read and it must be
right.
Mr. Bloodgood:
Q. Mr. Schrank, you remember I examined you at some length on Monday
evening and you spoke of the New York Herald and New York World and the
headlines that appeared in those papers, and that you have been reading
them constantly, is that correct?
A. That is correct, yes, sir.
Mr. Zabel:
Q. Did you read those papers for the political items that were
contained in them?
A. Well, in fact, not exactly for that. I read the papers the same as
anybody else, and naturally things like those I took interest in every,
and the items interested me in those articles.
Q. What headlines are still fresh in your recollection which you read?
concerning political----
A. Oh, I could not just recall anything. Headlines doesn't amount to
much. It is now and then perhaps, but it doesn't amount to much. It is
just the item itself.
Q. Was there anything you read in those papers that gave you any
distinct impression to kill Roosevelt?
A. No, sir; not at all. I cannot blame the papers whatsoever. I have
done what I done on my own convictions.
Q. Well, were you not impressed by what you read in the New York papers
as to the menace which Mr. Roosevelt would be to our nation?
A. No, sir; not by the papers, hardly. I thought my own opinion about
that.
Q. Do you remember reading anything in those papers in which Mr.
Roosevelt was described either as a tyrant or as a traitor?
A. Oh, no.
Q. Or his ingratitude or words to that effect?
A. No; there might have been a few criticisms that says I am It Or Me
and I and that is about all, but that doesn't impress much on anybody.
Q. When you say that---- You started to say before that you were much
opposed to Mr. Roosevelt deserting the old party and building up a new
party---- What old party did you have in mind?
A. The Republican party.
Q. Were you interested in the Republican party?
A. No, sir; I was not interested.
Q. Ever vote the Republican ticket?
A. Yes, sir; I have several times.
Q. On National elections?
A. National elections.
Q. Ever vote for Mr. Roosevelt?
A. No.
Q. Municipal elections were you----
A. A democrat.
Q. Democrat for what particular reason?
A. Well, as long as we were in the liquor business there in New York it
was almost natural that we should vote the Tammany rule because every
liquor dealer needs protection.
Q. On account of what?
A. Account Sunday law, because we was selling Sundays beer that we
could not sell unless you belonged to that organization. You will have
the police after you all the time. I suppose you know that as well----
Q. Did you ever contribute?
A. Well, we had to contribute at times--yes, sir. There would be a
different way to contribute.
Q. Did you ever give money to the organization?
A. No, not to the organization.
Q. Or to the police?
A. There is a different way of doing that. If you didn't do it
willingly of course there would be a way. They will be around one of
those nice Sundays and arrest you and naturally there will be two there
and they will impress a charge against you in a manner that will get
you out in case you paid them. I have been doing that several times,
gave each one five dollar bill or ten dollar bill and they won't press
the charge.
Q. This money was to be used for what purpose?
A. That I could not tell.
Q. The men that came around on that mission were they police officers
or politicians?
A. Well, regular officers, specials, what takes these Sunday----
Sheriff Arnold:
Mr. Zabel, did anybody here send for a man named Moss?
Mr. Bloodgood:
Yes. Send him in.
Q. Did you ever contribute anything to the Republican campaign fund?
A. No, sir; I had no reason.
Q. Was ever any contribution solicited of you by Tammany Hall or by the
Police?
A. No, sir.
Q. Now isn't it a fact that a good deal of your feeling against
Roosevelt was created by what you read in the papers?
A. It was not created, no, sir.
Q. Well, was it to a large measure influential?
A. I could not just deny that it had some influence but not to be
decisive.
Q. Not decisive.
A. No, sir.
Q. Didn't it make you feel angry and unfriendly?
A. Not any worse than what I was.
Q. Didn't make you feel any worse or more unfriendly?
A. No, sir.
Q. Toward Roosevelt?
Mr. Bloodgood:
Q. How long have you been reading the New York Herald?
A. Oh, I believe since I am able to read.
Q. And the World?
A. Also.
Q. Now you said the other evening that papers you principally read were
those two--was that correct?
A. Correct.
Q. Now did you read them during August of this year. You were in New
York then?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. And state what impressed you in particular--what you saw in the New
York Herald in August--at about that time of the formation of the new
progressive party in Chicago?
A. Well, in fact I cannot remember much. I could not be very much
impressed by the New York Herald because the Herald is a very
conservative paper. The Herald is not what they call the Yellow press
and the only excuse the Herald had is simply to say, Well, the Third
Termer, that is all.
Q. Now what in the New York World impressed you during that time?
A. From that time?
Q. During that time.
A. Well, as I have said before, there was no special impression nohow.
It was only the same as anybody else could read, which was to be found
in the editorials or the man was building up a new party and was
deserting and he cries that he stole the nomination away from him, such
as that; as anybody else would read. That didn't make any serious
impression on me.
Q. Now, when did you write out these statements that was in your
pocket?
A. On the 14th of September.
Q. Wrote it all out on that day?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Every bit of it?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. From the beginning to the end? Answer my question.
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Yes, or no?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. And the very statements the police found in your pocket was written
by you and all of it on the 14th day of September, 1912?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Now in your pocket was found a statement in regard to the various
places that Col. Roosevelt was to speak. Where did you get that from?
A. Oh, every day in the papers. Just as I followed the towns. I
generally bought a paper there the same day or the next morning and
that would just about give me the information where I could meet him
next.
Q. That was in your own handwriting, that statement?
[Illustration: Mrs. Theodore Roosevelt.
From "Vanity Fair"]
A. Yes, sir.
Q. The other night when you were examined with reference to that you
said you hadn't written it out?
A. Which. Written out?
Q. That statement they found in your pocket.
A. That I hadn't wrote it out? Well, who should have written it out?
Q. You said you hadn't written it out in your own handwriting or on the
typewriter?
A. On the typewriter.
Q. Is that in your own hand?
A. Well, in the first place I cannot handle a typewriter and in the
second place who else should furnish that or who else should write it?
Q. That was----
A. In fact I suppose if you compare the two of them there must be some
likeness. I don't profess that I write the same all the time or every
time, but I think that was written on one day.
Mr. Zabel:
You----
A. I think it is one and the same writing.
Q. How did you happen to compose those articles?
A. Because it was the 14th of September, the day McKinley died and the
day I had that vision I completed my will-power that I was going to do
that what I did.
Q. You made up your mind then?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. There wasn't anything you read in any papers that caused you to do
that?
A. No, sir.
Q. Where was it you wrote those articles?
A. In New York.
Q. In your room?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Ever read them to anyone?
A. No, sir.
Q. Ever mention the fact of having written them to anyone?
A. No, sir.
Q. Ever show them to anybody?
A. No, sir.
Q. Anybody help you compose those articles?
A. No, sir.
Q. Ever talk to anybody before that that you intended to do that?
A. No, sir; no, sir.
Q. Now, how was it you come here from Chicago?
A. Chicago. To here?
Q. Yes. Who was it came with you here from Chicago?
A. Nobody came here with me.
Q. Wasn't you traveling with somebody?
A. Indeed not.
Q. Didn't somebody keep you posted as to where he was going?
A. No, not at all. My God I am 36 years old and I am not crazy, the
same as the papers has stated. I ought to be able to follow----
Q. Did you attempt to get tickets to get in the Auditorium?
A. No, sir; I didn't. I waited outside in front of the Auditorium. Yes,
is that the Auditorium in Chicago---- No, that is the Coliseum.
Q. Is that---- I mean in Milwaukee?
A. No, I didn't intend to go there at all.
Q. Did you go inside of the Hotel Gilpatrick?
A. No, sir.
Q. Ever talk to any of these gentlemen (referring to those present)?
A. No, sir; to none of them, unless they have questioned me here
Monday, I don't know. I have never seen them before.
Mr. Bloodgood:
Q. Were you at the depot at about quarter of six on Monday night?
A. On what depot?
Q. In Milwaukee, when Mr. Roosevelt came to Milwaukee.
A. No, sir; I was not.
Q. Where were you at quarter to six?
A. Quarter to six. I was standing in front of the Gilpatrick.
Q. Did you go down to Chicago and Northwestern depot?
A. Chicago-Lake Shore depot--around four o'clock, but not later.
Q. And how long did you stay there?
A. I didn't go to the depot--as far as that goes. I went to the last
street and I walked around this way up to the hill and came back to the
town. I didn't go into the depot.
Q. What time was that?
A. Four o'clock, I believe it was.
Q. On Monday afternoon?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Now you left New York on what date?
A. On the 21st. 21st of September.
Q. Upon what railroad?
A. I took the ship.
Q. What transportation company?
A. I really don't know which it was.
Q. Well, what dock did you leave from?
A. I could not tell you, Mister, what dock. I know the steamship's name
was Commache (Commanse, so pronounced).
Q. Where bound for?
A. For Charleston. No, it was bound in fact for Florida, but it stopped
at Charleston.
Q. You got off at Charleston?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. What day did you reach Charleston?
A. I reached that on Monday--Monday, I believe at five o'clock.
Q. In the afternoon?
A. In the afternoon; yes, sir.
Q. Did you expect Col. Roosevelt at Charleston?
A. No, I didn't.
Q. What was your purpose in going to Charleston?
A. Well, my original intention was to go to New Orleans, and reading
the papers I found that he was changing his way of traveling and so
this that before the steamship comes to New Orleans why I wouldn't be
following him there any more--he would be gone, so I thought I would
take Charleston and then get to Atlanta, perhaps I can meet him at
Atlanta.
Q. Where did you stay there?
A. At a boarding house by the name of Mosley House.
Q. Do you know the street?
A. I believe it is Merlin street, near Main.
Q. How long did you stay there?
A. I stayed there Monday and I stayed there Tuesday, I think I did. I
guess I left the next day.
Q. Well, where did you go to from Charleston?
A. Charleston I went to Augusta.
Q. Where did you stay at Augusta?
A. At Augusta I stayed in the Planters Hotel. I have got it in that
slip, if I make a mistake it ain't my fault, but I got it all down in
every city where I stopped, so if I make a mistake----
Q. You put that down on a slip from time to time?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. As you went along?
A. Yes, sir. I might make a mistake now, and you think I am making you
a false statement.
Q. Did you meet anyone at Charleston whom you knew?
A. No, no; I was a perfect stranger there.
Q. Did you meet anyone at Savannah, Georgia?
A. Augusta.
Q. Augusta?
A. No, I was a stranger there. At every place. I didn't know anybody to
go to.
Q. Did you go to the hotel where Col. Roosevelt was staying at those
places?
A. No, I didn't. I could not tell where he was going to stop. I could
not tell that every time. Now the same as his coming from New Orleans I
took a trip down to Birmingham I thought sure he was going to stop at
Birmingham. Instead of that he changed his way and he went way to
Macon, Georgia. That is the way he deceived me half a dozen times after
it was advertised that I could meet him there and there.
Q. What day did you get to Chicago?
A. Chicago. I arrived if I ain't mistaken, now I might not tell the
truth but I guess it, I think it was Friday.
Q. Friday morning?
A. Friday dinner time, if I ain't mistaken.
Q. Now what did you go over to the La Salle Hotel where Col.
Roosevelt----
A. I was over to the La Salle, but not in the hotel.
Q. You didn't go inside of the hotel?
A. No, sir.
Q. Where did you stand?
A. On the street, the same as here, on the street.
Q. In front of the entrance?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Waiting to hear whether he was coming out?
A. No, I didn't wait for him to come out because he got there in the
morning--I think he did, in the morning, yes, at ten o'clock he got
there. I seen him go in and I never seen him go out.
Q. You saw him go out or go in at ten o'clock Saturday morning?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Where were you standing?
A. On the street with the rest of the crowd.
Q. Did you try to get your revolver there?
A. No, sir.
Q. What prevented you from drawing?
A. Well, I thought it is his reception that might have a bad feeling on
the city of Chicago, giving him a reception like that; I thought I
might have plenty of chance to get at him later on if it wouldn't be
just at the reception.
Q. Let me understand you what prevented you from drawing.
A. I says because it was the reception---- There was so many people
receiving him and I suppose the city of Chicago would like to give him
a decent respectable reception. It would look awful bad if at the
reception he would have got shot down, I says to myself that wouldn't
go, I might get a better chance.
Q. You knew there was a death penalty in Illinois?
A. No, sir; I never knew anything like that.
Q. How near were you to him when he passed you that morning at the La
Salle?
A. How near? It was on the other side of the street.
Q. Is that the nearest you got to him?
A. Yes.
Mr. Zabel:
Did you carry your revolver at that time in your pocket?
A. No.
Q. You had one that you----
A. In here (indicating hip pocket).
Q. Where did you go--to the Coliseum---- Why did you go to the Coliseum
if you didn't intend to shoot him in Chicago?
A. Indeed I did intend to. I am just telling you I didn't intend to do
it that morning when he was being received there. I thought I would get
a better chance.
Q. So it was a matter of chance or was it a matter of your wanting to
kill him in front of the hotel?
A. When he was being received?
Q. Do you mean by that that you didn't want to kill him in front of the
La Salle but that you were perfectly willing to kill him when he was
away?
[Illustration: F. C. Studley, D. W. Harrington, Richard Dewey,
Chairman, W. F. Becker, William F. Wegge--Members of Sanity
Commission.]
A. I was willing to kill him, that is all, but I was I just wasn't
willing to kill him at the reception. I told you that three times I
didn't want the city of Chicago to feel sore that a stranger comes
along at the beginning----
Q. Just a matter of the time?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Now that he had---- That was Saturday morning?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Now when you went---- Did you go to the Coliseum?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Where did you stand---- How near were you to him?
A. Well, as near as I could get in the crowd. As near as the crowd let
me get there, mostly in the middle of the street.
Q. Well, how near were you to the automobile?
A. I could not see the automobile coming. They came in a different way.
I was in the main entrance and they came on the side way.
Q. You were standing at the main entrance?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Where did you have the gun--here?
A. Here. In here.
Q. In your vest pocket?
A. Yes, sir. Here is the hole (indicating exhibiting a hole in the
lower left hand vest pocket).
Q. Right through here?
A. And down in the trousers.
Q. And you were waiting at the main entrance?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. What time did you get to that main entrance?
A. I could not tell you now, sir.
Q. Well, approximately.
A. Well, perhaps half an hour before he came.
Q. You were right by the portal or door?
A. No, sir; I was in the middle of the street.
Q. You intended to shoot him right from the street?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Now then, when you found he came into the other entrance what did
you do then?
A. I went up. I could not do nothing. I had to wait until he comes out.
Q. Did you wait until he came out?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Where did you wait?
A. At the main entrance again.
Q. And you were there then when the speech was over?
A. Yes.
Q. Did you get near him then?
A. No, I didn't. He didn't come out the main entrance.
Q. You were all ready to shoot him then at the main entrance?
A. Well, I was there, I expected him to come there.
Q. Now, after you found he didn't come out through the main entrance,
where did you go?
A. Went home.
Q. Went to the hotel. How long did you stay there at the main entrance?
A. Until he came out.
Q. Well, how did you know which way he would come out?
A. I could not know--that is why I was--I was at the main entrance, I
expected him to come out there.
Q. Where were you standing then, in the street?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. By the automobile?
A. No. I was standing at the front entrance. I didn't know his
automobile. Automobile don't wait all the time, anyhow, I didn't see it
or I forgot.
Q. Now then, where did you learn that he was coming to Milwaukee? From
the papers?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. You came up to Milwaukee at what hour?
A. Twelve o'clock, noon time.
Q. Now, on Monday night, did you go and inquire of the---- Did you talk
to Mr. Moss, who is in charge of one of those automobiles?
A. Never spoke to that gentleman. Never spoke to anybody.
Q. Did you go up and ask anyone whether Mr. Roosevelt was going to get
in this car?
A. No, sir; nothing like that.
Q. Now there was a big car right back of this car in which the Colonel
was when you shot him--there were two automobiles, smaller cars in
which the Colonel got and a larger car right back of him.
A. Might be.
Q. Well, did you speak to the chauffeur in the car back of the
Colonel's and ask him whether he was going to sit in that car?
A. I didn't do anything of the kind. Didn't ask anybody. I didn't speak
to anybody. It was always my principle not to speak to anybody unless a
man bids me the time then I answer him, but why should I speak in that
way?
Q. Now, what other place did you see the Colonel besides in Chicago, in
front of the La Salle other than on Monday night?
A. I saw him in Chattanooga.
Q. Chattanooga, Tenn. Was that the time the automobile was going so
fast?
A. Yes, sir; that was the time.
Q. How near were you to him then?
A. I was near enough when he came out but I could not stay within
reach.
Q. You were standing in front of the entrance?
A. In front of the entrance.
Q. With your revolver ready to shoot him then?
A. Yes, sir; I was always ready to shoot him.
Q. Now, did you see him as he went in or came out that day at
Chattanooga?
A. When he came out the entrance.
Q. After he finished his speech?
A. No, I didn't go there to see him there.
Q. But you say you saw him at----
A. I saw him going out the Chattanooga depot, out of the railroad
station, going to his hotel.
Q. At the railroad station?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. You went there just as you went to the railroad station in
Milwaukee?
A. No, I didn't go to Milwaukee.
Q. Well, you said you went down to the lake shore station at four
o'clock?
A. Yes, at four o'clock, but I didn't go down there to see him coming
in.
Q. Now at Chattanooga did you go down to the railroad station?
A. No, I didn't have to go down. I just stopped at the other side in
the hotel.
Q. How near were you at Chattanooga?
A. I was near enough to shoot him.
Q. Why didn't you shoot him at Chattanooga?
A. Well, I didn't shoot him at Chattanooga because it was a new thing
to me. I didn't just exactly have courage enough to do it and he
started off so fast in his automobile and I thought maybe there is a
better chance.
Q. How near were you to his automobile in Chattanooga?
A. Why, from there to there, about ten feet.
Q. Were you as near as you were the other night?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Were you standing in the street?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Did you start to draw your revolver then?
A. No, sir.
Q. Your courage left you then?
A. For a moment it did.
Q. Were there any policemen standing around you at Chattanooga?
A. Yes, there was some, keeping the crowd back.
Q. And were you on the sidewalk or in the street?
A. In the street, off of the entrance.
Q. Did you get right next to his automobile?
A. No, sir; I could not get next----
Q. You were about ten feet away from him?
A. Yes, about half a dozen other people in front of me.
Q. And your courage had left you at that time?
A. For a moment it did.
Q. When his automobile started off did you start to go after him?
A. No, sir.
Q. Did you see him again in Chattanooga?
A. No, sir.
Q. After that time. Now, when did you see him next after Chattanooga?
A. That was the last time I saw him until in Chicago.
Q. Until in Chicago. Did you see him any time prior to the time you saw
him at Chattanooga?
A. No, sir.
Q. So the only three times you were within reach of him was in front of
the La Salle Hotel in Chicago, Saturday morning?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. And at the Chattanooga depot?
A. At the depot.
Q. And then in Milwaukee Monday night? Is that correct?
A. That is correct.
Q. And since the 21st of September up to the 14th of October the only
times that you were within reach of or even saw the Col. Roosevelt were
the three times you have mentioned?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Was he in any of the cities you were in at the time you were there
excepting Chicago, Chattanooga and Milwaukee?
A. Not at the time I was there. He was there either before or after me.
Q. So those were the only three----
A. That I had a possible chance to shoot him, yes.
Q. Now state again, when he was at the La Salle Hotel, could you have
shot him then?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. You were near enough to have shot him at the La Salle?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. What prevented you from shooting him, was it that your courage gave
way?
A. No, sir; not my courage didn't give way. As I said I didn't want to
do it because it is his coming-in reception--man is getting there--I
didn't want to do it for that sake. I thought I'd get a better chance.
Q. Was it because of the fact you desired a better chance or you didn't
want to do it on that particular occasion?
A. On that particular occasion. I didn't want to do it. Yes, sir.
Q. And at Chattanooga it was a matter of personal courage with
you--your nerve failed you?
A. Just for a moment it failed me, yes, sir.
Q. Have you been accustomed to using firearms?
A. No.
Q. Had you ever shot a revolver?
A. I have shot a revolver several times during the 4th of July, that is
about all, but I never handled it much. I don't know how to shoot. I
didn't know whether I shot the man or not.
Q. How was it you got a 44 frame for a 38-caliber gun?
A. 44 frame?
Q. For a 38-caliber gun?
A. Well, my dear man, you know more about a gun than I do. I don't know
anything about that. I bought that in that place that is a gun shop and
they got all new ware and he told me it was a 38-caliber and I paid
$14. Whatever the housing of it was I don't know.
[Illustration: Hotel Gilpatrick.]
Q. You speak of housing--you are familiar with revolvers?
A. You are telling me a 44 casing.
Q. That is what you call a housing?
A. Well, that is what I meant--that is what I
understand--casing--unless you mean the box where it was laying in.
Q. No, I am talking about the housing--frame?
A. I never knew they could use a 38 on a larger casing, could they? How
is it possible that they can have a 38 cartridge in a 44, in a larger
casing than that?
Q. Well, that is what you did--44 frame?
A. You found a different revolver than mine.
Q. Who did you discuss the question of the formation the character of
revolver. Who did you talk with over that?
A. What?
Q. As to what sort of a revolver to buy?
A. To nobody. I didn't have to talk to nobody.
Q. How did you happen to get the 38?
A. I asked for it.
Q. Why didn't you ask for a 32?
A. I don't know. I tell you the other one I had home was a 38.
Q. Oh, you had another one home?
A. Oh, not now, that is years ago. If I had that home I didn't have to
buy it. I got the thing in storage. It is in the storage house if you
want to get it. Stored with the stuff.
Q. Where is your stuff stored?
A. In New York.
Q. Whereabouts?
A. 80th street, I guess, and Third avenue.
Q. Well, what warehouse?
A. Well, you got to wait now until my grip comes here from Charleston.
I got the whole thing.
Q. Have you sent for your grip?
A. I don't know. You gentlemen--told me that you are tending to that.
Q. Can't you give us the name of the warehouse?
A. I could not give it to you now.
Q. What have you stored there?
A. Five-room furniture from the old folks of mine.
Q. And your revolver?
A. Why, everything, of course, that belongs to the house.
Q. How long had you had that revolver?
A. I don't know. I could not tell you.
Q. Are you sure it is stored there?
A. Unless they stole it. I know I stored it there.
Q. Did you have a receipt for the different articles you stored there?
A. Sure. I can show you that as soon as--but of course the revolver is
not marked on that because the revolver is in one of the drawers, I
suppose.
Q. You don't know when you got that revolver?
A. I could not tell you.
Q. Have you ever shot it?
A. I shot it, I believe twice or three times during the 4th of July
celebration out in the yard.
Q. Had you ever shot this revolver?
A. No, sir.
Q. You shot it the other night. Where did you buy the bullets that went
in that gun?
A. The same place with the gun.
Q. How many cartridges did you have?
A. Did I have? Well, I bought a box of them and paid 55 cents for it.
Q. Where are the rest of the cartridges?
A. They are in the grip.
Q. Oh, they are in your grip in Charleston?
A. As soon as it comes over you can see it all.
Q. You didn't bring extra cartridges with you?
A. Yes, sir; I had. I took some out. I had five in the gun and I had
six with me in my pocket.
Q. Did they find those?
A. They have got it in the police station.
Q. They have got those cartridges in the police station. Now, who hit
your arm--did somebody hit your arm?
A. I don't think so.
Q. When you were coming--who was the first man to get hold of you--that
great big man?
A. I could not say who it was. I simply shot and I don't know whether I
hit the man or not or whom I hit, but I know the first thing I went
down and a whole lot on top.
Q. When you aimed the revolver at Roosevelt was there anybody standing
on each side of you?
A. Yes.
Q. Did you stick the gun between the heads of two people?
A. Yes.
Q. Did you say any word?
A. No, sir.
Q. When you fired?
A. No, sir; I said nothing.
Q. Talk---- Did you try to pull the trigger again?
A. No, sir.
Q. You were knocked down before you could pull it again?
A. Yes, sir; I was.
Q. You would have pulled it again?
A. Perhaps I would. I don't know.
Q. Well, now in your grip have you any literature--any papers?
A. I have a book in there, yes, a memorandum book.
Q. Did you have any newspapers which you carried about--did you cut out
clippings out of the newspapers?
A. Oh no, no. I didn't do it.
Q. Did you have any record that Col. Roosevelt that you cut out of his
acts when he was commissioner of police?
A. Oh no, no. You think I'd carry that here, if I wanted to carry that
with me ever since 1893 when he was commissioner--you are crazy or I
must have a whole book.
Q. Well, did you keep any?
A. No, sir; nothing at all. I didn't take that much interest.
Q. How do you mean, you didn't take that much interest?
A. I didn't feel that way about him then when he was police
commissioner.
Q. When did you first commence to feel that way?
A. I felt it in Chicago.
Q. That was the first time?
A. The first time, yes, sir.
Q. When was that?
A. In fact, the first time I felt against him was when I had that dream
against him the time McKinley died and then I thought I really could
not believe in dreams, I could not go to work and shoot a man down
because all dreams don't come true.
Q. When was that?
A. That was the same night or the evening that Mr. McKinley died.
Q. How long did you feel that way about it?
A. I felt about it. Well, have at least two weeks.
Q. Did you see Col. Roosevelt at that time?
A. No, sir.
Q. Did you go to Washington?
A. No, sir.
Q. Did you follow him about at all?
A. No, sir.
Q. Had you ever seen him personally prior to the time----
A. No, sir.
Q. Had you ever seen him when he was in New York?
A. No, sir.
Q. When was the first time you ever saw Col. Roosevelt?
A. At Chicago. In Chattanooga.
Q. At Chattanooga. The first time you ever saw him?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Personally the first time you were ever near him?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. You mean to say all the time you were living in New York and the
times he has been going back and forth from New York you have never
seen him at all?
A. No, sir.
Q. Did you ever go out to Oyster Bay?
A. No, sir.
Q. Did you ever go over to the Outlook office?
A. I don't know where that is.
Q. Well, that is a publication--Mr. Abbott's weekly publication in New
York.
A. I don't know where it is. I could not even find it. I know quite
some streets in town, in the neighborhood. I have never been interested
in that. I didn't know that Roosevelt had anything to do with the
Outlook at all.
Q. Well, you knew where his office was in New York?
A. Whose office?
Q. Col. Roosevelt.
A. At the time he was police commissioner?
Q. No, since he was president--he has been going back and forth in New
York----
A. Since he has been on his third term here.
Q. I say he has been back and forth in New York?
A. How could I know his office?
Q. While he was in New York after the meeting of the Progressive party
in Chicago you knew that, didn't you?
A. I don't think so. I thought he was to Oyster Bay. I don't think that
I ever read of it that he was in New York city.
Q. He went to his office to the Outlook office?
A. I have never been looking for him then, sir.
Q. You weren't looking for him then?
A. No, sir; I wouldn't know where to find his office.
Q. When you read of the formation of the party in Chicago what papers
did you read that in?
A. The same papers.
Q. New York Herald and the World?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. What you read about it then, did that rouse you up to anger at all?
A. Well, not exactly anger but I was getting more and more convinced
that this man's ambitions is nothing else but a blow to McKinley's
death and he wants to get a third term and he shouldn't have it, and
that is all.
Q. When did you make up your mind to that--in August?
A. I made up my mind pretty much in August and then I was corroborated
during the vision I had on the 14th day of September.
Q. When you say you made your mind up pretty much in August after the
meeting of the party, what do you mean by that, that you thought of
killing him then?
A. Yes, sir, I thought of killing him then.
Q. In August. Had you made any plans then to kill him?
A. No, I had made none until the 14th.
Q. And you thought then of doing this same thing?
A. I thought about it, yes, sir; although I was making up my mind as to
how or whether I would do it and I thought about it.
Q. What time in August was that that you thought about it--just after
you read in the papers?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. After the formation of the party?
A. After the formation of the party--wasn't that the 7th of August?
[Illustration: Schrank in County Jail.]
Q. What particular thing in the accounts of the papers impressed you at
that time that gave you or caused you to make up your mind?
A. Nothing particular but simply the fact that he built the new party;
that he was going to take a third term presidentship.
Q. Did you have any grip with you when you went to Chicago?
A. No, sir.
Q. You had no baggage when you went to that hotel?
A. I never had any baggage since I left it in Charleston.
Q. Bought no underwear?
A. Yes, I bought underwear, certainly, and I threw the old underwear
away.
Mr. Zabel:
I think that is all.
CHAPTER XV.
REPORT OF THE ALIENISTS.
The report of the sanity commission follows:
To the Honorable A. C. Backus, Judge of the Municipal Court of
Milwaukee County:
Pursuant to your appointment of the undersigned on the 12th day of
November, 1912, as a Commission to examine John Schrank with reference
to his present mental condition, we respectfully submit our report.
This report consists of:
First: The examination of John Schrank with reference to his personal
and family history, his present physical state, and his present mental
state.
Second: Inquiry by means of data furnished by the New York Police
Department, the Magistrate of Erding, Bavaria, reports furnished by the
Milwaukee Police Department and other officials brought in contact with
him, and certain documents furnished by the defendant himself, and
others found in his possession, some of which are herewith submitted as
exhibits, duly numbered.
Third: Summary and conclusions arrived at.
PERSONAL AND FAMILY HISTORY.
Age 36. Single. Born in Erding, Bavaria, March 5, 1876. Father born in
Bavaria, and mother born in Bavaria. Occupation, bar tender and
saloonkeeper. No regular occupation in the last one and one-half years.
Education, common schools in Bavaria from the seventh to the twelfth
year; three or four years in night school in New York, in English.
In early life a Roman Catholic; not a practical Catholic for the past
15 years.
His father died at the age of 38 of consumption; was a moderate
drinker; the mother living at the age of 56 or 57. One brother and
one sister living, in good health. One brother and one sister died
in infancy.
A sister of mother insane, suffered from delusions of persecution; died
of softening of the brain, so-called, in 1904, in Gabersee Asylum,
Bavaria. Certified by Magistrate of Erding, Bavaria.
Patient states he was never seriously sick. Knows of no serious
accident or injury. Never suffered from headaches.
Lived with grandparents from three to nine years of age; worked in a
vegetable garden during that time, and then returned to parents.
HABITS.
Denies excesses; no use of tobacco until two years ago, never more than
five or six cigars a day, average two or three cigars. Has generally
taken about five pint bottles of beer in twenty-four hours, of late
years. For two years, in 1902-1903, drank no intoxicants at all. He
states he drank to slight excess at most half a dozen times a year.
Never used drugs of any kind. Denies all venereal diseases, and
presents no physical evidence of them. His usual habit was to retire
before 10 o'clock at night.
PRESENT PHYSICAL STATE.
Height 5 feet 4-1/2 inches in stocking feet. Weight, 160 pounds, with
clothing. Is right-handed. Head presents no scars or injuries or
evidence of injuries or irregularities of cranial bones; normal in
shape, except measurements over left parietal bone from ear to median
line at vertex is 1.25 centimeters larger than the right. Cephalic
index 80. Cranial capacity normal. External ears normal in shape. Holds
head slightly tilted to left. Shape of hard palate, mouth and teeth
normal. Maxillary bones normal except lower jaw slightly prognathic.
Blonde hair. Eyes, bluish gray. Complexion fair. Tongue, slight
yellowish coating, edges clean. Appetite and general nutrition good.
Stomach, digestion, bowels normal. Sleep good. State of heart and
arteries normal. Blood pressure 125 to 130 systolic; 115 to 120
diastolic. Pulse 82-86. Temperature Nov. 12, 1912, P.M., 99.4. Nov. 14,
normal. No scars on genitals. Urine practically a normal specimen.
NEUROLOGICAL.
The Eyes--Light, accommodation and sympathetic reflex present, but
somewhat slow. Slight inequality of pupils, right distinctly larger
than left. Color sense normal. No contraction of visual field. Slight
horizontal nystagmus in both eyes on extreme outward rotation of the
eyeballs. (Pupils equal and normal Nov. 20th, 1912.)
After above symptoms ascertained, 1.40 grain euphthalmine inserted, and
examination of eye grounds showed no optic atrophy. The right eye
ground (retina) was slightly higher in color than the left.
Hearing very acute, both sides.
Sense of taste and smell normal.
Tactile, pain, temperature and weight sense normal.
Deep Reflexes--Knee, reflex, right, irregularly present, regular on
reinforcement; knee, left, absent; brought out by reinforcement
irregularly.
Myotatic irritability of forearm, right markedly heightened; left
slightly heightened.
No ankle-clonus.
Superficial Reflexes--Abdominal reflex present. Epigastric reflex
absent. Cremasteric reflex, active both sides. No Oppenheim reflex. No
Babinski reflex. Plantar reflex: right markedly heightened; left
heightened.
Musculature--Arm and leg showed slightly diminished power on right
side. The left side stronger, though subject right-handed.
Dynamometer, right 90, 90 (two tests); and left 100, 100 (two tests).
No Romberg symptom, and no inco-ordination of upper and lower
extremities.
Gait and station normal.
Slight tremor of fingers, noticeable under mental excitement. At times
slight tremor of lips.
EXAMINATION OF PRESENT MENTAL STATE.
Tests for attention show normal conditions.
Tests for memory, general and special, show normal conditions.
Tests for association of ideas and words showed special bearing upon
his delusional state.
Logical power good, except as limited by his delusions.
Judgment the same.
Has no "insight" as to his own mental condition.
Emotional tests show tone of feeling exalted.
Orientation correct as to time and place.
Delusions present, as subsequently set forth.
CHAPTER XVI.
FINDING OF THE ALIENISTS.
We find that John Schrank came to New York at the age of 12, and lived
with his uncle and aunt as foster parents, who kept a saloon at 370
East Tenth street, New York City.
Before coming to this country he had 5 years of the public schools of
his native village in Bavaria, and after arrival in this country his
only schooling was such as he could obtain at night schools in New York
during 3 or 4 years.
Up to this time no peculiarity had been observed in him, from any
evidence available. We note the fact that he was most especially
interested in history and government, as illustrated by political
writings and by the Bible. He speaks frequently of his very great
admiration for the character of George Washington.
At 15 or 16 years of age he became greatly interested in poetry. This
perhaps corresponds to the period of development at which
eccentricities are wont to appear.
He represents that in the saloon in which he worked he was chiefly
engaged in supplying beer to residents of neighboring tenements; that
there was no gambling or other immoral conduct practiced or encouraged
in this business place. He went on for over 12 years as barkeeper. His
uncle and aunt had during this time accumulated means for the purchase
of a small tenement. At the death of the uncle and aunt in 1910 and
1911 the defendant came into possession of this property.
In the last year and a half has not been in any regular business or
employment, and spent his time in long walks about New York and
Brooklyn, during which he meditated upon poetical compositions, and
political and historical questions, jotting down ideas upon loose slips
of paper as they came to him, night or day, forming the basis of his
poems. He spent his evenings in a saloon, retiring early. The average
daily quantity of stimulants or beer taken by him was insufficient to
produce intoxication. He also states that in 1902 and 1903, for a
period of nearly 2 years, he drank no intoxicants at all.
He states that in 1901, between 1 and 2 o'clock in the morning of the
day after President McKinley's death he experienced a vivid dream, in
which he appeared to be in a room with many flowers and a casket, and
saw a figure sit up in the casket, which he says was the form and
figure of the assassinated President McKinley, who then pointed to a
corner of the room, and said, "Avenge my death." He then looked where
the finger pointed and saw a form clad in a Monkish garb, and
recognized the form and face of this individual as the form and face of
Theodore Roosevelt.
At the time this made a strong impression, but was not dwelt upon
especially except in the light of later events.
Prior to the nomination of Colonel Roosevelt for the Presidency in the
year 1912, he had felt great interest in the political campaign, and
had read articles expressing great bitterness toward the idea of a
third term, and toward Colonel Roosevelt personally in the newspapers
of New York, and after the period when the nomination of Colonel
Roosevelt began to be actively agitated, meditated more deeply upon
these matters. He had always studied with the greatest interest the
questions of free government, as illustrated by the Declaration of
Independence, and Washington's Farewell Address. In this connection,
the Monroe doctrine also assumed great importance in his mind, and the
converse thereof, the duty of this nation to refrain from war of
conquest; and out of these meditations grew what he elaborated into his
declaration as to the unwritten laws, or "The Four Pillars of our
Republic," namely (1) the Third Term Tradition, (2) the Monroe
Doctrine, (3) that only a Protestant by creed can become president,
(4) no wars of conquest. This document, hereunto annexed as Exhibit 1,
fully sets forth his views on these subjects.
These "four unwritten laws" had assumed in his mind a character of
sacredness. They were "sacred traditions" to be maintained at all
hazards, and, as subsequently appeared, even the hazard of life.
The following are some quotations from this document:
"Tradition is an unwritten law."
"I would doubt the right of a court to have jurisdiction over a man
who had defended tradition of his country against violation."
"The oldest of these traditions is the 'third term tradition,' it
has never been violated and is an effective safeguard against
unscrupulous ambition, but never before has been established a test
case of its inviolability as a warning to coming adventurers."
"For the first time in American history we are confronted by a man
to whom practically nothing is sacred, and he pretends to stand
above tradition."
"Anybody who finances a Third Term Movement should be expatriated
and his wealth confiscated."
"The dangers in this campaign are these, the third termer is sure
that the nomination has been stolen, and that the country and the
job belongs to him, therefore, if he gets honestly defeated in
November he will again yell that the crooks of both parties have
stolen the election and should he carry a solid West, he and the
hungry office-seekers would not hesitate to take up arms to take by
force what is denied him by the people, then we face a Civil War, *
* * * * * and that he who wilfully invites war deserves death. We
would then be compelled to wash out the sin of violating the Third
Term with the blood of our sons. Yet this is not the gravest danger
we are facing. We have allowed an adventurer to circumtravel the
Union with military escort with the torch of revolution in his
hands to burn down the very house we live in."
"Have we learned no lesson about a one man's rule experienced in
France with such disastrous results as the end of the reign of
Napoleon I and Napoleon III."
"Are we trying to establish here a system like our ancestors have
done in Europe, which all revolutions of a thousand years could not
abolish."
"Are we overthrowing our Republic, while the heroes of the French
revolutions, and the martyrs of 1848 gladly gave their lives to
establish Republican institutions."
"The abolition of the Third Term tradition is the abolition of the
Monroe doctrine also."
"Hardly any revolution has started without pretending that their
movement was progressive."
"The prudence of our forefathers has delivered to us an equally
sacred unwritten law which reads that no president should embrace
another creed than Protestant, if possible, a sect of the English
Church. I am a Roman Catholic. I love my religion but I hate my
church as long as the Roman parish is not independent from Rome, as
long as Catholic priests are prevented from getting married, as
long as Rome is still more engaged in politics and accumulation of
money contrary to the teachings of the Lord. The Roman Catholic
Church is not the religion for a president of the United States."
"The Fourth unwritten law, which is practically supplementary to
the second, we find in George Washington's Farewell Address, where
he advises us to live in peace with your neighbor. We have no right
to start a war of conquest."
In his examination in this connection he stated as follows:
"Four-fifths of the United States would take up arms to defend the
Third Term tradition. Trying to get perpetual power and dictatorship
would justify killing."
He also said he would be justified to the same extent, that is, by
killing, a man who would seek the presidency and was a Roman Catholic;
and also for a man who would start a war for conquest; and he thought
also of the possibility of foreign powers to help Roosevelt possibly to
annex the Panama Canal and break down the Monroe Doctrine. He said he
believed the country would be facing a civil war if Roosevelt went on
as he had done.
He gives as a reason for his present attack upon Roosevelt, that he did
not wish to give him (Roosevelt) an opportunity to plead that no
defense of the Third Term tradition had been made in 1912 should he
aspire to another term in 1916. Asked as to how he reconciled his act
with the commandment "Thou shalt not kill," he replied that, "religion
is the fundamental law of human order, but to kill to try and do a good
thing, and to avenge McKinley's murder, justifies the killing."
The proof of his position came to him in his dream and in his vision.
"Roosevelt's ambition and conduct proves to every man that he was back
of McKinley's assassination in some way or other."
The defendant says that he prayed God to find a leader among men who
would take this responsibility, and he expected all along someone else
would do this thing, but no one did it, and as he was a single man of
36, without a family, and thought the deed was a good deed, and it made
no difference to him, he was willing to sacrifice his life for that
end, even if he were torn to pieces by the mob. He therefore concluded
that it was his mission, and desired to make of this a test case.
[Illustration: Henry F. Cochems.
(Who was in the Automobile with Col. Roosevelt when the
Ex-President was Shot.)]
He thinks the election returns corroborate the fact that the people
have been awakened to the idea of no Third Term.
In the progress of the campaign, when the progressive movement had
taken shape, and Colonel Roosevelt had been nominated as the head of a
third party, and on August 7th, 1912, the dream which had come to him
in 1901, as above related, began to assume more importance, and special
significance in his mind. He felt extreme agitation on this subject
continuously. On the morning of September 15th, 1912, the anniversary
of the date of his dream in 1901, having retired as usual the night
before with his manuscript by his bedside, he suddenly awakened between
1 and 2 A.M., with the completion of a poem entitled "Be a Man"
uppermost in his mind.
We insert the poem at this point:
1. Be a man from early to late
When you rise in the morning
Till you go to bed
Be a man.
2. Is your country in danger
And you are called to defend
Where the battle is hottest
And death be the end
Face it and be a man.
3. When you fail in business
And your honor is at stake
When you bury all your dearest
And your heart would break
Face it and be a man.
4. But when night draws near
And you hear a knock
And a voice should whisper your
Time is up; Refuse to answer
As long as you can
Then face it and be a man.
He found his ideas were taking shape, and getting up he sat writing,
when he suddenly became aware of a voice speaking in a low and sad
tone, "Let no murderer occupy the presidential chair for a third term.
Avenge my death!" He felt a light touch upon his left shoulder, and
turning, saw the face of former President McKinley. It bore a ghostlike
aspect. This experience had a decisive effect in fixing in his mind the
iniquity of the third term, and from this time he questioned as to his
duty in the matter, and he finally regarded this vision and its
connection with the exact anniversary of the dream as a command to kill
Roosevelt, and as an inspiration. When asked by us whether he
considered this as imagination or as inspiration and a command from
God, while showing some reluctance to claim the vision as an
inspiration, he finally answered decisively that he did.
When asked whether a man had a right to take a weapon and hunt down a
man who had violated tradition, he submitted his written statement in
reply, which is hereto annexed as Exhibit 2, some quotations from which
are as follows:
"I should say where self-sacrifice begins the power of law comes to
an end, and if I knew that my death during my act would have this
tradition more sacred I would be sorry that my life was spared so
convinced am I of my right to act as I did that if I were ever a
free man again I would at once create an Order of Tradition."
"I presume you men would declare Joan d'Arc, the Maid of Orleans
insane because the Holy Virgin appeared to her in a vision."
"When we read that God had appeared to Moses in the shape of a
burning thorn bush, then again as a cloud, we will find many people
who doubt the appearance of God to man in human or other shape."
"Why then in cases of dire national needs should not the God appear
to one of us in vision."
The defendant states that at no time and under no circumstances did he
communicate to anyone his intention. In fact, he kept it as an
inviolable secret and took measures to throw off the scent persons who
might inquire about his leaving New York. The defendant stated in this
connection that he did not wish to commit the act in New York, as it
would then be claimed that he had been "hired by Wall Street" and in
that way the real purpose of the act would be obscured.
CHAPTER XVII.
SCHRANK DESCRIBES SHOOTING.
(BEFORE SANITY COMMISSION.)
On September 21, 1912, he left New York City, having first borrowed
$350, and purchased a 38-caliber revolver, for which he paid $14. His
efforts from this time were continuous to come within shooting distance
of Colonel Roosevelt. He missed him at Chattanooga and at Atlanta, and
then went to Evansville, where he remained seven days awaiting Colonel
Roosevelt's return to the West. He then sought to come within range of
Colonel Roosevelt in Chicago, and states that he waited for him at the
exit of the building, where he spoke, but found afterwards that he had
left by a different exit. He then preceded him to Milwaukee, arriving
here at 1 o'clock P.M. the day preceding the attack.
On the evening of the shooting Schrank arrived at the hotel, where he
had learned Colonel Roosevelt would stay, in advance of the time he was
expected to start for the place of meeting. When a crowd began to
collect around the automobile awaiting Colonel Roosevelt at the curb,
he went into the street, standing near the automobile in a line just
behind the front seat on the left hand side opposite the chauffeur's
seat. He says,
"Seeing him enter the automobile and just about to seat himself, I
fired. I did not pick any particular spot on his body. The crowd was
all around me and in front of me. The next minute I was knocked down,
but was not rendered insensible, and the gun was knocked out of my
hands."
The defendant insists that he said nothing during his assault. He was
then dragged to the sidewalk, and getting on his feet was hurried into
the hotel, and the doors were locked. Here he said nothing, and was
taken by the police through the back door to police headquarters.
From the examination at police headquarters, made at 9:25 P.M., October
14, 1912, by the Chief of Police, John T. Janssen, we find that he
objected to telling his name, but did so when it was insisted upon. We
also find that his statements made to the police concerning his
following and attempting to gain access to Colonel Roosevelt, and his
visits to various localities correspond, and his explanations of his
acts agree with those made to us.
Some of his statements to the Chief of Police, are as follows, as
extracted from document submitted herewith, marked Exhibit 3.
Q. Why did you want to meet him?
A. Because I wanted to put him out of the way. A man that wants a third
term has no right to live.
Q. That is, you wanted to kill him?
A. I did.
Q. Have you any other reason in wanting to kill him?
A. I have.
Q. What is that?
A. I had a dream several years ago that Mr. McKinley appeared to me and
he told me that Mr. Roosevelt is practically his real murderer, and not
this here Czolgosz.
* * * * *
Q. Did you know Johann Most when he was alive?
A. No, sir.
Q. Did you ever hear him talk?
A. No, sir.
Q. Did you ever hear Emma Goldman?
A. No, sir; I am not an anarchist or socialist or democrat or
republican; I just took up the thing the way I thought it was best to
do.
(It seems worth while to note that the defendant differs from many
assassins of rulers or prospective rulers in having no anarchistic
ideas or connections, but rather that he intended to be an upholder of
established government.)
* * * * *
"Mr. Grant was refused" (a third term) "and he was satisfied; this man
was refused and he is not satisfied; it's gone beyond limits; if he
keeps on doing this after election, he can't possibly carry a solid
Western state; the next thing we will have a civil war, because he will
say the scoundrels and thieves and crooks stole my nomination, and now
they will steal my election, and they will take up arms in all the
Western states; we are facing a civil war just to keep him in a third
term."
Q. Where did you get all this idea from?
A. I have been reading history all the time.
* * * * *
Q. What schooling did you have?
A. Well, I have attended school in the old country, and I attended
night school in New York for about four winters; that's all the
schooling I had.
Q. You haven't a very good education then?
A. Indeed I ain't.
Q. Have you always enjoyed good health?
A. Yes, sir; I am a healthy sane man, never been sick.
Q. Well, do you believe that that is a sane act that you committed this
evening?
A. I believe that is my duty as a citizen to do, it's the duty of every
citizen to do so.
Q. Well, how did you happen to get the idea that it was your duty among
all the people that live in the United States?
A. I don't know, I thought maybe somebody else might do it before I got
there.
Q. And you spoke to no one about your intention on all the route you
took concerning this, nobody?
A. No, sir; nobody.
While in jail the prisoner prepared a written defense, which we submit
herewith as Exhibit 4, and we extract certain sentences from the same,
as follows:
"Gentlemen of the Jury, I appeal to you as men of honor, I greet
you Americans and countrymen and fathers of sons and daughters. I
wish to apologize to the community of Milwaukee for having caused
on October 14th last, great excitement, bitter feeling, and
expenses."
* * * * *
"Gentlemen of the Jury: When on September 14th last I had a vision,
I looked into the dying eyes of the late President McKinley, when a
voice called me to avenge his death, I was convinced that my life
was coming soon to an end, and I was at once happy to know that my
real mission on this earth was to die for my country and the cause
of Republicanism."
* * * * *
"You see that I have appeared here today without assistance of a
counsellor at law, without any assistance save that of God, the
Almighty, who is ever with him who is deserted, because I am not
here to defend myself nor my actions."
* * * * *
"The law I have violated for which you will punish me is not in any
statute book."
* * * * *
"The shot at Milwaukee which created an echo in all parts of the
world was not a shot fired at the citizen Roosevelt, not a shot at
an ex-president, not a shot at the candidate of a so-called prog.
pty. (Progressive party), not a shot to influence the pending
election, not a shot to gain for me notoriety; no, it was simply to
once and forever establish the fact that any man who hereafter
aspires to a third presidential term will do so at the risk of his
life."
"If I do not defend tradition I cannot defend the country in case
of war. You may as well send every patriot to prison."
(As showing the erratic reasoning of the defendant, the following
passage, intimating that the assassination of President McKinley was a
part of a conspiracy to elevate Colonel Roosevelt to a permanent
control of the destinies of the United States, we quote further:)
"Political murders have occurred quite often, committed by some
power that works in the dark and only too frequently of late the
assassin was classed as an anarchist, but the real instigators
could never be brought to justice. Whoever the direct murderer of
President McKinley has been it could never be proven that he has
ever been affiliated with any anarchistic or similar society, but
we may well conclude that the man who in years after willingly
violated the third unwritten law of the country whenever he thought
it profitable to change his creed while president, perhaps to the
mother of monarchies."
(From the remarks of the prisoner in our examination of him, we find by
"the mother of monarchies" that he refers to the Roman Catholic
Church.)
We further quote:
"Such was his fear that his machine, built up in 7-1/2 years will
be destroyed over night, that he threatened not to leave the chair
unless he were allowed to nominate his successor."
"Gentlemen of the jury: The 3t (third termer) 'never again will I
run for pres.' (president) has a parallel in the history of Rome.
Whoever read the history of Julius Caesar knows that this smart
politician while elected dictator managed to become so popular with
the people that they offered him the kingly crown, but J. Caesar
knew that he had to bide his time, that the rest of Senators know
of his ambition, and after refusing three times he knew they would
offer it to him a fourth time, and when then he accepted it he was
murdered for ambition's sake."
"He" (Colonel Roosevelt) "was ambitiously waiting for the
Government at Washington to start a military intervention in
Mexico, but the leaders of the Republican party feared that the 3t
(third termer) would muster an army of volunteer Rough Riders and
return at election as the conquering hero."
"The danger even more grave than civil war is the possibility of
intervention of foreign powers, who may help the 3t (third termer)
in order to keep the Union disunited and separated." * * * * * *
"We would at once realize that we are surrounded by a pack of
hungry wolves ready to destroy this hated Republic, ready to
destroy Monroe Doctrine, ready to annex the Panama Canal and the
great land of the brave and free, the home many millions free
people, the dream of all heroes and martyrs for political freedom
to 1848 would have ceased to be owing to the ambitions of one man,
and one man's rule. I hope that the shot at Milwaukee has awakened
the patriotism of the American nation."
"I have been accused of having selected a state where capital
punishment is abolished. I would say that I did not know the laws
of any state I travelled through. It would be ridiculous to fear
death after the act as I expected to die during the act, and not
live to tell the story, and if I knew that my death would have made
the third term tradition more sacred, I am sorry I could not die
for my country."
* * * * *
"Now, Honorable Men of the Jury, I wish to say no more, in the name
of God go and do your duty, and only countries who ask admission by
popular vote and accept the popular vote never wage a war of
conquest murder for to steal abolishes opportunity for ambitious
adv. (adventurers).
"All political adventurers and military leaders have adopted the
career of conquering heroes wholesale murder, wholesale robbers
called national aggrandizement. Prison for me is like martyrdom to
me, like going to war. Before me is the spirit of George
Washington, behind me, that of McKinley."
(The last sentence the prisoner explained, was written hastily, and he
expected to revise it.)
CHAPTER XVIII.
CONCLUSION OF COMMISSION.
From the testimony of the jailor who had been in charge from the date
of Schrank's arrest to the present date, we learn that he was a quiet,
pleasant man, well-behaved in all respects, and fastidious as to dress
and food, uniformly cheerful and happy. It was noticeable that he
showed much less concern or anxiety as to his fate than the average
prisoner. This is also corroborated by the examination of a detective
concerned in his arrest.
The impression we have derived from the demeanor of the prisoner in our
several examinations is that he is truthful in his statements and shows
no desire to conceal anything. He undoubtedly has an elevated idea of
his importance, but is free from bombast. In the course of his
examination when the question of his views or opinions about himself
came up he drew from his pocket the document herewith submitted as
Exhibit 4, which he says he prepared as a defense, saying: "Perhaps I
can help you, Gentlemen." He has shown every disposition to assist us
in arriving at facts. He shows a knowledge and command of the English
language unusual in a foreigner who has only had very limited
schooling. He is self-confident, profoundly self-satisfied; is
dignified, fearless, courteous and kindly. He shows a sense of humor
and is cheerful and calm under circumstances that severely test those
qualities. Beneath all of this is an air which is illustrated by his
concluding sentence, that the spirit of George Washington is before
him, that of McKinley behind him. He gives the impression that he feels
himself to be an instrument in the hands of God, and that he is one of
the band of historic heroes paralleled by such characters as Joan d'Arc
and other saviours of nations. He undoubtedly considers himself a man
of heroic mold. At no time did he express or exhibit remorse for his
act.
SUMMARY.
We have limited the scope of our investigations to the questions that
we have been asked to determine and summarize briefly: John Schrank,
age 36 years, single, barkeeper and saloon keeper, and of limited
educational opportunities, with insane heredity (see Exhibit 5), was
born in Bavaria, on March 5, 1876, and came to this country twelve
years later. Apparently he developed normally, but early in life showed
a particular fondness for the study of the histories of this and other
countries, and also for the composition of poetry. In the course of his
studies of history, and especially of the Constitution of the United
States, and of Washington's Farewell Address, he developed the belief
that this Republic is based upon the foundation of four unwritten laws,
to which he also refers as the "Four Sacred Traditions," as is more
fully set forth in the preceding report.
In 1901 he had a very vivid dream, which at that time he recognized as
only a dream, the memory of which has frequently recurred to him ever
since. In the course of a pre-convention campaign, the belief that the
four unwritten laws or the "Four Sacred Traditions" are in danger comes
to him, and later, upon the nomination of a presidential candidate by
the Progressive Party, he begins to attach particular significance to
the dream he had in 1901. He meditates deeply upon this and, in the
course of a few weeks there appears to him a vision accompanied by a
voice which, in effect, commands the killing of the man through whose
acts and machinations he believes the sacred traditions to be
endangered, and who, he also believes is, through a conspiracy,
concerned in the assassination of a former president. He continues to
ponder upon the subjects set forth, awaiting the appearance of a person
who would carry out the act suggested by the vision, but shortly
arrives at the conclusion that he, and not someone else, is the chosen
instrument. He at once sets forth to accomplish his mission, following
his victim until he finally comes up with him.
During his examination as to his sanity, he conducts himself in perfect
accord with his beliefs, and expresses a regret at not having died at
the hands of the mob if such a result would have proven of benefit to
his chosen country.
CHAPTER XIX.
SCHRANK DISCUSSES VISIONS.
(BY JOHN FLAMMANG SCHRANK.)
Has a man a right to take a weapon and hunt down a man who has violated
tradition? In answer to this I would like to ask the gentleman the
following question. How and by what means would you expect to withhold
from a man that right. You know that according to the old Roman law the
atonement for the taking of a life has been the giving of a life, and
to this day our power of state with the laws and instruments for
punishment is limited to the taking of man's life there is no severer
penalty than death sentence. Now then when a man concludes to take a
weapon and hunt down another man and he then willingly sacrifices his
own life in defense we say of tradition, does such man then not
willingly give what otherwise the law could take from him, is then not
the right with him, I should say where self-sacrifice begins to power
of law comes to an end and if I knew that my death during my act would
have this tradition more sacred.
I would be sorry that my life was spared, so convinced am I of my act
to act as I did, that if I were ever a free man again I would at once
create an order of tradition sole purpose to defend it.
You gentlemen claim that you would think a man insane, that could have
such things as a vision appear to him. There might be exceptions, but I
disagree with you in making this the rule. Then I presume you men would
declare Joan d'Arc the Maid of Orleans insane because the Holy Virgin
appeared her in a vision. France as a nation passed in those days
through a grave trial, her very existence as a nation was at stake. To
our shame we must admit that while we prosper and are far from danger
we hardly ever give it a thought, that all our comfort is granted to us
by God the Almighty, and it is an old saying that when the danger is
over the saints are mocked. But in days of hard stress, dire need and
want, we at once knew that we are indebted to a power above us, we at
once realize that we are sinners, we feel that our good spirit is a
small particle to the Holy Spirit God that we are helpless children and
related to the good father God. We then pray with innermost contrition
that God may forgive, that God may enlighten one of us that God may
find a leader among us.
And such is the mercy of God that for the repentance of one man for the
acknowledgement for one good deed, God will forgive the sins of a whole
nation. When we read about the destruction of Sodom Gomorrha, when Lot
asked the Lord, wouldst Thou spare these cities if there were ten
honorable and just men within its walls and God answered, if I could
find one honorable and just man I would spare that people.
We may conclude from these words that God had long before this forsaken
them when a nation is confronted with grave trials it is then nearing
the boundary line of God's patience, no doubt the people of Sodom had
arrived there and God had weighed their deeds and found them too light
he would not enlighten one of them to be a leader and who would impress
upon his people to come back to the safe avenue of God and leave the
road of destruction. In our health and prosperity we are too easily
over-confident and self-possessed when we read that God had appeared to
Moses in the shape of a burning thorn bush, then again as a cloud, we
will find many people who doubt the appearance of God to man in human
or other shape. When I see a tree growing out of rocks it appears to me
as if God spoke to me that he wants all people to live a temperate life
as it requires but little to live and proper as is shown in that tree.
Now then does God appear to us in our journey through this life. Has he
ever appeared to you. Has there never been a time when you would say, O
what a lucky dog I was that I did not do this or that. Have you ever
refused for some reason an invitation to a joy ride, a pleasure trip or
others, and after you would find one or the other of your friends
killed while you escaped. Everyone of us is confronted at once in life
with a grave trial which requires all the good in you to overcome
temptation and find the right way out of it, is not this the secret
assistance of God the Almighty when you appeal to Him and He weighs
your deeds and either enlightens you or punishes Science discoveries.
When then in cases of dire national needs should not God appear to one
of us in vision the greatest injustice.
(Schrank's copy is followed closely in all presented here from his pen.)
ALIENISTS' CONCLUSIONS.
Our conclusions are as follows:
First--John Schrank is suffering from insane delusions, grandiose
in character, and of the systematized variety.
Second--In our opinion he is insane at the present time.
Third--On account of the connection existing between his delusions
and the act with which he stands charged, we are of the opinion
that he is unable to confer intelligently with counsel or to
conduct his defense.
Dated, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, Nov. 22nd, 1912.
Respectfully submitted,
Richard Dewey, M. D.,
_Chairman_.
W. F. Becker, M. D.
D. W. Harrington, M. D.
Frank Studley, M. D.
Wm. F. Wegge, M. D.
_Commissioners._
CHAPTER XX.
SCHRANK'S DEFENSE.
John Flammang Schrank expected to conduct his own defense before a
jury, if tried for his assault upon ex-President Roosevelt.
This is demonstrated by the fact that he had prepared a defense to be
read to the jury. In this defense he alluded to the fact that he "is
not represented by counsel."
This defense is remarkable in that it shows clearly the thought which
overcame his mental strength.
Schrank's defense is presented as he wrote it, with the exception of
two or three corrections to enable readers to realize what Schrank is
trying to say. The defense was prepared by Schrank in the county jail.
He was writing it when it was reported that he was writing verse. The
defense follows:
Gentlemen of the jury: I appeal to you as men of honor. I greet you
Americans and countrymen and fathers of sons and daughters. I wish to
apologize to the community of Milwaukee for having caused on October 14
last great excitement, most bitter feeling and expenses. I wish to
apologize to you honorable men of the jury that I am causing to you
this day unpleasantness in asking you to pass a verdict in a matter
which should have better been tried by a higher than earthly court.
Gentlemen of the jury, when on September 14 last during a vision I
looked into the dying eyes of the late President McKinley, when a voice
called me to avenge his death, I was convinced that my life was coming
soon to an end, and I was at once happy to know that my real mission on
this earth was to die for my country and the cause of Republicanism.
Gentlemen of the jury, you see that I have appeared here today without
the assistance of a counsellor at law, without any assistance save that
of God the Almighty, who is ever with him who is deserted, because I am
not here to defend myself nor my actions. I am here today to defend the
spirit of forefathers with words what I have defended with the weapon
in my hand, that is the tradition of the four unwritten laws of this
country. Tradition is above written statute, amended and ineffective.
Tradition is sacred and inviolable, irrevocable. Tradition makes us a
distinct nation. Order of tradition. The law I have violated for which
you will punish me is not in any statute book. Gentlemen of the jury,
the shot at Milwaukee, which created an echo in all parts of the world,
was not a shot fired at the citizen Roosevelt, not a shot at an
ex-President, not a shot at the candidate of a so-called Progressive
party, not a shot to influence the pending election, not a shot to gain
for me notoriety. No, it was simply to once and forever establish the
fact that any man who hereafter aspires to a third presidential term,
will do so at the risk of his life. If I cannot defend tradition I
cannot defend the country in case of war. You may as well send every
patriot to prison. It was to establish a precedent for the third term
tradition, which for the first time in the history of the United States
one man dared to challenge and to violate.
Gentlemen of the jury, the third term tradition is the most sacred,
because it has been established by the greatest champion of liberty in
all ages past and to come by our first President, George Washington,
when he modestly declined a third term nomination by saying that two
terms are enough for the best of Presidents. The two great American
political parties have since guarded this tradition most jealously,
have regarded it as a safeguard against the ambitions of probable
adventurers. The great Republican party, the party of an Abe Lincoln,
the party of the new U. S., that party as a medium between government
and the people, the party to which we are greatly indebted for our
achievements and our greatness among the family of nations, it was that
party that was destined to give birth to and to nurse the first
offender of that tradition, who gradually proved to be the evil spirit
of the country, and that great party which was born during a national
crisis and which had bravely faced and overcome many a grave trial,
nobly faced the coming storm and survived it with its honor unimpaired.
Gentlemen of the jury, when we inquire into the past of that man, we
will find that his ambitious plans have all been filed and laid down
long before he has been President. All doubt that these plans were
towards establishing at the least a perpetual presidency in these
United States have been removed during last summer, when a certain
senator unearthed from within the library of the white house a written
document deposited there during the third termer's presidency. This
document was an order for repairing to be done in the white house, and
this order closed with the following words: "These alterations should
be done, to last during my lifetime." When the third termer was
informed of the finding of this document, he admitted and absorbed the
all-important matter by simply saying: "Some people have no more brains
than guinea pigs."
Gentlemen of the jury, his rough rider masquerade during the
Spanish-American war was his first important step towards his goal, it
gained for him the governorship of the Empire state and that important
office made him an influential factor in the councils of the Republican
party. During his term as secretary of the navy he gained the
popularity among the men in that branch of the mailed fist of the
country by increasing the salaries of those men, who might some day be
of vital benefit to his cause. The Republican leaders of those days
were soon aware of the dangerous ambitions of this man and also knew
that this man would never be safe enough to fill the highest office of
the nation, for this reason these men thought it wise to make him
vice-Presidential candidate on the same ticket with McKinley, for it
must not be new to you that the office of a vice-President has always
been regarded as the suicide to a man's political ambitions. But,
gentlemen of the jury, now came the time when a man's ambitions
blindfolded him to all reason. The desire to overcome the obstacle
robbed him of his sane judgment, and in such a case the spoiler invites
himself, political murders have occurred quite often, committed by some
power that works in the dark and only too frequently of late the
assassin was classed as an anarchist, but the real instigators could
never be brought before justice. Whoever the direct murderer of
McKinley has been it could never be proven that he has ever been
affiliated with any anarchistic or similar society, but we may well
conclude that the man who in years after so willingly violated the
first unwritten law, which is the third term tradition, may have
readily promised to violate the third unwritten law of the country
whenever he thought it profitable to change his creed while president,
perhaps to the mother of monarchies.
Gentlemen of the jury, a man's first presidential term begins when he
takes the oath of office and constitutes a full term if it will only
last twenty-four hours after oath and a man's third term is his third
when he seeks it or is given to him twenty years or more after his
second. When Roosevelt took the oath of office at McKinley's departure,
he had ceased to be a Republican. He at once began to build a political
machine of his own. It was then in fact that his one man party
so-called Progressive party was born, parts of which we find later in
the insurgents, handicapping Mr. Taft wherever they could. Later in
August at the convention of treason he took the material where and as
he found we see him trying hard to bring the money power of the union
into his service, we find him extorting large sums for his political
campaigns from the so-called despisable trusts, since then we became
accustomed to look upon every man of wealth and the great industrials
corporations who have been and are today of incalculable value and
benefit to our national welfare, as nothing more or less than
contemptible criminals, whom he offended in the most profane language
during his crusade against them, if they refused to become a part of
his machine. At the decline of his second term the remainder of the
Republican party, those who had not been absorbed by "my policies"
could no longer be in doubt as to the third termer's real intentions,
and for the first time the third termer realized the magnitude and
importance of the third term tradition and most men of influence in
those used their power to scare him out of office at the same time
comforting him with the fairy tale that if not succeeded by two
consecutive terms another term would not be a third term but such was
his fear that his machine built up in seven and a half years would be
destroyed over night, that he threatened not to leave the chair unless
he were allowed to nominate his successor.
Gentlemen of the jury, now comes the time when the third termer
committed his second crime against friends, party, nation and republic.
With his innermost conviction that his successor would be incompetent,
incapable and that he would commit so many blunders while in office
that at the expiration of his term the people would unanimously demand
the renomination of the third termer, he thought to remove that
obstacle of the third termer and to make it appear that he was not
ambitious and that a renomination would have to be forced upon him, he
solemnly declared, "Never again will I run for president," but again
ambition had blindfolded him and robbed him of his judgment of men in
selecting William H. Taft as his successor although his most intimate
friend Mr. Taft was aware of his oath of office and his duties toward
the nation, there never was a whiter man in the white house and no one
ever more deserved a re-election as an honor for his services to the
country against the revolutionary machine of the third termer in the
house and senate than William H. Taft.
Gentlemen of the jury, the third term, "never again will I run for
president," has a parallel in the history of Rome. Whoever read the
history of Julius Caesar, knows that this smart politician, while
elected dictator, managed to become so popular with the people that
they offered him the kingly crown, but Julius Caesar knew that he had
to bide his time, that the rest of senators knew of his ambition, and
after refusing three times, he knew they would offer it to him a fourth
time, and when then he accepted it, he was murdered for ambition sake.
Never again will I run for president and under no circumstances, said
this man, and four years later we find him eagerly seeking renomination
at Chicago, to his friends, who advise him to run, he didn't have the
heart to tell that if he were not a man of word he could never be a man
of honor, but what shame lies in between his never again and his
profane declaration that the crooks, thieves, scoundrels and liars had
stolen the nomination from him, although he knew that the party could
not give him what they had a third term not to give for the great
Republican party determined to sooner go down to defeat than to violate
the third term yet.
Gentlemen of the jury, the third termer had license to create a new
party and be the power behind the throne and perhaps lead his party to
victory. But having been deceived by the selection of his successor and
having removed the mask he determined to insist on a third term. Had we
lived in a time of panic, general disorder, strikes with armies of
unemployed, most likely the third termer would have an easy walkin. He
was anxious waiting for the government at Washington to start military
intervention in Mexico, but the leaders of the Republican party feared
that the third termer would muster an army of volunteer rough riders
and return at election as the conquering hero.
Gentlemen of the jury, the danger of the third termer was less in his
probable election than in his sure but close defeat. The man who cried
of the theft at Chicago would never submit to the verdict on November
5, however honest it may be; he would again yell robbery, and if he
carried a solid west as was then expected, he would give way to his
fighting nature and try to take the presidency on the battlefield and
so invite civil war, yet, Ab. Lincoln said that war is hell, and that
he who wilfully invites war deserves death. Do we realize the horrors
of civil war; are we willing to wash out the sin of violating the third
term with the blood of our sons imagine torn from home, family and
parents, from prosperity to dire want in order to place a man to the
presidency he is legitimately not entitled to? Yet, gentlemen of the
jury, the United States may still be able to subdue the rebels the
danger the more grave than even civil war is the possibility of
intervention by foreign powers, who may help the third termer in order
to keep the union disunited and separated for we must know that our
strength is not in our army and navy, money power, our strength is in
our union, we would at once realize that we are surrounded by a pack of
hungry wolves ready to destroy this hated republic, ready to destroy
Monroe doctrine, ready to annex the Panama canal and the great land of
the brave and free, the home many millions free people, the dream of
all heroes and martyrs for political freedom to 1848 would have ceased
to be owing to the ambitions of one man and one man's rule.
I hope that the shot at Milwaukee has awakened the patriotism of the
American nation, that it has opened their eyes to the real danger and
shown them the only safe way out of it as is proven by election returns
in the great Democratic party the north, south, east and west is once
more and more solidly united and proudly can we prove to the nations of
the world that the spirit of 1776 is still alive and shall never die,
and that self-government is an established fact and a success.
I have been accused of having selected a state where capital punishment
is abolished. I would say that I did not know the laws of any state I
traveled through, it would be ridiculous for me to fear death after the
act, as I expected to die during the act and not live to tell the story
and if I knew that my death would have made the third term tradition
more sacred, I am sorry I could not die for my country.
Now, honorable men of the jury, I wish to say no more, in the name of
God, go and do your duty, and only countries who ask admission by
popular vote and accept the popular vote never wage a war of conquest,
murder for to steal abolishes opportunity for ambitious adventurers,
for all political adventurers and military leaders have adopted the
career of conquering heroes, wholesale murder, wholesale robbers called
national aggrandizement. Prison for me is like martyrdom to me, like
going to war.
Before me is the spirit of George Washington, behind me that of
McKinley.
CHAPTER XXI.
SCHRANK'S UNWRITTEN LAWS.
The following are John Flammang Schrank's four unwritten laws, "The
Pillars of the Republic," he calls them. They are presented exactly as
written by Schrank, and as incorporated in the report of the alienists.
BY JOHN FLAMMANG SCHRANK.
When in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people
to dissolve the political bonds which have hitherto connected them with
another, due respect to mankind requires that we should declare the
cause of such action. In these modest lines our forefathers have at
once laid out the roads on which we should travel, it demonstrates
their willingness to consult the opinions of others, as well as it duly
respects the rights and feelings of others. In these critical days it
is more than necessary to call the attention of the nation to the three
wonderful documents which have established our people as an independent
nation and under their guidance laid down in these documents we have
become the most powerful nation on earth. The Declaration of
Independence; The Constitution, and the farewell-address of George
Washington. The most sacred custom of all nations has ever been their
reverence for their ancestors, the honor they pay to their dead, and
the utmost respect to the good deeds who live after them, these customs
observed hundreds of years handed down from one generation to another,
we have come to call the traditions of a people. Tradition is an
unwritten law when it concerns a whole nation, it is above the written
statute, I would doubt the right of a court to have jurisdiction over a
man who has defended tradition of his country, against violation. As we
are not an original nation or race, the founders of the republic were
the sons of the nation whose language we speak, it is tradition with us
especially that identified us as a nation. This nation has four
unwritten laws, the oldest and most sacred, because established by Geo.
Washington, is the third term tradition, it has never been violated and
is an affective safe-guard against unscrupulous ambition, but never
before has been established a test case of its inviolability as a
warning to coming adventurers. In the present campaign for the first
time in American history we are confronted by a man to whom practically
nothing is sacred and pretends to stand above tradition. This man
abused our constitution, he wants it amended until it is abolished. If
our constitution is too old and in the way of progress after we have
grown to be a rich nation with it, then the ten commandments so many
thousand years old, must be a useless piece of junk. He has abused our
highest Courts, he has spoken in the profanest language of our
legislators, he has abused our best and most venerable citizens,
calling them liars and scoundrels, he has shamefully abused our
president, thereby undermining the dignity of the office, how can we
expect our foreign born citizens to respect our institutions when an
ex-President circumtravels the Union telling everybody that those
honorable men at Chicago were thieves and crooks. Shall the people
rule, is one of his demagogic phrases, yet he knows that in the very
sense he wants this catchword to be understood is an impossibility, the
people and herewith I mean the rich as well as the poor never rule in a
republic, they cannot rule, they have no time to rule, therefore they
elect a body of honorable men to do the ruling to the benefit of all,
in other words they entrust a body of men with their government, that
is why Grover Cleveland said that a public office is a public trust.
And a political party is the medium between the people and the elected
government, and any party that should nominate a man in violation of
the third term tradition does no longer deserve to be a party entrusted
by the people. This third termer could have been of more value to the
country had he lent his advice and honest opinion to his party and our
president who eagerly sought his advice, for a man's honest advice is
his ideas and convictions but with man's ideas it is like digging a pan
of sand from a river from the gold regions, the sand must be sifted and
filtered, there might be one or more grains of gold found in it. A
man's ideas must pass through the brains of other men, to be sifted and
filtered and every grain of gold found will be appreciated, but a man
who claims that he knows it all better, is equal to saying that his pan
of sand is all gold. The third termer claims that it is not a third
term, if not followed by two consecutive terms, then a second term
would not be a second, if given to man 8 years after his first, I
wonder what to call such term, after a while he will tell us that a
monarchy in this country is not a monarchy if the monarch is a native
born; let it be established now and forever that it is a man's third
term if he has twice been in office and if each time only twenty-four
hours after taking oath and if third term is given to him or he seeks
it twenty years after the second. If the third termer thought that the
republican party whom he hailed from needed chastisement because she
refused to violate tradition in his favor, he had the right to create a
third party, nominate all officials for same and be the very soul and
power behind the throne, but when it became evident that the whole
party movement was only enacted to give him a third term, he had
forfeited his citizenship and his life. Anybody who finances a third
term movement should be expatriated and his wealth confiscated. It is
ridiculous to say that if he is defeated in November it is also a
verdict of the people to uphold the third term tradition, as we may as
well say it is the verdict of the people to abolish the third term if
he wins in November, the third term tradition has never been before the
people as an issue to vote and for this reason it should never be put
before them. It is almost a certainty, that if voted upon last year,
the people would have declared in favor of upholding the tradition,
while it is dead sure that if we were living this year in a panic, a
business depression, with hundreds of thousands out of work instead of
a general prosperity, the third termer would walk in over the decision
of the previous year. The dangers in this campaign are these, the third
termer is sure that the nomination has been stolen and that the country
and the job belong to him, therefore if he gets honestly defeated in
November he will again yell that the crooks of both parties have stolen
the election, and should he carry a solid West, he and the hungry
office seekers would not hesitate to take up arms to take by force what
is denied him by the people, then we face a civil war, and it was Ab.
Lincoln who said that war is hell and that he who wilfully invited war
deserves death. We would then be compelled to wash out the sin of
violating the third term with the blood of our sons. Yet, this is not
the greatest danger we are facing. We have allowed an adventurer to
circumtravel the Union with military escort, with the torch of
revolution in his hands to burn down the very house we live in while we
should be aware that we are surrounded by a pack of wolves ever ready
to jump on us. Does anybody think that the European powers would sit
idly while we are disunited, would a certain power hesitate to help the
third termer and make good the gravest mistake that power has made in
1861 by not keeping this country disunited and separated while we are
just getting ready to become their greatest competitor on the seas
after the completion of the Panama Canal. Our strength is not in our
Army or Navy nor in our Money power, our strength is in our Union. In
Union alone can we uphold the Monroe Doctrine our second unwritten law
so much hated and dreaded by all the world. The sister republic's
Transvaal and Orange Free State were not destroyed because it was the
connecting link between Egypt and the Cape, not because gold was found,
no, but because Great Brit. could not allow a second United States to
establish a Monroe Doctrine on African soil. Reciprocity would have
profited both the Union and Canada but England fears a too close a
relation between the two nations and Premier Leurier's sin was that he
was first a Canadian, second an American and third a Britisher, he had
to be replaced by a man who is in the first, second, and third place a
Britisher. The outcome of the present campaign interests the powers
more than us, all actions of Congress or Cabinet are sooner known in
the Cabinets of Europe than we hear about them. There is today a "Cato"
in the Senate of every country and in the folds of his cloak he has
concealed several figs of unusual size, everyone of these figs
represent one of our great American Trusts, and he concluded every
speech with Carthage must be destroyed. With our Union destroyed we
would cry with the Israelites in the desert: Lead us back to the meat
pots of Egypt, give us a thousand trusts sooner than one third termer.
If we think that we need a one man's rule, whose place cannot be filled
by another among millions intelligent citizens, then it were about time
that we got a licking from somewhere. What are we about to do, do we
want the great building we have helped to build tear down and give
everybody a brick, the people which is only the present generation
cannot do what they want, for what they have and what they are they are
greatly in obligation to the past and earlier generations who also
helped to build up, therefore this generation called the people cannot
do as they please which is so ardently advocated by the third termer.
Have we learned no lesson about a one man's rule experienced in France
with such disastrous results as the end of the reign of Napoleon I and
Napoleon III.
We are trying to establish here a system like our ancestors have done
in Europe which all revolutions of a 1,000 years could not abolish, it
would be useless to forcibly remove a third president because the
system would then be established. Are we under no obligation to the
heroes of all wars for freedom and independence, are we overthrowing
our republic while the heroes of the French revolutions and the martyrs
of 1848 gladly gave their lives to establish republican institutions.
May God enlighten the nation, may the spirit of 1776 still be alive,
and when they tell us that there is a Rome on the other side let them
understand that U. S. A. is not Carthage. In this campaign we may
observe that prosperity is as dangerous to our institutions as hard
times are, people are too busy making money, they gradually lose all
interest in politics, unless a third termer tells them that government
is only medium to enrich them still more, how else can we explain his
remark that Mr. Perkins wants his children to live better in this
country after his departure, a millionaire's children can only live
better when the third term party doubles the millions of their father.
In this critical time I find that men have more interest in the
baseball results than to register, think and vote. But of course some
people have no more sense than three guinea pigs. His movement is not
progressive, they are insurgents, insurgents and revolutionary. Hardly
any revolution has started without pretending that their movement was
progressive.
The abolition of the third term tradition is the abolition of the
Monroe Doctrine also. In this Doctrine we are overtaking the
guardianship over all republics on the American continent against
Foreign encroachments. Naturally the third termer would prove too in
1916 that the fourth term is only his second, to do this he would have
to become the conquering hero, we would commit the same faults France
did 100 years ago National aggrandisement, yet France no larger today
than before Napoleon I. The fourth termer could hardly gather laurels
in a European or Asiatic war the natural consequences would that South
America would become the field of his actions. We have upheld the
Monroe Doctrine without the consent of these countries so she could
prevent those nations from inviting a European power to protect them by
declaring that inasmuch as the third term tradition is abolished, the
Monroe Doctrine is no longer binding, because they are more afraid of
the third termer than they would be of any foreign prince. The prudence
of our forefathers has delivered to us an equally sacred unwritten law
which reads that no president should embrace another Creed than
Protestant if possible a sect of the English church. I am a Roman
Catholic. I love my religion but I hate my church, as long as the Roman
parish is not independent from Rome, as long as Catholic priests are
prevented from getting married, as long as Rome is still more engaged
in politics and accumulation of money contrary to the teachings of the
Lord, the Roman Catholic church is not the religion for a president of
the United States. The separation of state from church in France has
sufficiently proved that Rome and republic are enemies.
The fourth unwritten law which is practically supplementary to the
second we find in George Washington's farewell address where he advises
us to live in peace with your neighbor. We have no right to start a war
of conquest with any nation and our relations to the South American
republic can be improved if we remove their fear of a steady conquest
by us by observing this law. Does it not look ridiculous that
established governments in this enlightened age sends thousands of
unfortunates to prison as punishment for murdering, for to steal and
rob, while these same nations are armed with all descriptable weapons
like so many bandits ever ready to jump at each other's throat. What
else is war but murder for to rob that which belongs to others. Since
men have learned to work they have no more right to war. The salvation
of the human family must be worked out by international Commercialism
the sooner all industrial establishments of the world unite like in the
days of the Hansa can the social questions be solved. International
Commercialism must have individual legislation and jurisdiction,
independent from national legislation, but must be acknowledged by all
states and the United States is the only power ruled by commercialism
without a mailed fiat and will be the first to recognize International
Commercialism for this alone will abolish and distribute wealth more
fair and just, and work to a higher state of civilization.
JOHN SCHRANK.
CHAPTER XXII.
UNUSUAL COURT PRECEDENT.
Judge August C. Backus' method of conducting the Schrank case has
established a precedent for such cases, and the action of the court in
establishing a new form of procedure has met with favorable comment on
the part of lawyers, alienists, court officials and editors all over
the world.
Instructing the commission of five alienists in its duties Judge Backus
said:
Gentlemen of the Commission:
"You have been appointed as an impartial commission to examine into the
present mental condition of the defendant John Schrank, who is charged
with the crime of assault with intent to kill and murder Theodore
Roosevelt, with a loaded revolver, on the 14th day of October, 1912, in
the city and county of Milwaukee and state of Wisconsin.
"The court in this proceeding will finally determine the issue. I have
decided to take this method of procedure instead of a jury trial,
because as a rule in trials by jury the case resolves itself into a
battle of medical experts, and in my experience I have never witnessed
a case where the testimony of the experts on one side was not directly
contradicted by the testimony of as many or more experts on the other
side. Where men especially trained in mental and nervous diseases
disagree, how can it be expected that a jury of twelve laymen should
agree? Such testimony has been very unsatisfactory to the jury and to
the court, and generally very expensive to the community.
[Illustration: James G. Flanders, Attorney for Schrank.]
"Bear in mind, gentlemen, that your appointment has not been suggested
by either counsel for the state or for the defendant, or by any other
party or, source directly or indirectly interested in this inquisition.
You are the court's commission, and you must enter upon your duties
free from any bias or prejudice, if any there be. You should assume
your duties, and I know you will, with the highest motives in seeking
the truth, and then pronounce your judgment without regard to the
effect it may have upon the state or upon the defendant; in other
words, in your inquiry and deliberation you are placed on the same
plane as the judge.
"If any person seeks to influence you or talks to you as a commission,
or to any member of the commission, who is not duly requested to appear
before you, report him to the court so that an order to show cause why
he should not be punished for contempt may issue.
"If there be any witnesses you desire, the court will command their
attendance. The court will grant you the services of a phonographic
reporter so that everything that is said and done may appear of record.
"This commission may now retire, select a moderator and proceed with
the inquiry.
"Now, gentlemen, perform your duties fairly and impartially and render
such findings to the court as your consciences and your judgments
approve.
"The question for your determination is, 'Is the defendant John Schrank
sane or insane at the present time?'"
* * * * *
Editorial comment from three newspapers is herewith presented as
showing the general trend of comment on the course followed by Judge
Backus:
The Milwaukee Free Press said:
"The findings of the alienists appointed by Judge Backus to
determine the mental condition of Schrank were foreseen. There has
been little doubt at any time of the derangement of that
unfortunate man. This fact, however, does not detract from
appreciation of the excellent and novel course pursued by Judge
Backus in taking advantage of the statute that permitted him to
submit the question of Schrank's sanity to a body of alienists
appointed by himself instead of leaving the question to a jury at
the tender mercy of alienists employed alike by state and defense.
"The judge justified his procedure in these words, when instructing
the examining physicians:
"'I have decided to take this method of procedure instead of a jury
trial, because as a rule in trials by jury the case resolves itself
into a battle of medical experts, and in my experience I have never
witnessed a case where the testimony of the experts on one side was
not directly contradicted by the testimony of as many or more
experts on the other side. Where men specially trained in mental
and nervous diseases disagree, how can it be expected that a jury
of twelve laymen should agree? Such testimony has been very
unsatisfactory to the jury and to the court, and generally very
expensive to the community.'"
"Worse than that. It has been a scandal to the medical profession,
a source of travesty to judicial procedure and all too often a
means of defeating the ends of justice.
"The very course pursued by Judge Backus was advocated by President
Gregory of the American Bar association not very long ago, and the
outcome in this instance at least is such as to recommend its
adoption by the bench wherever the statutes permit."
* * * * *
The Chicago Record-Herald said:
"It is notorious that 'expert testimony' is too often confused and
confusing testimony which jurors and judges feel themselves bound
to disregard in favor of mere horse sense. The stated experts are
matched or overmatched by the experts for the defense, and the
conflict of 'scientific' testimony assumes in many cases the
proportions of a public scandal.
"Hence the 'Wisconsin idea' as applied by Judge Backus of
Milwaukee, who is presiding over the trial of John Schrank, is an
admirable one. Under a statute of Wisconsin a judge may summon a
certain number of experts and make them officers of the court. They
testify as such officers, and presumably the state pays them
reasonable fees. Under such a plan as this there is no temptation
to strain science in the interest of a long purse, and impartial
opinions is likely to be the rule.
"Statutes similar to that of Wisconsin are needed in all other
states. 'Expert testimony' has long been a byword and reproach. Of
course, under Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence no defendant can be
deprived of the right to call witnesses of his own choosing, and
after all a medical expert is only a witness who gives opinions
instead of facts. Still, a law which authorizes the court to call
truly impartial experts would not seem to be 'unconstitutional.' It
is certainly not unfair or unreasonable from the lay point of view."
* * * * *
The Saturday Night of Toronto, Ont., said:
"In the stress attending on matters of greater moment which have
been occupying the attention of the daily press of late, the
judicial wisdom of Mr. A. C. Backus, municipal judge of the city of
Milwaukee, charged with the task of trying John Schrank, the man
who attempted to slay Col. Roosevelt, has been overlooked.
"Nevertheless, he established a precedent with regard to the trial
of prisoners where insanity is the only defense, that should be
copied not only by every state of the American Union, but by every
province of Canada.
"It was not generally known that the laws of the state of Wisconsin
gave a presiding justice the plenary powers he has exercised, but
every good judge who has presided over cases where alienists have
been employed to furnish testimony must have yearned for similar
authority.
"In the Schrank case Judge Backus decided to eliminate all direct
testimony by alienists, and to constitute such experts into an
auxiliary court who should co-operate with him in the final
judgment of the case.
"His auxiliary, consisting of five physicians, was directed to
elect a moderator who would preside over their deliberations and
decide the issues of sanity or insanity in case of a deadlock.
"It would be difficult to say what objection could be taken to this
system in any case where alienists are subpoenaed. It is even
possible that by carefully protecting the rights of the prisoner
the same system could be worked out in any case where medical
testimony beyond the mere proving of the crime is required. In many
murder cases physicians have been heard swearing to contrary
positions until the jurors, disgusted with the confusion of the
testimony, have simply thrown up their hands, neglected their duty
to consider the reasonable facts of the case, and allowed murderers
to go free.
"Judge Backus has taken a forward step in the administration of
justice on this continent, and it is to be trusted that the effects
of it will be far-reaching."
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Attempted Assassination of ex-President Theodore Roosevelt" ***
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