A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents

By Author	[ A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z \| Other Symbols ]
By Title	[ A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z \| Other Symbols ]
By Language

Download this book: [ ASCII | HTML | PDF ]

Look for this book on Amazon

We have new books nearly every day.
If you would like a news letter once a week or once a month fill out this form and we will give you a summary of the books for that week or month by email.

Title: A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents - Volume 1, part 1: George Washington
Author: Richardson, James D. (James Daniel), 1843-1914
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.

*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents - Volume 1, part 1: George Washington" ***

A COMPILATION OF THE MESSAGES AND PAPERS OF THE PRESIDENTS

BY JAMES D. RICHARDSON

A REPRESENTATIVE FROM THE STATE OF TENNESSEE

VOLUME I

1897

Prefatory Note

In compliance with the authorization of the Joint Committee on Printing,
I have undertaken this compilation.

The messages of the several Presidents of the United States--annual,
veto, and special--are among the most interesting, instructive, and
valuable contributions to the public literature of our Republic. They
discuss from the loftiest standpoint nearly all the great questions of
national policy and many subjects of minor interest which have engaged
the attention of the people from the beginning of our history, and
so constitute important and often vital links in their progressive
development. The proclamations, also, contain matter and sentiment no
less elevating, interesting, and important. They inspire to the highest
and most exalted degree the patriotic fervor and love of country in the
hearts of the people.

It is believed that legislators and other public men, students of our
national history, and many others will hail with satisfaction the
compilation and publication of these messages and proclamations in
such compact form as will render them easily accessible and of ready
reference. The work can not fail to be exceedingly convenient and useful
to all who have occasion to consult these documents. The Government has
never heretofore authorized a like publication.

In executing the commission with which I have been charged I have sought
to bring together in the several volumes of the series all Presidential
proclamations, addresses, messages, and communications to Congress
excepting those nominating persons to office and those which simply
transmit treaties, and reports of heads of Departments which contain
no recommendation from the Executive. The utmost effort has been made
to render the compilation accurate and exhaustive.

Although not required by the terms of the resolution authorizing the
compilation, it has been deemed wise and wholly consistent with its
purpose to incorporate in the first volume authentic copies of the
Declaration of Independence, the Articles of Confederation, and the
Constitution of the United States, together with steel engravings of
the Capitol, the Executive Mansion, and of the historical painting the
"Signing of the Declaration of Independence." Steel portraits of the
Presidents will be inserted each in its appropriate place.

The compilation has not been brought even to its present stage without
much labor and close application, and the end is far from view; but if
it shall prove satisfactory to Congress and the country, I will feel
compensated for my time and effort.

JAMES D. RICHARDSON.

WASHINGTON, D.C.,

_February 22, 1896_.

Declaration of Independence

July 4, 1776

Declaration of Independence

NOTE.--The words "Declaration of Independence" do not appear on
the original.

IN CONGRESS, JULY 4, 1776.

The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America,

When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people
to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another,
and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal
station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them,
a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should
declare the causes which impel them to the separation.--We hold these
truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are
endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among
these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.--That to secure
these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just
powers from the consent of the governed,--That whenever any Form of
Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the
People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government,
laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in
such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety
and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long
established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and
accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed
to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by
abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train
of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a
design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is
their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for
their future security.--Such has been the patient sufferance of these
Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter
their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of
Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all
having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over
these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid
world.--He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and
necessary for the public good.--He has forbidden his Governors to pass
Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their
operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he
has utterly neglected to attend to them.--He has refused to pass other
Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those
people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature,
a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.--He has
called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable,
and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole
purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.--He has
dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly
firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.--He has refused for
a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected;
whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned
to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the
mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and
convulsions within.--He has endeavoured to prevent the population of
these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization
of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations
hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.--He
has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to
Laws for establishing Judiciary powers.--He has made Judges dependent
on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and
payment of their salaries.--He has erected a multitude of New Offices,
and sent hither swarms of Officers to harrass our people, and eat out
their substance.--He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing
Armies without the Consent of our legislatures.--He has affected to
render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.--He
has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our
constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their
Acts of pretended Legislation:--For quartering large bodies of armed
troops among us:--For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment
for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these
States:--For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:--For
imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:--For depriving us in many
cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury:--For transporting us beyond
Seas to be tried for pretended offences:--For abolishing the free System
of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an
Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render
it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same
absolute rule into these Colonies:--For taking away our Charters,
abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms
of our Governments:--For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring
themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases
whatsoever.--He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of
his Protection and waging War against us.--He has plundered our seas,
ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the Lives of our
people.--He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign
Mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny,
already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely
paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head
of a civilized nation.--He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken
Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become
the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by
their Hands.--He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has
endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless
Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished
destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions. In every stage of these
Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our
repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince,
whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant,
is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. Nor have We been wanting
in attentions to our Brittish brethren. We have warned them from time
to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable
jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our
emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice
and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common
kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt
our connections and correspondence They too have been deaf to the voice
of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the
necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold
the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.--

We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of
America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme
Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name,
and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish
and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be
Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all
Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection
between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally
dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power
to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and
to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right
do.--And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on
the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other
our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

JOHN HANCOCK

JOSIAH BARTLETT
W'M WHIPPLE
SAM'L. ADAMS
JOHN ADAMS
ROB'T. TREAT PAINE
ELBRIDGE GERRY
STEP. HOPKINS
WILLIAM ELLERY
ROGER SHERMAN
SAM'EL HUNTINGTON
W'M WILLIAMS
OLIVER WOLCOTT
MATTHEW THORNTON
W'M FLOYD
PHIL. LIVINGSTON
FRAN'S LEWIS
LEWIS MORRIS
RICH'D STOCKTON
JN'O. WITHERSPOON
FRA'S. HOPKINSON
JOHN HART
ABRA CLARK
ROB'T. MORRIS
BENJAMIN RUSH
BENJ'A. FRANKLIN
JOHN MORTON
GEO CLYMER
JA'S. SMITH.
GEO. TAYLOR
JAMES WILSON
GEO. ROSS
CAESAR RODNEY
GEO READ
THO M'KEAN
SAMUEL CHASE
W'M. PACA
THO'S. STONE
CHARLES CARROLL of Carrollton
GEORGE WYTHE
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
TH. JEFFERSON
BENJ'A. HARRISON
THO'S. NELSON jr.
FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE
CARTER BRAXTON
W'M. HOOPER
JOSEPH HEWES.
JOHN PENN
EDWARD RUTLEDGE.
THO'S. HEYWARD Jun'r.
THOMAS LYNCH Jun'r.
ARTHUR MIDDLETON
BUTTON GWINNETT
LYMAN HALL
GEO WALTON.

* * * * *

Articles of Confederation

NOTE.--The original is indorsed: Act of Confederation of The
United States of America.

To all to whom these Presents shall come, we the undersigned
Delegates of the States affixed to our Names send greeting. Whereas the
Delegates of the United States of America in Congress assembled did on
the fifteenth day of November in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Seven
Hundred and Seventy seven, and in the Second Year of the Independence of
America agree to certain articles of Confederation and perpetual Union
between the States of Newhampshire, Massachusetts-bay, Rhodeisland and
Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, South-Carolina and Georgia
in the Words following, viz. "Articles of Confederation and perpetual
Union between the states of Newhampshire, Massachusetts-bay, Rhodeisland
and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey,
Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina,
South-Carolina and Georgia."

Article I. The Stile of this confederacy shall be "The United States of
America."

Article II. Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom an independence,
and every Power, Jurisdiction and right, which is not by this
confederation expressly delegated to the United States, in Congress
assembled.

Article III. The said states hereby severally enter into a firm league
of friendship with each other, for their common defence, the security
of their Liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding
themselves to assist each other, against all force offered to, or
attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion,
sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence whatsoever.

Article IV. The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and
intercourse among the people of the different states in this union,
the free inhabitants of each of these states, paupers, vagabonds and
fugitives from Justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges
and immunities of free citizens in the several states; and the people
of each state shall have free ingress and regress to and from any other
state, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce,
subject to the same duties, impositions and restrictions as the
inhabitants thereof respectively, provided that such restriction shall
not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported into
any state, to any other state of which the Owner is an inhabitant;
provided also that no imposition, duties or restriction shall be laid
by any state, on the property of the united states, or either of them.

If any Person guilty of, or charged with treason, felony, or other high
misdemeanor in any state, shall flee from Justice, and be found in any
of the united states, he shall upon demand of the Governor or executive
power, of the state from which he fled, be delivered up and removed to
the state having jurisdiction of his offence.

Full faith and credit shall be given in each of these states to the
records, acts and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates
of every other state.

Article V. For the more convenient management of the general interests
of the united states, delegates shall be annually appointed in such
manner as the legislature of each state shall direct, to meet in
Congress on the first Monday in November, in every year, with a power
reserved to each state, to recal its delegates, or any of them, at
any time within the year, and to send others in their stead, for the
remainder of the Year.

No state shall be represented in Congress by less than two, nor by more
than seven Members; and no person shall be capable of being a delegate
for more than three years in any term of six years; nor shall any
person, being a delegate, be capable of holding any office under the
united states, for which he, or another for his benefit receives any
salary, fees or emolument of any kind.

Each state shall maintain its own delegates in a meeting of the states,
and while they act as members of the committee of the states.

In determining questions in the united states, in Congress assembled,
each state shall have one vote.

Freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or
questioned in any Court, or place out of Congress, and the members
of congress shall be protected in their persons from arrests and
imprisonments, during the time of their going to and from, and
attendance on congress, except for treason, felony, or breach of
the peace.

Article VI. No state without the Consent of the united states in
congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any embassy
from, or enter into any conferrence, agreement, alliance or treaty with
any King prince or state; nor shall any person holding any office of
profit or trust under the united states, or any of them, accept of any
present, emolument, office or title of any kind whatever from any king,
prince or foreign state; nor shall the united states in congress
assembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility.

No two or more states shall enter into any treaty, confederation or
alliance whatever between them, without the consent of the united states
in congress assembled, specifying accurately the purposes for which the
same is to be entered into, and how long it shall continue.

No state shall lay any imposts or duties, which may interfere with any
stipulations in treaties, entered into by the united states in congress
assembled, with any king, prince or state, in pursuance of any treaties
already proposed by congress, to the courts of France and Spain.

No vessels of war shall be kept up in time of peace by any state, except
such number only, as shall be deemed necessary by the united states in
congress assembled, for the defence of such state, or its trade; nor
shall any body of forces be kept up by any state, in time of peace,
except such number only, as in the judgment of the united states, in
congress assembled, shall be deemed requisite to garrison the forts
necessary for the defence of such state; but every state shall always
keep up a well regulated and disciplined militia, sufficiently armed
and accoutred, and shall provide and constantly have ready for use,
in public stores, a due number of field pieces and tents, and a proper
quantity of arms, ammunition and camp equipage.

No state shall engage in any war without the consent of the united
states in congress assembled, unless such state be actually invaded
by enemies, or shall have received certain advice of a resolution
being formed by some nation of Indians to invade such state, and the
danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay, till the united
states in congress assembled can be consulted: nor shall any state grant
commissions to any ships or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or
reprisal, except it be after a declaration of war by the united states
in congress assembled, and then only against the kingdom or state and
the subjects thereof, against which war has been so declared, and under
such regulations as shall be established by the united states in
congress assembled, unless such state be infested by pirates, in which
case vessels of war may be fitted out for that occasion, and kept so
long as the danger shall continue, or until the united states in
congress assembled shall determine otherwise.

Article VII. When land-forces are raised by any state for the common
defence, all officers of or under the rank of colonel, shall be
appointed by the legislature of each state respectively by whom such
forces shall be raised, or in such manner as such state shall direct,
and all vacancies shall be filled up by the state which first made the
appointment.

Article VIII. All charges of war, and all other expences that shall be
incurred for the common defence or general welfare, and allowed by the
united states in congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common
treasury, which shall be supplied by the several states, in proportion
to the value of all land within each state, granted to or surveyed for
any Person, as such land and the buildings and improvements thereon
shall be estimated according to such mode as the united states in
congress assembled, shall from time to time direct and appoint.
The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and levied by the
authority and direction of the legislatures of the several states within
the time agreed upon by the united states in congress assembled.

Article IX. The united states in congress assembled, shall have the sole
and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war, except
in the cases mentioned in the sixth article--of sending and receiving
ambassadors--entering into treaties and alliances, provided that no
treaty of commerce shall be made whereby the legislative power of the
respective states shall be restrained from imposing such imposts and
duties on foreigners, as their own people are subjected to, or from
prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species of goods or
commodities whatsoever--of establishing rules for deciding in all cases,
what captures on land or water shall be legal, and in what manner prizes
taken by land or naval forces in the service of the united states shall
be divided or appropriated.--of granting letters of marque and reprisal
in times of peace--appointing courts for the trial of piracies and
felonies committed on the high seas and establishing courts for
receiving and determining finally appeals in all cases of captures,
provided that no member of congress shall be appointed a judge of any
of the said courts.

The united states in congress assembled shall also be the last resort on
appeal in all disputes and differences now subsisting or that hereafter
may arise between two or more states concerning boundary, jurisdiction
or any other cause whatever; which authority shall always be exercised
in the manner following. Whenever the legislative or executive authority
or lawful agent of any state in controversy with another shall present
a petition to congress, stating the matter in question and praying for
a hearing, notice thereof shall be given by order of congress to the
legislative or executive authority of the other state in controversy,
and a day assigned for the appearance of the parties by their lawful
agents, who shall then be directed to appoint by joint consent,
commissioners or judges to constitute a court for hearing and
determining the matter in question: but if they cannot agree, congress
shall name three persons out of each of the united states, and from the
list of such persons each party shall alternately strike out one, the
petitioners beginning, until the number shall be reduced to thirteen;
and from that number not less than seven, nor more than nine names as
congress shall direct, shall in the presence of congress be drawn out by
lot, and the persons whose names shall be so drawn or any five of them,
shall be commissioners or judges, to hear and finally determine the
controversy, so always as a major part of the judges who shall hear
the cause shall agree in the determination: and if either party shall
neglect to attend at the day appointed, without shewing reasons, which
congress shall judge sufficient, or being present shall refuse to
strike, the congress shall proceed to nominate three persons out of
each state, and the secretary of congress shall strike in behalf of
such party absent or refusing; and the judgment and sentence of the
court to be appointed, in the manner before prescribed, shall be final
and conclusive; and if any of the parties shall refuse to submit to the
authority of such court, or to appear or defend their claim or cause,
the court shall nevertheless proceed to pronounce sentence, or judgment,
which shall in like manner be final and decisive, the judgment or
sentence and other proceedings being in either case transmitted to
congress, and lodged among the acts of congress for the security of the
parties concerned: provided that every commissioner, before he sits in
judgment, shall take an oath to be administred by one of the judges of
the supreme or superior court of the state, where the cause shall be
tried, "well and truly to hear and determine the matter in question,
according to the best of his judgment, without favour, affection or hope
of reward:" provided also that no state shall be deprived of territory
for the benefit of the united states.

All controversies concerning the private right of soil claimed under
different grants of two or more states, whose jurisdictions as they
may respect such lands, and the states which passed such grants are
adjusted, the said grants or either of them being at the same time
claimed to have originated antecedent to such settlement of
jurisdiction, shall on the petition of either party to the congress
of the united states, be finally determined as near as may be in the
same manner as is before prescribed for deciding disputes respecting
territorial jurisdiction between different states.

The united states in congress assembled shall also have the sole
and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value of
coin struck by their own authority, or by that of the respective
states--fixing the standard of weights and measures throughout the
united states.--regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the
Indians, not members of any of the states, provided that the legislative
right of any state within its own limits be not infringed or
violated--establishing and regulating post-offices from one state to
another, throughout all the united states, and exacting such postage
on the papers passing thro' the same as may be requisite to defray
the expences of the said office--appointing all officers of the land
forces, in the service of the united states, excepting regimental
officers.--appointing all the officers of the naval forces, and
commissioning all officers whatever in the service of the united
states--making rules for the government and regulation of the said
land and naval forces, and directing their operations.

The united states in congress assembled shall have authority to appoint
a committee, to sit in the recess of congress, to be denominated
"A Committee of the States," and to consist of one delegate from each
state; and to appoint such other committees and civil officers as may be
necessary for managing the general affairs of the united states under
their direction--to appoint one of their number to preside, provided
that no person be allowed to serve in the office of president more than
one year in any term of three years; to ascertain the necessary sums
of Money to be raised for the service of the united states, and to
appropriate and apply the same for defraying the public expences--to
borrow money, or emit bills on the credit of the united states,
transmitting every half year to the respective states an account of the
sums of money so borrowed or emitted,--to build and equip a navy--to
agree upon the number of land forces, and to make requisitions from each
state for its quota, in proportion to the number of white inhabitants
in such state; which requisition shall be binding, and thereupon the
legislature of each state shall appoint the regimental officers, raise
the men and cloath, arm and equip them in a soldier like manner, at the
expence of the united states, and the officers and men so cloathed,
armed and equipped shall march to the place appointed, and within the
time agreed on by the united states in congress assembled: But if
the united states in congress assembled shall, on consideration of
circumstances judge proper that any state should not raise men, or
should raise a smaller number than its quota, and that any other state
should raise a greater number of men than the quota thereof, such extra
number shall be raised, officered, cloathed, armed and equipped in the
same manner as the quota of such state, unless the legislature of such
state shall judge that such extra number cannot be safely spared out of
the same, in which case they shall raise officer, cloath, arm and equip
as many of such extra number as they judge can be safely spared. And the
officers and men so cloathed, armed and equipped, shall march to the
place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the united states
in congress assembled.

The united states in congress assembled shall never engage in a war,
nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace, nor enter
into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, nor regulate the value
thereof, nor ascertain the sums and expences necessary for the defence
and welfare of the united states, or any of them, nor emit bills, nor
borrow money on the credit of the united states, nor appropriate money,
nor agree upon the number of vessels of war, to be built or purchased,
or the number of land or sea forces to be raised, nor appoint a
commander in chief of the army or navy, unless nine states assent to the
same: nor shall a question on any other point, except for adjourning
from day to day be determined, unless by the votes of a majority of
the united states in congress assembled.

The congress of the united states shall have power to adjourn to any
time within the year, and to any place within the united states, so that
no period of adjournment be for a longer duration than the space of six
Months, and shall publish the Journal of their proceedings monthly,
except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances or military
operations, as in their judgment require secresy; and the yeas and nays
of the delegates of each state on any question shall be entered on the
Journal, when it is desired by any delegate; and the delegates of a
state, or any of them, at his or their request shall be furnished with a
transcript of the said Journal, except such parts as are above excepted,
to lay before the legislatures of the several states.

Article X. The committee of the states, or any nine of them, shall be
authorised to execute, in the recess of congress, such of the powers of
congress as the united states in congress assembled, by the consent of
nine states, shall from time to time think expedient to vest them with;
provided that no power be delegated to the said committee, for the
exercise of which, by the articles of confederation, the voice of nine
states in the congress of the united states assembled is requisite.

Article XI. Canada acceding to this confederation, and joining in the
measures of the united states, shall be admitted into, and entitled to
all the advantages of this union: but no other colony shall be admitted
into the same, unless such admission be agreed to by nine states.

Article XII. All bills of credit emitted, monies borrowed and debts
contracted by, or under the authority of congress, before the assembling
of the united states, in pursuance of the present confederation, shall
be deemed and considered as a charge against the united states, for
payment and satisfaction whereof the said united states, and the public
faith are hereby solemnly pledged.

Article XIII. Every state shall abide by the determinations of the
united states in congress assembled, on all questions which by this
confederation are submitted to them. And the Articles of this
confederation shall be inviolably observed by every state, and the
union shall be perpetual; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter
be made in any of them; unless such alteration be agreed to in a congress
of the united states, and be afterwards confirmed by the legislatures of
every state.

And whereas it hath pleased the Great Governor of the World to
incline the hearts of the legislatures we respectively represent in
congress, to approve of, and to authorize us to ratify the said articles
of confederation and perpetual union. Know Ye that we the
under-signed delegates, by virtue of the power and authority to us given
for that purpose, do by these presents, in the name and in behalf of our
respective constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm each and
every of the said articles of confederation and perpetual union, and all
and singular the matters and things therein contained: And we do further
solemnly plight and engage the faith of our respective constituents,
that they shall abide by the determinations of the united states in
congress assembled, on all questions, which by the said confederation
are submitted to them. And that the articles thereof shall be inviolably
observed by the states we respectively represent, and that the union
shall be perpetual. In Witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands in
Congress. Done at Philadelphia in the state of Pennsylvania the ninth
Day of July in the Year of our Lord one Thousand seven Hundred and
Seventy-eight, and in the third year of the independence of America.

On the part & behalf of the State of New Hampshire

JOSIAH BARTLETT, JOHN WENTWORTH Jun'r. August 8th 1778

On the part and behalf of The State of Massachusetts Bay

JOHN HANCOCK, SAMUEL ADAMS, ELBRIDGE GERRY, FRANCIS DANA,
JAMES LOVELL, SAMUEL HOLTEN

On the part and behalf of the State of Rhode-Island and Providence
Plantations

WILLIAM ELLARY, HENRY MARCHANT, JOHN COLLINS

On the part and behalf of the State of Connecticut

ROGER SHERMAN, SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, OLIVER WOLCOTT, TITUS HOSMER,
ANDREW ADAMS

On the Part and Behalf of the State of New York

JA'S. DUANE, FRA'S. LEWIS, W'M DUER., GOUV MORRIS

On the Part and in Behalf of the State of New Jersey. Nov'r. 26, 1778--

JNO. WITHERSPOON, NATHL. SCUDDER

On the part and behalf of the State of Pennsylvania

ROB'T. MORRIS, DANIEL ROBERDEAU, JON'A. BAYARD SMITH., WILLIAM
CLINGAN, JOSEPH REED 22d July 1778

On the part & behalf of the State of Delaware

THO McKEAN Feby 12 1779, JOHN DICKINSON May 5th 1779, NICHOLAS VAN DYKE

On the part and behalf of the State of Maryland

JOHN HANSON March 1 1781, DANIEL CARROLL d'o

On the Part and Behalf of the State of Virginia

RICHARD HENRY LEE, JOHN BANISTER, THOMAS ADAMS, JN'O. HARVIE,
FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE

On the part and Behalf of the State of N'o Carolina

JOHN PENN July 21st 1778, CORN'S HARNETT, JN'O. WILLIAMS

On the part & behalf of the State of South-Carolina

HENRY LAURENS., WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON, JN'O. MATHEWS, RICH'D. HUTSON.,
THO'S. HEYWARD Jun'r

On the part & behalf of the State of Georgia

JN'O. WALTON 24th July 1778, ELW'D. TELFAIR., EDW'D. LANGWORTHY.

* * * * *

The Constitution

NOTE.--The words "The Constitution" do not appear on the original.

We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more
perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide
for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the
Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and
establish this Constitution for the United States of America.

Article 1.

Section. 1. All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a
Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House
of Representatives.

Section. 2. The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members
chosen every second Year by the People of the several States, and the
Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications requisite for
Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State Legislature.

No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the
Age of twenty five Years, and been seven Years a Citizen of the United
States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State
in which he shall be chosen.

Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several
States which may be included within this Union, according to their
respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole
Number of free Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term
of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other
Persons. The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after
the first Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within
every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law
direct. The Number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every
thirty Thousand, but each State shall have at Least one Representative;
and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire
shall be entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode-Island and
Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New-York six, New Jersey
four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten,
North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three.

When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, the
Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to fill such
Vacancies.

The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and other
Officers; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment.

Section. 3. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two
Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six
Years; and each Senator shall have one Vote.

Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of the first
Election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three Classes.
The Seats of the Senators of the first Class shall be vacated at the
Expiration of the second Year, of the second Class at the Expiration
of the fourth Year, and of the third Class at the Expiration of the
sixth Year, so that one third may be chosen every second Year; and if
Vacancies happen by Resignation, or otherwise, during the Recess of
the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary
Appointments until the next Meeting of the Legislature, which shall
then fill such Vacancies.

No Person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the Age of
thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the United States, and
who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State for which
he shall be chosen.

The Vice President of the United States shall be President of the
Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally divided.

The Senate shall chuse their other Officers, and also a President pro
tempore, in the Absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise
the Office of President of the United States.

The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. When
sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation. When
the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall
preside: And no Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence of
two thirds of the Members present.

Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to
removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office
of honor, Trust or Profit under the United States: but the Party
convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment,
Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law.

Section. 4. The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for
Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the
Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or
alter such Regulations, except as to the Places of chusing Senators.

The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year, and such
Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall
by Law appoint a different Day.

Section. 5. Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns
and Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority of each shall
constitute a Quorum to do Business; but a smaller Number may adjourn
from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the Attendance of
absent Members, in such Manner, and under such Penalties as each
House may provide.

Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, punish its
Members for disorderly Behaviour, and, with the Concurrence of two
thirds, expel a Member.

Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from time to
time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may in their Judgment
require Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays of the Members of either House
on any question shall, at the Desire of one fifth of those Present,
be entered on the Journal.

Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without the
Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any
other Place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting.

Section. 6. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a
Compensation for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out
of the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all Cases, except
Treason, Felony and Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest
during their Attendance at the Session of their respective Houses, and
in going to and returning from the same; and for any Speech or Debate
in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other Place.

No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for which he was
elected, be appointed to any civil Office under the Authority of the
United States which shall have been created, or the Emoluments whereof
shall have been encreased during such time; and no Person holding any
Office under the United States, shall be a Member of either House during
his Continuance in Office.

Section. 7. All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House
of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with Amendments
as on other Bills.

Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the
Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the President of
the United States; If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall
return it, with his Objections to that House in which it shall have
originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal,
and proceed to reconsider it. If after such Reconsideration two thirds
of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together
with the Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be
reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall
become a Law. But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be
determined by yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for
and against the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House
respectively. If any Bill shall not be returned by the President within
ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him,
the Same shall be a Law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless
the Congress by their Adjournment prevent its Return, in which Case it
shall not be a Law.

Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of the Senate
and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of
Adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States;
and before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, or
being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate
and House of Representatives, according to the Rules and Limitations
prescribed in the Case of a Bill.

Section. 8. The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes,
Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common
Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties,
Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;

To borrow Money on the credit of the United States;

To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States,
and with the Indian Tribes;

To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform Laws on the
subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United States;

To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix
the Standard of Weights and Measures;

To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and
current Coin of the United States;

To establish Post Offices and post Roads;

To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for
limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their
respective Writings and Discoveries;

To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court;

To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas,
and Offences against the Law of Nations;

To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules
concerning Captures on Land and Water;

To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to that Use
shall be for a longer Term than two Years;

To provide and maintain a Navy;

To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval
Forces;

To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the
Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions;

To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and
for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the
United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of
the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the
discipline prescribed by Congress;

To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such
District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by Cession of
particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of
the Government of the United States, and to exercise like Authority over
all Places purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in
which the Same shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals,
dock-Yards, and other needful Buildings;--And

To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into
Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this
Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any
Department or Officer thereof.

Section. 9. The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the
States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited
by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight,
but a Tax or duty may be imposed on such Importation, not exceeding ten
dollars for each Person.

The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended,
unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may
require it.

No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed.

No Capitation, or other direct, Tax shall be laid, unless in Proportion
to the Census or Enumeration herein before directed to be taken.

No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any State.

No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to
the Ports of one State over those of another: nor shall Vessels bound
to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay Duties in
another.

No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of
Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement and Account of the
Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be published from
time to time.

No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no
Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, shall, without
the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolument, Office,
or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State.

Section. 10. No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or
Confederation; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; coin Money; emit
Bills of Credit; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender in
Payment of Debts; pass any Bill of Attainder, ex post facto Law, or Law
impairing the Obligation of Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility.

No State shall, without the Consent of [the] Congress, lay any Imposts
or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary
for executing it's inspection Laws: and the net Produce of all Duties
and Imposts, laid by any State on Imports or Exports, shall be for the
Use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such Laws shall be
subject to the Revision and Controul of [the] Congress.

No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any Duty of
Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, enter into any
Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a foreign Power, or
engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as
will not admit of delay.

Article II.

Section. 1. The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the
United States of America. He shall hold his Office during the Term of
four Years, and, together with the Vice President, chosen for the same
Term, be elected, as follows

Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may
direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and
Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress: but
no Senator or Representative, or Person holding an Office of Trust or
Profit under the United States, shall be appointed an Elector.

The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by Ballot
for two Persons, of whom one at least shall not be an Inhabitant of
the same State with themselves. And they shall make a List of all the
Persons voted for, and of the Number of Votes for each; which List
they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the Seat of the
Government of the United States, directed to the President of the
Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the Presence of the Senate
and House of Representatives, open all the Certificates, and the Votes
shall then be counted. The Person having the greatest Number of Votes
shall be the President, if such Number be a Majority of the whole Number
of Electors appointed; and if there be more than one who have such
Majority, and have an equal Number of Votes, then the House of
Representatives shall immediately chuse by Ballot one of them for
President; and if no Person have a Majority, then from the five highest
on the List the said House shall in like Manner chuse the President.
But in chusing the President, the Votes shall be taken by States, the
Representation from each State having one Vote; A quorum for this
Purpose shall consist of a Member or Members from two thirds of the
States, and a Majority of all the States shall be necessary to a Choice.
In every Case, after the Choice of the President, the Person having the
greatest Number of Votes of the Electors shall be the Vice President.
But if there should remain two or more who have equal Votes, the Senate
shall chuse from them by Ballot the Vice President.

The Congress may determine the Time of chusing the Electors, and the Day
on which they shall give their Votes; which Day shall be the same
throughout the United States.

No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the United
States, at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be
eligible to the Office of President; neither shall any Person be
eligible to that Office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty
five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident within the United States.

In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death,
Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the said
Office, the Same shall devolve on the Vice President, and the Congress
may by Law provide for the Case of Removal, Death, Resignation or
Inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what
Officer shall then act as President, and such Officer shall act
accordingly, until the Disability be removed, or a President shall be
elected.

The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Services, a
Compensation, which shall neither be encreased nor diminished during the
Period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive
within that Period any other Emolument from the United States, or any of
them.

Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take the
following Oath or Affirmation:--"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that
I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States,
and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the
Constitution of the United States."

Section. 2. The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and
Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States,
when called into the actual Service of the United States; he may require
the Opinion, in writing, of the principal Officer in each of the
executive Departments, upon any Subject relating to the Duties of their
respective Offices, and he shall have Power to grant Reprieves and
Pardons for Offences against the United States, except in Cases of
Impeachment.

He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate,
to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur;
and he shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the
Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls,
Judges of the supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United
States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and
which shall be established by Law: but the Congress may by Law vest the
Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the
President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments.

The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that may happen
during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall
expire at the End of their next Session.

Section. 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress Information
of the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration
such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may,
on extraordinary Occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them,
and in Case of Disagreement between them, with Respect to the Time of
Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time as he shall think proper;
he shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers; he shall take
Care that the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall Commission all the
Officers of the United States.

Section. 4. The President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the
United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and
Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.

Article III.

Section. 1. The judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested in
one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from
time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the supreme and
inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour, and
shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services, a Compensation,
which shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office.

Section. 2. The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in Law and
Equity, arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United States,
and Treaties made, or which shall be made, under their Authority;--to
all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls;--to
all Cases of admiralty and maritime Jurisdiction;--to Controversies to
which the United States shall be a Party;--to Controversies between two
or more States;--between a State and Citizens of another State;--between
Citizens of different States,--between Citizens of the same State
claiming Lands under Grants of different States, and between a State,
or the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects.

In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls,
and those in which a State shall be Party, the supreme Court shall have
original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the
supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction, both as to Law and
Fact, with such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress
shall make.

The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by
Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes
shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the
Trial shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have
directed.

Section. 3. Treason against the United States, shall consist only in
levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them
Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the
Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession in
open Court.

The Congress shall have Power to declare the Punishment of Treason, but
no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, or Forfeiture
except during the Life of the Person attainted.

Article. IV.

Section. 1. Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the
public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other State. And
the Congress may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in which such
Acts, Records and Proceedings shall be proved, and the Effect thereof.

Section. 2. The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all
Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States.

A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or other Crime, who
shall flee from Justice, and be found in another State, shall on Demand
of the executive Authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered
up, to be removed to the State having Jurisdiction of the Crime.

No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws
thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or
Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but shall
be delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labour may
be due.

Section. 3. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union;
but no new State shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction of
any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more
States, or Parts of States, without the Consent of the Legislatures of
the States concerned as well as of the Congress.

The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules
and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging
to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so
construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, or of any
particular State.

Section. 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this
Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them
against Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the
Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened) against domestic
Violence.

Article. V.

The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it
necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the
Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several States,
shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments, which, in either
Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this
Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the
several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one
or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress;
Provided that no Amendment which may be made prior to the Year One
thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect the first
and fourth Clauses in the Ninth Section of the first Article; and that
no State, without its Consent, shall be deprived of it's equal Suffrage
in the Senate.

Article. VI.

All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the Adoption
of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under
this Constitution, as under the Confederation.

This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made
in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made,
under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of
the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any
Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary
notwithstanding.

The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of
the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers,
both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by
Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious Test
shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust
under the United States.

Article. VII.

The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, shall be sufficient
for the Establishment of this Constitution between the States so
ratifying the Same.

[Sidenote: The Word, "the," being interlined between the seventh and
eighth Lines of the first Page, The Word "Thirty" being partly written
on an Erazure in the fifteenth Line of the first Page, The Words "is
tried" being interlined between the thirty second and thirty third Lines
of the first Page and the Word "the" being interlined between the forty
third and forty fourth Lines of the second Page.--Attest WILLIAM JACKSON
Secretary]

done in Convention by the Unanimous Consent of the States present
the Seventeenth Day of September in the Year of our Lord one thousand
seven hundred and Eighty seven and of the Independance of the United
States of America the Twelfth In Witness whereof We have hereunto
subscribed our Names,

GEORGE WASHINGTON--Presidt. and deputy from Virginia.

New Hampshire: JOHN LANGDON, NICHOLAS GILMAN.

Massachusetts: NATHANIEL GORHAM, RUFUS KING.

Connecticut: W'M SAM'L JOHNSON, ROGER SHERMAN.

New York: ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

New Jersey: WIL. LIVINGSTON, DAVID BREARLEY, W'M PATERSON, JONA. DAYTON.

Pensylvania: B FRANKLIN, THOMAS MIFFLIN, ROBT. MORRIS, GEO. CLYMER,
THO'S FITZSIMONS, JARED INGERSOLL, JAMES WILSON, GOUV MORRIS.

Delaware: GEO. READ, GUNNING BEDFORD jun, JOHN DICKINSON, RICHARD
BASSETT, JACO. BROOM.

Maryland: JAMES McHENRY, DAN OF ST THO'S JENIFER, DAN'L CARROLL.

Virginia: JOHN BLAIR--, JAMES MADISON Jr.

North Carolina: W'M BLOUNT, RICH'D DOBBS SPAIGHT, HU WILLIAMSON.

South Carolina: J. RUTLEDGE, CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY, CHARLES
PINCKNEY, PIERCE BUTLER.

Georgia: WILLIAM FEW, ABR BALDWIN.

In Convention Monday September 17th 1787.

Present

The States of

New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Mr Hamilton from New York,
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina,
South Carolina and Georgia.

That the preceding Constitution be laid before the United States in
Congress assembled, and that it is the Opinion of this Convention, that
it should afterwards be submitted to a Convention of Delegates, chosen
in each State by the People thereof, under the Recommendation of its
Legislature, for their Assent and Ratification; and that each Convention
assenting to, and ratifying the Same, should give Notice thereof to the
United States in Congress assembled.

Resolved, That it is the Opinion of this Convention, that as soon as the
Conventions of nine States shall have ratified this Constitution, the
United States in Congress assembled should fix a Day on which Electors
should be appointed by the States which shall have ratified the same,
and a Day on which the Electors should assemble to vote for the
President, and the Time and Place for commencing Proceedings under
this Constitution. That after such Publication the Electors should be
appointed, and the Senators and Representatives elected: That the
Electors should meet on the Day fixed for the Election of the President,
and should transmit their Votes certified, signed, sealed and directed,
as the Constitution requires, to the Secretary of the United States in
Congress assembled, that the Senators and Representatives should convene
at the Time and Place assigned; that the Senators should appoint a
President of the Senate, for the sole Purpose of receiving, opening and
counting the Votes for President; and, that after he shall be chosen,
the Congress, together with the President, should, without Delay,
proceed to execute this Constitution.

By the Unanimous Order of the Convention

GEORGE WASHINGTON. Presid't

W. Jackson Secretary.

Articles in addition to, and Amendment of the Constitution of the
United States of America, proposed by Congress, and ratified by the
Legislatures of the several States, pursuant to the fifth Article of
the original Constitution.

[Article I.]

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion,
or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom
of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to
assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.

[Article II.]

A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free
State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be
infringed.

[Article III.]

No Soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without
the consent of the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be
prescribed by law.

[Article IV.]

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers,
and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not
be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause,
supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the
place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.

[Article V.]

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous
crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in
cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in
actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be
subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb;
nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against
himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process
of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just
compensation.

[Article VI.]

In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a
speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district
wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have
been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature
and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against
him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor,
and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defence.

[Article VII.]

In Suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed
twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no
fact tried by a jury, shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of
the United States, than according to the rules of the common law.

[Article VIII.]

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor
cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.

[Article IX.]

The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be
construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.

[Article X.]

The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor
prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively,
or to the people.

[Article XI.]

The Judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to
extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against
one of the United States by Citizens of another State, or by Citizens
or Subjects of any Foreign State.

[Article XII.]

The Electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot
for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an
inhabitant of the same state with themselves; they shall name in their
ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the
person voted for as Vice-President, and they shall make distinct lists
of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for
as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists
they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the
government of the United States, directed to the President of the
Senate;--The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the
Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates and the
votes shall then be counted;--The person having the greatest number
of votes for President, shall be the President, if such number be a
majority of the whole number of Electors appointed; and if no person
have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers not
exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the House
of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President.
But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by states, the
representation from each state having one vote; a quorum for this
purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the
states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice.
And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President
whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth
day of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as
President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional
disability of the President.--The person having the greatest number of
votes as Vice-President, shall be the Vice-President, if such number be
a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed, and if no person
have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list, the
Senate shall choose the Vice-President; a quorum for the purpose shall
consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority
of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person
constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be
eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States.

Article XIII.

Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a
punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted,
shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their
jurisdiction.

Section. 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by
appropriate legislation.

Article XIV.

Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and
subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States
and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any
law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the
United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty,
or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within
its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.

Section 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States
according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of
persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right
to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and
Vice President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the
Executive and Judicial officers of a State, or the members of the
Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such
State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States,
or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other
crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the
proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the
whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State.

Section 3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress,
or elector of President and Vice President, or hold any office, civil
or military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having
previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of
the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an
executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution
of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion
against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But
Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such
disability.

Section 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States,
authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and
bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall
not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall
assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection
or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or
emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations and claims
shall be held illegal and void.

Section 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate
legislation, the provisions of this article.

Article XV.

Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not
be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account
of race, color, or previous condition of servitude--

Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by
appropriate legislation--

* * * * *

George Washington

April 30, 1789, to March 4, 1797

George Washington

George Washington was born at Bridges Creek, on the Potomac River, in
Westmoreland County, Va., on the 22d day of February (or 11th, old
style), 1732. Augustine Washington, his father, was a son of Lawrence
Washington, whose father, John Washington, came to Virginia from England
in 1657, and settled at Bridges Creek. Augustine Washington died in
1743, leaving several children, George being the eldest by his second
wife, Mary Ball. At the early age of 19 years he was appointed
adjutant-general of one of the districts of Virginia, with the rank of
major. In November, 1753, he was sent by Lieutenant-Governor Dinwiddie,
of Virginia, to visit the French army in the Ohio Valley on important
business. War followed, and in 1754 he was promoted to the rank of
lieutenant-colonel, and engaged in the war. In 1755 he acted as
aid-de-camp to General Braddock. Soon after this he was appointed by the
legislature commander in chief of all the forces of the Colony, and for
three years devoted himself to recruiting and organizing troops for her
defense. In 1758 he commanded a successful expedition to Fort Du Quesne.
He then left the Army, and was married to Mrs. Martha Custis, a widow
lady of Virginia. For sixteen years he resided at Mount Vernon,
occasionally acting as a magistrate or as a member of the legislature.
He was a delegate to the Williamsburg convention, August, 1773, which
resolved that taxation and representation were inseparable. In 1774
he was sent to the Continental Congress as a delegate from Virginia.
The following year he was unanimously chosen commander in chief, and
assumed the command of the Continental Army July 2, 1775. He commanded
the armies throughout the War for Independence. At the close he resigned
his commission, December 23, 1783, and retired to private life. He was
a delegate to, and president of, the National Convention which met
in Philadelphia, Pa., in May, 1787, and adopted a new Constitution,
that greatly increased the power of the Federal Government. He was
unanimously elected the first President of the United States, and was
inaugurated on the 30th of April, 1789, in New York City, and at the
end of his first term was unanimously reelected. He retired March 4,
1797, having declined a third term. In September, 1796, he issued his
Farewell Address to the people. July 3, 1798, he was again appointed
to the command of the armies of the United States, with the rank of
lieutenant-general. He was a Freemason, and served as master of his
lodge. He died at Mount Vernon, Va., after a short illness, December
14, 1799, and was buried there.

PROCEEDINGS INITIATORY TO THE FIRST PRESIDENTIAL INAUGURATION.

[From the Washington Papers (Executive Proceedings, vol. 17), Department
of State.]

Charles Thomson, esq., Secretary of the late Congress, being appointed
by the Senate of the United States to carry to General Washington the
official information of his unanimous election to the office of
President of the United States of America, arrived at Mount Vernon on
the 14th day of April, A.D. 1789, when he communicated to General
Washington the purport of his mission in the following words:

Sir: The President of the Senate chosen for the special purpose, having
opened and counted the votes of the electors in presence of the Senate
and House of Representatives, I was honored with the commands of the
Senate to wait upon Your Excellency with the information of your being
elected to the office of President of the United States of America. This
commission was intrusted to me on account of my having been long in the
confidence of the late Congress, and charged with the duties of one of
the principal civil departments of Government.

I have now, sir, to inform you that the proofs you have given of your
patriotism, and of your readiness to sacrifice domestic ease and private
enjoyments to preserve the happiness of your country, did not permit the
two Houses to harbor a doubt of your undertaking this great and
important office, to which you are called, not only by the unanimous
vote of the electors, but by the voice of America.

I have it, therefore, in command to accompany you to New York, where the
Senate and House of Representatives are convened for the dispatch of
public business.

To which General Washington replied:

SIR: I have been accustomed to pay so much respect to the opinion of my
fellow-citizens that the knowledge of their having given their unanimous
suffrages in my favor scarcely leaves me the alternative for an option.
I can not, I believe, give a greater evidence of my sensibility of the
honor which they have done me than by accepting the appointment.

I am so much affected by this fresh proof of my country's esteem and
confidence that silence can best explain my gratitude. While I realize
the arduous nature of the task which is imposed upon me, and feel my own
inability to perform it, I wish, however, that there may not be reason
for regretting the choice, for, indeed, all I can promise is only to
accomplish that which can be done by an honest zeal.

Upon considering how long time some of the gentlemen of both Houses
of Congress have been at New York, how anxiously desirous they must be
to proceed to business, and how deeply the public mind appears to be
impressed with the necessity of doing it speedily, I can not find myself
at liberty to delay my journey. I shall therefore be in readiness to set
out the day after to-morrow, and shall be happy in the pleasure of your
company, for you will permit me to say that it is a peculiar
gratification to have received the communication from you.

OFFICIAL INFORMATION OF THE ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES, APRIL 6, 1789.

Be it known that the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America, being convened in the city and State of New York,
this 6th day of April, A.D. 1789, the underwritten, appointed President
of the Senate for the sole purpose of receiving, opening, and counting
the votes of the electors, did, in the presence of the said Senate and
House of Representatives, open all the certificates and count all the
votes of the electors for a President and Vice-President, by which it
appears that His Excellency George Washington, esq., was unanimously
elected, agreeably to the Constitution, to the office of President of
the said United States of America.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal.

JOHN LANGDON.

MOUNT VERNON, _April 14, 1789_.

To the Honorable JOHN LANGDON,

_President pro tempore of the Senate of the United States_.

SIR: I had the honor to receive your official communication, by the hand
of Mr. Secretary Thomson, about 1 o'clock this day. Having concluded to
obey the important and flattering call of my country, and having been
impressed with an idea of the expediency of my being with Congress at as
early a period as possible, I propose to commence my journey on Thursday
morning, which will be the day after to-morrow.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of esteem, sir, your most
obedient servant,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

RESOLVE OF THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES RESPECTING MR. OSGOOD'S
PREPARING HIS HOUSE FOR THE RECEPTION OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

_In Senate, April 15, 1789_.

The committee to whom it was referred to consider of and report to the
House respecting the ceremonial of receiving the President, and to whom
also was referred a letter from the chairman of a committee of the
Senate to the Speaker, communicating an instruction from that House to a
committee thereof to report if any and what arrangements are necessary
for the reception of the Vice-President, have agreed to the following
report:

That Mr. Osgood, the proprietor of the house lately occupied by the
President of Congress, be requested to put the same and the furniture
thereof in proper condition for the residence and use of the President
of the United States, and otherwise, at the expense of the United
States, to provide for his temporary accommodation.

That it will be more eligible, in the first instance, that a committee
of three members from the Senate and five members from the House of
Representatives, to be appointed by the two Houses respectively, attend
to receive the President at such place as he shall embark from New
Jersey for this city, and conduct him without form to the house lately
occupied by the President of Congress, and at such time thereafter as
the President shall signify it will be most convenient for him, he be
formally received by both Houses.

Read and accepted.

IN SENATE, _April 16, 1789_.

The Senate proceeded by ballot to the choice of a committee, agreeably
to the report of the committee of both Houses agreed to the 15th
instant, when the Honorable Mr. Langdon, the Honorable Mr. Carroll,
and the Honorable Mr. Johnson were chosen.

A true copy from the Journals of the Senate.

Attest:

SAM. A. OTIS, _Secretary_.

RESOLVE OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES RESPECTING
MR. OSGOOD'S PREPARING HIS HOUSE FOR THE RECEPTION OF THE PRESIDENT OF
THE UNITED STATES.

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES

_Wednesday, April 15, 1789_.

Mr. Benson reported from the committee to whom it was referred to
consider of and report to the House respecting the ceremonial of
receiving the President, and to whom was also referred a letter from the
chairman of a committee of the Senate to the Speaker, communicating an
instruction from that House to a committee thereof to report if any and
what arrangements are necessary for the reception of the Vice-President,
that the committee had, according to order, considered of the same, and
had agreed to a report thereupon, which he delivered in at the Clerk's
table, and where the same was thrice read, and the question put
thereupon agreed to by the House as followeth:

That Mr. Osgood, the proprietor of the house lately occupied by the
President of Congress, be requested to put the same and the furniture
therein in proper order for the residence and use of the President of
the United States, and otherwise, at the expense of the United States,
to provide for his temporary accommodation.

That it will be most eligible, in the first instance, that a committee
of three members from the Senate and five members from the House of
Representatives, to be appointed by the Houses respectively, attend to
receive the President at such place as he shall embark from New Jersey
for this city, and conduct him without form to the house lately occupied
by the President of Congress, and that at such time thereafter as the
President shall signify it will be most convenient for him, he be
formally received by both Houses.

Extract from the Journal.

JOHN BECKLEY, _Clerk_.

RESOLVE OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES RESPECTING A COMMITTEE TO MEET
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES,

_Wednesday, April_ 15, _1789_.

_Resolved_, That it will be most eligible, in the first instance,
that a committee of three members from the Senate and five members
from the House of Representatives, to be appointed by the Houses
respectively, attend to receive the President at such place as he shall
embark from New Jersey for this city, and conduct him without form to
the house lately occupied by the President of Congress, and that at such
time thereafter as the President shall signify, he be formally received
by both Houses.

THURSDAY, _April 16, 1789_.

The committee elected on the part of this House, Mr. Boudinot, Mr.
Bland, Mr. Tucker, Mr. Benson, and Mr. Lawrance.

Extract from the Journal.

JOHN BECKLEY, _Clerk_.

REQUEST OF THE COMMITTEE APPOINTED BY CONGRESS TO KNOW WHEN THEY SHOULD
MEET THE PRESIDENT.

The committee appointed in consequence of the resolutions of both
Houses of Congress, and which accompany this note, most respectfully
communicate their appointment to the President of the United States,
with a request that he will please to have it signified to them when
they shall attend, with a barge which has been prepared for that
purpose, to receive him at Elizabeth Town, or at such other place as
he shall choose to embark from New Jersey for this city.

NEW YORK, _April 17, 1789_.

JOHN LANGDON.
CHARGES CARROLL, of Carrollton.
WM. SAMUEL JOHNSON.
ELIAS BOUDINOT.
THEODORICK BLAND.
THOS. TUDR. TUCKER.
EGBT. BENSON.
JOHN LAWRANCE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS RESPECTING THE TIME OF THE PRESIDENT
MEETING THEM AT ELIZABETH TOWN.

PHILADELPHIA, _April 20, 1789_.

GENTLEMEN: Upon my arrival in this city I received your note, with
the resolutions of the two Houses which accompanied it, and in answer
thereto beg leave to inform you that, knowing how anxious both Houses
must be to proceed to business, I shall continue my journey dispatch
as possible. To-morrow evening I purpose to be at Trenton, the night
following at Brunswick, and hope to have the pleasure of meeting you
at Elizabeth Town point on Thursday at 12 o'clock.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

LETTER FROM THE HONORABLE ELIAS BOUDINOT.

NEW YORK, _April 21, 1789_.

His Excellency GEORGE WASHINGTON, Esq.

SIR: The committee have just received Your Excellency's letter of the
20th, and will be at Elizabeth Town on Thursday morning.

I must beg Your Excellency will alight at my house, where the committee
will attend, and where it will give me (in a particular manner) the
utmost pleasure to receive you.

I have the honor to be, with the most profound respect, sir, your most
obedient and very humble servant,

ELIAS BOUDINOT.

LETTER FROM THE HONORABLE ELIAS BOUDINOT, APRIL 23, 1789.

ELIZABETH TOWN, _Wednesday Evening_.

His Excellency GEORGE WASHINGTON, Esq.

SIR: I have the honor of informing Your Excellency that the committees
of both Houses arrived here this afternoon, and will be ready to receive
Your Excellency at my house as soon as you can arrive here to-morrow
morning.

If you, sir, will honor us with your company at breakfast, it will give
us great pleasure. We shall wait Your Excellency's arrival in hopes of
that gratification. You can have a room to dress in, if you should think
it necessary, as convenient as you can have it in town.

I have the honor to be Your Excellency's most obedient humble servant,

ELIAS BOUDINOT.

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS RESPECTING THE TIME OF THE
INAUGURATION OF THE PRESIDENT.

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES

_Saturday, April 25, 1789_.

Mr. Benson, from the committee appointed to consider of the time, place,
and manner in which, and of the person by whom, the oath prescribed by
the Constitution shall be administered to the President of the United
States, and to confer with a committee of the Senate, appointed for the
purpose, reported as followeth:

That requisite preparations can not probably be made before Thursday
next; that the President be on that day formally received in the Senate
Chamber; that the Representatives' Chamber being capable of receiving
the greater number of persons, that therefore the President do take the
oath in that place and in the presence of both Houses; that after the
formal reception of the President in the Senate Chamber he be attended
by both Houses to the Representatives' Chamber, and that the oath be
administered by the chancellor of this State.

The committee further report it as their opinion that it will be proper
that a committee of both Houses be appointed to take order for further
conducting the ceremonial.

The said report was twice read, and on the question put thereupon was
agreed to by the House.

_Ordered_, That Mr. Benson, Mr. Ames, and Mr. Carroll be a
committee on the part of this House pursuant to the said report.

Extract from the Journal.

JOHN BECKLEY, _Clerk_.

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS TO THE SENATE RESPECTING THE TIME OF
THE INAUGURATION OF THE PRESIDENT.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

_In Senate_, _April 25, 1789_.

The committee appointed to consider of the time, place, and manner in
which and of the person by whom the oath prescribed by the Constitution
shall be administered to the President of the United States, and to
confer with a committee of the House appointed for that purpose, report:

That the President hath been pleased to signify to them that any time or
place which both Houses may think proper to appoint and any manner which
shall appear most eligible to them will be convenient and acceptable
to him; that requisite preparations can not probably be made before
Thursday next; that the President be on that day formally received in
the Senate Chamber by both Houses; that the Representatives' Chamber
being capable of receiving the greater number of persons, that therefore
the President do take the oath in that place in presence of both Houses;
that after the formal reception of the President in the Senate Chamber
he be attended by both Houses to the Representatives' Chamber, and that
the oath be administered by the chancellor of this State.

The committee further report it as their opinion that it will be proper
that a committee of both Houses be appointed to take order for conducting
the ceremonial.

Read and accepted.

And Mr. Lee, Mr. Izard, and Mr. Dalton, on the part of the Senate,
together with the committee that may be appointed on the part of the
House, are empowered to take order for conducting the business.

A true copy from the Journals of Senate.

IN SENATE, _April 27_, _1789_

The committees appointed to take order for conducting the ceremonial of
the formal reception, etc., of the President report that it appears to
them more eligible that the oath should be administered to the President
in the outer gallery adjoining the Senate Chamber than in the
Representatives' Chamber, and therefore submit to the respective Houses
the propriety of authorizing their committees to take order as to the
place where the oath shall be administered to the President, the
resolutions of Saturday assigning the Representatives' Chamber as the
place notwithstanding.

Read and accepted.

A true copy from the Journals of the Senate.

SAM. A. OTIS, _Secretary_.

ORDER FOR CONDUCTING THE CEREMONIAL FOR THE INAUGURATION OF THE
PRESIDENT.

The committees of both Houses of Congress appointed to take order
for conducting the ceremonial for the formal reception, etc., of the
President of the United States on Thursday next have agreed to the
following order thereon, viz:

That General Webb, Colonel Smith, Lieutenant-Colonel Fish, Major Franks,
Major L'Enfant, Major Bleeker, and Mr. John R. Livingston be requested
to serve as assistants on the occasion.

That a chair be placed in the Senate Chamber for the President.

That a chair be placed in the Senate Chamber for the Vice-President, to
the right of the President's chair, and that the Senators take their
seats on that side of the Chamber on which the Vice-President's chair
shall be placed. That a chair be placed in the Senate Chamber for the
Speaker of the House of Representatives, to the left of the President's
chair, and that the Representatives take their seats on that side of the
Chamber on which the Speaker's chair shall be placed.

That seats be provided in the Senate Chamber sufficient to accommodate
the late President of Congress, the governor of the Western Territory,
the five persons being the heads of the great Departments, the minister
plenipotentiary of France, the encargado de negocios of Spain, the
chaplains of Congress, the persons in the suite of the President, and
also to accommodate the following public officers of the State, viz:
The governor, lieutenant-governor, the chancellor, the chief justice of
the supreme court and other judges thereof, and the mayor of the city.

That one of the assistants wait on these gentlemen and inform them that
seats are provided for their accommodation, and also to signify to them
that no precedence of seats is intended, and that no salutation is
expected from them on their entrance into or their departure from the
Senate Chamber.

That the members of both Houses assemble in their respective chambers
precisely at 12 o'clock, and that the Representatives, preceded by their
Speaker and attended by their Clerk and other officers, proceed to the
Senate Chamber, there to be received by the Vice-President and Senators
rising.

That the committees attend the President from his residence to the
Senate Chamber, and that he be there received by the Vice-President, the
Senators and Representatives rising, and by the Vice-President conducted
to his chair.

That after the President shall be seated in his chair and the
Vice-President, Senators, and Representatives shall be again seated, the
Vice-President shall announce to the President that the members of both
Houses will attend him to be present at his taking the oath of office
required by the Constitution.

To the end that the oath of office may be administered to the President
in the most public manner and that the greatest number of the people
of the United States, and without distinction, may be witnesses to the
solemnity, that therefore the oath be administered in the outer gallery
adjoining to the Senate Chamber.

That when the President shall proceed to the gallery to take the oath
he be attended by the Vice-President, and be followed by the chancellor
of the State, and pass through the middle door; that the Senators pass
through the door on the right, and the Representatives pass through the
door on the left, and such of the persons who may have been admitted
into the Senate Chamber and may be desirous to go into the gallery are
then also to pass through the door on the right.

That when the President shall have taken the oath and returned into the
Senate Chamber, attended by the Vice-President, and shall be seated in
his chair, that Senators and Representatives also return into the Senate
Chamber, and that the Vice-President and they resume their respective
seats.

That when the President retire from the Senate Chamber he be conducted
by the Vice-President to the door, the members of both Houses rising,
and that he be there received by the committees and attended to his
residence.

That immediately as the President shall retire the Representatives do
also return from the Senate Chamber to their own.

That it be intrusted to the assistants to take proper precautions for
keeping the avenues to the hall open, and for that purpose they wait
on his excellency the governor of this State, and in the name of the
committees request his aid by an order or recommendation to the civil
officers or militia of the city to attend and serve on the occasion as
he shall judge most proper,

RESOLVE OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES UPON THE REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE
RESPECTING THE INAUGURATION OF THE PRESIDENT.

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES

_Monday, April 27, 1789_.

Mr. Benson, from the committee of both Houses appointed to take order
for conducting the ceremonial of the formal reception of the President
of the United States, reported as followeth:

That it appears to the committee more eligible that the oath should be
administered to the President in the outer gallery adjoining the Senate
Chamber than in the Representatives' Chamber, and therefore submits to
the respective Houses the propriety of authorizing their committees to
take order as to the place where the oath shall be administered to the
President, the resolutions of Saturday assigning the Representatives'
Chamber as the place notwithstanding.

The said report being twice read,

_Resolved_, That this House doth concur in the said report and
authorize the committee to take order for the change of place thereby
proposed.

Extract from the Journal.

JOHN BECKLEY, _Clerk_.

FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS.

IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK.

APRIL 30, 1789.

_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled
me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was
transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present
month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice I can
never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had
chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with
an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat
which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me
by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions
in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other
hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of
my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and
most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his
qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who
(inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the
duties of civil administration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of
his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver
is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just
appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All
I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much
swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an
affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of
my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity
as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me,
my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its
consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality
in which they originated.

Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the
public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly
improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to
that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the
councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human
defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and
happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by
themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument
employed in its administration to execute with success the functions
allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of
every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your
sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at
large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore
the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those
of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the
character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by
some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just
accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil
deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from
which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which
most governments have been established without some return of pious
gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings
which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the
present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be
suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are
none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free
government can more auspiciously commence.

By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty
of the President "to recommend to your consideration such measures as
he shall judge necessary and expedient." The circumstances under which
I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further
than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are
assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects
to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with
those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which
actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular
measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the
patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them.
In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on
one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party
animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought
to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on
another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the
pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence
of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win
the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world.
I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love
for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly
established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature
an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and
advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous
policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we
ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can
never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order
and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation
of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model
of government are justly considered, perhaps, as _deeply_, as
_finally_, staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of the
American people.

Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with
your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power
delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient
at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been
urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given
birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this
subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official
opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your
discernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that
whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the
benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await
the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic
rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently
influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be
impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously
promoted.

To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most
properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself,
and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored
with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an
arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my
duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From
this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under
the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to
myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably
included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must
accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which
I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual
expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.

Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by
the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave;
but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human
Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor
the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect
tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity
on a form of government for the security of their union and the
advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally
_conspicuous_ in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and
the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.

ADDRESS OF THE SENATE TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES.

SIR: We, the Senate of the United States, return you our sincere
thanks for your excellent speech delivered to both Houses of Congress,
congratulate you on the complete organization of the Federal Government,
and felicitate ourselves and our fellow-citizens on your elevation
to the office of President, an office highly important by the powers
constitutionally annexed to it and extremely honorable from the manner
in which the appointment is made. The unanimous suffrage of the
elective body in your favor is peculiarly expressive of the gratitude,
confidence, and affection of the citizens of America, and is the highest
testimonial at once of your merit and their esteem. We are sensible,
sir, that nothing but the voice of your fellow-citizens could have
called you from a retreat chosen with the fondest predilection, endeared
by habit, and consecrated to the repose of declining years. We rejoice,
and with us all America, that in obedience to the call of our common
country you have returned once more to public life. In you all parties
confide; in you all interests unite; and we have no doubt that your
past services, great as they have been, will be equaled by your future
exertions, and that your prudence and sagacity as a statesman will tend
to avert the dangers to which we were exposed, to give stability to the
present Government and dignity and splendor to that country which your
skill and valor as a soldier so eminently contributed to raise to
independence and empire.

When we contemplate the coincidence of circumstances and wonderful
combination of causes which gradually prepared the people of this
country for independence; when we contemplate the rise, progress, and
termination of the late war, which gave them a name among the nations of
the earth, we are with you unavoidably led to acknowledge and adore the
Great Arbiter of the Universe, by whom empires rise and fall. A review
of the many signal instances of divine interposition in favor of this
country claims our most pious gratitude; and permit us, sir, to observe
that among the great events which have led to the formation and
establishment of a Federal Government we esteem your acceptance of
the office of President as one of the most propitious and important.

In the execution of the trust reposed in us we shall endeavor to pursue
that enlarged and liberal policy to which your speech so happily
directs. We are conscious that the prosperity of each State is
inseparably connected with the welfare of all, and that in promoting
the latter we shall effectually advance the former. In full persuasion
of this truth, it shall be our invariable aim to divest ourselves of
local prejudices and attachments, and to view the great assemblage of
communities and interests committed to our charge with an equal eye.
We feel, sir, the force and acknowledge the justness of the observation
that the foundation of our national policy should be laid in private
morality. If individuals be not influenced by moral principles, it is in
vain to look for public virtue. It is therefore the duty of legislators
to enforce, both by precept and example, the utility as well as the
necessity of a strict adherence to the rules of distributive justice.
We beg you to be assured that the Senate will at all times cheerfully
cooperate in every measure which may strengthen the Union, conduce
to the happiness or secure and perpetuate the liberties of this great
confederated Republic.

We commend you, sir, to the protection of Almighty God, earnestly
beseeching Him long to preserve a life so valuable and dear to the
people of the United States, and that your Administration may be
prosperous to the nation and glorious to yourself.

MAY 7, 1789.

REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

GENTLEMEN: I thank you for your address, in which the most affectionate
sentiments are expressed in the most obliging terms. The coincidence
of circumstances which led to this auspicious crisis, the confidence
reposed in me by my fellow-citizens, and the assistance I may expect
from counsels which will be dictated by an enlarged and liberal policy
seem to presage a more prosperous issue to my Administration than a
diffidence of my abilities had taught me to anticipate. I now feel
myself inexpressibly happy in a belief that Heaven, which has done so
much for our infant nation, will not withdraw its providential influence
before our political felicity shall have been completed, and in a
conviction that the Senate will at all times cooperate in every measure
which may tend to promote the welfare of this confederated Republic.
Thus supported by a firm trust in the Great Arbiter of the Universe,
aided by the collected wisdom of the Union, and imploring the divine
benediction on our joint exertions in the service of our country, I
readily engage with you in the arduous but pleasing task of attempting
to make a nation happy.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

MAY 18, 1789.

ADDRESS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT
OF THE UNITED STATES.

SIR: The Representatives of the people of the United States present
their congratulations on the event by which your fellow-citizens have
attested the preeminence of your merit. You have long held the first
place in their esteem. You have often received tokens of their
affection. You now possess the only proof that remained of their
gratitude for your services, of their reverence for your wisdom, and
of their confidence in your virtues. You enjoy the highest, because
the truest, honor of being the first Magistrate by the unanimous choice
of the freest people on the face of the earth.

We well know the anxieties with which you must have obeyed a summons
from the repose reserved for your declining years into public scenes, of
which you had taken your leave forever. But the obedience was due to the
occasion. It is already applauded by the universal joy which welcomes
you to your station. And we can not doubt that it will be rewarded with
all the satisfaction with which an ardent love for your fellow-citizens
must review successful efforts to promote their happiness.

This anticipation is not justified merely by the past experience
of your signal services. It is particularly suggested by the pious
impressions under which you commence your Administration and the
enlightened maxims by which you mean to conduct it. We feel with you
the strongest obligations to adore the Invisible Hand which has led the
American people through so many difficulties, to cherish a conscious
responsibility for the destiny of republican liberty, and to seek the
only sure means of preserving and recommending the precious deposit in a
system of legislation founded on the principles of an honest policy and
directed by the spirit of a diffusive patriotism.

The question arising out of the fifth article of the Constitution will
receive all the attention demanded by its importance, and will, we
trust, be decided under the influence of all the considerations to which
you allude.

In forming the pecuniary provisions for the executive department we
shall not lose sight of a wish resulting from motives which give it a
peculiar claim to our regard. Your resolution, in a moment critical to
the liberties of your country, to renounce all personal emolument, was
among the many presages of your patriotic services which have been amply
fulfilled; and your scrupulous adherence now to the law then imposed on
yourself can not fail to demonstrate the purity, whilst it increases the
luster, of a character which has so many titles to admiration.

Such are the sentiments which we have thought fit to address to you.
They flow from our own hearts, and we verily believe that among the
millions we represent there is not a virtuous citizen whose heart will
disown them.

All that remains is that we join in our fervent supplications for the
blessings of Heaven on our country, and that we add our own for the
choicest of these blessings on the most beloved of her citizens.

MAY 5, 1789.

REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

GENTLEMEN: Your very affectionate address produces emotions which I know
not how to express. I feel that my past endeavors in the service of my
country are far overpaid by its goodness, and I fear much that my future
ones may not fulfill your kind anticipation. All that I can promise is
that they will be invariably directed by an honest and an ardent zeal.
Of this resource my heart assures me. For all beyond I rely on the
wisdom and patriotism of those with whom I am to cooperate and a
continuance of the blessings of Heaven on our beloved country.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

MAY 8, 1789.

SPECIAL MESSAGES.

NEW YORK, _May 25, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

In pursuance of the order of the late Congress, treaties between the
United States and several nations of Indians have been negotiated and
signed. These treaties, with sundry papers respecting them, I now lay
before you, for your consideration and advice, by the hands of General
Knox, under whose official superintendence the business was transacted,
and who will be ready to communicate to you any information on such
points as may appear to require it,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

NEW YORK, _June 11, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

A convention between His Most Christian Majesty and the United
States, for the purposes of determining and fixing the functions and
prerogatives of their respective consuls, vice-consuls, agents, and
commissaries, was signed by their respective plenipotentiaries on the
29th of July, 1784.

It appearing to the late Congress that certain alterations in that
convention ought to be made, they instructed their minister at the Court
of France to endeavor to obtain them.

It has accordingly been altered in several respects, and as amended was
signed by the plenipotentiaries of the contracting powers on the 14th of
November, 1788.

The sixteenth article provides that it shall be in force during the term
of twelve years, to be counted from the day of the exchange _of
ratifications, which shall be given in proper form_, and exchanged on
both sides within the space of one year, or sooner if possible.

I now lay before you the original by the hands of Mr. Jay for your
consideration and advice. The papers relative to this negotiation are
in his custody, and he has my orders to communicate to you whatever
official papers and information on the subject he may possess and you
may require.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

NEW YORK, _June 15, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Mr. Jefferson, the present minister of the United States at the Court of
France, having applied for permission to return home for a few months,
and it appearing to me proper to comply with his request, it becomes
necessary that some person be appointed _to take charge_ of our affairs
at that Court during his absence.

For this purpose I nominate William Short, esq., and request your advice
on the propriety of appointing him.

There are in the Office for Foreign Affairs papers which will acquaint
you with his character, and which Mr. Jay has my directions to lay
before you at such time as you may think proper to assign.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

NEW YORK, _August 6, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

My nomination of Benjamin Fishbourn for the place of naval officer
of the port of Savannah not having met with your concurrence, I now
nominate Lachlan McIntosh for that office.

Whatever may have been the reasons which induced your dissent, I am
persuaded they were such as you deemed sufficient. Permit me to submit
to your consideration whether on occasions where the propriety of
nominations appear questionable to you it would not be expedient to
communicate that circumstance to me, and thereby avail yourselves of the
information which led me to make them, and which I would with pleasure
lay before you. Probably my reasons for nominating Mr. Fishbourn may
tend to show that such a mode of proceeding in such cases might be
useful. I will therefore detail them.

First. While Colonel Fishbourn was an officer in actual service and
chiefly under my own eye, his conduct appeared to me irreproachable; nor
did I ever hear anything injurious to his reputation as an officer or a
gentleman. At the storm of Stony Point his behavior was represented to
have been active and brave, and he was charged by his general to bring
the account of that success to the headquarters of the Army.

Secondly. Since his residence in Georgia he has been repeatedly elected
to the assembly as a representative of the county of Chatham, in which
the port of Savannah is situated, and sometimes of the counties of Glynn
and Camden; he has been chosen a member of the executive council of the
State and has lately been president of the same; he has been elected by
the officers of the militia in the county of Chatham lieutenant-colonel
of the militia in that district, and on a very recent occasion, to wit,
in the month of May last, he has been appointed by the council (on the
suspension of the late collector) to an office in the port of Savannah
nearly similar to that for which I nominated him, which office he
actually holds at this time. To these reasons for nominating Mr.
Fishbourn I might add that I received private letters of recommendation
and oral testimonials in his favor from some of the most respectable
characters in that State; but as they were secondary considerations
with me, I do not think it necessary to communicate them to you.

It appeared, therefore, to me that Mr. Fishbourn must have enjoyed the
_confidence_ of the militia officers in order to have been elected to a
military rank; the _confidence_ of the freemen to have been elected to
the assembly; the _confidence_ of the assembly to have been selected for
the council, and the _confidence_ of the council to have been appointed
collector of the port of Savannah.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

NEW YORK, _August 7, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

The business which has hitherto been under the consideration of Congress
has been of so much importance that I was unwilling to draw their
attention from it to any other subject; but the disputes which exist
between some of the United States and several powerful tribes of Indians
within the limits of the Union, and the hostilities which have in
several instances been committed on the frontiers, seem to require the
immediate interposition of the General Government.

I have therefore directed the several statements and papers which have
been submitted to me on this subject by General Knox to be laid before
you for your information.

While the measures of Government ought to be calculated to protect its
citizens from all injury and violence, a due regard should be extended
to those Indian tribes whose happiness in the course of events so
materially depends on the national justice and humanity of the United
States.

If it should be the judgment of Congress that it would be most
expedient to terminate all differences in the Southern district, and
to lay the foundation for future confidence by an amicable treaty
with the Indian tribes in that quarter, I think proper to suggest the
consideration of the expediency of instituting a temporary commission
for that purpose, to consist of three persons, whose authority should
expire with the occasion. How far such a measure, unassisted by posts,
would be competent to the establishment and preservation of peace and
tranquillity on the frontiers is also a matter which merits your serious
consideration.

Along with this object I am induced to suggest another, with the
national importance and necessity of which I am deeply impressed;
I mean some uniform and effective system for the militia of the United
States. It is unnecessary to offer arguments in recommendation of a
measure on which the honor, safety, and well-being of our country so
evidently and so essentially depend; but it may not be amiss to observe
that I am particularly anxious it should receive as early attention
as circumstances will admit, because it is now in our power to avail
ourselves of the military knowledge disseminated throughout the several
States by means of the many well-instructed officers and soldiers of
the late Army, a resource which is daily diminishing by death and other
causes. To suffer this peculiar advantage to pass away unimproved would
be to neglect an opportunity which will never again occur, unless,
unfortunately, we should again be involved in a long and arduous war.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

NEW YORK, _August 10, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

I have directed a statement of the troops in the service of the United
States to be laid before you for your information.

These troops were raised by virtue of the resolves of Congress of the
20th October, 1786, and the 3d of October, 1787, in order to protect the
frontiers from the depredations of the hostile Indians, to prevent all
intrusions on the public lands, and to facilitate the surveying and
selling of the same for the purpose of reducing the public debt.

As these important objects continue to require the aid of the troops, it
is necessary that the establishment thereof should in all respects be
conformed by law to the Constitution of the United States.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

NEW YORK, _August 20, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_

In consequence of an act providing for the expenses which may attend
negotiations or treaties with the Indian tribes and the appointment of
commissioners for managing the same, I nominate Benjamin Lincoln as one
of three commissioners whom I shall propose to be employed to negotiate
a treaty with the Southern Indians. My reason for nominating him at this
early moment is that it will not be possible for the public to avail
itself of his services on this occasion unless his appointment can be
forwarded to him by the mail which will leave this place to-morrow
morning.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

NEW YORK, _August 21, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

The President of the United States will meet the Senate in the Senate
Chamber at half past 11 o'clock to-morrow, to advise with them on the
terms of the treaty to be negotiated with the Southern Indians.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

SEPTEMBER 16, 1789.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

The governor of the Western territory has made a statement to me of the
reciprocal hostilities of the Wabash Indians and the people inhabiting
the frontiers bordering on the river Ohio, which I herewith lay before
Congress.

The United States in Congress assembled, by their acts of the 21st
day of July, 1787, and of the 12th August, 1788, made a provisional
arrangement for calling forth the militia of Virginia and Pennsylvania
in the proportions therein specified.

As the circumstances which occasioned the said arrangement continue
nearly the same, I think proper to suggest to your consideration the
expediency of making some temporary provision for calling forth
the militia of the United States for the purposes stated in the
Constitution, which would embrace the cases apprehended by the
governor of the Western territory.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

SEPTEMBER 17, 1789.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

It doubtless is important that all treaties and compacts formed by the
United States with other nations, whether civilized or not, should be
made with caution and executed with fidelity.

It is said to be the general understanding and practice of nations, as a
check on the mistakes and indiscretions of ministers or commissioners,
not to consider any treaty negotiated and signed by such officers as
final and conclusive until ratified by the sovereign or government from
whom they derive their powers. This practice has been adopted by the
United States respecting their treaties with European nations, and I am
inclined to think it would be advisable to observe it in the conduct of
our treaties with the Indians; for though such treaties, being on their
part made by their chiefs or rulers, need not be ratified by them, yet,
being formed on our part by the agency of subordinate officers, it seems
to be both prudent and reasonable that their acts should not be binding
on the nation until approved and ratified by the Government. It strikes
me that this point should be well considered and settled, so that our
national proceedings in this respect may become uniform and be directed
by fixed and stable principles.

The treaties with certain Indian nations, which were laid before you
with my message of the 25th May last, suggested two questions to my
mind, viz: First, whether those treaties were to be considered as
perfected and consequently as obligatory without being ratified. If not,
then secondly, whether both or either, and which, of them ought to be
ratified. On these questions I request your opinion and advice.

You have, indeed, advised me "_to execute and enjoin an observance of_"
the treaty with the Wyandottes, etc. You, gentlemen, doubtless intended
to be clear and explicit, and yet, without further explanation, I fear
I may misunderstand your meaning, for if by my _executing_ that treaty
you mean that I should make it (in a more particular and immediate manner
than it now is) the act of Government, then it follows that I am to
ratify it. If you mean by my _executing it_ that I am to see that it be
carried into effect and operation, then I am led to conclude either that
you consider it as being perfect and obligatory in its present state,
and therefore to be executed and observed, or that you consider it as
to derive its completion and obligation from the silent approbation and
ratification which my proclamation may be construed to imply. Although I
am inclined to think that the latter is your intention, yet it certainly
is best that all doubts respecting it be removed.

Permit me to observe that it will be proper for me to be informed of
your sentiments relative to the treaty with the Six Nations previous to
the departure of the governor of the Western territory, and therefore
I recommend it to your early consideration.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _September 29, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate:_

His Most Christian Majesty, by a letter dated the 7th of June last,
addressed to the President and members of the General Congress of the
United States of North America, announces the much lamented death of his
son, the Dauphin. The generous conduct of the French monarch and nation
toward this country renders every event that may affect his or their
prosperity interesting to us, and I shall take care to assure him of the
sensibility with which the United States participate in the affliction
which a loss so much to be regretted must have occasioned both to him
and to them.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _September 29, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate:_

Agreeably to the act of Congress for adapting the establishment of the
troops in public service to the Constitution of the United States,
I nominate the persons specified in the inclosed list to be the
commissioned officers thereof.

This nomination differs from the existing arrangement only in the
following cases, to wit: Lieutenant Erkuries Beatty, promoted to a
vacant captaincy in the infantry; Ensign Edward Spear, promoted to a
vacant lieutenancy of artillery; Jacob Melcher, who has been serving as
a volunteer, to be an ensign, vice Benjamin Lawrence, who was appointed
nearly three years past and has never been mustered or joined the
troops.

It is to be observed that the order in which the captains and subalterns
are named is not to affect their relative rank, which has been hitherto
but imperfectly settled owing to the perplexity of promotions in the
State quotas conformably to the late Confederation.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _September 29, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Having been yesterday informed by a joint committee of both Houses of
Congress that they had agreed to a recess to commence this day and to
continue until the first Monday of January next, I take the earliest
opportunity of acquainting you that, considering how long and laborious
this session has been and the reasons which I presume have produced this
resolution, it does not appear to me expedient to recommend any measures
to their consideration at present, or now to call your attention,
gentlemen, to any of those matters in my department which require your
advice and consent and yet remain to be dispatched.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _September 29, 1789_.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:_

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

PROCLAMATION.

A NATIONAL THANKSGIVING.

[From Sparks's Washington, Vol. XII, p. 119.]

Whereas it is the duty of all nations to acknowledge the providence of
Almighty God, to obey His will, to be grateful for His benefits, and
humbly to implore His protection and favor; and

Whereas both Houses of Congress have, by their joint committee,
requested me "to recommend to the people of the United States a day of
public thanksgiving and prayer, to be observed by acknowledging with
grateful hearts the many and signal favors of Almighty God, especially
by affording them an opportunity peaceably to establish a form of
government for their safety and happiness:"

Now, therefore, I do recommend and assign Thursday, the 26th day of
November next, to be devoted by the people of these States to the
service of that great and glorious Being who is the beneficent author of
all the good that was, that is, or that will be; that we may then all
unite in rendering unto Him our sincere and humble thanks for His kind
care and protection of the people of this country previous to their
becoming a nation; for the signal and manifold mercies and the favorable
interpositions of His providence in the course and conclusion of the
late war; for the great degree of tranquillity, union, and plenty which
we have since enjoyed; for the peaceable and rational manner in which
we have been enabled to establish constitutions of government for our
safety and happiness, and particularly the national one now lately
instituted; for the civil and religious liberty with which we are
blessed, and the means we have of acquiring and diffusing useful
knowledge; and, in general, for all the great and various favors
which He has been pleased to confer upon us.

And also that we may then unite in most humbly offering our prayers and
supplications to the great Lord and Ruler of Nations, and beseech Him to
pardon our national and other trangressions; to enable us all, whether
in public or private stations, to perform our several and relative
duties properly and punctually; to render our National Government a
blessing to all the people by constantly being a Government of wise,
just, and constitutional laws, discreetly and faithfully executed and
obeyed; to protect and guide all sovereigns and nations (especially such
as have shown kindness to us), and to bless them with good governments,
peace, and concord; to promote the knowledge and practice of true
religion and virtue, and the increase of science among them and us;
and, generally, to grant unto all mankind such a degree of temporal
prosperity as He alone knows to be best.

Given under my hand, at the city of New York, the 3d day of October,
A.D. 1789.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

FIRST ANNUAL ADDRESS.

UNITED STATES, _January 8, 1790_.

_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I embrace with great satisfaction the opportunity which now presents
itself of congratulating you on the present favorable prospects of our
public affairs. The recent accession of the important State of North
Carolina to the Constitution of the United States (of which official
information has been received), the rising credit and respectability of
our country, the general and increasing good will toward the Government
of the Union, and the concord, peace, and plenty with which we are
blessed are circumstances auspicious in an eminent degree to our
national prosperity.

In resuming your consultations for the general good you can not but
derive encouragement from the reflection that the measures of the last
session have been as satisfactory to your constituents as the novelty
and difficulty of the work allowed you to hope. Still further to realize
their expectations and to secure the blessings which a gracious
Providence has placed within our reach will in the course of the present
important session call for the cool and, deliberate exertion of your
patriotism, firmness, and wisdom.

Among the many interesting objects which will engage your attention that
of providing for the common defense will merit particular regard. To be
prepared for war is one of the most effectual means of preserving peace.

A free people ought not only to be armed, but disciplined; to which end
a uniform and well-digested plan is requisite; and their safety and
interest require that they should promote such manufactories as tend to
render them independent of others for essential, particularly military,
supplies.

The proper establishment of the troops which may be deemed indispensable
will be entitled to mature consideration. In the arrangements which may
be made respecting it it will be of importance to conciliate the
comfortable support of the officers and soldiers with a due regard to
economy.

There was reason to hope that the pacific measures adopted with regard
to certain hostile tribes of Indians would have relieved the inhabitants
of our Southern and Western frontiers from their depredations, but you
will perceive from the information contained in the papers which I shall
direct to be laid before you (comprehending a communication from the
Commonwealth of Virginia) that we ought to be prepared to afford
protection to those parts of the Union, and, if necessary, to punish
aggressors.

The interests of the United States require that our intercourse with
other nations should be facilitated by such provisions as will enable
me to fulfill my duty in that respect in the manner which circumstances
may render most conducive to the public good, and to this end that the
compensations to be made to the persons who may be employed should,
according to the nature of their appointments, be defined by law, and
a competent fund designated for defraying the expenses incident to the
conduct of our foreign affairs.

Various considerations also render it expedient that the terms on which
foreigners may be admitted to the rights of citizens should be speedily
ascertained by a uniform rule of naturalization.

Uniformity in the currency, weights, and measures of the United States
is an object of great importance, and will, I am persuaded, be duly
attended to.

The advancement of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures by all proper
means will not, I trust, need recommendation; but I can not forbear
intimating to you the expediency of giving effectual encouragement as
well to the introduction of new and useful inventions from abroad as
to the exertions of skill and genius in producing them at home, and of
facilitating the intercourse between the distant parts of our country
by a due attention to the post-office and post-roads.

Nor am I less persuaded that you will agree with me in opinion that
there is nothing which can better deserve your patronage than the
promotion of science and literature. Knowledge is in every country
the surest basis of public happiness. In one in which the measures of
government receive their impressions so immediately from the sense of
the community as in ours it is proportionably essential. To the security
of a free constitution it contributes in various ways--by convincing
those who are intrusted with the public administration that every
valuable end of government is best answered by the enlightened
confidence of the people, and by teaching the people themselves
to know and to value their own rights; to discern and provide against
invasions of them; to distinguish between oppression and the necessary
exercise of lawful authority; between burthens proceeding from a
disregard to their convenience and those resulting from the inevitable
exigencies of society; to discriminate the spirit of liberty from that
of licentiousness--cherishing the first, avoiding the last--and uniting
a speedy but temperate vigilance against encroachments, with an
inviolable respect to the laws.

Whether this desirable object will be best promoted by affording aids
to seminaries of learning already established, by the institution of a
national university, or by any other expedients will be well worthy of
a place in the deliberations of the Legislature.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

I saw with peculiar pleasure at the close of the last session the
resolution entered into by you expressive of your opinion that an
adequate provision for the support of the public credit is a matter of
high importance to the national honor and prosperity. In this sentiment
I entirely concur; and to a perfect confidence in your best endeavors to
devise such a provision as will be truly consistent with the end I add
an equal reliance on the cheerful cooperation of the other branch of the
Legislature. It would be superfluous to specify inducements to a measure
in which the character and permanent interests of the United States are
so obviously and so deeply concerned, and which has received so explicit
a sanction from your declaration.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have directed the proper officers to lay before you, respectively,
such papers and estimates as regard the affairs particularly recommended
to your consideration, and necessary to convey to you that information
of the state of the Union which it is my duty to afford.

The welfare of our country is the great object to which our cares and
efforts ought to be directed, and I shall derive great satisfaction from
a cooperation with you in the pleasing though arduous task of insuring
to our fellow-citizens the blessings which they have a right to expect
from a free, efficient, and equal government.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

ADDRESS OF THE SENATE TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES.

The PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

SIR: We, the Senate of the United States, return you our thanks for your
speech delivered to both Houses of Congress. The accession of the State
of North Carolina to the Constitution of the United States gives us much
pleasure, and we offer you our congratulations on that event, which at
the same time adds strength to our Union and affords a proof that the
more the Constitution has been considered the more the goodness of it
has appeared. The information which we have received, that the measures
of the last session have been as satisfactory to our constituents as we
had reason to expect from the difficulty of the work in which we were
engaged, will afford us much consolation and encouragement in resuming
our deliberations in the present session for the public good, and every
exertion on our part shall be made to realize and secure to our country
those blessings which a gracious Providence has placed within her reach.
We are persuaded that one of the most effectual means of preserving
peace is to be prepared for war, and our attention shall be directed to
the objects of common defense and to the adoption of such plans as shall
appear the most likely to prevent our dependence on other countries
for essential supplies. In the arrangements to be made respecting the
establishment of such troops as may be deemed indispensable we shall
with pleasure provide for the comfortable support of the officers and
soldiers, with a due regard to economy. We regret that the pacific
measures adopted by Government with regard to certain hostile tribes of
Indians have not been attended with the beneficial effects toward the
inhabitants of our Southern and Western frontiers which we had reason to
hope; and we shall cheerfully cooperate in providing the most effectual
means for their protection, and, if necessary, for the punishment
of aggressors. The uniformity of the currency and of weights and
measures, the introduction of new and useful inventions from abroad
and the exertions of skill and genius in producing them at home,
the facilitating the communication between the distant parts of our
country by means of the post-office and post-roads, a provision for
the support of the Department of Foreign Affairs, and a uniform rule
of naturalization, by which foreigners may be admitted to the rights of
citizens, are objects which shall receive such early attention as their
respective importance requires. Literature and science are essential
to the preservation of a free constitution; the measures of Government
should therefore be calculated to strengthen the confidence that is
due to that important truth. Agriculture, commerce, and manufactures,
forming the basis of the wealth and strength of our confederated
Republic, must be the frequent subject of our deliberation, and shall be
advanced by all proper means in our power. Public credit being an object
of great importance, we shall cheerfully cooperate in all proper
measures for its support. Proper attention shall be given to such papers
and estimates as you may be pleased to lay before us. Our cares and
efforts shall be directed to the welfare of our country, and we have the
most perfect dependence upon your cooperating with us on all occasions
in such measures as will insure to our fellow-citizens the blessings
which they have a right to expect from a free, efficient, and equal
government.

JANUARY 11, 1790.

REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

GENTLEMEN: I thank you for your address, and for the assurances which it
contains of attention to the several matters suggested by me to your
consideration.

Relying on the continuance of your exertions for the public good, I
anticipate for our country the salutary effects of upright and prudent
counsels.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

JANUARY 14, 1790.

ADDRESS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT
OF THE UNITED STATES.

SIR: The Representatives of the people of the United States have taken
into consideration your speech to both Houses of Congress at the opening
of the present session.

We reciprocate your congratulations on the accession of the State
of North Carolina, an event which, while it is a testimony of the
increasing good will toward the Government of the Union, can not fail to
give additional dignity and strength to the American Republic, already
rising in the estimation of the world in national character and
respectability.

The information that our measures of the last session have not proved
dissatisfactory to our constituents affords us much encouragement at
this juncture, when we are resuming the arduous task of legislating for
so extensive an empire.

Nothing can be more gratifying to the Representatives of a free people
than the reflection that their labors are rewarded by the approbation
of their fellow-citizens. Under this impression we shall make every
exertion to realize their expectations, and to secure to them those
blessings which Providence has placed within their reach. Still prompted
by the same desire to promote their interests which then actuated us,
we shall in the present session diligently and anxiously pursue those
measures which shall appear to us conducive to that end.

We concur with you in the sentiment that agriculture, commerce, and
manufactures are entitled to legislative protection, and that the
promotion of science and literature will contribute to the security of a
free Government; in the progress of our deliberations we shall not lose
sight of objects so worthy of our regard.

The various and weighty matters which you have judged necessary to
recommend to our attention appear to us essential to the tranquillity
and welfare of the Union, and claim our early and most serious
consideration. We shall proceed without delay to bestow on them that
calm discussion which their importance requires.

We regret that the pacific arrangements pursued with regard to certain
hostile tribes of Indians have not been attended with that success which
we had reason to expect from them. We shall not hesitate to concur in
such further measures as may best obviate any ill effects which might
be apprehended from the failure of those negotiations.

Your approbation of the vote of this House at the last session
respecting the provision for the public creditors is very acceptable to
us. The proper mode of carrying that resolution into effect, being a
subject in which the future character and happiness of these States are
deeply involved, will be among the first to deserve our attention.

The prosperity of the United States is the primary object of all our
deliberations, and we cherish the reflection that every measure which
we may adopt for its advancement will not only receive your cheerful
concurrence, but will at the same time derive from your cooperation
additional efficacy, in insuring to our fellow-citizens the blessings
of a free, efficient, and equal government.

JANUARY 12, 1790.

REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

GENTLEMEN: I receive with pleasure the assurances you give me that you
will diligently and anxiously pursue such measures as shall appear to
you conducive to the interest of your constituents, and that an early
and serious consideration will be given to the various and weighty
matters recommended by me to your attention.

I have full confidence that your deliberations will continue to be
directed by an enlightened and virtuous zeal for the happiness of our
country.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

JANUARY 14, 1790.

SPECIAL MESSAGES.

UNITED STATES, _January 11, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Having advised with you upon the terms of a treaty to be offered to the
Creek Nation of Indians, I think it proper you should be informed of
the result of that business previous to its coming before you in your
legislative capacity. I have therefore directed the Secretary for the
Department of War to lay before you my instructions to the commissioners
and their report in consequence thereof.

The apparently critical state of the Southern frontier will render it
expedient for me to communicate to both Houses of Congress, with other
papers, the whole of the transactions relative to the Creeks, in order
that they may be enabled to form a judgment of the measures which the
case may require,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 11, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

I have directed Mr. Lear, my private secretary, to lay before you a
copy of the adoption and ratification of the Constitution of the United
States by the State of North Carolina, together with a copy of a letter
from His Excellency Samuel Johnston, president of the convention of said
State, to the President of the United States.

The originals of the papers which are herewith transmitted to you will
be lodged in the office of the Secretary of State.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 12, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I lay before you a statement of the Southwestern frontiers and of the
Indian Department, which have been submitted to me by the Secretary for
the Department of War.

I conceive that an unreserved but confidential communication of all the
papers relative to the recent negotiations with some of the Southern
tribes of Indians is indispensably requisite for the information of
Congress. I am persuaded that they will effectually prevent either
transcripts or publications of all such circumstances as might be
injurious to the public interests,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 21, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

The Secretary for the Department of War has submitted to me certain
principles to serve as a plan for the general arrangement of the militia
of the United States.

Conceiving the subject to be of the highest importance to the welfare of
our country and liable to be placed in various points of view, I have
directed him to lay the plan before Congress for their information, in
order that they may make such use thereof as they may judge proper.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 25, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have received from His Excellency John E. Howard, governor of the
State of Maryland, an act of the legislature of Maryland to ratify
certain articles in addition to and amendment of the Constitution of the
United States of America, proposed by Congress to the legislatures of
the several States, and have directed my secretary to lay a copy of the
same before you, together with the copy of a letter, accompanying the
above act, from his excellency the governor of Maryland to the President
of the United States.

The originals will be deposited in the office of the Secretary of State.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 28, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have directed my secretary to lay before you the copy of an act of the
legislature of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations entitled "An act
for calling a convention to take into consideration the Constitution
proposed for the United States, passed on the 17th day of September,
A.D. 1787, by the General Convention held at Philadelphia," together
with the copy of a letter, accompanying said act, from His Excellency
John Collins, governor of the State of Rhode Island and Providence
Plantations, to the President of the United States.

The originals of the foregoing act and letter will be deposited in the
office of the Secretary of State.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 1, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have received from His Excellency Alexander Martin, governor of the
State of North Carolina, an act of the general assembly of that State
entitled "An act for the purpose of ceding to the United States of
America certain western lands therein described," and have directed my
secretary to lay a copy of the same before you, together with a copy of
a letter, accompanying said act, from His Excellency Governor Martin to
the President of the United States.

The originals of the foregoing act and letter will be deposited in the
office of the Secretary of State.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 9, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_

You will perceive from the papers herewith delivered, and which are
enumerated in the annexed list, that a difference subsists between Great
Britain and the United States relative to the boundary line between our
eastern and their territories. A plan for deciding this difference was
laid before the late Congress, and whether that or some other plan of a
like kind would not now be eligible is submitted to your consideration.

In my opinion, it is desirable that all questions between this and other
nations be speedily and amicably settled, and in this instance I think
it advisable to postpone any negotiations on the subject until I shall
be informed of the result of your deliberations and receive your advice
as to the propositions most proper to be offered on the part of the
United States.

As I am taking measures for learning the intentions of Great Britain
respecting the further detention of our posts, etc., I am the more
solicitous that the business now submitted to you may be prepared for
negotiation as soon as the other important affairs which engage your
attention will permit.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 15, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have directed my secretary to lay before you the copy of a vote of
the legislature of the State of New Hampshire, to accept the articles
proposed in addition to and amendment of the Constitution of the United
States of America, except the second article. At the same time will be
delivered to you the copy of a letter from his excellency the president
of the State of New Hampshire to the President of the United States.

The originals of the above-mentioned vote and letter will be lodged in
the office of the Secretary of State.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 18, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

By the mail of last evening I received a letter from His Excellency John
Hancock, governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, inclosing a
resolve of the senate and house of representatives of that Commonwealth
and sundry documents relative to the eastern boundary of the United
States.

I have directed a copy of the letter and resolve to be laid before you.
The documents which accompanied them being but copies of some of the
papers which were delivered to you with my communication of the 9th of
this month, I have thought it unnecessary to lay them before you at this
time. They will be deposited in the office of the Secretary of State,
together with the originals of the above-mentioned letters and resolve.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 8, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have received from His Excellency Joshua Clayton, president of the
State of Delaware, the articles proposed by Congress to the legislatures
of the several States as amendments to the Constitution of the United
States, which articles were transmitted to him for the consideration of
the legislature of Delaware, and are now returned with the following
resolutions annexed to them, viz:

The general assembly of Delaware having taken into their
consideration the above amendments, proposed by Congress to the
respective legislatures of the several States,

_Resolved_, That the first article be postponed;

_Resolved_, That the general assembly do agree to the second, third,
fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth, tenth, eleventh, and
twelfth articles, and we do hereby assent to, ratify, and confirm
the same as part of the Constitution of the United States.

In testimony whereof we have caused the great seal of the State to
be hereunto affixed this 28th day of January, A.D. 1790, and in the
fourteenth year of the independence of the Delaware State.

Signed by order of council.

GEORGE MITCHELL, _Speaker_.

Signed by order of the house of assembly.

JEHU DAVIS, _Speaker_.

I have directed a copy of the letter which accompanied the said
articles, from His Excellency Joshua Clayton to the President of the
United States, to be laid before you.

The before-mentioned articles and the original of the letter will be
lodged in the office of the Secretary of State.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 16, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have directed my secretary to lay before you the copy of an act
and the form of ratification of certain articles of amendment to the
Constitution of the United States by the legislature of the State of
Pennsylvania, together with the copy of a letter which accompanied the
said act, from the speaker of the house of assembly of Pennsylvania to
the President of the United States.

The originals of the above will be lodged in the office of the Secretary
of State.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _April 1, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have directed my private secretary to lay before you a copy of the
adoption by the legislature of South Carolina of the articles proposed
by Congress to the legislatures of the several States as amendments
to the Constitution of the United States, together with the copy of
a letter from the governor of the State of South Carolina to the
President of the United States, which have lately come to my hands.

The originals of the foregoing will be lodged in the office of the
Secretary of State.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _April 5, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have directed my private secretary to lay before you copies of three
acts of the legislature of the State of New York, which have been
transmitted to me by the governor thereof, viz:

"An act declaring it to be the duty of the sheriffs of the several
counties within this State to receive and safe keep such prisoners
as shall be committed under the authority of the United States."

"An act for vesting in the United States of America the light-house
and the lands thereunto belonging at Sandy Hook."

"An act ratifying certain articles in addition to and amendment of the
Constitution of the United States of America, proposed by Congress."

A copy of a letter accompanying said acts, from the governor of the
State of New York to the President of the United States, will at the
same time be laid before you, and the originals be deposited in the
office of the Secretary of State.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _May 31, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Mr. de Poiery served in the American Army for several of the last years
of the late war as secretary to Major-General the Marquis de Lafayette,
and might probably at that time have obtained the commission of captain
from Congress upon application to that body. At present he is an officer
in the French national guards, and solicits a brevet commission from
the United States of America. I am authorized to add, that while the
compliance will involve no expense on our part, it will be particularly
grateful to that friend of America, the Marquis de Lafayette.
I therefore nominate M. de Poiery to be a captain by brevet.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _June 1, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

Having received official information of the accession of the State of
Rhode Island and Providence Plantations to the Constitution of the
United States, I take the earliest opportunity of communicating the
same to you, with my congratulations on this happy event, which unites
under the General Government all the States which were originally
confederated, and have directed my secretary to lay before you a copy
of the letter from the president of the convention of the State of
Rhode Island to the President of the United States.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _June 11, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have directed my secretary to lay before you a copy of the
ratification of the amendments to the Constitution of the United States
by the State of North Carolina, together with an extract from a letter,
accompanying said ratification, from the governor of the State of North
Carolina to the President of the United States.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _June 16, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

The ratification of the Constitution of the United States of America by
the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations was received by me
last night, together with a letter to the President of the United States
from the president of the convention. I have directed my secretary to
lay before you a copy of each.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _June 30, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

An act of the legislature of the State of Rhode Island and Providence
Plantations, for ratifying certain articles as amendments to the
Constitution of the United States, was yesterday put into my hands,
and I have directed my secretary to lay a copy of the same before you.

GO. WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _August 4, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_;

In consequence of the general principles agreed to by the Senate in
August, 1789, the adjustment of the terms of a treaty is far advanced
between the United States and the chiefs of the Creek Indians, now in
this city, in behalf of themselves and the whole Creek Nation.

In preparing the articles of this treaty the present arrangements of
the trade with the Creeks have caused much embarrassment. It seems to
be well ascertained that the said trade is almost exclusively in the
hands of a company of British merchants, who by agreement make their
importations of goods from England into the Spanish ports.

As the trade of the Indians is a main mean of their political
management, it is therefore obvious that the United States can not
possess any security for the performance of treaties with the Creeks
while their trade is liable to be interrupted or withheld at the caprice
of two foreign powers.

Hence it becomes an object of real importance to form new channels for
the commerce of the Creeks through the United States. But this operation
will require time, as the present arrangements can not be suddenly
broken without the greatest violation of faith and morals.

It therefore appears to be important to form a secret article of a
treaty similar to the one which accompanies this message.

If the Senate should require any further explanation, the Secretary of
War will attend them for that purpose.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

The President of the United States states the following question for the
consideration and advice of the Senate: If it should be found essential
to a treaty for the firm establishment of peace with the Creek Nation of
Indians that an article to the following effect should be inserted
therein, will such an article be proper? viz:

SECRET ARTICLE.

The commerce necessary for the Creek Nation shall be carried on through
the ports and by the citizens of the United States if substantial and
effectual arrangements shall be made for that purpose by the United
States on or before the 1st day of August, 1792. In the meantime the
said commerce may be carried on through its present channels and
according to its present regulations.

And whereas the trade of the said Creek Nation is now carried
on wholly or principally through the territories of Spain, and
obstructions thereto may happen by war or prohibitions of the Spanish
Government, it is therefore agreed between the said parties that in
the event of any such obstructions happening it shall be lawful for
such persons as ---- ---- ---- ---- shall designate to introduce into
and transport through the territories of the United States to the
country of the said Creek Nation any quantity of goods, wares, and
merchandise not exceeding in value in any one year $60,000, and that
free from any duties or impositions whatsoever, but subject to such
regulations for guarding against abuse as the United States shall judge
necessary, which privilege shall continue as long as such obstruction
shall continue.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _August 6, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Considering the circumstances which prevented the late commissioners
from concluding a peace with the Creek Nation of Indians, it appeared
to me most prudent that all subsequent measures for disposing them to
a treaty should in the first instance be informal.

I informed you on the 4th instant that the adjustment of the terms of
a treaty with their chiefs, now here, was far advanced. Such further
progress has since been made that I think measures may at present be
taken for conducting and concluding that business in form. It therefore
becomes necessary that a proper person be appointed and authorized to
treat with these chiefs and to conclude a treaty with them. For this
purpose I nominate to you Henry Knox.

GO. WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _August 6, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have directed my secretary to lay before you a copy of an exemplified
copy of a law to ratify on the part of the State of New Jersey certain
amendments to the Constitution of the United States, together with a
copy of a letter, which accompanied said ratification, from Hon. Elisha
Lawrence, esq., vice-president of the State of New Jersey, to the
President of the United States.

GO. WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _August 7, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate:_

I lay before you a treaty between the United States and the chiefs of
the Creek Nation, now in this city, in behalf of themselves and the
whole Creek Nation, subject to the ratification of the President of the
United States with the advice and consent of the Senate.

While I flatter myself that this treaty will be productive of present
peace and prosperity to our Southern frontier, it is to be expected that
it will also in its consequences be the means of firmly attaching the
Creeks and the neighboring tribes to the interests of the United States.

At the same time it is to be hoped that it will afford solid grounds of
satisfaction to the State of Georgia, as it contains a regular, full,
and definitive relinquishment on the part of the Creek Nation of the
Oconee land in the utmost extent in which it has been claimed by that
State, and thus extinguishes the principal cause of those hostilities
from which it has more than once experienced such severe calamities.

But although the most valuable of the disputed land is included, yet
there is a certain claim of Georgia, arising out of the treaty made by
that State at Galphinston in November, 1785, of land to the eastward of
a new temporary line from the forks of the Oconee and Oakmulgee in a
southwest direction to the St. Marys River, which tract of land the
Creeks in this city absolutely refuse to yield.

This land is reported to be generally barren, sunken, and unfit for
cultivation, except in some instances on the margin of the rivers, on
which by improvement rice might be cultivated, its chief value depending
on the timber fit for the building of ships, with which it is
represented as abounding.

While it is thus circumstanced on the one hand, it is stated by the
Creeks on the other to be of the highest importance to them as
constituting some of their most valuable winter hunting ground.

I have directed the commissioner to whom the charge of adjusting this
treaty has been committed to lay before you such papers and documents
and to communicate to you such information relatively to it as you may
require.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _August 11, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Although the treaty with the Creeks may be regarded as the main
foundation of the future peace and prosperity of the Southwestern
frontier of the United States, yet in order fully to effect so desirable
an object the treaties which have been entered into with the other
tribes in that quarter must be faithfully performed on our parts.

During the last year I laid before the Senate a particular statement of
the case of the Cherokees. By a reference to that paper it will appear
that the United States formed a treaty with the Cherokees in November,
1785; that the said Cherokees thereby placed themselves under the
protection of the United States and had a boundary assigned them; that
the white people settled on the frontiers had openly violated the said
boundary by intruding on the Indian lands; that the United States in
Congress assembled did, on the 1st day of September, 1788, issue their
proclamation forbidding all such unwarrantable intrusions, and enjoined
all those who had settled upon the hunting grounds of the Cherokees to
depart with their families and effects without loss of time, as they
would answer their disobedience to the injunctions and prohibitions
expressed at their peril.

But information has been received that notwithstanding the said treaty
and proclamation upward of 500 families have settled on the Cherokee
lands exclusively of those settled between the fork of French Broad and
Holstein rivers, mentioned in the said treaty.

As the obstructions to a proper conduct on this matter have been removed
since it was mentioned to the Senate on the 22d of August, 1789, by the
accession of North Carolina to the present Union and the cessions of
the land in question, I shall conceive myself bound to exert the powers
intrusted to me by the Constitution in order to carry into faithful
execution the treaty of Hopewell, unless it shall be thought proper to
attempt to arrange a new boundary with the Cherokees, embracing the
settlements, and compensating the Cherokees for the cessions they shall
make on the occasion. On this point, therefore, I state the following
questions and request the advice of the Senate thereon:

First. Is it the judgment of the Senate that overtures shall be made to
the Cherokees to arrange a new boundary so as to embrace the settlements
made by the white people since the treaty of Hopewell, in November, 1785?

Second. If so, shall compensation to the amount of ---- dollars
annually, or of ---- dollars in gross, be made to the Cherokees for
the land they shall relinquish, holding the occupiers of the land
accountable to the United States for its value?

Third. Shall the United States stipulate solemnly to guarantee the new
boundary which may be arranged?

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

PROCLAMATIONS.

[From the Gazette of the United States (New York), September 15, 1790,
in the Library of Congress.]

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE: UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas a treaty of peace and friendship between the United States and
the Creek Nation was made and concluded on the 7th day of the present
month of August; and

Whereas I have, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, in due
form ratified the said treaty:

Now, therefore, to the end that the same may be observed and performed
with good faith on the part of the United States, I have ordered the
said treaty to be herewith published; and I do hereby enjoin and require
all officers of the United States, civil and military, and all other
citizens and inhabitants thereof, faithfully to observe and fulfill the
same.

Given under my hand and the seal of the United States, in the city of
New York, the 14th day of August, A.D. 1790, and in the fifteenth year
of the Sovereignty and Independence of the United States.

[SEAL.]

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

By the President:
THOMAS JEFFERSON.

[From Miscellaneous letters, Department of State, vol. 3.]

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas it hath at this time become peculiarly necessary to warn the
citizens of the United States against a violation of the treaties made
at Hopewell, on the Keowee, on the 28th day of November, 1785, and on
the 3d and 10th days of January, 1786, between the United States and the
Cherokee, Choctaw, and Chickasaw nations of Indians, and to enforce an
act entitled "An act to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian
tribes," copies of which treaties and act are hereunto annexed, I have
therefore thought fit to require, and I do by these presents require,
all officers of the United States, as well civil as military, and all
other citizens and inhabitants thereof, to govern themselves according
to the treaties and act aforesaid, as they will answer the contrary at
their peril.

Given under my hand and the seal of the United States, in the city of
New York, the 26th day of August, A.D. 1790, and in the fifteenth year
of the Sovereignty and Independence of the United States.

[SEAL.]

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

By the President:
THOMAS JEFFERSON.

SECOND ANNUAL ADDRESS.

UNITED STATES, _December 8, 1790_.

_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

In meeting you again I feel much satisfaction in being able to repeat my
congratulations on the favorable prospects which continue to distinguish
our public affairs. The abundant fruits of another year have blessed
our country with plenty and with the means of a flourishing commerce.
The progress of public credit is witnessed by a considerable rise of
American stock abroad as well as at home, and the revenues allotted
for this and other national purposes have been productive beyond the
calculations by which they were regulated. This latter circumstance is
the more pleasing, as it is not only a proof of the fertility of our
resources, but as it assures us of a further increase of the national
respectability and credit, and, let me add, as it bears an honorable
testimony to the patriotism and integrity of the mercantile and marine
part of our citizens. The punctuality of the former in discharging their
engagements has been exemplary.

In conformity to the powers vested in me by acts of the last session,
a loan of 3,000,000 florins, toward which some provisional measures
had previously taken place, has been completed in Holland. As well
the celerity with which it has been filled as the nature of the terms
(considering the more than ordinary demand for borrowing created by the
situation of Europe) give a reasonable hope that the further execution
of those powers may proceed with advantage and success. The Secretary of
the Treasury has my directions to communicate such further particulars
as may be requisite for more precise information.

Since your last sessions I have received communications by which it
appears that the district of Kentucky, at present a part of Virginia,
has concurred in certain propositions contained in a law of that State,
in consequence of which the district is to become a distinct member of
the Union, in case the requisite sanction of Congress be added. For this
sanction application is now made. I shall cause the papers on this very
important transaction to be laid before you. The liberality and harmony
with which it has been conducted will be found to do great honor to both
the parties, and the sentiments of warm attachment to the Union and its
present Government expressed by our fellow-citizens of Kentucky can not
fail to add an affectionate concern for their particular welfare to the
great national impressions under which you will decide on the case
submitted to you.

It has been heretofore known to Congress that frequent incursions have
been made on our frontier settlements by certain banditti of Indians
from the northwest side of the Ohio. These, with some of the tribes
dwelling on and near the Wabash, have of late been particularly active
in their depredations, and being emboldened by the impunity of their
crimes and aided by such parts of the neighboring tribes as could be
seduced to join in their hostilities or afford them a retreat for their
prisoners and plunder, they have, instead of listening to the humane
invitations and overtures made on the part of the United States, renewed
their violences with fresh alacrity and greater effect. The lives of a
number of valuable citizens have thus been sacrificed, and some of them
under circumstances peculiarly shocking, whilst others have been carried
into a deplorable captivity.

These aggravated provocations rendered it essential to the safety of the
Western settlements that the aggressors should be made sensible that
the Government of the Union is not less capable of punishing their
crimes than it is disposed to respect their rights and reward their
attachments. As this object could not be effected by defensive measures,
it became necessary to put in force the act which empowers the President
to call out the militia for the protection of the frontiers, and I have
accordingly authorized an expedition in which the regular troops in
that quarter are combined with such drafts of militia as were deemed
sufficient. The event of the measure is yet unknown to me. The Secretary
of War is directed to lay before you a statement of the information on
which it is founded, as well as an estimate of the expense with which
it will be attended.

The disturbed situation of Europe, and particularly the critical
posture of the great maritime powers, whilst it ought to make us the
more thankful for the general peace and security enjoyed by the United
States, reminds us at the same time of the circumspection with which it
becomes us to preserve these blessings. It requires also that we should
not overlook the tendency of a war, and even of preparations for a war,
among the nations most concerned in active commerce with this country
to abridge the means, and thereby at least enhance the price, of
transporting its valuable productions to their proper markets. I
recommend it to your serious reflections how far and in what mode it may
be expedient to guard against embarrassments from these contingencies by
such encouragements to our own navigation as will render our commerce
and agriculture less dependent on foreign bottoms, which may fail us in
the very moments most interesting to both of these great objects. Our
fisheries and the transportation of our own produce offer us abundant
means for guarding ourselves against this evil.

Your attention seems to be not less due to that particular branch of our
trade which belongs to the Mediterranean. So many circumstances unite in
rendering the present state of it distressful to us that you will not
think any deliberations misemployed which may lead to its relief and
protection.

The laws you have already passed for the establishment of a judiciary
system have opened the doors of justice to all descriptions of persons.
You will consider in your wisdom whether improvements in that system may
yet be made, and particularly whether an uniform process of execution on
sentences issuing from the Federal courts be not desirable through all
the States.

The patronage of our commerce, of our merchants and seamen, has called
for the appointment of consuls in foreign countries. It seems expedient
to regulate by law the exercise of that jurisdiction and those functions
which are permitted them, either by express convention or by a friendly
indulgence, in the places of their residence. The consular convention,
too, with His Most Christian Majesty has stipulated in certain cases the
aid of the national authority to his consuls established here. Some
legislative provision is requisite to carry these stipulations into full
effect.

The establishment of the militia, of a mint, of standards of weights and
measures, of the post-office and post-roads are subjects which I presume
you will resume of course, and which are abundantly urged by their own
importance.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

The sufficiency of the revenues you have established for the objects
to which they are appropriated leaves no doubt that the residuary
provisions will be commensurate to the other objects for which the
public faith stands now pledged. Allow me, moreover, to hope that it
will be a favorite policy with you, not merely to secure a payment of
the interest of the debt funded, but as far and as fast as the growing
resources of the country will permit to exonerate it of the principal
itself. The appropriation you have made of the Western land explains
your dispositions on this subject, and I am persuaded that the sooner
that valuable fund can be made to contribute, along with other means,
to the actual reduction of the public debt the more salutary will the
measure be to every public interest, as well as the more satisfactory
to our constituents.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

In pursuing the various and weighty business of the present session
I indulge the fullest persuasion that your consultations will be equally
marked with wisdom and animated by the love of your country. In whatever
belongs to my duty you shall have all the cooperation which an
undiminished zeal for its welfare can inspire. It will be happy for us
both, and our best reward, if, by a successful administration of our
respective trusts, we can make the established Government more and more
instrumental in promoting the good of our fellow-citizens, and more and
more the object of their attachment and confidence.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

ADDRESS OF THE SENATE TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES.

The PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

We receive, sir, with particular satisfaction the communications
contained in your speech, which confirm to us the progressive state
of the public credit and afford at the same time a new proof of the
solidity of the foundation on which it rests; and we cheerfully join in
the acknowledgment which is due to the probity and patriotism of the
mercantile and marine part of our fellow-citizens, whose enlightened
attachment to the principles of good government is not less conspicuous
in this than it has been in other important respects.

In confidence that every constitutional preliminary has been observed,
we assure you of our disposition to concur in giving the requisite
sanction to the admission of Kentucky as a distinct member of the Union;
in doing which we shall anticipate the happy effects to be expected from
the sentiments of attachment toward the Union and its present Government
which have been expressed by the patriotic inhabitants of that district.

While we regret that the continuance and increase of the hostilities and
depredations which have distressed our Northwestern frontiers should
have rendered offensive measures necessary, we feel an entire confidence
in the sufficiency of the motives which have produced them and in the
wisdom of the dispositions which have been concerted in pursuance of
the powers vested in you, and whatever may have been the event, we
shall cheerfully concur in the provisions which the expedition that has
been undertaken may require on the part of the Legislature, and in any
other which the future peace and safety of our frontier settlements may
call for.

The critical posture of the European powers will engage a due portion
of our attention, and we shall be ready to adopt any measures which a
prudent circumspection may suggest for the preservation of the blessings
of peace. The navigation and the fisheries of the United States are
objects too interesting not to inspire a disposition to promote them
by all the means which shall appear to us consistent with their natural
progress and permanent prosperity.

Impressed with the importance of a free intercourse with the
Mediterranean, we shall not think any deliberations misemployed which
may conduce to the adoption of proper measures for removing the
impediments that obstruct it.

The improvement of the judiciary system and the other important objects
to which you have pointed our attention will not fail to engage the
consideration they respectively merit.

In the course of our deliberations upon every subject we shall rely
upon that cooperation which an undiminished zeal and incessant anxiety
for the public welfare on your part so thoroughly insure; and as it is
our anxious desire so it shall be our constant endeavor to render the
established Government more and more instrumental in promoting the good
of our fellow-citizens, and more and more the object of their attachment
and confidence.

DECEMBER 10, 1790.

REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

GENTLEMEN: These assurances of favorable attention to the subjects
I have recommended and of entire confidence in my views make the
impression on me which I ought to feel. I thank you for them both, and
shall continue to rely much for the success of all our measures for the
public good on the aid they will receive from the wisdom and integrity
of your councils.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

DECEMBER 13, 1790.

ADDRESS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT
OF THE UNITED STATES.

SIR: The Representatives of the people of the United States have taken
into consideration your address to the two Houses at the opening of the
present session of Congress.

We share in the satisfaction inspired by the prospects which continue to
be so auspicious to our public affairs. The blessings resulting from the
smiles of Heaven on our agriculture, the rise of public credit, with the
further advantages promised by it, and the fertility of resources which
are found so little burdensome to the community, fully authorize our
mutual congratulations on the present occasion. Nor can we learn without
an additional gratification that the energy of the laws for providing
adequate revenues have been so honorably seconded by those classes of
citizens whose patriotism and probity were more immediately concerned.

The success of the loan opened in Holland, under the disadvantages of
the present moment, is the more important, as it not only denotes the
confidence already placed in the United States, but as the effect of a
judicious application of that aid will still further illustrate the
solidity of the foundation on which the public credit rests.

The preparatory steps taken by the State of Virginia, in concert with
the district of Kentucky, toward the erection of the latter into a
distinct member of the Union exhibit a liberality mutually honorable to
the parties. We shall bestow on this important subject the favorable
consideration which it merits, and, with the national policy which ought
to govern our decision, shall not fail to mingle the affectionate
sentiments which are awakened by those expressed on behalf of our
fellow-citizens of Kentucky.

Whilst we regret the necessity which has produced offensive hostilities
against some of the Indian tribes northwest of the Ohio, we sympathize
too much with our Western brethren not to behold with approbation the
watchfulness and vigor which have been exerted by the executive
authority for their protection, and which we trust will make the
aggressors sensible that it is their interest to merit by a peaceable
behavior the friendship and humanity which the United States are always
ready to extend to them.

The encouragement of our own navigation has at all times appeared to us
highly important. The point of view under which you have recommended
it to us is strongly enforced by the actual state of things in Europe.
It will be incumbent on us to consider in what mode our commerce and
agriculture can be best relieved from an injurious dependence on the
navigation of other nations, which the frequency of their wars renders
a too precarious resource for conveying the productions of our country
to market.

The present state of our trade to the Mediterranean seems not less to
demand, and will accordingly receive, the attention which you have
recommended.

Having already concurred in establishing a judiciary system which opens
the doors of justice to all, without distinction of persons, it will be
our disposition to incorporate every improvement which experience may
suggest. And we shall consider in particular how far the uniformity
which in other cases is found convenient in the administration of the
General Government through all the States may be introduced into the
forms and rules of executing sentences issuing from the Federal courts.

The proper regulation of the jurisdiction and functions which may be
exercised by consuls of the United States in foreign countries, with the
provisions stipulated to those of His Most Christian Majesty established
here, are subjects of too much consequence to the public interest and
honor not to partake of our deliberations.

We shall renew our attention to the establishment of the militia and the
other subjects unfinished at the last session, and shall proceed in them
with all the dispatch which the magnitude of all and the difficulty of
some of them will allow.

Nothing has given us more satisfaction than to find that the revenues
heretofore established have proved adequate to the purposes to which
they were allotted. In extending the provision to the residuary objects
it will be equally our care to secure sufficiency and punctuality in the
payments due from the Treasury of the United States. We shall also never
lose sight of the policy of diminishing the public debt as fast as the
increase of the public resources will permit, and are particularly
sensible of the many considerations which press a resort to the
auxiliary resource furnished by the public lands.

In pursuing every branch of the weighty business of the present session
it will be our constant study to direct our deliberations to the public
welfare. Whatever our success may be, we can at least answer for the
fervent love of our country, which ought to animate our endeavors.
In your cooperation we are sure of a resource which fortifies our
hopes that the fruits of the established Government will justify the
confidence which has been placed in it, and recommend it more and more
to the affection and attachment of our fellow-citizens.

DECEMBER 11, 1790.

REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

GENTLEMEN: The sentiments expressed in your address are entitled to my
particular acknowledgment.

Having no object but the good of our country, this testimony of
approbation and confidence from its immediate Representatives must be
among my best rewards, as the support of your enlightened patriotism has
been among my greatest encouragements. Being persuaded that you will
continue to be actuated by the same auspicious principle, I look forward
to the happiest consequences from your deliberations during the present
session.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

DECEMBER 13, 1790.

SPECIAL MESSAGES.

UNITED STATES, _December 23, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

It appearing by the report of the secretary of the government northwest
of the Ohio that there are certain cases respecting grants of land
within that territory which require the interference of the Legislature
of the United States, I have directed a copy of said report and the
papers therein referred to to be laid before you, together with a copy
of the report of the Secretary of State upon the same subject.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _December 30, 1790_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I lay before you a report of the Secretary of State on the subject of
the citizens of the United States in captivity at Algiers, that you may
provide on their behalf what to you shall seem most expedient.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 3, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I lay before you a copy of an exemplified copy of an act passed by the
legislature of the State of New Jersey for vesting in the United States
of America the jurisdiction of a lot of land at Sandy Hook, in the
county of Monmouth, and a copy of a letter which accompanied said act,
from the governor of the State of New Jersey to the President of the
United States.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 17, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I lay before you an official statement of the appropriation of $10,000,
granted to defray the contingent expenses of Government by an act of the
26th March, 1790.

A copy of two resolutions of the legislature of Virginia, and a petition
of sundry officers and assignees of officers and soldiers of the
Virginia line on continental establishment, on the subject of bounty
lands allotted to them on the northwest side of the Ohio; and

A copy of an act of the legislature of Maryland to empower the wardens
of the port of Baltimore to levy and collect the duty therein mentioned.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 17, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

I lay before you a letter from His Most Christian Majesty, addressed to
the President and Members of Congress of the United States of America.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

_To our very dear friends and allies, the President and Members of
the General Congress of the United States of North America_.

VERY DEAR GREAT FRIENDS AND ALLIES: We have received the letter by which
you inform us of the new mark of confidence that you have shown to
Mr. Jefferson, and which puts a period to his appointment of minister
plenipotentiary at our Court.

The manner in which he conducted during his residence with us has
merited our esteem and entire approbation, and it is with pleasure that
we now give him this testimony of it.

It is with the most sincere pleasure that we embrace this opportunity of
renewing these assurances of regard and friendship which we feel for the
United States in general and for each of them in particular. Under their
influence we pray God that He will keep you, very dear friends and
allies, under His holy and beneficent protection.

Done at Paris this 11th September, 1790.

Your good friend and ally,

LOUIS.

MONTMORIN. [SEAL.]

The UNITED STATES OF NORTH AMERICA.

UNITED STATES, _January 10, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

I lay before you a representation of the chargé d'affaires of France,
made by order of his Court, on the acts of Congress of the 20th of
July, 1789 and 1790, imposing an extra tonnage on foreign vessels,
not excepting those of that country, together with the report of
the Secretary of State thereon, and I recommend the same to your
consideration, that I may be enabled to give to it such answer as may
best comport with the justice and the interests of the United States.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

DOCUMENTS.

JANUARY 18, 1791.

The Secretary of State having received from the chargé d'affaires of
France a note on the tonnage payable by French vessels in the ports of
the United States, has had the same under his consideration, and
thereupon makes the following report to the President of the United
States:

The chargé d'affaires of France, by a note of the 13th of December,
represents, by order of his Court, that they consider so much of the
acts of Congress of July 20, 1789 and 1790, as imposes an extraordinary
tonnage on foreign vessels without excepting those of France, to be in
contravention of the fifth article of the treaty of amity and commerce
between the two nations; that this would have authorized on their
part a proportional modification in the favors granted to the American
navigation, but that his Sovereign had thought it more conformable to
his principles of friendship and attachment to the United States to
order him to make representations thereon, and to ask in favor of French
vessels a modification of the acts which impose an extraordinary tonnage
on foreign vessels.

The Secretary of State, in giving in this paper to the President of the
United States, thinks it his duty to accompany it with the following
observations:

The third and fourth articles of the treaty of amity and commerce
between France and the United States subject the vessels of each nation
to pay in the ports of the other only such duties as are paid by the
most favored nation, and give them reciprocally all the privileges and
exemptions in navigation and commerce which are given by either to the
most favored nations. Had the contracting parties stopped here, they
would have been free to raise or lower their tonnage as they should find
it expedient, only taking care to keep the other on the footing of the
most favored nation. The question, then, is whether the fifth article
cited in the note is anything more than an application of the principle
comprised in the third and fourth to a particular object, or whether it
is an additional stipulation of something not so comprised.

I. That it is merely an application of a principle comprised in the
preceding articles is declared by the express words of the article, to
wit: "_Dans l'exemption ci-dessus est nommément compris_," etc., "_in
the above exemption is particularly comprised_, the imposition of 100
sols per ton established in France on foreign vessels." Here, then, is
at once an express declaration that the exemption from the duty of 100
sols is _comprised_ in the third and fourth articles; that is to say,
it was one of the exemptions enjoyed by the most favored nations, and
as such extended to us by those articles. If the exemption spoken of in
this first member of the fifth article was _comprised_ in the third and
fourth articles, as is expressly declared, then the reservation by
France out of that exemption (which makes the second member of the same
article) _was also comprised_; that is to say, if _the whole_ was
comprised, _the part_ was comprised. And if this reservation of France
in the second member was comprised in the third and fourth articles,
then the counter reservation by the United States (which constitutes the
third and last member of the same article) was also comprised, because
it is but a corresponding portion of a similar whole on our part, which
had been comprised by the same terms with theirs.

In short, the whole article relates to a particular duty of 100 sols,
laid by some antecedent law of France on the vessels of foreign nations,
relinquished as to the most favored, and consequently to us. It is not a
new and additional stipulation, then, but a declared application of the
stipulations comprised in the preceding articles to a particular case by
way of greater caution.

The doctrine laid down generally in the third and fourth articles,
and exemplified specially in the fifth, amounts to this: "The vessels
of the most favored nations coming from foreign ports are exempted from
the duty of 100 sols; therefore you are exempted from it by the third
and fourth articles. The vessels of the most favored nations coming
coastwise pay that duty; therefore you are to pay it by the third and
fourth articles. We shall not think it unfriendly in you to lay a
like duty on coasters, because it will be no more than we have done
ourselves. You are free also to lay that or any other duty on vessels
coming from foreign ports, provided they apply to all other nations,
even the most favored. We are free to do the same under the same
restriction. Our exempting you from a duty which the most favored
nations do not pay does not exempt you from one which they do pay."

In this view, it is evident that the fifth article neither enlarges
nor abridges the stipulations of the third and fourth. The effect of
the treaty would have been precisely the same had it been omitted
altogether; consequently it may be truly said that the reservation by
the United States in this article is completely useless. And it may be
added with equal truth that the equivalent reservation by France is
completely useless, as well as her previous abandonment of the same
duty, and, in short, the whole article. Each party, then, remains free
to raise or lower its tonnage, provided the change operates on all
nations, even the most favored.

Without undertaking to affirm, we may obviously conjecture that this
article has been inserted on the part of the United States from an
overcaution to guard, _nommément, by name_, against a particular
aggrievance, which they thought they could never be too well secured
against; and that has happened which generally happens--doubts have been
produced by the too great number of words used to prevent doubt.

II. The Court of France, however, understands this article as intended
to introduce something to which the preceding articles had not reached,
and not merely as an application of them to a particular case. Their
opinion seems to be founded on the general rule in the construction of
instruments, to leave no words merely useless for which any rational
meaning can be found. They say that the reservation by the United States
of a right to lay a duty equivalent to that of the 100 sols, reserved
by France, would have been completely useless if they were left free
by the preceding articles to lay a tonnage to any extent whatever;
consequently, that the reservation of a part proves a relinquishment
of the residue.

If some meaning, and such a one, is to be given to the last member
of the article, some meaning, and a similar one, must be given to the
corresponding member. If the reservation by the United States of a right
to lay an equivalent duty implies a relinquishment of their right to
lay any other, the reservation by France of a right to continue the
specified duty to which it is an equivalent must imply a relinquishment
of the right on her part to lay or continue any other. Equivalent
reservations by both must imply equivalent restrictions on both.
The exact reciprocity stipulated in the preceding articles, and which
pervades every part of the treaty, insures a counter right to each
party for every right ceded to the other.

Let it be further considered that the duty called _tonnage_ in the
United States is in lieu of the duties for anchorage, for the support of
buoys, beacons, and light-houses, to guide the mariner into harbor and
along the coast, which are provided and supported at the expense of the
United States, and for fees to measurers, weighers, gangers, etc., who
are paid by the United States, for which articles, among many others
(light-house money excepted), duties are paid by us in the ports of
France under their specific names. That Government has hitherto thought
these duties consistent with the treaty, and consequently the same
duties under a general instead of specific names, with us, must be
equally consistent with it. It is not the name, but the thing, which is
essential. If we have renounced the right to lay any port duties, they
must be understood to have equally renounced that of either laying new
or continuing the old. If we ought to refund the port duties received
from their vessels since the date of the act of Congress, they should
refund the port duties they have received from our vessels since the
date of the treaty, for nothing short of this is the reciprocity of
the treaty.

If this construction be adopted, then each party has forever renounced
the right of laying any duties on the vessels of the other coming from
any foreign port, or more than 100 sols on those coming coastwise. Could
this relinquishment be confined to the two contracting parties alone,
the United States would be the gainers, for it is well known that a much
greater number of American than of French vessels are employed in the
commerce between the two countries; but the exemption once conceded by
the one nation to the other becomes immediately the property of all
others who are on the footing of the most favored nations. It is true
that those others would be obliged to yield the same compensation, that
is to say, to receive our vessels duty free. Whether we should gain or
lose in the exchange of the measure with them is not easy to say.

Another consequence of this construction will be that the vessels of the
most favored nations paying no duties will be on a better footing than
those of natives which pay a moderate duty; consequently either the duty
on these also must be given up or they will be supplanted by foreign
vessels in our own ports.

The resource, then, of duty on vessels for the purposes either of
revenue or regulation will be forever lost to both. It is hardly
conceivable that either party looking forward to all these consequences
would see their interest in them.

III. But if France persists in claiming this exemption, what is to
be done? The claim, indeed, is couched in mild and friendly terms;
but the idea leaks out that a refusal would authorize them to modify
proportionally the favors granted by the same article to our navigation.
Perhaps they may do what we should feel much more severely, they may
turn their eyes to the favors granted us by their arrets of December 29,
1787, and December 7, 1788, which hang on their will alone, unconnected
with the treaty. Those arrets, among other advantages, admit our whale
oils to the exclusion of that of all other foreigners. And this monopoly
procures a vent for seven-twelfths of the produce of that fishery, which
experience has taught us could find no other market. Near two-thirds of
the produce of our cod fisheries, too, have lately found a free vent in
the colonies of France. This, indeed, has been an irregularity growing
out of the anarchy reigning in those colonies. Yet the demands of the
colonists, even of the Government party among them (if an auxiliary
disposition can be excited by some marks of friendship and distinction
on our part), may perhaps produce a constitutional concession to them
to procure their provisions at the cheapest market; that is to say,
at ours.

Considering the value of the interests we have at stake and
considering the smallness of difference between foreign and native
tonnage on French vessels alone, it might perhaps be thought advisable
to make the sacrifice asked, and especially if it can be so done as
to give no title to other the most favored nations to claim it. If the
act should put French vessels on the footing of those of natives, and
declare it to be in consideration of the favors granted us by the arrets
of December 29, 1787, and December 7, 1788 (and perhaps this would
satisfy them), no nation could then demand the same favor without
offering an equivalent compensation. It might strengthen, too, the
tenure by which those arrets are held, which must be precarious so
long as they are gratuitous.

It is desirable in many instances to exchange mutual advantages by
legislative acts rather than by treaty, because the former, though
understood to be in consideration of each other, and therefore greatly
respected, yet when they become too inconvenient can be dropped at
the will of either party; whereas stipulations by treaty are forever
irrevocable but by joint consent, let a change of circumstances render
them ever so burdensome.

On the whole, if it be the opinion that the first construction is to be
insisted on as ours, in opposition to the second urged by the Court of
France, and that no relaxation is to be admitted, an answer shall be
given to that Court defending that construction, and explaining in as
friendly terms as possible the difficulties opposed to the exemption
they claim.

2. If it be the opinion that it is advantageous for us to close with
France in her interpretation of a reciprocal and perpetual exemption
from tonnage, a repeal of so much of the tonnage law will be the answer.

3. If it be thought better to waive rigorous and nice discussions of
right and to make the modification an act of friendship and of
compensation for favors received, the passage of such a bill will then
be the answer.

TH. JEFFERSON.

[Translation.]

_L.G. Otto to the Secretary of State_.

PHILADELPHIA, _December 13, 1790_.

SIR: During the long stay you made in France you had opportunities of
being satisfied of the favorable dispositions of His Majesty to render
permanent the ties that united the two nations and to give stability to
the treaties of alliance and of commerce which form the basis of this
union. These treaties were so well maintained by the Congress formed
under the ancient Confederation that they thought it their duty to
interpose their authority whenever any laws made by individual States
appeared to infringe their stipulations, and particularly in 1785,
when the States of New Hampshire and of Massachusetts had imposed an
extraordinary tonnage on foreign vessels without exempting those of the
French nation. The reflections that I have the honor to address to you
in the subjoined note being founded on the same principles, I flatter
myself that they will merit on the part of the Government of the United
States the most serious attention.

I am, with respect, etc.,

L.G. OTTO.

[Translation.]

_L.G. Otto to the Secretary of State_.

PHILADELPHIA, _December 13, 1790_.

NOTE.--The underwritten, chargé d'affaires of France, has received the
express order of his Court to represent to the United States that the
act passed by Congress the 20th July, 1789, and renewed the 20th July
of the present year, which imposes an extraordinary tonnage on foreign
vessels without excepting French vessels, is directly contrary to the
spirit and to the object of the treaty of commerce which unites the two
nations, and of which His Majesty has not only scrupulously observed the
tenor, but of which he has extended the advantages by many regulations
very favorable to the commerce and navigation of the United States.

By the fifth article of this treaty the citizens of these States are
declared exempt from the tonnage duty imposed in France on foreign
vessels, and they are not subject to that duty but in the coasting
business. Congress has reserved the privilege of establishing _a duty
equivalent to this last_, a stipulation founded on the state in which
matters were in America at the time of the signature of the treaty.
There did not exist at that epoch any duty on tonnage in the United
States.

It is evident that it was the nonexistence of this duty and the motive
of a perfect reciprocity stipulated in the preamble of the treaty that
had determined the King to grant the exemption contained in the article
fifth; and a proof that Congress had no intention to contravene this
reciprocity is that _it only reserves a privilege of establishing on the
coasting business a duty equivalent to that which is levied in France_.
This reservation would have been completely useless if by the words of
the treaty Congress thought themselves at liberty to lay _any_ tonnage
they should think proper on French vessels.

The undersigned has the honor to observe that this contravention of
the fifth article of the treaty of commerce might have authorized
His Majesty to modify proportionately the favors granted by the same
article to the American navigation; but the King, always faithful to
the principles of friendship and attachment to the United States, and
desirous of strengthening more and more the ties which subsist so
happily between the French nation and these States, thinks it
more conformable to these views to order the undersigned to make
representations on this subject, and to ask in favor of French vessels
a modification of the act which imposes an extraordinary tonnage on
foreign vessels. His Majesty does not doubt but that the United States
will acknowledge the justice of this claim, and will be disposed to
restore things to the footing on which they were at the signature of
the treaty of the 6th February, 1778.

L.G. OTTO.

[Translation.]

_L.G. Otto to the Secretary of State_.

NEW YORK, _January 8, 1791_.

His Excellency M. JEFFERSON,

_Secretary of State_.

SIR: I have the honor herewith to send you a letter from the King to
Congress, and one which M. de Montmorin has written to yourself. You
will find therein the sincere sentiments with which you have inspired
our Government, and the regret of the minister in not having a more near
relation of correspondence with you. In these every person who has had
the advantage of knowing you in France participates.

At the same time, it gives me pain, sir, to be obliged to announce to
you that the complaints of our merchants on the subject of the tonnage
duty increase, and that they have excited not only the attention of the
King but that of several departments of the Kingdom. I have received new
orders to request of the United States a decision on this matter and
to solicit in favor of the aggrieved merchants the restitution of the
duties which have already been paid. I earnestly beg of you, sir, not to
lose sight of an object which, as I have already had the honor to tell
you verbally, is of the greatest importance for cementing the future
commercial connections between the two nations.

In more particularly examining this question you will perhaps find that
motives of convenience are as powerful as those of justice to engage the
United States to give to His Majesty the satisfaction which he requires.
At least twice as many American vessels enter the ports of France as do
those of France the ports of America. The exemption of the tonnage of
duty, then, is evidently less advantageous for the French than for the
navigators of the United States. Be this as it may, I can assure you,
sir, that the delay of a decision in this respect by augmenting the just
complaints of the French merchants will only augment the difficulties.

I therefore beg of you to enable me before the sailing of the packet,
which will take place toward the last of this month, to give to my Court
a satisfactory answer.

I have the honor to be, etc.,

L.G. OTTO.

UNITED STATES, _January 24, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I lay before you a statement relative to the frontiers of the United
States, which has been submitted to me by the Secretary for the
Department of War.

I rely upon your wisdom to make such arrangements as may be essential
for the preservation of good order and the effectual protection of the
frontiers.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 24, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

In execution of the powers with which Congress were pleased to invest
me by their act entitled "An act for establishing the temporary and
permanent seat of Government of the United States," and on mature
consideration of the advantages and disadvantages of the several
positions within the limits prescribed by the said act, I have by
a proclamation bearing date this day (a copy of which is herewith
transmitted) directed commissioners, appointed in pursuance of the act,
to survey and limit a part of the territory of 10 miles square on both
sides of the river Potomac, so as to comprehend Georgetown, in Maryland,
and extend to the Eastern Branch.

I have not by this first act given to the said territory the whole
extent of which it is susceptible in the direction of the river, because
I thought it important that Congress should have an opportunity of
considering whether by an amendatory law they would authorize the
location of the residue at the lower end of the present, so as to
comprehend the Eastern Branch itself and some of the country on its
lower side, in the State of Maryland, and the town of Alexandria, in
Virginia. If, however, they are of opinion that the Federal territory
should be bounded by the water edge of the Eastern Branch, the location
of the residue will be to be made at the upper end of what is now
directed.

I have thought best to await a survey of the territory before it is
decided on what particular spot on the northeastern side of the river
the public buildings shall be erected.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 26, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I lay before you the copy of a letter from the President of the
National Assembly of France to the President of the United States,
and of a decree of that Assembly, which was transmitted with the
above-mentioned letter.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 27, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

In order that you may be fully informed of the situation of the
frontiers and the prospect of hostility in that quarter, I lay before
you the intelligence of some recent depredations, received since my
message to you upon this subject of the 24th instant.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 9, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I have received from the governor of Vermont authentic documents,
expressing the consent of the legislatures of New York and of the
Territory of Vermont that the said Territory shall be admitted to be a
distinct member of our Union; and a memorial of Nathaniel Chipman and
Lewis R. Morris, commissioners from the said Territory, praying the
consent of Congress to that admission, by the name and style of the
State of Vermont, copies of which I now lay before Congress, with
whom the Constitution has vested the object of these proceedings.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 14, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives_:

Soon after I was called to the administration of the Government I found
it important to come to an understanding with the Court of London on
several points interesting to the United States, and particularly to
know whether they were disposed to enter into arrangements by mutual
consent which might fix the commerce between the two nations on
principles of reciprocal advantage. For this purpose I authorized
informal conferences with their ministers, and from these I do not infer
any disposition on their part to enter into any arrangements merely
commercial. I have thought it proper to give you this information, as it
might at some time have influence on matters under your consideration.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 14, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Conceiving that in the possible event of a refusal of justice on the
part of Great Britain we should stand less committed should it be made
to a private rather than to a public person, I employed Mr. Gouverneur
Morris, who was on the spot, and without giving him any definite
character, to enter informally into the conferences before mentioned.
For your more particular information I lay before you the instructions
I gave him and those parts of his communications wherein the British
ministers appear either in conversation or by letter. These are two
letters from the Duke of Leeds to Mr. Morris, and three letters of Mr.
Morris giving an account of two conferences with the Duke of Leeds and
one with him and Mr. Pitt. The sum of these is that they declare without
scruple they do not mean to fulfill what remains of the treaty of peace
to be fulfilled on their part (by which we are to understand the
delivery of the posts and payment for property carried off) till
performance on our part, and compensation where the delay has rendered
the performance now impracticable; that on the subject of a treaty of
commerce they avoided direct answers, so as to satisfy Mr. Morris they
did not mean to enter into one unless it could be extended to a treaty
of alliance offensive and defensive, or unless in the event of a rupture
with Spain.

As to the sending a minister here, they made excuses at the first
conference, seemed disposed to it in the second, and in the last express
an intention of so doing.

Their views being thus sufficiently ascertained, I have directed
Mr. Morris to discontinue his communications with them.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 18, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

The aspect of affairs in Europe during the last summer, and especially
between Spain and England, gave reason to expect a favorable occasion
for pressing to accommodation the unsettled matters between them and us.
Mr. Carmichael, our charge d'affaires at Madrid, having been long absent
from his country, great changes having taken place in our circumstances
and sentiments during that interval, it was thought expedient to send
some person, in a private character, fully acquainted with the present
state of things here, to be the bearer of written and confidential
instructions to him, and at the same time to possess him in full and
frequent conversations of all those details of facts and topics of
argument which could not be conveyed in writing, but which would be
necessary to enable him to meet the reasonings of that Court with
advantage. Colonel David Humphreys was therefore sent for these
purposes.

An additional motive for this confidential mission arose in the same
quarter. The Court of Lisbon had on several occasions made the most
amicable advances for cultivating friendship and intercourse with
the United States. The exchange of a diplomatic character had been
informally, but repeatedly, suggested on their part. It was our interest
to meet this nation in its friendly dispositions and to concur in the
exchange proposed. But my wish was at the same time that the character
to be exchanged should be of the lowest and most economical grade. To
this it was known that certain rules of long standing at that Court
would produce obstacles. Colonel Humphreys was charged with dispatches
to the prime minister of Portugal and with instructions to endeavor to
arrange this to our views. It happened, however, that previous to his
arrival at Lisbon the Queen had appointed a minister _resident_ to the
United States. This embarrassment seems to have rendered the difficulty
completely insurmountable. The minister of that Court in his conferences
with Colonel Humphreys, professing every wish to accommodate, yet
expresses his regrets that circumstances do not permit them to concur
in the grade of chargé d'affaires, a grade of little privilege or
respectability by the rules of their Court and held in so low estimation
with them that no proper character would accept it to go abroad. In a
letter to the Secretary of State he expresses the same sentiments, and
announces the appointment on their part of a minister _resident_ to
the United States, and the pleasure with which the Queen will receive
one from us at her Court. A copy of his letter, and also of Colonel
Humphreys's giving the details of this transaction, will be delivered
to you.

On consideration of all circumstances I have determined to accede to
the desire of the Court of Lisbon in the article of grade. I am aware
that the consequences will not end here, and that this is not the
only instance in which a like change may be pressed. But should it be
necessary to yield elsewhere also, I shall think it a less evil than
to disgust a government so friendly and so interesting to us as that
of Portugal.

I do not mean that the change of grade shall render the mission more
expensive.

I have therefore nominated David Humphreys minister resident from the
United States to Her Most Faithful Majesty the Queen of Portugal.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 22, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

I will proceed to take measures for the ransom of our citizens in
captivity at Algiers, in conformity with your resolution of advice of
the 1st instant, so soon as the moneys necessary shall be appropriated
by the Legislature and shall be in readiness.

The recognition of our treaty with the new Emperor of Morocco requires
also previous appropriation and provision. The importance of this last
to the liberty and property of our citizens induces me to urge it on
your earliest attention.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 23, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Information having been received from Thomas Auldjo, who was appointed
vice-consul of the United States at Cowes, in Great Britain, that his
commission has not been recognized by that Government because it is a
port at which no foreign consul has yet been received, and that it has
been intimated to him that his appointment to the port of Poole and
parts nearer to that than to the residence of any other consul of the
United States would be recognized and his residence at Cowes not
noticed, I have therefore thought it expedient to nominate Thomas Auldjo
to be vice-consul for the United States at the port of Poole, in Great
Britain, and such parts within the allegiance of His Britannic Majesty
as shall be nearer thereto than to the residence of any other consul or
vice-consul of the United States within the same allegiance.

I also nominate James Yard, of Pennsylvania, to be consul for the United
States in the island of Santa Cruz and such other parts within the
allegiance of His Danish Majesty as shall be nearer thereto than to the
residence of any other consul or vice-consul of the United States within
the same allegiance.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 4, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

The act for the admission of the State of Vermont into this Union having
fixed on this as the day of its admission, it was thought that this
would also be the first day on which any officer of the Union might
legally perform any act of authority relating to that State. I therefore
required your attendance to receive nominations of the several officers
necessary to put the Federal Government into motion in that State.[1]

For this purpose I nominate Nathaniel Chipman to be judge of the
district of Vermont; Stephen Jacobs to be attorney for the United
States in the district of Vermont; Lewis R. Morris to be marshal of
the district of Vermont, and Stephen Keyes to be collector of the port
of Allburgh, in the State of Vermont.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 4, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Pursuant to the powers vested in me by the act entitled "An act
repealing after the last day of June next the duties heretofore laid
upon distilled spirits imported from abroad and laying others in their
stead, and also upon spirits distilled within the United States, and for
appropriating the same," I have thought fit to divide the United States
into the following districts, namely:

The district of New Hampshire, to consist of the State of New Hampshire;
the district of Massachusetts, to consist of the State of Massachusetts;
the district of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, to consist of
the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations; the district of
Connecticut, to consist of the State of Connecticut; the district of
Vermont, to consist of the State of Vermont; the district of New York,
to consist of the State of New York; the district of New Jersey, to
consist of the State of New Jersey; the district of Pennsylvania, to
consist of the State of Pennsylvania; the district of Delaware, to
consist of the State of Delaware; the district of Maryland, to consist
of the State of Maryland; the district of Virginia, to consist of the
State of Virginia; the district of North Carolina, to consist of the
State of North Carolina; the district of South Carolina, to consist of
the State of South Carolina; and the district of Georgia, to consist
of the State of Georgia.

And I hereby nominate as supervisors of the said districts,
respectively, the following persons, viz:

For the district of New Hampshire, Joshua Wentworth; for the district of
Massachusetts, Nathaniel Gorham; for the district of Rhode Island and
Providence Plantations, John S. Dexter; for the district of Connecticut,
John Chester; for the district of Vermont, Noah Smith; for the district
of New York, William S. Smith; for the district of New Jersey, Aaron
Dunham; for the district of Pennsylvania, George Clymer; for the
district of Delaware, Henry Latimer; for the district of Maryland,
George Gale; for the district of Virginia, Edward Carrington; for the
district of North Carolina, William Polk; for the district of South
Carolina, Daniel Stevens; for the district of Georgia, John Mathews.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

[Footnote 1: For proclamation convening Senate in extraordinary session
see p. 587.]

PROCLAMATIONS.

[From a broadside in the archives of the Department of State.]

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas the general assembly of the State of Maryland, by an act passed
on the 23d day of December, A.D. 1788, intituled "An act to cede to
Congress a district of 10 miles square in this State for the seat of the
Government of the United States," did enact that the Representatives of
the said State in the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States, appointed to assemble at New York on the first Wednesday
of March then next ensuing, should be, and they were thereby, authorized
and required on the behalf of the said State to cede to the Congress of
the United States any district in the said State not exceeding 10 miles
square which the Congress might fix upon and accept for the seat of
Government of the United States;

And the general assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia, by an act
passed on the 3d day of December, 1789, and intituled "An act for the
cession of 10 miles square, or any lesser quantity, of territory within
this State to the United States in Congress assembled, for the permanent
seat of the General Government," did enact that a tract of country not
exceeding 10 miles square, or any lesser quantity, to be located within
the limits of the said State, and in any part thereof, as Congress might
by law direct, should be, and the same was thereby, forever ceded and
relinquished to the Congress and Government of the United States, in
full and absolute right and exclusive jurisdiction, as well of soil as
of persons residing or to reside thereon, pursuant to the tenor and
effect of the eighth section of the first article of the Constitution
of Government of the United States;

And the Congress of the United States, by their act passed the 16th day
of July, 1790, and intituled "An act for establishing the temporary and
permanent seat of the Government of the United States," authorized the
President of the United States to appoint three commissioners to survey
under his direction and by proper metes and bounds to limit a district
of territory, not exceeding 10 miles square, on the river Potomac, at
some place between the mouths of the Eastern Branch and Connogocheque,
which district, so to be located and limited, was accepted by the said
act of Congress as the district for the permanent seat of the Government
of the United States:

Now, therefore, in pursuance of the powers to me confided, and after
duly examining and weighing the advantages and disadvantages of the
several situations within the limits aforesaid, I do hereby declare and
make known that the location of one part of the said district of 10
miles square shall be found by running four lines of experiment in the
following manner, that is to say: Running from the court-house of
Alexandria, in Virginia, due southwest half a mile, and thence a due
southeast course till it shall strike Hunting Creek, to fix the
beginning of the said four lines of experiment.

Then beginning the first of the said four lines of experiment at the
point on Hunting Creek where the said southeast course shall have struck
the same, and running the said first line due northwest 10 miles; thence
the second line into Maryland due northeast 10 miles; thence the third
line due southeast 10 miles, and thence the fourth line due southwest
10 miles to the beginning on Hunting Creek.

And the said four lines of experiment being so run, I do hereby
declare and make known that all that part within the said four lines
of experiment which shall be within the State of Maryland and above
the Eastern Branch, and all that part within the same four lines of
experiment which shall be within the Commonwealth of Virginia and above
a line to be run from the point of land forming the upper cape of the
mouth of the Eastern Branch due southwest, and no more, is now fixed
upon and directed to be surveyed, defined, limited, and located for a
part of the said district accepted by the said act of Congress for the
permanent seat of the Government of the United States (hereby expressly
reserving the direction of the survey and location of the remaining part
of the said district to be made hereafter contiguous to such part or
parts of the present location as is or shall be agreeable to law).

And I do accordingly direct the said commissioners, appointed agreeably
to the tenor of the said act, to proceed forthwith to run the said lines
of experiment, and the same being run, to survey and by proper metes
and bounds to define and limit the part within the same which is
hereinbefore directed for immediate location and acceptance, and
thereof to make due report to me under their hands and seals.

In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States to
be affixed to these presents and signed the same with my hand.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Philadelphia, the 24th day of January, A.D. 1791,
and of the Independence of the United States the fifteenth.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

By the President:
TH: JEFFERSON.

[From a broadside in the archives of the Department of State.]

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas it hath been represented to me that James O'Fallon is levying
an armed force in that part of the State of Virginia which is called
Kentucky, disturbs the public peace, and sets at defiance the treaties
of the United States with the Indian tribes, the act of Congress
intituled "An act to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian
tribes," and my proclamations of the 14th and 26th days of August
last founded thereon; and it is my earnest desire that those who have
incautiously associated themselves with the said James O'Fallon may be
warned of their danger, I have therefore thought fit to publish this
proclamation, hereby declaring that all persons violating the treaties
and act aforesaid shall be prosecuted with the utmost rigor of the law.

And I do, moreover, require all officers of the United States whom it
may concern to use their best exertions to bring to justice any persons
offending in the premises.

In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States to be
affixed to these presents and signed the same with my hand.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Philadelphia, the 19th day of March, A.D. 1791,
and of the Independence of the United States the fifteenth.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

By the President:
TH: JEFFERSON.

[From the Washington Papers (Executive Proceedings), vol. 20, p. 191.]

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas by a proclamation bearing date the 24th day of January of this
present year, and in pursuance of certain acts of the States of Maryland
and Virginia and of the Congress of the United States, therein
mentioned, certain lines of experiment were directed to be run in the
neighborhood of Georgetown, in Maryland, for the purpose of determining
the location of a part of the territory of 10 miles square for the
permanent seat of the Government of the United States, and a certain
part was directed to be located within the said lines of experiment on
both sides of the Potomac and above the limit of the Eastern Branch
prescribed by the said act of Congress;

And Congress by an amendatory act passed on the 3d day of the present
month of March have given further authority to the President of the
United States "to make any part of the territory below the said limit
and above the mouth of Hunting Creek a part of the said district, so as
to include a convenient part of the Eastern Branch and of the lands
lying on the lower side thereof, and also the town of Alexandria":

Now, therefore, for the purpose of amending and completing the location
of the whole of the said territory of 10 miles square in conformity with
the said amendatory act of Congress, I do hereby declare and make known
that the whole of the said territory shall be located and included
within the four lines following, that is to say:

Beginning at Jones's Point, being the upper cape of Hunting Creek, in
Virginia, and at an angle in the outset of 45 degrees west of the north,
and running in a direct line 10 miles for the first line; then beginning
again at the same Jones's Point and running another direct line at a
right angle with the first across the Potomac 10 miles for the second
line; then from the termination of the said first and second lines
running two other direct lines of 10 miles each, the one crossing the
Eastern Branch aforesaid and the other the Potomac, and meeting each
other in a point.

And I do accordingly direct the commissioners named under the authority
of the said first-mentioned act of Congress to proceed forthwith to have
the said four lines run, and by proper metes and bounds defined and
limited, and thereof to make due report under their hands and seals; and
the territory so to be located, defined, and limited shall be the whole
territory accepted by the said acts of Congress as the district for the
permanent seat of the Government of the United States.

In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States to be
affixed to these presents and signed the same with my hand.

[SEAL.]

Done at Georgetown aforesaid, the 30th day of March, A.D. 1791, and of
the Independence of the United States the fifteenth.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

THIRD ANNUAL ADDRESS.

UNITED STATES, _October 25, 1791_.

_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I meet you upon the present occasion with the feelings which are
naturally inspired by a strong impression of the prosperous situation of
our common country, and by a persuasion equally strong that the labors
of the session which has just commenced will, under the guidance of a
spirit no less prudent than patriotic, issue in measures conducive to
the stability and increase of national prosperity.

Numerous as are the providential blessings which demand our grateful
acknowledgments, the abundance with which another year has again
rewarded the industry of the husbandman is too important to escape
recollection.

Your own observations in your respective situations will have satisfied
you of the progressive state of agriculture, manufactures, commerce,
and navigation. In tracing their causes you will have remarked with
particular pleasure the happy effects of that revival of confidence,
public as well as private, to which the Constitution and laws of the
United States have so eminently contributed; and you will have observed
with no less interest new and decisive proofs of the increasing
reputation and credit of the nation. But you nevertheless can not fail
to derive satisfaction from the confirmation of these circumstances
which will be disclosed in the several official communications that
will be made to you in the course of your deliberations.

The rapid subscriptions to the Bank of the United States, which
completed the sum allowed to be subscribed in a single day, is among
the striking and pleasing evidences which present themselves, not only
of confidence in the Government, but of resource in the community.

In the interval of your recess due attention has been paid to the
execution of the different objects which were specially provided for
by the laws and resolutions of the last session.

Among the most important of these is the defense and security of the
Western frontiers. To accomplish it on the most humane principles was
a primary wish.

Accordingly, at the same time that treaties have been provisionally
concluded and other proper means used to attach the wavering and to
confirm in their friendship the well-disposed tribes of Indians,
effectual measures have been adopted to make those of a hostile
description sensible that a pacification was desired upon terms of
moderation and justice.

Those measures having proved unsuccessful, it became necessary to
convince the refractory of the power of the United States to punish
their depredations. Offensive operations have therefore been directed,
to be conducted, however, as consistently as possible with the dictates
of humanity. Some of these have been crowned with full success and
others are yet depending. The expeditions which have been completed were
carried on under the authority and at the expense of the United States
by the militia of Kentucky, whose enterprise, intrepidity, and good
conduct are entitled to peculiar commendation.

Overtures of peace are still continued to the deluded tribes, and
considerable numbers of individuals belonging to them have lately
renounced all further opposition, removed from their former situations,
and placed themselves under the immediate protection of the United
States.

It is sincerely to be desired that all need of coercion in future may
cease and that an intimate intercourse may succeed, calculated to
advance the happiness of the Indians and to attach them firmly to
the United States.

In order to this it seems necessary--

That they should experience the benefits of an impartial dispensation
of justice.

That the mode of alienating their lands, the main source of discontent
and war, should be so defined and regulated as to obviate imposition and
as far as may be practicable controversy concerning the reality and
extent of the alienations which are made.

That commerce with them should be promoted under regulations tending
to secure an equitable deportment toward them, and that such rational
experiments should be made for imparting to them the blessings of
civilization as may from time to time suit their condition.

That the Executive of the United States should be enabled to employ the
means to which the Indians have been long accustomed for uniting their
immediate interests with the preservation of peace.

And that efficacious provision should be made for inflicting adequate
penalties upon all those who, by violating their rights, shall infringe
the treaties and endanger the peace of the Union.

A system corresponding with the mild principles of religion and
philanthropy toward an unenlightened race of men, whose happiness
materially depends on the conduct of the United States, would be as
honorable to the national character as conformable to the dictates of
sound policy.

The powers specially vested in me by the act laying certain duties on
distilled spirits; which respect the subdivisions of the districts
into surveys, the appointment of officers, and the assignment of
compensations, have likewise been carried into effect. In a matter
in which both materials and experience were wanting to guide the
calculation it will be readily conceived that there must have been
difficulty in such an adjustment of the rates of compensation as would
conciliate a reasonable competency with a proper regard to the limits
prescribed by the law. It is hoped that the circumspection which has
been used will be found in the result to have secured the last of the
two objects; but it is probable that with a view to the first in some
instances a revision of the provision will be found advisable.

The impressions with which this law has been received by the community
have been upon the whole such as were to be expected among enlightened
and well-disposed citizens from the propriety and necessity of the
measure. The novelty, however, of the tax in a considerable part of the
United States and a misconception of some of its provisions have given
occasion in particular places to some degree of discontent; but it is
satisfactory to know that this disposition yields to proper explanations
and more just apprehensions of the true nature of the law, and I
entertain a full confidence that it will in all give way to motives
which arise out of a just sense of duty and a virtuous regard to the
public welfare.

If there are any circumstances in the law which consistently with
its main design may be so varied as to remove any well-intentioned
objections that may happen to exist, it will consist with a wise
moderation to make the proper variations. It is desirable on all
occasions to unite with a steady and firm adherence to constitutional
and necessary acts of Government the fullest evidence of a disposition
as far as may be practicable to consult the wishes of every part of the
community and to lay the foundations of the public administration in
the affections of the people.

Pursuant to the authority contained in the several acts on that subject,
a district of 10 miles square for the permanent seat of the Government
of the United States has been fixed and announced by proclamation, which
district will comprehend lands on both sides of the river Potomac and
the towns of Alexandria and Georgetown. A city has also been laid out
agreeably to a plan which will be placed before Congress, and as there
is a prospect, favored by the rate of sales which have already taken
place, of ample funds for carrying on the necessary public buildings,
there is every expectation of their due progress.

The completion of the census of the inhabitants, for which provision was
made by law, has been duly notified (excepting one instance in which the
return has been informal, and another in which it has been omitted or
miscarried), and the returns of the officers who were charged with
this duty, which will be laid before you, will give you the pleasing
assurance that the present population of the United States borders on
4,000,000 persons.

It is proper also to inform you that a further loan of 2,500,000 florins
has been completed in Holland, the terms of which are similar to those
of the one last announced, except as to a small reduction of charges.
Another, on like terms, for 6,000,000 florins, had been set on foot
under circumstances that assured an immediate completion.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Two treaties which have been provisionally concluded with the Cherokees
and Six Nations of Indians will be laid before you for your
consideration and ratification.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

In entering upon the discharge of your legislative trust you must
anticipate with pleasure that many of the difficulties necessarily
incident to the first arrangements of a new government for an extensive
country have been happily surmounted by the zealous and judicious
exertions of your predecessors in cooperation with the other branch of
the Legislature. The important objects which remain to be accomplished
will, I am persuaded, be conducted upon principles equally comprehensive
and equally well calculated for the advancement of the general weal.

The time limited for receiving subscriptions to the loans proposed by
the act making provision for the debt of the United States having
expired, statements from the proper department will as soon as possible
apprise you of the exact result. Enough, however, is known already to
afford an assurance that the views of that act have been substantially
fulfilled. The subscription in the domestic debt of the United States
has embraced by far the greatest proportion of that debt, affording at
the same time proof of the general satisfaction of the public creditors
with the system which has been proposed to their acceptance and of the
spirit of accommodation to the convenience of the Government with which
they are actuated. The subscriptions in the debts of the respective
States as far as the provisions of the law have permitted may be said to
be yet more general. The part of the debt of the United States which
remains unsubscribed will naturally engage your further deliberations.

It is particularly pleasing to me to be able to announce to you that the
revenues which have been established promise to be adequate to their
objects, and may be permitted, if no unforeseen exigency occurs, to
supersede for the present the necessity of any new burthens upon our
constituents.

An object which will claim your early attention is a provision for the
current service of the ensuing year, together with such ascertained
demands upon the Treasury as require to be immediately discharged,
and such casualties as may have arisen in the execution of the public
business, for which no specific appropriation may have yet been made;
of all which a proper estimate will be laid before you.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I shall content myself with a general reference to former communications
for several objects upon which the urgency of other affairs has hitherto
postponed any definitive resolution. Their importance will recall them
to your attention, and I trust that the progress already made in the
most arduous arrangements of the Government will afford you leisure to
resume them with advantage.

There are, however, some of them of which I can not forbear a more
particular mention. These are the militia, the post-office and
post-roads, the mint, weights and measures, a provision for the sale
of the vacant lands of the United States.

The first is certainly an object of primary importance whether viewed in
reference to the national security to the satisfaction of the community
or to the preservation of order. In connection with this the
establishment of competent magazines and arsenals and the fortification
of such places as are peculiarly important and vulnerable naturally
present themselves to consideration. The safety of the United States
under divine protection ought to rest on the basis of systematic and
solid arrangements, exposed as little as possible to the hazards of
fortuitous circumstances.

The importance of the post-office and post-roads on a plan sufficiently
liberal and comprehensive, as they respect the expedition, safety, and
facility of communication, is increased by their instrumentality in
diffusing a knowledge of the laws and proceedings of the Government,
which, while it contributes to the security of the people, serves
also to guard them against the effects of misrepresentation and
misconception. The establishment of additional cross posts, especially
to some of the important points in the Western and Northern parts of
the Union, can not fail to be of material utility.

The disorders in the existing currency, and especially the scarcity
of small change, a scarcity so peculiarly distressing to the poorer
classes, strongly recommend the carrying into immediate effect the
resolution already entered into concerning the establishment of a mint.
Measures have been taken pursuant to that resolution for procuring some
of the most necessary artists, together with the requisite apparatus.

An uniformity in the weights and measures of the country is among the
important objects submitted to you by the Constitution, and if it can be
derived from a standard at once invariable and universal, must be no
less honorable to the public councils than conducive to the public
convenience.

A provision for the sale of the vacant lands of the United States is
particularly urged, among other reasons, by the important considerations
that they are pledged as a fund for reimbursing the public debt;
that if timely and judiciously applied they may save the necessity of
burthening our citizens with new taxes for the extinguishment of the
principal; and that being free to discharge the principal but in a
limited proportion, no opportunity ought to be lost for availing the
public of its right.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

ADDRESS OF THE SENATE TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES.

THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

SIR: The Senate of the United States have received with the highest
satisfaction the assurances of public prosperity contained in your
speech to both Houses. The multiplied blessings of Providence have not
escaped our notice or failed to excite our gratitude.

The benefits which flow from the restoration of public and private
confidence are conspicuous and important, and the pleasure with which
we contemplate them is heightened by your assurance of those further
communications which shall confirm their existence and indicate their
source.

While we rejoice in the success of those military operations which have
been directed against the hostile Indians, we lament with you the
necessity that has produced them, and we participate the hope that the
present prospect of a general peace on terms of moderation and justice
may be wrought into complete and permanent effect, and that the measures
of Government may equally embrace the security of our frontiers and
the general interests of humanity, our solicitude to obtain which will
insure our zealous attention to an object so warmly espoused by the
principles of benevolence and so highly interesting to the honor and
welfare of the nation.

The several subjects which you have particularly recommended and those
which remain of former sessions will engage our early consideration.
We are encouraged to prosecute them with alacrity and steadiness by
the belief that they will interest no passion but that for the general
welfare, by the assurance of concert, and by a view of those arduous
and important arrangements which have been already accomplished.

We observe, sir, the constancy and activity of your zeal for the public
good. The example will animate our efforts to promote the happiness of
our country.

OCTOBER 28, 1791.

REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

GENTLEMEN: This manifestation of your zeal for the honor and the
happiness of our country derives its full value from the share which
your deliberations have already had in promoting both.

I thank you for the favorable sentiments with which you view the part I
have borne in the arduous trust committed to the Government of the
United States, and desire you to be assured that all my zeal will
continue to second those further efforts for the public good which are
insured by the spirit in which you are entering on the present session.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

OCTOBER 31, 1791.

ADDRESS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT
OF THE UNITED STATES.

SIR: In receiving your address at the opening of the present session
the House of Representatives have taken an ample share in the feelings
inspired by the actual prosperity and flattering prospects of our
country, and whilst with becoming gratitude to Heaven we ascribe this
happiness to the true source from which it flows, we behold with an
animating pleasure the degree in which the Constitution and laws of
the United States have been instrumental in dispensing it.

It yields us particular satisfaction to learn the success with which the
different important measures of the Government have proceeded, as well
those specially provided for at the last session as those of preceding
date. The safety of our Western frontier, in which the lives and repose
of so many of our fellow-citizens are involved, being peculiarly
interesting, your communications on that subject are proportionally
grateful to us. The gallantry and good conduct of the militia, whose
services were called for, is an honorable confirmation of the efficacy
of that precious resource of a free state, and we anxiously wish that
the consequences of their successful enterprises and of the other
proceedings to which you have referred may leave the United States free
to pursue the most benevolent policy toward the unhappy and deluded race
of people in our neighborhood.

The amount of the population of the United States, determined
by the returns of the census, is a source of the most pleasing
reflections whether it be viewed in relation to our national safety
and respectability or as a proof of that felicity in the situation of
our country which favors so unexampled a rapidity in its growth. Nor
ought any to be insensible to the additional motive suggested by this
important fact to perpetuate the free Government established, with a
wise administration of it, to a portion of the earth which promises such
an increase of the number which is to enjoy those blessings within the
limits of the United States.

We shall proceed with all the respect due to your patriotic
recommendations and with a deep sense of the trust committed to us by
our fellow-citizens to take into consideration the various and important
matters falling within the present session; and in discussing and
deciding each we shall feel every disposition whilst we are pursuing
the public welfare, which must be the supreme object with all our
constituents, to accommodate as far as possible the means of attaining
it to the sentiments and wishes of every part of them.

OCTOBER 27, 1791.

REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

GENTLEMEN: The pleasure I derive from an assurance of your attention to
the objects I have recommended to you is doubled by your concurrence in
the testimony I have borne to the prosperous condition of our public
affairs.

Relying on the sanctions of your enlightened judgment and on your
patriotic aid, I shall be the more encouraged in all my endeavors for
the public weal, and particularly in those which may be required on my
part for executing the salutary measures I anticipate from your present
deliberations.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

OCTOBER 28, 1791.

SPECIAL MESSAGES.

UNITED STATES, _October 26, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before you copies of the following acts, which have been
transmitted to me during the recess of Congress, viz:

An act passed by the legislature of New Hampshire for ceding to the
United States the fort and light-house belonging to the said State.

An act of the legislature of Pennsylvania ratifying on behalf of said
State the first article of amendment to the Constitution of the United
States as proposed by Congress; and

An act of the legislature of North Carolina granting the use of the
jails within that State to the United States.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _October 26, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

I have directed the Secretary of War to lay before you for your
consideration all the papers relative to the late negotiations with
the Cherokee Indians, and the treaty concluded with that tribe on the
2d day of July last by the superintendent of the southern district,
and I request your advice whether I shall ratify the same.

I also lay before you the instructions to Colonel Pickering and his
conferences with the Six Nations of Indians. These conferences were for
the purpose of conciliation, and at a critical period, to withdraw those
Indians to a greater distance from the theater of war, in order to
prevent their being involved therein.

It might not have been necessary to have requested your opinion on
this business had not the commissioner, with good intentions, but
incautiously, made certain ratifications of lands unauthorized by
his instructions and unsupported by the Constitution.

It therefore became necessary to disavow the transaction explicitly in a
letter written by my orders to the governor of New York on the 17th of
August last.

The speeches to the Complanter and other Seneca chiefs, the instructions
to Colonel Proctor, and his report, and other messages and directions
are laid before you for your information and as evidences that all
proper lenient measures preceded the exercise of coercion.

The letters to the chief of the Creeks are also laid before you, to
evince that the requisite steps have been taken to produce a full
compliance with the treaty made with that nation on the 7th of
August, 1790.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _October 27, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before you a copy of a letter and of sundry documents which I have
received from the governor of Pennsylvania, respecting certain persons
who are said to have fled from justice out of the State of Pennsylvania
into that of Virginia, together with a report of the Attorney-General of
the United States upon the same subject.

I have received from the governor of North Carolina a copy of an act of
the general assembly of that State, authorizing him to convey to the
United States the right and jurisdiction of the said State over 1 acre
of land in Occacock Island and 10 acres on the Cape Island, within the
said State, for the purpose of erecting light-houses thereon, together
with the deed of the governor in pursuance thereof and the original
conveyances made to the State by the individual proprietors, which
original conveyances contain conditions that the light-house on Occacock
shall be built before the 1st day of January, 1801, and that on the Cape
Island before the 8th day of October, 1800. And I have caused these
several papers to be deposited in the office of the Secretary of State.

A statement of the returns of the enumeration of the inhabitants of
the United States which have been received will at this time be laid
before you.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _October 27, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I have directed the Secretary of War to lay before you, for your
information, the reports of Brigadier-General Scott and
Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant Wilkinson, the officers who commanded the
two expeditions against the Wabash Indians in the months of June and
August last, together with the instructions by virtue of which the said
expeditions were undertaken. When the operations now depending shall be
terminated, the reports relative thereto shall also be laid before you.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _October 31, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I send you herewith the arrangement which has been made by me, pursuant
to the act entitled "An act repealing after the last day of June next
the duties heretofore laid upon distilled spirits imported from abroad
and laying others in their stead, and also upon spirits distilled within
the United States, and for appropriating the same," in respect to the
subdivision of the several districts created by the said act into
surveys of inspection, the appointment of officers for the same, and
the assignment of compensations.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _November 1, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I received yesterday from the judge of the district of South Carolina a
letter, inclosing the presentments of the grand jury to him, and stating
the causes which have prevented the return of the census from that
district, copies of which are now laid before you.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _November 10, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

The resolution passed at the last session of Congress, requesting the
President of the United States to cause an estimate to be laid before
Congress at their next session of the quantity and situation of the
lands not claimed by the Indians nor granted to nor claimed by any of
the citizens of the United States within the territory ceded to the
United States by the State of North Carolina and within the territory of
the United States northwest of the river Ohio, has been referred to the
Secretary of State, a copy of whose report on that subject I now lay
before you, together with the copy of a letter accompanying it.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _November 11, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I have received from the governor of Virginia a resolution of the
general assembly of that Commonwealth, ratifying the first article of
the amendments proposed by Congress to the Constitution of the United
States, a copy of which and of the letter accompanying it I now lay
before you.

Sundry papers relating to the purchase by Judge Symmes of the lands on
the Great Miami having been communicated to me, I have thought it proper
to lay the same before you for your information on that subject.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _December 12, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

It is with great concern that I communicate to you the information
received from Major-General St. Clair of the misfortune which has
befallen the troops under his command.

Although the national loss is considerable according to the scale of the
event, yet it may be repaired without great difficulty, excepting as to
the brave men who have fallen on the occasion, and who are a subject of
public as well as private regret.

A further communication will shortly be made of all such matters as
shall be necessary to enable the Legislature to judge of the future
measures which it may be proper to pursue.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _December 13, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I place before you the plan of a city that has been laid out within the
district of 10 miles square, which was fixed upon for the permanent seat
of the Government of the United States.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _December 20, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before you the copy of a letter which I have received from the
governor of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and of sundry documents
which accompanied it, relative to a contract for the purchase of a
certain tract of land bounding on Lake Erie, together with a copy of
a report of the Secretary of State on the same subject.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _December 30, 1791_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before you a copy of the ratification by the Commonwealth of
Virginia of the articles of amendment proposed by Congress to the
Constitution of the United States, and a copy of a letter which
accompanied said ratification from the governor of Virginia.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 11, 1792_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

I lay before you the following report, which has been made to me by the
Secretary of State:

DECEMBER 22, 1791.

The Secretary of State reports to the President of the United States
that one of the commissioners of Spain, in the name of both, has lately
communicated to him verbally, by order of his Court, that His Catholic
Majesty, apprised of our solicitude to have some arrangements made
respecting our free navigation of the river Mississippi and the use
of a port thereon, is ready to enter into treaty thereon at Madrid.

The Secretary of State is of opinion that this overture should be
attended to without delay, and that the proposal of treating at Madrid,
though not what might have been desired, should yet be accepted, and a
commission plenipotentiary made out for the purpose.

That Mr. Carmichael, the present chargé d'affaires of the United States
at Madrid, from the local acquaintance which he must have acquired with
persons and circumstances, would be an useful and proper member of the
commission, but that it would be useful also to join with him some
person more particularly acquainted with the circumstances of the
navigation to be treated of.

That the fund appropriated by the act providing the means of
intercourse between the United States and foreign nations will
insufficiently furnish the ordinary and regular demands on it, and is
consequently inadequate to the mission of an additional commissioner
express from hence.

That therefore it will be advisable on this account, as well as for
the sake of dispatch, to constitute some one of the ministers of the
United States in Europe, jointly with Mr. Carmichael, commissioners
plenipotentiary for the special purpose of negotiating and concluding
with any person or persons duly authorized by His Catholic Majesty a
convention or treaty for the free navigation of the river Mississippi
by the citizens of the United States under such accommodations with
respect to a port and other circumstances as may render the said
navigation practicable, useful, and free from dispute, saving to the
President and Senate their respective rights as to the ratification
of the same, and that the said negotiation be at Madrid, or such
other place in Spain as shall be desired by His Catholic Majesty.

TH. JEFFERSON.

In consequence of the communication from the Court of Spain, as stated
in the preceding report, I nominate William Carmichael, present chargé
d'affaires of the United States at Madrid, and William Short, present
chargé d'affaires of the United States at Paris, to be commissioners
plenipotentiary for negotiating and concluding with any person or
persons who shall be duly authorized by His Catholic Majesty a
convention or treaty concerning the navigation of the river Mississippi
by the citizens of the United States, saving to the President and
Senate their respective rights as to the ratification of the same.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 11, 1792_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before you, in confidence, two reports, made to me by the
Secretary for the Department of War, relatively to the present state
of affairs on the Western frontiers of the United States.

In these reports the causes of the present war with the Indians, the
measures taken by the Executive to terminate it amicably, and the
military preparations for the late campaign are stated and explained,
and also a plan suggested of such further measures on the occasion as
appear just and expedient.

I am persuaded, gentlemen, that you will take this important subject
into your immediate and serious consideration, and that the result of
your deliberations will be the adoption of such wise and efficient
measures as will reflect honor on our national councils and promote
the welfare of our country.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 18, 1792_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before you a copy of an exemplified copy of an act of the
legislature of Vermont, ratifying on behalf of that State the articles
of amendment proposed by Congress to the Constitution of the United
States together with a copy of a letter which accompanied said
ratification.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 18, 1792_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

I lay before you the communications of a deputation from the Cherokee
Nation of Indians now in this city, and I request your advice whether an
additional article shall be made to the Cherokee treaty to the following
effect, to wit:

That the sum to be paid annually by the United States to the Cherokee
Nation of Indians in consideration of the relinquishment of lands as
stated in the treaty made with them on the 2d day of July, 1791, shall
be $1,500 instead of $1,000 mentioned in the said treaty.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 23, 1792_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

Having received from the governor of Virginia a letter, inclosing a
resolution of the general assembly of that State and a report of a
committee of the House of Delegates respecting certain lands located by
the officers and soldiers of the Virginia line under the laws of that
State, and since ceded to the Chickasaw Indians, I lay copies of the
same before you, together with a report of the Secretary of State on
this subject.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 8, 1792_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

An article of expense having occurred in the Department of Foreign
Affairs for which no provision has been made by law, I lay before you a
letter from the Secretary of State explaining the same, in order that
you may do thereon what you shall find to be right.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 3, 1792_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before you a copy of a return of the number of inhabitants in the
district of South Carolina as made to me by the marshal thereof, and a
copy of a letter which accompanied said return.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 5, 1792_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

Knowing the friendly interest you take in whatever may promote the
happiness and prosperity of the French nation, it is with pleasure that
I lay before you the translation of a letter which I have received from
His Most Christian Majesty, announcing to the United States of America
his acceptance of the constitution presented to him by his nation.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

_Very Dear Great Friends and Allies_:

We make it our duty to inform you that we have accepted the constitution
which has been presented to us in the name of the nation, and according
to which France will be henceforth governed.

We do not doubt that you take an interest in an event so important
to our Kingdom and to us, and it is with real pleasure we take this
occasion to renew to you assurances of the sincere friendship we bear
you. Whereupon we pray God to have you, very dear great friends and
allies, in His just and holy keeping.

Written at Paris the 19th of September, 1791.

Your good friend and ally,

LOUIS.

MONTMORIN.

The UNITED STATES OF NORTH AMERICA.

UNITED STATES, _March 6, 1792_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

I lay before you the following report, which has been submitted to me by
the Secretary of State:

JANUARY 10, 1792.

The Secretary of State having received information that the merchants
and merchandise of the United States are subject in Copenhagen and other
ports of Denmark to considerable extra duties, from which they might
probably be relieved by the presence of a consul there--

Reports to the President of the United States that it would be expedient
to name a consul to be resident in the port of Copenhagen; that he has
not been able to find that there is any citizen of the United States
residing there; that there is a certain Hans Rudolph Saaby, a Danish
subject and merchant of that place, of good character, of wealth and
distinction, and well qualified and disposed to act there for the United
States, who would probably accept the commission of consul; but that
that of vice-consul, hitherto given by the President to foreigners in
ports where there was no proper American citizen, would probably not be
accepted because in this, as in some other ports of Europe, usage has
established it as a subordinate grade.

And that he is therefore of the opinion that the said Hans Rudolph Saaby
should be nominated consul of the United States of America for the port
of Copenhagen and such other places within the allegiance of His Danish
Majesty as shall be nearer to the said port than to the residence of
any other consul or vice-consul of the United States within the same
allegiance.

THOMAS JEFFERSON.

With a view to relieve the merchants and merchandise of the United
States from the extra duties to which they are or may be subjected in
the ports of Denmark, I have thought it for the interest of the United
States that a consul be appointed to reside at Copenhagen. I therefore
nominate Hans Rudolph Saaby, a Danish subject and merchant of
Copenhagen, to be consul for the United States of America at the port
of Copenhagen and for such other places within the allegiance of His
Danish Majesty as shall be nearer to the said port than to the residence
of any other consul or vice-consul of the United States within the same
allegiance.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 7, 1792_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

I submit to your consideration the report of the Secretary of State,
which accompanies this, stating the reasons for extending the
negotiation proposed at Madrid to the subject of commerce, and
explaining, under the form of instructions to the commissioners lately
appointed to that Court, the principles on which commercial arrangements
with Spain might, if desired on her part, be acceded to on ours; and
I have to request your decision whether you will advise and consent to
the extension of the powers of the commissioners as proposed, and to
the ratification of a treaty which shall conform to those instructions
should they enter into such a one with that Court.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

MARCH 7, 1792.

The Secretary of State having understood from communications with the
commissioners of His Catholic Majesty, subsequent to that which he
reported to the President on the 22d of December last, that though they
considered the navigation of the Mississippi as the principal object
of negotiation between the two countries, yet it was expected by their
Court that the conferences would extend to all the matters which were
under negotiation on the former occasion with Mr. Gardoqui, and
particularly to some arrangements of commerce, is of opinion that to
renew the conferences on this subject also, since they desire it, will
be but friendly and respectful, and can lead to nothing without our
own consent, and that to refuse it might obstruct the settlement of
the questions of navigation and boundary; and therefore reports to
the President of the United States the following observations and
instructions to the commissioners of the United States appointed to
negotiate with the Court of Spain a treaty or convention relative to
the navigation of the Mississippi, which observations and instructions
he is of opinion should be laid before the Senate of the United States,
and their decision be desired whether they will advise and consent that
a treaty be entered into by the commissioners of the United States with
Spain conformably thereto.

After stating to our commissioners the foundation of our rights to
navigate the Mississippi and to hold our southern boundary at the
thirty-first degree of latitude, and that each of these is to be a
sine qua non, it is proposed to add as follows:

On the former conferences on the navigation of the Mississippi, Spain
chose to blend with it the subject of commerce, and accordingly
specific propositions thereon passed between the negotiators. Her
object then was to obtain our renunciation of the navigation and to
hold out commercial arrangements perhaps as a lure to us. Perhaps,
however, she might then, and may now, really set a value on commercial
arrangements with us, and may receive them as a consideration for
accommodating us in the navigation, or may wish for them to have the
appearance of receiving a consideration. Commercial arrangements, if
acceptable in themselves, will not be the less so if coupled with
those relating to navigation and boundary. We have only to take care
that they be acceptable in themselves.

There are two principles which may be proposed as the basis of a
commercial treaty: First, that of exchanging the privileges of native
citizens, or, second, those of the most favored nation.

First. With the nations holding important possessions in America we
are ready to exchange the rights of native citizens, provided they
be extended through the whole possessions of both parties; but the
propositions of Spain made on the former occasion (a copy of which
accompanies this) were that we should give their merchants, vessels,
and productions the privileges of native merchants, vessels, and
productions through the whole of our possessions, and they give the
same to ours only in Spain and the Canaries. This is inadmissible,
because unequal; and as we believe that Spain is not ripe for an
equal exchange on this basis, we avoid proposing it.

Second. Though treaties which merely exchange the rights of the most
favored nations are not without all inconvenience, yet they have their
conveniences also. It is an important one that they leave each party
free to make what internal regulations they please, and to give what
preferences they find expedient to native merchants, vessels, and
productions; and as we already have treaties on this basis with
France, Holland, Sweden, and Prussia, the two former of which are
perpetual, it will be but small additional embarrassment to extend it
to Spain. On the contrary, we are sensible it is right to place that
nation on the most favored footing, whether we have a treaty with them
or not, and it can do us no harm to secure by treaty a reciprocation
of the right.

Of the four treaties before mentioned, either the French or the
Prussian might be taken as a model; but it would be useless to
propose the Prussian, because we have already supposed that Spain
would never consent to those articles which give to each party
access to all the dominions of the other; and without this equivalent
we would not agree to tie our own hands so materially in war as would
be done by the twenty-third article, which renounces the right of
fitting out privateers or of capturing merchant vessels. The French
treaty, therefore, is proposed as the model. In this, however, the
following changes are to be made:

We should be admitted to all the dominions of Spain to which any
other foreign nation is or may be admitted.

Article 5, being an exemption from a particular duty in France,
will of course be omitted as inapplicable to Spain.

Article 8 to be omitted as unnecessary with Morocco, and
inefficacious and little honorable with any of the Barbary powers;
but it may furnish occasion to sound Spain on the project of a
convention of the powers at war with the Barbary States to keep
up by rotation a constant cruise of a given force on their coasts
till they shall be compelled to renounce forever and against all
nations their predatory practices. Perhaps the infidelities of the
Algerines to their treaty of peace with Spain, though the latter
does not choose to break openly, may induce her to subsidize _us_
to cruise against them with a given force.

Articles 9 and 10, concerning fisheries, to be omitted as
inapplicable.

Article 11. The first paragraph of this article respecting the
droit d'aubaine to be omitted, that law being supposed peculiar
to France.

Article 17, giving asylum in the ports of either to the armed vessels
of the other with the prizes taken from the enemies of that other,
must be qualified as it is in the nineteenth article of the Prussian
treaty, as the stipulation in the latter part of the article that
"no shelter or refuge shall be given in the ports of the one to such
as shall have made prize on the subjects of the other of the parties"
would forbid us, in case of a war between France and Spain, to give
shelter in our ports to prizes made by the latter on the former,
while the first part of the article would oblige us to shelter those
made by the former on the latter--a very dangerous covenant, and which
ought never to be repeated in any other instance.

Article 29. Consuls should be received at all the ports at which the
vessels of either party may be received.

Article 30, concerning free ports in Europe and America, free ports in
the Spanish possessions in America, and particularly at The Havannah,
are more to be desired than expected. It can therefore only be
recommended to the best endeavors of the commissioners to obtain them.
It will be something to obtain for our vessels, flour, etc., admission
to those ports during their pleasure. In like manner, if they could be
prevailed on to reestablish our right of cutting logwood in the Bay of
Campeachy on the footing on which it stood before the treaty of 1763,
it would be desirable and not endanger to us any contest with the
English, who by the revolution treaty are restrained to the
southeastern parts of Yucatan.

Article 31. The _act_ of ratification on our part may require a
twelvemonth from the date of the treaty, as the Senate meets regularly
but once a year; and to return it to Madrid for _exchange_ may require
four months more.

The treaty must not exceed ---- years' duration, except the clauses
relating to boundary and the navigation of the Mississippi, which must
be perpetual and final. Indeed, these two subjects had better be in a
separate instrument.

There might have been mentioned a third species of arrangement--that
of making special agreements on every special subject of commerce,
and of settling a tariff of duty to be paid on each side on every
particular article; but this would require in our commissioners a
very minute knowledge of our commerce, as it is impossible to foresee
every proposition of this kind which might be brought into discussion
and to prepare them for it by information and instruction from hence.
Our commerce, too, is as yet rather in a course of experiment, and
the channels in which it will ultimately flow are not sufficiently
known to enable us to provide for it by special agreement; nor
have the exigencies of our new Government as yet so far developed
themselves as that we can know to what degree we may or must have
recourse to commerce for the purposes of revenue. No common
consideration, therefore, ought to induce us as yet to arrangements
of this kind. Perhaps nothing should do it with any nation short
of the privileges of natives in all their possessions, foreign and
domestic.

It were to be wished, indeed, that some positively favorable
stipulations respecting our grain, flour, and fish could be obtained,
even on our giving reciprocal advantages to some of the commodities
of Spain, say her wines and brandies; but,

First. If we quit the ground of the _most favored nation_ as to
certain articles for our convenience, Spain may insist on doing
the same for other articles for her convenience, and thus our
commissioners will get themselves on the ground of _a treaty of
detail_, for which they will not be prepared.

Second. If we grant favor to the wines and brandies of Spain, then
Portugal and France will demand the same; and in order to create an
equivalent Portugal may lay a duty on our fish and grain, and France
a prohibition on our whale oils, the removal of which will be proposed
as an equivalent.

Thus much, however, as to grain and flour may be attempted. There has
not long since been a considerable duty laid on them in Spain. This
was while a treaty on the subject of commerce was pending between us
and Spain, as that Court considers the matter. It is not generally
thought right to change the state of things pending a treaty
concerning them. On this consideration and on the motive of
cultivating our friendship, perhaps the commissioners may induce them
to restore this commodity to the footing on which it was on opening
the conferences with Mr. Gardoqui, on the 26th day of July, 1785. If
Spain says, "Do the same by your tonnage on our vessels," the answer
may be that "Our foreign tonnage affects Spain very little and other
nations very much; whereas the duty on flour in Spain affects us very
much and other nations very little; consequently there would be no
equality in reciprocal relinquishment, as there had been none in the
reciprocal innovation; and Spain, by insisting on this, would in fact
only be aiding the interests of her rival nations, to whom we should
be forced to extend the same indulgence." At the time of opening the
conferences, too, we had as yet not erected any system, our Government
itself being not yet erected. Innovation then was unavoidable on our
part, if it be innovation to establish a system. We did it on fair and
general ground, on ground favorable to Spain; but they had a system,
and therefore innovation was avoidable on their part.

THOMAS JEFFERSON.

ARTICLES PROPOSED BY DON DIEGO GARDOQUI TO BE INSERTED IN THE TREATY
WITH THE UNITED STATES.

First. That all commercial regulations affecting each other shall be
founded in perfect reciprocity. Spanish merchants shall enjoy all the
commercial privileges of native merchants in the United States, and
American merchants shall enjoy all the commercial privileges of native
merchants in the Kingdom of Spain and in the Canaries and other islands
belonging to and adjacent thereto. The same privileges shall extend to
their respective vessels and merchandise consisting of the manufactures
and products of their respective countries.

Second. Each party may establish consuls in the countries of the other
(excepting such provinces in Spain into which none have heretofore been
admitted, viz, Bilboa and Guipusca), with such powers and privileges as
shall be ascertained by a particular convention.

Third. That the bona fide manufactures and productions of the United
States (tobacco only excepted, which shall continue under its present
regulation) may be imported in American or Spanish vessels into any
parts of His Majesty's European dominions and islands aforesaid in like
manner as if they were the productions of Spain, and, on the other hand,
that the bona fide manufactures and productions of His Majesty's
dominions may be imported into the United States in Spanish or American
vessels in like manner as if they were the manufactures and productions
of the said States. And further, that all such duties and imposts as may
mutually be thought necessary to lay on them by either party shall be
ascertained and regulated on principles of exact reciprocity by a
tariff, to be formed by a convention for that purpose, to be negotiated
and made within _one_ year after the exchange of the ratification of
this treaty; and in the meantime that no other duties or imposts shall
be exacted from each other's merchants and ships than such as may be
payable by natives in like cases.

Fourth. That inasmuch as the United States, from not having mines of
gold and silver, may often want supplies of specie for a circulating
medium, His Catholic Majesty, as a proof of his good will, agrees to
order the masts and timber which may from time to time be wanted for his
royal navy to be purchased and paid for in specie in the United States,
provided the said masts and timber shall be of equal quality and when
brought to Spain shall not cost more than the like may there be had for
from other countries.

Fifth. It is agreed that the articles commonly inserted in other
treaties of commerce for mutual and reciprocal convenience shall be
inserted in this, and that this treaty and every article and stipulation
therein shall continue in full force for ----- years, to be computed
from the day of the date hereof.

UNITED STATES, _March 9, 1792_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I now lay before you a general account rendered by the bankers of the
United States at Amsterdam of the payments they had made between the
1st of July, 1790 and 1791, from the fund deposited in their hands for
the purposes of the act providing the means of intercourse between the
United States and foreign nations, and of the balance remaining in their
hands, together with a letter from the Secretary of State on the
subject.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 20, 1792_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

The several acts which have been passed relatively to the military
establishment of the United States and the protection of the
frontiers do not appear to have made provision for more than one
brigadier-general. It is incumbent upon me to observe that, with a view
merely to the organization of the troops designated by those acts,
a greater number of officers of that grade would, in my opinion, be
conducive to the good of the public service. But an increase of the
number becomes still more desirable in reference to a different
organization which is contemplated, pursuant to the authority vested
in me for that purpose, and which, besides other advantages expected
from it, is recommended by considerations of economy. I therefore
request that you will be pleased to take this subject into your early
consideration and to adopt such measures thereon as you shall judge
proper.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 23, 1792_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

At the conferences which Colonel Pickering had with the Five Nations at
the Painted Post the last year ideas were then held out of introducing
among them some of the primary principles of civilization, in
consequence of which, as well as more firmly to attach them to the
interests of the United States, they have been invited to the seat of
the General Government.

As the representation now here is respectable for its character and
influence, it is of some importance that the chiefs should be well
satisfied of the entire good faith and liberality of the United States.

In managing the affairs of the Indian tribes generally it appears proper
to teach them to expect annual presents, conditioned on the evidence of
their attachment to the interests of the United States. The situation of
the Five Nations and the present crisis of affairs would seem to render
the extension of this measure to them highly judicious. I therefore
request the advice of the Senate whether an article shall be stipulated
with the Five Nations to the following purport, to wit:

The United States, in order to promote the happiness of the Five Nations
of Indians, will cause to be expended annually the amount of $1,500 in
purchasing for them clothing, domestic animals, and implements of
husbandry, and for encouraging useful artificers to reside in their
villages,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

APRIL 13, 1792.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I have thought it proper to lay before you a communication of the 11th
instant from the minister plenipotentiary of Great Britain to the
Secretary of State, relative to the commerce of the two countries,
together with their explanatory correspondence and the Secretary of
State's letter to me on the subject,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _April 16, 1792_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before you a copy of a letter from the judges of the circuit court
of the United States held for the New York district, and of their
opinion and agreement respecting the "Act to provide for the settlement
of the claims of widows and orphans barred by the limitations heretofore
established, and to regulate the claims to invalid pensions."

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _April 21, 1792_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before you the copy of a letter which I have received from
the judges of the circuit court of the United States held for the
Pennsylvania district relatively to the "Act to provide for the
settlement of the claims of widows and orphans barred by the limitations
heretofore established, and to regulate the claims to invalid pensions."

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _May 8, 1792_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

If the President of the United States should conclude a convention or
treaty with the Government of Algiers for the ransom of the thirteen
Americans in captivity there for a sum not exceeding $40,000, all
expenses included, will the Senate approve the same? Or is there any,
and what, greater or lesser sum which they would fix on as the limit
beyond which they would not approve the ransom?

If the President of the United States should conclude a treaty with the
Government of Algiers for the establishment of peace with them, at an
expense not exceeding $25,000, paid at the signature, and a like sum to
be paid annually afterwards during the continuance of the treaty, would
the Senate approve the same? Or are there any greater or lesser sums
which they would fix on as the limits beyond which they would not
approve of such treaty?

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

VETO MESSAGE.

UNITED STATES, _April 5, 1792_.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

I have maturely considered the act passed by the two Houses entitled
"An act for an apportionment of Representatives among the several States
according to the first enumeration," and I return it to your House,
wherein it originated, with the following objections:

First. The Constitution has prescribed that Representatives shall be
apportioned among the several States according to their respective
numbers, and there is no one proportion or divisor which, applied to the
respective numbers of the States, will yield the number and allotment of
Representatives proposed by the bill.

Second. The Constitution has also provided that the number of
Representatives shall not exceed 1 for every 30,000, which restriction
is by the context and by fair and obvious construction to be applied to
the separate and respective numbers of the States; and the bill has
allotted to eight of the States more than 1 for every 30,000.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

PROCLAMATION.

[From Sparks's Washington, Vol. X, p. 532.]

Whereas certain violent and unwarrantable proceedings have lately taken
place tending to obstruct the operation of the laws of the United States
for raising a revenue upon spirits distilled within the same, enacted
pursuant to express authority delegated in the Constitution of the
United States, which proceedings are subversive of good order, contrary
to the duty that every citizen owes to his country and to the laws, and
of a nature dangerous to the very being of a government; and

Whereas such proceedings are the more unwarrantable by reason of the
moderation which has been heretofore shown on the part of the Government
and of the disposition which has been manifested by the Legislature (who
alone have authority to suspend the operation of laws) to obviate causes
of objection and to render the laws as acceptable as possible; and

Whereas it is the particular duty of the Executive "to take care that
the laws be faithfully executed," and not only that duty but the
permanent interests and happiness of the people require that every legal
and necessary step should be pursued as well to prevent such violent and
unwarrantable proceedings as to bring to justice the infractors of the
laws and secure obedience thereto:

Now, therefore, I, George Washington, President of the United States, do
by these presents most earnestly admonish and exhort all persons whom it
may concern to refrain and desist from all unlawful combinations and
proceedings whatsoever having for object or tending to obstruct the
operation of the laws aforesaid, inasmuch as all lawful ways and means
will be strictly put in execution for bringing to justice the infractors
thereof and securing obedience thereto.

And I do moreover charge and require all courts, magistrates, and
officers whom it may concern, according to the duties of their several
offices, to exert the powers in them respectively vested by law for the
purposes aforesaid, hereby also enjoining and requiring all persons
whomsoever, as they tender the welfare of their country, the just and
due authority of Government, and the preservation of the public peace,
to be aiding and assisting therein according to law.

In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States to be
affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand.

[SEAL.]

Done this 15th of September, A.D. 1792, and of the Independence of the
United States the seventeenth.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

FOURTH ANNUAL ADDRESS.

UNITED STATES, _November 6, 1792_.

_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

It is some abatement of the satisfaction with which I meet you on the
present occasion that, in felicitating you on a continuance of the
national prosperity generally, I am not able to add to it information
that the Indian hostilities which have for some time past distressed our
Northwestern frontier have terminated.

You will, I am persuaded, learn with no less concern than I
communicate it that reiterated endeavors toward effecting a pacification
have hitherto issued only in new and outrageous proofs of persevering
hostility on the part of the tribes with whom we are in contest.
An earnest desire to procure tranquillity to the frontier, to stop the
further effusion of blood, to arrest the progress of expense, to forward
the prevalent wish of the nation for peace has led to strenuous efforts
through various channels to accomplish these desirable purposes; in
making which efforts I consulted less my own anticipations of the event,
or the scruples which some considerations were calculated to inspire,
than the wish to find the object attainable, or if not attainable,
to ascertain unequivocally that such is the case.

A detail of the measures which have been pursued and of their
consequences, which will be laid before you, while it will confirm to
you the want of success thus far, will, I trust, evince that means as
proper and as efficacious as could have been devised have been employed.
The issue of some of them, indeed, is still depending, but a favorable
one, though not to be despaired of, is not promised by anything that has
yet happened.

In the course of the attempts which have been made some valuable
citizens have fallen victims to their zeal for the public service. A
sanction commonly respected even among savages has been found in this
instance insufficient to protect from massacre the emissaries of peace.
It will, I presume, be duly considered whether the occasion does not
call for an exercise of liberality toward the families of the deceased.

It must add to your concern to be informed that, besides the
continuation of hostile appearances among the tribes north of the Ohio,
some threatening symptoms have of late been revived among some of those
south of it.

A part of the Cherokees, known by the name of Chickamaugas, inhabiting
five villages on the Tennessee River, have long been in the practice of
committing depredations on the neighboring settlements.

It was hoped that the treaty of Holston, made with the Cherokee Nation
in July, 1791, would have prevented a repetition of such depredations;
but the event has not answered this hope. The Chickamaugas, aided
by some banditti of another tribe in their vicinity, have recently
perpetrated wanton and unprovoked hostilities upon the citizens of the
United States in that quarter. The information which has been received
on this subject will be laid before you. Hitherto defensive precautions
only have been strictly enjoined and observed.

It is not understood that any breach of treaty or aggression whatsoever
on the part of the United States or their citizens is even alleged as a
pretext for the spirit of hostility in this quarter.

I have reason to believe that every practicable exertion has been made
(pursuant to the provision by law for that purpose) to be prepared for
the alternative of a prosecution of the war in the event of a failure of
pacific overtures. A large proportion of the troops authorized to be
raised have been recruited, though the number is still incomplete, and
pains have been taken to discipline and put them in condition for the
particular kind of service to be performed. A delay of operations
(besides being dictated by the measures which were pursuing toward a
pacific termination of the war) has been in itself deemed preferable to
immature efforts. A statement from the proper department with regard
to the number of troops raised, and some other points which have been
suggested, will afford more precise information as a guide to the
legislative consultations, and among other things will enable Congress
to judge whether some additional stimulus to the recruiting service may
not be advisable.

In looking forward to the future expense of the operations which may be
found inevitable I derive consolation from the information I receive
that the product of the revenues for the present year is likely to
supersede the necessity of additional burthens on the community for the
service of the ensuing year. This, however, will be better ascertained
in the course of the session, and it is proper to add that the
information alluded to proceeds upon the supposition of no material
extension of the spirit of hostility.

I can not dismiss the subject of Indian affairs without again
recommending to your consideration the expediency of more adequate
provision for giving energy to the laws throughout our interior frontier
and for restraining the commission of outrages upon the Indians, without
which all pacific plans must prove nugatory. To enable, by competent
rewards, the employment of qualified and trusty persons to reside among
them as agents would also contribute to the preservation of peace and
good neighborhood. If in addition to these expedients an eligible plan
could be devised for promoting civilization among the friendly tribes
and for carrying on trade with them upon a scale equal to their wants
and under regulations calculated to protect them from imposition and
extortion, its influence in cementing their interest with ours could
not but be considerable.

The prosperous state of our revenue has been intimated. This would be
still more the case were it not for the impediments which in some places
continue to embarrass the collection of the duties on spirits distilled
within the United States. These impediments have lessened and are
lessening in local extent, and, as applied to the community at large,
the contentment with the law appears to be progressive.

But symptoms of increased opposition having lately manifested themselves
in certain quarters, I judged a special interposition on my part proper
and advisable, and under this impression have issued a proclamation
warning against all unlawful combinations and proceedings having for
their object or tending to obstruct the operation of the law in
question, and announcing that all lawful ways and means would be
strictly put in execution for bringing to justice the infractors
thereof and securing obedience thereto.

Measures have also been taken for the prosecution of offenders, and
Congress may be assured that nothing within constitutional and legal
limits which may depend upon me shall be wanting to assert and maintain
the just authority of the laws. In fulfilling this trust I shall count
entirely upon the full cooperation of the other departments of the
Government and upon the zealous support of all good citizens.

I can not forbear to bring again into the view of the Legislature the
subject of a revision of the judiciary system. A representation from the
judges of the Supreme Court, which will be laid before you, points out
some of the inconveniences that are experienced. In the course of the
execution of the laws considerations arise out of the structure of that
system which in some cases tend to relax their efficacy. As connected
with this subject, provisions to facilitate the taking of bail upon
processes out of the courts of the United States and a supplementary
definition of offenses against the Constitution and laws of the Union
and of the punishment for such offenses will, it is presumed, be found
worthy of particular attention.

Observations on the value of peace with other nations are unnecessary.
It would be wise, however, by timely provisions to guard against those
acts of our own citizens which might tend to disturb it, and to put
ourselves in a condition to give that satisfaction to foreign nations
which we may sometimes have occasion to require from them. I
particularly recommend to your consideration the means of preventing
those aggressions by our citizens on the territory of other nations, and
other infractions of the law of nations, which, furnishing just subject
of complaint, might endanger our peace with them; and, in general, the
maintenance of a friendly intercourse with foreign powers will be
presented to your attention by the expiration of the law for that
purpose, which takes place, if not renewed, at the close of the present
session.

In execution of the authority given by the Legislature measures have
been taken for engaging some artists from abroad to aid in the
establishment of our mint. Others have been employed at home. Provision
has been made of the requisite buildings, and these are now putting into
proper condition for the purposes of the establishment. There has also
been a small beginning in the coinage of half dimes, the want of small
coins in circulation calling the first attention to them.

The regulation of foreign coins in correspondency with the principles
of our national coinage, as being essential to their due operation
and to order in our money concerns, will, I doubt not, be resumed and
completed.

It is represented that some provisions in the law which establishes
the post-office operate, in experiment, against the transmission of
newspapers to distant parts of the country. Should this, upon due
inquiry, be found to be the fact, a full conviction of the importance of
facilitating the circulation of political intelligence and information
will, I doubt not, lead to the application of a remedy.

The adoption of a constitution for the State of Kentucky has been
notified to me. The Legislature will share with me in the satisfaction
which arises from an event interesting to the happiness of the part of
the nation to which it relates and conducive to the general order.

It is proper likewise to inform you that since my last communication
on the subject, and in further execution of the acts severally making
provision for the public debt and for the reduction thereof, three new
loans have been effected, each for 3,000,000 florins--one at Antwerp, at
the annual interest of 4-1/2 per cent, with an allowance of 4 per cent
in lieu of all charges, and the other two at Amsterdam, at the annual
interest of 4 per cent, with an allowance of 5-1/2 per cent in one case
and of 5 per cent in the other in lieu of all charges. The rates of
these loans and the circumstances under which they have been made are
confirmations of the high state of our credit abroad.

Among the objects to which these funds have been directed to be applied,
the payment of the debts due to certain foreign officers, according to
the provision made during the last session, has been embraced.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

I entertain a strong hope that the state of the national finances is
now sufficiently matured to enable you to enter upon a systematic and
effectual arrangement for the regular redemption and discharge of the
public debt, according to the right which has been reserved to the
Government. No measure can be more desirable, whet her viewed with an
eye to its intrinsic importance or to the general sentiment and wish
of the nation.

Provision is likewise requisite for the reimbursement of the loan which
has been made of the Bank of the United States, pursuant to the eleventh
section of the act by which it is incorporated. In fulfilling the public
stipulations in this particular it is expected a valuable saving will
be made.

Appropriations for the current service of the ensuing year and for such
extraordinaries as may require provision will demand, and I doubt not
will engage, your early attention.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I content myself with recalling your attention generally to such
objects, not particularized in my present, as have been suggested
in my former communications to you.

Various temporary laws will expire during the present session. Among
these, that which regulates trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes
will merit particular notice.

The results of your common deliberations hitherto will, I trust, be
productive of solid and durable advantages to our constituents, such
as, by conciliating more and more their ultimate suffrage, will tend
to strengthen and confirm their attachment to that Constitution of
Government upon which, under Divine Providence, materially depend their
union, their safety, and their happiness.

Still further to promote and secure these inestimable ends there is
nothing which can have a more powerful tendency than the careful
cultivation of harmony, combined with a due regard to stability,
in the public councils.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

ADDRESS OF THE SENATE TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES.

The PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

Accept, sir, our grateful acknowledgments for your address at the
opening of the present session. We participate with you in the
satisfaction arising from the continuance of the general prosperity of
the nation, but it is not without the most sincere concern that we are
informed that the reiterated efforts which have been made to establish
peace with the hostile Indians have hitherto failed to accomplish that
desired object. Hoping that the measures still depending may prove more
successful than those which have preceded them, we shall nevertheless
concur in every necessary preparation for the alternative, and should
the Indians on either side of the Ohio persist in their hostilities,
fidelity to the Union, as well as affection for our fellow-citizens on
the frontiers, will insure our decided cooperation in every measure
which shall be deemed requisite for their protection and safety.

At the same time that we avow the obligation of the Government to afford
its protection to every part of the Union, we can not refrain from
expressing our regret that even a small portion of our fellow-citizens
in any quarter of it should have combined to oppose the operation of the
law for the collection of duties on spirits distilled within the United
States, a law repeatedly sanctioned by the authority of the nation, and
at this juncture materially connected with the safety and protection of
those who oppose it. Should the means already adopted fail in securing
obedience to this law, such further measures as may be thought necessary
to carry the same into complete operation can not fail to receive the
approbation of the Legislature and the support of every patriotic
citizen.

It yields us particular pleasure to learn that the productiveness of the
revenue of the present year will probably supersede the necessity of any
additional tax for the service of the next.

The organization of the government of the State of Kentucky being an
event peculiarly interesting to a part of our fellow-citizens and
conducive to the general order, affords us particular satisfaction.

We are happy to learn that the high state of our credit abroad has been
evinced by the terms on which the new loans have been negotiated.

In the course of the session we shall proceed to take into consideration
the several objects which you have been pleased to recommend to our
attention, and keeping in view the importance of union and stability in
the public councils, we shall labor to render our decisions conducive to
the safety and happiness of our country.

We repeat with pleasure our assurances of confidence in your
Administration and our ardent wish that your unabated zeal for the
public good may be rewarded by the durable prosperity of the nation,
and every ingredient of personal happiness.

JOHN LANGDON,

_President pro tempore_.

NOVEMBER 9, 1792.

REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

I derive much pleasure, gentlemen, from your very satisfactory address.
The renewed assurances of your confidence in my Administration and the
expression of your wish for my personal happiness claim and receive
my particular acknowledgments. In my future endeavor for the public
welfare, to which my duty may call me, I shall not cease to count
upon the firm, enlightened, and patriotic support of the Senate.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

NOVEMBER 9, 1792.

ADDRESS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT
OF THE UNITED STATES.

SIR: The House of Representatives, who always feel a satisfaction
in meeting you, are much concerned that the occasion for mutual
felicitation afforded by the circumstances favorable to the national
prosperity should be abated by a continuance of the hostile spirit of
many of the Indian tribes, and particularly that the reiterated efforts
for effecting a general pacification with them should have issued in
new proofs of their persevering enmity and the barbarous sacrifice of
citizens who, as the messengers of peace, were distinguishing themselves
by their zeal for the public service. In our deliberations on this
important department of our affairs we shall be disposed to pursue every
measure that may be dictated by the sincerest desire, on one hand, of
cultivating peace and manifesting by every practicable regulation our
benevolent regard for the welfare of those misguided people, and by the
duty we feel, on the other, to provide effectually for the safety and
protection of our fellow-citizens.

While with regret we learn that symptoms of opposition to the law
imposing duties on spirits distilled within the United States have
manifested themselves, we reflect with consolation that they are
confined to a small portion of our fellow-citizens. It is not more
essential to the preservation of true liberty that a government should
be always ready to listen to the representations of its constituents and
to accommodate its measures to the sentiments and wishes of every part
of them, as far as will consist with the good of the whole, than it is
that the just authority of the laws should be steadfastly maintained.
Under this impression every department of the Government and all good
citizens must approve the measures you have taken and the purpose you
have formed to execute this part of your trust with firmness and energy;
and be assured, sir, of every constitutional aid and cooperation which
may become requisite on our part. And we hope that, while the progress
of contentment under the law in question is as obvious as it is
rational, no particular part of the community may be permitted to
withdraw from the general burthens of the country by a conduct as
irreconcilable to national justice as it is inconsistent with public
decency.

The productive state of the public revenue and the confirmation of the
credit of the United States abroad, evinced by the loans at Antwerp
and Amsterdam, are communications the more gratifying as they enforce
the obligation to enter on systematic and effectual arrangements for
discharging the public debt as fast as the conditions of it will permit,
and we take pleasure in the opportunity to assure you of our entire
concurrence in the opinion that no measure can be more desirable,
whether viewed with an eye to the urgent wish of the community or the
intrinsic importance of promoting so happy a change in our situation.

The adoption of a constitution for the State of Kentucky is an event
on which we join in all the satisfaction you have expressed. It may be
considered as particularly interesting since, besides the immediate
benefits resulting from it, it is another auspicious demonstration of
the facility and success with which an enlightened people is capable of
providing, by free and deliberate plans of government, for their own
safety and happiness.

The operation of the law establishing the post-office, as it relates
to the transmission of newspapers, will merit our particular inquiry
and attention, the circulation of political intelligence through these
vehicles being justly reckoned among the surest means of preventing
the degeneracy of a free government, as well as of recommending every
salutary public measure to the confidence and cooperation of all
virtuous citizens.

The several other matters which you have communicated and
recommended will in their order receive the attention due to them,
and our discussions will in all cases, we trust, be guided by a proper
respect for harmony and stability in the public councils and a desire
to conciliate more and more the attachment of our constituents to the
Constitution, by measures accommodated to the true ends for which it
was established.

NOVEMBER 10, 1792.

REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

GENTLEMEN: It gives me pleasure to express to you the satisfaction
which your address affords me. I feel, as I ought, the approbation you
manifest of the measures I have taken and the purpose I have formed to
maintain, pursuant to the trust reposed in me by the Constitution, the
respect which is due to the laws, and the assurance which you at the
same time give me of every constitutional aid and cooperation that may
become requisite on your part.

This is a new proof of that enlightened solicitude for the establishment
and confirmation of public order which, embracing a zealous regard for
the principles of true liberty, has guided the deliberations of the
House of Representatives, a perseverance in which can alone secure,
under the divine blessing, the real and permanent felicity of our
common country.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

NOVEMBER 12, 1792.

SPECIAL MESSAGES.

UNITED STATES, _November 7, 1792_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

In pursuance of the law, I now lay before you a statement of the
administration of the funds appropriated to certain foreign purposes,
together with a letter from the Secretary of State explaining the same.

I also lay before you a copy of a letter and representation from the
Chief Justice and associate judges of the Supreme Court of the United
States, stating the difficulties and inconveniences which attend the
discharge of their duties according to the present judiciary system.

A copy of a letter from the judges attending the circuit court of the
United States for the North Carolina district in June last, containing
their observations on an act, passed during the last session of
Congress, entitled "An act to provide for the settlement of the claims
of widows and orphans barred by the limitations heretofore established,
and to regulate the claims to invalid pensions;" and

A copy of the constitution formed for the State of Kentucky.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _November 9, 1792_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I now lay before you a letter from the Secretary of State, covering
the copy of one from the governor of Virginia, with the several papers
therein referred to, on the subject of the boundary between that State
and the territory of the United States south of the Ohio. It will remain
with the Legislature to take such measures as it shall think best for
settling the said boundary with that State, and at the same time, if it
thinks proper, for extending the settlement to the State of Kentucky,
between which and the same territory the boundary is as yet
undetermined.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _November 22, 1792_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I send you herewith the abstract of a supplementary arrangement which
has been made by me, pursuant to the acts of the 3d day of March, 1791,
and the 8th day of May, 1792, for raising a revenue upon foreign and
domestic distilled spirits, in respect to the subdivisions and officers
which have appeared to me necessary and to the allowances for their
respective services to the supervisors, inspectors, and other officers
of inspection, together with the estimates of the amount of
compensations and charges.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _December 6, 1792_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

The several measures which have been pursued to induce the hostile
Indian tribes north of the Ohio to enter into a conference or treaty
with the United States at which all causes of difference might be fully
understood and justly and amicably arranged have already been submitted
to both Houses of Congress.

The papers herewith sent will inform you of the result.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _December 7, 1792_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before you two letters, with their inclosures, from the governor
of the Southwestern territory, and an extract of a letter to him from
the Department of War.

These and a letter of the 9th of October last, which has been already
communicated to you, from the same Department to the governor, will shew
in what manner the first section of the act of the last session which
provides for calling out the militia for the repelling of Indian
invasions has been executed. It remains to be considered by Congress
whether in the present situation of the United States it be advisable or
not to pursue any further or other measures than those which have been
already adopted. The nature of the subject does of itself call for your
immediate attention to it, and I must add that upon the result of your
deliberations the future conduct of the Executive will on this occasion
materially depend.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 23, 1793_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

Since my last communication to you on the subject of the revenue on
distilled spirits it has been found necessary, on experience, to revise
and amend the arrangements relative thereto in regard to certain surveys
and the officers thereof in the district of North Carolina, which I have
done accordingly in the manner following:

First. The several counties of the said district originally and
heretofore contained within the first, second, and third surveys have
been allotted into and are now contained in two surveys, one of which
(to be hereafter denominated the first) comprehends the town of
Wilmington and the counties of Onslow, New Hanover, Brunswick,
Robertson, Sampson, Craven, Jones, Lenox, Glascow, Johnston, and Wayne,
and the other of which (to be hereafter denominated the second)
comprehends the counties of Kurrituck, Camden, Pasquotank, Perquimans,
Chowan, Gates, Hartford, Tyrrel, Bertie, Carteret, Hyde, Beaufort,
and Pitt.

Secondly. The several counties of the said district originally and
heretofore contained within the fifth survey of the district aforesaid
has been allotted into and is contained in two surveys, one of which
(to be hereafter denominated the third) comprehends the counties of
Mecklenburg, Rowan, Iredell, Montgomery, Guilford, Rockingham, Stokes,
and Surrey, and the other of which (to be hereafter denominated the
fifth) comprehends the counties of Lincoln, Rutherford, Burke, Buncombe,
and Wilkes.

Thirdly. The duties of the inspector of the revenue in and for the
third survey as constituted above is to be performed for the present
by the supervisor.

Fourthly. The compensations of the inspector of the revenue for the
first survey as above constituted are to be a salary of $250 per annum
and commissions and other emoluments similar to those heretofore allowed
to the inspector of the late first survey as it was originally
constituted.

Fifthly. The compensations of the inspector of the revenue for the
second survey as above constituted are to be a salary of $100 per annum
and the commissions and other emoluments heretofore allowed to the
inspector of the late third survey as it was originally constituted.

Sixthly. The compensations of the inspector of the revenue for the fifth
survey as above constituted are to be a salary of $120 per annum and the
commissions and other emoluments similar to those heretofore allowed to
the inspector of the late fifth survey as it was originally constituted.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 25, 1793_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before you an official statement of the expenditure to the year
1792 from the sum of $10,000, granted to defray the contingent expenses
of Government by an act passed on the 26th of March, 1790.

Also an abstract of a supplementary arrangement made in the district of
North Carolina in regard to certain surveys to facilitate the execution
of the law laying a duty on distilled spirits.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 13, 1793_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

I lay before you for your consideration and advice a treaty of peace
and friendship made and concluded on the 27th day of September, 1792,
by Brigadier-General Rufus Putnam, in behalf of the United States, with
the Wabash and Illinois tribes of Indians, and also the proceedings
attending the said treaty, the explanation of the fourth article
thereof, and a map explanatory of the reservation to the French
inhabitants and the general claim of the said Indians.

In connection with this subject I also lay before the Senate the copy of
a paper which has been delivered by a man by the name of John Baptiste
Mayeé, who has accompanied the Wabash Indians at present in this city.

It will appear by the certificate of Brigadier-General Putnam that the
Wabash Indians disclaimed the validity of the said paper, excepting a
certain tract upon the Wabash, as mentioned in the proceedings.

The instructions to Brigadier-General Putnam of the 22d of May, together
with a letter to him of the 7th of August, 1792, were laid before the
Senate on the 7th of November, 1792.

After the Senate shall have considered this treaty, I request that they
would give me their advice whether the same shall be ratified and
confirmed; and if to be ratified and confirmed, whether it would not be
proper, in order to prevent any misconception hereafter of the fourth
article, to guard in the ratification the exclusive preemption of the
United States to the lands of the said Indians.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 18, 1793_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I now lay before you a report and plat of the territory of the United
States on the Potomac as given in by the commissioners of that
territory, together with a letter from the Secretary of State which
accompanied them. These papers, being original, are to be again
deposited with the records of the Department of State after having
answered the purpose of your information.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 19, 1793_.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

It has been agreed on the part of the United States that a treaty or
conference shall be held at the ensuing season with the hostile Indians
northwest of the Ohio, in order to remove, if possible, all causes of
difference and to establish a solid peace with them.

As the estimates heretofore presented to the House for the current year
did not contemplate this object, it will be proper that an express
provision be made by law as well for the general expenses of the treaty
as to establish the compensation to be allowed the commissioners who
shall be appointed for the purpose.

I shall therefore direct the Secretary of War to lay before you an
estimate of the expenses which may probably attend this measure.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 27, 1793_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before you a copy of an exemplification of an act of the
legislature of New York ceding to the United States the jurisdiction of
certain lands on Montauk Point for the purpose mentioned in said act,
and the copy of a letter from the governor of New York to the Secretary
of State, which accompanied said exemplification.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 28, 1793_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

I was led by a consideration of the qualifications of William Patterson,
of New Jersey, to nominate him an associate justice of the Supreme Court
of the United States. It has since occurred that he was a member of the
Senate when the law creating that office was passed, and that the time
for which he was elected is not yet expired. I think it my duty,
therefore, to declare that I deem the nomination to have been null
by the Constitution.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

PROCLAMATIONS.

[From Freneau's National Gazette of December 15, 1792.]

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

Whereas I have received authentic information that certain lawless and
wicked persons of the western frontier in the State of Georgia did
lately invade, burn, and destroy a town belonging to the Cherokee
Nation, although in amity with the United States, and put to death
several Indians of that nation; and

Whereas such outrageous conduct not only violates the rights of
humanity, but also endangers the public peace, and it highly becomes the
honor and good faith of the United States to pursue all legal means for
the punishment of those atrocious offenders:

I have therefore thought fit to issue this my proclamation, hereby
exhorting all the citizens of the United States and requiring all the
officers thereof, according to their respective stations, to use their
utmost endeavors to apprehend and bring those offenders to justice.
And I do moreover offer a reward of $500 for each and every of the
above-named persons who shall be so apprehended and brought to justice
and shall be proved to have assumed or exercised any command or
authority among the perpetrators of the crimes aforesaid at the time
of committing the same.

In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States to be
affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Philadelphia, the 12th day of December, A.D. 1792,
and of the Independence of the United States the seventeenth.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

By the President:
THOMAS JEFFERSON.

[From Annuals of Congress, Second Congress, 666.]

MARCH 1, 1793.

_The President of the United States to the President of the Senate_:

Certain matters touching the public good requiring that the Senate
shall be convened on Monday, the 4th instant, I have desired their
attendance, as I do yours, by these presents, at the Senate Chamber, in
Philadelphia, on that day, then and there to receive and deliberate
on such communications as shall be made to you on my part.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS.

IN THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA, PA.

Fellow-citizens: I am again called upon by the voice of my country to
execute the functions of its Chief Magistrate. When the occasion proper
for it shall arrive, I shall endeavor to express the high sense I
entertain of this distinguished honor, and of the confidence which has
been reposed in me by the people of united America.

Previous to the execution of any official act of the President the
Constitution requires an oath of office. This oath I am now about
to take, and in your presence: That if it shall be found during my
administration of the Government I have in any instance violated
willingly or knowingly the injunctions thereof, I may (besides incurring
constitutional punishment) be subject to the upbraidings of all who are
now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.

MARCH 4, 1793.

FIFTH ANNUAL ADDRESS.

PHILADELPHIA, _December 3, 1793_.

_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

Since the commencement of the term for which I have been again
called into office no fit occasion has arisen for expressing to my
fellow-citizens at large the deep and respectful sense which I feel of
the renewed testimony of public approbation. While on the one hand it
awakened my gratitude for all those instances of affectionate partiality
with which I have been honored by my country, on the other it could
not prevent an earnest wish for that retirement from which no private
consideration should ever have torn me. But influenced by the belief
that my conduct would be estimated according to its real motives, and
that the people, and the authorities derived from them, would support
exertions having nothing personal for their object, I have obeyed the
suffrage which commanded me to resume the Executive power; and I humbly
implore that Being on whose will the fate of nations depends to crown
with success our mutual endeavors for the general happiness.

As soon as the war in Europe had embraced those powers with whom the
United States have the most extensive relations there was reason to
apprehend that our intercourse with them might be interrupted and our
disposition for peace drawn into question by the suspicions too often
entertained by belligerent nations. It seemed, therefore, to be my duty
to admonish our citizens of the consequences of a contraband trade and
of hostile acts to any of the parties, and to obtain by a declaration of
the existing legal state of things an easier admission of our right to
the immunities belonging to our situation. Under these impressions the
proclamation which will be laid before you was issued.

In this posture of affairs, both new and delicate, I resolved to adopt
general rules which should conform to the treaties and assert the
privileges of the United States. These were reduced into a system, which
will be communicated to you. Although I have not thought myself at
liberty to forbid the sale of the prizes permitted by our treaty of
commerce with France to be brought into our ports, I have not refused to
cause them to be restored when they were taken within the protection of
our territory, or by vessels commissioned or equipped in a warlike form
within the limits of the United States.

It rests with the wisdom of Congress to correct, improve, or enforce
this plan of procedure; and it will probably be found expedient to
extend the legal code and the jurisdiction of the courts of the United
States to many cases which, though dependent on principles already
recognized, demand some further provisions.

Where individuals shall, within the United States, array themselves
in hostility against any of the powers at war, or enter upon military
expeditions or enterprises within the jurisdiction of the United States,
or usurp and exercise judicial authority within the United States, or
where the penalties on violations of the law of nations may have been
indistinctly marked, or are inadequate--these offenses can not receive
too early and close an attention, and require prompt and decisive
remedies.

Whatsoever those remedies may be, they will be well administered by
the judiciary, who possess a long-established course of investigation,
effectual process, and officers in the habit of executing it.

In like manner, as several of the courts have doubted, under particular
circumstances, their power to liberate the vessels of a nation at peace,
and even of a citizen of the United States, although seized under a
false color of being hostile property, and have denied their power to
liberate certain captures within the protection of our territory, it
would seem proper to regulate their jurisdiction in these points. But if
the Executive is to be the resort in either of the two last-mentioned
cases, it is hoped that he will be authorized by law to have facts
ascertained by the courts when for his own information he shall
request it.

I can not recommend to your notice measures for the fulfillment of our
duties to the rest of the world without again pressing upon you the
necessity of placing ourselves in a condition of complete defense and of
exacting from them the fulfillment of their duties toward us. The United
States ought not to indulge a persuasion that, contrary to the order of
human events, they will forever keep at a distance those painful appeals
to arms with which the history of every other nation abounds. There is
a rank due to the United States among nations which will be withheld,
if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. If we desire to
avoid insult, we must be able to repel it; if we desire to secure peace,
one of the most powerful instruments of our rising prosperity, it must
be known that we are at all times ready for war. The documents which
will be presented to you will shew the amount and kinds of arms and
military stores now in our magazines and arsenals; and yet an addition
even to these supplies can not with prudence be neglected, as it would
leave nothing to the uncertainty of procuring of warlike apparatus in
the moment of public danger.

Nor can such arrangements, with such objects, be exposed to the censure
or jealousy of the warmest friends of republican government. They are
incapable of abuse in the hands of the militia, who ought to possess
a pride in being the depository of the force of the Republic, and may
be trained to a degree of energy equal to every military exigency of
the United States. But it is an inquiry which can not be too solemnly
pursued, whether the act "more effectually to provide for the national
defense by establishing an uniform militia throughout the United States"
has organized them so as to produce their full effect; whether your own
experience in the several States has not detected some imperfections in
the scheme, and whether a material feature in an improvement of it ought
not to be to afford an opportunity for the study of those branches of
the military art which can scarcely ever be attained by practice alone.

The connection of the United States with Europe has become extremely
interesting. The occurrences which relate to it and have passed under
the knowledge of the Executive will be exhibited to Congress in a
subsequent communication.

When we contemplate the war on our frontiers, it may be truly affirmed
that every reasonable effort has been made to adjust the causes of
dissension with the Indians north of the Ohio. The instructions given
to the commissioners evince a moderation and equity proceeding from a
sincere love of peace, and a liberality having no restriction but the
essential interests and dignity of the United States. The attempt,
however, of an amicable negotiation having been frustrated, the troops
have marched to act offensively. Although the proposed treaty did not
arrest the progress of military preparation, it is doubtful how far the
advance of the season, before good faith justified active movements,
may retard them during the remainder of the year. From the papers and
intelligence which relate to this important subject you will determine
whether the deficiency in the number of troops granted by law shall be
compensated by succors of militia, or additional encouragements shall
be proposed to recruits.

An anxiety has been also demonstrated by the Executive for peace with
the Creeks and the Cherokees. The former have been relieved with corn
and with clothing, and offensive measures against them prohibited
during the recess of Congress. To satisfy the complaints of the latter,
prosecutions have been instituted for the violences committed upon them.
But the papers which will be delivered to you disclose the critical
footing on which we stand in regard to both those tribes, and it is
with Congress to pronounce what shall be done.

After they shall have provided for the present emergency, it will merit
their most serious labors to render tranquillity with the savages
permanent by creating ties of interest. Next to a rigorous execution of
justice on the violators of peace, the establishment of commerce with
the Indian nations in behalf of the United States is most likely to
conciliate their attachment. But it ought to be conducted without fraud,
without extortion, with constant and plentiful supplies, with a ready
market for the commodities of the Indians and a stated price for what
they give in payment and receive in exchange. Individuals will not
pursue such a traffic unless they be allured by the hope of profit; but
it will be enough for the United States to be reimbursed only. Should
this recommendation accord with the opinion of Congress, they will
recollect that it can not be accomplished by any means yet in the hands
of the Executive.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

The commissioners charged with the settlement of accounts between the
United States and individual States concluded their important functions
within the time limited by law, and the balances struck in their report,
which will be laid before Congress, have been placed on the books of
the Treasury.

On the 1st day of June last an installment of 1,000,000 florins became
payable on the loans of the United States in Holland. This was adjusted
by a prolongation of the period of reimbursement in nature of a new loan
at an interest of 5 per cent for the term of ten years, and the expenses
of this operation were a commission of 3 per cent.

The first installment of the loan of $2,000,000 from the Bank of the
United States has been paid, as was directed by law. For the second it
is necessary that provision should be made.

No pecuniary consideration is more urgent than the regular redemption
and discharge of the public debt. On none can delay be more injurious
or an economy of time more valuable.

The productiveness of the public revenues hitherto has continued to
equal the anticipations which were formed of it, but it is not expected
to prove commensurate with all the objects which have been suggested.
Some auxiliary provisions will therefore, it is presumed, be requisite,
and it is hoped that these may be made consistently with a due regard to
the convenience of our citizens, who can not but be sensible of the true
wisdom of encountering a small present addition to their contributions
to obviate a future accumulation of burthens.

But here I can not forbear to recommend a repeal of the tax on the
transportation of public prints. There is no resource so firm for the
Government of the United States as the affections of the people, guided
by an enlightened policy; and to this primary good nothing can conduce
more than a faithful representation of public proceedings, diffused
without restraint throughout the United States.

An estimate of the appropriations necessary for the current service of
the ensuing year and a statement of a purchase of arms and military
stores made during the recess will be presented to Congress.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

The several subjects to which I have now referred open a wide range to
your deliberations and involve some of the choicest interests of our
common country. Permit me to bring to your remembrance the magnitude
of your task. Without an unprejudiced coolness the welfare of the
Government may be hazarded; without harmony as far as consists with
freedom of sentiment its dignity may be lost. But as the legislative
proceedings of the United States will never, I trust, be reproached
for the want of temper or of candor, so shall not the public happiness
languish from the want of my strenuous and warmest cooperation.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

ADDRESS OF THE SENATE TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES.

The PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

Accept, sir, the thanks of the Senate for your speech delivered to both
Houses of Congress at the opening of the session. Your reelection to
the Chief Magistracy of the United States gives us sincere pleasure.
We consider it as an event every way propitious to the happiness of
our country, and your compliance with the call as a fresh instance of
the patriotism which has so repeatedly led you to sacrifice private
inclination to the public good. In the unanimity which a second time
marks this important national act we trace with particular satisfaction,
besides the distinguished tribute paid to the virtues and abilities
which it recognizes, another proof of that just discernment and
constancy of sentiments and views which have hitherto characterized
the citizens of the United States.

As the European powers with whom the United States have the most
extensive relations were involved in war, in which we had taken no part,
it seemed necessary that the disposition of the nation for peace should
be promulgated to the world, as well for the purpose of admonishing our
citizens of the consequences of a contraband trade and of acts hostile
to any of the belligerent parties as to obtain by a declaration of the
existing legal state of things an easier admission of our right to the
immunities of our situation. We therefore contemplate with pleasure the
proclamation by you issued, and give it our hearty approbation. We deem
it a measure well timed and wise, manifesting a watchful solicitude for
the welfare of the nation and calculated to promote it.

The several important matters presented to our consideration will, in
the course of the session, engage all the attention to which they are
respectively entitled, and as the public happiness will be the sole
guide of our deliberations, we are perfectly assured of receiving your
strenuous and most zealous cooperation.

JOHN ADAMS,

_Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate_.

DECEMBER 9, 1793.

REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

GENTLEMEN: The pleasure expressed by the Senate on my reelection to the
station which I fill commands my sincere and warmest acknowledgments. If
this be an event which promises the smallest addition to the happiness
of our country, as it is my duty so shall it be my study to realize the
expectation.

The decided approbation which the proclamation now receives from your
House, by completing the proofs that this measure is considered as
manifesting a vigilant attention to the welfare of the United States,
brings with it a peculiar gratification to my mind.

The other important subjects which have been communicated to you will,
I am confident, receive a due discussion, and the result will, I trust,
prove fortunate to the United States.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

DECEMBER 10, 1793.

ADDRESS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT
OF THE UNITED STATES.

SIR: The Representatives of the people of the United States, in meeting
you for the first time since you have been again called by an unanimous
suffrage to your present station, find an occasion which they embrace
with no less sincerity than promptitude for expressing to you their
congratulations on so distinguished a testimony of public approbation,
and their entire confidence in the purity and patriotism of the motives
which have produced this obedience to the voice of your country. It
is to virtues which have commanded long and universal reverence and
services from which have flowed great and lasting benefits that the
tribute of praise may be paid without the reproach of flattery, and it
is from the same sources that the fairest anticipations may be derived
in favor of the public happiness.

The United States having taken no part in the war which had embraced
in Europe the powers with whom they have the most extensive relations,
the maintenance of peace was justly to be regarded as one of the most
important duties of the Magistrate charged with the faithful execution
of the laws. We accordingly witness with approbation and pleasure
the vigilance with which you have guarded against an interruption of
that blessing by your proclamation admonishing our citizens of the
consequences of illicit or hostile acts toward the belligerent parties,
and promoting by a declaration of the existing legal state of things
an easier admission of our right to the immunities belonging to our
situation.

The connection of the United States with Europe has evidently become
extremely interesting. The communications which remain to be exhibited
to us will no doubt assist in giving us a fuller view of the subject and
in guiding our deliberations to such results as may comport with the
rights and true interests of our country.

We learn with deep regret that the measures, dictated by love of peace,
for obtaining an amicable termination of the afflicting war on our
frontiers have been frustrated, and that a resort to offensive measures
should have again become necessary. As the latter, however, must be
rendered more satisfactory in proportion to the solicitude for peace
manifested by the former, it is to be hoped they will be pursued under
the better auspices on that account, and be finally crowned with more
happy success.

In relation to the particular tribes of Indians against whom offensive
measures have been prohibited, as well as on all the other important
subjects which you have presented to our view, we shall bestow the
attention which they claim. We can not, however, refrain at this time
from particularly expressing our concurrence in your anxiety for the
regular discharge of the public debts as fast as circumstances and
events will permit and in the policy of removing any impediments
that may be found in the way of a faithful representation of public
proceedings throughout the United States, being persuaded with you
that on no subject more than the former can delay be more injurious or
an economy of time more valuable, and that with respect to the latter
no resource is so firm for the Government of the United States as the
affections of the people, guided by an enlightened policy.

Throughout our deliberations we shall endeavor to cherish every
sentiment which may contribute to render them conducive to the dignity
as well as to the welfare of the United States; and we join with you in
imploring that Being on whose will the fate of nations depends to crown
with success our mutual endeavors.

DECEMBER 6, 1793.

REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

GENTLEMEN: I shall not affect to conceal the cordial satisfaction which
I derive from the address of the House of Representatives. Whatsoever
those services may be which you have sanctioned by your favor, it is
a sufficient reward that they have been accepted as they were meant.
For the fulfillment of your anticipations of the future I can give
no other assurance than that the motives which you approve shall
continue unchanged.

It is truly gratifying to me to learn that the proclamation has been
considered as a seasonable guard against the interruption of the public
peace. Nor can I doubt that the subjects which I have recommended to
your attention as depending on legislative provisions will receive a
discussion suited to their importance. With every reason, then, it may
be expected that your deliberations, under the divine blessing, will
be matured to the honor and happiness of the United States.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

DECEMBER 7, 1793.

SPECIAL MESSAGES.

UNITED STATES, _December 5, 1793_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

As the present situation of the several nations of Europe, and
especially of those with which the United States have important
relations, can not but render the state of things between them and us
matter of interesting inquiry to the Legislature, and may indeed give
rise to deliberations to which they alone are competent, I have thought
it my duty to communicate to them certain correspondences which have
taken place.

The representative and executive bodies of France have manifested
generally a friendly attachment to this country; have given advantages
to our commerce and navigation, and have made overtures for placing
these advantages on permanent ground. A decree, however, of the National
Assembly subjecting vessels laden with provisions to be carried into
their ports and making enemy goods lawful prize in the vessel of a
friend, contrary to our treaty, though revoked at one time as to the
United States, has been since extended to their vessels also, as has
been recently stated to us. Representations on this subject will be
immediately given in charge to our minister there, and the result
shall be communicated to the Legislature.

It is with extreme concern I have to inform you that the proceedings
of the person whom they have unfortunately appointed their minister
plenipotentiary here have breathed nothing of the friendly spirit of
the nation which sent him. Their tendency, on the contrary, has been to
involve us in war abroad and discord and anarchy at home. So far as his
acts or those of his agents have threatened our immediate commitment in
the war, or flagrant insult to the authority of the laws, their effect
has been counteracted by the ordinary cognizance of the laws and by an
exertion of the powers confided to me. Where their danger was not
imminent they have been borne with from sentiments of regard to his
nation, from a sense of their friendship toward us, from a conviction
that they would not suffer us to remain long exposed to the action of a
person who has so little respected our mutual dispositions, and, I will
add, from a reliance on the firmness of my fellow-citizens in their
principles of peace and order. In the meantime I have respected and
pursued the stipulations of our treaties according to what I judged
their true sense, and have withheld no act of friendship which their
affairs have called for from us, and which justice to others left us
free to perform. I have gone farther. Rather than employ force for the
restitution of certain vessels which I deemed the United States bound to
restore, I thought it more advisable to satisfy the parties by avowing
it to be my opinion that if restitution were not made it would be
incumbent on the United States to make compensation. The papers now
communicated will more particularly apprise you of these transactions.

The vexations and spoliation understood to have been committed on
our vessels and commerce by the cruisers and officers of some of the
belligerent powers appear to require attention. The proofs of these,
however, not having been brought forward, the descriptions of citizens
supposed to have suffered were notified that, on furnishing them to the
Executive, due measures would be taken to obtain redress of the past and
more effectual provisions against the future. Should such documents be
furnished, proper representations will be made thereon, with a just
reliance on a redress proportioned to the exigency of the case.

The British Government having undertaken, by orders to the commanders
of their armed vessels, to restrain generally our commerce in corn and
other provisions to their own ports and those of their friends, the
instructions now communicated were immediately forwarded to our minister
at that Court. In the meantime some discussions on the subject took
place between him and them. These are also laid before you, and I may
expect to learn the result of his special instructions in time to make
it known to the Legislature during their present session.

Very early after the arrival of a British minister here mutual
explanations on the inexecution of the treaty of peace were entered into
with that minister. These are now laid before you for your information.

On the subjects of mutual interest between this country and Spain
negotiations and conferences are now depending. The public good
requiring that the present state of these should be made known to the
Legislature _in confidence only_, they shall be the subject of a
separate and subsequent communication.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _December 16, 1793_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

The situation of affairs in Europe in the course of the year 1790
having rendered it possible that a moment might arrive favorable for
the arrangement of our unsettled matters with Spain, it was thought
proper to prepare our representative at that Court to avail us of it.
A confidential person was therefore dispatched to be the bearer of
instructions to him, and to supply, by verbal communications, any
additional information of which he might find himself in need. The
Government of France was at the same time applied to for its aid and
influence in this negotiation. Events, however, took a turn which did
not present the occasion hoped for.

About the close of the ensuing year I was informed through the
representatives of Spain here that their Government would be willing
to renew at Madrid the former conferences on these subjects. Though the
transfer of scene was not what would have been desired, yet I did not
think it important enough to reject the proposition, and therefore,
with the advice and consent of the Senate, I appointed commissioners
plenipotentiary for negotiating and concluding a treaty with that
country on the several subjects of boundary, navigation, and commerce,
and gave them the instructions now communicated. Before these
negotiations, however, could be got into train the new troubles which
had arisen in Europe had produced new combinations among the powers
there, the effects of which are but too visible in the proceedings
now laid before you.

In the meantime some other points of discussion had arisen with that
country, to wit, the restitution of property escaping into the
territories of each other, the mutual exchange of fugitives from
justice, and, above all the mutual interferences with the Indians lying
between us. I had the best reason to believe that the hostilities
threatened and exercised by the Southern Indians on our border were
excited by the agents of that Government. Representations were thereon
directed to be made by our commissioners to the Spanish Government, and
a proposal to cultivate with good faith the peace of each other with
those people. In the meantime corresponding suspicions were entertained,
or pretended to be entertained, on their part of like hostile
excitements by our agents to disturb their peace with the same nations.
These were brought forward by the representatives of Spain here in a
style which could not fail to produce attention. A claim of patronage
and protection of those Indians was asserted; a mediation between them
and us by that sovereign assumed; their boundaries with us made a
subject of his interference, and at length, at the very moment when
these savages were committing daily inroads upon our frontier, we were
informed by them that "the continuation of the peace, good harmony, and
perfect friendship of the two nations was very problematical for the
future, unless the United States should take more convenient measures
and of greater energy than those adopted for a long time past."

If their previous correspondence had worn the appearance of a desire to
urge on a disagreement, this last declaration left no room to evade it,
since it could not be conceived we would submit to the scalping knife
and tomahawk of the savage without any resistance. I thought it time,
therefore, to know if these were the views of their sovereign, and
dispatched a special messenger with instructions to our commissioners,
which are among the papers now communicated. Their last letter gives us
reason to expect very shortly to know the result. I must add that the
Spanish representatives here, perceiving that their last communication
had made considerable impression, endeavored to abate this by some
subsequent professions, which, being also among the communications
to the Legislature, they will be able to form their own conclusions.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _December 16, 1793_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before you a report of the Secretary of State on the measures
which have been taken on behalf of the United States for the purpose of
obtaining a recognition of our treaty with Morocco and for the ransom of
our citizens and establishment of peace with Algiers.

While it is proper our citizens should know that subjects which so
much concern their interest and their feelings have duly engaged the
attention of their Legislature and Executive, it would still be improper
that some particulars of this communication should be made known.
The confidential conversation stated in one of the last letters sent
herewith is one of these. Both justice and policy require that the
source of that information should remain secret. So a knowledge of
the sums meant to have been given for peace and ransom might have a
disadvantageous influence on future proceedings for the same objects.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _December 23, 1793_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

Since the communications which were made to you on the affairs of the
United States with Spain and on the truce between Portugal and Algiers
some other papers have been received, which, making a part of the same
subjects, are now communicated for your information.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _December 30, 1793_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before you, for your consideration, a letter from the Secretary
of State, informing me of certain impediments which have arisen to the
coinage of the precious metals at the Mint, as also a letter from the
same officer relative to certain advances of money which have been made
on public account. Should you think proper to sanction what has been
done, or be of opinion that anything more shall be done in the same way,
you will judge whether there are not circumstances which would render
secrecy expedient.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 7, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

Experience has shewn that it would be useful to have an officer
particularly charged, under the direction of the Department of War,
with the duties of receiving, safe-keeping, and distributing the public
supplies in all cases in which the laws and the course of service do not
devolve them upon other officers, and also with that of superintending
in all cases the issues in detail of supplies, with power for that
purpose to bring to account all persons intrusted to make such issues
in relation thereto.

An establishment of this nature, by securing a regular and punctual
accountability for the issues of public supplies, would be a great guard
against abuse, would tend to insure their due application and to give
public satisfaction on that point.

I therefore recommend to the consideration of Congress the expediency of
an establishment of this nature, under such regulations as shall appear
to them advisable,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 20, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

Having already laid before you a letter of the 16th of August, 1793,
from the Secretary of State to our minister at Paris, stating the
conduct and urging the recall of the minister plenipotentiary of the
Republic of France, I now communicate to you that his conduct has been
unequivocally disapproved, and that the strongest assurances have been
given that his recall should be expedited without delay.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 21, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

It is with satisfaction I announce to you that the alterations which
have been made by law in the original plan for raising a duty on spirits
distilled within the United States, and on stills, cooperating with
better information, have had a considerable influence in obviating the
difficulties which have embarrassed that branch of the public revenue.
But the obstacles which have been experienced, though lessened, are not
yet entirely surmounted, and it would seem that some further legislative
provisions may usefully be superadded, which leads me to recall the
attention of Congress to the subject. Among the matters which may demand
regulation is the effect, in point of organization, produced by the
separation of Kentucky from the State of Virginia, and the situation
with regard to the law of the territories northwest and southwest of
the Ohio.

The laws respecting light-house establishments require, as a condition
of their permanent maintenance at the expense of the United States, a
complete cession of soil and jurisdiction. The cessions of different
States having been qualified with a reservation of the right of serving
legal process within the ceded jurisdiction are understood to be
inconclusive as annexing a qualification not consonant with the terms of
the law. I present this circumstance to the view of Congress, that they
may judge whether any alteration ought to be made.

As it appears to be conformable with the intention of the "ordinance for
the government of the territory of the United States northwest of the
river Ohio," although it is not expressly directed that the laws of that
territory should be laid before Congress, I now transmit to you a copy
of such as have been passed from July to December, 1792, inclusive.
being the last which have been received by the Secretary of State.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 30, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

Communications have been made to Congress during the present session
with the intention of affording a full view of the posture of affairs
on the Southwestern frontiers. By the information which has lately been
laid before Congress it appeared that the difficulties with the Creeks
had been amicably and happily terminated; but it will be perceived with
regret by the papers herewith transmitted that the tranquillity has,
unfortunately, been of short duration, owing to the murder of several
friendly Indians by some lawless white men.

The condition of things in that quarter requires the serious and
immediate consideration of Congress, and the adoption of such wise and
vigorous laws as will be competent to the preservation of the national
character and of the peace made under the authority of the United States
with the several Indian tribes. Experience demonstrates that the
existing legal provisions are entirely inadequate to those great
objects.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 7, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I transmit to you an act and three ordinances passed by the government
of the territory of the United States south of the river Ohio on the
13th and 21st of March and the 7th of May, 1793, and also certain
letters from the minister plenipotentiary of the French Republic to
the Secretary of State, inclosing dispatches from the general and
extraordinary commission of Guadaloupe.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 19, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before you the copy of a letter which I have received from the
Chief Justice and associate justices of the Supreme Court of the United
States, and, at their desire, the representation mentioned in the said
letter, pointing out certain defects in the judiciary system.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 24, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

The extracts which I now lay before you, from a letter of our minister
at London, are supplementary to some of my past communications, and will
appear to be of a confidential nature.

I also transmit to you copies of a letter from the Secretary of State
to the minister plenipotentiary of His Britannic Majesty, and of the
answer thereto, upon the subject of the treaty between the United States
and Great Britain, together with the copy of a letter from Messrs.
Carmichael and Short, relative to our affairs with Spain, which letter
is connected with a former confidential message,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 26, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

I have caused the correspondence which is the subject of your
resolution of the 24th day of January last to be laid before me. After
an examination of it I directed copies and translations to be made,
except in those particulars which, in my judgment, for public
considerations, ought not to be communicated.

These copies and translations are now transmitted to the Senate; but
the nature of them manifests the propriety of their being received as
confidential.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 3, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I transmit to you an extract from a letter of Mr. Short, relative to
our affairs with Spain, and copies of two letters from our minister at
Lisbon, with their inclosures, containing intelligence from Algiers. The
whole of these communications are made in confidence, except the passage
in Mr. Short's letter which respects the Spanish convoy.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 5, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

The Secretary of State having reported to me upon the several complaints
which have been lodged in his office against the vexations and
spoliations on our commerce since the commencement of the European war,
I transmit to you a copy of his statement, together with the documents
upon which it is founded.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 18, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

The minister plenipotentiary of the French Republic having requested an
advance of money, I transmit to Congress certain documents relative to
that subject.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 28, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_;

In the execution of the resolution of Congress bearing date the 26th of
March, 1794, and imposing an embargo, I have requested the governors of
the several States to call forth the force of their militia, if it
should be necessary, for the detention of vessels. This power is
conceived to be incidental to an embargo.

It also deserves the attention of Congress how far the clearances from
one district to another, under the law as it now stands, may give rise
to evasions of the embargo. As one security the collectors have been
instructed to refuse to receive the surrender of coasting licenses for
the purpose of taking out registers, and to require bond from registered
vessels bound from one district to another, for the delivery of the
cargo within the United States.

It is not understood that the resolution applies to fishing vessels,
although their occupations lie generally in parts beyond the United
States. But without further restrictions there is an opportunity of
their privileges being used as means of eluding the embargo.

All armed vessels possessing public commissions from any foreign power
(letters of marque excepted) are considered as not liable to the embargo.

These circumstances are transmitted to Congress for their consideration.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _April 4, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before you three letters from our minister in London, advices
concerning the Algerine mission from our minister at Lisbon and others,
and a letter from the minister plenipotentiary of the French Republic
to the Secretary of State, with his answer.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _April 15, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before you a letter from the minister plenipotentiary of His
Britannic Majesty to the Secretary of State; a letter from the secretary
of the territory south of the river Ohio, inclosing an ordinance and
proclamation of the governor thereof; the translation of so much of
a petition of the inhabitants of Post Vincennes, addressed to the
President, as relates to Congress, and certain dispatches lately
received from our commissioners at Madrid. These dispatches from
Madrid being a part of the business which has been hitherto deemed
confidential, they are forwarded under that view.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _April 16, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

The communications which I have made to you during your present session
from the dispatches of our minister in London contain a serious aspect
of our affairs with Great Britain. But as peace ought to be pursued with
unremitted zeal before the last resource, which has so often been the
scourge of nations, and can not fail to check the advanced prosperity of
the United States, is contemplated, I have thought proper to nominate,
and do hereby nominate, John Jay as envoy extraordinary of the United
States to His Britannic Majesty.

My confidence in our minister plenipotentiary in London continues
undiminished. But a mission like this, while it corresponds with the
solemnity of the occasion, will announce to the world a solicitude for
a friendly adjustment of our complaints and a reluctance to hostility.
Going immediately from the United States, such an envoy will carry with
him a full knowledge of the existing temper and sensibility of our
country, and will thus be taught to vindicate our rights with firmness
and to cultivate peace with sincerity.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _May 12, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

As the letter which I forwarded to Congress on the 15th day of April
last, from the minister plenipotentiary of His Britannic Majesty to the
Secretary of State, in answer to a memorial of our minister in London,
related to a very interesting subject, I thought it proper not to delay
its communication. But since that time the memorial itself has been
received in a letter from our minister, and a reply has been made to
that answer by the Secretary of State. Copies of them are therefore now
transmitted.

I also send the copy of a letter from the governor of Rhode Island,
inclosing an act of the legislature of that State empowering the United
States to hold lands within the same for the purpose of erecting
fortifications, and certain papers concerning patents for the donation
lands to the ancient settlers of Vincennes upon the Wabash.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _May 20, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

In the communications which I have made to Congress during the present
session relative to foreign nations I have omitted no opportunity of
testifying my anxiety to preserve the United States in peace. It is
peculiarly, therefore, my duty at this time to lay before you the
present state of certain hostile threats against the territories of
Spain in our neighborhood.

The documents which accompany this message develop the measures which I
have taken to suppress them, and the intelligence which has been lately
received.

It will be seen from thence that the subject has not been neglected;
that every power vested in the Executive on such occasions has been
exerted, and that there was reason to believe that the enterprise
projected against the Spanish dominions was relinquished.

But it appears to have been revived upon principles which set public
order at defiance and place the peace of the United States in the
discretion of unauthorized individuals. The means already deposited in
the different departments of Government are shewn by experience not to
be adequate to these high exigencies, although such of them as are
lodged in the hands of the Executive shall continue to be used with
promptness, energy, and decision proportioned to the case. But I am
impelled by the position of our public affairs to recommend that
provision be made for a stronger and more vigorous opposition than can
be given to such hostile movements under the laws as they now stand.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _May 21, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before you in confidence sundry papers, by which you will
perceive the state of affairs between us and the Six Nations, and
the probable cause to which it is owing, and also certain information
whereby it would appear that some encroachment was about to be made on
our territory by an officer and party of British troops. Proceeding
upon a supposition of the authenticity of this information, although
of a private nature, I have caused the representation to be made to
the British minister a copy of which accompanies this message.

It can not be necessary to comment upon the very serious nature of such
an encroachment, nor to urge that this new state of things suggests
the propriety of placing the United States in a posture of effectual
preparation for an event which, notwithstanding the endeavors making to
avert it, may by circumstances beyond our control be forced upon us.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _May 26, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

The commissioners of His Catholic Majesty having communicated to the
Secretary of State the form of a certificate without which the vessels
of the United States can not be admitted into the ports of Spain,
I think it proper to lay it before Congress.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _May 27, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

The Executive Provisory Council of the French Republic having requested
me to recall Gouverneur Morris, our minister plenipotentiary in France,
I have thought proper, in pursuance of that request, to recall him.
I therefore nominate James Monroe, of Virginia, as minister
plenipotentiary of the United States to the said Republic.

I also nominate William Short, now minister resident for the United
States with Their High Mightinesses the States-General of the United
Netherlands, to be minister resident for the United States to His
Catholic Majesty, in the room of William Carmichael, who is recalled.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _June 2, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I send you certain communications, recently received from Georgia, which
materially change the prospect of affairs in that quarter, and seem to
render a war with the Creek Nations more probable than it has been at
any antecedent period. While the attention of Congress will be directed
to the consideration of measures suited to the exigency, it can not
escape their observation that this intelligence brings a fresh proof
of the insufficiency of the existing provisions of the laws toward
the effectual cultivation and preservation of peace with our Indian
neighbors.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

PROCLAMATIONS.

[From a broadside in the archives of the Department of State.]

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas it appears that a state of war exists between Austria, Prussia,
Sardinia, Great Britain, and the United Netherlands of the one part and
France on the other, and the duty and interest of the United States
require that they should with sincerity and good faith adopt and pursue
a conduct friendly and impartial toward the belligerent powers:

I have therefore thought fit by these presents to declare the
disposition of the United States to observe the conduct aforesaid toward
those powers respectively, and to exhort and warn the citizens of the
United States carefully to avoid all acts and proceedings whatsoever
which may in any manner tend to contravene such disposition.

And I do hereby also make known that whosoever of the citizens of the
United States shall render himself liable to punishment or forfeiture
under the law of nations by committing, aiding, or abetting hostilities
against any of the said powers, or by carrying to any of them those
articles which are deemed contraband by the modern usage of nations,
will not receive the protection of the United States against such
punishment or forfeiture; and further, that I have given instructions to
those officers to whom it belongs to cause prosecutions to be instituted
against all persons who shall, within the cognizance of the courts of
the United States, violate the law of nations with respect to the powers
at war, or any of them.

In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States of
America to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my
hand.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Philadelphia, the 22d day of April, 1793, and of the
Independence of the United States of America the seventeenth.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

By the President:
THOMAS JEFFERSON.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas I have received information that certain persons, in violation
of the laws, have presumed, under color of a foreign authority, to
enlist citizens of the United States and others within the State of
Kentucky, and have there assembled an armed force for the purpose of
invading and plundering the territories of a nation at peace with the
said United States; and

Whereas such unwarrantable measures, being contrary to the laws of
nations and to the duties incumbent on every citizen of the United
States, tend to disturb the tranquillity of the same, and to involve
them in the calamities of war; and

Whereas it is the duty of the Executive to take care that such criminal
proceedings should be suppressed, the offenders brought to justice,
and all good citizens cautioned against measures likely to prove so
pernicious to their country and themselves, should they be seduced into
similar infractions of the laws:

I have therefore thought proper to issue this proclamation, hereby
solemnly warning every person, not authorized by the laws, against
enlisting any citizen or citizens of the United States, or levying
troops, or assembling any persons within the United States for the
purposes aforesaid, or proceeding in any manner to the execution
thereof, as they will answer for the same at their peril; and I do also
admonish and require all citizens to refrain from enlisting, enrolling,
or assembling themselves for such unlawful purposes and from being in
anywise concerned, aiding, or abetting therein, as they tender their own
welfare, inasmuch as all lawful means will be strictly put in execution
for securing obedience to the laws and for punishing such dangerous and
daring violations thereof.

And I do moreover charge and require all courts, magistrates, and other
officers whom it may concern, according to their respective duties, to
exert the powers in them severally vested to prevent and suppress all
such unlawful assemblages and proceedings, and to bring to condign
punishment those who may have been guilty thereof, as they regard the
due authority of Government and the peace and welfare of the United
States.

In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States of
America to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my
hand.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Philadelphia, the 24th day of March, 1794, and of
the Independence of the United States of America the eighteenth.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

By the President:
EDM. RANDOLPH.

[From Annals of Congress, Fourth Congress, second session, 2796.]

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas combinations to defeat the execution of the laws laying duties
upon spirits distilled within the United States and upon stills have
from the time of the commencement of those laws existed in some of the
western parts of Pennsylvania; and

Whereas the said combinations, proceeding in a manner subversive
equally of the just authority of government and of the rights of
individuals, have hitherto effected their dangerous and criminal
purpose by the influence of certain irregular meetings whose proceedings
have tended to encourage and uphold the spirit of opposition by
misrepresentations of the laws calculated to render them odious; by
endeavors to deter those who might be so disposed from accepting offices
under them through fear of public resentment and of injury to person and
property, and to compel those who had accepted such offices by actual
violence to surrender or forbear the execution of them; by circulating
vindictive menaces against all those who should otherwise, directly or
indirectly, aid in the execution of the said laws, or who, yielding
to the dictates of conscience and to a sense of obligation, should
themselves comply therewith; by actually injuring and destroying
the property of persons who were understood to have so complied; by
inflicting cruel and humiliating punishments upon private citizens for
no other cause than that of appearing to be the friends of the laws; by
intercepting the public officers on the highways, abusing, assaulting,
and otherwise ill treating them; by going to their houses in the night,
gaining admittance by force, taking away their papers, and committing
other outrages, employing for these unwarrantable purposes the agency of
armed banditti disguised in such manner as for the most part to escape
discovery; and

Whereas the endeavors of the Legislature to obviate objections to the
said laws by lowering the duties and by other alterations conducive
to the convenience of those whom they immediately affect (though they
have given satisfaction in other quarters), and the endeavors of
the executive officers to conciliate a compliance with the laws by
explanations, by forbearance, and even by particular accommodations
founded on the suggestion of local considerations, have been
disappointed of their effect by the machinations of persons whose
industry to excite resistance has increased with every appearance of
a disposition among the people to relax in their opposition and to
acquiesce in the laws, insomuch that many persons in the said western
parts of Pennsylvania have at length been hardy enough to perpetrate
acts which I am advised amount to treason, being overt acts of levying
war against the United States, the said persons having on the 16th and
17th July last past proceeded in arms (on the second day amounting to
several hundreds) to the house of John Neville, inspector of the revenue
for the fourth survey of the district of Pennsylvania; having repeatedly
attacked the said house with the persons therein, wounding some of them;
having seized David Lenox, marshal of the district of Pennsylvania, who
previous thereto had been fired upon while in the execution of his duty
by a party of armed men, detaining him for some time prisoner, till for
the preservation of his life and the obtaining of his liberty he found
it necessary to enter into stipulations to forbear the execution of
certain official duties touching processes issuing out of a court of the
United States; and having finally obliged the said inspector of the said
revenue and the said marshal from considerations of personal safety to
fly from that part of the country, in order, by a circuitous route, to
proceed to the seat of Government, avowing as the motives of these
outrageous proceedings an intention to prevent by force of arms the
execution of the said laws, to oblige the said inspector of the revenue
to renounce his said office, to withstand by open violence the lawful
authority of the Government of the United States, and to compel thereby
an alteration in the measures of the Legislature and a repeal of the
laws aforesaid; and

Whereas by a law of the United States entitled "An act to provide for
calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress
insurrections, and repel invasions," it is enacted "that whenever the
laws of the United States shall be opposed or the execution thereof
obstructed in any State by combinations too powerful to be suppressed
by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings or by the powers vested
in the marshals by that act, the same being notified by an associate
justice or the district judge, it shall be lawful for the President of
the United States to call forth the militia of such State to suppress
such combinations and to cause the laws to be duly executed. And if the
militia of a State where such combinations may happen shall refuse or be
insufficient to suppress the same, it shall be lawful for the President,
if the Legislature of the United States shall not be in session, to
call forth and employ such numbers of the militia of any other State or
States most convenient thereto as may be necessary; and the use of the
militia so to be called forth may be continued, if necessary, until the
expiration of thirty days after the commencement of the ensuing session:
_Provided always_, That whenever it may be necessary in the judgment
of the President to use the military force hereby directed to be
called forth, the President shall forthwith, and previous thereto, by
proclamation, command such insurgents to disperse and retire peaceably
to their respective abodes within a limited time;" and

Whereas James Wilson, an associate justice, on the 4th instant, by
writing under his hand, did from evidence which had been laid before
him notify to me that "in the counties of Washington and Allegany, in
Pennsylvania, laws of the United States are opposed and the execution
thereof obstructed by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the
ordinary course of judicial proceedings or by the powers vested in the
marshal of that district;" and

Whereas it is in my judgment necessary under the circumstances of the
case to take measures for calling forth the militia in order to suppress
the combinations aforesaid, and to cause the laws to be duly executed;
and I have accordingly determined so to do, feeling the deepest regret
for the occasion, but withal the most solemn conviction that the
essential interests of the Union demand it, that the very existence of
Government and the fundamental principles of social order are materially
involved in the issue, and that the patriotism and firmness of all good
citizens are seriously called upon, as occasions may require, to aid in
the effectual suppression of so fatal a spirit:

Wherefore, and in pursuance of the proviso above recited, I, George
Washington, President of the United States, do hereby command all
persons being insurgents as aforesaid, and all others whom it may
concern, on or before the 1st day of September next to disperse and
retire peaceably to their respective abodes. And I do moreover warn
all persons whomsoever against aiding, abetting, or comforting the
perpetrators of the aforesaid treasonable acts, and do require all
officers and other citizens, according to their respective duties and
the laws of the land, to exert their utmost endeavors to prevent and
suppress such dangerous proceedings.

In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States of
America to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my
hand.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Philadelphia, the 7th day of August, 1794, and
of the Independence of the United States of America the nineteenth.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

By the President:
EDM. RANDOLPH.

[From Annals of Congress, Third Congress, 1413.]

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas from a hope that the combinations against the Constitution
and laws of the United States in certain of the western counties of
Pennsylvania would yield to time and reflection I thought it sufficient
in the first instance rather to take measures for calling forth the
militia than immediately to embody them, but the moment is now come when
the overtures of forgiveness, with no other condition than a submission
to law, have been only partially accepted; when every form of
conciliation not inconsistent with the being of Government has been
adopted without effect; when the well-disposed in those counties are
unable by their influence and example to reclaim the wicked from their
fury, and are compelled to associate in their own defense; when the
proffered lenity has been perversely misinterpreted into an apprehension
that the citizens will march with reluctance; when the opportunity of
examining the serious consequences of a treasonable opposition has been
employed in propagating principles of anarchy, endeavoring through
emissaries to alienate the friends of order from its support, and
inviting its enemies to perpetrate similar acts of insurrection; when
it is manifest that violence would continue to be exercised upon every
attempt to enforce the laws; when, therefore, Government is set at
defiance, the contest being whether a small portion of the United States
shall dictate to the whole Union, and, at the expense of those who
desire peace, indulge a desperate ambition:

Now, therefore, I, George Washington, President of the United States,
in obedience to that high and irresistible duty consigned to me by
the Constitution "to take care that the laws be faithfully executed,"
deploring that the American name should be sullied by the outrages of
citizens on their own Government, commiserating such as remain obstinate
from delusion, but resolved, in perfect reliance on that gracious
Providence which so signally displays its goodness towards this country,
to reduce the refractory to a due subordination to the law, do hereby
declare and make known that, with a satisfaction which can be equaled
only by the merits of the militia summoned into service from the States
of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, I have received
intelligence of their patriotic alacrity in obeying the call of the
present, though painful, yet commanding necessity; that a force which,
according to every reasonable expectation, is adequate to the exigency
is already in motion to the scene of disaffection; that those who have
confided or shall confide in the protection of Government shall meet
full succor under the standard and from the arms of the United States;
that those who, having offended against the laws, have since entitled
themselves to indemnity will be treated with the most liberal good faith
if they shall not have forfeited their claim by any subsequent conduct,
and that instructions are given accordingly.

And I do moreover exhort all individuals, officers, and bodies of men to
contemplate with abhorrence the measures leading directly or indirectly
to those crimes which produce this resort to military coercion; to check
in their respective spheres the efforts of misguided or designing men
to substitute their misrepresentation in the place of truth and their
discontents in the place of stable government, and to call to mind
that, as the people of the United States have been permitted, under the
Divine favor, in perfect freedom, after solemn deliberation, and in an
enlightened age, to elect their own government, so will their gratitude
for this inestimable blessing be best distinguished by firm exertions
to maintain the Constitution and the laws.

And, lastly, I again warn all persons whomsoever and wheresoever not to
abet, aid, or comfort the insurgents aforesaid, as they will answer the
contrary at their peril; and I do also require all officers and other
citizens, according to their several duties, as far as may be in their
power, to bring under the cognizance of the laws all offenders in the
premises. In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United
States of America to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same
with my hand.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Philadelphia, the 25th day of September, 1794, and
of the Independence of the United States of America the nineteenth.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

By the President:
EDM. RANDOLPH.

SIXTH ANNUAL ADDRESS.

UNITED STATES, _November 19, 1794_.

_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_;

When we call to mind the gracious indulgence of Heaven by which the
American people became a nation; when we survey the general prosperity
of our country, and look forward to the riches, power, and happiness to
which it seems destined, with the deepest regret do I announce to you
that during your recess some of the citizens of the United States have
been found capable of an insurrection. It is due, however, to the
character of our Government and to its stability, which can not be
shaken by the enemies of order, freely to unfold the course of this
event.

During the session of the year 1790 it was expedient to exercise the
legislative power granted by the Constitution of the United States
"to lay and collect excises." In a majority of the States scarcely an
objection was heard to this mode of taxation. In some, indeed, alarms
were at first conceived, until they were banished by reason and
patriotism. In the four western counties of Pennsylvania a prejudice,
fostered and imbittered by the artifice of men who labored for an
ascendency over the will of others by the guidance of their passions,
produced symptoms of riot and violence. It is well known that Congress
did not hesitate to examine the complaints which were presented, and
to relieve them as far as justice dictated or general convenience
would permit. But the impression which this moderation made on the
discontented did not correspond with what it deserved. The arts
of delusion were no longer confined to the efforts of designing
individuals. The very forbearance to press prosecutions was
misinterpreted into a fear of urging the execution of the laws, and
associations of men began to denounce threats against the officers
employed. From a belief that by a more formal concert their operation
might be defeated, certain self-created societies assumed the tone of
condemnation. Hence, while the greater part of Pennsylvania itself
were conforming themselves to the acts of excise, a few counties were
resolved to frustrate them. It was now perceived that every expectation
from the tenderness which had been hitherto pursued was unavailing,
and that further delay could only create an opinion of impotency or
irresolution in the Government. Legal process was therefore delivered
to the marshal against the rioters and delinquent distillers.

No sooner was he understood to be engaged in this duty than the
vengeance of armed men was aimed at _his_ person and the person and
property of the inspector of the revenue. They fired upon the marshal,
arrested him, and detained him for some time as a prisoner. He was
obliged, by the jeopardy of his life, to renounce the service of other
process on the west side of the Allegheny Mountain, and a deputation was
afterwards sent to him to demand a surrender of that which he _had_
served. A numerous body repeatedly attacked the house of the inspector,
seized his papers of office, and finally destroyed by fire his buildings
and whatsoever they contained. Both of these officers, from a just
regard to their safety, fled to the seat of Government, it being avowed
that the motives to such outrages were to compel the resignation of the
inspector, to withstand by force of arms the authority of the United
States, and thereby to extort a repeal of the laws of excise and an
alteration in the conduct of Government.

Upon the testimony of these facts an associate justice of the Supreme
Court of the United States notified to me that "in the counties of
Washington and Allegheny, in Pennsylvania, laws of the United States
were opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, by combinations too
powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings
or by the powers vested in the marshal of that district." On this call,
momentous in the extreme, I sought and weighed what might best subdue
the crisis. On the one hand the judiciary was pronounced to be stripped
of its capacity to enforce the laws; crimes which reached the very
existence of social order were perpetrated without control; the friends
of Government were insulted, abused, and overawed into silence or an
apparent acquiescence; and to yield to the treasonable fury of so small
a portion of the United States would be to violate the fundamental
principle of our Constitution, which enjoins that the will of the
majority shall prevail. On the other, to array citizen against citizen,
to publish the dishonor of such excesses, to encounter the expense and
other embarrassments of so distant an expedition, were steps too
delicate, too closely interwoven with many affecting considerations, to
be lightly adopted. I postponed, therefore, the summoning the militia
immediately into the field, but I required them to be held in readiness,
that if my anxious endeavors to reclaim the deluded and to convince the
malignant of their danger should be fruitless, military force might be
prepared to act before the season should be too far advanced.

My proclamation of the 7th of August last was accordingly issued, and
accompanied by the appointment of commissioners, who were charged to
repair to the scene of insurrection. They were authorized to confer with
any bodies of men or individuals. They were instructed to be candid
and explicit in stating the sensations which had been excited in the
Executive, and his earnest wish to avoid a resort to coercion; to
represent, however, that, without submission, coercion _must_ be the
resort; but to invite them, at the same time, to return to the demeanor
of faithful citizens, by such accommodations as lay within the sphere of
Executive power. Pardon, too, was tendered to them by the Government of
the United States and that of Pennsylvania, upon no other condition
than a satisfactory assurance of obedience to the laws.

Although the report of the commissioners marks their firmness and
abilities, and must unite all virtuous men, by shewing that the means
of conciliation have been exhausted, all of those who had committed or
abetted the tumults did not subscribe the mild form which was proposed
as the atonement, and the indications of a peaceable temper were neither
sufficiently general nor conclusive to recommend or warrant the further
suspension of the march of the militia.

Thus the painful alternative could not be discarded. I ordered the
militia to march, after once more admonishing the insurgents in my
proclamation of the 25th of September last.

It was a task too difficult to ascertain with precision the lowest
degree of force competent to the quelling of the insurrection. From
a respect, indeed, to economy and the ease of my fellow-citizens
belonging to the militia, it would have gratified me to accomplish
such an estimate. My very reluctance to ascribe too much importance
to the opposition, had its extent been accurately seen, would have
been a decided inducement to the smallest efficient numbers, In this
uncertainty, therefore, I put into motion 15,000 men, as being an army
which, according to all human calculation, would be prompt and adequate
in every view, and might, perhaps, by rendering resistance desperate,
prevent the effusion of blood. Quotas had been assigned to the States
of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, the governor of
Pennsylvania having declared on this occasion an opinion which justified
a requisition to the other States.

As commander in chief of the militia when called into the actual service
of the United States, I have visited the places of general rendezvous
to obtain more exact information and to direct a plan for ulterior
movements. Had there been room for a persuasion that the laws were
secure from obstruction; that the civil magistrate was able to bring to
justice such of the most culpable as have not embraced the proffered
terms of amnesty, and may be deemed fit objects of example; that the
friends to peace and good government were not in need of that aid and
countenance which they ought always to receive, and, I trust, ever will
receive, against the vicious and turbulent, I should have caught with
avidity the opportunity of restoring the militia to their families and
homes. But succeeding intelligence has tended to manifest the necessity
of what has been done, it being now confessed by those who were not
inclined to exaggerate the ill conduct of the insurgents that their
malevolence was not pointed merely to a particular law, but that a
spirit inimical to all order has actuated many of the offenders. If the
state of things had afforded reason for the continuance of my presence
with the army, it would not have been withholden. But every appearance
assuring such an issue as will redound to the reputation and strength
of the United States, I have judged it most proper to resume my duties
at the seat of Government, leaving the chief command with the governor
of Virginia.

Still, however, as it is probable that in a commotion like the present,
whatsoever may be the pretense, the purposes of mischief and revenge may
not be laid aside, the stationing of a small force for a certain period
in the four western counties of Pennsylvania will be indispensable,
whether we contemplate the situation of those who are connected with the
execution of the laws or of others who may have exposed themselves by an
honorable attachment to them. Thirty days from the commencement of this
session being the legal limitation of the employment of the militia,
Congress can not be too early occupied with this subject.

Among the discussions which may arise from this aspect of our affairs,
and from the documents which will be submitted to Congress, it will not
escape their observation that not only the inspector of the revenue,
but other officers of the United States in Pennsylvania have, from
their fidelity in the discharge of their functions, sustained material
injuries to their property. The obligation and policy of indemnifying
them are strong and obvious. It may also merit attention whether policy
will not enlarge this provision to the retribution of other citizens
who, though not under the ties of office, may have suffered damage by
their generous exertions for upholding the Constitution and the laws.
The amount, even if all the injured were included, would not be great,
and on future emergencies the Government would be amply repaid by the
influence of an example that he who incurs a loss in its defense shall
find a recompense in its liberality.

While there is cause to lament that occurrences of this nature should
have disgraced the name or interrupted the tranquillity of any part of
our community, or should have diverted to a new application any portion
of the public resources, there are not wanting real and substantial
consolations for the misfortune. It has demonstrated that our prosperity
rests on solid foundations, by furnishing an additional proof that my
fellow-citizens understand the true principles of government and
liberty; that they feel their inseparable union; that notwithstanding
all the devices which have been used to sway them from their interest
and duty, they are now as ready to maintain the authority of the laws
against licentious invasions as they were to defend their rights
against usurpation. It has been a spectacle displaying to the highest
advantage the value of republican government to behold the most and
the least wealthy of our citizens standing in the same ranks as
private soldiers, preeminently distinguished by being the army of the
Constitution--undeterred by a march of 300 miles over rugged mountains,
by the approach of an inclement season, or by any other discouragement.
Nor ought I to omit to acknowledge the efficacious and patriotic
cooperation which I have experienced from the chief magistrates
of the States to which my requisitions have been addressed.

To every description of citizens, indeed, let praise be given. But
let them persevere in their affectionate vigilance over that precious
depository of American happiness, the Constitution of the United States.
Let them cherish it, too, for the sake of those who, from every clime,
are daily seeking a dwelling in our land. And when in the calm moments
of reflection they shall have retraced the origin and progress of the
insurrection, let them determine whether it has not been fomented by
combinations of men who, careless of consequences and disregarding the
unerring truth that those who rouse can not always appease a civil
convulsion, have disseminated, from an ignorance or perversion of facts,
suspicions, jealousies, and accusations of the whole Government.

Having thus fulfilled the engagement which I took when I entered into
office, "to the best of my ability to preserve, protect, and defend the
Constitution of the United States," on you, gentlemen, and the people
by whom you are deputed, I rely for support.

In the arrangements to which the possibility of a similar contingency
will naturally draw your attention it ought not to be forgotten that the
militia laws have exhibited such striking defects as could not have been
supplied but by the zeal of our citizens, Besides the extraordinary
expense and waste, which are not the least of the defects, every appeal
to those laws is attended with a doubt on its success.

The devising and establishing of a well-regulated militia would be
a genuine source of legislative honor and a perfect title to public
gratitude. I therefore entertain a hope that the present session will
not pass without carrying to its full energy the power of organizing,
arming, and disciplining the militia, and thus providing, in the
language of the Constitution, for calling them forth to execute the
laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions.

As auxiliary to the state of our defense, to which Congress can never
too frequently recur, they will not omit to inquire whether the
fortifications which have been already licensed by law be commensurate
with our exigencies.

The intelligence from the army under the command of General Wayne is a
happy presage to our military operations against the hostile Indians
north of the Ohio. From the advices which have been forwarded, the
advance which he has made must have damped the ardor of the savages and
weakened their obstinacy in waging war against the United States, And
yet, even at this late hour, when our power to punish them can not be
questioned, we shall not be unwilling to cement a lasting peace upon
terms of candor, equity, and good neighborhood.

Toward none of the Indian tribes have overtures of friendship been
spared. The Creeks in particular are covered from encroachment by the
interposition of the General Government and that of Georgia. From a
desire also to remove the discontents of the Six Nations, a settlement
meditated at Presque Isle, on Lake Erie, has been suspended, and an
agent is now endeavoring to rectify any misconception into which they
may have fallen. But I can not refrain from again pressing upon your
deliberations the plan which I recommended at the last session for the
improvement of harmony with all the Indians within our limits by the
fixing and conducting of trading houses upon the principles then
expressed.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

The time which has elapsed since the commencement of our fiscal measures
has developed our pecuniary resources so as to open the way for a
definite plan for the redemption of the public debt. It is believed that
the result is such as to encourage Congress to consummate this work
without delay. Nothing can more promote the permanent welfare of the
nation and nothing would be more grateful to our constituents. Indeed,
whatsoever is unfinished of our system of public credit can not be
benefited by procrastination; and as far as may be practicable we ought
to place that credit on grounds which can not be disturbed, and to
prevent that progressive accumulation of debt which must ultimately
endanger all governments.

An estimate of the necessary appropriations, including the expenditures
into which we have been driven by the insurrection, will be submitted to
Congress.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_.

The Mint of the United States has entered upon the coinage of the
precious metals, and considerable sums of defective coins and bullion
have been lodged with the Director by individuals. There is a pleasing
prospect that the institution will at no remote day realize the
expectation which was originally formed of its utility.

In subsequent communications certain circumstances of our
intercourse with foreign nations will be transmitted to Congress.
However, it may not be unseasonable to announce that my policy in our
foreign transactions has been to cultivate peace with all the world;
to observe treaties with pure and absolute faith; to check every
deviation from the line of impartiality; to explain what may have been
misapprehended and correct what may have been injurious to any nation,
and having thus acquired the right, to lose no time in acquiring the
ability to insist upon justice being done to ourselves.

Let us unite, therefore, in imploring the Supreme Ruler of Nations
to spread his holy protection over these United States; to turn the
machinations of the wicked to the confirming of our Constitution; to
enable us at all times to root out internal sedition and put invasion to
flight; to perpetuate to our country that prosperity which His goodness
has already conferred, and to verify the anticipations of this
Government being a safeguard to human rights.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

ADDRESS OF THE SENATE TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES.

SIR: We receive with pleasure your speech to the two Houses of Congress.
In it we perceive renewed proofs of that vigilant and paternal concern
for the prosperity, honor, and happiness of our country which has
uniformly distinguished your past Administration.

Our anxiety arising from the licentious and open resistance to the
laws in the western counties of Pennsylvania has been increased by the
proceedings of certain self-created societies relative to the laws and
administration of the Government; proceedings, in our apprehension,
founded in political error, calculated, if not intended, to disorganize
our Government, and which, by inspiring delusive hopes of support, have
been influential in misleading our fellow-citizens in the scene of
insurrection.

In a situation so delicate and important the lenient and persuasive
measures which you adopted merit and receive our affectionate
approbation. These failing to procure their proper effect, and coercion
having become inevitable, we have derived the highest satisfaction from
the enlightened patriotism and animating zeal with which the citizens of
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia have rallied around the
standard of Government in opposition to anarchy and insurrection.

Our warm and cordial acknowledgments are due to you, sir, for the wisdom
and decision with which you arrayed the militia to execute the public
will, and to them for the disinterestedness and alacrity with which they
obeyed your summons.

The example is precious to the theory of our Government, and confers the
brightest honor upon the patriots who have given it.

We shall readily concur in such further provisions for the security
of internal peace and a due obedience to the laws as the occasion
manifestly requires.

The effectual organization of the militia and a prudent attention to the
fortifications of our ports and harbors are subjects of great national
importance, and, together with the other measures you have been pleased
to recommend, will receive our deliberate consideration.

The success of the troops under the command of General Wayne can not
fail to produce essential advantages. The pleasure with which we
acknowledge the merits of that gallant general and army is enhanced by
the hope that their victories will lay the foundation of a just and
durable peace with the Indian tribes.

At a period so momentous in the affairs of nations the temperate, just,
and firm policy that you have pursued in respect to foreign powers has
been eminently calculated to promote the great and essential interest of
our country, and has created the fairest title to the public gratitude
and thanks.

JOHN ADAMS,

_Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate_.

NOVEMBER 21, 1794.

REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

GENTLEMEN: Among the occasions which have been afforded for expressing
my sense of the zealous and steadfast cooperation of the Senate in the
maintenance of Government, none has yet occurred more forcibly demanding
my unqualified acknowledgments than the present.

Next to the consciousness of upright intentions, it is the highest
pleasure to be approved by the enlightened representatives of a free
nation. With the satisfaction, therefore, which arises from an
unalterable attachment to public order do I learn that the Senate
discountenance those proceedings which would arrogate the direction of
our affairs without any degree of authority derived from the people.

It has been more than once the lot of our Government to be thrown into
new and delicate situations, and of these the insurrection has not been
the least important. Having been compelled at length to lay aside my
repugnance to resort to arms, I derive much happiness from being
confirmed by your judgment in the necessity of decisive measures, and
from the support of my fellow-citizens of the militia, who were the
patriotic instruments of that necessity.

With such demonstrations of affection for our Constitution; with an
adequate organization of the militia; with the establishment of
necessary fortifications; with a continuance of those judicious and
spirited exertions which have brought victory to our Western army; with
a due attention to public credit, and an unsullied honor toward all
nations, we may meet, under every assurance of success, our enemies
from within and from without.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

NOVEMBER 22, 1794.

ADDRESS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT
OF THE UNITED STATES.

SIR: The House of Representatives, calling to mind the blessings enjoyed
by the people of the United States, and especially the happiness of
living under constitutions and laws which rest on their authority alone,
could not learn with other emotions than those you have expressed that
any part of our fellow-citizens should have shewn themselves capable
of an insurrection. And we learn with the greatest concern that any
misrepresentations whatever of the Government and its proceedings,
either by individuals or combinations of men, should have been made
and so far credited as to foment the flagrant outrage which has been
committed on the laws. We feel with you the deepest regret at so painful
an occurrence in the annals of our country. As men regardful of the
tender interests of humanity, we look with grief at scenes which might
have stained our land with civil blood; as lovers of public order, we
lament that it has suffered so flagrant a violation; as zealous friends
of republican government, we deplore every occasion which in the hands
of its enemies may be turned into a calumny against it.

This aspect of the crisis, however, is happily not the only one which
it presents. There is another, which yields all the consolations which
you have drawn from it. It has demonstrated to the candid world, as
well as to the American people themselves, that the great body of them
everywhere are equally attached to the luminous and vital principle of
our Constitution, which enjoins that the will of the majority shall
prevail; that they understand the indissoluble union between true
liberty and regular government; that they feel their duties no less than
they are watchful over their rights; that they will be as ready at all
times to crush licentiousness as they have been to defeat usurpation.
In a word, that they are capable of carrying into execution that noble
plan of self-government which they have chosen as the guaranty of their
own happiness and the asylum for that of all, from every clime, who may
wish to unite their destiny with ours.

These are the just inferences flowing from the promptitude with which
the summons to the standard of the laws has been obeyed, and from the
sentiments which have been witnessed in every description of citizens in
every quarter of the Union. The spectacle, therefore, when viewed in its
true light, may well be affirmed to display in equal luster the virtues
of the American character and the value of republican government.
All must particularly acknowledge and applaud the patriotism of that
portion of citizens who have freely sacrificed everything less dear
than the love of their country to the meritorious task of defending
its happiness.

In the part which you have yourself borne through this delicate and
distressing period we trace the additional proofs it has afforded of
your solicitude for the public good. Your laudable and successful
endeavors to render lenity in executing the laws conducive to their
real energy, and to convert tumult into order without the effusion of
blood, form a particular title to the confidence and praise of your
constituents. In all that may be found necessary on our part to complete
this benevolent purpose, and to secure the ministers and friends of
the laws against the remains of danger, our due cooperation will
be afforded.

The other subjects which you have recommended or communicated, and of
which several are peculiarly interesting, will all receive the attention
which they demand. We are deeply impressed with the importance of an
effectual organization of the militia. We rejoice at the intelligence
of the advance and success of the army under the command of General
Wayne, whether we regard it as a proof of the perseverance, prowess,
and superiority of our troops, or as a happy presage to our military
operations against the hostile Indians, and as a probable prelude to the
establishment of a lasting peace upon terms of candor, equity, and good
neighborhood. We receive it with the greater pleasure as it increases
the probability of sooner restoring a part of the public resources to
the desirable object of reducing the public debt.

We shall on this, as on all occasions, be disposed to adopt any measures
which may advance the safety and prosperity of our country. In nothing
can we more cordially unite with you than in imploring the Supreme Ruler
of Nations to multiply his blessings on these United States; to guard
our free and happy Constitution against every machination and danger,
and to make it the best source of public happiness, by verifying its
character of being the best safeguard of human rights,

NOVEMBER 28, 1794.

REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

GENTLEMEN: I anticipated with confidence the concurrence of the House of
Representatives in the regret produced by the insurrection. Every effort
ought to be used to discountenance what has contributed to foment it,
and thus discourage a repetition of like attempts; for notwithstanding
the consolations which may be drawn from the issue of this event, it
is far better that the artful approaches to such a situation of things
should be checked by the vigilant and duly admonished patriotism of our
fellow-citizens than that the evil should increase until it becomes
necessary to crush it by the strength of their arm.

I am happy that the part which I have myself borne on this occasion
receives the approbation of your House. For the discharge of a
constitutional duty it is a sufficient reward to me to be assured
that you will unite in consummating what remains to be done.

I feel also great satisfaction in learning that the other subjects
which I have communicated or recommended will meet with due attention;
that you are deeply impressed with the importance of an effectual
organization of the militia, and that the advance and success of the
army under the command of General Wayne is regarded by you, no less
than myself, as a proof of the perseverance, prowess, and superiority
of our troops.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

NOVEMBER 29, 1794.

SPECIAL MESSAGES.

UNITED STATES, _November 21, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before Congress copies of a letter from the governor of the State
of New York and of the exemplification of an act of the legislature
thereof ratifying the amendment of the Constitution of the United States
proposed by the Senate and House of Representatives at their last
session, respecting the judicial power.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _November 21, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

In the negotiation between the United States and His Catholic Majesty
I have received satisfactory proofs of attention and ability exerted
in behalf of the United States to bring it to a happy and speedy issue.
But it is probable that by complying with an intimation made to the
Secretary of State by the commissioners of His Catholic Majesty much
further delay in concluding it may be prevented. Notwithstanding,
therefore, I retain full confidence in our minister resident at Madrid,
who is charged with powers as commissioner plenipotentiary, I nominate
Thomas Pinckney to be envoy extraordinary of the United States to His
Catholic Majesty, for the purpose of negotiating of and concerning the
navigation of the river Mississippi, and such other matters relative
to the confines of their territories, and the intercourse to be had
thereon, as the mutual interests and general harmony of neighboring and
friendly nations require should be precisely adjusted and regulated,
and of and concerning the general commerce between the United States
and the kingdoms and dominions of his said Catholic Majesty.

It is believed that by his temporary absence from London in the
discharge of these new functions no injury will arise to the United
States.

I also nominate:

John Miller Russell, of Massachusetts, to be consul of the United States
of America for the port of St. Petersburg, in Russia, and for such other
places as shall be nearer to the said port than to the residence of
any other consul or vice-consul of the United States within the same
allegiance;

Joseph Pitcairn, of New York, to be vice-consul of the United States
of America at Paris, vice Alexander Duvernet, superseded; and

Nathaniel Brush, of Vermont, to be supervisor for the United States
in the district of Vermont, vice Noah Smith, who has resigned.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _November 25, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before you a statement of the troops in the service of the United
States, which has been submitted to me by the Secretary of War. It will
rest with Congress to consider and determine whether further inducements
shall be held out for entering into the military service of the United
States in order to complete the establishment authorized by law.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _December 17, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before Congress copies of the journal of the proceedings of the
executive department of the government of the United States south of
the river Ohio to the 1st of September, 1794.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _December 30, 1794_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before you a report, made to me by the Secretary of War,
respecting the frontiers of the United States. The disorders and
the great expenses which incessantly arise upon the frontiers are
of a nature and magnitude to excite the most serious considerations.

I feel a confidence that Congress will devise such constitutional and
efficient measures as shall be equal to the great objects of preserving
our treaties with the Indian tribes and of affording an adequate
protection to our frontiers.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 2, 1795_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

A spirit of discontent, from several causes, arose in the early part of
the present year among the Six Nations of Indians, and particularly on
the ground of a projected settlement by Pennsylvania, at Presque Isle,
upon Lake Erie. The papers upon this point have already been laid before
Congress. It was deemed proper on my part to endeavor to tranquillize
the Indians by pacific measures. Accordingly a time and place was
appointed at which a free conference should be had upon all the causes
of discontent, and an agent was appointed with the instructions of
which No. 1, herewith transmitted, is a copy.

A numerous assembly of Indians was held in Canandaigua, in the State of
New York the proceedings whereof accompany this message, marked No. 2.

The two treaties, the one with the Six Nations and the other with the
Oneida, Tuscorora, and Stockbridge Indians dwelling in the country of
the Oneidas, which have resulted from the mission of the agent, are
herewith laid before the Senate for their consideration and advice.

The original engagement of the United States to the Oneidas is also sent
herewith.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 8, 1795_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before Congress copies of acts passed by the legislatures of the
States of Vermont, Massachusetts, and New York, ratifying the amendment
proposed by the Senate and House of Representatives at their last
session to the Constitution of the United States respecting the
judicial power thereof.

The minister of the French Republic having communicated to the Secretary
of State certain proceedings of the committee of public safety
respecting weights and measures, I lay these also before Congress.

The letter from the governor of the Western territory, copies of which
are now transmitted, refers to a defect in the judicial system of that
territory deserving the attention of Congress.

The necessary absence of the judge of the district of Pennsylvania upon
business connected with the late insurrection is stated by him in a
letter of which I forward copies to have produced certain interruptions
in the judicial proceedings of that district which can not be removed
without the interposition of Congress.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 4, 1795_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I lay before Congress, for their consideration, a letter from the
Secretary of State upon the subject of a loan which is extremely
interesting and urgent.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 17, 1795_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I transmit to Congress copies of a letter from the governor of the State
of New Hampshire and of an act of the legislature thereof "ratifying the
article proposed in amendment to the Constitution of the United States
respecting the judicial power."

I also lay before Congress copies of a letter from the governor of
the State of North Carolina and of an act of the legislature thereof
ceding to the United States certain lands upon the conditions therein
mentioned.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 17, 1795_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I have received copies of two acts of the legislature of Georgia,
one passed on the 28th day of December and the other on the 7th day
of January last, for appropriating and selling the Indian lands within
the territorial limits claimed by that State. These copies, though not
officially certified, have been transmitted to me in such a manner as to
leave no room to doubt their authenticity. These acts embrace an object
of such magnitude, and in their consequences may so deeply affect the
peace and welfare of the United States, that I have thought it necessary
now to lay them before Congress.

In _confidence_, I also forward copies of several documents and papers
received from the governor of the Southwestern territory. By these it
seems that hostilities with the Cherokees have ceased, and that there is
a pleasing prospect of a permanent peace with that nation; but from all
the communications of the governor it appears that the Creeks, in small
parties, continue their depredations, and it is uncertain to what they
may finally lead.

The several papers now communicated deserve the immediate attention of
Congress, who will consider how far the subjects of them may require
their cooperation.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 25, 1795_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I communicate to Congress copies of a letter from the governor of the
State of Georgia and of an act of the legislature thereof "to ratify the
resolution of Congress explanatory of the judicial power of the United
States."

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 28, 1795_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

In my first communication to Congress during their present session
I gave them reason to expect that "certain circumstances of our
intercourse with foreign nations" would be transmitted to them. There
was at that time every assurance for believing that some of the most
important of our foreign affairs would have been concluded and others
considerably matured before they should rise. But notwithstanding I have
waited until this moment, it has so happened that, either from causes
unknown to me or from events which could not be controlled, I am yet
unable to execute my original intention. That I may, however, fulfill
the expectation given as far as the actual situation of things will in
my judgment permit, I now, _in confidence_', lay before Congress the
following general statement:

Our minister near the French Republic has urged compensation for
the injuries which our commerce has sustained from captures by French
cruisers, from the nonfulfillment of the contracts of the agents of that
Republic with our citizens, and from the embargo at Bordeaux. He has
also pressed an allowance for the money voted by Congress for relieving
the inhabitants of St. Domingo. It affords me the highest pleasure to
inform Congress that perfect harmony reigns between the two Republics,
and that those claims are in a train of being discussed with candor
and of being amicably adjusted.

So much of our relation to Great Britain may depend upon the result
of our late negotiations in London that until that result shall arrive
I can not undertake to make any communication upon this subject.

After the negotiation with Spain had been long depending unusual and
unexpected embarrassments were raised to interrupt its progress. But
the commissioner of His Catholic Majesty near the United States having
declared to the Secretary of State that if a particular accommodation
should be made in the _conducting_ of the business no further delay
would ensue, I thought proper, under all circumstances, to send to
His Catholic Majesty an envoy extraordinary specially charged to bring
to a conclusion the discussions which have been formerly announced
to Congress.

The friendship of Her Most Faithful Majesty has been often manifested in
checking the passage of the Algerine corsairs into the Atlantic Ocean.
She has also furnished occasional convoys to the vessels of the United
States, even when bound to other ports than her own. We may therefore
promise ourselves that, as in the ordinary course of things few causes
can exist for dissatisfaction between the United States and Portugal,
so the temper with which accidental difficulties will be met on each
side will speedily remove them.

Between the Executive of the United States and the Government of the
United Netherlands but little intercourse has taken place during the
last year. It may be acceptable to Congress to learn that our credit in
Holland is represented as standing upon the most respectable footing.

Upon the death of the late Emperor of Morocco an agent was dispatched
to renew with his successor the treaty which the United States had made
with _him_. The agent, unfortunately, died after he had reached Europe
in the prosecution of his mission. But until lately it was impossible
to determine with any degree of probability who of the competitors for
that Empire would be ultimately fixed in the supreme power. Although
the measures which have been since adopted for the renewal of the treaty
have been obstructed by the disturbed situation of Amsterdam, there are
good grounds for presuming as yet upon the pacific disposition of the
Emperor, in fact, toward the United States, and that the past
miscarriage will be shortly remedied.

Congress are already acquainted with the failure of the loan attempted
in Holland for the relief of our unhappy fellow-citizens in Algiers.
This subject, than which none deserves a more affectionate zeal, has
constantly commanded my best exertions. I am happy, therefore, in being
able to say that from the last authentic accounts the Dey was disposed
to treat for a peace and ransom, and that both would in all probability
have been accomplished had we not been disappointed in the means.
Nothing which depends upon the Executive shall be left undone for
carrying into immediate effect the supplementary act of Congress.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 2, 1795_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

It appears from the information which I have lately received that it may
be probably necessary to the more successful conduct of our affairs on
the coast of Barbary that one consul should reside in Morocco, another
in Algiers, and a third in Tunis or Tripoli. As no appointment for these
offices will be accepted without some emolument annexed, I submit to the
consideration of Congress whether it may not be advisable to authorize
a stipend to be allowed to two consuls for that coast in addition to the
one already existing.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 2, 1795_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I transmit to you copies of a letter from the governor of the State
of Delaware and of an act inclosed "declaring the assent of that State
to an amendment therein mentioned to the Constitution of the United
States."

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _June 8, 1795_.[2]

[Footnote 2: For proclamation convening Senate in extraordinary session
see p. 587.]

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

In pursuance of my nomination of John Jay as envoy extraordinary to His
Britannic Majesty on the 16th day of April, 1794, and of the advice and
consent of the Senate thereto on the 19th, a negotiation was opened in
London. On the 7th of March, 1795, the treaty resulting therefrom was
delivered to the Secretary of State. I now transmit to the Senate that
treaty and other documents connected with it. They will, therefore, in
their wisdom decide whether they will advise and consent that the said
treaty be made between the United States and His Britannic Majesty.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _June 25, 1795_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

It has been represented by our minister plenipotentiary near the French
Republic that such of our commercial relations with France as may
require the support of the United States in _detail_ can not be well
executed without a consul-general. Of this I am satisfied when I
consider the extent of the mercantile claims now depending before the
French Government, the necessity of bringing into the hands of one agent
the various applications to the several committees of administration
residing at Paris, the attention which must be paid to the conduct of
consuls, and vice-consuls, and the nature of the services which are the
peculiar objects of a minister's care, and leave no leisure for his
intervention in business to which consular functions are competent.
I therefore nominate Fulwar Skipwith to be consul-general of the
United States in France.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _June 25, 1795_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Just at the close of the last session of Congress I received from one
of the Senators and one of the Representatives of the State of Georgia
an application for a treaty to be held with the tribes or nations of
Indians claiming the right of soil to certain lands lying beyond the
present temporary boundary line of that State, and which were described
in an act of the legislature of Georgia passed on the 28th of December
last, which has already been laid before the Senate. This application
and the subsequent correspondence with the governor of Georgia are
herewith transmitted. The subject being very important, I thought proper
to postpone a decision upon that application. The views I have since
taken of the matter, with the information received of a more pacific
disposition on the part of the Creeks, have induced me now to accede to
the request, but with this explicit declaration, that neither my assent
nor the treaty which may be made shall be considered as affecting any
question which may arise upon the supplementary act passed by the
legislature of the State of Georgia on the 7th of January last, upon
which inquiries have been instituted in pursuance of a resolution
of the Senate and House of Representatives, and that any cession or
relinquishment of the Indian claims shall be made in the general terms
of the treaty of New York, which are contemplated as the form proper to
be generally used on such occasions, and on the condition that one-half
of the expense of the supplies of provisions for the Indians assembled
at the treaty be borne by the State of Georgia.

Having concluded to hold the treaty requested by that State, I was
willing to embrace the opportunity it would present of inquiring
into the causes of the dissatisfaction of the Creeks which has
been manifested since the treaty of New York by their numerous
and distressing depredations on our Southwestern frontiers. Their
depredations on the Cumberland have been so frequent and so peculiarly
destructive as to lead me to think they must originate in some claim to
the lands upon that river. But whatever may have been the cause, it is
important to trace it to its source; for, independent of the destruction
of lives and property, it occasions a very serious annual expense to the
United States. The commissioners for holding the proposed treaty will,
therefore, be instructed to inquire into the causes of the hostilities
to which I have referred, and to enter into such reasonable stipulations
as will remove them and give permanent peace to those parts of the
United States.

I now nominate Benjamin Hawkins, of North Carolina: George Clymer, of
Pennsylvania, and Andrew Pickens, of South Carolina, to be commissioners
to hold a treaty with the Creek Nation of Indians, for the purposes
hereinbefore expressed.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

PROCLAMATIONS.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

When we review the calamities which afflict so many other nations,
the present condition of the United States affords much matter of
consolation and satisfaction. Our exemption hitherto from foreign war,
an increasing prospect of the continuance of that exemption, the great
degree of internal tranquillity we have enjoyed, the recent confirmation
of that tranquillity by the suppression of an insurrection which so
wantonly threatened it, the happy course of our public affairs in
general, the unexampled prosperity of all classes of our citizens,
are circumstances which peculiarly mark our situation with indications
of the Divine beneficence toward us. In such a state of things it is
in an especial manner our duty as a people, with devout reverence and
affectionate gratitude, to acknowledge our many and great obligations
to Almighty God and to implore Him to continue and confirm the blessings
we experience.

Deeply penetrated with this sentiment, I, George Washington, President
of the United States, do recommend to all religious societies and
denominations, and to all persons whomsoever, within the United States
to set apart and observe Thursday, the 19th day of February next, as a
day of public thanksgiving and prayer, and on that day to meet together
and render their sincere and hearty thanks to the Great Ruler of Nations
for the manifold and signal mercies which distinguish our lot as a
nation, particularly for the possession of constitutions of government
which unite and by their union establish liberty with order; for the
preservation of our peace, foreign and domestic; for the seasonable
control which has been given to a spirit of disorder in the suppression
of the late insurrection, and generally, for the prosperous course
of our affairs, public and private; and at the same time humbly and
fervently to beseech the kind Author of these blessings graciously to
prolong them to us; to imprint on our hearts a deep and solemn sense of
our obligations to Him for them; to teach us rightly to estimate their
immense value; to preserve us from the arrogance of prosperity, and
from hazarding the advantages we enjoy by delusive pursuits; to dispose
us to merit the continuance of His favors by not abusing them; by our
gratitude for them, and by a correspondent conduct as citizens and men;
to render this country more and more a safe and propitious asylum for
the unfortunate of other countries; to extend among us true and useful
knowledge; to diffuse and establish habits of sobriety, order, morality,
and piety, and finally, to impart all the blessings we possess, or ask
for ourselves, to the whole family of mankind.

In testimony whereof I have caused the seal of the United States of
America to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with
my hand.

[SEAL.]

Done at the city of Philadelphia, the 1st day of January, 1795, and
of the Independence of the United States of America the nineteenth.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

By the President:
EDM. RANDOLPH.

[From Sparks's Washington, Vol. XII, p. 134.]

PROCLAMATION.

Whereas the commissioners appointed by the President of the United
States to confer with the citizens in the western counties of
Pennsylvania during the late insurrection which prevailed therein, by
their act and agreement bearing date the 2d day of September last, in
pursuance of the powers in them vested, did promise and engage that,
if assurances of submission to the laws of the United States should
be bona fide given by the citizens resident in the fourth survey of
Pennsylvania, in the manner and within the time in the said act and
agreement specified, a general pardon should be granted on the 10th day
of July then next ensuing of all treasons and other indictable offenses
against the United States committed within the said survey before the
22d day of August last, excluding therefrom, nevertheless, every person
who should refuse or neglect to subscribe such assurance and engagement
in manner aforesaid, or who should after such subscription violate the
same, or willfully obstruct or attempt to obstruct the execution of the
acts for raising a revenue on distilled spirits and stills, or be aiding
or abetting therein; and

Whereas I have since thought proper to extend the said pardon to
all persons guilty of the said treasons, misprisions of treasons, or
otherwise concerned in the late insurrection within the survey aforesaid
who have not since been indicted or convicted thereof, or of any other
offense against the United States:

Therefore be it known that I, George Washington, President of the said
United States, have granted, and by these presents do grant, a full,
free, and entire pardon to all persons (excepting as is hereinafter
excepted) of all treasons, misprisions of treason, and other indictable
offenses against the United States committed within the fourth survey of
Pennsylvania before the said 22d day of August last past, excepting and
excluding therefrom, nevertheless, every person who refused or neglected
to give and subscribe the said assurances in the manner aforesaid
(or having subscribed hath violated the same) and now standeth indicted
or convicted of any treason, misprision of treason, or other offense
against the said United States, hereby remitting and releasing unto all
persons, except as before excepted, all penalties incurred, or supposed
to be incurred, for or on account of the premises.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed, this 10th day of July, A.D. 1795, and
the twentieth year of the Independence of the said United States.

[SEAL.]

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

SEVENTH ANNUAL ADDRESS.

UNITED STATES, _December 8, 1795_.

_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I trust I do not deceive myself when I indulge the persuasion that
I have never met you at any period when more than at the present the
situation of our public affairs has afforded just cause for mutual
congratulation, and for inviting you to join with me in profound
gratitude to the Author of all Good for the numerous and extraordinary
blessings we enjoy.

The termination of the long, expensive, and distressing war in which we
have been engaged with certain Indians northwest of the Ohio is placed
in the option of the United States by a treaty which the commander of
our army has concluded provisionally with the hostile tribes in that
region.

In the adjustment of the terms the satisfaction of the Indians was
deemed an object worthy no less of the policy than of the liberality of
the United States as the necessary basis of durable tranquillity. The
object, it is believed, has been fully attained. The articles agreed
upon will immediately be laid before the Senate for their consideration.

The Creek and Cherokee Indians, who alone of the Southern tribes had
annoyed our frontiers, have lately confirmed their preexisting treaties
with us, and were giving evidence of a sincere disposition to carry them
into effect by the surrender of the prisoners and property they had
taken. But we have to lament that the fair prospect in this quarter has
been once more clouded by wanton murders, which some citizens of Georgia
are represented to have recently perpetrated on hunting parties of the
Creeks, which have again subjected that frontier to disquietude and
danger, which will be productive of further expense, and may occasion
more effusion of blood. Measures are pursuing to prevent or mitigate
the usual consequences of such outrages, and with the hope of their
succeeding at least to avert general hostility.

A letter from the Emperor of Morocco announces to me his recognition of
our treaty made with his father, the late Emperor, and consequently the
continuance of peace with that power. With peculiar satisfaction I add
that information has been received from an agent deputed on our part to
Algiers importing that the terms of the treaty with the Dey and Regency
of that country had been adjusted in such a manner as to authorize the
expectation of a speedy peace and the restoration of our unfortunate
fellow-citizens from a grievous captivity.

The latest advices from our envoy at the Court of Madrid give, moreover,
the pleasing information that he had received assurances of a speedy and
satisfactory conclusion of his negotiation. While the event depending
upon unadjusted particulars can not be regarded as ascertained, it
is agreeable to cherish the expectation of an issue which, securing
amicably very essential interests of the United States, will at the same
time lay the foundation of lasting harmony with a power whose friendship
we have uniformly and sincerely desired to cultivate.

Though not before officially disclosed to the House of Representatives,
you, gentlemen, are all apprised that a treaty of amity, commerce, and
navigation has been negotiated with Great Britain, and that the Senate
have advised and consented to its ratification upon a condition which
excepts part of one article. Agreeably thereto, and to the best judgment
I was able to form of the public interest after full and mature
deliberation, I have added my sanction. The result on the part of His
Britannic Majesty is unknown. When received, the subject will without
delay be placed before Congress.

This interesting summary of our affairs with regard to the foreign
powers between whom and the United States controversies have subsisted,
and with regard also to those of our Indian neighbors with whom we have
been in a state of enmity or misunderstanding, opens a wide field for
consoling and gratifying reflections. If by prudence and moderation
on every side the extinguishment of all the causes of external discord
which have heretofore menaced our tranquillity, on terms compatible
with our national rights and honor, shall be the happy result, how firm
and how precious a foundation will have been laid for accelerating,
maturing, and establishing the prosperity of our country.

Contemplating the internal situation as well as the external
relations of the United States, we discover equal cause for contentment
and satisfaction. While many of the nations of Europe, with their
American dependencies, have been involved in a contest unusually bloody,
exhausting, and calamitous, in which the evils of foreign war have been
aggravated by domestic convulsion and insurrection; in which many of
the arts most useful to society have been exposed to discouragement and
decay; in which scarcity of subsistence has imbittered other sufferings;
while even the anticipations of a return of the blessings of peace and
repose are alloyed by the sense of heavy and accumulating burthens,
which press upon all the departments of industry and threaten to clog
the future springs of government, our favored country, happy in a
striking contrast, has enjoyed general tranquillity--a tranquillity
the more satisfactory because maintained at the expense of no duty.
Faithful to ourselves, we have violated no obligation to others. Our
agriculture, commerce, and manufactures prosper beyond former example,
the molestations of our trade (to prevent a continuance of which,
however, very pointed remonstrances have been made) being overbalanced
by the aggregate benefits which it derives from a neutral position. Our
population advances with a celerity which, exceeding the most sanguine
calculations, proportionally augments our strength and resources,
and guarantees our future security. Every part of the Union displays
indications of rapid and various improvement; and with burthens so
light as scarcely to be perceived, with resources fully adequate to our
present exigencies, with governments founded on the genuine principles
of rational liberty, and with mild and wholesome laws, is it too much
to say that our country exhibits a spectacle of national happiness
never surpassed, if ever before equaled?

Placed in a situation every way so auspicious, motives of commanding
force impel us, with sincere acknowledgment to Heaven and pure love to
our country, to unite our efforts to preserve, prolong, and improve our
immense advantages. To cooperate with you in this desirable work is a
fervent and favorite wish of my heart.

It is a valuable ingredient in the general estimate of our welfare that
the part of our country which was lately the scene of disorder and
insurrection now enjoys the blessings of quiet and order. The misled
have abandoned their errors, and pay the respect to our Constitution and
laws which is due from good citizens to the public authorities of the
society. These circumstances have induced me to pardon generally the
offenders here referred to, and to extend forgiveness to those who had
been adjudged to capital punishment. For though I shall always think it
a sacred duty to exercise with firmness and energy the constitutional
powers with which I am vested, yet it appears to me no less consistent
with the public good than it is with my personal feelings to mingle in
the operations of Government every degree of moderation and tenderness
which the national justice, dignity, and safety may permit.

GENTLEMEN: Among the objects which will claim your attention in the
course of the session, a review of our military establishment is not the
least important. It is called for by the events which have changed, and
maybe expected still further to change, the relative situation of our
frontiers. In this review you will doubtless allow due weight to the
considerations that the questions between us and certain foreign powers
are not yet finally adjusted, that the war in Europe is not yet
terminated, and that our Western posts, when recovered, will demand
provision for garrisoning and securing them. A statement of our present
military force will be laid before you by the Department of War.

With the review of our Army establishment is naturally connected that of
the militia. It will merit inquiry what imperfections in the existing
plan further experience may have unfolded. The subject is of so much
moment in my estimation as to excite a constant solicitude that the
consideration of it may be renewed until the greatest attainable
perfection shall be accomplished. Time is wearing away some advantages
for forwarding the object, while none better deserves the persevering
attention of the public councils.

While we indulge the satisfaction which the actual condition of our
Western borders so well authorizes, it is necessary that we should
not lose sight of an important truth which continually receives new
confirmations, namely, that the provisions heretofore made with a view
to the protection of the Indians from the violences of the lawless part
of our frontier inhabitants are insufficient. It is demonstrated that
these violences can now be perpetrated with impunity, and it can need no
argument to prove that unless the murdering of Indians can be restrained
by bringing the murderers to condign punishment, all the exertions of
the Government to prevent destructive retaliations by the Indians will
prove fruitless and all our present agreeable prospects illusory. The
frequent destruction of innocent women and children, who are chiefly the
victims of retaliation, must continue to shock humanity, and an enormous
expense to drain the Treasury of the Union.

To enforce upon the Indians the observance of justice it is
indispensable that there shall be competent means of rendering justice
to them. If these means can be devised by the wisdom of Congress, and
especially if there can be added an adequate provision for supplying the
necessities of the Indians on reasonable terms (a measure the mention
of which I the more readily repeat, as in all the conferences with them
they urge it with solicitude), I should not hesitate to entertain a
strong hope of rendering our tranquillity permanent. I add with pleasure
that the probability even of their civilization is not diminished by
the experiments which have been thus far made under the auspices of
Government. The accomplishment of this work, if practicable, will
reflect undecaying luster on our national character and administer
the most grateful consolations that virtuous minds can know.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

The state of our revenue, with the sums which have been borrowed and
reimbursed pursuant to different acts of Congress, will be submitted
from the proper Department, together with an estimate of the
appropriations necessary to be made for the service of the ensuing year.

Whether measures may not be advisable to reenforce the provision for the
redemption of the public debt will naturally engage your examination.
Congress have demonstrated their sense to be, and it were superfluous
to repeat mine, that whatsoever will tend to accelerate the honorable
extinction of our public debt accords as much with the true interest
of our country as with the general sense of our constituents.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

The statements which will be laid before you relative to the Mint will
shew the situation of that institution and the necessity of some further
legislative provisions for carrying the business of it more completely
into effect, and for checking abuses which appear to be arising in
particular quarters.

The progress in providing materials for the frigates and in building
them, the state of the fortifications of our harbors, the measures which
have been pursued for obtaining proper sites for arsenals and for
replenishing our magazines with military stores, and the steps which
have been taken toward the execution of the law for opening a trade with
the Indians will likewise be presented for the information of Congress.

Temperate discussion of the important subjects which may arise in the
course of the session and mutual forbearance where there is a difference
of opinion are too obvious and necessary for the peace, happiness, and
welfare of our country to need any recommendation of mine.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

ADDRESS OF THE SENATE TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES.

SIR: It is with peculiar satisfaction that we are informed by your
speech to the two Houses of Congress that the long and expensive war in
which we have been engaged with the Indians northwest of the Ohio is in
a situation to be finally terminated; and though we view with concern
the danger of an interruption of the peace so recently confirmed with
the Creeks, we indulge the hope that the measures that you have adopted
to prevent the same, if followed by those legislative provisions
that justice and humanity equally demand, will succeed in laying the
foundation of a lasting peace with the Indian tribes on the Southern
as well as on the Western frontiers.

The confirmation of our treaty with Morocco, and the adjustment of
a treaty of peace with Algiers, in consequence of which our captive
fellow-citizens shall be delivered from slavery, are events that will
prove no less interesting to the public humanity than they will be
important in extending and securing the navigation and commerce of
our country.

As a just and equitable conclusion of our depending negotiations with
Spain will essentially advance the interest of both nations, and thereby
cherish and confirm the good understanding and friendship which we have
at all times desired to maintain, it will afford us real pleasure to
receive an early confirmation of our expectations on this subject.

The interesting prospect of our affairs with regard to the foreign
powers between whom and the United States controversies have subsisted
is not more satisfactory than the review of our internal situation.
If from the former we derive an expectation of the extinguishment of
all the causes of external discord that have heretofore endangered
our tranquillity, and on terms consistent with our national honor
and safety, in the latter we discover those numerous and widespread
tokens of prosperity which in so peculiar a manner distinguish our
happy country.

Circumstances thus every way auspicious demand our gratitude and sincere
acknowledgments to Almighty God, and require that we should unite our
efforts in imitation of your enlightened, firm, and persevering example
to establish and preserve the peace, freedom, and prosperity of our
country.

The objects which you have recommended to the notice of the Legislature
will in the course of the session receive our careful attention, and
with a true zeal for the public welfare we shall cheerfully cooperate
in every measure that shall appear to us best calculated to promote
the same.

JOHN ADAMS,

_Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate_.

DECEMBER 11, 1795.

REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

GENTLEMEN: With real pleasure I receive your address, recognizing
the prosperous situation of our public affairs, and giving assurances
of your careful attention to the objects demanding legislative
consideration, and that with a true zeal for the public welfare you
will cheerfully cooperate in every measure which shall appear to you
best calculated to promote the same.

But I derive peculiar satisfaction from your concurrence with me in
the expressions of gratitude to Almighty God, which a review of the
auspicious circumstances that distinguish our happy country have
excited, and I trust the sincerity of our acknowledgments will be
evinced by a union of efforts to establish and preserve its peace,
freedom, and prosperity.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

DECEMBER 12, 1795.

ADDRESS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT
OF THE UNITED STATES.

The PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

SIR: As the Representatives of the people of the United States, we can
not but participate in the strongest sensibility to every blessing which
they enjoy, and cheerfully join with you in profound gratitude to the
Author of all Good for the numerous and extraordinary blessings which
He has conferred on our favored country.

A final and formal termination of the distressing war which has
ravaged our Northwestern frontier will be an event which must afford a
satisfaction proportionate to the anxiety with which it has long been
sought, and in the adjustment of the terms we perceive the true policy
of making them satisfactory to the Indians as well as to the United
States as the best basis of a durable tranquillity. The disposition of
such of the Southern tribes as had also heretofore annoyed our frontier
is another prospect in our situation so important to the interest and
happiness of the United States that it is much to be lamented that any
clouds should be thrown over it, more especially by excesses on the
part of our own citizens.

While our population is advancing with a celerity which exceeds the most
sanguine calculations; while every part of the United States displays
indications of rapid and various improvement; while we are in the
enjoyment of protection and security by mild and wholesome laws,
administered by governments founded on the genuine principles of
rational liberty, a secure foundation will be laid for accelerating,
maturing, and establishing the prosperity of our country if, by treaty
and amicable negotiation, all those causes of external discord which
heretofore menaced our tranquillity shall be extinguished on terms
compatible with our national rights and honor and with our Constitution
and great commercial interests.

Among the various circumstances in our internal situation none can be
viewed with more satisfaction and exultation than that the late scene of
disorder and insurrection has been completely restored to the enjoyment
of order and repose. Such a triumph of reason and of law is worthy of
the free Government under which it happened, and was justly to be hoped
from the enlightened and patriotic spirit which pervades and actuates
the people of the United States.

In contemplating that spectacle of national happiness which our
country exhibits, and of which you, sir, have been pleased to make an
interesting summary, permit us to acknowledge and declare the very great
share which your zealous and faithful services have contributed to it,
and to express the affectionate attachment which we feel for your
character.

The several interesting subjects which you recommend to our
consideration will receive every degree of attention which is due
to them; and whilst we feel the obligation of temperance and mutual
indulgence in all our discussions, we trust and pray that the result
to the happiness and welfare of our country may correspond with the
pure affection we bear to it.

DECEMBER 16, 1795.

REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

GENTLEMEN: Coming as you do from all parts of the United States,
I receive great satisfaction from the concurrence of your testimony
in the justness of the interesting summary of our national happiness
which, as the result of my inquiries, I presented to your view. The
sentiments we have mutually expressed of profound gratitude to the
source of those numerous blessings, the Author of all Good, are pledges
of our obligations to unite our sincere and zealous endeavors, as the
instruments of Divine Providence, to preserve and perpetuate them.

Accept, gentlemen, my thanks for your declaration that to my agency you
ascribe the enjoyment of a great share of these benefits. So far as my
services contribute to the happiness of my country, the acknowledgment
thereof by my fellow-citizens and their affectionate attachment will
ever prove an abundant reward.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

DECEMBER 17, 1795.

SPECIAL MESSAGES.

UNITED STATES, _December 9, 1795_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

I lay before you, for your consideration, a treaty of peace which has
been negotiated by General Wayne, on behalf of the United States, with
all the late hostile tribes of Indians northwest of the river Ohio,
together with the instructions which were given to General Wayne and
the proceedings at the place of treaty.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _December 21, 1795_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Herewith I transmit, for your information and consideration, the
original letter from the Emperor of Morocco, recognizing the treaty of
peace and friendship between the United States and his father, the late
Emperor, accompanied with a translation thereof, and various documents
relating to the negotiation by which the recognition was effected.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 4, 1796_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

A letter from the minister plenipotentiary of the French Republic,
received on the 22d of the last month, covered an address, dated the
21st of October, 1794, from the committee of public safety to the
Representatives of the United States in Congress, and also informed me
that he was instructed by the committee to present to the United States
the colors of France. I thereupon proposed to receive them last Friday,
the first day of the new year, a day of general joy and congratulation.
On that day the minister of the French Republic delivered the colors,
with an address, to which I returned an answer. By the latter Congress
will see that I have informed the minister that the colors will be
deposited with the archives of the United States. But it seemed to
me proper previously to exhibit to the two Houses of Congress these
evidences of the continued friendship of the French Republic, together
with the sentiments expressed by me on the occasion in behalf of the
United States. They are herewith communicated.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 8, 1796_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I transmit to you a memorial of the commissioners appointed by virtue
of an act entitled "An act for establishing the temporary and permanent
seat of the Government of the United States," on the subject of the
public buildings under their direction.

Since locating a district for the permanent seat of the Government of
the United States, as heretofore announced to both Houses of Congress,
I have accepted the grants of money and of land stated in the memorial
of the commissioners. I have directed the buildings therein mentioned
to be commenced on plans which I deemed consistent with the liberality
of the grants and proper for the purposes intended.

I have not been inattentive to this important business intrusted by the
Legislature to my care. I have viewed the resources placed in my hands,
and observed the manner in which they have been applied. The progress is
pretty fully detailed in the memorial from the commissioners, and one
of them attends to give further information if required. In a case new
and arduous, like the present, difficulties might naturally be expected.
Some have occurred, but they are in a great degree surmounted, and I
have no doubt, if the remaining resources are properly cherished, so
as to prevent the loss of property by hasty and numerous sales, that all
the buildings required for the accommodation of the Government of the
United States may be completed in season without aid from the Federal
Treasury. The subject is therefore recommended to the consideration of
Congress, and the result will determine the measures which I shall cause
to be pursued with respect to the property remaining unsold.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 29, 1796_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I send herewith for the information of Congress:

First. An act of the legislature of the State of Rhode Island, ratifying
an amendment to the Constitution of the United States to prevent suits
in certain cases against a State.

Second. An act of the State of North Carolina making the like
ratification.

Third. An act of the State of North Carolina, assenting to the purchase
by the United States of a sufficient quantity of land on Shell Castle
Island for the purpose of erecting a beacon thereon, and ceding the
jurisdiction thereof to the United States.

Fourth. A copy from the journal of proceedings of the governor in his
executive department of the territory of the United States northwest
of the river Ohio from July 1 to December 31, 1794.

Fifth. A copy from the records of the executive proceedings of the same
governor from January 1 to June 30, 1795; and

Sixth and seventh. A copy of the journal of the proceedings of the
governor in his executive department of the territory of the United
States south of the river Ohio from September 1, 1794, to September
1, 1795.

Eighth. The acts of the first and second sessions of the general
assembly of the same territory.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 29, 1796_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

In pursuance of the authority vested in the President of the United
States by an act of Congress passed the 3d of March last, to reduce the
weights of the copper coin of the United States whenever he should think
it for the benefit of the United States, provided that the reduction
should not exceed 2 pennyweights in each cent, and in the like
proportion in a half cent, I have caused the same to be reduced since
the 27th of last December, to wit, 1 pennyweight and 16 grains in each
cent, and in the like proportion in a half cent; and I have given notice
thereof by proclamation.

By the letter of the judges of the circuit court of the United States,
held at Boston in June last, and the inclosed application of the
underkeeper of the jail at that place, of which copies are herewith
transmitted, Congress will perceive the necessity of making a suitable
provision for the maintenance of prisoners committed to the jails of
the several States under the authority of the United States.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 2, 1796_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I transmit herewith the copy of a letter, dated the 19th of December
last, from Governor Blount to the Secretary of War, stating the avowed
and daring designs of certain persons to take possession of the lands
belonging to the Cherokees, and which the United States have by treaty
solemnly guaranteed to that nation. The injustice of such intrusions and
the mischievous consequences which must necessarily result therefrom
demand that effectual provision be made to prevent them.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 15, 1796_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Herewith I transmit, for your consideration and advice, a treaty of
peace and amity, concluded on the 5th day of last September by Joseph
Donaldson, Jr., on the part of the United States, with the Dey of
Algiers, for himself, his Divan, and his subjects.

The instructions and other necessary papers relative to this negotiation
are also sent herewith, for the information of the Senate.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _February 26, 1796_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

I send herewith the treaty concluded on the 27th of October last between
the United States and Spain by their respective plenipotentiaries.

The communications to the Senate referred to in my message of the 16th
of December, 1793, contain the instructions to the commissioners of
the United States, Messrs. Carmichael and Short, and various details
relative to the negotiations with Spain. Herewith I transmit copies of
the documents authorizing Mr. Pinckney, the envoy extraordinary from
the United States to the Court of Spain, to conclude the negotiation
agreeably to the original instructions above mentioned, and to adjust
the claims of the United States for the spoliations committed by the
armed vessels of His Catholic Majesty on the commerce of our citizens.

The numerous papers exhibiting the progress of the negotiation under the
conduct of Mr. Pinckney, being in the French and Spanish languages, will
be communicated to the Senate as soon as the translations which appear
necessary shall be completed.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 1, 1796_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

The treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation concluded between the
United States of America and His Britannic Majesty having been duly
ratified, and the ratifications having been exchanged at London on the
28th day of October, 1795, I have directed the same to be promulgated,
and herewith transmit a copy thereof for the information of Congress.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 8, 1796_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I send herewith, for the information of Congress, the treaty concluded
between the United States and the Dey and Regency of Algiers.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 15, 1796_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

By the ninth section of the act entitled "An act to provide a naval
armament" it is enacted "that if a peace shall take place between the
United States and the Regency of Algiers, that no further proceedings
be had under this act."

The peace which is here contemplated having taken place, it is incumbent
upon the Executive to suspend all orders respecting the building of the
frigates, procuring materials for them, or preparing materials already
obtained, which may be done without intrenching upon contracts or
agreements made and entered into before this event.

But inasmuch as the loss which the public would incur might be
considerable from dissipation of workmen, from certain works or
operations being suddenly dropped or left unfinished, and from the
derangement in the whole system consequent upon an immediate suspension
of all proceedings under it, I have therefore thought advisable, before
taking such a step, to submit the subject to the Senate and House of
Representatives, that such measures may be adopted in the premises
as may best comport with the public interest.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 25, 1796_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

I send herewith, for your information, the translation of a letter from
the minister plenipotentiary of the French Republic to the Secretary of
State, announcing the peace made by the Republic with the Kings of
Prussia and Spain, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, and the Landgrave of Hesse
Cassel, and that the republican constitution decreed by the National
Convention had been accepted by the people of France and was in
operation. I also send you a copy of the answer given by my direction to
this communication from the French minister. My sentiments therein
expressed I am persuaded will harmonize with yours and with those of all
my fellow-citizens.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 29, 1796_.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

I send herewith a copy of the treaty of friendship, limits, and
navigation, concluded on the 27th of October last, between the United
States and His Catholic Majesty. This treaty has been ratified by me
agreeably to the Constitution, and the ratification has been dispatched
for Spain, where it will doubtless be immediately ratified by His
Catholic Majesty.

This early communication of the treaty with Spain has become necessary
because it is stipulated in the third article that commissioners for
running the boundary line between the territory of the United States and
the Spanish colonies of East and West Florida shall meet at the Natchez
before the expiration of six months from the ratification; and as that
period will undoubtedly arrive before the next meeting of Congress,
the House will see the necessity of making provision in their present
session for the object here mentioned. It will also be necessary to
provide for the expense to be incurred in executing the twenty-first
article of the treaty, to enable our fellow-citizens to obtain with as
little delay as possible compensation for the losses they have sustained
by the capture of their vessels and cargoes by the subjects of His
Catholic Majesty during the late war between France and Spain.

Estimates of the moneys necessary to be provided for the purposes of
this and several other treaties with foreign nations and the Indian
tribes will be laid before you by the proper Department.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 30, 1796_.

_To the House of Representatives of the United States_:

With the utmost attention I have considered your resolution of the
24th instant, requesting me to lay before your House a copy of the
instructions to the minister of the United States who negotiated the
treaty with the King of Great Britain, together with the correspondence
and other documents relative to that treaty, excepting such of the said
papers as any existing negotiation may render improper to be disclosed.

In deliberating upon this subject it was impossible for me to lose sight
of the principle which some have avowed in its discussion, or to avoid
extending my views to the consequences which must flow from the
admission of that principle.

I trust that no part of my conduct has ever indicated a disposition to
withhold any information which the Constitution has enjoined upon the
President as a duty to give, or which could be required of him by either
House of Congress as a right; and with truth I affirm that it has been,
as it will continue to be while I have the honor to preside in the
Government, my constant endeavor to harmonize with the other branches
thereof so far as the trust delegated to me by the people of the United
States and my sense of the obligation it imposes to "preserve, protect,
and defend the Constitution" will permit.

The nature of foreign negotiations requires caution, and their success
must often depend on secrecy; and even when brought to a conclusion a
full disclosure of all the measures, demands, or eventual concessions
which may have been proposed or contemplated would be extremely
impolitic; for this might have a pernicious influence on future
negotiations, or produce immediate inconveniences, perhaps danger and
mischief, in relation to other powers. The necessity of such caution and
secrecy was one cogent reason for vesting the power of making treaties
in the President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, the
principle on which that body was formed confining it to a small number
of members. To admit, then, a right in the House of Representatives
to demand and to have as a matter of course all the papers respecting
a negotiation with a foreign power would be to establish a dangerous
precedent.

It does not occur that the inspection of the papers asked for can
be relative to any purpose under the cognizance of the House of
Representatives, except that of an impeachment, which the resolution
has not expressed. I repeat that I have no disposition to withhold any
information which the duty of my station will permit or the public good
shall require to be disclosed; and, in fact, all the papers affecting
the negotiation with Great Britain were, laid before the Senate when
the treaty itself was communicated for their consideration and advice.

The course which the debate has taken on the resolution of the House
leads to some observations on the mode of making treaties under the
Constitution of the United States.

Having been a member of the General Convention, and knowing the
principles on which the Constitution was formed, I have ever entertained
but one opinion on this subject; and from the first establishment of the
Government to this moment my conduct has exemplified that opinion--that
the power of making treaties is exclusively vested in the President,
by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, provided two-thirds
of the Senators present concur; and that every treaty so made and
promulgated thenceforward became the law of the land. It is thus that
the treaty-making power has been understood by foreign nations, and
in all the treaties made with them _we_ have declared and _they_ have
believed that, when ratified by the President, with the advice and
consent of the Senate, they became obligatory. In this construction
of the Constitution every House of Representatives has heretofore
acquiesced, and until the present time not a doubt or suspicion has
appeared, to my knowledge, that this construction was not the true one.
Nay, they have more than acquiesced; for till now, without controverting
the obligation of such treaties, they have made all the requisite
provisions for carrying them into effect.

There is also reason to believe that this construction agrees with
the opinions entertained by the State conventions when they were
deliberating on the Constitution, especially by those who objected to it
because there was not required in _commercial treaties_ the consent of
two-thirds of the whole number of the members of the Senate instead of
two-thirds of the Senators present, and because in treaties respecting
territorial and certain other rights and claims the concurrence of
three-fourths of the whole number of the members of both Houses,
respectively, was not made necessary.

It is a fact declared by the General Convention and universally
understood that the Constitution of the United States was the result
of a spirit of amity and mutual concession; and it is well known
that under this influence the smaller States were admitted to an equal
representation in the Senate with the larger States, and that this
branch of the Government was invested with great powers, for on the
equal participation of those powers the sovereignty and political
safety of the smaller States were deemed essentially to depend.

If other proofs than these and the plain letter of the Constitution
itself be necessary to ascertain the point under consideration, they
may be found in the journals of the General Convention, which I have
deposited in the office of the Department of State. In those journals
it will appear that a proposition was made "that no treaty should be
binding on the United States which was not ratified by a law," and
that the proposition was explicitly rejected.

As, therefore, it is perfectly clear to my understanding that the assent
of the House of Representatives is not necessary to the validity of a
treaty; as the treaty with Great Britain exhibits in itself all the
objects requiring legislative provision, and on these the papers called
for can throw no light, and as it is essential to the due administration
of the Government that the boundaries fixed by the Constitution between
the different departments should be preserved, a just regard to the
Constitution and to the duty of my office, under all the circumstances
of this case, forbids a compliance with your request.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 31, 1776_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

The treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation between the United States
and Great Britain requiring that commissioners should be appointed
to fix certain boundaries between the territories of the contracting
parties, and to ascertain the losses and damages represented to have
been sustained by their respective citizens and subjects, as set forth
in the fifth, sixth, and seventh articles of the treaty, in order to
carry those articles into execution I nominate as commissioners on
the part of the United States:

For the purpose mentioned in the fifth article, Henry Knox, of
Massachusetts;

For the purpose mentioned in the sixth article, Thomas Fitzsimons,
of Pennsylvania, and James Innes, of Virginia; and

For the purposes mentioned in the seventh article, Christopher Gore,
of Massachusetts, and William Pinckney, of Maryland.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _April 8, 1796_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

By an act of Congress passed on the 26th of May, 1790, it was declared
that the inhabitants of the territory of the United States south of the
river Ohio should enjoy all the privileges, benefits, and advantages set
forth in the ordinance of Congress for the government of the territory
of the United States northwest of the river Ohio, and that the
government of the said territory south of the Ohio should be similar to
that which was then exercised in the territory northwest of the Ohio,
except so far as was otherwise provided in the conditions expressed in
an act of Congress passed the 2d of April, 1790, entitled "An act to
accept a cession of the claims of the State of North Carolina to a
certain district of western territory."

Among the privileges, benefits, and advantages thus secured to the
inhabitants of the territory south of the river Ohio appear to be the
right of forming a permanent constitution and State government, and of
admission as a State, by its Delegates, into the Congress of the United
States, on an equal footing with the original States in all respects
whatever, when it should have therein 60,000 free inhabitants; provided
the constitution and government so to be formed should be republican,
and in conformity to the principles contained in the articles of the
said ordinance.

As proofs of the several requisites to entitle the territory south of
the river Ohio to be admitted as a State into the Union, Governor Blount
has transmitted a return of the enumeration of its inhabitants and a
printed copy of the constitution and form of government on which they
have agreed, which, with his letters accompanying the same, are herewith
laid before Congress.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _April 28, 1796_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

Herewith I lay before you a letter from the Attorney-General of the
United States, relative to compensation to the attorneys of the United
States in the several districts, which is recommended to your
consideration.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _May 2, 1796_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Some time last year Jeremiah Wadsworth was authorized to hold a treaty
with the Cohnawaga Indians, styling themselves the Seven Nations of
Canada, to enable the State of New York to extinguish, by purchase, a
claim which the said Indians had set up to a parcel of land lying within
that State. The negotiation having issued without effecting its object,
and the State of New York having requested a renewal of the negotiation,
and the Indians having come forward with an application on the same
subject, I now nominate Jeremiah Wadsworth to be a commissioner to
hold a treaty with the Cohnawaga Indians, styling themselves the Seven
Nations of Canada, for the purpose of enabling the State of New York
to extinguish the aforesaid claim.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _May 5, 1796_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

I lay before you, for your consideration and advice, an explanatory
article proposed to be added to the treaty of amity, commerce, and
navigation between the United States and Great Britain, together with a
copy of the full power to the Secretary of State to negotiate the same.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _May 25, 1796_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

The measures now in operation for taking possession of the posts of
Detroit and Michilimackinac render it proper that provision should be
made for extending to these places and any others alike circumstanced
the civil authority of the Northwestern Territory. To do this will
require an expense to defray which the ordinary salaries of the governor
and secretary of that Territory appear to be incompetent.

The forming of a new county, or new counties, and the appointment of the
various officers, which the just exercise of government must require,
will oblige the governor and secretary to visit those places, and to
spend considerable time in making the arrangements necessary for
introducing and establishing the Government of the United States.
Congress will consider what provision will in this case be proper.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _May 28, 1796_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

The extraordinary expenses to be incurred in the present year in
supporting our foreign intercourse I find will require a provision
beyond the ordinary appropriation and the additional $20,000 already
granted.

I have directed an estimate to be made, which is sent herewith, and
will exhibit the deficiency for which an appropriation appears to be
necessary.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

EIGHTH ANNUAL ADDRESS.

UNITED STATES, _December 7, 1796_.

_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

In recurring to the internal situation of our country since I had
last the pleasure to address you, I find ample reason for a renewed
expression of that gratitude to the Ruler of the Universe which a
continued series of prosperity has so often and so justly called forth.

The acts of the last session which required special arrangements have
been as far as circumstances would admit carried into operation.

Measures calculated to insure a continuance of the friendship of the
Indians and to preserve peace along the extent of our interior frontier
have been digested and adopted. In the framing of these care has been
taken to guard on the one hand our advanced settlements from the
predatory incursions of those unruly individuals who can not be
restrained by their tribes, and on the other hand to protect the rights
secured to the Indians by treaty--to draw them nearer to the civilized
state and inspire them with correct conceptions of the power as well
as justice of the Government.

The meeting of the deputies from the Creek Nation at Colerain, in the
State of Georgia, which had for a principal object the purchase of
a parcel of their land by that State, broke up without its being
accomplished, the nation having previous to their departure instructed
them against making any sale. The occasion, however, has been improved
to confirm by a new treaty with the Creeks their preexisting engagements
with the United States, and to obtain their consent to the establishment
of trading houses and military posts within their boundary, by means of
which their friendship and the general peace may be more effectually
secured.

The period during the late session at which the appropriation was passed
for carrying into effect the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation
between the United States and His Britannic Majesty necessarily
procrastinated the reception of the posts stipulated to be delivered
beyond the date assigned for that event. As soon, however, as the
Governor-General of Canada could be addressed with propriety on the
subject, arrangements were cordially and promptly concluded for their
evacuation, and the United States took possession of the principal of
them, comprehending Oswego, Niagara, Detroit, Michilimackinac, and Fort
Miami, where such repairs and additions have been ordered to be made as
appeared indispensable.

The commissioners appointed on the part of the United States and of
Great Britain to determine which is the river St. Croix mentioned in the
treaty of peace of 1783, agreed in the choice of Egbert Benson, esq., of
New York, for the third commissioner. The whole met at St. Andrews, in
Passamaquoddy Bay, in the beginning of October, and directed surveys to
be made of the rivers in dispute; but deeming it impracticable to have
these surveys completed before the next year, they adjourned to meet
at Boston in August, 1797, for the final decision of the question.

Other commissioners appointed on the part of the United States,
agreeably to the seventh article of the treaty with Great Britain,
relative to captures and condemnation of vessels and other property,
met the commissioners of His Britannic Majesty in London in August last,
when John Trumbull, esq., was chosen by lot for the fifth commissioner.
In October following the board were to proceed to business. As yet there
has been no communication of commissioners on the part of Great Britain
to unite with those who have been appointed on the part of the United
States for carrying into effect the sixth article of the treaty.

The treaty with Spain required that the commissioners for running
the boundary line between the territory of the United States and His
Catholic Majesty's provinces of East and West Florida should meet at the
Natchez before the expiration of six months after the exchange of the
ratifications, which was effected at Aranjuez on the 25th day of April;
and the troops of His Catholic Majesty occupying any posts within the
limits of the United States were within the same period to be withdrawn.
The commissioner of the United States therefore commenced his journey
for the Natchez in September, and troops were ordered to occupy the
posts from which the Spanish garrisons should be withdrawn. Information
has been recently received of the appointment of a commissioner on the
part of His Catholic Majesty for running the boundary line, but none of
any appointment for the adjustment of the claims of our citizens whose
vessels were captured by the armed vessels of Spain.

In pursuance of the act of Congress passed in the last session for the
protection and relief of American seamen, agents were appointed, one to
reside in Great Britain and the other in the West Indies. The effects of
the agency in the West Indies are not yet fully ascertained, but those
which have been communicated afford grounds to believe the measure will
be beneficial. The agent destined to reside in Great Britain declining
to accept the appointment, the business has consequently devolved on the
minister of the United States in London, and will command his attention
until a new agent shall be appointed.

After many delays and disappointments arising out of the European war,
the final arrangements for fulfilling the engagements made to the Dey
and Regency of Algiers will in all present appearance be crowned with
success, but under great, though inevitable, disadvantages in the
pecuniary transactions occasioned by that war, which will render further
provision necessary. The actual liberation of all our citizens who were
prisoners in Algiers, while it gratifies every feeling heart, is itself
an earnest of a satisfactory termination of the whole negotiation.
Measures are in operation for effecting treaties with the Regencies
of Tunis and Tripoli.

To an active external commerce the protection of a naval force is
indispensable. This is manifest with regard to wars in which a State
is itself a party. But besides this, it is in our own experience that
the most sincere neutrality is not a sufficient guard against the
depredations of nations at war. To secure respect to a neutral flag
requires a naval force organized and ready to vindicate it from insult
or aggression. This may even prevent the necessity of going to war by
discouraging belligerent powers from committing such violations of
the rights of the neutral party as may, first or last, leave no other
option. From the best information I have been able to obtain it would
seem as if our trade to the Mediterranean without a protecting force
will always be insecure and our citizens exposed to the calamities
from which numbers of them have but just been relieved.

These considerations invite the United States to look to the means, and
to set about the gradual creation of a navy. The increasing progress of
their navigation promises them at no distant period the requisite supply
of seamen, and their means in other respects favor the undertaking. It
is an encouragement, likewise, that their particular situation will give
weight and influence to a moderate naval force in their hands. Will it
not, then, be advisable to begin without delay to provide and lay up the
materials for the building and equipping of ships of war, and to proceed
in the work by degrees, in proportion as our resources shall render it
practicable without inconvenience, so that a future war of Europe may
not find our commerce in the same unprotected state in which it was
found by the present?

Congress have repeatedly, and not without success, directed their
attention to the encouragement of manufactures. The object is of too
much consequence not to insure a continuance of their efforts in every
way which shall appear eligible. As a general rule, manufactures on
public account are inexpedient; but where the state of things in a
country leaves little hope that certain branches of manufacture will for
a great length of time obtain, when these are of a nature essential to
the furnishing and equipping of the public force in time of war, are
not establishments for procuring them on public account to the extent
of the ordinary demand for the public service recommended by strong
considerations of national policy as an exception to the general
rule? Ought our country to remain in such cases dependent on foreign
supply, precarious because liable to be interrupted? If the necessary
article should in this mode cost more in time of peace, will not the
security and independence thence arising form an ample compensation?
Establishments of this sort, commensurate only with the calls of the
public service in time of peace, will in time of war easily be extended
in proportion to the exigencies of the Government, and may even perhaps
be made to yield a surplus for the supply of our citizens at large, so
as to mitigate the privations from the interruption of their trade. If
adopted, the plan ought to exclude all those branches which are already,
or likely soon to be, established in the country, in order that there
may be no danger of interference with pursuits of individual industry.

It will not be doubted that with reference either to individual or
national welfare agriculture is of primary importance. In proportion as
nations advance in population and other circumstances of maturity this
truth becomes more apparent, and renders the cultivation of the soil
more and more an object of public patronage. Institutions for promoting
it grow up, supported by the public purse; and to what object can it
be dedicated with greater propriety? Among the means which have been
employed to this end none have been attended with greater success than
the establishment of boards (composed of proper characters) charged
with collecting and diffusing information, and enabled by premiums and
small pecuniary aids to encourage and assist a spirit of discovery and
improvement. This species of establishment contributes doubly to the
increase of improvement by stimulating to enterprise and experiment,
and by drawing to a common center the results everywhere of individual
skill and observation, and spreading them thence over the whole nation.
Experience accordingly has shewn that they are very cheap instruments
of immense national benefits.

I have heretofore proposed to the consideration of Congress the
expediency of establishing a national university and also a military
academy. The desirableness of both these institutions has so constantly
increased with every new view I have taken of the subject that I can not
omit the opportunity of once for all recalling your attention to them.

The assembly to which I address myself is too enlightened not to be
fully sensible how much a flourishing state of the arts and sciences
contributes to national prosperity and reputation.

True it is that our country, much to its honor, contains many seminaries
of learning highly respectable and useful; but the funds upon which they
rest are too narrow to command the ablest professors in the different
departments of liberal knowledge for the institution contemplated,
though they would be excellent auxiliaries.

Amongst the motives to such an institution, the assimilation of the
principles, opinions, and manners of our countrymen by the common
education of a portion of our youth from every quarter well deserves
attention. The more homogeneous our citizens can be made in these
particulars the greater will be our prospect of permanent union; and a
primary object of such a national institution should be the education of
our youth in the science of _government_. In a republic what species of
knowledge can be equally important and what duty more pressing on its
legislature than to patronize a plan for communicating it to those who
are to be the future guardians of the liberties of the country?

The institution of a military academy is also recommended by cogent
reasons. However pacific the general policy of a nation may be, it
ought never to be without an adequate stock of military knowledge for
emergencies. The first would impair the energy of its character, and
both would hazard its safety or expose it to greater evils when war
could not be avoided; besides that, war might often not depend upon
its own choice. In proportion as the observance of pacific maxims might
exempt a nation from the necessity of practicing the rules of the
military art ought to be its care in preserving and transmitting, by
proper establishments, the knowledge of that art. Whatever argument
may be drawn from particular examples superficially viewed, a thorough
examination of the subject will evince that the art of war is at once
comprehensive and complicated, that it demands much previous study, and
that the possession of it in its most improved and perfect state is
always of great moment to the security of a nation. This, therefore,
ought to be a serious care of every government, and for this purpose
an academy where a regular course of instruction is given is an obvious
expedient which different nations have successfully employed.

The compensations to the officers of the United States in various
instances, and in none more than in respect to the most important
stations, appear to call for legislative revision. The consequences of a
defective provision are of serious import to the Government. If private
wealth is to supply the defect of public retribution, it will greatly
contract the sphere within which the selection of character for office
is to be made, and will proportionally diminish the probability of
a choice of men able as well as upright. Besides that, it would be
repugnant to the vital principles of our Government virtually to exclude
from public trusts talents and virtue unless accompanied by wealth.

While in our external relations some serious inconveniences and
embarrassments have been overcome and others lessened, it is with much
pain and deep regret I mention that circumstances of a very unwelcome
nature have lately occurred. Our trade has suffered and is suffering
extensive injuries in the West Indies from the cruisers and agents of
the French Republic, and communications have been received from its
minister here which indicate the danger of a further disturbance of our
commerce by its authority, and which are in other respects far from
agreeable.

It has been my constant, sincere, and earnest wish, in conformity with
that of our nation, to maintain cordial harmony and a perfectly friendly
understanding with that Republic. This wish remains unabated, and I
shall persevere in the endeavor to fulfill it to the utmost extent of
what shall be consistent with a just and indispensable regard to the
rights and honor of our country; nor will I easily cease to cherish the
expectation that a spirit of justice, candor, and friendship on the part
of the Republic will eventually insure success.

In pursuing this course, however, I can not forget what is due to
the character of our Government and nation, or to a full and entire
confidence in the good sense, patriotism, self-respect, and fortitude
of my countrymen.

I reserve for a special message a more particular communication on this
interesting subject.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

I have directed an estimate of the appropriations necessary for the
service of the ensuing year to be submitted from the proper Department,
with a view of the public receipts and expenditures to the latest period
to which an account can be prepared.

It is with satisfaction I am able to inform you that the revenues of the
United States continue in a state of progressive improvement.

A reenforcement of the existing provisions for discharging our public
debt was mentioned in my address at the opening of the last session.
Some preliminary steps were taken toward it, the maturing of which will
no doubt engage your zealous attention during the present. I will only
add that it will afford me a heartfelt satisfaction to concur in such
further measures as will ascertain to our country the prospect of a
speedy extinguishment of the debt. Posterity may have cause to regret
if from any motive intervals of tranquillity are left unimproved for
accelerating this valuable end.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

My solicitude to see the militia of the United States placed on an
efficient establishment has been so often and so ardently expressed
that I shall but barely recall the subject to your view on the present
occasion, at the same time that I shall submit to your inquiry whether
our harbors are yet sufficiently secured.

The situation in which I now stand for the last time, in the midst
of the representatives of the people of the United States, naturally
recalls the period when the administration of the present form of
government commenced, and I can not omit the occasion to congratulate
you and my country on the success of the experiment, nor to repeat my
fervent supplications to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe and Sovereign
Arbiter of Nations that His providential care may still be extended to
the United States, that the virtue and happiness of the people may be
preserved, and that the Government which they have instituted for the
protection of their liberties may be perpetual,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

ADDRESS OF THE SENATE TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES.

We thank you, sir, for your faithful and detailed exposure of the
existing situation of our country, and we sincerely join in sentiments
of gratitude to an overruling Providence for the distinguished share of
public prosperity and private happiness which the people of the United
States so peculiarly enjoy.

We are fully sensible of the advantages that have resulted from the
adoption of measures (which you have successfully carried into effect)
to preserve peace, cultivate friendship, and promote civilization
amongst the Indian tribes on the Western frontiers. Feelings of humanity
and the most solid political interests equally encourage the continuance
of this system.

We observe with pleasure that the delivery of the military posts lately
occupied by the British forces within the territory of the United States
was made with cordiality and promptitude as soon as circumstances would
admit, and that the other provisions of our treaties with Great Britain
and Spain that were objects of eventual arrangement are about being
carried into effect with entire harmony and good faith.

The unfortunate but unavoidable difficulties that opposed a timely
compliance with the terms of the Algerine treaty are much to be
lamented, as they may occasion a temporary suspension of the advantages
to be derived from a solid peace with that power and a perfect security
from its predatory warfare. At the same time, the lively impressions
that affected the public mind on the redemption of our captive
fellow-citizens afford the most laudable incentive to our exertions
to remove the remaining obstacles.

We perfectly coincide with you in opinion that the importance of our
commerce demands a naval force for its protection against foreign insult
and depredation, and our solicitude to attain that object will be always
proportionate to its magnitude.

The necessity of accelerating the establishment of certain useful
manufactures by the intervention of legislative aid and protection and
the encouragement due to agriculture by the creation of boards (composed
of intelligent individuals) to patronize this primary pursuit of society
are subjects which will readily engage our most serious attention.

A national university may be converted to the most useful purposes. The
science of legislation being so essentially dependent on the endowments
of the mind, the public interests must receive effectual aid from the
general diffusion of knowledge, and the United States will assume a
more dignified station among the nations of the earth by the successful
cultivation of the higher branches of literature.

A military academy may be likewise rendered equally important. To aid
and direct the physical force of the nation by cherishing a military
spirit, enforcing a proper sense of discipline, and inculcating a
scientific system of tactics is consonant to the soundest maxims of
public policy. Connected with and supported by such an establishment
a well-regulated militia, constituting the natural defense of the
country, would prove the most effectual as well as economical
preservative of peace.

We can not but consider with serious apprehensions the inadequate
compensations of the public officers, especially of those in the more
important stations. It is not only a violation of the spirit of a
public contract, but is an evil so extensive in its operation and so
destructive in its consequences that we trust it will receive the most
pointed legislative attention.

We sincerely lament that, whilst the conduct of the United States has
been uniformly impressed with the character of equity, moderation, and
love of peace in the maintenance of all their foreign relationships, our
trade should be so harassed by the cruisers and agents of the Republic
of France throughout the extensive departments of the West Indies.

Whilst we are confident that no cause of complaint exists that could
authorize an interruption of our tranquillity or disengage that Republic
from the bonds of amity, cemented by the faith of treaties, we can not
but express our deepest regrets that official communications have been
made to you indicating a more serious disturbance of our commerce.
Although we cherish the expectation that a sense of justice and a
consideration of our mutual interests will moderate their councils, we
are not unmindful of the situation in which events may place us, nor
unprepared to adopt that system of conduct which, compatible with the
dignity of a respectable nation, necessity may compel us to pursue.

We cordially acquiesce in the reflection that the United States, under
the operation of the Federal Government, have experienced a most rapid
aggrandizement and prosperity as well political as commercial.

Whilst contemplating the causes that produce this auspicious result, we
must acknowledge the excellence of the constitutional system and the
wisdom of the legislative provisions; but we should be deficient in
gratitude and justice did we not attribute a great portion of these
advantages to the virtue, firmness, and talents of your Administration,
which have been conspicuously displayed in the most trying time and on
the most critical occasions. It is therefore with the sincerest regret
that we now receive an official notification of your intentions to
retire from the public employments of your country.

When we review the various scenes of your public life, so long and so
successfully devoted to the most arduous services, civil and military,
as well during the struggles of the American Revolution as the
convulsive periods of a recent date, we can not look forward to your
retirement without our warmest affections and most anxious regards
accompanying you, and without mingling with our fellow-citizens at large
in the sincerest wishes for your personal happiness that sensibility and
attachment can express.

The most effectual consolation that can offer for the loss we are about
to sustain arises from the animating reflection that the influence of
your example will extend to your successors, and the United States thus
continue to enjoy an able, upright, and energetic administration.

JOHN ADAMS,

_Vice-President of the United States and President of the Senate_.

DECEMBER 10, 1796.

REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

GENTLEMEN: It affords me great satisfaction to find in your address a
concurrence in sentiment with me on the various topics which I presented
for your information and deliberation, and that the latter will receive
from you an attention proportioned to their respective importance.

For the notice you take of my public services, civil and military, and
your kind wishes for my personal happiness, I beg you to accept my
cordial thanks. Those services, and greater had I possessed ability to
render them, were due to the unanimous calls of my country, and its
approbation is my abundant reward.

When contemplating the period of my retirement, I saw virtuous and
enlightened men among whom I relied on the discernment and patriotism
of my fellow-citizens to make the proper choice of, a successor--men
who would require no influential example to insure to the United States
"an able, upright, and energetic administration." To such men I shall
cheerfully yield the palm of genius and talents to serve our common
country; but at the same time I hope I may be indulged in expressing the
consoling reflection (which consciousness suggests), and to bear it with
me to my grave, that none can serve it with purer intentions than I have
done or with a more disinterested zeal.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

DECEMBER 12, 1796.

ADDRESS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT
OF THE UNITED STATES.

SIR: The House of Representatives have attended to your communication
respecting the state of our country with all the sensibility that the
contemplation of the subject and a sense of duty can inspire.

We are gratified by the information that measures calculated to insure
a continuance of the friendship of the Indians and to maintain the
tranquillity of the Western frontier have been adopted, and we indulge
the hope that these, by impressing the Indian tribes with more correct
conceptions of the justice as well as power of the United States, will
be attended with success.

While we notice with satisfaction the steps that you have taken in
pursuance of the late treaties with several foreign nations, the
liberation of our citizens who were prisoners at Algiers is a subject
of peculiar felicitation. We shall cheerfully cooperate in any further
measures that shall appear on consideration to be requisite.

We have ever concurred with you in the most sincere and uniform
disposition to preserve our neutral relations inviolate, and it is of
course with anxiety and deep regret we hear that any interruption of
our harmony with the French Republic has occurred, for we feel with you
and with our constituents the cordial and unabated wish to maintain a
perfectly friendly understanding with that nation. Your endeavors to
fulfill that wish, and by all honorable means to preserve peace, and
to restore that harmony and affection which have heretofore so happily
subsisted between the French Republic and the United States, can not
fail, therefore, to interest our attention. And while we participate in
the full reliance you have expressed on the patriotism, self-respect,
and fortitude of our countrymen, we cherish the pleasing hope that a
mutual spirit of justice and moderation will insure the success of your
perseverance.

The various subjects of your communication will respectively meet with
the attention that is due to their importance.

When we advert to the internal situation of the United States, we deem
it equally natural and becoming to compare the present period with
that immediately antecedent to the operation of the Government, and to
contrast it with the calamities in which the state of war still involves
several of the European nations, as the reflections deduced from both
tend to justify as well as to excite a warmer admiration of our free
Constitution, and to exalt our minds to a more fervent and grateful
sense of piety toward Almighty God for the beneficence of His
providence, by which its administration has been hitherto so remarkably
distinguished. And while we entertain a grateful conviction that your
wise, firm, and patriotic Administration has been signally conducive to
the success of the present form of government, we can not forbear to
express the deep sensations of regret with which we contemplate your
intended retirement from office.

As no other suitable occasion may occur, we can not suffer the present
to pass without attempting to disclose some of the emotions which it can
not fail to awaken.

The gratitude and admiration of your countrymen are still drawn to the
recollection of those resplendent virtues and talents which were so
eminently instrumental to the achievement of the Revolution, and of
which that glorious event will ever be the memorial. Your obedience to
the voice of duty and your country when you quitted reluctantly a second
time the retreat you had chosen and first accepted the Presidency
afforded a new proof of the devotedness of your zeal in its service and
an earnest of the patriotism and success which have characterized your
Administration. As the grateful confidence of the citizens in the
virtues of their Chief Magistrate has essentially contributed to that
success, we persuade ourselves that the millions whom we represent
participate with us in the anxious solicitude of the present occasion.

Yet we can not be unmindful that your moderation and magnanimity, twice
displayed by retiring from your exalted stations, afford examples no
less rare and instructive to mankind than valuable to a republic.

Although we are sensible that this event of itself completes the luster
of a character already conspicuously unrivaled by the coincidence of
virtue, talents, success, and public estimation, yet we conceive we owe
it to you, sir, and still more emphatically to ourselves and to our
nation (of the language of whose hearts we presume to think ourselves
at this moment the faithful interpreters), to express the sentiments
with which it is contemplated.

The spectacle of a free and enlightened nation offering, by its
Representatives, the tribute of unfeigned approbation to its first
citizen, however novel and interesting it may be, derives all its luster
(a luster which accident or enthusiasm could not bestow, and which
adulation would tarnish) from the transcendent merit of which it is
the voluntary testimony.

May you long enjoy that liberty which is so dear to you, and to which
your name will ever be so dear. May your own virtues and a nation's
prayers obtain the happiest sunshine for the decline of your days and
the choicest of future blessings. For our country's sake, for the sake
of republican liberty, it is our earnest wish that your example may be
the guide of your successors, and thus, after being the ornament and
safeguard of the present age, become the patrimony of our descendants.

DECEMBER 15, 1796.

REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT.

GENTLEMEN: To a citizen whose views were unambitious, who preferred the
shade and tranquillity of private life to the splendor and solicitude
of elevated stations, and whom the voice of duty and his country could
alone have drawn from his chosen retreat, no reward for his public
services can be so grateful as public approbation, accompanied by a
consciousness that to render those services useful to that country has
been his single aim; and when this approbation is expressed by the
Representatives of a free and enlightened nation, the reward will admit
of no addition. Receive, gentlemen, my sincere and affectionate thanks
for this signal testimony that my services have been acceptable and
useful to my country. The strong confidence of my fellow-citizens, while
it animated all my actions, insured their zealous cooperation, which
rendered those services successful. The virtue and wisdom of my
successors, joined with the patriotism and intelligence of the citizens
who compose the other branches of Government, I firmly trust will
lead them to the adoption of measures which, by the beneficence of
Providence, will give stability to our system of government, add to its
success, and secure to ourselves and to posterity that liberty which is
to all of us so dear.

While I acknowledge with pleasure the sincere and uniform disposition
of the House of Representatives to preserve our neutral relations
inviolate, and with them deeply regret any degree of interruption of
our good understanding with the French Republic, I beg you, gentlemen,
to rest assured that my endeavors will be earnest and unceasing by all
honorable means to preserve peace and to restore that harmony and
affection which have heretofore so happily subsisted between our two
nations; and with you I cherish the pleasing hope that a mutual spirit
of justice and moderation will crown those endeavors with success.

I shall cheerfully concur in the beneficial measures which your
deliberations shall mature on the various subjects demanding your
attention; and while directing your labors to advance the real interests
of our country, you receive its blessings. With perfect sincerity my
individual wishes will be offered for your present and future felicity.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

DECEMBER 16, 1796.

SPECIAL MESSAGES.

UNITED STATES, _January 4, 1797_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

I lay before you for your consideration a treaty which has been
negotiated and concluded on the 29th day of June last by Benjamin
Hawkins, Andrew Pickens, and George Clymer, commissioners on behalf
of the United States, with the Creek Indians, together with the
instructions which were given to the said commissioners and the
proceedings at the place of treaty.

I submit also the proceedings and result of a treaty, held at the city
of New York, on behalf of the State of New York, with certain nations or
tribes of Indians denominating themselves the Seven Nations of Canada.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 9, 1797_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

Herewith I lay before you in confidence reports from the Departments of
State and the Treasury, by which you will see the present situation of
our affairs with the Dey and Regency of Algiers.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _January 19, 1797_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives_:

At the opening of the present session of Congress I mentioned that some
circumstances of an unwelcome nature had lately occurred in relation
to France; that our trade had suffered, and was suffering, extensive
injuries in the West Indies from the cruisers and agents of the French
Republic, and that communications had been received from its minister
here which indicated danger of a further disturbance of our commerce by
its authority, and that were in other respects far from agreeable, but
that I reserved for a special message a more particular communication
on this interesting subject. This communication I now make.

The complaints of the French minister embraced most of the transactions
of our Government in relation to France from an early period of the
present war, which, therefore, it was necessary carefully to review.
A collection has been formed of letters and papers relating to those
transactions, which I now lay before you, with a letter to Mr. Pinckney,
our minister at Paris, containing an examination of the notes of the
French minister and such information as I thought might be useful to
Mr. Pinckney in any further representations he might find necessary to
be made to the French Government. The immediate object of his mission
was to make to that Government such explanations of the principles and
conduct of our own as, by manifesting our good faith, might remove all
jealousy and discontent and maintain that harmony and good understanding
with the French Republic which it has been my constant solicitude to
preserve. A government which required only a knowledge of the _truth_
to justify its measures could not but be anxious to have this fully
and frankly displayed.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, _March 2, 1797_.

_Gentlemen of the Senate_:

Application having been made to me to permit a treaty to be held with
the Seneca Nation of Indians to effect the purchase of a parcel of their
land under a preemption right derived from the State of Massachusetts
and situated within the State of New York, and it appearing to me
reasonable that such opportunity should be afforded, provided the
negotiation shall be conducted at the expense of the applicant, and at
the desire and with the consent of the Indians, always considering these
as prerequisites, I now nominate Isaac Smith to be a commissioner to
hold a treaty with the Seneca Nation for the aforesaid purpose.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

VETO MESSAGE.

UNITED STATES, _February 28, 1797_.

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:

Having maturely considered the bill to alter and amend an act entitled
"An act to ascertain and fix the military establishment of the United
States," which was presented to me on the 22d day of this month, I now
return it to the House of Representatives, in which it originated, with
my objections:

First. If the bill passes into a law, the two companies of light
dragoons will be from that moment _legally_ out of service, though they
will afterwards continue _actually_ in service; and for their services
during this interval, namely, from the time of _legal_ to the time of
_actual_ discharge, it will not be lawful to pay them, unless some
future provision be made by law. Though they may be discharged at the
pleasure of Congress, in justice they ought to receive their pay, not
only to the time of passing the law, but at least to the time of their
actual discharge.

Secondly. It will be inconvenient and injurious to the public to dismiss
the light dragoons as soon as notice of the law can be conveyed to them,
one of the companies having been lately destined to a necessary and
important service.

Thirdly. The companies of light dragoons consist of 126 noncommissioned
officers and privates, who are bound to serve as dismounted dragoons
when ordered so to do. They have received in bounties about $2,000. One
of them is completely equipped, and above half of the noncommissioned
officers and privates have yet to serve more than one-third of the time
of their enlistment; and besides, there will in the course of the year
be a considerable deficiency in the complement of infantry intended to
be continued. Under these circumstances, to discharge the dragoons does
not seem to comport with economy.

Fourthly. It is generally agreed that some cavalry, either militia or
regular, will be necessary; and according to the best information I have
been able to obtain, it is my opinion that the latter will be less
expensive and more useful than the former in preserving peace between
the frontier settlers and the Indians, and therefore a part of the
military establishment should consist of cavalry.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

PROCLAMATION.

[From Senate Journal, vol. 2, p. 397.]

MARCH 1, 1797.

_To the Vice-President and Senators of the United States, respectively_.

SIR: It appearing to me proper that the Senate of the United States
should be convened on Saturday, the 4th of March instant, you are
desired to attend in the Chamber of the Senate on that day, at 10
o'clock in the forenoon, to receive any communications which the
President of the United States may then lay before you touching
their interests.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

FAREWELL ADDRESS.

UNITED STATES, _September 17, 1796_.

_Friends and Fellow-Citizens:_

The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the Executive
Government of the United States being not far distant, and the time
actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the
person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me
proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of
the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have
formed to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom
a choice is to be made.

I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured that
this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all
the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful
citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service,
which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no
diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful
respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction
that the step is compatible with both.

The acceptance of and continuance hitherto in the office to which
your suffrages have twice called me have been a uniform sacrifice of
inclination to the opinion of duty and to a deference for what appeared
to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would have been much
earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at
liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been
reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this previous
to the last election had even led to the preparation of an address to
declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and
critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations and the unanimous
advice of persons entitled to my confidence impelled me to abandon the
idea. I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as
internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible
with the sentiment of duty or propriety, and am persuaded, whatever
partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present
circumstances of our country you will not disapprove my determination
to retire.

The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust were
explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust I
will only say that I have, with good intentions, contributed toward the
organization and administration of the Government the best exertions
of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the
outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own
eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the
motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight
of years admonishes me more and more that the shade of retirement
is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any
circumstances have given peculiar value to my services they were
temporary, I have the consolation to believe that, while choice and
prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not
forbid it.

In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the
career of my political life my feelings do not permit me to suspend the
deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved
country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for
the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me, and for the
opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable
attachment by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness
unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from
these services, let it always be remembered to your praise and as an
instructive example in our annals that under circumstances in which
the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead;
amidst appearances sometimes dubious; vicissitudes of fortune often
discouraging; in situations in which not unfrequently want of success
has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support
was the essential prop of the efforts and a guaranty of the plans by
which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall
carry it with me to my grave as a strong incitement to unceasing vows
that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence;
that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free
Constitution which is the work of your hands may be sacredly maintained;
that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom
and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States,
under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete by so careful a
preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to
them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and
adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which
can not end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to
that solicitude, urge me on an occasion like the present to offer to
your solemn contemplation and to recommend to your frequent review some
sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable
observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of
your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more
freedom as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a
parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his
counsel. Nor can I forget as an encouragement to it your indulgent
reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your
hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm
the attachment.

The unity of government which constitutes you one people is also now
dear to you. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of
your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your
peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty
which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that from
different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken,
many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this
truth, as this is the point in your political fortress against which the
batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and
actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of
infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of
your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that
you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it;
accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of
your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with
jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion
that it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frowning upon the
first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country
from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together
the various parts.

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens
by birth or choice of a common country, that country has a right to
concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to
you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of
patriotism more than any appellation derived from local discriminations.
With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners,
habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and
triumphed together. The independence and liberty you possess are the
work of joint councils and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings,
and successes.

But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves
to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more
immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds
the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the
union of the whole.

The _North_, in an unrestrained intercourse with the _South_, protected
by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions
of the latter great additional resources of maritime and commercial
enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The
_South_, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the same agency of the
_North_, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning
partly into its own channels the seamen of the _North_, it finds its
particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes in different
ways to nourish and increase the general mass of the national
navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength
to which itself is unequally adapted. The _East_, in a like intercourse
with the _West_, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of
interior communications by land and water will more and more find,
a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad or
manufactures at home. The _West_ derives from the _East_ supplies
requisite to its growth and comfort, and what is perhaps of still
greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the _secure_ enjoyment
of indispensable _outlets_ for its own productions to the weight,
influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of
the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as _one
nation_. Any other tenure by which the _West_ can hold this essential
advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength or from an
apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be
intrinsically precarious.

While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and
particular interest in union, all the parts combined can not fail to
find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater
resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less
frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations, and what is
of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from
those broils and wars between themselves which so frequently afflict
neighboring countries not tied together by the same governments, which
their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which
opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate
and imbitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those
overgrown military establishments which, under any form of government,
are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as
particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it is that
your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and
that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of
the other.

These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting
and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a
primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common
government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it.
To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are
authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the
auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will
afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full
experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union affecting
all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated
its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the
patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken
its bands.

In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union it occurs as
matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for
characterizing parties by _geographical_ discriminations--_Northern_ and
_Southern, Atlantic_ and _Western_--whence designing men may endeavor
to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests
and views, One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within
particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other
districts. You can not shield yourselves too much against the jealousies
and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend
to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by
fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our Western country have lately
had a useful lesson on this head. They have seen in the negotiation by
the Executive and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate of the
treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event
throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the
suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government
and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to
the Mississippi. They have been witnesses to the formation of two
treaties--that with Great Britain and that with Spain--which secure to
them everything they could desire in respect to our foreign relations
toward confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely
for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were
procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such
there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them
with aliens?

To the efficacy and permanency of your union a government for the whole
is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be
an adequate substitute. They must inevitably experience the infractions
and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced.
Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first
essay by the adoption of a Constitution of Government better calculated
than your former for an intimate union and for the efficacious
management of your common concerns. This Government, the offspring of
our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation
and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the
distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing
within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to
your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance
with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the
fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems
is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of
government. But the constitution which at any time exists till changed
by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people is sacredly
obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the
people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual
to obey the established government.

All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations
and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real
design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation
and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this
fundamental principle and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize
faction; to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put in the
place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often
a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community, and,
according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the
public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous
projects of faction rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome
plans, digested by common counsels and modified by mutual interests.

However combinations or associations of the above description may now
and then answer popular ends, they are likely in the course of time
and things to become potent engines by which cunning, ambitious, and
unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and
to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards
the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.

Toward the preservation of your Government and the permanency of
your present happy state, it is requisite not only that you steadily
discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority,
but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its
principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be
to effect in the forms of the Constitution alterations which will impair
the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what can not be directly
overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited remember that
time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of
governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the
surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing
constitution of a country; that facility in changes upon the credit
of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual change, from the
endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember especially that
for the efficient management of your common interests in a country so
extensive as ours a government of as much vigor as is consistent with
the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will
find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and
adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a
name where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises
of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits
prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil
enjoyment of the rights of person and property. I have already intimated
to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to
the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a
more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against
the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having
its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under
different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled,
or repressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its
greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy.

The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the
spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which in different ages
and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself
a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and
permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result gradually
incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute
power of an individual, and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing
faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this
disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of
public liberty.

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless
ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual
mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the
interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.

It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public
administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies
and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another;
foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign
influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the
government itself through the channels of party passion. Thus the
policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and
will of another.

There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks
upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the
spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in
governments of a monarchical cast patriotism may look with indulgence,
if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular
character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be
encouraged. From their natural tendency it is certain there will always
be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose; and there being
constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of public
opinion to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it
demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame,
lest, instead of warming, it should consume.

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country
should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration to
confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres,
avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach
upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers
of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of
government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power
and proneness to abuse it which predominates in the human heart is
sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity
of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing
and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each
the guardian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has
been evinced by experiments ancient and modern, some of them in our
country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary
as to institute them. If in the opinion of the people the distribution
or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong,
let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution
designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this in
one instance may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon
by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always
greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit
which the use can at any time yield.

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity,
religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man
claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these great
pillars of human happiness--these firmest props of the duties of men
and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought
to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their
connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked,
Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if
the sense of religious obligation _desert_ the oaths which are the
instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with
caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without
religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education
on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us
to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious
principle.

It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring
of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force
to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it
can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the
fabric? Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions
for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure
of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that
public opinion should be enlightened.

As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public
credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as
possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but
remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger
frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding
likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions
of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge
the debts which unavoidable wars have occasioned, not ungenerously
throwing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear.
The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives; but it
is necessary that public opinion should cooperate. To facilitate to
them the performance of their duty it is essential that you should
practically bear in mind that toward the payment of debts there must
be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes
can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant;
that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the
proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to
be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of
the Government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the
measures for obtaining revenue which the public exigencies may at
any time dictate.

Observe good faith and justice toward all nations. Cultivate peace and
harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct. And can it
be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a
free, enlightened, and at no distant period a great nation to give to
mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided
by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course
of time and things the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any
temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it?
Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of
a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by
every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered
impossible by its vices?

In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that
permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations and
passionate attachments for others should be excluded, and that in place
of them just and amicable feelings toward all should be cultivated. The
nation which indulges toward another an habitual hatred or an habitual
fondness is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to
its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its
duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes
each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight
causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when accidental
or trifling occasions of dispute occur.

Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests.
The nation prompted by ill will and resentment sometimes impels to
war the government contrary to the best calculations of policy. The
government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts
through passion what reason would reject. At other times it makes the
animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility, instigated
by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace
often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim.

So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces
a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the
illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common
interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other,
betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of
the latter without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also
to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others,
which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions by
unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by
exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate in the
parties from whom equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to
ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the
favorite nation) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their
own country without odium, sometimes even with popularity, gilding
with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable
deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good the
base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments
are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent
patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic
factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion,
to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a small
or weak toward a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be
the satellite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign
influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy
of a free people ought to be _constantly_ awake, since history and
experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes
of republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be
impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be
avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one
foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they
actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even
second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist
the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious,
while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the
people to surrender their interests.

The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is,
in extending our commercial relations to have with them as little
_political_ connection as possible. So far as we have already formed
engagements let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let
us stop.

Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very
remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies,
the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence,
therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial
ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary
combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

Our detached, and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue
a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient
government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury
from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will
cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously
respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making
acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation;
when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice,
shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own
to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that
of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of
European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any
portion of the foreign world, so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty
to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing
infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable
to public than to private affairs that honesty is always the best
policy. I repeat, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their
genuine sense. But in my opinion it is unnecessary and would be unwise
to extend them.

Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on
a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary
alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations are recommended by policy,
humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an
equal and impartial hand, neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors
or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing
and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing
nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a
stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the
Government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best
that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary
and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied as experience and
circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly
in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it
must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept
under that character; that by such acceptance it may place itself in the
condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of
being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no
greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation
to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just
pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and
affectionate friend I dare not hope they will make the strong and
lasting impression I could wish--that they will control the usual
current of the passions or prevent our nation from running the course
which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But if I may even
flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some
occasional good--that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury
of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to
guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism--this hope will be
a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they
have been dictated.

How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by
the principles which have been delineated the public records and other
evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself,
the assurance of my own conscience is that I have at least believed
myself to be guided by them.

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe my proclamation
of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your
approving voice and by that of your representatives in both Houses of
Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me,
uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I
could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the
circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty
and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined
as far as should depend upon me to maintain it with moderation,
perseverance, and firmness.

The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct it is
not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe that,
according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from
being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually
admitted by all.

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything
more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every
nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the
relations of peace and amity toward other nations.

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be
referred to your own reflections and experience. With me a predominant
motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and
mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption
to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give
it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

Though in reviewing the incidents of my Administration I am unconscious
of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not
to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever
they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the
evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that
my country will never cease to view them with indulgence, and that,
after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an
upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned
to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that
fervent love toward it which is so natural to a man who views in it the
native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations,
I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise
myself to realize without alloy the sweet enjoyment of partaking in the
midst of my fellow-citizens the benign influence of good laws under a
free government--the ever-favorite object of my heart, and the happy
reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents - Volume 1, part 1: George Washington" ***

Home