An Account of Timbuctoo and Housa Territories in the Interior of Africa

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Title: An Account of Timbuctoo and Housa Territories in the Interior of Africa
Author: Shabeeny, Abd Salam
Language: English
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by the Bibliothèque nationale de France

AN ACCOUNT
OF
TIMBUCTOO AND HOUSA,
TERRITORIES IN THE INTERIOR OF
Africa,

By: EL HAGE ABD SALAM SHABEENY;

WITH
_NOTES, CRITICAL AND EXPLANATORY._
TO WHICH IS ADDED,
LETTERS DESCRIPTIVE OF
TRAVELS THROUGH WEST AND SOUTH BARBARY,
AND ACROSS THE MOUNTAIN'S OF ATLAS;
ALSO,
FRAGMENTS, NOTES, AND ANECDOTES;
SPECIMENS OF THE ARABIC EPISTOLARY STYLE,
&c. &c.

"_L'Univers est une espèce de livre, dont on n'a lu que la première
page, quand on n'a vu que son pays._" LE COSMOPOLITE.

By; JAMES GREY JACKSON,

RESIDENT UPWARDS OF SIXTEEN YEARS IN SOUTH AND WEST BARBARY,
IN A DIPLOMATIC AND IN A COMMERCIAL CAPACITY.

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN,
PATERNOSTER-ROW.
1820.

Printed by A. and R. Spottiswoode,
Printers Street, London.

TO
HIS MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY
GEORGE THE FOURTH,
_&c. &c. &c._
THIS WORK
IS
WITH PERMISSION,
RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED,

HIS MAJESTY'S
MOST DUTIFUL SUBJECT
AND SERVANT,
JAMES GREY JACKSON.

INTRODUCTION.

The person who communicated the following intelligence respecting
Timbuctoo and Housa, is a Muselman, and a native of Tetuan, whose father
and mother are personally known to Mr. Lucas, the British Consul. His
name is Asseed El Hage Abd Salam Shabeeny. His account of himself is,
that at the age of fourteen years he accompanied his father to
Timbuctoo, from which town, after a residence of three years, he
proceeded to Housa; and after residing at the latter two years, he
returned to Timbuctoo, where he continued seven years, and then came
back to Tetuan.

Being now in the twenty-seventh year of his age, he proceeded from
Tetuan as a pilgrim and merchant, with the caravan for Egypt to Mecca
and Medina, and on his return, established himself as a merchant at
Tetuan, his native place, from whence he embarked on board a vessel
bound for Hamburgh, in order to purchase linens and other merchandize
that were requisite for his commerce.

On his return from Hamburgh in an English vessel, he was captured, and
carried prisoner to Ostend, by a ship manned by Englishmen, but under
Russian colours, the captain of which pretended that his Imperial
mistress was at war with all Muselmen. There he was released by the good
offices of the British consul, Sir John Peters[a], and embarked once
more in the same vessel, which, by the same mediation, was also
released; but as the captain either was or pretended to be afraid of a
second capture, El Hage Abd Salam was sent ashore at Dover, and is
now[b], by the orders of government, to take his passage on board a
king's ship that will sail in a few days.

In the following communications, Mr. Beaufoy proposed the questions, and
Mr. Lucas was the interpreter.

Shabeeny was two years on his journey from Tetuan to Mekka, before he
returned to Fas. He made some profit on his merchandise, which consisted
of haiks[c], red caps, and slippers, cochineal and saffron; the returns
were, fine Indian muslins[d] for turbans, raw silk, musk, and
_gebalia_[e], a fine perfume that resembles black paste.

He made a great profit by his traffic at Timbuctoo and Housa; but, _he
says_, money gained among the Negroes[f] has not the blessing of God on
it, but vanishes away without benefit to the owner; but, acquired in a
journey to Mecca, proves fortunate, and becomes a permanent acquisition.

On his return with his father from Mecca, they settled at Tetuan, and
often carried cattle, poultry, &c. to Gibraltar; his father passed the
last fifteen years of his life at Gibraltar, and died there about the
year 1793. He was born at Mequinas; his family is descended from the
tribe of Shabban[g], which possesses the country between Santa Cruz and
Wedinoon. They were entitled to the office of pitching the Emperor's
tent, and attending his person. They can raise 40,000 men, and they were
the first who accompanied Muley Hamed Dehebby[h] in his march to
Timbuctoo.

[Footnote a: Confirmed by Sir John Peters.]

[Footnote b: In the year 1795.]

[Footnote c: The haiks are light cotton, woollen, or silk garments,
about five feet wide and four yards long, manufactured at Fas, as
are also the red caps which are generally made of the finest Tedla
wool, which is equal to the Spanish, and is the produce of the
province of that name, (for the situation of which see the map of
the empire of Marocco, facing page 55.) The slippers are also
manufactured from leather made from goat-skins, at Fas and at
Mequinas. The cochineal is imported from Spain, although the
opuntia, or the tree that nourishes the cochineal-fly, abounds in
many of the provinces of West Barbary, particularly in the province
of Suse. The saffron abounds in the Atlas mountains in Lower Suse,
and is used in most articles of food by the Muhamedans.]

[Footnote d: Muls.]

[Footnote e: _Gebalia_ resembles frankincense, or Gum Benjamin, and
is used for fumigations by the Africans.]

[Footnote f: Being idolaters.]

[Footnote g: Shâban is (probably) a tribe of the Howara Arabs, who
possess the beautiful plains and fine country situated between the
city of Terodant and the port of Santa Cruz. There is an emigration
of the Mograffra Arabs, who are in possession of the country
between Terodant and the port of Messa. The encampments of an
emigration of the Woled Abusebah (vulgarly called, in the maps,
_Labdessebas_) Arabs of Sahara, occupy a considerable district
between Tomie, on the coast, and Terodant. The coast from Messa to
Wedinoon is occupied by a trading race of Arabs and Shelluhs, who
have inter-married, called _Ait Bamaran_. These people are very
anxious to have a port opened in their country, and some sheiks
among them have assured me, that there is a peninsula on their
coast conveniently situated for a port. _This circumstance is well
deserving the attention of the maritime and commercial nations of
the world._]

[Footnote h: The youngest son of the Emperor Muley Ismael conducted
the expedition here alluded to, about the year of Christ 1727. For
an account of which see the Appendix, page 523.]

He considers himself now as settled at Tetuan, where he has a wife and
children. He left it about twelve months ago, with three friends, to go
to Hamburg (as before mentioned.) They were confined forty-seven days at
Ostend, were taken the second day of their voyage; the English captain
put them ashore at Dover against their inclination, and proceeded to
Gibraltar with their goods: this was in December, 1789.

THE CONTINENT.

The continent of Africa, the discovery of which has baffled the
enterprise of Europe, (unlike every other part of the habitable world,)
still remains, as it were, a sealed book, at least, if the book has been
opened, we have scarcely got beyond the title-page.

Great merit is due to the enterprise of travellers. The good intention
of the African Association, in promoting scientific researches in this
continent, cannot (by the liberal) be doubted. But something more than
this is necessary to embark _successfully_ in this gigantic undertaking.
I never thought that the system of solitary travellers would produce any
beneficial result. The plan of the expedition of Major Peddie and
Captain Tuckie was still more objectionable than the solitary plan, and
I have reason to think, that no man possessing any personal knowledge of
Africa, ever entertained hopes of the success of those expeditions.
Twenty years ago I declared it as MY decided opinion, that the only way
to obtain a knowledge of this interesting continent, is through the
medium of commercial intercourse. The more our experience of the
successive failure of our African expeditions advances, the more
strongly am I confirmed in this opinion. If we are to succeed in this
great enterprise, we must step out of the beaten path--the road of
error, that leads to disappointment--the road that has been so fatal to
all our ill-concerted enterprises; we must shake off the rust of
precedent, and strike into a new path altogether.

Do we not lack that _spirit of union_ so expedient and necessary to all
great enterprises? Is not the public good sacrificed to
self-aggrandisement and individual interest.--Let the African
Institution unite its funds to those of the African Association, and
co-operate with the efforts of that society! Let the African Company
also throw in their share of intelligence. The separated and sometimes
discordant interests of all these societies, if united, might effect
much. The _united_ efforts of such societies would do more in a year
towards the civilization of Africa, and the abolition of slavery, than
they will do in ten, unconnected as they now are. _Concordia parva res
crescunt_.--When each looks to particular interests, we cannot expect
the result to be the general good.

It is probable that the magnificent enterprises of the Portuguese and
Spaniards, would, ere this, have colonised and converted to
Christianity, all the eligible spots of idolatrous Africa, if their
attention to this grand object had not been diverted by the discovery of
America, and their establishments in Brazil, Mexico, &c.

I was established upwards of sixteen years in West and South Barbary;
territories that maintain an uninterrupted intercourse with all those
countries that Major Houghton, Hornemann, Park, Rontgen, Burckhardt,
Ritchie, and others have attempted to explore. I was diplomatic agent to
several maritime nations of Europe, which familiarised me with all ranks
of society in those countries. I had a perfect knowledge of the
commercial and travelling language of Africa, (the Arabic.) I
corresponded _myself_ with the Emperors, Princes, and Bashaws in this
language; my commercial connections were _very_ extensive, amongst all
the most respectable merchants who traded with Timbuctoo and other
countries of Sudan. My residence at Agadeer, or Santa Cruz, in Suse,
afforded me eligible opportunities of procuring information respecting
the trade with Sudan, and the interior of Africa. A long residence in
the country, and extensive connections, enabled me to discriminate, and
to ascertain who were competent and who were not competent to give me
the information I required. I had opportunities at my leisure of
investigating the motives that any might have to deceive me; I had time
and leisure also to investigate their moral character, and to ascertain
the principles that regulated their respective conduct. Possessed of all
these sources of information, how could I fail of procuring correct and
authentic intelligence of the interior of Africa; yet my account of the
two Niles has been doubted by our fire-side critics, and the desultory
intelligence of other travellers, who certainly did not possess those
opportunities of procuring information that I did, has been substituted:
but, notwithstanding this unaccountable scepticism, my uncredited
account of the connection of the two Niles of Africa, continues daily to
receive additional confirmation from all the African travellers
themselves. And thus, TIME, (to use the words of a [j]learned and most
intelligent writer), "which is more obscure in its course than the Nile,
and in its termination than the Niger," is disclosing all these things:
so that I now begin to think that the before-mentioned critics will not
be able much longer to maintain their theoretical hypothesis.[k]

[Footnote j: Vide the Rev. C. C. Colton's Lacon, sect. 587. p. 260,
261.]

[Footnote k: See various letters on Africa, in this work, p. 443.]

The talents, the extraordinary prudence and forbearance, the knowledge
of the Arabic language, and other essential qualifications in an African
traveller, which the ever-to-be-lamented Burckhardt so eminently
possessed, gave me the greatest hopes of his success in his arduous
enterprise, until I discovered, when reading his Travels, that he was
_poor and despised, though a Muselman_.

There is too much reason to apprehend that he was suspected, if not
discovered by the Muselmen, or he would not have been _secluded from
their meals_ and society: the Muselmen never (_sherik taam_) eat or
divide food with those they suspect of deception, nor do they ever
_refuse to partake of food with a Muselman_, unless they do suspect him
of treachery or deception; this principle prevails so universally among
them, that artful and designing people have practised as many deceptions
on the Bedouin under the cloak of hospitality, as are practised in
Christian countries under the cloak of religion! I cannot but suspect,
therefore, from the circumstance before recited, that the Muselmism of
Burckhardt was seriously suspected, and that his companions only waited
a convenient opportunity in the Sahara for executing their revenge on
him for the deception.

The very favourable reception that my account of Marocco met with from
the British public; the many things therein stated, which are daily
gaining confirmation, although they were doubted at the period of their
publication, have contributed in no small degree, to the production of
the following sheets, in which I can conscientiously declare, that truth
has been my guide; I have never sacrificed it to ambition, vanity,
avarice, or any other passion.

The learned, I am flattered to see, are now beginning to adopt my
orthography of African names; they have lately adopted _Timbuctoo_ for
the old and barbarous orthography of _Timbuctoo_; they have, however,
been upwards of ten years about it. In ten years more, I anticipate that
_Fez_ will be changed into _Fas_, and _Morocco_ into _Marocco_, for this
plain and uncontrovertible reason,--because they are so spelled in the
original language of the countries, of which they are the chief cities.
Since the publication of my account of Marocco, I have seen Arabic words
spelled various ways by the same author (I have committed the same error
myself); but in the following work I have adopted a plan to correct this
prevailing error in Oriental orthography, which, I think, ought to be
followed by every Oriental scholar, as the only correct way of
transcribing them in English; viz. by writing them exactly according to
the original Arabic orthography, substituting _gr_ (not _gh_, as
Richardson directs) for the Arabic guttural غ grain, and _kh_
for the guttural _k_ or خ --

_Note._ We should be careful not to copy the orthography of Oriental or
African names from the French, which has too often been done, although
their pronunciation of European letters is very dissimilar from our own.

CONTENTS.

_An Account of a Journey from Fas to Timbuctoo, performed about the year
1787, by El Hage Abd Salam Shabeeny._ Page 1

Route to Timbuctoo.--Situation of the City.--Population.--Inns
or Caravanseras, called Fondaks.--Houses.--Government.--Revenue.--Army.
Administration of Justice.--Succession to Property.--Marriage.--Trade.
Manufactures.--Husbandry.--Provisions.--Animals.--Birds.--Fish.--Prices
of different Articles.--Dress.--Time.--Religion.--Diseases.--Manners
and Customs.--Neighbouring Nations.

_Journey from Timbuctoo to Housa_ 37

The River Neel or Nile.--Housa.--Government.--Administration
of Justice--Landed Property,--Revenues.--Army.--Trade.--Climate.
Zoology.--Diseases.--Religion.--Persons.--Dress.--Buildings.--Manners.
Gold.--Limits of the Empire.

_Letters, containing an Account of Journies through various Parts of
West and South Barbary, at different Periods, personally performed by
J.G. Jackson._ 55

LETTER I. (To James Willis, Esq., late British Consul for Senegambia.)
On the Opening of the Port of Agadeer, or Santa Cruz, in the Province of
Suse; and of its Cession by the Emperor Muley Yezzid to the Dutch. _ibid._

LETTER II. (To the same.) The Author's Arrival at Agadeer or Santa
Cruz.--He opens the Port to European Commerce.--His favourable Reception
on landing there.--Is saluted by the Battery.--Abolishes the degrading
Custom that had been exacted of the Christians, of descending from on
Horseback, and entering the Town on Foot, like the Jews.--Of a Sanctuary
at the Entrance of the Town, which had ever been considered Holy Ground,
and none but Muhamedans had ever before been permitted to enter the
Gates on Horseback. 58

LETTER III. (To the same.) The Author makes a Commercial Road down the
Mountain, to facilitate the Shipment of Goods.--The Energy and
Liberality of the Natives, in working gratuitously at it.--Description
of the Portuguese Tower at Tildie.--Arab Repast there.--Natural Strength
of Santa Cruz, of the Town of Agurem, and the Portuguese Spring and Tank
there.--Attempt of the Danes to land and build a Fort.--Eligibility of
the Situation of Santa Cruz, for a Commercial Depot to supply the whole
of the Interior of North Africa with East India and European
Manufactures.--Propensity of the Natives to Commerce and Industry, if
Opportunity offered. 62

LETTER IV. (To the same.) Command of the Commerce of Sudan. 67

LETTER V. From Mr. Willis to Mr. Jackson 69

LETTER VI. From the same to the same 71

LETTER VII. (To James Willis, Esq.) Emperor's March to Marocco.--Doubles
the Customs' Duties of Mogodor.--The Governor, Prince Abdelmelk, with
the Garrison and Merchants of Santa Cruz, ordered to go to the Court at
Marocco.--They cross the Atlas Mountains.--Description of the Country
and Produce.--Dangerous Defile in the Mountains through which the Author
passed.--Chasm in the Mountain.--Security of Suse from Marocco,
originating in the narrow Defile in the Mountains of Atlas.--Extensive
Plantations of Olives.--Village of Ait Musie.--Fruga Plains.--Marocco
Plains.--Fine Corn.--Reception at Marocco, and Audience with the
Emperor.--Imperial Gardens at Marocco.--Prince Abdelmelk's magnificent
Apparel reprobated by the Sultan.--The Port of Santa Cruz shut to the
Commerce of Europe, and the Merchants ordered to Marocco.--The Prince
banished to the _Bled Shereef_, or Country of Princes; viz. Tafilelt, of
the Palace at Tafilelt.--Abundance of Dates.--Face of the
Country.--Magnificent Groves of Palm or Date-trees.--Faith and Integrity
of the Inhabitants of Tafilelt.--Imperial Gardens at Marocco.--Mode of
Irrigation.--Attar of Roses, vulgarly called Otto of Roses (_Attar_
being the Word signifying a Distillation.).--State of Oister Shells on
the Top of the Mountains of Sheshawa, between Mogodor and Marocco, being
a Branch of the Atlas.--Description of the Author's Reception on the
Road from Marocco to Mogodor.--Of the Elgrored, or Sahara of Mogodor. 73

LETTER VIII. From Mr. Willis to Mr. Jackson 84

Extract of a Letter from His Excellency J.M. Matra, British Envoy to
Marocco, &c. to Mr. Jackson. 85

LETTER IX. (To James Willis, Esq.) Custom of visiting the Emperor on his
Arrival at Marocco.--Journey of the Merchants thither on that
Occasion.--No one enters the Imperial Presence without a Present.--Mode
of travelling.--The Commercio.--Imperial Gardens at Marocco.--Audience
of the Sultan.--Amusements at Marocco.--Visit to the Town of
Lepers.--Badge of Distinction worn by the Lepers.--Ophthalmia at
Marocco.--Its probable Cause.--Immense Height of the Atlas, East and
South of Marocco.--Mode of visiting at Marocco.--Mode of Eating.--Trades
or Handicrafts at Marocco.--Audience of Business of the Sultan.--Present
received from the Sultan. 86

LETTER X. From Mr. Willis to Mr. Jackson 99

LETTER XI. From the same to the same 101

LETTER XII. From the same to the same 103

LETTER XIII. (To James Willis, Esq.) Journey from Mogodor to Rabat, to
Mequinas, to the Sanctuary of Muley Dris Zerone in the Atlas Mountains,
to the Ruins of Pharaoh, and thence through the Amorite Country to
L'Araich and Tangier.--Started from Mogodor with Bel Hage as (_Tabuk_)
Cook, and Deeb as (_Mule Lukkerzana_) Tent-Master.--Exportation of Wool
granted by the Emperor.--Akkermute depopulated by the Plague.--Arabs,
their Mode of hunting the Partridge.--Observations respecting the River
Tansift.--Jerf El Eudie, or the Jews' Pass.--Description of Saffy, and
its Port or Road.--Woladia calculated to make a safe harbour.--Growth of
Tobacco.--Mazagan described.--Azamor the Abode of Storks.--Saneet
Urtemma a dangerous Country.--Dar El Beida, Fedalla, and Rabat
described.--Mausoleum of the Sultan Muhamed ben Abd Allah at Rabat.--Of
Sheila, a Roman Town.--Of the Tower of Hassan.--Road of
Rabat.--Productive Country about Rabat.--Salee.--The People inimical to
Christians.--The Dungeon where they confined Christian Slaves.--Ait
Zimurh, notorious Thieves.--Their Mode of Robbing.--Their Country
disturbed with Lions.--Arrival at Mequinas.--Some Account of that City
and its Imperial Palace.--Ladies of Mequinas extremely
beautiful.--Arrival at the renowned Sanctuary of Muley Dris or Idris
Zerone.--Extraordinary and favourable Reception there by the Fakeers of
the Sanctuary.--Slept in the Adytum.--Succour expected from the English
in the Event of an Invasion by Bonaparte.--Prostration and Prayer of
Benediction by the Fakeers at my Departure from the Sanctuary.--Ruins of
Pharaoh near the Sanctuary.--Treasures found there.--Ite Amor.--

The Descendants of the Ancient Amorites.--Character of these
People.--Various Tribes of the Berebbers of Atlas.--El Kassar
Kabeer.--Its Environs, a beautiful Country.--Forest of
L'Araich.--Superior Manufacture of Gold Thread made at Fas, as well as
Imitations of Amber.--Grand Entry of the British Ambassador into
Tangier.--Our Ignorance of African Matters.--The Sultan's Comparison of
the Provinces of his Empire to the various Kingdoms of Europe. 105

LETTER XIV. (From His Excellency James M. Matra to Mr. Jackson.)
Respecting the Result of the British Embassy to the Emperor of Marocco
at Old Fas. 128

LETTER XV. (To James Willis, Esq.) European Society at Tangier.--Sects
and Divisions among Christians in Muhamedan Countries counteracts the
Propagation of Christianity, and casts a Contempt upon Christians
themselves.--The Cause of it.--The Conversion of Africa should be
preceded by an Imitation of the divine Doctrine of Christ among
Christians themselves. 129

LETTER XVI. (To the same.) Diary of a Journey from Tangier to Mogodor,
showing the Distances from Town to Town, along the Coast of the Atlantic
Ocean; useful to Persons travelling in that Country. 132

LETTER XVII. (To the same.) An Account of a Journey from Mogodor to
Saffy, during a Civil War, in a Moorish Dress, when a Courier could not
pass, owing to the Warfare between the two Provinces of Haha and
Shedma.--Stratagem adopted by the Author to prevent Detection.--Danger
of being discovered.--Satisfaction expressed by the Bashaw of Abda,
Abdrahaman ben Nassar, on the Author's safe Arrival, and Compliments
received from him on his having accomplished this perilous Journey. 134

LETTER XVIII. (To the same.) Journey to the Prince Abd Salam, and the
Khalif Delemy in Shtuka.--Encamped in his Garden.--Mode of living in
Shtuka.--Audience of the Prince.--Expedition to the Port of Tomie, in
Suse.--Country infested with Rats.--Situation of Tomie.--Entertainment
at a Douar of the Arabs of Woled Abbusebah.--Exertions of Delemy to
entertain his guests.--Arabian Dance and Music.--Manner and Style of
Dancing.--Eulogium of the Viceroys and Captains to the Ladies.--Manners
of the latter.--Their personal Beauty.--Dress.--Desire of the Arabs to
have a Commercial Establishment in their Country.--Report to the Prince
respecting Tomie.--Its Contiguity to the Place of the Growth of various
Articles of Commerce.--Viceroy's Offer to build a House, and the
Duties.--Visit to Messa.--Nature of the Country.--Gold and Silver
Mines.--Garden of Delemy.--Immense Water-melons and Grapes.--Mode of
Irrigation.--Extraordinary People from Sudan at Delemy's.--Elegant
Sword.--Extensive Plantations.--The Prince prepares to depart for
Tafilelt. 137

LETTER XIX. (To the same.) Journey from Santa Cruz to Mogodor, when no
Travellers ventured to pass, owing to Civil War and Contention among the
Kabyles.--Moorish Philanthropy in digging Wells for the Use of
Travellers.--Travelled with a trusty Guide without Provisions, Tents,
Baggage, or Incumbrances.--Nature of the Warfare in the Land.--Bitter
Effects of Revenge and Retaliation on the happiness of Society.--Origin
of these civil Wars between the Families and Kabyles.--Presented with
Honey and Butter for Breakfast.--Patriarchal Manner of living among the
Shelluhs compared to that of Abraham.--Aromatic Honey.--Ceremony at
Meals, and Mode of Eating.--Travelled all Night, and slept in the open
Air;--Method of avoiding the Night-dew, as practised by the
Natives.--Arrival at Mogodor. 150

_An Account of the Rise, Progress, and Decrease of the Plague that
ravaged West and South Barbary, in 1799, faithfully extracted, from
Letters written before and during its Existence, by the House of James
Jackson & Co., or by James G. Jackson, at Mogodor, to their
Correspondents in Europe._ 156

Letter from His Excellency James M. Matra to Mr. Jackson. 163

An Account of a peculiar Species of Plague which depopulated West and
South Barbary in 1799 and 1800, to the Effects of which the Author was
an eye-witness. 166

Cases of Plague. 180

Observations respecting the Plague that prevailed last Year in West
Barbary, which was imported from Egypt; communicated by the Author to
the Editor of the Quarterly Journal of Literature, Science, and the
Arts, edited at the Royal Institution of Great Britain, No. 15,
published October, 1819. 186

_Journey from Tangier to Rabat, through the Plains of Seboo, in Company
with Doctor Bell and the Prince Muley Teib and an Army of Cavalry_. 191

Officiated as Interpreter between the Prince and Dr. Bell.--Description
of Food sent to us by the Prince.--The Plains of M'sharrah Rummellah, an
incomparably fine and productive Country.--The Cavalry of the
Amorites;--their unique Observations on Dr. Bell: their mean opinion of
his Art, because he could not cure Death.--Passage of the River Seboo on
Rafts of inflated Skins.--Spacious tent of Goat's Hair erected for the
Sheik, and appropriated to the Use of the Prince.--Description of the
magnificent Plains of M'sharrah Rummellah and Seboo.--Arabian
Royalty.--Prodigious Quantity of Corn grown in these Plains.--Matamores,
what they are.--Mode of Reaping.--

The Prince presents the Doctor with a Horse, and approves of his
Medicines.--The Prince and the Doctor depart south-eastwardly, and the
Author pursues his Journey to Rabat and Mogodor. 191

_Of the excavated Residences of the Inhabitants of Atlas: the Acephali,
Hel Shoual, and Hel el Kitteb_. 198

The Discovery of Africa not to be effected by the present System of
solitary Travellers; but by a grand Plan, with a numerous Company;
beginning with Commerce, as the natural Prelude to Discovery, the
Fore-runner of Civilization, and a preliminary Step, indispensable to
the Conversion of the native Negroes to Christianity.

_Cautions to be used in Travelling_. 202

Danger of Travelling after Sun-set.--The Emperor holds himself
accountable for Thefts committed on Travellers, whilst travelling
between the rising and the setting Sun.--Emigration of
Arabs.--Patriarchal Style of Living among the Arabs; Food, Clothing,
domestic Looms, and Manufactures.--Riches of the Arabs calculated by the
Number of Camels they possess.--Arabian Women are good Figures, and have
personal Beauty; delicate in their Food; poetical Geniuses; Dancing and
Amusements; Musical Instruments; their Manners are courteous.

_Abundance of Corn produced in West Barbary_. 208

Costly Presents made by Spain to the Emperor.--Bashaw of Duquella's
Weekly Present of a Bar of Gold.--Mitferes or Subterranneous
Depositaries for Corn.

_Domestic Serpents of Marocco_ 213

_Manufactures of Fas_. 214

Superior Manufactory of Gold Thread.--Imitation of precious
Stones.--Manufactory of Gun-barrels in Suse.--Silver-mine.

_On the State of Slavery in Muhamedan Africa_. 219

_The Plague of Locusts_. 221

Their incredible Destruction.--Used as Food.--Remarkable Instance of
their destroying every Green Herb on one Side of a River, and not on the
other.

_On the Influence of the great Principle of Christianity on the Moors_.
224

Of the Propagation of Christianity in Africa.--Causes that prevent
it.--The Mode of promoting it is through a friendly and commercial
Intercourse with the Natives.--Exhortation to Great Britain to attend to
the Intercourse with Africa.--Danger of the French colonizing Senegal,
and supplanting us, and thereby depreciating the Value of our West-India
Islands.

_Interest of Money._ 237

Application of the Superflux of Property or Capital.

_Plan for the gradual Civilisation of Africa._ 247

On the Commercial Intercourse with Africa, through the Sahara and
Ashantee.

_Prospectus of a Plan for forming a North African or Sudan Company: to
be instituted for the Purpose of establishing an extensive Commerce
with, and laying open to British Enterprise, all the Interior Regions of
North Africa._ 251

Appendix to the foregoing Prospectus, being an Epitome of the Trade
carried on by Great Britain and the European States in the
Mediterranean, indirectly with Timbuctoo, the Commercial Depot of North
Africa, and with other States of Sudan. 254

Letter from Vasco de Gama, in Elucidation of this Plan. 258

Letter on the Commercial Intercourse with Africa, in further Elucidation
of this Plan. 264

Impediments to our Intercourse with Africa. 266

_Architecture of the Mosques.--Funeral Ceremonies of the Moors,--Gardens
at Fas._ 271

_Fragments, Notes, and Anecdotes, illustrating the Nature and Character
of the Country._ 276

Introduction,--Trade with Sudan.--Wrecked Ships on the Coast,
278.--Wrecked Sailors.--Timbuctoo Coffee.--Sand Baths.--Civil War common
in West Barbary, 279.--Policy of the Servants of the Emperor.--El Wah El
Grarbee, or the Western Oasis, 280.--Prostration, the Etiquette of the
Court of Marocco, 281.--Massacre of the Jews, and Attack on
Algiers.--Treaties with Muhamedan Princes, 283.--Berebbers of Zimurh
Shelleh--The European Merchants at Mogodor escape from Decapitation,
284.--The Body of the Emperor Muley Yezzid disinterred, 286. Shelluhs;
their Revenge and Retaliation, 291.--Travelling in Barbary.--Anecdote
displaying the African Character, and showing them to be now what they
were anciently, under Jugurtha, 293.--Every Nation is required to use
its own Costume, 296.--Ali Bey (El Abassi), Author of the Travels under
that Name, 297.--The Emperor's Attack on Dimenet, in the Atlas,
305.--Moral Justice, 306.--Contest between the Emperor and the Berebbers
of Atlas.--Characteristic Trait of Muhamedans, 308.--Political
Deception, 309.--Etiquette of the Court of Marocco, 310.--Customs of the
Shelluhs of the Southern Atlas.--Connubial Customs, 313.--Political
Duplicity, 314.--Etiquette of Language at the Court of Marocco,
315.--Food, viz. Kuscasoe, Hassua, El Hasseeda, 317--The Woled
Abbusebah, a whole Clan of Arabs, banished from the Plains of Marocco,
317.--The Koran called the Beloved Book.--Arabian Music,
318.--Sigilmessa.--Mungo Park at Timbuctoo.--Troglodyte, 319,--Police of
West Barbary, 320.--Muley Abdrahaman ben Muhamed, an Anecdote of,
322,--Anecdote of Muley Ismael, 323.--Library at Fas, 324.--Deism,
325--Muhamedan Loyalty.--Cairo, 326.--Races of Men constituting the
Inhabitants of West and South Barbary, and that part of Bled el Jereed,
called Tafilelt and Sejin Messa, east of the Atlas, forming the
territories of the present Emperor of Marocco: the Moors--the
Berebbers--the Shelluhs, 327.--The Arabs--the Jews--Douars,
328.--Various Modes of Intoxication, 329.--Division of Agricultural
Property, 331.--Mines.--Nyctalopia, Hemeralopia, or Night-blindness,
called by the Arabs _Butelleese_; and its Remedy, 332.--Vaccination,
336.--Game, 338.--Agriculture.--Mitferes, 339.--Laws of Hospitality,
340.--Punishment for Murder.--Insolvency Laws, 343.--Dances,
344.--Circumcision.--Invoice from Timbuctoo to Santa Cruz,
345.--Translation of a Letter from Timbuctoo, 346.--Invoice from
Timbuctoo to Fas, 347.--Translation of its accompanying Letter from
Timbuctoo, 348.--Food of the Desert,--Antithesis, a favourite Figure
with the Arabs, 349.--Arabian Modes of Writing, 350.--Decay of Science
and of Arts among the Arabs, 352.--Extraordinary Abstinence experienced
in the Sahara. 353

_Languages of Africa._ 355

Various Dialects of the Arabic Language.--Difference between the
Berebber and Shelluh Languages.--Specimen of the Mandinga
Language.--Comparison of the Shelluh Language with that of the Wah el
Grarbie, or Oasis of Ammon, and with the original Language of the Canary
Islands, and similitude of Customs.

_Titles of the Emperor of Marocco._ 382

Style of addressing him. 383

_Specimens of Muhamedan Epistolatory Correspondence._ 384

LETTER I. Translation of a Letter from Muley Ismael, Emperor of Marocco,
to Captain Kirke, at Tangier, Ambassador from King Charles the Second,
A.D. 1684. _ibid_

LETTER II. From the same to Sir Cloudesley Shovel, on board the Charles
Galley, off Sallee, A.D. 1684. 387

LETTER III, Captain Shovel's Answer, September 1684. 389

LETTER IV. Translation of Muley Ismael, Emperor of Marocco's Letter to
Queen Anne, A.D. 1710, from the Harl. MSS. 7525. 392

LETTER V. Translation of a Letter from the Sultan Seedi Muhamed ben
Abdallah, Emperor of Marocco, to the European Consuls resident at
Tangier, delivered to each of them by the Bashaw of the Province of El
Grarb, A.D. 1788. 394

LETTER VI. From Muley Soliman ben Muhamed, Emperor of Marocco, &c. &c.
to His Majesty George the Third, literally translated by J.G. Jackson,
at the Request of the Right Hon. Spencer Perceval, after lying in the
Secretary of State's Office here for several Months, and being sent
ineffectually to the Universities, and after various Enquiries had been
made on Behalf of the Emperor to the Governor of Gibraltar, the Bashaw
of El Grarb, and the Alkaid of Tangier, to ascertain if any Answer had
been returned to His Imperial Majesty. 395

LETTER VII. Translation of a Firman of Departure, literally translated
from the original Arabic, by J.G. Jackson. 398

LETTER VIII. From Hulaku the Tartar, Conqueror of the East, to Al Malek
Annasar, Sultan of Aleppo, A.D. 1259. 399

LETTER IX. Translation of a Letter from the Emperor Muley Yezzid, to
Webster Blount, Esq. Consul General to the Empire of Marocco, from their
High Mightinesses, the States General of the Seven United Provinces,
written soon after the Emperor's Proclamation, and previous to the
Negociation for the opening of the Port of Agadeer or Santa Cruz to
Dutch Commerce. 402

LETTER X. Translation of a Letter from the Emperor Yezzid to the
Governor of Mogodor, Aumer ben Daudy, to give the Port of Agadeer to the
Dutch, and to send there the Merchants of that Nation. 402

LETTER XI. Epistolary Diction used by the Muhamedans of Africa in their
Correspondence with all their Friends who are not of the Muhamedan
Faith, A.D. 1797. 404

LETTER XII. Translation of a Letter from the Sultan Seedi Muhamed,
Emperor of Marocco, to the Governor of Mogodor, A.D. 1791, A.H. 1203. 405

_Doubts having been made, in the Daily Papers, concerning the Accuracy
of the two following Translations of the Shereef Ibrahim's Account of
Mungo Park's Death, the following Observations by the Author are laid
before the Public, in Elucidation of those Translations._ 406

The Shereef Ibrahim's Account of Mungo Park's Death (The Author's
Translation). 409

Observation. 410

Extract from the Times, May 3, 1819.--Mungo Park. 412

The Shereef Ibrahim's Account of Mungo Park's Death (Mr. Abraham
Saleme's Translation). 413

Letter to the Editor of the British Statesman, on the Errors in Mr.
Saleme's Translation of the Shereef Ibrahim's Account of the Death of
Mungo Park. 415

_Letters respecting Africa, from J.G. Jackson and other._ 419

On the Plague. To James Willis, Esq. late Consul to Senegambia. 419

Death of Mungo Park. 424

Death of Mr. Rontgen, in an Attempt to explore the Interior of Africa.
425

Of the Venomous Spider.--Charmers of Serpents.--Disease called
Nyctalopia, or Night-blindness.--Remedy for Consumption in
Africa.--Western Branch of the Nile, and Water Communication between
Timbuctoo and Egypt. 429

Offer to discover the African Remedy for Nyctalopia or Night-blindness,
in a Letter addressed to the Editor of the Literary Panorama. 432

Letter to the same. 433

Critical Observations on Extracts from the Travels of Ali Bey and Robert
Adams, in the Quarterly Journal of Literature, Science, and the Arts,
edited at the Royal Institution of Great Britain. Vol. I. No. 2, p. 264.
435

On the Junction of the Nile of Egypt with the Nile of Timbuctoo, or of
Sudan. 443

Strictures respecting the Interior of Africa, and Confirmation of
Jackson's Account of Sudan, annexed to his Account of the Empire of
Marocco, &c. 446

Animadversions on the Orthography of African Names (by Catherine Hutton).
455

Hints for the Civilization of Barbary, and Diffusion of Commerce, by
Vasco de Gama. 457

Plan for the Conquest of Algiers, by Vasco de Gama. 461

Letter from El Hage Hamed El Wangary, respecting a Review of Ali Bey's
Travels, in the "Portfolio," an American Periodical Work. 464

On the Negroes (by Vasco de Gama). 465

Cursory Observations on Lieutenant Colonel Fitzclarence's Journal of a
Route across India, through Egypt, to England. 467

On the Arabic Language, as now spoken in Europe, Asia, and Africa. 471

Cursory Observations on the Geography of Africa, inserted in an Account
of a Mission to Ashantee, by T. Edward Bowdich, Esq. showing the Errors
that have been committed by European travellers on that Continent, from
their Ignorance of the Arabic Language, the learned and the general
travelling Language of that interesting Part of the World. 474

Commercial Intercourse with the Interior of Africa. 493

The Embassage of Mr. Edmund Hogan, one of the sworne Esquires of Queen
Elizabeth, from Her Highness, to Muley Abdelmelech, Emperour of Marocco,
and King of Fez and Sus, in the Yeare 1577. Written by Himselfe. 494

Letter from the Author to Macvey Napier, Esq. F.R.S.L., and E. 505

Observations on an Historical Account of Discoveries and Travels in
Africa, by the late John Leyden, M.D. by Hugh Murray, Esq. F.R.S.E. 508

Cursory Observations on African Names. 509

Letter to the Author from Hugh Murray, Esq. F.R.S.E. 513

On the Two Niles of Africa, or the Niger and the Nile. 514

APPENDIX.

_Historical Fragments in Elucidation of the foregoing pages._ 519

First Expedition on Record to Timbuctoo--Timbuctoo and Guago captured by
Muley Hamed (Son of Muley Abdelmelk, commonly called Muley Melk, or
Muley Moluck) in the Sixteenth Century (about the Year 1580). 519

A Library of 3000 Arabic Manuscripts taken by the Spaniards.--Contests
among Christians reprimanded. 520

Muley El Arsheed (a Second Expedition to Timbuctoo and Sudan). 521

Third Expedition to Timbuctoo and Sudan. 523

* * * * *

DIRECTIONS TO THE BINDER.

Map of the Tracks across the Sahara to Timbuctoo, _to face_. 1

Map of the Empire of Marocco. 55

[Illustration]

AN
ACCOUNT OF A JOURNEY
FROM
FAS TO TIMBUCTOO,
PERFORMED IN OR ABOUT THE YEAR 1787, A.C.
BY
_EL HAGE ABD SALAM SHABEENY_.

The Moors always prefer the spring and summer for travelling,
because they suffer very much from the severe cold of the mornings
in winter. They generally leave Fas in the beginning of April to
proceed to Timbuctoo, and they leave Timbuctoo to return to Fas in
the month of January.

The Mecca caravan takes its departure from Fas the beginning of
March.

In travelling, the Moors hire their camels from stage to stage.
Shabeeny's first stage was from Fas[1] to Tafilelt, which is
generally performed in about twenty days.

[Footnote 1: This is a journey of crooked and rugged roads
across the Atlas mountains, where they often sojourn in spots
which invite the traveller, so that it takes a longer time to
perform it than the distance would indicate.]
2
The hire of every camel was from ten to twelve ducats, at five
shillings sterling per ducat; as this route is through a very
mountainous country, and the travelling is very bad, the charges
were proportionally high; the weight which every camel carried was
between four and five quintals, the camels in this country being
strong and very large.[2]

Tafilelt is the place of general meeting of all the merchants who
go to Timbuctoo.[3]

The territory of Tafilelt contains no towns, but abounds in
fortresses with mud-walls[4], which the natives call El Kassar, and
which contain from three to four hundred families; in these
fortresses there is a public market (in Arabic, _soke_) every week,
where the inhabitants purchase provisions, &c.

The natives of Tafilelt are descendants of the shereefs[5] or
princes of Marocco, and are therefore of the Imperial family.

[Footnote 2: This charge of carriage by the camels from Fas to
Tafilelt, is equal to 55s., sterling per camel; to 1-1/2d. per
mile for each camel, and to one farthing and one third per
quintal of merchandise per mile.]

[Footnote 3: That is for all who go from the Emperor of
Marocco's dominions, north of the river Morbeya, which is
called El Garb, or the North Western Division.]

[Footnote 4: These mud walls are made in cases, and the mode of
erecting them is called _tabia_. See Jackson's Account of the
Empire of Marocco, &c. &c. 2d or 3d edition, page 298.]

[Footnote 5: Hence it is called _Bled Shereef_, i.e. the
Country of Princes.]
3
Shabeeny's next stage was to Draha[6], which he reached in six
days. The expense per camel was about six ducats, or thirty
shillings sterling. The district of Draha abounds in the small hard
date[7], which is very fine; from four to six drahems[8] (equal to
two to three shillings sterling) is the price of a camel load of
these dates.

The province of Draha is larger than that of Tafilelt, its
circumference being about four or five days' journey. The
natives[9] of Draha are very dark, approaching to black, in their
complexion: this province abounds in fortresses, like those of
Tafilelt.

[Footnote 6: A province at the foot of the mountains of Atlas,
south of Marocco, for which see the Map of West Barbary, in
Jackson's Account of the Empire of Marocco, &c. &c. p. 1.]

[Footnote 7: This date is called by the natives _bouskree:_ it
contains a larger quantity of saccharine juice than any other
date. This province also produces a date called _bûtube_, which
is the best that grows, and is called _sultan de timmar_, i.e.
the king of dates. It is not used as an article of commerce,
but is sent as presents to the great, and costs nearly double
the price of those of any other quality: the quality mostly
used for foreign commerce, is the Tafilelt date, called _timmar
adamoh_, which is sold by the grocers in London. This species
is, however, considered very unwholesome food, and accordingly
is never eaten by the Filellies, or inhabitants of Tafilelt,
but is food for the camels. The district of Tafilelt abounds in
dates of all kinds: there are not less than thirty different
kinds; and the plantations of dates belonging to the princes of
Tafilelt are very extensive, insomuch that the annual produce
of one plantation is often sold for a thousand dollars, or 220£
sterling. Half a dollar, or five drahems per camel load of
three quintals.]

[Footnote 8: A drahem is a silver coin, ten of which are equal
to a Mexico dollar.]

[Footnote 9: Their colour is darker than new copper, but not
black, It may be compared to the colour of _old_ mahogany, with
a black hue. The natives of Draha are proverbially stupid.]
4
The caravans have not, as in the journey to Mecca, their sheiks[10]
or commanders. From Fas to Tafilelt they had no chief, but as there
are generally a few old, rich, and respectable men in the caravan,
its direction and government are committed to their care.

[Footnote 10: The _sheik akkabar_, or chief of the accumulated
caravan, is generally a _shereef_ or prince.]

From Tafilelt, which, as before observed, is the country of the
shereefs, they are guided by such of the trading shereefs as
accompany the caravan, and who have always great respect paid them,
till they arrive at Timbuctoo. The caravan increases as it proceeds
in its journey: at Fas it consisted of about thirty or forty; at
Draha, of from 300 to 400 camels. From Draha, at the distance of
three days' travelling, they found water by digging, and on the
next morning they entered the _Sahara_, which, for the first twenty
days is a plain sandy desert resembling the sea. In this desert,
when they pitch their tents at night, they are obliged frequently
to shake the sand from their tops, as they would otherwise be
overwhelmed before the morning.

Some part of this desert is hard, and the camels do not sink deep
into it; in others the sand is very loose, which fatigues the
5 camels exceedingly. In travelling, the caravan is directed by the
stars at night, and by the sun in the day, and occasionally by the
smell of the earth, which they take up in their hands. For the
first twenty days after they enter this wilderness they have no
water; during this period, the caravan is obliged to carry water in
goat-skins[11], as not a drop is to be found by digging. On this
account, about a third part of the camels are employed in carrying
water, and even with this quantity the camels are often left for
three or four days without any. They never use mules in this part
of the journey; they neither find the _sheh_[12], nor the thorny
plant so common in the deserts of Africa.

The country on the borders of this desert, to the right and left,
is inhabited by roving Arabs, at the distance of three or four days
from the track which the caravan pursues; and is said to be partly
plain, and in part hilly, with a little grass, and a few shrubs;
when the cattle of these Arabs have consumed what grows in one
spot, their owners remove to another. The caravan, though it
generally consisted of about 400 men well armed, seeks its route
through the most unfrequented part of the desert, from a dread of
the attacks of the Arabs. The hottest wind is that from the
east-south-east, and is called _Esshume_[13]; the coldest is that
which blows from the west-north-west. To alleviate the great
drought which travellers feel in the desert, they have recourse to
melted butter.[14]

[Footnote 11: These goat-skins, when containing water, are
called by the Arabs _kereb_, or _ghireb_, plur. _kerba_, or
_ghirba_, sing.]

[Footnote 12: The _sheh_ is the wormseed plant, the thorny
plant here alluded to is the wild myrtle.]

[Footnote 13: _Esshume_, or the hot wind. For a particular
description of this extraordinary wind, see Jackson's Account
of the Empire of Marocco, &c. &c. 2d or 3d edition, page 283
and 284.]

[Footnote 14: This is old butter kept several years in a
_matamore_, or subterraneous cavern. It is called by the Arabs
of the desert, _bûdra_; and much virtue is ascribed to it when
it has attained a certain age: a small quantity swallowed,
quickly diffuses itself through the system.]

6 After passing this desert of twenty days, they enter a country
which varies in its appearance, particular spots being fertile[15]
(called El Wah). Here they meet with _sederah_[16], a kind of wild
myrtle, in great quantities. This plant is called by the natives,
_gylan:_ its height is about that of a man; the camels feed upon
it. Between these shrubs there is a very small quantity of grass in
particular spots. In this part of the desert they meet with
extensive strata of stones: though the surface is generally sand,
yet at the depth of eight or ten inches, they meet with a yellow or
reddish earth; and about four feet deeper, with another kind of
earth of various colours, but most commonly of a brownish cast;
7 about five or six feet under this they find water, which springs
up very slowly, and at the bottom of this water you meet with a
light sand. Sometimes the water is sweetish, frequently brackish,
and generally warm. This last desert is about twenty days' journey,
and is a vast plain without any mountains. They meet with no Arabs
in this part, but the country on the right and left of their route,
at the distance of from three to eight days' journey, is inhabited
by Arabs, who are governed by their own (_sheiks_) chiefs, and are
perfectly independent.

[Footnote 15: El Wah. For a full explanation of this term, see
Jackson's Account of the Empire of Marocco, 3d edition, p.
283.]

[Footnote 16: _Sederah_, thorny shrubs of all kinds are so
called.]

From Akka to Timbuctoo, a journey of forty-three days, they meet
with no trees, except the _sederah_, no rivers, towns, or huts.
From Draha, which is a country abounding in camels, to Timbuctoo,
the charge per camel is from sixteen to twenty-one ducats.[17] That
so long a journey is performed at so small[18] an expense, is owing
to the abundance of camels in Draha. The caravan generally contains
from 300 to 400 men, of whom a great part prefer walking to the
uneasy motion of the camels.

[Footnote 17: From Fas to Tafilelt, 20 days, for 11 ducats per
camel.

Tafilelt to Draha, 6 do. 6 do. do.

Draha to Timbuctoo, 48 do. 18-1/2 do. do.

--- ----

69 days, for 35-1/2 ducats per camel
load, which is about the rate of one farthing per quintal per
mile. This does not include the expense of camels for the
conveyance of merchants, servants, &c. or of provisions or
water, but merely of those carrying goods. A full account of
these caravans, and their mode of crossing the Sahara, will be
found in Jackson's Marocco, ch. 13.]

[Footnote 18: The expense is now (A.C. 1818) smaller, as the
ducat, by a coinage which is depreciated, has fallen to 3s. 6d.
sterling.]
8
SITUATION OF THE CITY OF TIMBUCTOO.

On the east side of the city of Timbuctoo, there is a large forest,
in which are a great many elephants. The timber here is very large.
The trees on the outside of the forest are remarkable for having
two different colours; that side which is exposed to the morning
sun is black, and the opposite side is yellow. The body of the tree
has neither branches nor leaves, but the leaves, which are
remarkably large, grow upon the top only: so that one of these
trees appears, at a distance, like the mast and round top of a
ship. Shabeeny has seen trees in England much taller than these:
within the forest the trees are smaller than on its skirts. There
are no trees resembling these in the Emperor of Marocco's
dominions. They are of such a size that the largest cannot be
girded by two men. They bear a kind of berry about the size of a
walnut, in clusters consisting of from ten to twenty berries.
Shabeeny cannot say what is the extent of this forest, but it is
very large. Close to the town of Timbuctoo, on the south, is a
small rivulet in which the inhabitants wash their clothes, and
which is about two feet deep. It runs in the great forest on the
east, and does not communicate with the Nile, but is lost in the
sands west of the town. Its water is brackish; that of the Nile is
9 good and pleasant. The town of Timbuctoo is surrounded by a
mud-wall: the walls are built tabia-wise[19] as in Barbary,
viz. they make large wooden cases, which they fill with mud, and
when that dries they remove the cases higher up till they have
finished the wall. They never use stone or brick; they do not know
how to make bricks. The wall is about twelve feet high, and
sufficiently strong to defend the town against the wild Arabs, who
come frequently to demand money from them. It has three gates; one
called Bab Sahara, or the gate of the desert, on the north:
opposite to this, on the other side of the town, a second, called
Bab Neel, or the gate of the Nile: the third gate leads to the
forest on the east, and is called Beb El Kibla.[20] The gates are
hung on very large hinges, and when shut at night, are locked, as
in Barbary; and are farther secured by a large prop of wood placed
in the inside slopingly against them. There is a dry ditch, or
excavation, which circumscribes the town, (except at those places
which are opposite the gates,) about twelve feet deep, and too wide
10 for any man to leap it. The three gates of the town are shut
every evening soon after sun-set: they are made of folding doors,
of which there is only one pair. The doors are lined on the outside
with untanned hides of camels, and are so full of nails that no
hatchet can penetrate them; the front appears like one piece of
iron.

[Footnote 19: The tabia walls are thus built: They put boards
on each side of the wall supported by stakes driven in the
ground, or attached to other stakes laid transversely across
the wall; the intermediate space is then filled with sand and
mud, and beat down with large wooden mallets, (as they beat the
terraces) till it becomes hard and compact; the cases are left
on for a day or two; they then take them off, and move them
higher up, repeating this operation till the wall is finished.]

[Footnote 20: El Kibla signifies the tomb of Muhamed: in most
African towns there is a Kibla-gate, which faces Medina in
Arabia.]

POPULATION.

The town is once and a half the size of Tetuan[21], and contains,
besides natives, about 10,000[22] of the people of Fas and Marocco.
The native inhabitants of the town of Timbuctoo may be computed at
40,000, exclusive of slaves and foreigners. Many of the merchants
who visit Timbuctoo are so much attached to the place that they
cannot leave it, but continue there for life. The natives are all
blacks: almost every stranger marries a female of the town, who are
so beautiful that travellers often fall in love with them at first
sight.

[Footnote 21: That is about four miles in circumference. Tetuan
contains 16,000 inhabitants; but, according to this account,
Timbuctoo contains 50,000, besides slaves, a population above
three times that of Tetuan: now, as the houses of Timbuctoo are
more spacious than those of Tetuan, it is to be apprehended
that Shabeeny has committed an error in describing the size of
Timbuctoo.]

[Footnote 22: Who go there for the purposes of trade.]

INNS, OR CARAVANSERAS.

When strangers arrive they deposit their merchandise in large
warehouses called fondacs; and hire as many rooms as they choose,
11 having stables for their camels, &c. in the same place. These
fondacs[23] are private property, and are called either by the
owner's name, or by that of the person who built them. The fondac,
in which Shabeeny and his father lived, had forty apartments for
men, exclusive of stables; twenty below and twenty above, the place
having two stories. The staircase was within the inclosure, and was
composed of rough boards; while he staid, the rooms were constantly
occupied by natives and strangers; they hired rooms for three
months, for which they paid thirty okiat, or fifteen shillings
sterling per month. These fondacs are called Woal[24] by the
negroes. The money was paid to the owner's agent, who always lives
in the fondac for this purpose, and to accommodate strangers with
provisions, &c. At their arrival, porters assisted them and
procured every thing they wanted; but when they were settled they
hired a man and a woman slave to cook and to clean their rooms, and
to do every menial office. Slaves are to be bought at all hours:
the slave-merchants keep a great number ready for sale.

[Footnote 23: It is probable that Adams, the American sailor,
(if he ever was at Timbuctoo,) saw one of these fondacs that
belonged to the king, and mistook it for his palace.]

[Footnote 24: Ten okiat, or drahems, make a Mexico dollar. The
name of the king of Timbuctoo, in 1800 A.C. was Woolo. Many of
the fondacs are rented of him.]

HOUSES.

In the houses little furniture is seen; the principal articles
12 (those of the kitchen excepted) are beds, mats on the floor, and
the carpets; which cover the whole room. The rooms are about
fourteen feet by ten; the kitchen and wash-house are generally to
the right and to the left of the passage; the necessary is next the
wash-house.[25]

[Footnote 25: Being more convenient for the Muhamedan
ablutions.]

GOVERNMENT.

Timbuctoo is governed by a native black, who has the title of
sultan. He is tributary to the sultan of Housa, and is chosen by
the inhabitants of Timbuctoo, who write to the king of Housa for
his approbation. Upon the death of a sultan, his eldest son is most
commonly chosen. The son of a concubine cannot inherit the throne;
if the king has no lawful son (son of his wife) at his decease, the
people choose his successor from among his relations. The sultan
has only one lawful wife, but keeps many concubines: the wife has a
separate house for herself, children, and slaves. He has no
particular establishment for his concubines, but takes any girl he
likes from among his slaves. His wife has the principal management
of his house. The sultan's palace is built in a corner of the city,
on the east; it occupies a large extent of ground within an
inclosure, which has a gate. Within this square are many buildings;
some for the officers of state. The king often sits in the gate to
administer justice, and to converse with his friends. There is a
13 small garden within it, furnishing a few flowers and vegetables for
his table; there is also a well, from which the water is drawn by a
wheel.[26] Many female slaves are musicians. The king has several
sons, who are appointed to administer justice to the natives.
Except the king's relations, there are no nobles nor any privileged
class of men as in Barbary[27]: those of the blood-royal are much
respected. The officers of state are distinguished by titles like
those of Marocco; one that answers to an Alkaid, _i. e._ a captain
of 700, of 500, or of 100 men; another like that of Bashaw. The
king, if he does not choose to marry one of his own relations,
takes a wife from the family of the chiefs of his council; his
daughters marry among the great men. The queen-dowager has
generally an independent provision, but cannot marry. The
concubines of a deceased king cannot marry, but are handsomely
provided for by his successor.

[Footnote 26: A wheel similar to the Persian wheel, worked by a
mule or an ass, having pots, which throw the water into a
trough as they pass round, which trough discharges the water
into the garden, and immerges the plants.]

[Footnote 27: The privileged class of men in Barbary, are the
Fakeers; but no one in Barbary is noble but the King's
relations, who are denominated shereefs.]

REVENUE.

The revenue arises partly from land and partly from duties upon all
articles exposed to sale. The king has lands cultivated by farmers
14 who are obliged to supply his household and troops; the surplus
after the support of their own families is deposited in
matamores[28], these are stores to be used in time of scarcity: the
matamores are about six feet deep. The king often gives gold-dust,
slaves, &c. to his favorites, but the royal domains are never
given. Lands not very fruitful are common pastures. Moors pay no
duties; they say they will not bring goods if compelled to pay
duty, but the natives must pay; the duties are collected by the
king's officers, they are four per cent. upon each article _ad
valorem_. At the gate of the desert, goods brought by foreigners
pay nothing, but goods brought in by the gate of the Nile, (which
is the gate of the Negroes,) pay a tax: another part of the revenue
is two per cent, in kind on the produce of the land; but the people
of Barbary do not pay even this for what land they cultivate. The
property of those who die without heirs goes to the king, but when
a foreigner dies the king takes no part of his property; it is kept
for his relations. Timbuctoo being a frontier town remits no
revenue to Housa; the king of Housa sends money to Timbuctoo to pay
the garrison.

[Footnote 28: Subterraneous excavations, or rooms in the form
of a cone, which have a small opening like a trap-door; when
these matamores are full of grain, they are shut, and the air
being excluded, the grain deposited in them will keep sound
twenty or thirty years. I have been in matamores in West and in
South Barbary, that would contain 1000 saas of wheat, or nearly
2000 bushels Winchester measure. They are from six to sixteen
feet deep, and of various conical forms.]
15
ARMY.

The troops are paid by the king of Housa, and are armed with pikes,
swords, cutlasses, sabres, and muskets; the other natives use the
bow and arrow. At Timbuctoo, in time of war, there are about 12,000
or 15,000 troops, 5000 of which receive constant daily pay in time
of peace, and are clothed every year; they are all infantry except
a few of the king's household. Sometimes he subsidises the friendly
Arabs, and makes occasional presents to their chiefs[29]; these
Arabs can furnish him with from 80,000 to 40,000 men.

[Footnote 29: Of the Brabeesh clan; see the Map.]

ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE.

Punishments are the bastinado, imprisonment, and fine. He
recollects but one prison. If a native stabs another, he is obliged
to attend the wounded man until he recovers; if he dies, the
offender is put to death. The offender must pay a daily allowance
to the wounded man for his support; if the wound appears dangerous,
the culprit is immediately imprisoned; if the wounded man recovers,
the offender must pay a fine and suffer the bastinado. There are
four capital punishments: beheading, hanging, strangling and
bastinadoing to death. Beheading is preferred; it is thus
performed: the criminal sits down, and a person behind gives him a
blow or push on the back or shoulder, which makes him turn his
head, and while his attention is thus employed, the executioner
16 strikes it off. Hanging and strangling are seldom used; and
bastinadoing to death, is only inflicted when the crime is highly
aggravated. Capital crimes are murder, robbery with violence, and
stealing cattle. Small offences, as stealing slaves and other
articles, are punished by the bastinado. The landed estates of
criminals are never forfeited.[30] The police is so good, that
merchants reside there in perfect safety. There are no exactions or
extortions practised by government, as in Barbary, nor even any
presents asked for the king. A debtor proving his inability, cannot
be molested[31]; but to the extent of his means he is always
liable; on refusing to pay, he may be imprisoned; but upon proving
his insolvency before the judge, he is discharged, though always
liable if he should have means at any future time. Watchmen patrole
17 in the night with their dogs; others are stationed in particular
places, as the market-place and the _kasserea_, or square, where
the merchants have their shops. Guards are placed at the king's
palace. Capital crimes are tried by the king: smaller offences by
inferior magistrates. The council sit with the king, every man
according to his rank; it consists of the principal officers of his
household; he asks _their_ opinion, but unless they are unanimous,
decides according to his own. There are always five or six judges
sitting in the king's court for the general administration of
justice. The king is understood to have no power of altering the
laws: if the council are unanimous, the king never decides against
them.[32]

[Footnote 30: But go to the next heir.]

[Footnote 31: This is the written Muhamedan law: the insolvent
is always liable, but cannot be arrested or imprisoned whilst
he remains insolvent, but continues always liable for the debt
if he afterwards becomes solvent. The present Emperor of
Marocco has lately published an edict. Hearing that his Jew
subjects in London frequently became bankrupts, or made
compositions with their creditors, has enacted, that all,
persons in his dominions who live by buying and selling, shall
pay their just debts; but if unable, their brethren, or
relations shall pay their creditors for them. If _they_ are
unable, the insolvent is to receive a beating every morning at
sunrise, to remind him of his defalcation. This law was enacted
at Fas in 1817, and since then, I am informed, no bankruptcy
has happened in that great commercial city.]

[Footnote 32: This is a custom derived from Muhamedan
governments.]

A slave is entirely at his master's disposal, who may put him to
death without trial; yet the slave may complain to the council of
ill-usage, and if the complaint be well-founded, his master is
ordered to sell him. The slaves are always foreign; a native cannot
be made a slave. There are three reasons for which a slave may be
entitled to freedom: _want of food, want of clothes, and want of
shoes_: an old slave is frequently set at liberty, and returns to
his own country. The children of slaves are the property of their
master. Slaves cannot marry without the consent of their masters.
The master of the female slave generally endeavours to buy the male
to whom she is attached.[33]

[Footnote 33: Many conscientious Muhamedans, in purchasing
slaves, calculate how many years' service their purchase money
is equal to. Thus, if a man pays a servant twenty dollars
a-year for wages, and he gives 100 dollars for a slave, he
retains the slave five years, when, if his conduct has been
approved, he often discharges him from servitude. The period
for liberating slaves in this manner is however quite optional,
and admits of great latitude; neither is there any compulsion
in the master. I have known instances of a slave being
liberated after a few years of servitude; and his master's
confidence has been such that he has advanced him money to
trade with, and has allowed him to cross the desert to
Timbuctoo, waiting for the repayment of his money till his
return. This is often the treatment of Muhamedans to slaves!
how different from that practised by the Planters in the West
India Islands!!!]
18
SUCCESSION TO PROPERTY.

Upon the decease of a native, the first claim is that of his
creditors; the next is that of his widow, who is entitled to the
dower[34] promised by her husband to her father, if, not already
paid, and to one-eighth of the remainder; the rest is divided among
the children. A son's share is double that of a daughter. If they
agree, the land may be sold, if not, it must be divided as above.
Of lands and houses, nothing is sold till the children arrive at
the age of discretion; when each is entitled to his share, the rest
being unsold till the others are of age in turn. This age is not
19 fixed at so many years, but the period of discretion is determined
by the relations, upon oath, before a magistrate: there is hardly
any man that knows his own age. The father may dispose of his
property by will, as far as regards the property of his children,
but he cannot divest his wife of her rights; if a wife dies without
a will, her children succeed. Wills are not written; the guardian
appointed by the father takes care of the property of the deceased,
and employs in trade, and lends out the money for the benefit of
his children. Relations succeed if there are no children; and if
there are no relations, the king takes all but the wife's share.
The wife's relations are not considered as the husband's relations.
Children of concubines inherit equally with those of the wife. If a
man have two children by a concubine, she becomes free at his
death, otherwise she remains a slave. She is entitled, having
children, to an eighth of the property.

[Footnote 34: The husband always stipulates to pay the father
of his wife a certain sum: this is the Muhamedan dower.]

MARRIAGE.

A man agrees to pay a certain price to the father of his wife, and
witnesses are called to support the proof of the contract: the girl
is sent home, and at night a feast is made by the husband for his
male friends; by the wife for her female friends.

Rape is punished by death. Adultery is not punishable by the law,
nor is it a ground for divorce. A husband may always put away his
20 wife, but if without sufficient legal ground, he must pay her
stipulated dower. Abusive language is a sufficient ground of
divorce, but adultery is not. The dower is the price originally
agreed upon with the father; and if it has been already paid (which
it seldom is), she has no further claim upon the husband, though
put away without sufficient ground. Her clothes, jewels, &c. given
to her by her relations are her own property. A father generally
gives the daughter in jewels, &c. a present double the value of
that given him by the husband. A man can have but one wife, but may
keep concubines. Seduction and adultery are not cognisable by law.
The law says, "a woman's flesh is her own, she may do with it what
she pleases." Prostitutes are common. A man may marry his niece,
but not his daughter.

The people of Timbuctoo are not circumcised.

TRADE.

Timbuctoo is the great emporium for all the country of the blacks,
and even for Marocco and Alexandria.

The principal articles of merchandise are tobacco, kameemas[35],
beads of all colours for necklaces, and cowries, which are bought
21 at Fas by the pound.[36] Small Dutch looking glasses, some of which
are convex, set in gilt paper frames. They carry neither swords,
muskets, nor knives, except such as are wanted in the caravan. At
the entrance of the desert they buy rock-salt[37] of the Arabs, who
bring it to them in loads ready packed, which they carry as an
article of trade. In their caravan there were about 500 camels, of
which about 150 or 200 were laden with salt. The camels carry less
of salt than of any other article, because (being rock-salt) it
wears their sides. They pay these Arabs from twenty to fifteen
ounces[38] of Barbary money per load. An ounce of Barbary is worth
about _6d._, and a ducat is worth about _5s._ sterling. They sell
this salt at Timbuctoo upon an average at 50 per cent. profit; it
is more profitable than linen. They take no oil from Barbary to
Timbuctoo as they are supplied from other places with fish-oil used
for lamps but not for food; they make soap with the oil. The
returns are made in gold-dust, slaves, ivory, and pepper; gold-dust
is preferred and is brought to Timbuctoo from Housa in small
leather bags. He bought one of these bags of gold-dust and pieces
of rings for 90 Mexican dollars, and sold it at Fas for 150. The
merchants bring their gold from Timbuctoo in the saddle-bags, in
22 small purses of different sizes one within the other. The bag which
Shabeeny purchased was bought at Housa, where it sells for seven or
eight ducats cheaper than at Timbuctoo. On articles from Marocco
they make from thirty to fifty per cent. clear profit. Cowries and
gold-dust are the medium of traffic. The shereefs and other
merchants generally sell their goods to some of the principal
native merchants, and immediately send off the slaves, taking their
gold-dust with them into other countries. The merchants residing at
Timbuctoo have agents or correspondents in other countries; and are
themselves agents in return. Timbuctoo is visited by merchants from
all the neighbouring black countries. Some of its inhabitants are
amazingly rich. The dress of common women has been often worth 1000
dollars. A principal source of their wealth is lending gold-dust
and slaves at high interest to foreign merchants, which is repaid
by goods from Marocco and other countries, to which the gold-dust
and slaves are carried. They commonly trade in the public market,
but often send to the merchant or go to his house. Cowries in the
least damaged are bad coin, and go for less than those that are
perfect. There are no particular market days; the public market for
provisions is an open place fifty feet square, and is surrounded by
shops.[39] The Arabs sit down on their goods in the middle, till
23 they have sold them. The pound weight of Timbuctoo is about two
ounces heavier than the small pound of Barbary, which weighs twenty
Spanish dollars; they have also half and quarter pounds; by these
weights is sold milk, rice, butter, &c. as well as by the measure.
The weights are of wood or iron under the inspection of a
magistrate called in Barbary _m'tasseb, i.e._ inspector of weights
and measures, and if the weights are found deficient, he punishes
the offender immediately; they have also a quintal or cwt. They
have a wooden measure called a _m'hoad_[40], equal to the small
_m'hoad_ of Barbary, where a _m'hoad_ of wheat weighs about 24 lb.
Both the weights and measures are divided into 1/2, 1/4, 1/8 and
1/16.

[Footnote 35: _Kameema_ is the Arabic word for the linen called
_plattilias_. They are worth 50 Mexico dollars each, at
Timbuctoo.]

[Footnote 36: Called, in Amsterdam, _Velt Spiegels_, and in
Timbuctoo, _Murrâih de juah_.]

[Footnote 37: This salt is bought at Tishet, at Shangareen, and
at Arawan, in the south part of Sahara; for which see the Map
of Northern and Central Africa, in the new Supplement to the
Encyclopædia Britannica, Article _Africa_.]

[Footnote 38: _Okia_ is the Arabic name for this piece of
money.]

[Footnote 39: Similar to the corn-market at Mogodor.]

[Footnote 40: The _m'hoad_ is no longer used in Barbary. There
is a _krube_, of which sixteen are equal to a _saa_, which,
when filled with good wheat, weighs 100 lbs. equal to 119 lbs.
English weight.]

MANUFACTURES.

The black natives are smiths, carpenters, shoemakers, tailors, and
masons, but not weavers. The Arabs in the neighbourhood are
weavers, and make carpets resembling those of Fas and of Mesurata,
where they are called telisse[41]; they are of wool, from their own
sheep, and camels' hair. The bags for goods, and the tents, are of
goats' and camels' hair; there are no palmetto trees in that
country. Their thread[42], needles, scissors, &c. come from Fas:
24 most of their ploughs they buy of the Arabs near the town, who are
subject to it. Some are made in the town. These Arabs manufacture
iron from ore found in the country, and are good smiths. They make
iron bars of an excellent quality. They tan leather for soles of
shoes very well, but know nothing of dressing leather in oil: the
upper leather comes from Fas[43]; their wooden combs[44] and spoons
come from Barbary; they have none of ivory or horn. No lead is
brought from Barbary; he thinks they have lead of their own. The
best shoes are brought from Fas.

[Footnote 41: _Telissa_, sing.; _Telisse_, plur.]

[Footnote 42: To Fas they are brought from England through
Gibraltar and Mogodor.]

[Footnote 43: Leather is also imported from Marocco, and from
Terodant in South Barbary.]

[Footnote 44: Wooden combs are imported from Marseilles to
Mogodor.]

HUSBANDRY.

The country is well cultivated, except on the side of the desert.
They have rice, _el bishna_[45], and a corn which _they_ call
_allila_[46], but in Barbary it is called _drâh_: this requires
very rich ground. They make bread of _el bishna_: they have no
wheat or barley. Property is fenced by a bank and a ditch. Dews are
very heavy. Lands are watered by canals cut from the Nile; high
lands by wells, the water of which is raised by wheels[47] worked
25 by cattle, as in Egypt. They have violent thunder-storms in summer,
but no rains: the mornings and evenings, during winter, are cold;
the coldest wind is from the west, when it is as cold as at Fas.
The winter lasts about two months, though the weather is cool from
September to April. They begin to sow rice in August and September,
but they can sow it at any time, having water at hand: he saw some
sowing rice while others were reaping it. _El bishna_ and other
corn is sown before December. _El bishna_ is ripe in June and July;
as are beans. _Allila_ may be sown at all seasons; it requires
water only every eight or ten days. Their beans are like the small
Mazagan beans, and are sown in March; the stalk is short, but full
of pods. The _allila_ produces a small, white, flattish grain.

[Footnote 45: _El Bishna_. This is the Arabic name for Indian
corn.]

[Footnote 46: _Allila_, a species of millet.]

[Footnote 47: A wheel similar to the Persian wheel, as before
described in the note, page 13.]

PROVISIONS.

Rice is their principal food, but the rich have wheaten flour from
Fas[48], and make very fine bread, which is considered a luxury.
Bread is also made from the _allila_. They roast, boil, bake, and
stew, but make no _cuscasoe_. Their meals are breakfast, dinner,
and supper. They commonly breakfast about eight, dine about three,
and sup soon after sunset. They drink only water or milk with their
meals, have no palm wine or any fermented liquor; when they wish to
26 be exhilarated after dinner, they provide a plant of an
intoxicating quality called _el hashisha_[49], of which they take a
handful before a draught of water.

[Footnote 48: And also from Marocco.]

[Footnote 49: _El Hashisha_. This is the African hemp plant: it
is esteemed for the extraordinary and pleasing voluptuous
vacuity of mind which it produces on those who smoke it: unlike
the intoxication from wine, a fascinating stupor pervades the
mind, and the dreams are agreeable. The _kief_ is the flower
and seeds of the plant: it is a strong narcotic, so that those
who use it cannot do without it. For a further description of
this plant, see Jackson's Marocco, 2d or 3d edit. p. 131 &
132.]

ANIMALS.

Goats are very large, as big as the calves in England, and very
plentiful; sheep are also very large. Cattle are small; many are
oxen. Milk of camels and goats is preferred to that of cows. Horses
are small, and are principally fed upon camels' milk; they are of
the greyhound[50] shape, and will travel three days without rest.
They have dromedaries[51] which travel from Timbuctoo[52] to
Tafilelt in the short period of five or six days.

[Footnote 50: These horses are the desert horse, or the
_shrubat er'reeh_. See Jackson's Marocco, 2d or 3d edition, p.
94. to 96.]

[Footnote 51: These are _El Heirie_, (or _Erragual_), for a
particular description of which see Jackson's Marocco, p. 91.
to 93.]

[Footnote 52: A distance of upwards of 1200 British miles.]
27
BIRDS.

They have common fowls, ostriches, and a bird larger than our
blackbird[53]; also storks, which latter are birds of passage, and
arrive in the spring and disappear at the approach of winter;
swallows, &c.

[Footnote 53: The starling.]

FISH.

They have many extremely good in the Nile; one of the shape and
size of our salmon[54]; the largest of these are about four feet
long. They use lines and hooks brought from Barbary, and nets, like
our casting nets, made by themselves. They strike large fish with
spears and fish-gigs.

[Footnote 54: The _shebbel_, a species of salmon, a very
delicate fish, but so rich that it is best roasted, which the
Arabs do in a superior manner.]

PRICES OF DIFFERENT ARTICLES.

Sheep from ten to sixteen cowries. Cowries[55] are much valued, and
form an ornament of head-dress even for the richest women; they are
highly valued as ornaments. Goats are cheaper than sheep; the best
from eight to twelve cowries. Fowls from four to six cowries each.
Antelopes are very scarce and dear. Camels from thirty to sixty
cowries, according to their size and condition. Ostriches, of which
vast numbers are brought to market, are very cheap; the
fore-feathers[56] are often carried to Tafilelt and Marocco, the
28 inferiors are thrown away. A good slave is worth ten, fifteen, or
twenty ducats of five shillings each; at Fas, they are worth from
sixty to a hundred ducats: females are the dearest. Slaves are most
valuable about twelve years old. They have fish-oil for lamps, but
use neither wax nor tallow for candles. The fish-oil is a great
article of trade, and is brought from the neighbourhood[57] of the
sea by Genawa[58] to Housa, and thence to Timbuctoo; dearer at
Timbuctoo than at Housa, and dearer at Housa than at Genawa.

[Footnote 55: Cowries are called _El Uda_, and are sold in
Santa Cruz and in South Barbary, at twenty Mexico dollars per
quintal.]

[Footnote 56: Called _Ujuh_.]

[Footnote 57: Probably from the coast of Guinea, with which
Housa carries on an extensive trade.]

[Footnote 58: _i.e._ Guinea; Genawa being the Arabic name for
the coast of Guinea.]

DRESS.

The sultan wears a white turban of very fine muslin, the ends of
which are embroidered with gold, and brought to the front; this
29 turban comes from Bengala.[59] He wears a loose white cotton shirt,
with sleeves long and wide, open at the breast; unlike that of the
Arabs, it reaches to the small of the leg; over this a _caftan_[60]
of red woollen cloth, of the same length; red is generally
esteemed. The shirt (_kumja_) is made at Timbuctoo, but the caftan
comes from Fas, ready made; over the caftan is worn a short cotton
waistcoat, striped white, red, and blue; this comes from Bengala,
and is called _juliba_.[61] The sleeves of the caftan are as wide
as those of the shirt; the breast of it is fastened with buttons,
in the Moorish style, but larger. The _juliba_ has sleeves as wide
as the caftan. When he is seated, all the sleeves are turned up
over the shoulder[62], so that his arms are bare, and the air is
admitted to his body.

[Footnote 59: _i.e._ Bengal.]

[Footnote 60: A _caftan_, or coat, with wide sleeves, no
collar, but that buttons all down before.]

[Footnote 61: It is not the cotton cloth which comes from
Bengal that is named _Juliba_, but the fashion or the cut of
it.]

[Footnote 62: The Moorish fashion.]

Upon his turban, on the forehead, is a ball of silk, like a pear;
one of the distinctions of royalty. He wears, also, a close red
skull-cap, like the Moors of Tetuan, and two sashes, one over each
shoulder, such as the Moors wear round the waist; they are rather
cords than sashes, and are very large; half a pound of silk is used
in one of them. The subjects wear but one; they are either red,
yellow, or blue, made at Fas. He wears, like his subjects, a sash
round the waist, also made at Fas; of these there are two
kinds,--one of leather, with a gold buckle in front, like those of
the soldiers in Barbary; the other of silk, like those of the
Moorish merchants. He wears (as do the subjects) breeches made in
the Moorish fashion, of cotton in summer, made at Timbuctoo, and of
woollen in winter, brought ready made from Fas. His shoes are
distinguished by a piece of red leather, in front of the leg, about
three inches wide, and eight long, embroidered with silk and gold.
30
When he sits in his apartment, he wears a dagger with a gold hilt,
which hangs on his right side: when he goes out, his attendants
carry his musket, bow, arrows, and lance.

His subjects dress in the same manner, excepting the distinctions
of royalty; viz. the pear, the sashes on the shoulders, and the
embroidered leather on the shoes.

The sultana wears a caftan, open in front from top to bottom, under
this a slip of cotton like the kings, an Indian shawl over the
shoulders, which ties behind, and a silk handkerchief about her
head. Other women dress in the same manner. They wear no drawers.
The poorest women are always clothed. They never show their bosom.
The men and women wear ear-rings. The general expense of a woman's
dress is from two ducats to thirty.[63] Their shoes are red, and
are brought from Marocco.[64] Their arms and ankles are adorned
with bracelets. The poor have them of brass; the rich, of gold. The
rich ornament their heads with cowries. The poor have but one
bracelet on the leg, and one on the arm; the rich, two. They also
wear gold rings upon their fingers. They have no pearls or precious
stones. The women do not wear veils.

[Footnote 63: Equal to from two to thirty Mexico dollars.]

[Footnote 64: They are manufactured at Marocco.]
31
DIVERSIONS.

The king has 500 or 600 horses; his stables are in the inclosure;
the saddles have a peak before, but none behind. He frequently
hunts the antelope, wild ass, ostrich, and an animal, which, from
Shabeeny's description, appears to be the wild cow[65] of Africa.
The wild ass is very fleet, and when closely pursued kicks back the
earth and sand in the eyes of his pursuers. They have the finest
greyhounds in the world, with which they hunt only the
antelope[66]; for the dogs are not able to overtake the ostrich.
Shabeeny has often hunted with the king; any person may accompany
him. Sometimes he does not return for three or four days: he sets
out always after sunrise. Whatever is killed in the chace is
divided among the strangers and other company present; but those
animals which are taken alive are sent to the king's palace. He
goes to hunt towards the desert, and does not begin till distant
ten miles from the town. The antelopes are found in herds of from
thirty to sixty. He never saw an antelope, wild ass, or ostrich
alone, but generally in large droves. The ostriches, like the
storks, place centinels upon the watch: thirty yards are reckoned a
distance for a secure shot with the bow. The king always shoots on
32 horseback, as do many of his courtiers, sometimes with muskets, but
oftener with bows. The king takes a great many tents with him.
There are no lions, tigers, or wild boars near Timbuctoo. They play
at chess and draughts, and are very expert at those games: they
have no cards; but they have tumblers, jugglers, and
ventriloquists, whose voice appears to come from under the armpits.
He was much pleased with their music, of which they have
twenty-four different sorts. They have dances of different kinds,
some of which are very indecent.

[Footnote 65: The _Aoudad_; for a particular description of
which, see Jackson's Marocco, Chapter V., Zoology, p. 84.]

[Footnote 66: The Gazel, or Antelope, outruns at first the
greyhound; but after running about an hour the greyhound gains
on him.]

TIME.

They measure time[67] by days, weeks, lunar months, and lunar
years; yet few can ascertain their age.

[Footnote 67: The hour is an indefinite term, and assimilates to
our expression of a good while; it is from half an hour by the dial
to six hours, and the difference is expressed by the word _wahad
saa kabeer_, a long hour; and _wahad saa sereer_, a little hour;
also by the elongation of the last syllable of the last word.]

RELIGION.

They have no temples, churches, or mosques, no regular worship or
sabbath; but once in three months they have a great festival, which
lasts two or three days, sometimes a week, and is spent in eating
and drinking. He does not know the cause; but thinks it, perhaps, a
commemoration of the king's birth-day; no work is done. They
33 believe in a Supreme Being and another state of existence, and have
saints and men whom they revere as holy. Some of them are
sorcerers, and some ideots, as in Barbary and Turkey; and though
physicians are numerous, they expect more effectual aid in sickness
from the prayers of the saints, especially in the rheumatism. Music
is employed to excite ecstasy in the saint, who, when in a state of
inspiration, tells (on the authority of some departed saint,
generally of Seedy Muhamed Seef,) what animal must be sacrificed
for the recovery of the patient: a white cock, a red cock, a hen,
an ostrich, an antelope, or a goat. The animal is then killed in
the presence of the sick, and dressed; the blood, feathers, and
bones are preserved in a shell and carried to some retired spot,
where they are covered and marked as a sacrifice. No salt or
seasoning is used in the meat, but incense is used previous to its
preparation. The sick man eats as much as he can of the meat, and
all present partake; the rice, or what else is dressed with it,
must be the produce of charitable contributions from others, not of
the house or family; and every contributor prays for the patient.

DISEASES.

The winds of the desert produce complaints in the stomach, cured by
34 medicine. They have professed surgeons and physicians. The bite of
a snake is cured by sucking the wound. They have the jlob[68]
violently, for which sulphur from Terodant in Suse is taken
internally and externally. This disorder is sometimes fatal. They
are afflicted also with fevers and agues. Bleeding is often
successful; the physicians prescribe also purgatives and emetics.
Ruptures are frequent and dangerous; seldom cured, and often fatal.
They tap for the dropsy. He never heard of the venereal disease
there. Head-aches and consumptions also prevail. The physicians[69]
collect herbs and use them in medicine.

[Footnote 68: Probably the itch, called El Hack in Barbary.]

[Footnote 69: The physicians have a very superior and general
knowledge of the virtues of herbs and plants.]

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

The nails and palms of the hands are stained red with henna[70],
cultivated there: the Arabs tatoo their hands and arms, but not the
people of Timbuctoo. These people are real negroes; they have a
slight mark on the face, sloping from the eye; the Foulans have a
horizontal mark; the Bambarrahees a wide gash from the forehead to
the chin. Tombs are raised over the dead; they are buried in a
winding-sheet and a coffin: the relations mourn over their graves,
and pronounce a panegyric on the dead. The men and women mix in
35 society, and visit together with the same freedom as in Europe.
They sleep on mattresses, with cotton sheets and a counterpane; the
married, in separate beds in the same room. They frequently bathe
the whole body, their smell would otherwise be offensive; they use
towels brought from India. At dinner they spread their mats and sit
as in Barbary. They smoke a great deal, but tobacco is dear; it is
the best article of trade. Poisoning is common; they get the poison
from the fangs of snakes, but, he says, most commonly from a part
of the body near the tail, by a kind of distillation. Physic, taken
immediately after the poison, may cure, but not always; if deferred
two or three days, the man must die: the poison is slow, wastes the
flesh, and produces a sallow, morbid appearance. It causes great
pain in the stomach, destroys the appetite, produces a consumption,
and kills in a longer or shorter time, according to the strength of
constitution. Some who have taken remedies, soon after the poison,
live 8 or 10 years; otherwise the poison kills in 4 or 5 days.
Physicians prescribe an emetic, the composition of which he does
not know.

[Footnote 70: A decoction of the herb henna produces a deep
orange die. It is used generally by the females on their hands
and feet: it allays the violence of perspiration in the part to
which it is applied, and imparts a coolness.]

NEIGHBOURING NATIONS.

There are no Arabs between Timbuctoo and the Nile; they live on the
36 other side[71], and would not with impunity invade the lands of
these people, who are very populous, and could easily destroy any
army that should attempt to molest them. The lands are chiefly
private property. The Foulans are very beautiful. The Bambarrahs
have thick lips and wide nostrils. The king of Foulan is much
respected at Timbuctoo; his subjects are Muhamedans, but not
circumcised.[72] They cannot be made slaves at Timbuctoo; but the
Arabs steal their girls and sell them; not for slavery, but for
marriage.

Girls are marriageable very young; sometimes they have children at
ten years old.

[Footnote 71: North of the town.]

[Footnote 72: All true Muhamedans are circumcised, so that they
must partake of Paganism if uncircumcised.]

JOURNEY
FROM
TIMBUCTOO TO HOUSA.

Shabeeny, after staying three years at Timbuctoo, departed for
Housa: and crossing the small river close to the walls, reached the
Nile in three days, travelling through a fine, populous, cultivated
country, abounding in trees, some of which are a kind of oak,
bearing a large acorn[73], much finer than those of Barbary, which
are sent as presents to Spain. Travelling is perfectly safe. They
embarked on the Nile in a large boat with one mast, a sail, and
oars; the current was not rapid: having a favourable wind, on his
return, he came back in as short a time as he went. The water was
38 very red and sweet.[74] The place where they embarked is called
Mushgreelia; here is a ferry, and opposite is a village. As the
current is slow, and they moored every night, they were eight or
ten days sailing down the stream to Housa. They had ten or twelve
men on board, and when it was calm, or the wind contrary, they
rowed; they steered with an oar, the boat having no rudder. He saw
a great many boats passing up and down the river; _there are more
boats_[75] _on this river between Mushgreelia and Housa than
between Rosetta and Cairo on the Nile of Egypt_. A great many
villages are on the banks. There are boats of the same form as
those of Tetuan and Tangiers, but much larger, built of planks, and
have ribs like those of Barbary; instead of pitch or tar, they are
caulked with a sort of red clay, or bole. The sail is of canvas of
flax (not cotton) brought from Barbary, originally from Holland; it
is square. They row like the Moors, going down the stream.

[Footnote 73: Called El Belûte. These acorns are much prized by
the Muhamedans, and are considered a very wholesome fruit.]

[Footnote 74: The word hellue, in Arabic, which signifies
literally, sweet, here implies that the water was pure and
good.]

[Footnote 75: See Jackson's Marocco, page 314, 2d or 3d
edition.]

There is a road by land from Timbuctoo to Housa, but on account of
the expense it is not used by merchants: Shabeeny believes it is
about 5 days' journey. If you go this way, you must cross the river
before you reach Housa. They landed at the port of Housa, distant a
day and a half from the town; their merchandise was carried from
this port on horses, asses, and horned cattle; the blacks dislike
camels; they say, "_These are the beasts that carry us into
slavery_."
39
The country was rich and well cultivated; they have a plant bearing
a pod called mellochia, from which they make a thick vegetable
jelly.[76] There is no artificial road from Timbuctoo to the Nile;
near the river the soil is miry. Shabeeny travelled from Timbuctoo
to Housa in the hot weather when the Nile was nearly full; it
seldom falls much below the level of its banks; he travelled on
horseback from Timbuctoo to the river, and slept two nights upon
the road in the huts of the natives. One of the principal men in
the village leaves his hut to the travellers and gives them a
supper; in the mean time he goes to the hut of some friend, and in
the morning receives a small present for his hospitality.[77]

[Footnote 76: The pod of the mellochia, which grows near Sallee
and Rabat, is of an elongated conical form, about two inches
long.]

[Footnote 77: This is a common custom in West and South
Barbary; they always clear a tent for the travellers.]

THE RIVER NEEL OR NILE.

The Neel El Kebeer[78], (that is, the Great Nile,) like the Neel
40 Masser or Nile of Egypt, is fullest in the month of August, when it
overflows in some places where the banks are low; the water which
overflows is seldom above midleg; the banks are covered with reeds,
with which they make mats. Camels, sheep, goats, and horses, feed
upon the banks, but during the inundation are removed to the
uplands. The walls of the huts both within and without are cased
with wood to the height of about three feet, to preserve them from
the water; the wells have the best water after the swelling of the
river. The flood continues about ten days; the abundance of rice
depends on the quantity of land flooded. He always understood that
the Nile empties itself in the sea, the salt sea or the great
ocean. There is a village at the port of Housa where he landed, the
river here is much wider than where he embarked, and still wider at
Jinnie. He saw no river enter the Nile in the course of his voyage.
It much resembles the Nile of Egypt, gardens and lands are
irrigated from it. Its breadth is various; in some places he thinks
it narrower than the Thames at London, in others much wider; at the
landing place they slept in the hut of a native, and next morning
at sunrise set off for Housa, where they arrived in twelve hours
through a fine plain without hills; the country is much more
populous than between Timbuctoo and the Nile. Ferry boats are to be
had at several villages.

[Footnote 78: Properly Enneel. El is the article; but when it
precedes a word beginning with a letter called a labial, it
takes the sound of that letter. This error is committed
throughout a book, lately published, entitled Specimens of
Arabic Poetry, by J.D. Carlyle, Professor of Arabic in the
University of Cambridge, 2d edition p. 53, Abdalsalam, instead
of Abdassalum; p. 59, Ebn Alrumi, instead of Ebn Arrumi; and p.
65, Alnarhurwany, for Annarhurwany, &c. &c.]
41
HOUSA.

They did not see the town till they came within an hour from it, or
an hour and a half; it stands in a plain. Housa is south-east[79]
of Timbuctoo, a much larger city and nearly as large as London. He
lived there two years, but never saw the whole of it. It has no
walls; the houses are like those of Timbuctoo, and form irregular
lanes or streets like those of Fas or Marocco, wide enough for
camels to pass with their loads. The palace is much larger than
that of Timbuctoo; it is seven or eight miles in circumference and
surrounded by a wall; he remembers but four gates, but there may be
more; he thinks the number of guards at each gate is about 50; it
is in that part of the town most distant from the Nile. The houses
are dark coloured and flat roofed. He thinks Cairo is about
one-third larger than Housa; the streets are much wider than those
of Timbuctoo; the houses are covered with a kind of clay of
different colours but never white. They have no chalk or lime in
the country.

[Footnote 79: Rather south-east by east.]

GOVERNMENT.

If the king has children, the eldest, if a man of sense and good
character, succeeds; otherwise, one of the others is elected. The
42 grandees of the court are the electors. If the eldest son be not
approved, they are not bound to elect him; he has, however, the
preference, and after him the other sons; but the choice of the
council must be unanimous, and if no person of the royal line be
the object of their choice, they may elect one of their own body.
The members of the council are appointed by the king; he chooses
them for their wisdom and integrity, without being limited to rank:
the person appointed cannot refuse obedience to the royal mandate.
The council consists of many hundreds. The governor who controls
the police lives in the centre of the town.

THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE

Is very similar to that of Timbuctoo, except that the king is
perfectly despotic; and though he consults his council, he decides
as he thinks proper. The governor administers justice in small
affairs; but, in important cases, he refers the parties to the king
and council, of which he is himself a member. No torture, is ever
inflicted. The governor employs a great number of officers of
police at a distance from the town. If robberies are committed, the
person robbed must apply to the chief of the district, who must
find or take into custody the offender, or becomes himself liable
to make compensation for the injury sustained.[80]

[Footnote 80: This is also the law in West Barbary. When a
robbery is committed, the district where it has been committed
is made liable for double the amount; the half goes to the
person robbed, and the other half to the treasury. The good
effects of this law is admirable, insomuch that it has almost
annihilated robbery: but when one has actually been committed,
the energy and exertion of every individual is directed to
discover the depredator, and they seldom fail to discover him.
The fear of the penalty also makes them very cautious who they
admit among them; and very inquisitive respecting the character
and vocation of all, strangers in particular, who sojourn in
their country!!]
43
LANDED PROPERTY.

They have a class of men whose peculiar business it is to adjust
all disputes concerning land; the office is hereditary; _the
offender_ pays the compensation, and also the fees of these
officers; _the innocent_ pays nothing. When lands are bought, these
officers measure them. There is a plant resembling a large onion,
which serves as a land-mark; if these are removed, (which cannot be
easily done without discovery) reference is had to the records of
the sale, of which every owner is in possession; they express the
sum received; the quantity, situation, and limits of the land.
These are given by the seller, and are written in the language and
character of the country, very different from the Arabic. The same
letters are used at Timbuctoo. They write from right to left. The
character[81] was perfectly unintelligible to Shabeeny. Children,
44 whose father is dead, succeed to the same portion of their
grandfather's property as their father would, had _he_ out outlived
_his_ father, though there are other issue of the grandfather. The
rules of succession are the same as at Timbuctoo.

[Footnote 81: Possibly the ancient Carthaginian character.]

Persons of great landed property, of which there are many, employ
agents or stewards; they let the lands, and the rents are paid
sometimes in kind, and sometimes in gold-dust and cowries. Houses
are let by the month. He paid four Mexico dollars per month; but a
native would not have paid above two for the same house. A man who
has five Mexico dollars[82] a month, is esteemed in easy
circumstances; those, however, who have 30 or 40 per month, are
common.

[Footnote 82: Ten dollars worth of rice is sufficient for the
daily food of a man a twelve-month.]

REVENUES.

The king has 2 per cent. on the produce of the land. The revenues
arise from the same sources as at Timbuctoo, but are much larger.
Foreign merchants pay nothing, as the Housaeens think they ought to
be encouraged. The revenue is supposed to be immense.

ARMY.

He cannot precisely tell the number of troops, but believes the
king can raise 70,000 to 80,000 horse, and 100,000 foot. The horses
45 are poor and small, except a few kept for the king's own use. He
has no well-bred mares. Their arms are the same as at Timbuctoo;
the muskets, which are matchlocks, are made in the country. They
are very dexterous in throwing the lance. Gunpowder is also
manufactured there; the brimstone is brought from Fas; the charcoal
they make; and he believes they prepare the nitre.[83] Their arrows
are feathered and barbed; the bows are all cross-bows, with
triggers; the arrows, 20 to 40 in a quiver, are made of hides, and
hang on the left side. The king never goes to war in person. The
soldiers have a peculiar dress; their heads are bare; but the
officers have a kind of turban; the soldiers have a shirt of coarse
white cotton, and yellow slippers; those of the officers are red.
Some have turbans adorned with gold. They carry their powder in a
leather purse; the match, made of cotton, is wound round the gun;
they have flint and steel in a pouch, and also spare matches.

[Footnote 83: The saltpetre and brimstone are probably derived
from Terodant in Suse, where both abound.]

THE TRADE

Is similar to that of Timbuctoo; in both places foreign merchants
always employ agents, or brokers, to trade to advantage; a man
should reside sometime before he begins. Ivory is sold by the
tooth; he bought one, weighing 200 lb. for five ducats (1_£. 5s._);
he sold it in Marocco for 25 ducats, per 100 lb.; it is now[84]
worth 60.

[Footnote 84: A.D. 1795.]
46
The king cannot make any of his subjects slaves. They get their
cotton from Bengala.[85] They have no salt, it comes from a great
distance, and is very dear. Goods find a much better market at
Housa than at Timbuctoo. There are merchants at Housa from Timboo,
Bornoo, Moshu, and India; the travelling merchants do not regard
distance. From Timboo and other great towns he has heard, and from
his own knowledge can venture to assert, that they bring East India
goods. Gold-dust, ivory, and slaves are the principal returns from
Housa. The people of Housa have slaves from Bornoo, Bambarra,
Jinnie, Beni Killeb[86] (sons of dogs), and Beni Aree (sons of the
naked); they are, generally, prisoners of war, though many are
stolen when young, by people who make a trade of this practice. The
laws are very severe against this crime; it requires, therefore,
great cunning and duplicity; no men of any property are ever guilty
of it. The slave stealers take the children by night out of the
town, and sell them to some peasant, who sells them to a third, and
so from hand to hand, till they are carried out of the country; if
this practice did not exist, there would be few slaves for the
Barbary market. Beyond the age of fourteen or fifteen, a slave is
47 hardly saleable in Barbary. Few merchants bring to Housa above two
or three slaves at a time; but there are great numbers of merchants
continually bringing them. His own slave was a native of Bambarra,
and was brought very young to Timbuctoo. Slaves are generally
stupid; but his, on the contrary, was very sensible; he understood
several languages, particularly Arabic; he bought him as an
interpreter; he would not have sold publicly for above twenty
ducats; but he gave 50 for him; his master parting with him very
reluctantly. He bought two female slaves at Housa, at 15 ducats
each.[87] The value of slaves has since then doubled in Barbary; he
does not know the present[88] price at Timbuctoo. At Timbuctoo not
ten slaves in the hundred bought there, are females; when bought,
the merchant shuts them up in a private room, but not in chains,
and places a centinel at the door: when the confidence of any of
them is supposed to be gained, they are employed as centinels.
Housa having a great trade, is much frequented by people from
Bambarra, Foulan, Jinnie, and the interior countries.

Manufactures and husbandry are similar to those at Timbuctoo.

[Footnote 85: Bengal, or the East Indies.]

[Footnote 86: Properly Ben Ekkilleb, or Hel Ekkileb, i.e. the
canine-race. These are described to be swift of foot and low of
stature, having a language peculiar to themselves.]

[Footnote 87: About the 1790th year of the Christian era.]

[Footnote 88: In the year 1795.]

CLIMATE.

The hot winds blow from the east; the summer is hotter than in
48 Marocco, and hotter at Timbuctoo than at Housa. The cold winds are
from the west: the morning fog is great. He never saw it rain at
Housa, in the course of two years; he says it never rains there.
Scarcity is never known. A considerable part of their provisions is
brought from the banks of the Nile; the river, when overflowing,
never reaches above half way from its common channel towards Housa.
They have excellent wells in their houses, but no river near the
town.

ZOOLOGY.

He saw no camels at Housa, but heard, they use them to fetch gold,
and cover their legs with leather, to guard them from snakes. They
have dogs and cats, but no scorpions or snakes in their houses.
Lice, bugs, and fleas abound. He saw no wild animals or fowl in the
neighbourhood of Housa.

DISEASES.

Physicians agree with the patient for his cure. No cure no pay. The
prevailing diseases are colds and coughs.

RELIGION.

The same as at Timbuctoo; the poorer classes, as in most countries,
have many superstitious notions of spirits, good and bad, and are
alarmed by dreams, particularly, the slaves, some of whom cannot
retain their urine in the night, as he thinks, from fear of
49 spirits, they take them often upon trial when they buy them, and if
they have this defect, a considerable deduction is made in the
price. A man possessed by a good spirit is supposed to be safe
amidst 10,000 shot. A man guilty of a crime, who in the opinion of
the judge is possessed by an evil spirit, is not punished! He never
heard of a rich man being possessed.

PERSONS.

They are of various sizes, but the tallest man he ever saw was at
Housa. The city being very large, he seldom had an opportunity of
seeing the king, as at Timbuctoo. He saw him but twice in two
years, and only in the courts of justice; he was remarkable for the
width of his nostrils, the redness of his eyes, the smoothness of
his skin, and the fine tint of his perfectly black complexion.

DRESS.

Like that of Timbuctoo, their turbans are of the finest muslin. The
sleeves of the soldiers are small, those of the merchants wide. The
former have short breeches, the latter long. The officers dress
like the merchants, each according to his circumstances. The caftan
is of silk, in summer, brought from India; instead of the silk
cords worn by the king of Timbuctoo, the king of Housa wears two
silk sashes, three fingers broad, one on each shoulder; they are
50 richly adorned with gold; in one hangs his dagger, and when he
rides out, his sword in the other; he wears not the silk pear in
his turban, as does the king of Timbuctoo. The front of his turban
is embroidered with gold.

BUILDINGS.

The houses are like those at Timbuctoo, but many much larger. They
have no wind or water-mills, but they have stone mills, turned by
horses.

MANNERS.

They never bow. An inferior kisses the hand of a superior; to an
equal he nods the head, gives him his hand and asks him how he
does. The women do the same.

The general body are honest and benevolent, the lower class is
addicted to thieving. They are very careful of children, to prevent
their being stolen. Snakes do not frequent cultivated lands, so
that animals are not there in danger from them. The people of
Timbuctoo and Housa resemble each other in their persons and in
their manners. They castrate bulls, sheep, and goats, but never
horses. Supper is the principal meal. They do not use vessels of
brass or copper in cookery; they are all of earthenware. At sunset
the watchmen are stationed in all parts of the town, and take into
custody all suspected or unknown persons. They have lamps made of
wood and paper; the latter comes from Fas. Women of respectability
51 are attended by a slave when they walk out or visit, which they do
with the same freedom as in Europe. The women ride either horses or
asses, they have no mules; the men commonly prefer walking, they
are strong and seldom sensible of fatigue, which he attributes to
their having a rib more than white men. Some bake their own bread,
others buy it, as in England. They make leavened bread of
allila[89] and bishna; the cattle-market is within the city, in a
square, appropriated to this purpose. There are a great many rich
men, some by inheritance, others by trade. Every morning the doors
of the rich are crowded with poor, the master sends them food,
rice, milk, &c. They have names for every day. They make their own
pipes for smoking, the tubes are of wood. They have songs, some
with chorus, and some sung by two persons in alternate stanzas.
They have the same feasts once a quarter as at Timbuctoo. The king
has but one wife, but many concubines. The favourite slaves of the
queen of Housa are considered as superior to the queen of
Timbuctoo.

[Footnote 89: Millet and Indian corn.]

GOLD.

The ground where it is found is about sixteen miles from Housa.
They go in the night with camels whose legs and feet are covered to
protect them against snakes, they take a bag of sand, and mark with
52 it the places that glitter with gold; in the morning they collect
where marked, and carry it to refiners, who, for a small sum,
separate the gold. There are no mountains or rivers near the spot,
it is a plain without sand, of a dark brown earth. Any person may
go to seek gold; they sell it to the merchants, who pay a small
duty to the king. The produce is uncertain; he has heard that a
bushel of earth has produced the value of twelve ducats, three
pounds sterling, of pure gold. They set out from Housa about two
o'clock in the afternoon, arrive about sun-set, and return the next
day seeking for gold during the whole night.

LIMITS OF THE EMPIRE

Beyond Timboo, on the north side of the Nile, are very extensive.
Afnoo is subject to the king of Housa, no slaves can be made from
thence. Darfneel is near Afnoo; the latter is on the north side of
the river, nearer to its source, and a great way from Timbuctoo. No
Arabs are found on the banks of the Nile. He supposes the
circumference of the empire to be about twenty-five days' journey;
has heard that many other large towns are dependent upon it, but
does not remember their names.

The neighbouring countries are Bambarra, Timboo, Mooshee, and
Jinnie; all negroes. He has heard of Bernoo[90] as a great empire.
53
On the 31st of March, 1790, Shabeenee gave further information, in
the presence of Lord Rawdon[91], Mr. Stuart, and Mr. Wedgewood. Mr.
Wedgewood proposed the questions, and Mr. Dodsworth interpreted.
The following is some of the information, omitting what has been
noticed already.

Between Timbuctoo and Housa, there is a very good trade. Timbuctoo
is tributary to the king of Housa. The imports into Timbuctoo[92]
are spices, corn, and woollens from Barbary, and linens from the
sea-coast.

[Footnote 90: Ber Noh, or Bernoh, _i.e._ the country of Noah,
is said by the Africans, to be the birth-place of the patriarch
Noah.]

[Footnote 91: Now the Marquis of Hastings.]

[Footnote 92: For a more detailed account of the imports
to Timbuctoo, see Jackson's Account of Marocco, &c.]

The written character is very large, perhaps half an inch long. The
empire is divided into provinces; the provinces into districts. The
king appoints the governors of both; but the son of the deceased
governor is understood to have the preference.

They make their pottery by a wheel, but do not glaze it. The wheel
turns upon a pivot placed in a hole in the ground: at top and
bottom are two pieces of wood like a tea-table; the lower, which is
largest, is turned by the foot, and the upper forms the vessel.
When they make a large pot, they put on the top a larger piece: the
pots are dried in the sun or burnt in the fire. The iron mines are
in the desert; the iron is brought in small pieces by the Arabs,
54 who melt and purify it. They cannot cast iron. They use charcoal
fire, and form guns and swords with the hammer and anvil. The
points of their arrows are barbed with iron; the crossbows have a
groove for the arrow. No man can draw the bow by his arm alone,
they have a kind of lever; the bow part is of steel brought from
Barbary, and is manufactured at Timbuctoo. They do not make steel
themselves.

They inoculate for the small-pox; the pus is put into a dried
raisin and eaten. "_Rooka Dindooka_" is a kind of oath, and means,
by God. They believe only one God. After dinner they use the Arabic
expression, El Hamd Ulillah; praise to be to God.[93]

They believe the immortality of the soul, and that both men and
women go to paradise; that there is no future punishment; the
wicked are punished in this world. Happiness, after death, consists
in being in the presence of God. They are not circumcised. A
divorce may take place while a woman is pregnant, but she cannot
marry again till delivered. As soon as a woman is divorced,
midwives, women brought up to that profession, examine her to see
whether she is pregnant.

[Footnote 93: This is the Arabic, or Muhamedan grace after
meat; the grace before meat is equally sententious, viz.
Bismillah, i.e. in the name of God.]

[Illustration: map of West Barbary]

LETTERS
CONTAINING
AN ACCOUNT OF JOURNIES
THROUGH VARIOUS PARTS OF
WEST AND SOUTH BARBARY,
AT DIFFERENT PERIODS,
PERFORMED PERSONALLY BY J.G.J.

LETTER I.

_On the opening of the Port of Agadeer, or Santa Cruz in Suse, and
of its Cession by the Emperor Muley Yezzid, to the Dutch._

TO JAMES WILLIS, ESQ.

(Late British Consul for Senegambia) Eversholt, near Woburn,
Bedfordshire.

Mogodor, 28th February, 1792.

The emperor has consented to the proposition of the Dutch
government, to open the port of Agadeer, or Santa Cruz, in the
province of Suse, to the commerce of that nation; and I have
finally resolved to establish a house there, so soon as the sultan
Yezzid's order respecting that port shall reach the hands of Alkaid
Aumer ben Daudy, the governor of this port. There are various
political intrigues in agitation, to deter me from going personally
56 to establish the commerce of this most desirable and long-neglected
port of Santa Cruz. The governor anticipates a considerable
diminution in the treasury of Mogodor; and the merchants of this
place anticipate a great diminution of the various articles of
produce of this fine country, seeing that the principal articles of
exportation from the empire of Marocco are produced in the province
of Suse, and in the neighbourhood of Santa Cruz.

The stream of commerce will, therefore, necessarily be converted
from Mogodor to Santa Cruz. The merchants of Fas also, who have
their establishments and connections at Timbuctoo, and in other
parts of Sudan, will resort to Santa Cruz in preference to Mogodor,
for all European articles calculated for the markets of Sudan, the
former port being in the neighbourhood of the desert, or Sahara,
and at a convenient distance from Akka in Lower Suse, the general
rendezvous of the akkaba, (or accumulated caravans,) destined for
the interior regions of Africa or Sudan. This akkaba starts
annually for Timbuctoo, consisting of 2000 or 3000 camels, loaded
with merchandise from Fas, Tetuan, Sallee, Mogodor, Marocco,
Tafilelt, Draha, and Terodant. The port of Santa Cruz is hence
57 aptly denominated _Beb Sudan_, i.e. the gate or entrance of Sudan.
The port of Santa Cruz was formerly farmed by the emperor[94] Muley
Ishmael, to some European power, for 50,000 dollars a-year, as I
have been informed; others say it was purchased of him by his own
Jewish subjects, for the purposes of trade. However this may have
been, no advantage was ever taken of the favourable opportunity
then offered, of opening and securing to Europe an extensive and
lucrative trade with the various countries of Sudan or Nigritia.

I can account for this omission only by supposing that the interior
of Africa was then less known than even it now is; and that the
merchants then established at Santa Cruz, had there sufficient
advantages in commerce to engage their attention, without examining
into this immense undiscovered mine of wealth!

[Footnote 94: Great-grandfather of Muley Soliman, the present
emperor, who is denominated Soliman ben Muhamed ben Abdallah
ben Ismael.]
58

LETTER II.

_The Author's arrival at Agadeer or Santa Cruz.--He opens the Port
to European Commerce.--His favourable Reception on landing
there.--Is saluted by the Battery.--Abolishes the degrading Custom
that had been exacted of the Christians, of descending from on
Horseback, and entering the Town on Foot, like the Jews.--Of a
Sanctuary at the Entrance of the Town, which had ever been
considered Holy Ground, and none but Muhamedans had ever before
been permitted to enter the Gates on Horseback._

TO THE SAME.

Santa Cruz, 7th March, 1792.

_The emperor's[95] letter ordering the port of Santa Cruz to be
opened to the Dutch_, having reached Mogodor, and having received
my instructions from Webster Blount, Esq. Dutch consul-general to
this empire, to act as agent for him at that port, until my
appointment be ratified and confirmed by the States General, of
which he informs me there is no doubt, I proceeded hither in the
Snell Zee Post, Dirk Morris, master; and after being becalmed off
(Affernie) Cape de Geer, I arrived here the third morning after my
departure from Mogodor. I sent my horses by land; and on our
59 approach to the shore, I discovered them approaching the mountain
on which Santa Cruz stands. Soon after we came to anchor in the
road, the boats came off, and the battery, which is situated about
half-way up the mountain on the western declivity, saluted me with
8 guns, (the Muhamedans always saluting with an even number.) This
compliment being unexpected, we were about half an hour preparing
to return it, when we saluted the battery with 9 guns. The captain
of the port received me with great courtesy, and was ordered by the
bashaw El Hayanie, governor of Santa Cruz, to pay the most
unqualified attention to my wishes. I landed amidst an immense
concourse of people, assembled on the beach to witness the
re-establishment of their port, most of whom were without shoes,
and very ill clad.

[Footnote 95: See specimens of Arabic epistolary
correspondence, Appendix, Letter 9th.]

The most hearty exclamations of joy and approbation were manifested
by the people when I landed; a merchant was come to establish, once
more, that commerce by which the fathers of the present generation
had prospered; and their sons appeared to know full well the
advantages that again awaited their industry, which for 30 years
had not been exercised. I mounted my horse on the beach, amidst the
general acclamations of the people, and ascended the mountain, on
the summit of which is the town. On my arrival at the gate, I was
courteously received by the bashaw's sons; who, however, informed
60 me that the entrance of Santa Cruz was ever considered holy ground,
and that Christians, during its former establishment, always
descended and entered the town on foot, intimating at the same time
that it was expected I should do the same. I had been before
cautioned by Mr. Gwyn, the British consul at Mogodor, not to
expostulate at this request, as it would certainly be required of
me to conform to ancient usages. But I knew too well the
disposition of the people, and the great desire that pervaded all
ranks to have the port established; I therefore turned my horse,
and told the bashaw's sons, that I was come, with the blessing of
God, to bring prosperity to the land, to make the poor rich, and to
improve the condition and multiply the conveniences of the opulent;
that I came to establish commerce for _their_ advantage, not for
mine; that it was indifferent to me whether I returned to Mogodor
or remained with them. The sons of the bashaw became alarmed, and
entreated me, with clasped hands, to wait till they should report
to the bashaw my words and observations. I consented, and soon
after they returned with their father's earnest request that I
should enter a-horseback: old customs, said the venerable old
bashaw when, immediately afterwards, I met him in the street; old
customs are abolished, enter and go out of this town a-horseback or
a-foot, we desire the prosperity of this port, and that its
commerce may flourish; _All the people of Suse hail you as their
61 deliverer, God has sent you to us to turn the desert into_ (jinen
afia) _a fruitful garden; come, and be welcome, and God be with
you._

I was conducted to the best house in the town, a house which
belonged to our predecessor, Mr. Grover; and I was informed, that
if any demur had been made by the bashaw respecting my entrance
through the sanctuary or holy ground, it might have caused an
immediate insurrection; so anxious and impatient were all ranks of
people for the new establishment of this eligible port of Suse.

The privilege thus established, of riding in and out of the town, I
continued; and I procured it immediately afterwards for all
Christians! even masters of ships and common sailors.
62

LETTER III.

_The Author makes a Commercial Road down the Mountain, to
facilitate the Shipment of Goods.--The Energy and Liberality of the
Natives, in working gratuitously at it.--Description of the
Portuguese Tower at Tildie.--Arab Repast there.--Natural Strength
of Santa Cruz, of the Town of Aguzem, and the Portuguese Spring and
Tank there.--Attempt of the Danes to land and build a
Fort.--Eligibility of the Situation of Santa Cruz, for a Commercial
Depot to Supply the whole of the Interior of North Africa with East
India and European Manufactures.--Propensity of the Natives to
Commerce and Industry, if Opportunity offered._

TO THE SAME.

Santa Cruz, 20th March, 1792.

The road up the mountain of Santa Cruz was so dangerous and
impassable, that I undertook to repair it; accordingly, I agreed
with a Shilluh to make it safe and convenient for transporting
goods for shipment; and such was the eager desire of the people for
the establishment of the port, that hundreds brought stones and
assisted gratuitously in the construction of this road; so that
what would have cost in England thousands of pounds, was here
completed for a few hundred dollars.

The natives of this long-neglected territory were too acute not to
perceive the field of wealth that was thus opened to their
63 industry; they were convinced, from the traditions of their
fathers, of the incalculable benefits that would arise from a
commercial reciprocity; and they were determined to cultivate the
opportunity that was now offered to put them in possession of those
commercial advantages which their fathers had enjoyed before: the
benefits of which they had often related to their children, when
they talked of the prosperity and riches of the country during the
reign of Muley Ismael, when this port was before open to foreign
commerce. Agreeably to these well-founded anticipations, the genial
influence of commerce began, soon after my arrival, to manifest
itself throughout all ranks and denominations of men; _the whole
population visibly improved in their apparel and appearance; new
garments were now becoming common, and were every where substituted
for the rags and wretchedness before witnessed on landing here._

About four miles east of Santa Cruz, in a very romantic valley
surrounded by mountains, are found the ruins of a Portuguese tower.
_Tildie_, which is the name of this place, abounds in plantations
of the most delicious figs, grapes of an enormous size and
exquisite flavour, citrons, oranges, water-melons, walnuts,
apricots in great abundance, and peaches, &c. &c.

I invited a party of Arabs to accompany me to this delightful
retreat, where we dined: the Arabs killed two sheep; one they
roasted whole on a wooden spit, made on the spot; the other they
64 baked whole in an oven made for the purpose, in the following
manner: A large hole was dug in the ground; the inside was
plaistered with clay; after which they put fire in the hole till
the sides were dry; they then put the sheep in, and the top was
covered by clay in the form of an arch, fashioned and constructed
by the hand only; they afterwards made a large trough round this
temporary oven, and filled it with wood, to which they set fire.
The sheep was about three hours preparing in this manner, and it
was of exquisite flavour; the roasted mutton also was equally well
flavoured. No vegetables were served with this repast; for I had
desired that the fare should be precisely according to their own
custom; I therefore declined interfering with the arrangement of
the food. This mode of cooking is in high estimation with
travellers. These people never eat vegetables with their meat. When
they see Europeans eat a mouthful of meat, and then another of
vegetables, they express their surprise, observing that the taste
of the vegetables destroys the taste of the meat; and _vice versa_,
that the taste of the meat destroys the flavour of the vegetables!

The town of Santa Cruz, built on the summit of a branch of the
Atlas, by the Portuguese, is enclosed by a strong wall, fortified
with bastions mounting cannon; it is about a mile in circumference.
Half way down the mountain, on the western declivity, opposite the
sea, stands a battery, which defends the town, towards the north,
65 south, and west, at the foot of the mountain. Westward, on the
shore of the sea, stands a town, called by the Shelluhs, (the
natives of this country,) Agurem. There is a copious spring of
excellent water at Agurem, built and ornamented by the Portuguese,
when they had possession of this country, and called by them
_Fonté_, which name the town still retains, and is so called by
Europeans. The royal arms of Portugal are seen, carved in stone,
over the tank. Santa Cruz is supplied with spring-water from here,
having none but rain-water in the town, which is collected in the
rainy season, and preserved in subterraneous apartments, called
mitferes[96], one of which is attached to every respectable house,
and contains sufficient for the consumption of the family during
the year. The natural position of Santa Cruz is extremely strong,
perhaps not less so than Gibraltar, though not on a peninsula; and
it might, in the hands of an European power, be made impregnable
with very little expense; it might also be made a very convenient
and most advantageous depot for the establishment of an extensive
66 commerce with the whole of the interior of North Africa. An attempt
of this kind was made about forty or fifty years since, by the
Danes, who anchored with several ships, and landed a mile south of
Agurem; and with stones, all ready cut, and numbered, erected on an
eminence[97], by the dawn of the following day, a battery of twelve
guns. But by a stratagem of the bashaw El Hayanie, who at that time
was bashaw of Suse, they were rendered unable to retain possession
of their fort; their plans were accordingly disconcerted, and the
adventurers retreated, and returned to their ships.

[Footnote 96: The mitfere under my house at Santa Cruz,
contained, when full, four hundred pipes of water. At the
termination of the rainy season in March, it was generally
about two-thirds full, supplied from the flat roof or terras
during the rainy season. There was always much more than we
could consume, accordingly great quantities were distributed
among the poor, about the close of the season, or the autumn
previous to the next rainy season.]

[Footnote 97: Called Agadeer Arba.]

At the south-east extremity of the wall of Santa Cruz there is a
round battery, which protects the town from west to east; and might
be made to protect the valley to the east of the mountain. This
battery, with a little military skill, might be made to protect
every access to the town, not protected by the battery before
mentioned, which is situated about half way up the western
declivity of the mountain, and which commands or secures the fonte,
or spring, against an attack from any hostile force.
67

LETTER IV.

_Command of the Commerce of Sudan._

TO THE SAME.

Santa Cruz, May 5, 1792.

If Great Britain were to purchase the port of Santa Cruz of the
emperor, for a certain annual stipend, we should be enabled to
command the whole commerce of Sudan, at the expense of Tunis,
Tripoli, Algiers, and Egypt; not at the expense of Marocco, because
an equivalent, or what the emperor would consider as such, would be
given in exchange for it; and we should then supply all those
regions with merchandise, at the first and second hand, which they
now receive through four, five, and six. We should thus be enabled
to undersell our Moorish competitors, and thus draw to our
commercial depot, all the gold-dust, gold-bars, and wrought-gold,
gum-sudan, (commonly called in England, Turkey gum-arabic), ostrich
feathers, and other articles the produce of Sudan; besides the
produce of Suse, viz. gum-barbary, sandrac, euphorbium, and
ammoniac, almonds, olive oil, wine, &c., together with the richest
fruits of every kind. These we should take in barter for our
manufactures.
68
The road of Santa Cruz is very safe, and the best in the empire of
Marocco; it is defended from the fury of the tremendous gales that
visit this coast in December and January, and which invariably blow
from the south, by a projection of land that extends gradually from
the river Suse to cape Noon, very far westward into the ocean.
During my residence of several years at this summit of Atlas, not
one ship was wrecked or lost; there is plenty of water, and good
anchorage for ships of the line.

A thousand European troops, directed by a vigilant and experienced
captain, might take the place by a _coup de main_; and the natives,
(after a proper explanation and assurance that trade was the object
of the capture,) would probably become allies of the captors, and
would supply in abundance all kind of provisions. They esteem the
English, and denominate them their brothers.[98] They sorely regret
the loss of trade occasioned by the emperor's restrictions, and
would gladly promote the cultivation of commerce if they had an
opportunity. They have been from time immemorial a trading
generation.

[Footnote 98: _N'henna û l'Ingleez Khowan_, they say, "we and
the English are brothers."]
69

LETTER V.

FROM MR. WILLIS TO MR. JACKSON.

My dear sir,

I have this moment received your favour, dated yesterday, and am
extremely sorry I had not the pleasure of seeing you before your
departure. We might have taken a farewell dinner together. You will
most highly oblige me by communicating to me all the intelligence
you can collect concerning the interior of Africa, more especially
of Timbuctoo; its trade, government, geographical situation, and
the manners and customs of its inhabitants. If you could send me
too, any of its products or manufactures, which may appear to you
curious or interesting, or may serve to shew the state of knowledge
and civilisation in the country, and the progress they may have
made in the arts, in manufactures or commerce, you will confer upon
me a singular favour; the expense of which I will readily repay,
and which I shall be happy to return whenever I can be of use to
you. If ever this region of Africa, which excites so strongly our
curiosity, should be laid open to us, you are, of all the men with
whom I am acquainted, the best qualified, and the most likely to
lead the way to this important discovery. I request you to favour
70 me with your correspondence; let me hear from you as frequently as
possible, without ceremony, and as one who wishes to be considered
as an old friend. When peace returns, I shall certainly take my
station in Senegambia[99], where we may then be fellow-labourers in
the same vineyard. There is no news yet of Park; perhaps you would
like to know how he proceeds; and as I expect to hear of him by the
return of my ship, I will inform you, if you wish it; and, in
short, will keep up a regular correspondence on my part, if you
will do the same on your's. Pray, in what ship do you go? Perhaps,
if you would give me encouragement, I might venture into a little
commercial speculation to Santa Cruz. I heartily wish you a
pleasant voyage, health, and success; and am, with great regard,

My dear Sir,

Very truly your's,

J. WILLIS.

August 12,1796.

[Footnote 99: Mr. James Willis had the appointment of consul at
Senegambia, and was then waiting an opportunity of proceeding
thither.]
71

LETTER VI.

FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME.

My dear sir,

I duly received your letter from Gibraltar, and have made known to
Government the expediency of sending a person to Marocco, to oppose
the influence of the French and Spaniards; but I cannot yet say
with certainty whether the measure will be adopted or not; if it
should, you may rely upon my attention to your interest. I have
given your name to the secretary of state, and have spoken of you
with that distinction, which I think, without any flattery, your
qualifications justly deserve.

Peace still appears to be at a great distance, since the late
negociations; yet, as nothing is so uncertain as an event of this
kind, it may come upon us, (as the last peace did) like a thief in
the night, when we least expect it. You will have, I have no doubt,
frequent opportunities of procuring information concerning
Timbuctoo, and other places in the interior of Africa. Your
knowledge of the language, customs, and commerce of that continent,
give you advantages which few possess upon this ground; and I
assure you, every kind of information will be greedily received
72 here, concerning those regions; especially that which relates to
their commerce, civilisation, customs, geography, and language.

I request as a favour that you would write me as often as possible;
exclusive of the interest I take in all that relates to the
politics and commerce of Africa, (particularly of the interior,) to
hear of your own individual welfare, will give me the sincerest
pleasure.

I remain, my dear Sir,

Your's very sincerely,

J. WILLIS.

No. 67. Harley-street, London, 2d February, 1796.

We have no letters from Mr. Park, since he left the river Gambia;
but we have heard from others, that he had proceeded in safety
above two-thirds of the journey. We expect soon to hear of his
return. If he succeeds, his fame and fortune will be worthy of
envy.
73

LETTER VII.

_Emperor's March to Marocco.--Doubles the Customs' Duties of
Mogodor.--The Governor, Prince Abd El Melk, with the Garrison and
Merchants of Santa Crux, ordered to go to the Court at
Marocco.--They cross the Atlas Mountains.--Description of the
Country and Produce.--Dangerous Defile in the Mountains through
which the Author passed.--Chasm in the Mountain.--Security of Suse
from Marocco, originating in the narrow Defile in the Mountains of
Atlas.--Extensive Plantations of Olives.--Village of Ait
Musie.--Fruga Plains.--Marocco Plains.--Fine Corn.--Reception at
Marocco, and Audience with the Emperor.--Imperial Gardens at
Marocco.--Prince Abd El Melk's magnificent Apparel, reprobated by
the Sultan.--The Port of Santa Cruz, shut to the Commerce of
Europe, and the Merchants ordered to Mogodor.--The Prince banished
to the _Bled Shereef_ or Country of Princes, viz., Tafilelt, of the
Palace at Tafilelt.--Abundance of Dates.--Face of the Country.
--Magnificent Groves of Palm or Date-trees.--Faith and Integrity of
the Inhabitants of Tafilelt.--Imperial Gardens at Marocco.--Mode of
Irrigation.--Attar of Roses, vulgarly called Otto of Roses (Attar
being the Word signifying a Distillation.)--State of Oister Shells,
on the Top of the Mountains of Sheshawa, between Mogodor and
Marocco, being a Branch of the Atlas.--Description of the Author's
Reception on the Road from Marocco to Mogodor.--Of the Elgrored, or
Sahara of Mogodor._

TO JAMES WILLIS, ESQ.

Santa Cruz, March 15, 1797.

When the emperor Soliman proceeded from Fas with a numerous army to
74 the south, he doubled the export and import duties at Mogodor,
viz., from six to twelve per cent., payable in kind. Those of Santa
Cruz remained as before, but so soon as his imperial majesty
reached Marocco, he sent orders for the prince Abd El Melk, who is
his nephew and governor of Santa Cruz, with the garrison, together
with the merchants, to proceed to Marocco; accordingly we all
departed, the prince having first engaged a revered (fakeer) saint
to accompany the army across the Atlas mountains, the fastnesses of
which it appeared no army would be permitted to pass, without the
protection of this fakeer. We departed about noon, and passed
through the plains of the Arab province of Howara[100], a very fine
country; we pitched our tents at sunset, near a sanctuary, where we
had all kinds of provisions sent to us, in great abundance: we
continued our journey the following morning through the plains, and
about the middle of the day we reached the foot of Atlas.

This country abounds in extensive plantations of olives, almonds,
and gum trees; some plants of the (_fashook_) gum ammoniac are here
discovered. Vines producing purple grapes of an enormous size and
exquisite flavour: (_dergmuse_) the Euphorbium plant is discovered
in rocky parts of the mountains; and great abundance of worm-seed
75 and stick-liquorice.[101] The indigo plant (_Enneel_) is found
here; as are also pomegranates, of a large size and a most
exquisitely sweet flavour, and oranges. Ascending the Atlas, after
five hours' ride, we reached a table-land, and pitched our tents
near a sanctuary. The temperature of the air is cooler here, and
the trees are of a different character; apples, pears, cherries,
walnuts, apricots, peaches, plums, and rhododendrums, were the
produce of this region. The next morning at five o'clock, the army
struck their tents, and after ascending seven hours more, we met
with another change in vegetation. Leguminous plants began to
appear; pines of an immense size, ferns, _the belute_, a species of
oak, the acorn of which is used as food, and is preferred to the
Spanish chesnut; elms, mountain-ash, _seedra_ and _snobar_, the two
latter being a species of the juniper. After this we passed through
a fine campaign country of four hours' ride: we were informed that
this country was very populous; but our fakeer and guide avoided
the habitations of men. We now began again to ascend these
magnificent and truly romantic mountains, and in two hours
approached partial coverings of snow. Vegetation here diminishes,
and nothing is now seen but firs, whose tops appear above the snow;
the cold is here intense; and it is remarkable, that, the pullets'
eggs that we procured in the campaign country just described, were
nearly twice the size of those of Europe. Proceeding two hours
76 further, we came to a narrow pass, on the east side of which was an
inaccessible mountain, almost perpendicular, and entirely covered
with snow; and on the west, a tremendous precipice, of several
thousand feet in depth, as if the mountain had been split in two,
or rent asunder by an earthquake: the path is not more than a foot
wide, over a solid rock of granite. Here the whole army dismounted,
and many prostrated in prayer, invoking the Almighty to enable them
to pass in safety; but, however, notwithstanding all possible
precaution, two mules missed their footing, and were precipitated
with their burdens into the yawning abyss. There is no other pass
but this, and that of Belawin, which is equally dangerous for an
army; so that the district of Suse, which was formerly a kingdom,
might be defended by a few men, against an invading army from
Marocco of several thousands, by taking a judicious position at the
southern extremity of this narrow path and tremendous precipice,
which is but a few yards in length. Proceeding northward through,
this defile, we continued our journey seven hours, (gradually
descending towards the plains of Fruga, a town of considerable
extent, distant about fifteen miles from the mountains.) Proceeding
two hours further, making together nine hours' journey, the army
pitched their tents, and we encamped on another table-land, on the
northern declivity of Atlas, at the entrance of an immense
plantation of olives, about a mile west of a village, called Ait
77 Musie, a most luxuriant and picturesque country. The village of Ait
Musie contains many Jews, whose external is truly miserable; but
this appearance of poverty is merely political, for they are a
trading and rich people, for such a patriarchal country. The olive
plantations at this place, and in many other parts of this country,
do honour to the agricultural propensity of the emperor Muley
Ismael, who planted them. They cover about six square miles of
ground; the trees are planted in right lines, at a proper distance;
the plantation is interspersed with openings, or squares, to let in
the air. These openings are about a square acre in extent.

[Footnote 100: migration from this tribe attacked and took the
city of Assouan, in Egypt, some years ago. Vide Burckhardt's
Travels in Nubia.]

[Footnote 101: This root abounds all over Suse, and is called
by the natives _Ark Suse, i.e._ the foot of Suse: the worm-seed
is called sheh.]

In travelling through the various provinces of South and West
Barbary, these extensive plantations of olives are frequently met
with, and particularly throughout Suse. It appeared that they were
all planted by the emperor Muley Ismael, whose indefatigable
industry was proverbial. Wherever that warrior (who was always in
the field) encamped, he never failed to employ his army in some
active and useful operation, to keep them from being devoured by
the worm of indolence, as he expressed it. Accordingly wherever he
encamped, we meet with these extensive plantations of olive trees,
planted by his troops, which are not only a great ornament to the
country, but produce abundance of fine oil. The olive plantations
at Ras El Wed, near Terodant in Suse, are so extensive, that one
78 may travel from the rising to the setting sun under their shade,
without being exposed to the rays of the effulgent African sun.

We remained encamped at Ait Musie[102] three days, amusing
ourselves by hawking with the prince's falconer, and hunting the
antelope. Early in the morning of the fourth day, we descended the
declivity of the Atlas, and travelling eight hours, we reached the
populous town of Fruga, situated in the same extensive plain
wherein the city of Marocco stands. From this village to Marocco, a
day's journey, the country is one continued corn-field, producing
most abundant crops of wheat and barley, the grain of which is of
an extraordinary fine quality, and nearly twice the size of the
wheat produced at the Cape of Good Hope.

[Footnote 102: Here the prince sent couriers to the emperor, to
announce his approach.]

On our approach to the metropolis, the emperor sent the princes
that were at Marocco to welcome the prince Abd El Melk. They were
accompanied by 100 cavalry, who saluted our prince with the Moorish
compliment of running full gallop and firing their muskets. These
princes, who were relations of Abd El Melk, son of Abd Salam, shook
hands with him respectively, and then kissed their own. This is the
salutation when friends of equal rank meet. We entered the city of
Marocco at the _Beb El Mushoir_, which is the gate situated near
the palace and place of audience, towards the Atlas mountains. The
79 next day I had an audience of the emperor, who received me in (the
_Jenan En neel_) the garden of the Nile, a small garden adjoining
the palace, containing all the fruits and plants from the Nile[103]
of Egypt. The (_worde fillelly_) Tafilelt-rose grows in great
luxuriance in this garden, resembling that of China; the odour is
very grateful and strong, perfuming the air to a considerable
distance. This is the rose, from the leaves of which the celebrated
(_attar el worde_) _i.e._ distillation of roses is made, vulgarly
called in Europe, _otto_ of roses.

[Footnote 103: This orthography, _Nile_, has been imported from
France; with the French it is pronounced as we pronounce Neel;
and this is the intelligible pronunciation in Africa.]

The emperor declared the port of Santa Cruz to be shut; and that no
European merchant of any nation should continue there. He gave me
my choice, either to quit the country, or establish a house at
Mogodor. I entreated a short time to consider which I should
choose, which was readily granted.

The prince Abd El Melk was magnificent in his apparel, the Emperor
dressed very plain; these were two incompatible propensities, the
latter had probably heard of the prince's extravagance in this
respect, and chose to moralise with him by comparing his own
parsimonious and plain apparel to _his_ costly attire; and
insinuating that the iron buckle to his belt answered every purpose
of a gold one, reprimanded the prince for the extravagance and
vanity of his wardrobe, and acquainted his Highness that the port
80 of Santa Cruz should no longer remain open to European commerce.
The prince remained some days after this notification at Maroco; an
annual stipend was allowed him and he was sent to (the _Bled
Shereef, i.e._ the country of princes, viz.) Tafilelt, and had
apartments allotted him in the Imperial Palace at that place, which
is very magnificent and extensive. It is built of marble collected
for the most part from the _Kaser Farawan_ or ruins of Pharaoh, an
ancient city now in ruins, contiguous to the sanctuary of Muley
Dris Zerone, east of the city of Mequinas, on the western declivity
of the Atlas; this marble was transported across the mountains of
Atlas on camels, a distance of fifteen journies to Tafilelt. The
inhabitants of this part of Bled Eljereed live principally on
dates, which abound so in this country that the fruit of one
plantation is commonly sold for 1000 dollars, producing 1500 camel
load of dates, or 4500 quintals; there are thirty-five species of
this rich fruit, of which the _butube_ is unquestionably the best
and the most wholesome; it is rich, of a fine flavour, and sweet as
honey: the _buscré_ is also good; but so dry and full of saccharine
matter that it resembles a lump of sugar. Undoubtedly if this
country were in the hands of Europeans they would extract sugar,
perhaps as much as 150 lb. from a camel load of dates weighing 300
lb. The _adamoh_ is the date that is imported to this country; it
is the best for keeping, but at Tafilelt they use it only for the
cattle, considering it an unwholesome kind and heavy of digestion.
81 The country from the eastern declivity of Atlas to Tafilelt, and to
the eastward of Tafilelt, even unto Seginmessa is one continued
barren plain of a brown sandy soil impregnated with salt, so that
if you take up the earth it has a salt flavour; the surface also
has the appearance of salt, and if you dig a foot deep, a brackish
water ooses up. On the approach, to within a day's journey of
Tafilelt, however, the country is covered with the most magnificent
plantations and extensive forests of the lofty date, exhibiting the
most elegant and picturesque appearance that nature, on a plain
surface, can present to the admiring eye. In these forests there is
no underwood, so that a horseman may gallop through them without
impediment. Wheat is cultivated near the river, and honey is
produced of an exquisite quality. The faith and honour of the
(filelly) inhabitants of Tafilelt is proverbial; a robbery has not
been known within the memory of man; they use neither locks nor
keys, having no need of either!

Having had my audience of leave of the Emperor, I prepared to
proceed to Mogodor, but before I describe the country through which
we passed thither, it may not perhaps be uninteresting to give some
account of the Imperial gardens at Marocco, which are three, the
_Jenan Erdoua_, the _Jenan El Afia_, and the _Jenan En. neel_: the
last is confined to plants brought from the Egyptian Nile. The
_Jenan El Afia_, and the _Jenan Erdoua_, contain oranges, citrons,
82 vines, figs, pomegranates, water and musk melons, all of exquisite
flavour. The orange and fig trees are here as large as a middling
sized English oak. Roses are so abundant at Marocco that they grow
every where, and have a most powerful perfume, insomuch that one
rose scents a large room; all other flowers are in abundance, and
many that are nursed with care in English hot-houses are seen in
the Marocco plains growing spontaneously. These gardens, as well as
others throughout the country, are watered by the Persian or
Arabian wheel, with pitchers fixed to it, which discharge the water
into a trough or tank; as the pitchers rise and turn over their
contents into this tank, the water is communicated to the garden
and inundates the plants. Departing from Marocco to Mogodor, the
first day's journey is through the plains of Sheshawa, a fine
campaign country abounding in corn; the mountains of Sheshawa,
which are higher than any in Great Britain, have strata of oyster
and other shells at the top of them. We encamped at the foot of
these mountains; I had the curiosity to examine the depth of these
strata of shells, and found them several feet deep, and extending
all the way down the mountains. The rivers Sheshawa and Wed Elfees
water these plains. The next day's journey brought us to a
sanctuary, where we met very good entertainment, that is, such as
the country affords, plenty of good provisions and hospitable
treatment.
83
The next evening we encamped at a place called _Dar El Hage
Croomb_, a very picturesque situation, where we were hospitably
entertained; the Sheik coming to drink tea with me, related the
history of his ancestors and traced his descent through many
generations of warriors, whose dextrous management of the lance was
the burden of the story. The next day, after travelling about six
hours, we arrived at the extremity of the productive country, and
entered _El Grored_, or the desert of sandy hills, which divide the
rocky peninsula of Mogodor, from the cultivated land; this Sahara
consists of loose sand-hills very fatiguing to the horses, and
although not more than three miles in width, we were an hour and a
half in crossing them, before we entered the gate of Mogodor.
84

LETTER VIII.

FROM MR. WILLIS TO MR. JACKSON.

Harley-Street, London,

My Dear Sir, 12th December, 1797.

I thank you warmly for your intelligence concerning the interior of
Africa, and beg you will continue to favour me with all the
information you can collect upon this subject. Mr. Park has been
almost as far as Jinnie, but did not reach Timbuctoo; he is now on
his way to England, in an American ship, via America. We are
anxious for his arrival, which may be expected in the course of the
present month; and all the Africani are extremely curious to hear
the detail of his most interesting journey, which we hope will
produce some authentic knowledge, of a considerable part of those
regions, that have hitherto baffled all the ardour and energy of
European enquiry, though they have always excited the curiosity of
the most eminent and enlightened men, both in past and present
times.

I thank you also for the commercial intelligence you have sent me.

Do you know whether the emperor of Marocco has any collection of
books? If he has, probably some ancient books, of great value,
might be found among them.
85
I should consider it as a very great obligation if you could
procure, and send me any book or manuscript in the character and
language of Timbuctoo. We are informed that, besides the Arabic,
they have a character of their own, perfectly different.

I remain, my dear Sir,
Sincerely your's,

J. WILLIS.

_Extract of a Letter to Mr. Jackson, from His Excellency J.M.
Matra, British Envoy to Marocco, &c._

Tangier, November 8, 1797.

I have not yet received any answer from Sir Joseph Banks to the
letter from you, which I sent to him. Should you be able to obtain
any information from Timbuctoo[104], or of the interior of this
country, which would gratify one's curiosity, I will be very
thankful for a slice of it.

I am ever, dear Jackson,
Most faithfully your's,
JAMES M. MATRA.

[Footnote 104: All _my information_ respecting Timbuctoo, will
be found in Jackson's Account of Marocco, Chapter XIII.]
86

LETTER IX.

_Custom of visiting the Emperor on his Arrival at Marocco.--Journey
of the Merchants thither on that occasion.--No one enters the
imperial Presence without a Present.--Mode of travelling.--The
Commercio.--Imperial Gardens at Marocco.--Audience of the
Sultan.--Amusements at Marocco.--Visit to the Town of
Lepers.--Badge of Distinction worn by the Lepers.--Ophthalmia at
Marocco.--Its probable Cause.--Immense Height of the Atlas, east
and south of Marocco.--Mode of visiting at Marocco.--Mode of
eating.--Trades or Handicrafts at Marocco.--Audience of Business of
the Sultan.--Present received from the Sultan_.

TO JAMES WILLIS, ESQ.

Mogodor, 1788.

The emperor having departed from Mequinas where he passed the
winter, to Marocco, his summer residence, it becomes an incumbent
duty for all loyal subjects, to pay their respects to him. All the
bashaws of provinces, south of the river Morbeya, which divides the
northern part of his dominions from the southern, as well as all
the alkaids or governors of towns and districts under the authority
of the bashaws of the provinces, are expected to show their
loyalty, by obtaining permission to present themselves to the
imperial presence; when they give an account of the state of the
87 district which they respectively govern. The bashaw of each
province communicates with the emperor, and determines which of the
alkaids[105] shall have the honour of presenting themselves. On
these occasions, that is, when the emperor comes to Marocco, it is
customary for the merchants of Mogodor to perform the journey to
the metropolis[106] of the south, and to present his imperial
majesty with a present; indeed, it is not the etiquette of this
court for any one to demand an audience (which the lowest subject
in the realm may claim) without being prepared to present
something; so that the poor may have an audience by presenting half
a dozen eggs, or any similar trifle, such as some fruit or flowers;
but no one enters the imperial presence (_khawie_, as they term it,
_i. e._) empty-handed. The routine is this: The European merchants,
together with the house of Guedalla and Co., who are native Jews,
are called _el commercio;_ the commercio, therefore, solicit the
honour of presenting themselves to the emperor, to offer their
congratulations on his arrival; this is acceded to, and the
minister, who is denominated the _talb cadus_, a term designating a
man who disperses orders and communications to every one, writes a
88 letter to the commercio, expressive of the emperor's disposition to
see them, and requesting them to repair to his presence: a guard is
given by the alkaid of Mogodor, and a present _ought_ to be
selected of such articles as are not to be bought at the markets of
the country. A present consisting of such articles, previously
ordered from Europe, and judiciously selected, is better calculated
to gratify the emperor, than ten times the value injudiciously
collected. The merchants accordingly prepared themselves to proceed
to Marocco; some rode mules, some horses, for there are no
carriages in this country; and every individual had his tent and
servants with him. We travelled three days through a fine country,
and reached the city of Marocco the fourth day, in the afternoon,
travelling eight hours each day, at the rate of four miles an hour.
On our approach to the city, we sent an express to the _talb
cadus_, who, by the imperial order, appropriated the emperor's
garden, _jinnen el afia_, for our reception, the pavilion in which
was appropriated to our service; we preferred, however, in this
delightful climate, sleeping in our tents, which we were permitted
to pitch in this beautiful garden. We dined in the _coba_, or
pavilion. The (_talb cadus_) minister paid us a visit, to say that
the emperor requested we would take the following day to rest from
our journey, and at eight o'clock on the following morning, he
would receive us; the present was accordingly prepared, which was
89 carried by four-and-twenty men; every article (the bulky ones
excepted) being enveloped in a Barcelona silk handkerchief. The
emperor was in the (_m'ushoir_) place of audience, on that side of
the city which faces the mountains of Atlas. At our presentation we
did not prostrate ourselves, but bowed, in the European manner; the
emperor said, bono el commercio, a Spanish phrase which he uses in
interviews with Europeans, and which is equivalent to his saying,
you are welcome, merchants. To this we replied, _Allah iberk amer
seedi_, God bless the life of my master. The emperor asked if we
were recovered from the fatigue of our journey, and was quite
affable; he then said, communicate with the effendi[107], and
whatever you want shall be granted to you; for I am disposed to
encourage and (_amel el k'here_) to do good to my merchants. The
master of the audience then came to us, and signified that we might
depart; we made our obeisance, and returned to our habitation. This
was the audience of introduction, which is always short; the second
audience is for business; and the third is the audience of
departure. We remained encamped in the imperial garden a fortnight
before we had another audience; in the mean time we amused
ourselves in riding about the country, and in visiting some of the
90 most respectable inhabitants, among whom was the _cadus_, who has a
noble mansion, replete with every convenience, and a garden in the
centre of it. The rooms of this house were long and narrow, with a
pair of high doors in the centre of the room, through which alone
the light is admitted; the floors were paved with small glazed
tiles, about two inches square, very neatly fitted, and of
different colours; the walls were the same, a mode of building
which in this warm climate imparts a grateful coolness; the
ceilings are painted in the Araberque style, with brilliant
colours. The roofs are of terras, and flat, having an insensible
declivity, just sufficient to give the rain that falls a course,
which falling into the pipes, is received in the (_mitfere_) a
subterraneous cistern, which supplies the family with water the
whole year, till the rainy season returns again.

[Footnote 105: In each province, or bashawick, there are
several alkaids or governors of districts.]

[Footnote 106: The city of Fas is the metropolis of the north,
as Marocco is of the south. Mequinas is the court town of the
north, and resembles the Hague, where few reside but such as
are employed in the service of the crown.]

[Footnote 107: This word was used by the seed, or emperor, in
the presumption that it is understood by Europeans; but _cadus_
is the Arabic term.]

There is near to the walls of Marocco, about the north-west point,
a village, called (_Deshira el Jeddam_) i.e. the Village of Lepers.
I had a curiosity to visit this village; but I was told that any
other excursion would be preferable; that the Lepers were totally
excluded from the rest of mankind; and that, although none of them
would dare to approach us, yet the excursion would be not only
unsatisfactory but disgusting. I was, however, determined to go; I
mounted my horse, and took two horse-guards with me, and my own
servant. We rode through the Lepers' town; the inhabitants
91 collected at the doors of their habitations, but did not approach
us; they, _for the most part_, showed no external disfiguration,
but were generally sallow; some of the young women were very
handsome; they have, however, a paucity of eyebrow, which, it must
be allowed, is somewhat incompatible with a beauty; some few had no
eyebrows at all, which completely destroyed the effect of their
dark animated eyes. They are obliged to wear a large straw hat,
with a brim about nine inches wide; this is their _badge of
separation_, a token of division between the clean and unclean,
which when seen in the country, or on the roads, prevents any one
from having personal contact with them. They are allowed to beg,
and accordingly are seen by the side of the roads, with their straw
hat badge, and a wooden bowl before them, to receive the charity of
passengers, exclaiming (_attanie m'ta Allah_) "bestow on me the
property of God;" (_kulshie m'ta Allah_) "all belongs to God!"
reminding the passenger that he is a steward of, and accountable
for the appropriation of his property; that he derives his property
from the bounty and favour of God. When any one gives them money,
they pronounce a blessing on him; as (_Allah e zeed kherik_) "may
God increase your good," &c. The province of Haha abounds in
lepers; and it is said that the Arganic[108] oil, which, is much
used in food throughout this picturesque province, promotes this
loathsome disease!

[Footnote 108: This oil, which is excellent, and generally used
for frying fish, should be thus prepared, according to the
learned Doctor Barata, who was pensioned physician to the
_Commercio_ of Mogodor, by which preparation it becomes
perfectly wholesome, and deprived of any leprous or other bad
quality: Take a quart of Argan oil, and put in it a large onion
cut in slices; when it boils add a piece of crumb of bread,
equal in size to an onion, then let it boil a few minutes more,
take it off, let it cool, and strain the oil through a sieve,
and bottle it for daily use.]
92
The chain of Atlas, east of Marocco, continually covered with snow,
gives a pleasant coolness to the air of the city, in the summer
season, particularly in the morning and evening; the coolness is
generally said, however, to produce ophthalmia.[109] These
mountains are immensely high, and their magnitude makes them appear
not more than five miles from the city. It is, however, a day's
journey to the foot of them, after which the ascent is so gradual,
that it takes two days more to reach the snow. This part of the
chain of Atlas, east of the city of Marocco, is seen at sea, twenty
miles west of Mogodor, which latter place is about 120 miles from
93 Marocco; it is 35 miles from the city of Marocco to the foot of
Atlas; and it is two days' journey from the foot of Atlas to the
snow, which constantly covers the summit of these immense
mountains. They are thus seen at a distance of 245 miles:

20 miles from land at sea.
120 do. Mogodor to Marocco.
35 do. Marocco to the foot of
the mountains.
70 do. the foot of Atlas to the snow.
---
Seen at 245 miles distance.
---

[Footnote 109: Ophthalmic disorders prevail among the Jews of
Marocco, but are seldom seen among the Moors. The Jews live in
great filth at Marocco; the dung-hills and ruins are in some
places as high as the houses. The Muhamedan doctrine does not
allow the Moors to neglect personal cleanliness, which, among
these people, is a cardinal virtue; and this, I presume, is the
cause of their being, in a great measure, exempt from
ophthalmia, whereas the Jews, on the contrary, are generally
affected with it.]

In this calculation, the direct distance in the ascent of the
mountain, is less than the travelling distance; but without taking
notice of the distance from the border of the snow to the summit of
this lofty mountain, which is said to be another day's journey, the
one may balance the other: we may therefore calculate 70 miles as
the direct longitudinal distance, although I am persuaded it is
much more from the foot to the summit of that part of the Atlas
which is visible at sea.

H.T. Colebrooke, Esq., in a paper inserted in the Asiatic
Transactions, vol. xii. asserts, that it requires an elevation of
28,000 feet, for an object to be visible at the distance of 200
94 geographical miles; now 245 English miles are equal to 211-1/2
geographical miles; consequently, if Mr. Colebrooke be correct, the
summit of Atlas, east of Marocco and Dimenet, which is seen at a
distance of 211-1/2 geographical miles, must be 29,610 feet high,
or above five miles and a half.

Again, the chain of Atlas in Lower Suse, which lies east of Elala,
and which is constantly covered with snow, is situated three days'
journey, horse travelling, east-south-east from Elala, in Lower
Suse; Elala is three days' journey from Santa Cruz, horse
travelling, making together 180 miles: add for distance from the
foot of the Elala mountains to the snow, 60 miles, and the Atlas in
Lower Suse will be seen at the distance of 240 miles, or 207
geographical miles.

Thus, from Santa Cruz to the }
foot of the Atlas mountains, in the} 180 miles.
district of Elala, in Lower Suse }

Add for distance from the foot }
of the Elala mountains to the } 60
snow }
---
So that the Atlas in Lower Suse, }
being seen at a distance of } 240

Or 207 geographical miles, must have an altitude of 28,980 feet.

On the north side of the city of Marocco is a gate called _Beb El
Khummes_, and near it is held, every Thursday, a market called soke
_El Khummes_; at which immense quantities of horses, camels, mules,
asses, oxen, sheep, goats, wheat and barley are sold; oils, gums,
95 almonds, dates, raisins, figs, bees' wax, honey, skins, &c. &c.
&c.; also, slaves, male and female. Such a horse as would cost in
London 50_l._, sells here for 50 dollars; a good mule sells for the
same, viz. 50 dollars; a bull, 12 dollars; a cow, 15 dollars;
sheep, a dollar and a half, each; a goat, a dollar. Very fine large
grained wheat, which increases one-fifth in the grinding, sells at
one dollar per saa, or about half a dollar per Winchester bushel.
The slaves are conducted through the market by the auctioneer
(_delel_), who exclaims, occasionally, (_khumseen reeal aal
zeeada_, i.e.) "50 dollars on the increase," till he finds no one
will advance; when he goes to the owner and declares the price
offered; the owner then decides if he will sell or not; if he
sells, the money is paid immediately, but if not, he takes his
slave away with him, and tries him again the next market-day, or
waits in expectation that this wretched article of trade will rise
in value.

A stranger passing through Marocco would consider it an irregular
miserable town; but the despotic nature of the government induces
every individual to secrete or conceal his opulence; so that the
houses of the gentry are surrounded with a shabby wall, often
broken or out of repair, at a considerable distance from the
dwelling house, which does not appear, or is invisible to the
passenger. Some of these houses are very handsome, and are
furnished with couches, circular cushions to sit on, and other
96 furniture, in all the luxury of the East. When a visitor or a guest
enters one of these houses, slaves come in with perfumes burning,
in compliment to the visitor. Coffee and tea are then presented in
small cups, having an outer cup to hold that which contains the
liquor, instead of a saucer; the sugar being first put into the
pot. The coffee or tea being poured out, already sweetened with
sugar, a negro boy generally takes his station in one corner of a
spacious room, pours out the liquor, and sends it to the guests by
another boy. The tea table is a round stand, about twelve inches
from the ground, at which the tea boy sits down on a leather
cushion, cross legged.

When dinner is served, the food is in a large dish or bowl, on a
round stand, similar to that above described; three, four, or more
sit round it; a servant comes to the company with a ewer and
napkin; each person wash their right hand, and eat with their
fingers; in the higher circles, rose-water is used instead of
plain; if soup is served, they eat it with wooden spoons; in this
respect the emperor himself sets them the example, who reprobates
the use of the precious metals with food.

When the Moors sit down to eat; high and low, rich and poor, (for I
have partaken of food with all ranks, from the prince to the
plebeian,) they invariably invoke God's blessing, previous to the
repast, and offer thanks at the conclusion. Their first grace is,
invariable, short, and comprehensive; _bis'm illah_, "In the name
97 of God." The after grace is, _El Ham'd û littah_, "Praise be to
God."

A very excellent dish is generally eaten in this country, called
_cuscasoe_; it is made with flour, granulated into particles the
size of a partridge shot, which is, put over a steamer, till the
steam has sufficiently passed through it, so as to produce the
effect of boiling; it is then taken off, broken, and returned to
steam a second time; in the meantime, a chicken or some meat is
boiling in the saucepan, under the steamer, with onions, turnips,
and other vegetables; when the _cuscasoe_ has been steamed a second
time, it is taken off, coloured with saffron, and mixed with some
butter, salt, and pepper, and piled up in a large round bowl or
dish, garnished with the chicken or meat and vegetables. This is a
very nutritious, wholesome, and palatable dish, when well cooked.
It is in high estimation with the Arabs, Moors, Brebers, Shelluhs,
and Negroes. When they sit down to eat, each person puts his
fingers into the dish before him; and in respectable society, it is
remarkable how dextrously they jerk the food into their mouths,
which never come into contact with their hands; so that this mode
of eating is scarcely objectionable, certainly not obnoxious, as
some travellers have represented it; but who probably had
associated with the lower ranks of society, who, indeed, are not
particular in these observances.
98
All kind of trades are carried on at Marocco: jewellers,
goldsmiths, blacksmiths, coppersmiths, tanners, &c. &c.; but that
which is the most honourable, is a shoe-maker, because Muhamed
himself was one. At Mequinas they make excellent shoes, of leather
impervious to water, for 1_s._ 8_d._ per pair.

The time now approached for our audience of business, and we had
represented to the _Talb Cadus_, that the export duties on some
articles were too heavy, viz. on wax, almonds, and olive oil; also
on certain imports, viz. iron, steel, and Buenos Ayres hides; but
no diminution was obtained, except in the duty of bees' wax. The
emperor gave hopes of an exportation of grain, and desired us to
write to Europe for ships to come and load wheat, barley, Indian
corn, caravances, beans, lentils, and millet. We were favourably
received; the emperor asked several questions respecting Europe,
and informed us we should return to Mogodor in a few days. Three
days after this audience we were ordered to meet the emperor in the
_Jenan En neel_, where we had our audience of leave, and the
emperor gave each of us a fine horse, chosen by ourselves out of
his own stable; and we took our leave and departed for Mogodor the
following evening. We slept encamped under the magnificent and
lofty date trees, in the neighbourhood of the city, the first
night.
99

LETTER X.

FROM MR. WILLIS TO MR. JACKSON.

Harley-street, London,

My dear Sir, September 10, 1798.

I write to acknowledge the receipt of your favour. I know no man
better qualified than yourself for the station of an African
consul; and really think, that to assist you in obtaining such a
post, is to render service to my country, as well as to yourself.
Your information concerning the interior of Africa, and especially
concerning Timbuctoo, appears to me to be more accurate, authentic,
and extensive than that of any other person I have met with;
considerably more so than that of any of the correspondents of the
African association. Mr. Park, of whose return you are informed,
has brought home no addition to the stock of our knowledge of that
important place; though I think his geographical communications are
highly valuable, particularly as they regard the river and course,
&c. of the Niger. This celebrated river will, I think, in time be
the channel of communication between Europe and the interior of
Africa. It seems to penetrate into that continent, in its widest
and most interesting part; if it should be navigable through its
entire course, we might hereafter make it the instrument of the
most important discoveries, and the channel of the most valuable
100 commerce. I shall be much obliged to you for information concerning
this river, particularly as to its termination. I suspect it
discharges itself into some interior sea or vast lake, like the
Caspian; unless, like the Burrampooter, after various and extensive
windings, it may return towards its source, and fall into the
Atlantic.

You will have heard of the landing of a French army in Egypt, under
Buonaparte; the French are enterprising, and if they should
penetrate from the eastward, while we advance from the west, the
interior of the African continent may at length be laid open.

I remain, my dear Sir,
Your's sincerely,

J. WILLIS.
101

LETTER XI.

FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME.

Harley-street, London,
June 10.1800.
My dear Sir,

I did not receive, till the 22d November, your favour, dated 1st
September last, for which I beg you to receive my best thanks. I
have transmitted an extract of it to Lord Moira, Sir Joseph Banks,
and to a friend of mine, who is a member of parliament, and has
great influence with his majesty's ministers; in order that he may
lay it before the secretary of state, in such a manner as to draw
his attention to it in the most impressive and effectual manner;
but I much fear that the pressure of the war, and its consequent
effects; the arrangements of finance, &c. will preclude their
immediate support to objects which they consider as of very
subordinate importance. The time is certainly highly favourable for
the cultivation of the friendship of the emperor, and of other
Muhamedan sovereigns; now that the British arms have preserved the
principal empire of the Moslems, by the victory at Aboukir, and the
defense of Acre; in consequence of which, Egypt has been recovered,
and one of the sacred gates of the Caaba again opened to the
102 Mussulmen. This appears to be an event of the highest consideration
to the Muhamedans of Africa, since it is by Grand Cairo, that the
western pilgrims communicate with Mecca.

I suppose you have received the narratives, published by Park and
Browne, of their respective journies and discoveries in the
interior of your continent; they have done much, but much more
still remains to be done; and above all, the discovery of Timbuctoo
and its commercial relations.

There is a captain Wild, now either at Tunis or Algiers, preparing
himself for this journey, (as I am informed,) a man of intrepidity,
judgment, and enterprise; whom Sir Joseph Banks writes me, he hopes
to engage in the employment of the African association.

I assure you that I consider you, as the only European that
possesses any substantial and interesting information concerning
that part of interior Africa, which we are most solicitous to
investigate; and, therefore, set a high value upon whatever you are
so good as to communicate. I am also of opinion, that your plans
may very probably be adopted by administration, when the return of
peace shall leave their minds at liberty to attend to it.
103

LETTER XII.

FROM THE SAME TO THE SAME.

Harley-street, London,
5th May, 1801.
My dear Sir,

I wrote you at considerable length on the 1st of June last, and
assure you that none of your letters, received prior to that date,
have remained unanswered. I have now to acknowledge the receipt of
your several favours, and beg you to accept my best thanks, for
your very curious and valuable present of the gold ring from
Wangara, which has been shown to several persons of great
distinction, and even to the king himself. _It is universally
considered as a great curiosity_; and I have taken care to make it
known that you are the person to whom I am indebted, for the first
_Wangarian_ jewel that has ever been seen in England. I have also
shown your letter, containing your judicious opinions upon the
course of the Niger[110], and other geographical points, to Sir
Joseph Banks and Major Rennell; and have invariably represented you
to them, and to others, as the person possessing eminently the best
information concerning the interior of Africa; an object which
draws at present the earnest attention, both of the learned and the
104 great, and which our late victories in Egypt, render more
peculiarly interesting.

[Footnote 110: See Jackson's account of Marocco, last chapter.]

I think, with you, it is probable there is a communication by water
between Jinnie and Egypt; but I should rather imagine there is some
large lake or Mediterranean sea, like the Caspian, for instance,
into which the Niger may discharge itself from the west, and a
branch of the Nile from the east. This idea seems to reconcile the
opinions of ancient geographers, with those resulting from modern
discoveries. If we should be able to effect the complete conquest
of Egypt, and to retain that kingdom, much light will probably soon
be acquired upon these interesting subjects.
105

LETTER XIII.

_Journey from Mogodor, to Rabat, to Mequinas, to the Sanctuary of
Muley Dris Zerone in the Atlas Mountains, to the Ruins of Pharaoh,
and thence through the Amorite Country to L'Araich and
Tangier.--Started from Mogodor with Bel Hage as my_ (Tabuk) _Cook,
ana Deeb as my_ (Mûle Lukkerzana) _Tent Master.--Exportation of
Wool granted by the Emperor.--Akkermute depopulated by the
Plague.--Arabs, their Mode of hunting the Partridge.--Observations
respecting the River Tansift.--Jerf El Eûdie, or the Jews'
Pass.--Description of Saffy, and its Port or Road.--Woladia
calculated to make a safe Harbour.--Growth of Tobacco.--Mazagan
described.--Azamor the Abode of Storks.--Saneet Urtemma a dangerous
Country.--Dar El Beida, Fedalla, and Rabat described.--Mausoleum of
the Sultan Muhamed ben Abd Allah at Rabat.--Of Shella, a Roman
Town.--Of the Tower of Hassan.--Road of Rabat.--Productive Country
about Rabat.--Salee.--The People inimical to Christians.--The
Dungeon where they confined Christian Slaves.--Ait Zimurh,
notorious Thieves.--Their Mode of Robbing.--Their Country disturbed
with Lions.--Arrival at Mequinas.--Some Account of that City and
its imperial Palace.--Ladies of Mequinas extremely
beautiful.--Arrival at the renowned Sanctuary of Muley Dris
Zerone.--Extraordinary and favourable Reception there by the
Fakeers of the Sanctuary.--Slept in the Adytum.--Succour expected
from the English in the Event of an Invasion by
Bonaparte.--Prostration and Prayer of Benediction by the Fakeers at
106 my Departure from the Sanctuary.--Ruins of Pharaoh near the
Sanctuary.--Treasures found there.--Ite Amor.--The Descendants of
the Ancient Amorites.--Character of these People.--Various Tribes
of the Berebbers of Atlas.--El Kassar Kabeer.--Its Environs, a
beautiful Country.--Forest of L'Araich.--Superior Manufacture of
Gold Thread made at Fas, as well as Imitations of Amber.--Grand
Entry of the British Ambassador into Tangier.--Our Ignorance of
African Matters.--The Sultan's Comparison of the Provinces of his
Empire to the various Kingdoms of Europe._

TO JAMES WILLIS, ESQ.

Tangier,
8th August, 1801.
Dear sir,

My journey to meet His Excellency James M. Matra, the British
ambassador to the Court of Marocco, was undertaken principally to
obtain permission to ship a large quantity of wool which I had in
my possession, the exportation of which had been recently
prohibited. I thought I could not select a more seasonable time
than when our ambassador was at court; accordingly, I started from
Mogodor (the morning after I dispatched two vessels for Europe) on
the 4th June last, at four o'clock, P.M. My journey was first to
Rabat; thence, across the country, to Fas and Mequinas; thence to
the renowned and revered sanctuary of Muley Dris Zerone, on the
declivity of the mountains of Atlas, east of Mequinas; thence to
_Kassar Farawan_ (the ruins of Pharaoh), and through the warlike
107 province of the Ait Amor, to L'Araich, Arzilla, and to Tangier.

I took with me two of the finest horses in the country, to ride
alternately. Two mules and three camels carried my baggage, tents,
&c. Muhamed of Diabet, commonly called _Deeb_, I engaged as
tent-master; this is the man that astonished Aly Bey El Abassy,
when he shot the fish in the river, as recorded by that interesting
traveller. I engaged a most excellent fellow as cook, a man who had
performed many journies in a similar capacity with the princes; he
was acquainted with the roads, the country, and the character of
the people; the camel-drivers and muleteers completed our party.
We arrived at Tela at nine o'clock in the evening, being a journey
of five hours. We remained at Tela the whole of the following day,
and started on the 6th June at seven o'clock; arrived, at ten
o'clock, at Akkermute, a town in ruins, in the plains west of
_Jebbel El Heddeed_ (the iron mountains), which was depopulated by
the plague about fifty years since. Passing through the plains of
Akkermute, towards the river Tensift, we saw a party of Arabs
hunting partridges; we did not stop to see this novel sport, but I
was informed that the dogs were directed by the huntsmen to the
spot where the birds settled, which roused them; they then pursued
them again, and after rousing them several times without
intermission, the birds become fatigued and exhausted by continual
108 flying, and the dogs then run them down and seize on them. In six
hours from Akkermute, at four o'clock, P.M., we reached the river
Tensift, which brings its water from the Atlas, east of Marocco,
meandering through the plains and passing about three miles north
of that city.

We pitched our tents under the walls of the (_Luksebba_) castle, on
the south bank of the river.

We started the next morning at six o'clock, and travelling through
a fine country, we came to a narrow pass on the declivity of a
lofty mountain called Jerf El Eudie, a most picturesque country,
and arrived at the port of Saffy at eleven o'clock. Saffy has no
harbour, but a road where ships are obliged to put to sea whenever
the south-wind blows; the town was fortified when in possession of
the Portuguese, and is situated in a declivity between two hills,
so that during the rainy season the waters come down so rapidly
that they sometimes overflow the lower apartments of the houses and
commit considerable damage. On the 8th June we started from Saffy
at nine o'clock, and arrived at the sanctuary of Seedi Cuscasoe at
five o'clock, P.M.; and proceeding on, we reached El Woladia at
nine, and pitched our tents. This place might be made a secure
harbour for the whole British navy, by blowing up a rock which
impedes the narrow passage at the entrance of a long and extensive
bay. From hence we started at half-past five o'clock in the
morning; we proceeded northwards along the coast till eleven
109 o'clock, when we reached the beautiful and abundant valley, the
Woolga; travelling on through the country, leaving the sea to the
left, we arrived at six o'clock at the Douar, (an encampment of
Arabs,) called _Woled Aisah, i.e._ "Sons of Jesus," situated in the
productive province of Duquella. The environs of the Douar of Woled
Aisah abound in plantations of tobacco, of a superior quality,
equal to the Havannah. The next morning, viz. on the 10th June, we
struck our tents at six o'clock, and travelling three hours we
arrived, at nine, at the _Jerf el Saffer_ (the Yellow Cliff): three
hours more brought us to Tet, and an hour more to Mazagan, which we
reached at one o'clock. Mazagan is the Portuguese name; the Moorish
name is El Burreja. This is a very strong place, having several
stout bastions; there is a magnificent (_mitfere_) cistern of
water, built by the Portuguese, supported by many pillars of great
strength of the Tuscan order. The water in the neighbourhood of
Mazagan is very salubrious; this country is full of springs. The
inhabitants have a good healthy colour, very different from the
inhabitants of the plains of the province of Duquella, which being
supplied by water from wells only, of from 100 to 200 feet deep,
have a sallow and sickly appearance. It may, in Europe, appear
extraordinary that the quality of water should produce such a
manifest difference in the complexion of the inhabitants, but when
we consider that these people drink no wine, spirits, or malt
110 liquor, the paradox will immediately vanish. After viewing the
mitfere, or cistern, and batteries at Mazagan, we mounted at four
o'clock, and arrived at Azamor at seven o'clock P.M., pitched the
tents in a large spacious fondaque, or caravansera, in the centre
of the town. We were annoyed during the night by thousands of
storks, the cluttering of whose bills would not permit us to sleep.
This town is in the centre of a beautiful country. On the 11th
June, at noon, we pursued our journey, and reached Sancet Urtemma
at eight o'clock P.M. This is a dangerous country, infested with
robbers, who, from the undulating face of the country, have many
modes of escape; we, therefore, retired into a solitary retreat,
and lay on our arms, without sleep, all night. At six o'clock next
morning, being the 12th June, we started, and arrived at Dar el
Beida at twelve. Here I was hospitably entertained by the agents of
the Spanish house of the Cinquo Gremos of Madrid, who were
established here for the purpose of shipping corn to Spain. We left
Dar el Beida, at half-past three, and reached Fedalla at half-past
seven. This is a fine productive country, abounding in grain as
well as Dar el Beida. On the 13th we started at four o'clock, and
reached El Mensoria at seven; stopped and dined, mounted at ten
A.M. and arrived at Rabat at seven o'clock, P.M. after a journey
from Mogodor, of 80-1/2 hours of actual travelling, or 242 English
miles.[111]

[Footnote 111: Calculated at the rate of three miles an hour,
including stoppages and refreshments.]
111
Rabat is the largest town on the coast of the empire, it is walled
round; its circumference is about four miles; an aqueduct conveys
abundance of water to the town from a distance of several miles.
The mausoleum of the sultan Muhamed, father to the present sultan
Soliman, is in the town of Rabat, it is a neat building, surrounded
by a colonade; here is a lamp continually burning, and a
_muden_[112], who is a fakeer, is continually proclaiming the
omnipotence of God, and that Muhamed is the prophet. "_La Allah,
ila Allah, wa Muhamed rassul Allah._" There is a very strong
battery towards the sea, at the mouth of the river, which is bomb
proof. The city wall is high, and is strengthened by several
bastions mounting cannon: towards the land, about a mile from
Rabat, there is a spring, reported to have been discovered by the
Romans, and near it is the Roman town of Shella, which none but
musulmen are permitted to enter. In it are said to be the tombs of
two sultans, but most probably of Roman generals. Kettles or pans
of coins are continually found by the people who dig the ground at
this place, and the coins found are Roman. Some European travellers
enhanced the price of these coins so much, by their eagerness to
purchase them, that they offered more than double their intrinsic
112 value, so that the Jews imitated them so well that they deceived
even these antiquaries. There are several mosques in this town, but
that which attracts particularly the notice of travellers, is the
_sma Hassan, i.e._ the tower of Hassan, situated about a mile from
Shella, on the south banks of the river Buregreg, so called from
its being in the province of Beny Hassan, it is an old tower built
in a superior manner by an architect of Grenada, the same that
built the tower at Marocco, called _Jamaa Lifenar_, one at
Timbuctoo, and that at Seville; it is about 200 feet high,
perfectly square, and a person may ride up to the top on horseback,
having a gradual ascent, and seven chambers one above the other:
the cement with which it is made is so hardened that no pickaxe can
destroy it. It was represented to the sultan Muhamed that the
apartments in this tower were the haunts of vice and immorality,
and the sultan ordered the floor or terras, by which visitors
ascend, to be broken; it was found, however, impossible to destroy
it, wherefore the workmen were ordered to desist, and the entrance
was blocked up with loose stones. This tower I ascended with my
friend the Comte de Fourban, nephew to the duke de Crillon, who
conducted the famous siege of Gibraltar, and whose machinations
were so admirably defeated by the immortal governor of that
garrison, General Elliott, Lord Heathfield. The Comte had ruined
his constitution by being immolated in a dungeon in France, during
113 the reign of Robespierre, where he remained during fifteen months,
oftentimes seated on steps in water up to his ankles. The Comte was
a very generous and liberal man, an emigrant French nobleman,
protected by the British consul at the court of Morocco. The
disorder contracted by ill usage and confinement in prison, brought
on a disease which, after applying various remedies to no purpose,
carried him off, and he died at Rabat. The house of the French
consul and those of some other European consuls who formerly
resided here, are conveniently situated on the southern banks of
the river Buregreg, which divides Rabat from Salee. Ships of one
hundred tons, that do not draw much water, may pass the bar and
load close to these houses; but larger vessels must come to anchor
in the offing, and take in their cargoes by boats. The country
about Rabat and Salee is wonderfully abundant in all the finest
grain, leguminous plants, fruits, vegetables, and cattle; the
orange, lemon, Seville, or bitter orange, and citron plantations
are here very extensive and extremely productive. Several ships
might be loaded here with oranges in October and November, before
the gales of the latter half of December and the month of January
set in. One hundred fine large oranges may be had for a drahim, a
silver coin worth 6_d._ sterling. The orange plantations of Rabat
are of incalculable extent; the trees are as large as a
middling-sized oak; the vineyards and cotton plantations are
likewise most abundant; and nothing can exceed the good quality of
114 the grapes, figs, oranges, citrons, apricots, peaches, and
water-melons; the quality of the latter is peculiarly _sweet_, they
are called _Dilla Seed Billa_; the seed of which might be
advantageously transported to our new colony, the Cape of Good
Hope. The vineyards of Rabat are very extensive; the vines are
cultivated in the Arabian system, on the ground, which is a light
sandy soil: the immense numbers of turtle-doves that are in these
vineyards is such, that a bad sportsman cannot fail killing a dozen
or two at every shot; they rise just before you in thousands, and
the foulahs, or vine cultivators, express their gratitude to the
Christians who go to shoot them. These birds, from being
unmolested, are so tame and so abundant, that they destroy an
incalculable quantity of the best fruit.

[Footnote 112: The muden is the man who ascends the tower of
the Mosque and announces prayer.]

On the 14th, the Comte de Fourban accompanied me, and we crossed
the river, in the ferry, to visit Salee. The inhabitants of this
town are inimical to Christians: we viewed the subterraneous cavern
where the Sallee rovers formerly confined their Christian slaves:
it resembled a mitfere or large subterraneous granary; it had two
grates to let in the air; it appeared perfectly dry, but no one was
in it. The Comte observed that it was far preferable to the prison
where he was confined in France, during the reign or usurpation of
Robespierre. The air of Salee and Rabat, and the adjacent country,
115 is strongly perfumed, morning and evening, with the sweet odour of
the orange-flower, of which they make immense quantities of
delectable comfits.

On the morning of the 15th, we pursued our journey to Mequinas,
passing through a very fine country, inhabited by a Kabyl of
Berebbers, called Ait Zemurh. We halted, at four o'clock P.M. at a
circular Douar of these Berebbers, in a fine campaign country. The
next morning, at five o'clock, we struck the tents, and proceeded
through a dangerous country, infested by artful robbers, and the
occasional depredations of the lion and other wild beasts, whose
roaring we heard at a distance. We saw several square buildings,
which our guides informed us were built by the Berebbers, for the
purpose of destroying the lion. The patient hunter will conceal
himself in one of these buildings, which are about five feet by
seven, and will wait whole days for an opportunity to get a shot at
the lion: these noble beasts are here said to be the largest in all
Africa. After travelling this day ten hours, we pitched our tents
at another circular encampment of the Zimurite[113] Berebbers.
These people drive in stakes and place thorny bushes round their
encampment, eight feet high, and fill up the entrance every night
with thorns, as the fiercest lions of Africa abound in the adjacent
forests, and sometimes attack their habitations, accordingly they
116 keep a large fire all night to deter the lions and other wild
beasts from approaching. About two hours after midnight, my grey
horse, who was an old campaigner, neighed and awoke us; this gave
the alarm, and my people were presently on the alert, and perceived
two men approaching our tents, crawling naked along the ground,
which was of the same colour with their bodies. We did not wish to
take them, fearing that the people of the Douar would espouse the
cause of their countrymen, but my people gave the alarm, and
exclaimed "_Erd abellek asas_," i.e. "Be watchful, guards!" We then
saw these marauders jump up, and run away as fast as they could;
keeping watch the rest of the night: we were advised to take no
notice of this circumstance. The people of Ait Zimurh are professed
robbers: they would not allow us to pitch our tents _within_ their
circular encampment, a privilege universally granted to strangers
and travellers. I thought this very unhospitable; being totally
different from any thing I had ever before witnessed in this
country, where hospitality generally exceeds all bounds. I have no
doubt that the people of the Douar were in league with the robbers;
I considered my escape, the next day, when I was apprised of the
danger of the country I had confided in, quite providential, and I
have no doubt but these people would delude any one that would
trust to their honour: they reminded me of the ancient Africans, as
described by Sallust, in the wars of Jugurtha.

[Footnote 113: The Zimurites, or Ait Zimure, are probably the
descendants of the Zemarites: for which see 1 Chron. i. 16.]
117
We struck our tents at five o'clock, and travelled very fast to get
out of these treacherous habitations; for we learned that, the
preceding night, Alkaid L'Hassan Ramy, a Negro captain of the
emperor's army, passed this Douar, and was robbed of his bridles,
saddles, and tent equipage, with which the thieves made off,
without being discovered. I afterwards met Alkaid L'Hassan Ramy at
Mequinas; and he appeared quite astonished that I should have
escaped being robbed at the above Douar, calling the whole Kabyl a
set of lawless thieves. On the 17th, we started at five o'clock,
and arrived at Mequinas at nine o'clock, performing the journey
from Rabat to Mequinas in twenty-two hours, being sixty-six miles.
The city of Mequinas is the court-town of the northern division of
the empire: the imperial palace at this place is above two miles in
circumference. At the corners are erected (_Coba's_) square
buildings or pavilions, containing one room up stairs, where the
emperor frequently transacts business. This palace was built by the
sultan Muley Ismael: it is very neat, and consists for the most
part of moresque architecture; the marble columns and other
decorations were brought from (_Kasser Farawan_) the ruins of
Pharaoh, about a day's journey to the eastward. There is a superior
garden of choice fruit within the wall which surrounds the palace,
and in the latter are many elegant apartments, ornamented
_À-la-mauresque_. The ladies of Mequinas are so extremely handsome,
118 that I cannot say I saw one plain young woman, although I visited
several families; nay, I can say, without offense to truth, that I
did not see one that was not comely and handsome. I was most
hospitably entertained wherever I went. On the 18th June, at eight
o'clock A.M. we started for Fas; when we had approached the latter
city, we met a messenger, with the prince Muley Abdsalam's
secretary, from the emperor to his excellency J.M. Matra, the
British ambassador to the court of Marocco, who informed me that
his excellency had just terminated his embassy, had waited for my
arrival two days, and was on his return to Tangier. Presuming,
therefore, that the ambassador had negociated my business for me, I
turned to the north-east, travelled all day without halting, till
eight o'clock in the evening, when we arrived at the renowned
sanctuary[114] of Muley Dris Zerone, on the declivity of North
Atlas; a most magnificent, beautiful, and picturesque country,
abounding in all the necessaries and luxuries of life. This
sanctuary was never before, nor since, visited by any Christian. It
was here that the standard of Muhamed was first planted in
North-western Africa, by the fakeer and prince Muley Dris, the
founder. A favourable combination of circumstances, of which I
availed myself, enabled me to procure not only an asylum, but a
119 most hospitable and kind reception and entertainment in this
renowned sanctuary; and I actually slept in the _Horem_ or Adytum
itself, which honour I obtained by a present, appropriated to the
circumstance, and sent to the chief fakeer of the sanctuary,
accompanied with some observations expressed in a manner which was
agreeable to the holy fraternity. When I entered the _Horem_ of
this renowned sanctuary, where I slept alone, its silence reminded
me of the silence of death, which formed one of the ancient
mysteries of Egypt. The chief of the fakeers met me in the portico,
and cordially shook hands with me, calling me his brother. At this
time there was a rumour that Bonaparte was preparing to invade the
country; and indeed he had intimated as much, the English were
therefore courted; it was even hoped and expected by the emperor
that they would in such an event become his allies, and give him
succour. The next morning, I gave the fakeer some wax candles
accompanied with observations emblematical of the present, which
was so favourably received, that no less than nine saints
prostrated themselves at the place of prayer, which is at the
entrance of the town, as I passed out to pursue my journey,
uttering with audible voices a (_fâtha_) prayer of benediction,
invoking on me the protection of Almighty God, and a blessing on
the English nation; also that God would avert every danger from the
embassy, and restore them in safety to their native land. I am
120 perfectly aware that, in recording this extraordinary circumstance,
persons who have visited this country, and have remarked the
rancour that generally exists with the lower orders against
Christians, may doubt my veracity, so unprecedented a circumstance
it is for a Christian to be admitted into a _Horem_! the most
respected also and the most sacred in the empire! My answer to such
is, that the circumstance is so incredible, that I should not have
presumed to lay it before the British public, if I had not two most
respectable witnesses, _now living_ in West Barbary, who can and
will corroborate my report; these two men are Bel Hage, a Muselman,
who had been the prince's cook, and who officiated as mine during
the journey, and Muhamed, commonly called Deeb, of Diabet, a
village near Mogodor, the same man whose dexterity Aly Bey, in his
travels, alludes to, when he shot a fish in the river near Mogodor.

[Footnote 114: The town, in the centre of which stands the
sanctuary, contains about 5000 inhabitants.]

Half an hour's journey after leaving the sanctuary of Muley Dris
Zerone, and at the foot of Atlas, I perceived to the left of the
road magnificent and massive ruins; the country for miles around is
covered with broken columns of white marble, the ruins appeared to
be of the Egyptian, and massive style of architecture. There were
still standing two porticos, about thirty feet high and twelve feet
wide, the top of which was one entire stone. I attempted to take a
view of these immense ruins, which have furnished marble for the
121 imperial palaces at Mequinas and at Tafilelt; but I was obliged to
desist, seeing some persons of the sanctuary following the
cavalcade. Pots and kettles of gold and silver coins are
continually dug up from these ruins. The country, however, abounds
in serpents, and we saw many scorpions under the stones that my
conductor Deeb turned up. These ruins are said by the Africans to
have been built by one of the Pharaohs: they are called "_Kasser
Farawan_" i.e. the ruins of Pharaoh.[115] Here begins the territory
122 of the Brebber Kabyl, the Amorites or Ite-amor, said to be the
descendants of the ancient[116] Amorites, whose country was
situated east of Palestine. These people retain their ancient
warlike spirit, but they are a faithless tribe, and intolerable
thieves, unlike the other Kabyles (who are, at least, faithful to
one of their own Kabyl); but these marauders are exceedingly
mistrustful of their own brethren, so that their habitations
consist of two or three tents only, in one encampment; and even
these are sometimes at variance with each other. The lamentable
123 result of this mistrustful and marauding spirit, is wretched and
universal poverty. Their country is a succession of gentle
undulating hills, without trees or plantations of any kind. The
late sultan Muhamed used to compare the provinces or races of men
in his empire, to the nations of Europe, the English he called
warriors, the French faithless, the Spaniards quiet and
inoffensive, the Romans, i.e. the people of Italy, treacherous, the
Dutch a parsimonious and trading people; the other powers of
Europe, having no consul at Marocco, nor merchants in the country,
are known only by name: accordingly, in allusion to the warlike
spirit of the English, he would call the Ait Amor, "the English of
Barbary;" Temsena, the French; Duquella, the Spanish; Haha, the
Italians; and Suse, the Russians. When the sultan Muhamed began a
campaign, he never entered the field without the warlike Ait Amor,
who marched in the rear of the army; these people received no pay,
but were satisfied with what plunder they got after a battle; and
accordingly, this principle stimulating them, they were always
foremost on any contest, dispute, or battle. They begin the
campaign almost in a state of nudity, and seldom return to their
homes without abundance of apparel, arms, horses, camels, and
money; but this property quickly disappears, and these people are
soon again reduced to their wonted misery and nudity, and become
124 impatient for another campaign of plunder. When the present sultan,
Soliman, came from Mequinas, in the year of the plague (1799), a
division of his army passed near Mogodor, and the encampments of
the Ait Amor, or Amorites occupied the whole of the country from
the river to the Commerce Garden, a distance of three miles. It is
very probable that some other of the tribes bordering on Palestine,
may have emigrated in remote times, and may have taken their abode
on the Atlas mountains. There are above twenty (kabyls) tribes
of[117] Berebbers occupying the mountains of Atlas, as Ait-Girwan,
Zian, Ait-Ziltan, Ait-Amor, Ait-Ebeko, Ait-Kitiwa, Ait-Attar,
Ait-Amaran, and many more whose names I do not now recollect. We
travelled seven hours through the Amorite country, and pitched our
tents in the north part of the plains of Msharrah Rummellah. Fire
being lit, the Moors sat round to warm themselves, and confidently
animadverted on the prosperity that would necessarily attend our
journey, after having met with such a hospitable and favoured
reception at the renowned sanctuary before mentioned.

[Footnote 115: In reply to those learned sceptics who have
studied books; but not men, and the manners of different
countries; who believe nothing but what they have seen; and who
say that Pharaoh never came so far west; I reply, that our
knowledge of African history is extremely imperfect. In fact,
we now know as certainties, various articles of which no record
is to be found in any ancient writer; for the affairs of
Africa, which, of late, have so deservedly excited the
attention of the learned, were as little known to the ancients
as they are to the moderns; insomuch that not a word is to be
found in any ancient record or history extant, of those curious
astronomical representations, the Zodiacs, which adorn the
ceilings of the temples in _Egypt_, nor of the paintings which
cover the silent and solemn repositories of their dead. Even
the royal sepulchres, surpassing all the efforts of art
hitherto known, in brilliancy of colours and decorative
sculptures, are recorded by no historian! Neither in any
history, _known to Europe_, is there any allusion to the
Egyptian custom of placing books, i.e. rolls of manuscript, in
the mummy coffins with the bodies of the deceased. For much of
the knowledge collected respecting Africa, we are indebted to
the catacombs of Egypt, and we must not hope to know much more,
whilst our ignorance of the Arabic language is so manifest; we
must travel far out of the precincts of Greek and Latin lore,
before we shall procure correct histories of African affairs!
Our knowledge of Hebrew, in Europe I apprehend, is almost as
much confined and as imperfect as that of Arabic! By the
assistance, however, of the latter, what store of learning
might we not expect from complete Arabic translations of many
of the Greek and Latin authors, _viz._ of the _complete_ works
of Livy, Tacitus, and many others. I recollect conversing with
Abdrahaman ben Nassar, bashaw of Abda, (a gentleman deeply
versed in Arabian literature,) about the close of the last
century, who mentioned circumstances, which gave me reason to
suppose that there is extant a complete Arabic translation of
Livy as well as of Tacitus, as the bashaw assured me there was,
and that he had read them, and they were to be found in the
recondite chests of the Imperial library at Fas, in which it is
more than probable that there are many valuable transcripts in
Arabic of ancient authors, quite lost to erudite Europe! A
knowledge of the Arabic language in this country is so
indispensable, and is held in such high estimation, that every
one who does not understand it, is denominated _ajemmy_, _i.e._
barbarian or European.--St. Paul in the same spirit says, I
Corinth. ch. xiv. v. 11., "He that speaketh unintelligibly, is
unto us a barbarian."]

[Footnote 116: See Genesis, xv. 16. Deuteron. xx. 17. Judges,
i. 34.]

[Footnote 117: Some persons consider several tribes of these
Berebbers to be colonies of the ancient Phenicians.]

On the morning of the 20th June, we struck our tents at six
o'clock, and pursued our journey to L'Araich, and soon entered the
territory that belongs to the agriculturists of El Kassar Kabeer, a
125 beautiful country not unlike that of Ait-Amor in appearance, but
bearing the evidences of agricultural industry. Here we discovered
magnificent and extensive plantations of olives, immense
citron-trees, orange-groves, and spacious vineyards, peaches,
apricots, greengages, and walnuts were also the produce of this
country, besides excellent wheat of a large and long transparent
grain like amber, yielding, when ground into flour, from fifteen to
twenty per cent. increase, in quantity. Anxious now to overtake His
Excellency the ambassador, for the purpose of being present at his
entry into Tangier, we accelerated our pace, with a view of coming
up with him at L'Araich. We arrived at the forest of L'Araich at
dusk, and travelled through it all night till five o'clock next
morning.

Having travelled incessantly twenty-three hours without halting,
being much fatigued, I desired Deeb to take a little rest with me
in an adjacent field, and we sent on Bel Hage with the baggage to
L'Araich, to wait our arrival at the ferry. We pursued our journey
at seven o'clock, and entered the town at nine. On reaching the
ferry, Bel Hage introduced a courier, who had been dispatched to me
from Fas, by a friend of mine, who informed me how much he, and
many of my Moorish friends had been disappointed, that I did not
enter that city, where I understood preparations had been made for
my entertainment, in the odoriferous gardens of the merchants of
126 Fas. The courier brought me a present of gold wire and gold thread,
of the manufacture of Fas, and some gold ornaments of filligrane
work from Timbuctoo, of the manufacture of Jinnie. It is more than
probable that the Fasees learned the art of manufacturing gold
thread from the Egyptians: it is much superior to that which is
imported into Barbary from Marseilles. The ladies ornament their
cambric dresses with it, and the Fas gold-thread never loses its
colour by washing, but the French does; the Fas gold thread wears
also much better, and is more durable; the change of colour may
possibly originate from the great proportion of alloy in the gold
of the French manufacture, whereas that of Fas, according to an
imperial edict, must be of a certain fineness, approaching to pure
gold; the gold wire of which it is made being first assayed by the
(_M'tasseb_) supervisor of manufactures. Great quantities of gold
thread are used in the elegant shawls and sashes of silk and gold
made at Fas, the better kind of which are reserved for princes and
bashaws, in which they use, as before observed, the Fas thread
only. They manufacture also at Fas, a very correct imitation of
amber-beads, impossible to be discriminated by the best judges, but
by rubbing the artificial amber, and then applying it to a bit of
cotton; the latter does not adhere, but the natural amber attracts
the cotton as a magnet does iron; and this is the discriminating
criterion whereby to distinguish them.
127
But, to return to our journey, we found the ambassador had passed
the preceding day, we therefore crossed the river, and travelled on
till nine o'clock at night, when, after being a-horseback
thirty-four hours, refreshed only by two hours' sleep, we came up
with the ambassadors, Cafila, and guard, in a fine open campaign
country, half-way between Tangier and Arzilla; and soon after I
received a courier from Sir Pieter Wyk, Swedish consul-general to
the empire residing at Tangier, with a very friendly invitation to
his house and table, which being the first offer and from a sincere
and worthy friend, I with pleasure accepted it, and returned the
express immediately. On the morning of the 22d June, I breakfasted
at five o'clock with the ambassador, and, discussing with him my
business, I learned that he had terminated it to my satisfaction.
We started together at seven o'clock, and moved slowly on towards
Tangier, it having been ordered by the emperor, that the English
ambassador's entry into that town should be marked with every
possible honour and attention. An hour before we reached Tangier,
the governor, with the whole garrison, came out to salute and greet
the ambassador, the cavalry running full gallop, and firing their
muskets, as is the custom with them in all rejoicings. At half-past
eleven the cannon of Tangier began to announce the ambassador's
arrival, and continued, not a royal salute, but every gun in
Tangier was discharged; and at twelve o'clock we entered the gates.
128

LETTER XIV.

_Result of the British Embassy_.

FROM HIS EXCELLENCY J.M. MATRA TO MR. J.

Old Fez, Sunday night, June 14, 1801.

Dear Jackson;

After a most unpleasant and tedious negotiation of nine days, I
have just finished my business. I march off early to-morrow
morning, and am much employed in packing up, translating, and
copying of papers.

The letter I solicited for you is just brought to me, mixed with
Mr. Foxcroft's business, and the provision for the shipping in
Mogadore; but the Talb promises to bring me a separate one very
early in the morning, when I will inclose it to you.

_Through the interest of Muly Abdel-melk-ben Driss, the orders were
some time since sent to Mogadore, to reduce your new duty to the
old standard of Seedi Muhamed_.

I have been treated by the emperor like a prince, and with a
friendly personal attention I had no idea of; but my business has
been marvellously tormented. Of that, as we are to meet soon, I
will say no more. I am half dead.

God bless you.
J. MATRA.
129

LETTER XV.

_European Society at Tangier.--Sects and Divisions among Christians
in Muhamedan Countries counteracts the Propagation of Christianity,
and casts a Contempt upon Christians themselves.--The Cause of
it.--The Conversion of Africa should be preceded by an Imitation of
the divine Doctrine of Christ among Christians themselves, as an
Example eligible to follow_.

TO JAMES WILLIS, ESQ.

It is not only the duty, but it is the manifest policy of
Christians who reside in Muhamedan countries, to preserve that
peace and harmony that is so often inculcated by our divine Master:
there should be no followers of Paul or of Apollos, of the Pope or
of Luther, but Christians altogether should forget sects, and
become followers of Christ, by practising his divine and luminous
doctrine. This principle, strictly adhered to, would have greater
effect in propagating the Christian doctrine, than the united
efforts, however arduous, of all the missionaries in Africa. We
should first begin by reforming the manners of those Christians who
are established in Muhamedan countries, holding responsible
situations, so as to show the Muhamedans, by their harmony and good
will, the advantages of the benign influence of the great Christian
principle, "Love thy neighbour as thyself." Until the disgraceful
130 animosity lamentably prevalent between the Catholic and Protestant,
the Lutheran, Calvinist, and other sects of Christians be
annihilated, it cannot be expected by any reasonable and reflecting
mind, that essential progress can be made in the propagation of
Christianity in Africa, at least in the Muhamedan part of it. We
must purify our own actions, and set a laudable example of chaste
and virtuous conduct, as a prelude to the conversion of the people
of this continent. The Africans, viz. the Arabs, Berebbers,
Shelluhs, Moors, and Negroes are, _generally_ speaking, shrewd,
acute, discerning races of men; and it cannot be supposed by any
but insane enthusiasts, that the doctrines of Christ can be
propagated in those countries, until an example be set for their
imitation better than their own practice, and more conformable to
the true Christian doctrine than any that has hitherto been offered
for their imitation.

Tangier is the residence of the consuls-general of all the nations
of Europe, who send occasionally ambassadors to the Court of
Marocco; and these gentlemen generally act as envoys or ministers,
as well as consuls. The English, French, Dutch, American, Spanish,
Portuguese, Swedish, and Danish consuls reside here, some with
their families, some without. I had not been long here before I
perceived that the Moors of Tangier manifested an extraordinary
contempt for Christians, the general respect which is shown to them
at Mogodor, is unknown here. The reason is evident: the families of
131 these gentlemen were at variance with each other, and the
respective ladies did not visit one another. This circumstance was
too well known to the Moors, and materially contributed to create
among those people that contempt for the Christians, which,
perhaps, is due to all, whatever be their _professed_ doctrines,
who have not charity enough, in the correct acceptation of the
word, to maintain harmony in their own community. I was shocked to
see so many amiable families at variance. I will not declare if it
was pride, ambition, or contention for pre-eminence that produced
this want of harmony; but it is most certain, that Christians,
whose destiny it is to reside among Muhamedans, should have more
than ordinary care to preserve that philanthropic disposition to
each other, which carries with it a high recommendation,
particularly in a country like _West Barbary_, where the gate of
every tent is open to the largest, most disinterested, and
unqualified hospitality, and where the sheik of every douar
considers it his first and indispensable duty to provide food and
rest to the needy traveller, and to the stranger at his gate.
132

LETTER XVI.

_Diary of a Journey from Tangier to Mogodor, showing the Distances
from Town to Town, along the Coast of the Atlantic Ocean; useful to
Persons travelling in that Country_.

TO THE SAME.

Mogodor, 1801.

If you should ever come to this country, and have occasion to
travel through it, the following journal of a journey from Tangier
to Mogodor may be of service to you, in ascertaining the distances
from one port to another, &c.

Departed from Tangier for Mogodor,
July 15, 1801, at 9 o'clock, A.M. Hours.

Arrived at Arzilla, at 7, P.M. 10

Mounted at 7, A.M.; arrived at L'Araich,
at 2, P.M. 7

Started at 5, A.M.; arrived at Ras Doura,
at 3, P.M. 10

Mounted at 6, A.M.; travelled three hours;
came to a plain, level country, and arrived
at Sallée, at 10 o'clock, P.M. 16

Crossed the river in the ferry, and remained
at the French Consul's Hotel, at
Rabat, three days. Mounted at 9; arrived
at El Mensoria, at 9, P.M. 12
133
Mounted at 6, A.M.; arrived at Dar El
Beida, at half-past 2, P.M. 8-1/2

Proceeded without halting, and arrived at
the Douar of Woled Jeraar, at 9, P.M.
and pitched our tents. 7

Mounted at 5, A.M.; arrived at Azamore,
at 7, P.M. 14

Mounted at 7, A.M.; travelled southward,
leaving Mazagan to the right, and arrived
at the Douar of Woled Aisah, at
1 o'clock, P.M. and pitched our tents. 6

Departed at 7, A.M.; arrived at El Woladia,
at 6, P.M. 11

Mounted at 8; arrived at Saffy, at 5. 9

Started at 1, P.M.; rode six hours to the
river Tansift; slept at the Sanctuary
near the river. 6

Rose at midnight, struck the tents, and
mounted at 1 o'clock, A.M. arrived at
the Sanctuary of Seedi Buzurukton, at
11. 10

Dined, slept, and started again at 4
o'clock, P.M. and entered Mogodor at
half-past 7 o'clock. 3-1/2

130

Average rate of travelling, (including stoppages,) three miles per
hour, 390 miles in 130 hours.
134

LETTER XVII.

_An Account of a Journey from Mogodor to Saffy, during a Civil War,
in a Moorish Dress, when a Courier could not pass, owing to the
Warfare between the two Provinces of Haha and Shedma.--Stratagem
adopted by the Author to prevent Detection.--Danger of being
discovered.--Satisfaction expressed by the Bashaw of Abda,
Abdrahaman ben Nassar, on the Author's safe Arrival, and
Compliments received from him on his having accomplished this
perilous Journey_.

TO THE SAME.

Mogodor, 1802.

Having arranged all my affairs, I awaited an opportunity to depart
for England. A Spanish vessel was lying at the port of Saffy,
nearly ready to sail, bound to Cadiz; but how to reach the former
port was the difficulty; the provinces of Shedma and Haha, through
which I must necessarily pass, were at war against each other, and
an army of several thousand men were encamped at Ain el Hajar, a
spring near the road, between Mogodor and Saffy; so that all
communication was cut off, insomuch that it was dangerous, even for
a courier, to attempt to pass from one port to the other. I was
extremely anxious to reach Europe, and I determined to go to Saffy
by land. I accordingly sent for a trusty Arab, whose character for
135 fidelity I had often before proved. I asked him if he would
undertake to conduct me to Saffy. He required a day to consider of
it. He then resolved to attempt it, provided I would adopt the
dress of an Arab, and accompany him: I agreed; and we started from
Mogodor at 4 o'clock; P.M. We passed into a convenient recess, to
change my dress, which being done, we mounted our horses and rode
away; we had not gone two hours, before some scouts of the army
came galloping towards us. Billa (my trusty guide, who was a native
of Shedma, and a man of considerable influence in that province)
and his friend rode off with speed to meet them, and having
satisfied them that we were about business relating to the army,
they returned, and Billa's friend joining me, we inclined our steps
towards the sea, whilst Billa kept guard at a distance; and,
reaching a convenient and solitary retreat, we halted there till
dark; when retracing our steps for a few miles, it was concerted
that I should pass as a wounded man retiring from the army to have
my wounds examined and dressed. Billa was so well acquainted with
the roads, and all the bye-passes of the country, that, travelling
fast over the plains, not on the roads, we soon reached to the
northward of the encampments of Shedma. We passed several
straggling parties from the army, who saluted us with (_Salem u
alikume_) "Peace be to you;" to which we replied ("_Alikume
236 assalam_") "To you peace;" and Billa added "_Elm'joroh_," i.e. a
wounded man. In the old bed of the river Tansift, now full of
bushes of white broom, I narrowly escaped being discovered: as the
day was breaking, a party of Arabs suddenly turned a corner, and I
had just time to cover my mouth and chin with my (_silham_) cloak,
before they gave the salutation, or they would have discovered me
(being without a beard) to be a Christian; we passed the river,
however, perfectly safe, and were then soon in the province of
Abda, when all danger was at an end; we entered the town of Saffy,
at two o'clock in the afternoon. The Bashaw of Abda, _Abdrahaman
ben Nassar_, a renowned warrior, who had been at the head of an
army of 60,000 horse, in opposition to the Emperor, Muley Soliman,
received me with his accustomed urbanity and hospitality, and asked
me if I had come to Saffy through the air, or by sea. I replied, I
had come by neither, but by land. "How is it possible," said he,
"that you could come by land, when even a courier could not pass.
Did you meet with no impediment?--you astonish me: but praise be to
God, that you have arrived safe, and you are welcome."
137

LETTER XVIII.

_Journey to the Prince Abd Salam, and the Khalif Delemy, in
Shtuka.--Encamped in his Garden.--Mode of living in
Shtuka.--Audience of the Prince.--Expedition to the Port of Tomie,
in Suse.--Country infested with rats.--Situation of
Tomie.--Entertainment at a Douar of the Arabs of Woled
Abbusebah.--Exertions of Delemy to entertain his Guests.--Arabian
Dance aud Music.--Manner and Style of Dancing.--Eulogium of the
Viceroys and Captains to the Ladies.--Manners of the latter.--Their
personal Beauty.--Dress.--Desire of the Arabs to have a Commercial
Establishment in their Country.--Report to the Prince respecting
Tomie.--Its Contiguity to the Place of the Growth of various
Articles of Commerce.--Viceroys offer to build a House, and the
Duties.--Contemplated Visit to Messa.--Nature of the Country.--Gold
and Silver Mines.--Garden of Delemy.--Immense Water-melons and
Grapes.---Mode of Irrigation.--Extraordinary People from Sudan at
Delemy's.--Elegant Sword.--Extensive Plantations.--The Prince
prepares to depart for Tafilelt_.

TO THE SAME.

Santa Cruz, June 7, 1794.

I received a letter from the[118] Prince Muley Abdsalam, who lately
went from Santa Cruz to the Khalif of Suse, Alkaid Muhamed ben
Delemy, whose castle is in Shtuka. The prince wished to see me on
138 some commercial business that had been suggested to him by the
khalif or viceroy. We (that is, Signor Andrea de Christi, a native
of Italy, and a Dutch merchant established at Santa Cruz, and
myself) prepared our tents and servants, and departed for Shtuka
early in the morning. We passed through a fine campaign country,
occupied by a tribe of the Woled Abbusebah Arabs, and arrived, late
at night, at (_Luksebba_) the castle of Delemy, who was also sheik
of an emigration of the Arabs called Woled Abbusebah, and of
another emigration of Arabs called Woled Deleim, who had taken up
their abodes in Shtuka. When we arrived, our reception was in the
true style of Arabian hospitality. Delemy had prepared and had
pitched tents in a large garden adjoining his castle, wherein we
resided. Our own tents were pitched in the Mushoir, or place of
audience, a spacious plain, enclosed by a wall, where the sheik
gave audience to the various kabyls of Suse. The following day we
had an audience of the prince, who requested me to accompany Delemy
to a port of Suse, which had been formerly frequented by European
ships, which took in water there, and ascertain if it were a port
convenient for a commercial establishment. The name of this seaport
was called Tomie by the Portuguese, who formerly had an
establishment there; but by the Arabs, _Sebah Biure_, i.e. the
Seven Wells, because there were seven wells of excellent water
139 there: three of them, however, when we visited this port, were
filled up and useless. We left Delemy's castle in the afternoon,
about two or three o'clock, and we went at a pace called by the
Arabs _el herka_[119], over a plain country infested with rats, and
the haunts of serpents, our horses continually stumbling over the
rat-holes. We were, to the best of my recollection, about four
hours going. We found Tomie, an open road, not altogether
calculated to form an advantageous commercial establishment. Its
situation with respect to the sea being somewhat objectionable. We
sat down near one of the wells, and after Delemy and his guards had
amused themselves with (_lab el borode_) running full gallop and
firing, we drank Hollands till we became gay. The sun had just set,
when we mounted our horses to return. After an hour's _herka_, we
approached a douar of the Woled Abbusebah Arabs, who, seeing their
sheik, came forward and kissed his stirrups, entreating him to pass
the night with them, which, it appeared, would have been contrary
to the etiquette of Arabian hospitality to refuse. Delemy,
therefore, asked us if we would consent to sleep there; and,
apologising for not conducting us to our own beds that night, again
intimated, that it was, in a manner, incumbent on him, not to
refuse. We, therefore, consented to stop. This noble-spirited Arab,
140 anxious to entertain us, and justly conceiving that the beds and
habits of these Arabs were very different from what we had been
accustomed to, sought to beguile the time, and accordingly
endeavoured to engage some ladies belonging to the douar to dance,
but they positively declined dancing before Christians. Delemy
expostulated with them, representing the propriety of doing so,
before the prince's guests; but the ladies apologised, by declaring
that their splendid dancing dresses were not made up. Delemy,
however, with the true energy of an Arab, was determined that he
would make our abode here as pleasant as possible, and desirous
also to show us the spirit of Arabian dancing, he went himself,
accompanied by two of his friends, to a douar, at some miles'
distance, and, after much persuasion, he prevailed on six young
ladies to come and dance. In about two hours, the sheik returned,
and informed us, that knowing that beds in the desert would not
suit our customs, he had engaged some young girls to amuse us with
dancing during the night, assuring us at the same time that they
excelled in that graceful art, and he had no doubt they would amuse
us. The tents were cleared and lighted; two sheep were killed, and
the _cuscasoe_ was preparing, when the ladies arrived. The music
consisted of an instrument similar to a flageolet, (_tabla_) a
kettle-drum, and a sort of castanets of steel, an _erbeb_, or
fiddle with two strings, played with a semicircular bow. The tunes
141 were gay and sprightly, and the damsels tripped along on the light
fantastic toe in a very superior and elegant style. They danced
without men; advancing gently at first, apparently without taking
the foot off the ground, but gradually advancing; after which they
performed some steps similar to those in the Spanish bolera; and,
turning round on the toe, they danced a most elegant _shawl_ dance,
equal to what was danced at the Opera in London by Parisot, but
without the horizontal movement, or any motion that could offend
the chastest eye. This unique national dance was encouraged from
time to time by the approbation of twelve captains of the viceroy's
guard, warriors of fame in arms, who were Arabs of the Woled
Deleim, and who were seated in a circle, with us, round the
dancers, expressing their delight and gratification in witnessing
such superior grace and elegance, exclaiming--

"Afakume el Arabe, makine fal el Arabe,
El Hashema, u zin, u temara, fie el Arabe."
"Bravo, O Arabs! there is none equal to the Arabs:
Excellent is the modesty, beauty, and virtue of the Arabs."

[Footnote 118: Elder Brother of the present Emperor of Marocco,
Muley Soliman.]

[Footnote 119: A pace similar to that which European cavalry go
when charging.]

These eulogiums were not lost on the ladies, who increased the
spirit of the dance. When this amusement had continued about three
hours, the cuscasoe, meat, and vegetables were brought in, as a
supper. The Moors ate plentifully; but the abstemious Arabs ate
very little; the ladies partook of sweet cakes and dates; they very
142 seldom chew meat, but when they do, they think it gross to swallow
it, they only press the juices from the meat, and throw away the
substance. The manners of these damsels were elegant, accompanied
with much suavity and affability, but very modest and unassuming
withal: indeed, they were all individuals, as I afterwards learned,
belonging to respectable and ancient Arab families, who could not
resist the exhortations of their sheik to amuse and entertain his
guests. The manners of these Arabs, their elegant forms, sparkling
black eyes, long black eye-lashes, which increased the beauty of
the eye, adding character to the countenance, seemed to make an
indelible impression on the whole party. The ladies wore robes of
Indian muslin, girdles of gold thread, interwoven with silk of the
Fas manufacture; and their shawls of silk and gold were displayed
in various elegant devices. We were given to understand by Delemy's
captains, on our return to the sheik's castle, that we had been
entertained with extraordinary honours: we certainly were highly
gratified, and my friend Signor Andrea declared he had never seen
better dancing at Venice, his native place. Among the Arabs was an
old man of ninety, who appeared very desirous of an European
establishment at Tomie. He related several anecdotes of his life;
and, among others, the money he had gained, by purchasing goods of
vessels which came forty or fifty years before to Tomie for water,
with which he said he used to exchange gums and almonds, feathers
143 and ivory, for linens, cloths, and spices. I am disposed to think
these vessels were Portuguese; for this coast is but little known
to the English. The ladies having returned home, we prepared to
leave this douar early in the morning; and with no small regret did
I quit this abode of simple and patriarchal hospitality; a pleasing
contrast was here formed to the dissipation and pleasure of
civilised life--to the life of fashionable society, where the
refinements of luxury have multiplied their artificial wants beyond
the proportion of the largest fortunes, and have brought most men
into the class of the necessitous, inducing that churlish habit of
the mind, in which every feeling is considered as a weakness, which
terminates not in self, unlike those generous sympathies of the
Arabs, where every individual seems impelled to seek, as they
express it, (_ê dire el khere fie nes_) "to do good to men." The
effect of luxury, dissipation, and extravagance, (where the fortune
is not large enough to support them,) tends to render man selfish
upon principle, and extinguishes all genuine public spirit, that
is, all real regard to the interests and good order of society;
substituting in its place, the vile ambition and rapacity of the
demagogue, which, however, assumes the name of patriotism. This
contrast between the temperance and sobriety of these Bedouin or
primitive Arabs, and the luxury and dissipation of civilised life,
was the more remarkable, when we observed among this rude people
such extraordinary and mutual exercise of benevolence, manly and
144 open presence, honesty and truth in their words and actions.--On
our return to Delemy's castle, in Shtuka, the Prince asked me, what
observations I had made respecting Tomie; I told his Royal Highness
that it was an open roadstead, and not a convenient place for ships
to lie. The Prince appeared pleased at this report; but Delemy had
rendered to Muley Abdsalam so many essential services, that the
latter could not, in courtesy, refuse him any thing. When Delemy
found that my report to the Prince did not realise his
expectations, offers were made to me, supported by every possible
encouragement, to form a commercial establishment at Tomie, which,
as was observed, being advantageously situated for trade, being in
the neighbourhood of the gum, almond, and oil countries, would
offer advantages to the merchants which they could not expect at
Santa Cruz, or Mogodor. Accordingly, I was urged to send to Europe
for ships, with assurances that the duty on all imports, as well as
exports, should be only two per cent. _ad valorem_. A house was
offered to be built for me, according to any plan I might choose to
suggest, free of expense. The people were desirous of having a
commercial establishment in their country, and would have done any
thing to accomplish this object. The extensive connections which I
had throughout Suse, Sahara, and even at Timbuctoo, would have
facilitated my operations; but my connections in England were not
such as to enable me to engage advantageously in this enterprise, I
was obliged, therefore, though reluctantly, to decline it,
145 although, if otherwise situated, I might have realised an
independent fortune in two or three years at Tomie, besides having
a most favourable opportunity of opening a trade with Timbuctoo,
and other territories of Sudan.

I now felt a strong inclination to visit the port of Messa, which
was reported to have been about two centuries before, a
considerable port of trade, and the capital of Suse, when that
country was a separate kingdom, and the state-prisoners were
banished to Sejin-messa[120], (commonly called Segelmessa in the
maps;) as the state prisoners of Marocco have been from time
immemorial, and are to this day sent to Tafilelt, which territory
lies contiguous to, and west of Sejin-messa. We started for Messa
in the morning, and reached the town in the afternoon. Delemy sent
a strong guard with me for protection, with an injunction to his
friend the _fakeer_ of Messa, to treat me as his friend and guest,
and to do whatever he could to gratify my curiosity in every
respect. The country about Messa is very picturesque, and
productive: the river also abounds with romantic scenery, it has a
sandbar at its entrance to the ocean, which is dry at low water;
but it was once navigable several miles up, as was reported to me.
On the south bank of the river, about two miles from the sea, is a
146 gold-mine, in the territory of a tribe hostile to Delemy, but the
influence of the Fakeer, who is held in reverential awe, enabled us
to examine it without danger. What they told us was the entrance,
was filled with immense large pieces of rock-stone; and I was
informed, that when the Christians left the place, (the Portuguese,
no doubt,) they placed these stones at the entrance of the mine, to
prevent the natives from getting access to it. In the bed of the
river, near the sea, is a mine of silver; the ore is in very small
particles, like lead-coloured sand, intermixed with mud. I sent a
small quantity of this to England to be analysed; and it produced,
as I was informed, just enough to pay the expenses of analysation.
I sent also several specimens of gold and silver ore, which I
collected in various parts of Suse; but I apprehend that sufficient
attention was not paid to them, and they also scarcely paid for the
analysation. I sent also to the Honourable Mr. Greville, brother to
the late Earl of Warwick, a great many basaltick and other stones,
collected in the mountains of Barbary, which that gentleman
considered valuable. After remaining two days at Messa, I returned
to Shtuka. I was again urged to form an establishment at Tomie;
but, limited as my connection was in England, I did not feel
competent to the undertaking, and was obliged, reluctantly indeed,
but finally, to decline it.

[Footnote 120: Sejin Messa signifies the prison of Messa.]

The garden of Delemy, where we encamped, is stocked with very fine
147 vines from the mountains of Idautenan,[121] a mountainous and
independent country, a few miles north of Santa Cruz; these grapes
were of the black or purple kind, as big as an ordinary-sized
walnut, and very sweet flavoured, as much superior to the finest
Spanish grapes, as the latter are superior to the natural grown
grapes of England. Large pomegranates, exquisitely sweet, the
grains very large, and the seed small, brought from Terodant; figs,
peaches, apricots, strawberries, oranges, citrons of an enormous
size, water-melons, weighing fifty pounds each, four of which were
a camel load, together with culinary vegetables of every
description. This garden was watered by a well, having what is
called a Persian wheel, worked by a horse, having pots all round
the perpendicular wheel, which, as they turn round, discharge their
contents into a trough, which communicated to the garden, and laid
148 the beds under water. This is the general mode of irrigation
throughout west and south Barbary, as well as in Sudan.

[Footnote 121: The mountains of Idautenan divide the province
of Haha from Suse: they are exempt from _Ska u Laskor_, that
is, two per cent. on live stock, and 10 per cent. on produce
which is the regular impost on the country. They are a brave
race of Shelluhs, inhabiting a table-land in the mountains that
is a perfect terrestrial paradise. There is but one person in
Europe besides myself who has ever been in this country. Sheik
Mûluke, the sheik of Idautenan, is a generous noble-spirited
independent character. When an emperor dies, the sheik sends
Muley Ismael's firman, emancipating the district from all
impost or contribution to the revenue, for some military
service rendered by this district to the ancestor of Ismael,
and the succeeding emperors invariably confirm their
emancipation of Idautenan.]

The Prince was very anxious to be of service to Delemy, who had
ingratiated himself with the former, by signalising himself in
feats of arms. He had been also a main pillar to the throne, and I
sincerely regretted that the combination of circumstances did not
permit me to accept the liberal and advantageous offers made to me.

Delemy's renown had spread far to the south, even unto Sudan: from
the latter country he was visited by some people, who wore circular
rings of pure gold, through the cartilage of the nose. The rings
were two or three inches in diameter; and when these people ate,
they turned them up over the nose. Delemy had received a present,
from some king of Sudan, of a very elegant sword, ornamented with
diamonds, rubies, and emeralds, he showed me this sword, which was
evidently manufactured in Europe; he told me, he had been offered
5000 dollars for it; but he had been informed that it was worth
double that sum.

I was invited by the Khalif of Suse to visit the immensely
extensive plantations of olives at Ras el Wed, near Terodant,
through which a man may proceed a whole day's journey without
exposure to the sun: also he offered to accompany me to the eastern
part of Shtuka, where the produce of bitter and sweet almonds is
equally abundant, and the plantations equally extensive with those
149 of the olive at Ras el Wed; but I had seen plantations of both on a
smaller scale at Ait-Musie, Fruga, and other parts of this empire;
and therefore the sight would have been no novelty, except in
extent. I understood these plantations were on the same plan and
principle with those I had seen, leaving at certain distances,
square openings, to admit the air, for the better promotion of the
growth and increase of the fruit and produce of the trees.

The Prince was preparing to depart through Draha, and Bled el
Jereed, to Tafilelt; and we had our audience of leave previous to
his departure.
150

LETTER XIX.

_Journey from Santa Cruz to Mogodor, when no Travellers ventured to
pass, owing to civil War and Contention among the Kabyles.--Moorish
Philanthropy in digging Wells for the Use of Travellers.--Travelled
with a trusty Guide without Provisions, Tents, Baggage, or
Incumbrances.--Nature of the Warfare in the Land. Bitter Effects of
Revenge and Retaliation on the Happiness of Society.--Origin of
these civil Wars between the Families and Kabyles.--Presented with
Honey and Butter for Breakfast.--Patriarchal Manner of living among
the Shelluhs compared to that of Abraham.--Aromatic
Honey.--Ceremony at Meals, and Mode of eating.--Travelled all
Night, and slept in the open Air;--Method of avoiding the
Night-dew, as practised by the Natives.--Arrival at Mogodor_.

TO THE SAME.

Santa Cruz, April 7, 1795.

The province of Haha was in arms; caffilahs, and travellers could
not pass; but it was expedient that I should go to Mogodor. Men of
property in this country, influenced by a philanthropic spirit,
often expend large sums in digging wells in districts, through
which caffilahs pass, on their road from one country to another. I
knew one of these philanthropists who was at Santa Cruz, and who
had recently benefited the province of Haha, by having dug a well
151 in the Kabyl of Benitamer, a mountainous district in Haha; I sent
for him, and as he was under obligations to me for various services
I had rendered to him and his family, he consented to accompany me
to Mogodor, through the disturbed province of Haha; and he assured
me, that his influence throughout that province was such, that, by
travelling quick, and without any baggage, tents, or incumbrances,
he did not doubt of conducting me safe to Mogodor. I agreed to go
with him, without servants, tents, or bedding, being determined to
reconcile myself, under present circumstances, to the accommodation
the country might afford. We started from Santa Cruz at sun-set;
travelling through Tamaract, to the river Beni Tamur. We continued
our journey till we arrived, at the dawn of day, at the foot of
immense high mountains, called Idiaugomoron. Here my companion and
guide L'Hage Muhamed bu Zurrawel, pointed out to me two castellated
houses, about two miles distant from each other; the
family-quarrels of these people had produced such animosity, that
the inhabitants of neither house could with safety go out, for fear
of being overpowered and killed by those of the other; so that
wherever they went, they were well armed, but dared not go far.
These two families were preparing for a siege, which often happens
in this province. Thus the inhabitants of one house attack another,
and sometimes exterminate or put to death the whole family, with
their retainers. The province of Haha was thus in a state of the
152 most lamentable civil war, originating from these family-quarrels
and domestic feuds. The heathen and anti-christian principle of
revenge and retaliation, is here pursued with such bitter and
obstinate animosity, that I have known instances of men
relinquishing their vocation, to go into a far country to revenge
the blood of a relation after a lapse of twenty years, and pursue
the object of his revenge, for some murder committed in his family,
perhaps forty or fifty years before.

To a British public, blessed with the benign influences of the
Christian doctrine, it is perhaps necessary that I should elucidate
this retaliative doctrine by an example:--Two men quarrel, and
fight; they draw their kumäyas (curved daggers about 12 inches
long), which all the people of Haha wear, as well as all the clans
or kabyles of Shelluhs; and if one happens to give his antagonist a
_deadly_ wound, it becomes an indispensable duty in the next of kin
to the person killed or murdered, (though perhaps it can hardly be
termed a murder, as it is not committed, like an European duel, in
cold blood, but in the moment of irritation, and at a period when
the mind is under the influence of anger,) to seek his revenge by
watching an opportunity to kill the survivor in the contest. If the
former should die, his next of kin takes his place, and pursues his
enemy, whose life is never safe; insomuch that, whole kabyles, when
this deadly animosity has reached its acme, have been known to quit
153 their country and emigrate into the Sahara; for when the second
death has been inflicted, it then becomes the incumbent duty of the
next of kin of the deceased to seek his revenge: they call this
justifying blood. This horrible custom has the most lamentable
influence on the happiness of human life; for there will sometimes
be several individuals seeking the life of one man, till this
principle, pervading all the ramifications of relationship and
consanguinity, produces family-broils, hostility, and murder, _ad
infinitum!!_ We stopped at a friend of L'Hage Muhamed, who
presented us with honey and butter, thin shavings of the latter
being let to fall into a bowl of honey for breakfast. This bowl was
served up with flat cakes kneaded without leaven, and baked on hot
stones; these are converted from corn into food in less than half
an hour; they are in shape similar to our crumpets or pancakes. We
were pressed by this Shelluh to stay and dine with him, which being
agreed to, he sent a shepherd to his flock to kill a fat young kid,
which was roasted with a wooden spit, before the vital heat had
subsided, which was very tender, and of an exquisite flavour. The
bread or cakes above described appear to be similar to what the
women kneaded for the guests in the patriarchal ages: indeed, the
customs of these people, as well as those of the Arabs, is
precisely the same as they were in the patriarchal ages, and which
are delineated in the 18th chapter of Genesis, 1st to the 8th
verse.
154
The honey of this province is very fine: it has an aromatic
flavour, derived from the wild thyme and other aromatic herbs on
which the bees feed. Among these people every meal is preceded with
a washing of their hands with water, which is brought round for the
purpose in a brass pan; each guest dips his right hand in the pan,
and a napkin is presented to wipe them; they then break the bread,
and, after saying grace, which is universally this,--_bismillah_,
i.e. "in the name of God," each guest takes a bit of bread, dips it
in the honey and butter, and eats it. It is reckoned uncourteous or
vulgar to bite the bread; therefore the piece broken off is
sufficient for a mouthful, so that there is nothing that should
offend a delicate appetite in this antique mode of eating. We
remained several hours with our hospitable Shelluh friend; and we
departed, after taking a little sleep, at four o'clock in the
afternoon. Travelling all night, we arrived, at the dawn of day, at
a large house in Idaugourd; the Shelluh to whom it belonged brought
us carpets, and we slept under the wall of his house till the sun
arose. The people of this country prefer sleeping in the open air
to a room, and they have an excellent mode of securing themselves
from the heavy dews of the night, by covering their heads and faces
with a thin woollen hayk or garment, which they throw over their
heads and faces. When I have had the Arabs of Sahara (who have
conducted the caffilahs from Timbuctoo) at my house at Santa Cruz,
155 I gave them a long narrow room, 48 feet long, which was called
(_beet assuda_) the apartment of Sudan, to sleep in; but they
invariably came out at night, and placed their carpets and mats, as
beds, outside of the room, and slept under the balustrade, in
preference to the confinement, as they called it, of a room.

We rose at sun-rise, passed through the picturesque district of
Idaugourd and the Woolja, and entered Mogodor at four o'clock, P.M.

156

AN ACCOUNT
OF THE
RISE, PROGRESS, AND DECREASE
OF
THE PLAGUE
_That ravaged Barbary in_ 1799;
FAITHFULLY EXTRACTED FROM
LETTERS WRITTEN BY THE HOUSE OF JAMES JACKSON
AND CO., OR BY JAMES G. JACKSON,
MERCHANTS AT MOGODOR,
TO THEIR CORRESPONDENTS IN EUROPE, DURING THE
EPIDEMY.

* * * * *

_Fragments respecting the Plague_.

When the Emperor's army proceeded from Fas to Marocco in the summer
of 1799, a detachment of which passed by Mogodor, consisting of
20,000 horse and 10,000 foot, it had the plague with it; so that,
wherever it passed, the plague uniformly appeared three days after
its arrival at the respective douars near which it encamped; those
who died were buried in the tents, and the people of the provinces
knew little about it.

A large _akkaba_[122], consisting of upwards of 1700 camels,
157 arrived 23d August, 1799, at Akka from Timbuctoo, laden with
gum-sudan, ostrich-feathers, and gold dust, which had brought also
many slaves; this _akkaba_ had deposited its merchandize at Akka,
till the plague should disappear and the country become healthy; as
the people of that territory, unlike Muhamedans in general, will
hold no communication with the infected, nor will they admit any
one from these parts.

[Footnote 122: An _akkaba_ is an accumulated caravan.]

Mogodor, April 31, 1799.

A violent fever now rages at Fas: some assert it to be the plague,
but that is Moorish report, and little to be depended on; the
European consuls at Tangier, and the Spanish ambassador, who,
having terminated his embassy, has lately left Mequinas, mention it
as an epidemical disorder.

May 20. The small-pox rages violently throughout this country, and
is of a most virulent kind: its origin is ascribed to the famine
that has of late pervaded this country, and which was produced by
the incredible devastation of the devouring locusts; the dregs of
olives, after the oil had been extracted, has been the only food
that could be procured by many thousands.

Mogodor, June 14, 1799.

Various reports reach us daily from _the city of Marocco_,
respecting the epidemy that prevails there, some say 200 die, some
158 say 100, others limit the daily mortality to 50, in a population,
according to the imperial register, of 270,000.

When any _light_ rain falls, as is the case at Marocco at this
season of the year, the mortality increases. Mr. Francisco Chiappe,
an Italian merchant, is just arrived from Marocco, and is
performing quarantine, by his own desire, at the Emperor's
garden.[123] This gentleman reports, that the greater portion of
the people die of fear, from hunger, or bad food, or from the
small-pox, which latter has raged at Marocco the last month or two;
but he had not been able to ascertain, so various were the reports,
whether it was the plague or not. The emperor's army, a division of
which passed through this country, and encamped at the river, about
two miles south of this port, had the distemper with it. We have
been assured, that the soldiers who died, were immediately buried
within the tents, so that, by this stratagem, the mortality was not
perceived by the public; it was apprehended that, if the mortality
were known, the kabyls, through which the army passed from Mequinas
to Marocco, would not have supplied the troops with provision. This
detachment consisted of 20,000 horse and 10,000 foot. No disorder
has yet appeared here, nor in the adjacent provinces of Shedma and
Haha.

[Footnote 123: A garden in the province of Haha, five miles
from Mogodor, that was presented to the European merchants by
the late sultan, Seedy Muhamed ben Abdallah.]
159
July 5. We dispatched the Spanish brig yesterday; but she is still
at anchor in the road, waiting for passengers, who fly from hence
with precipitation, from fear of the fever or plague, which
prevails at Fas and at Marocco, and which, it is reported, has made
its appearance at the port of Saffy. We have, however, nothing of
the kind here yet, though we expect we shall not escape the general
scourge.

July 13. The epidemy in the interior provinces has greatly
augmented, insomuch, that the demand for linen to bury the dead
rapidly increases, and the stock is almost exhausted. This article
has risen to an unprecedented price. All the relatives of L'Hage
Abdallah have fallen victims to the epidemy. This gentleman is
consequently in possession of very considerable property; and (if
he be not also carried off) there will be no fear of our recovering
the debt he owes you.

We cannot ascertain if the disorder prevails in the outer town, and
in the Jews' quarter, or not; it is certain, however, that eight or
ten die daily of the small-pox, and as many more of fevers and
other disorders, as report proclaims.

July 25. We are so much engaged in making arrangements against the
epidemy, which is now confidently reported to us to be the plague,
of a most deadly species, that we have only time to refer you to
the captain of the Aurora, to whom we have communicated every
160 particular, and who is extremely anxious to be off for England. The
deaths in this town, which contained a population of 10,000,
according to the imperial register, are from forty to fifty each
day.

Aug. 1. As the plague now rages violently here, no one thinks of
business or the affairs of this world; but each individual
anticipates that he will be next called away. I send the inclosed,
to be forwarded to Mr. Andrea de Christo, at Amsterdam, to announce
to him the sudden death of his partner, Mr. J. Pacifico, who is
lately dead of the plague. I paid him a visit a few hours before
his death; I met there Don Pedro de Victoria, who was smoking a
segar; he offered me one, and urged me to smoke it. I believe that
the smoke of tobacco is anti-pestilential; this, added to the
precaution of avoiding contact, and inhalation of the breath of the
person infected, appears to be quite sufficient to secure a person
from infection.

Aug. 1. (Translation of a letter to Mr. Andrea de Christi, merchant
at Amsterdam.) We are sorry that the subject of this letter is so
melancholy. All our domestics have left us; the plague rages so
violently here, that the daily mortality is from sixty to seventy,
among which we are sorry to announce the death of your partner, Mr.
J. Pacifico, who died two days since.

August 23. The best gum is selling at Akka for six dollars a
quintal: they will not bring it here, fearing the infection. A
161 large Brazil ship has been wrecked off Cape Noon, her cargo,
consisting for the most part of silks and linens, is estimated at
half a million of dollars. The Arabs of Sahara convert the most
beautiful lace into bridles for their horses, by twisting it; and
superior silk stockings are selling at Wedinoon at a dollar per
dozen pair. The plague is rapidly diminishing from 100 deaths to 20
or 30 per day. Meeman Corcoes is dead, as well as most of the
principal tradesmen of Marocco and Fas; whole families have been
swept off, and there is none left to inherit their property.
Immense droves of horses, mules, and cattle of every description
stray in the plains without owners.

September 5. The plague continues to decrease; and in another month
we expect to be quite free from it. Signor Conton died this morning
of the epidemy; yesterday afternoon he was apparently quite well,
and paid me a visit. He wished me to shake hands with him, which I
declined, alleging as an excuse, that I would dispense with that
custom till the plague should pass over. He drank a glass of wine,
and appeared cheerful and in good health. I have had fixed in my
dining room, a table that extends from one end to the other. I walk
or sit on one side of the table, my visitors on the other. I am
only cautious to avoid personal contact. All the houses of the
other merchants are closely barricaded or bolted. A fumigating pot
162 of gum sandrac stands at the entrance of my house, continually
burning, which diffuses an agreeable perfume, but is not, as I
apprehend, an antidote to the epidemy.

October 1. We have to apprise you of the decease of L'Hage Abdallah
El Hareishy, most of whose relations are dead. His brother is the
only one of the family besides himself that remains: he has
inherited considerable property, and thence will be enabled to pay
your bill on him in our favour.

October 29. The plague appears to have ceased in this town. All the
merchants have opened their houses; but the disorder continues in
the provinces, from whence there is little or no communication with
the town. The kabyls seem to be wholly engaged in burying their
dead, in arranging the affairs of their respective families, in
dividing the property inherited by them, and in administering
consolation to the sick.

Nov. 11. The plague having committed incalculable ravages
throughout this country, had put a stop to all commerce, which now
begins to revive, in proportion as that calamity subsides. Linens
are selling to great advantage, a cargo would now render 60 per
cent. profit, clear of all charges.

Nov. 29. The deadly epidemy that has lately visited us, and which
163 at one period carried off above 100 each day, has now confined its
daily mortality to two or three; some days none. When, however, the
Arabs of Shedma, and the Shelluhs of Haha come to town, and bring
the clothes of their deceased relations for sale, the epidemy
increases to three, four, and five a day; then, in three or four
days, it declines again to its former number, one, two, or three.
We have reason to expect, that, before the vessels which we expect
from London shall arrive, the plague will have subsided entirely.

Mogodor, Dec. 12. 1799. The plague or mortality of this town is now
reduced to three or four weekly.

OBSERVATION.

After the plague had subsided, a murrain attacked the cattle, and
great numbers of all kinds died; so that they became reduced in the
same proportion as the race of man had been reduced before.

_Letter from His Excellency James M. Matra to Mr. Jackson_.

Gibraltar, 28th Oct. 1799.

Dear Jackson;

Within a few days of each other, I received your packets of the
164 21st of September, and 8th instant. Their inclosures are of course
taken care of. Your letter about Soke Assa was received, and sent
home to government ages ago.

I never could understand the drift of the people either at Tangier
or Mogodor, in asserting that my report of the plague was
political. God knows, that our politics in Barbary are never
remarkable for refinement: they are, if any thing, rather too much
in the John Bull style; and the finesse they gave me such credit
for, was absolutely beyond my comprehension, as I never could
discover what advantage a genuine well-established plague in
Barbary could be to our country. Of its existence I had not the
shadow of doubt, for more than eight months before it was talked
of; and when Doctor Bell was going that way, I begged of him to be
particular in his enquiries, which he, as usual, neglected. When
John Salmon[124] was up, he was _very particular_, and _I_ of
course was laughed at. _Here_ I saw politics, and told all the
gentlemen, that when Salmon[125] arrived at Tariffa, then, and not
till then, we should have the plague in Barbary; and just so it
turned out.

[Footnote 124: John Salmon was Spanish envoy to the emperor of
Marocco, and was at this time up at Fas, _i.e._ on his
embassy.]

[Footnote 125: Arrived at Tariffa, and so secured his admission
into Spain on his return from his embassy.]
165
I am confident, if my advice had been taken, the disease might have
been checked in the beginning; for it was almost three quarters of
a year confined to _old_ Fas. I wrote in the most pressing manner
to Ben Ottoman[126], who never believed me. A few days before he
was seized with it, he wrote me a melancholy letter for advice, and
pathetically lamented that he had not listened to me in time; and I
suppose that even Broussonet[127] believed me when he embarked. I
hope your opinion that it diminishes with you will prove well
founded; but I fear its ravages are only suspended by the great
heats; besides, you should recollect that people cannot die twice,
and with a population so diminished, you must not expect so many as
formerly on your daily dead-list. Mrs. M., who desires her
remembrance to you, is well, but barring plague, would rather be at
Tangier than Gibraltar; so would I.

Ever truly thine,

J. MATRA.

[Footnote 126: The emperor's prime-minister, or _talb cadus_ at
that time.]

[Footnote 127: Dr. Broussonet, French consul. This gentleman
was intendant of the botanical garden at Montpelier: he, with
another doctor embarked for Europe just as the plague began to
appear at Mogodor in the year 1799.]
166

_Some Account of a peculiar Species of Plague which depopulated
West Barbary in 1799 and 1800, and to the Effects of which the
Author was an eye-witness._

From various circumstances and appearances, and from the character
of the epidemical distemper which raged lately in the south of
Spain, there is every reason to suppose, it was similar to that
distemper or plague which depopulated West Barbary; for, whether we
call it by the more reconcileable appellation of the epidemy, or
yellow fever, it was undoubtedly a plague, and a most destructive
one; for wherever it prevailed, it invariably carried off, in a few
months, one-half, or one-third, of the population.

It does not appear how the plague originated in Fas in the year
1799.[128] Some persons, who were there at the time it broke out,
have confidently ascribed it to infected merchandise imported into
that place from the East; whilst others, of equal veracity and
judgment, have not scrupled to ascribe it to the locusts which had
infested West Barbary during the seven preceding years, the
destruction of which was followed by the (_jedrie_) small-pox,
167 which pervaded the country, and was generally fatal. The _jedrie_
is supposed to be the forerunner of this species of epidemy, as
appears by an ancient Arabic manuscript, which gives an account of
the same disorder having carried off two-thirds of the inhabitants
of West Barbary about four centuries since. But however this
destructive epidemy originated, its leading features were novel,
and its consequences more dreadful than the common plague of
Turkey, or that of Syria, or Egypt. Let every one freely declare
his own sentiments about it; let him assign any credible account of
its rise, or the causes that introduced so terrible a scene. I
shall relate only what its symptoms were, what it actually was, and
how it terminated, having been an eye-witness of its dreadful
effects, and having seen and visited many who were afflicted, and
who were dying with it.

[Footnote 128: See the Author's observations, in a letter to
Mr. Willis, in Gentleman's Magazine, February, 1805.]

In the month of April, 1799, a dreadful plague, of a most
destructive nature, manifested itself in the city of Old Fas, which
soon after communicated itself to the new city. This unparalleled
calamity, carried off one or two the first day, three or four the
second day, six or eight the third day, and increasing
progressively, until the mortality amounted to two in the hundred
of the aggregate population, continuing _with unabating violence_,
ten, fifteen, or twenty days; being of longer duration in old than
in new towns; then diminishing in a progressive proportion from one
168 thousand a day to nine hundred, then to eight hundred, and so on
until it disappeared. Whatever recourse was had to medicine and to
physicians was unavailing; so that such expedients were at length
totally relinquished, and the people, overpowered by this terrible
scourge, lost all hopes of surviving it.

Whilst it raged in the town of Mogodor, a small village, _Diabet_,
situated about two miles south-east of that place, remained
uninfected, although the communication was open between them: on
the _thirty-fourth day_, however, after its first appearance at
Mogodor, this village was discovered to be infected, and the
disorder raged with great violence, making dreadful havock among
the human species for _twenty-one_ days, carrying off, during that
period, one hundred persons out of one hundred and thirty-three,
the original population of the village, before the plague visited
it; none died after this, and those who were infected, recovered in
the course of a month or two, some losing an eye, or the use of a
leg or an arm.

Many similar circumstances might be here adduced relative to the
numerous and populous villages dispersed through the extensive
Shelluh province of Haha, all which shared a similar or a worse
fate. Travelling through this province shortly after the plague had
exhausted itself, I saw many uninhabited ruins, which I had before
witnessed as flourishing villages; on making enquiry concerning the
169 population of these dismal remains, I was informed that in one
village, which contained six hundred inhabitants, four persons only
had escaped the ravage. Other villages, which had contained four or
five hundred, had only seven or eight survivors left to relate the
calamities they had suffered. Families which had retired to the
country to avoid the infection, on returning to town, when all
infection had apparently ceased, were generally attacked, and died;
a singular instance of this kind happened at Mogodor, where, after
the mortality had subsided, a corps of troops arrived from the city
of Terodant, in the province of Suse, where the plague had been
raging, and had subsided; these troops, after remaining three days
at Mogodor, were attacked with the disease, and it raged
exclusively among them for about a month, during which it carried
off two-thirds of their original number, one hundred men; during
this interval the other inhabitants of the town were exempt from
the disorder, though these troops were not confined to any
particular quarter, many of them having had apartments in the
houses of the inhabitants of the town.

The destruction of the human species in the province of Suse was
considerably greater than elsewhere; Terodant, formerly the
metropolis of a kingdom, but now that of Suse, lost, when the
infection was at its acme, about eight hundred each day; the
170 ruined, but still extensive city of Marocco[129], lost one thousand
each day; the populous cities of Old and New Fas diminished in
population twelve or fifteen hundred each day[130], insomuch, that
in these extensive cities, the mortality was so great, that the
living having not time to bury the dead, the bodies were deposited
or thrown altogether into large holes, which, when nearly full,
were covered over with earth. All regulations in matters of
sepulture before observed were now no longer regarded; things
sacred and things prophane had now lost their distinction, and
universal despair pervaded mankind. Young, healthy, and robust
persons of full stamina, were, for the most part, attacked first,
then women and children, and lastly, thin, sickly, emaciated, and
old people.

[Footnote 129: I have been informed that there are still at
Marocco, apartments wherein the dead were placed; and that
after the whole family was swept away the doors were built up,
and remain so to this day.]

[Footnote 130: There died, during the whole of the above
periods, in the city of Marocco, 50,000; in Fas, 65,000; in
Mogodor, 4500; and in Saffy, 5000; in all 124,500 souls!]

After this violent and deadly calamity had subsided, we beheld a
general alteration in the fortunes and circumstances of men; we saw
persons who before the plague were common labourers, now in
possession of thousands, and keeping horses without knowing how to
ride them. Parties of this description were met wherever we went,
171 and the men of family called them in derision _el wuratu_, the
inheritors.[131] Provisions also became extremely cheap and
abundant; the flocks and herds had been left in the fields, and
there was now no one to own them; and the propensity to plunder, so
notoriously attached to the character of the Arab, as well as to
the Shelluh and Moor, was superseded by a conscientious regard to
justice, originating from a continual apprehension of dissolution,
and that the _el khere_[132], as the plague was now called, was a
judgment of the Omnipotent on the disobedience of man, and that it
behoved every individual to amend his conduct, as a preparation to
his departure for paradise.

[Footnote 131: _Des gens parvenus_, as the French express it;
or upstarts.]

[Footnote 132: The good, or benediction.]

The expense of labour at the same time increased enormously[133],
and never was equality in the human species more conspicuous than
at this time; when corn was to be ground, or bread baked, both were
performed in the houses of the affluent, and prepared by
themselves, for the very few people whom the plague had spared,
were insufficient to administer to the wants of the rich and
independent, and they were accordingly compelled to work for
themselves, performing personally the menial offices of their
respective families.
172
[Footnote 133: At this time I received from Marocco a caravan
of many camel-loads of bees-wax, in serrons containing 200 lbs.
each; I sent for workmen to place them one upon another, and
they demanded one dollar per serron for so moving them.]

The country being now depopulated, and much of the territory
without owners, vast tribes of Arabs emigrated from their abodes in
the interior of Sahara, and took possession of the country
contiguous to the river Draha, as well as many districts in Suse;
and, in short, settling themselves, and pitching their tents
wherever they found a fertile country with little or no population.

The symptoms of this plague varied in different patients, the
variety of age and constitution gave it a like variety of
appearance and character. Those who enjoyed perfect health were
suddenly seized with head-aches and inflammations; the tongue and
throat became of a vivid red, the breath was drawn with difficulty,
and was succeeded by sneezing and hoarseness; when once settled in
the stomach, it excited vomitings of black bile, attended with
excessive torture, weakness, hiccough, and convulsion. Some were
seized with sudden shivering, or delirium, and had a sensation of
such intense inward heat, that they threw off their clothes, and
would have walked about naked in quest of water wherein to plunge
themselves. Cold water was eagerly resorted to by the unwary and
imprudent, and proved fatal to those who indulged in its momentary
relief. Some had one, two, or more buboes, which formed themselves,
173 and became often as large as a walnut, in the course of a day;
others had a similar number of carbuncles; others had both buboes
and carbuncles, which generally appeared in the groin, under the
arm, or near the breast. Those who were affected[134] with a
shivering, having no buboe, carbuncle, spots, or any other exterior
disfiguration, were invariably carried off in less than twenty-four
hours, and the body of the deceased became quickly putrified, so
that it was indispensably necessary to bury it a few hours after
dissolution. It is remarkable, that the birds of the air fled away
from the abode of men, for none were to be seen during this
174 calamitous period; the hyænas, on the contrary, visited the
cemeteries, and sought the dead bodies to devour them. I
recommended Mr. Baldwin's[135] invaluable remedy of olive oil,
applied according to his directions; several Jews, and some
Muselmin[136], were induced to try it, and I was afterwards visited
by many, to whom I had recommended it, and had given them written
directions in Arabic how to apply it: and I do not know any
instance of its failing when persevered in, even after the
infection had manifested itself.

[Footnote 134: _M'drob_ is an idiom in the Arabic language
somewhat difficult to render into English; it is well known
that the Muhamedans are predestinarians, and that they believe
in the existence of spirits, devils, &c.; their idea of the
plague is, that it is a good or blessing sent from God to clear
the world of a superfluous population--that no medicine or
precaution can cure or prevent it; that every one who is to be
a victim to it is (_mktube_) recorded in the Book of Fate; that
there are certain Genii who preside over the fate of men, and
who sometimes discover themselves in various forms, having
often legs similar to those of fowls: that these Genii are
armed with arrows: that when a person is attacked by the
plague, which is called in Arabic _l'amer_, or the destiny or
decree, he is shot by one of these Genii, and the sensation of
the invisible wound is similar to that from a musquet-ball;
hence the universal application of _M'drob_ to a person
afflicted with the plague, i.e. he is shot; and if he die,
_ufah ameruh_, his destiny is completed or terminated (in this
world). I scarcely ever yet saw the Muselman who did not affirm
that he had at some time of his life seen these Genii; and they
often appear, they say, in rivers.]

[Footnote 135: Late British Consul in Egypt.]

[Footnote 136: Muselman, sing.: Muselmin. plur.]

I have no doubt but the epidemy which made its appearance at Cadiz,
and all along the southern shores of Spain, immediately as the
plague was subsiding in West Barbary, was the same disorder with
the one above described, suffering, after its passage to a
Christian country, some variation, originating from the different
modes of living, and other circumstances; for nothing can be more
opposite than the food, dress, customs, and manners of Muhamedans
and Christians, notwithstanding the approximation of Spain to
Marocco. We have been credibly informed, that it was communicated
originally to Spain, by two infected persons, who went from Tangier
to Estapona, a small village on the opposite shore; who, after
eluding the vigilance of the guards, reached Cadiz. We have also
been assured that it was communicated by some infected persons who
175 landed in Spain, from a vessel that had loaded produce at L'Araiche
in West Barbary. Another account was, that a Spanish privateer,
which had occasion to land its crew for the purpose of procuring
water in some part of West Barbary, caught the infection from
communicating with the natives, and afterwards proceeding to Cadiz,
and spread it in that town and the adjacent country.

It should be observed, for the information of those who may be
desirous of investigating the nature of this extraordinary
distemper, that, from its character and its symptoms, approximating
to the peculiar plague, which (according to the before mentioned
Arabic record) ravaged and depopulated West Barbary four centuries
since, the Arabs and Moors were of opinion it would subside after
the first year, and not appear again the next, as the Egyptian
plague does; and agreeably to this opinion, it did not re-appear
the second year: neither did St. John's day, or that season, affect
its virulence; but about that period there prevails along the coast
of West Barbary, a trade-wind, which, beginning to blow in the
month of May, continues throughout the months of June, July, and
August, with little intermission. It was apprehended that the
influence of this trade-wind, added to the superstitious opinion of
the plague ceasing on St. John's day, would stop, or at least
sensibly diminish the mortality; but no such thing happened: the
wind did set in, as it invariably does, about St. John's day; the
176 disorder, however, increased at that period, rather than
diminished. Some persons were of opinion, that the infection
maintained its virulence till the last; that the decrease of
mortality did not originate from a decrease of the _miasma_, but
from a decrease of population, and a consequent want of subjects to
prey upon; and this indeed is a plausible idea; but admitting it to
be just, how are we to account for the almost invariable fatality
of the disorder, when at its height, and the comparative innocence
of it when on the decline? for _then_, the chance to those who had
it, was, that they would recover and survive the malady.

The old men seemed to indulge in a superstitious tradition, that
when this peculiar kind of epidemy attacks a country, it does not
return or continue for three or more years, but disappears
altogether, (after the first year,) and is followed the seventh
year by contagious rheums and expectoration, the violence of which
lasts from three to seven days, but is not fatal. Whether this
opinion be in general founded in truth I cannot determine; but in
the spring of the year 1806, which was the seventh year from the
appearance of the plague at Fas in 1799, a species of influenza
pervaded the whole country; the patient going to bed well, and, on
rising in the morning, a thick phlegm was expectorated, accompanied
by a distressing rheum, or cold in the head, with a cough, which
quickly reduced those affected to extreme weakness, but was seldom
fatal, continuing from three to seven days, with more or less
violence, and then gradually disappearing.
177
During the plague at Mogodor, the European merchants shut
themselves up in their respective houses, as is the practice in the
Levant; I did not take this precaution, but occasionally rode out
to take exercise on horseback. Riding one day out of the town, I
met the Governor's brother, who asked me where I was going, when
every other European was shut up? "To the garden," I
answered.--"And are you not aware that the garden and the adjacent
country is full of (_Jinune_) departed souls, who are busy in
smiting with the plague every one they meet?" I could not help
smiling, but told him, that I trusted to God only, who would not
allow any of the _Jinune_ to smite me unless it were his sovereign
will, and that if it were, he could effect it without the agency of
_Jinune_. On my return to town in the evening, the beach, from the
town-gate to the sanctuary of Seedi,[137] Mogodole was covered with
biers. My daily observations convinced me that the epidemy was not
caught by approach, unless that approach was accompanied by an
inhaling of the breath, or by touching the infected person; I
therefore had a separation made across the gallery, inside of my
house, between the kitchen and dining parlour, of the width of
three feet, which is sufficiently wide to prevent the inhaling the
178 breath of a person. From this partition or table of separation I
took the dishes, and after dinner returned them to the same place,
suffering none of the servants to come near me; and in the
accounting-house, I had a partition made to prevent the too near
approach of any person who might call on business; and this
precaution I firmly believe to be all that is necessary, added to
that of receiving money through vinegar, and taking care not to
touch or smell infectious substances.

[Footnote 137: A sanctuary a mile south-east of the town of
Mogodor, from whence, the town receives its name.]

Fear had an extraordinary effect in disposing the body to receive
the infection; and those who were subject thereto, invariably
caught the malady, which was for the most part fatal. At the
breaking out of the plague at Mogodor, there were two medical men,
an Italian and a Frenchman, the latter, a man of science, a great
botanist, and of an acute discrimination; they, however, did not
remain, but took the first opportunity of leaving the place for
Teneriffe, so that the few Europeans had no expectation of any
medical assistance except that of the natives. Plaisters of gum
ammoniac, and the juice of the leaves of the _opuntia_, or _kermuse
ensarrah_, _i.e._ prickly pear, were universally applied to the
carbuncles, as well as to the buboes, which quickly brought them to
suppuration: many of the people of property took copious draughts
of coffee and Peruvian bark. The _Vinaigre de quatre voleurs_, was
179 used by many, also camphor, smoking tobacco, or fumigations of gum
Sandrac; straw was also burned by some, who were of opinion, that
any thing which produced abundance of smoke, was sufficient to
purify the air of pestilential effluvia.

During the existence of the plague, I had been in the chambers of
men on their death-bed: I had had Europeans at my table, who were
infected, as well as Moors, who actually had buboes on them; I took
no other precaution than that of separation, carefully avoiding to
touch the hand, or inhale the breath; and, notwithstanding what may
have been said, I am decidedly of opinion that the plague, at least
this peculiar species of it, is not produced by any infectious
principle in the atmosphere, but caught solely by touching infected
substances, or inhaling the breath of those who are diseased; and
that it must not be confounded with the common plague of Egypt, or
Constantinople, being a malady of a much more desperate and
destructive kind. It has been said, by persons who have discussed
the nature and character of the plague, that the cultivation of a
country, the draining of the lands, and other agricultural
improvements, tend to eradicate or diminish it; but, at the same
time, we have seen countries depopulated where there was no morass,
or stagnate water for many days' journey, nor even a tree to impede
the current of air, or a town, nor any thing but encampments of
Arabs, who procured water from wells of a great depth, and
180 inhabited plains so extensive and uniform, that they resemble the
sea, and are so similar in appearance after, as well as before
sun-rise, that if the eye could abstract itself from the spot
immediately surrounding the spectator, it could not be ascertained
whether it were sea or land.

I shall now subjoin a few cases for the further elucidation of this
distemper, hoping that the medical reader will pardon any
inaccuracy originating from my not being a professional man.

Case I.--One afternoon, I went into the kitchen, and saw the cook
making the bread; he appeared in good health and spirits; I
afterwards went into the adjoining parlour, and took up a book to
read; in half an hour the same man came to the door of the room,
with his eyes starting from his head, and his bed-clothes, &c. in
his hands, saying, "open the gate for me, for I am (_m'dorb_)
smitten." I was astonished at the sudden transition, and desired
him to go out, and I would follow and shut the gate. The next
morning he sent his wife out on an errand, and got out of bed, and
came to the gate half-dressed, saying that he was quite recovered,
and desired I would let him in. I did not, however, think it safe
to admit him, but told him to go back to his house for a few days,
until he should be able to ascertain that he was quite well; he
accordingly returned to his apartments, but expired that evening,
and before day-break his body was in such a state, that his feet
181 were actually putrified. His wife, by attending on him, caught the
infection, having a carbuncle, and also buboes, and was confined
two months before she recovered.

Case II.--L'Hage Hamed O Bryhim, the old governor of Mogodor, had
twelve or more children, and four wives, who were all attacked, and
died (except only one young wife); he attended them successively to
the grave, and notwithstanding that he assisted in performing the
religious ceremony of washing the body, he never himself caught the
infection; he lived some years afterwards, and out of the whole
household, consisting of wives, concubines, children, and slaves,
he had but one person left, which was the before-mentioned young
wife: this lady, however, had received the infection, and was
confined some time before she recovered.

Case. III.--Hamed ben A---- was smitten with the plague, which he
compared to the sensation of two musket balls fired at him, one in
each thigh; a giddiness and delirium succeeded, and immediately
afterwards a green vomiting, and he fell senseless to the ground; a
short time afterwards, on the two places where he had felt as if
shot, biles or buboes formed, and on suppurating, discharged a
foetid black pus; a (_jimmera_) carbuncle on the joint of the arm
near the elbow was full of thin ichor, contained in an elevated
skin, surrounded by a burning red colour; after three months'
confinement, being reduced to a skeleton, the disorder appeared to
182 have exhausted itself, and he began to recover his strength, which
in another month was fully reestablished. It was an observation
founded on daily experience, during the prevalence of this
disorder, that those who were attacked with a nausea at the
stomach, and a subsequent vomiting of green or yellow bile,
recovered after suffering in various degrees, and that those who
were affected with giddiness, or delirium, followed by a discharge
or vomiting of black bile, invariably died after lingering one,
two, or three days, their bodies being covered with small black
spots similar to grains of gun-powder; in this state, however, they
possessed their intellects, and spoke rationally till their
dissolution.

When the constitution was not disposed, or had not vigour enough to
throw the miasma to the surface in the form of biles, buboes,
carbuncles, or blackish spots, the virulence is supposed to have
operated inwardly, or on the vital parts, and the patient died in
less than twenty-four hours, without any exterior disfiguration.

Case IV.--It was reported that the Sultan had the plague twice
during the season, as many others had; so that the idea of its
attacking like the small-pox, a person but once in his life, is
refuted: the Sultan was cured by large doses of Peruvian bark
frequently repeated, and it was said that he found such infinite
benefit from it, that he advised his brothers never to travel
without having a good supply. The Emperor, since the plague, always
has by him a sufficient quantity of quill bark to supply his
emergency.
183
Case V.--H.L. was smitten with the plague, which affected him by a
pain similar to that of a long needle (as he expressed himself)
repeatedly plunged into his groin. In an hour or two afterwards, a
(_jimmera_) carbuncle appeared in the groin, which continued
enlarging three days, at the expiration of which period he could
neither support the pain, nor conceal his sensations; he laid
himself down on a couch; an Arabian doctor, applied to the
carbuncles the testicles of a ram cut in half, whilst the vital
warmth was still in them; the carbuncle on the third day was
encreased to the size of a small orange; the before-mentioned
remedy was daily applied during thirty days, after which he
resorted to cataplasms of the juice of the (_opuntia_) prickly
pear-tree, (_feshook_) gum ammoniac, and (_zite el aud_) oil of
olives, of each one-third; this was intended to promote
suppuration, which was soon effected; there remained after the
suppuration a large vacuity, which was daily filled with fine hemp
dipped in honey; by means of this application the wound filled up,
and the whole was well in thirty-nine days.

Case VI.--El H--t--e, a trading Jew of Mogodor, was sorely
afflicted; he called upon me, and requested some remedy; I advised
him to use oil of olives, and having Mr. Baldwin's mode of
184 administering it[138], I transcribed it in the Arabic language, and
gave it to him; he followed the prescription, and assured me, about
six weeks afterwards, that (with the blessing of God) he had
preserved his life by that remedy only; he said, that after having
been anointed with oil, his skin became harsh and dry like the
scales of a fish, but that in half an hour more, a profuse
perspiration came on, and continued for another half hour, after
which he experienced relief: this he repeated forty days, when, he
was quite recovered.

[Footnote 138: Mr. Baldwin observed, that, whilst the plague
ravaged Egypt, the dealers in oil were not affected with the
epidemy; and he accordingly recommended people to anoint
themselves with oil every day as a remedy.]

Case VII.--Moh--m'd ben A---- fell suddenly down in the street; he
was conveyed home; three carbuncles and five buboes appeared soon
after in his groin, under the joint of his knee, and arm-pits, and
inside the elbow; he died in three hours after the attack.

Case VIII.--L.R. was suddenly smitten with this dreadful calamity,
whilst looking over some Marocco leather; he fell instantaneously;
afterwards, when he had recovered his senses, he described the
sensation as that of the pricking of needles, at every part wherein
the carbuncles afterwards appeared: he died the same day in
defiance of medicine.

Case IX.--Mr. Pacifico, a merchant, was attacked, and felt a
pricking pain down the inside of the thick part of the thigh, near
the sinews; he was obliged to go to bed. I visited him the next
day, and was going to approach him, but he exclaimed, "Do not come
185 near for although I know I have not the prevailing distemper, yet
your friends, if you touch me, may persuade you otherwise, and that
might alarm you; I shall, I hope, be well in a few days." I took
the hint of Don Pedro de Victoria, a Spanish gentleman, who was in
the room, who, offering me a sagar, I smoked it, and then departed;
the next day the patient died. He was attended during his illness
by the philanthropic Monsieur Soubremont, who did not stir from his
bed-side till he expired; but after exposing himself in this
manner, escaped the infection, which proceeded, as he thought, from
his constantly having a pipe in his mouth.

Case X.--Two of the principal Jews of the town giving themselves
up, and having no hope, were willing to employ the remainder of
their lives in affording assistance to the dying and the dead, by
washing the bodies and interring them; this business they performed
during thirty or forty days, during all which time they were not
attacked: when the plague had nearly subsided, and they began again
to cherish hopes of surviving the calamity, they were both smitten,
but after a few days' illness recovered, and are now living.

From this last case, as well as from many others similar, but too
numerous here to recapitulate, it appears that the human
constitution requires a certain miasma, to prepare it to receive
the pestilential infection.

_General Observation._--When the carbuncles or buboes appeared to
186 have a blackish rim round their base, the case of that patient was
desperate, and invariably fatal. Sometimes the whole body was
covered with black spots like partridge-shot; such patients always
fell victims to the disorder, and those who felt the blow
internally, showing no external disfiguration, seldom survived more
than a few hours.

The plague appears to visit this country about once in every twenty
years[139]: the last visitation was in 1799 and 1800, being more
fatal than any ever before known.

[Footnote 139: This opinion is confirmed by the plague, being
now (1820) in Marocco just twenty years since the last plague.
65,000 persons have been lately carried off by this disease in
the cities of Old and New Fas.]

* * * * *

_Observations respecting the Plague that prevailed last Year in
West Barbary, and which was imported from Egypt; communicated by
the Author to the Editor of the Quarterly Journal of Literature,
Science, and the Arts, edited at the Royal Institution of Great
Britain, No, 15, published in October, 1819._

His Majesty's ship, which was lying in the port of Alexandria, when
Colonel Fitzclarence passed through Egypt, from India, on his way
to England, convoyed to Tangier a vessel which had on board two of
the sons of Muley Soliman, emperor of Marocco; on their arrival at
Tangier, the princes immediately landed and proceeded to their
father at Fas; but it was discovered by the governor or alkaid of
187 Tangier, that during the passage some persons had died; and
accordingly the alkaid would not suffer any of the passengers to
land, except the princes, until he should have received orders from
the Emperor how to act; he accordingly wrote to Fas, for the
imperial orders, and in the mean time the princes arrived, and
presented themselves to the emperor: the latter wrote to the
alkaid, that as the princes had been suffered to land, it would be
unjust to prohibit the other passengers from coming ashore also. He
therefore ordered the alkaid to suffer all the passengers, together
with their baggage, to be landed, and soon afterwards the plague
appeared at Fas, and at Tangier. Thus the contagion which is now
ravaging West Barbary was imported from Egypt. It does not appear
that the mortality is, or has been, during its acme at Fas, any
thing comparable to what it was during the plague that ravaged this
country in 1799,[140] and which carried off more than two-thirds of
the population of the empire.

[Footnote 140: It has been asserted by a physician who has
lately written, _Observations on contagion, as it relates to
the plague and other epidemical diseases_, reviewed in article
20th of the _British Review_, and _London Critical Journal_,
published in May last, that I have asserted that the deaths
during the prevalence of that disorder in West Barbary in 1799,
amounted to 124,500; but on a reference to my account of
Marocco, Timbuctoo, &c., 2d or 3d edition, note, page 174, it
will appear, that this mortality was that of two cities, and
two sea-ports only, viz., the cities of Fas and Marocco, and
the ports of Saffy and Mogodor; the mortality, however, was
equally great in the imperial cities of Mequinas and Terodant,
and in the sea-port towns of Tetuan, Tangier, Arzilla,
L'Araich, Salee, Rabat, Dar el Bieda, Azamore, Mazagan, and
Santa Cruz, or Agadeer; and considerably greater among the
populous and numerous encampments of the Arabs, throughout the
various provinces of the empire; not to mention the incredible
mortality in the castles, towns, and other walled habitations
of the Shelluh province of Haha, the first province, travelling
from the shores of the Mediterranean, where the people live in
walled habitations, the seaports excepted.]
188
Whence proceeds this difference? Is it a different species of
plague, and not so deadly a contagion? Or is it because the remedy
of _olive_ oil, applied and recommended generally by me, and by
some other Europeans during the plague of 1799, is now made public
and generally administered? This is an inquiry well deserving the
attention of scientific men. And His Majesty's ministers might
procure the information from the British consul at Tangier, or from
the governor of Gibraltar: perhaps the truth is, that the contagion
is of a more mild character.

With regard to the remedy of olive oil applied[141] internally, I
should, myself, be disposed to doubt its efficacy unless M. Colaço,
189 the Portuguese consul at L'Araich, is competent to declare, _from
his own knowledge and experience_, that this remedy has been
administered effectually by him to persons having the plague, who
did not _also use the friction with oil_. I say, till this can be
ascertained, I think the remedy of oil applied _externally_, should
not be forsaken; as _it has been proved during the plague in
Africa, in 1799, to be infallible_, and therefore indispensable to
people whose vocation may lead them to associate with, or to touch
or bury the infected. For the rest, such persons as are not
compelled to associate with the infected, may effectually avoid the
contagion, however violent and deadly it may be, by avoiding
contact. I am so perfectly convinced of this fact, from the
experience and observation I have made during my residence at
Mogodor, whilst the plague raged there in 1799, that I would not
object to go to any country, although it were rotten with the
plague, provided my going would benefit mankind, or serve any
useful purpose; and I would use no fumigation, or any other remedy
but what I actually used at Mogodor in 1799. I am so convinced from
my own repeated and daily experience, that the most deadly plague
is as easy to be avoided BY STRICTLY ADHERING TO THE PRINCIPLE OF
AVOIDING PERSONAL CONTACT AND INHALATION, AND THE CONTACT OF
INFECTIOUS SUBSTANCES, that I would ride or walk through the most
190 populous and deeply-infected city, as I have done before, without
any other precaution than that of a segar in my mouth, when, by
avoiding contact and inhalation, I should most assuredly be free
from the danger of infection!!

[Footnote 141: Mr. Colaço, having lately observed that oil was
used externally to anoint the body, as a preservative against
the plague; conceived the idea of administering this simple
remedy _internally_ to persons already infected; numerous
experiments were made by this gentleman, who administered from
four to eight oz. olive oil at a dose; and out of 300
individuals already infected, who resorted to this remedy, only
twelve died.]

When these precautions are strictly observed, I maintain, (in
opposition to all the theoretical dogmas that have lately been
propagated) that there is no more danger of infection with the
plague, than there is of infection from any common cold or rheum.

191

JOURNEY FROM TANGIER TO RABAT
_THROUGH THE PLAINS OF SEBOO_,

To accompany Dr. Bell, in Company with the Prince Muley Teib and an
Army of Cavalry.

_Officiated as Interpreter between the Prince and Dr.
Bell.--Description of Food sent to us by the Prince.--The Plains of
M'sharrah Rummellah, an incomparable fine and productive
Country.--The Cavalry of the Amorites,--their unique Observations
on Dr. Bell.--their mean Opinion of his Art, because he could not
cure Death.--Passage of the River Seboo on Rafts of inflated
Skins.--Spacious Tent of Goat's Hair erected for the Sheik, and
appropriated to the Use of the Prince.--Description of the
magnificent Plains of M'sharrah Rummellah and Seboo.--Arabian
Royalty.--Prodigious Quantity of Corn grown in these
Plains.--Matamores, what they are.--Mode of Reaping.--The Prince
presents the Doctor with a Horse, and approves of his
Medicines.--The Prince and the Doctor depart south-eastwardly, and
the Author pursues his Journey to Rabat and Mogodor._

I happened to be at Tangier when the (_shereef_) prince Muley Teib
was collecting an army to join that of the emperor, which was on
the banks of the river Morbeya, (see the map of West Barbary, p.
55,) in Shawiya. Doctor Bell, who had then recently arrived from
Gibraltar, to attend the prince, whose lungs were affected, was to
192 accompany his Royal Highness; and, as I had nothing to detain me in
Tangier, and was going to Rabat, I engaged to accompany the doctor,
and offered to officiate as interpreter between him and the prince
till our arrival at Rabat; after which I should leave him, and
proceed to Mogodor. The Doctor readily assented to my proposition,
because it is considered more respectable in this country, where
the Jews are reprobated and despised, to have for an interpreter a
Christian; the prince also, when he heard that I had thus offered
my services, expressed himself much gratified, and I received a
very polite message from him. The next day we started from Tangier,
in the morning at ten o'clock. The army halted east of Arzilla, in
the plains: the prince sat down under the shade of a tree to
dinner, Dr. Bell and myself under another tree, about 100 yards
distant. The Prince sent us a capon stewed _à-la-mauresque_ with
saffron, the exquisite flavour of which proved that he had an
excellent cook with him. We departed in half an hour; and the tents
were pitched at sunset, in a campaign country, between Arzilla and
L'Araich. The Ait-Amor or Amorites who formed a part of this army,
a wild, uncontrolled race of Berebbers, saw the attention that was
paid by the shereef to the doctor, and after dinner they were
determined to see what sort of a fellow this doctor was, whom the
shereef treated so familiarly. They galloped their high-mettled
horses up to the doctor; and stopping short to examine him, made a
193 reflection on him and returned. The doctor observed the wild and
tattered appearance of these excellent horsemen. There was nothing
evil-minded in them; but their observations were remarkable. The
Doctor wore powder, a custom unknown in this country: one party
would say, "He has got lime in his head to kill the vermin;"
another would observe that "He was old or grey-headed." The Doctor
was fond of his bottle, and some said _skurren bel akkaran_, i.e.
"The[142] son of a cuckold is drunk." Others would bawl out, _Wa
Tebeeb washka't dowie elmoot_, i.e. "O, doctor, canst thou cure
death?" To which he replied, "No."--"Then," returned they, "thou
art no doctor!" On the following morning at sun-rise we proceeded,
and reached L'Araich at twelve o'clock; we did not enter the town,
but dined in the plains, and proceeding afterwards out of the main
road, we directed our course south-east, till we reached a most
beautiful and very extensive plain, called M'sharrah Rummellah.
This plain was covered with numerous and immense flocks of sheep
and horned cattle, and is many times more extensive than Salisbury
plain. We pitched our tents near a very extensive and populous
douar of Arabs. We departed the next morning at sun-rise, and
reached the plains of the river Seboo about two o'clock in the
afternoon; which plains are a continuation of those of M'sharrah
194 Rummellah; the army were engaged the remaining part of the day and
the whole night crossing the river Seboo, on rafts made of inflated
cow-hides, covered with planks and straw. The river is here about
twenty yards wide, but very deep and rapid; the Arabs had a long
and spacious sheik's tent pitched for the reception of the prince,
about forty feet long and fifteen wide, somewhat similar to the
hull of a ship reversed, having the long side open to the sun.
These tents are the palace of the sheik of the Arabs, and are
erected on great occasions only, such as that of the emperor, or a
prince passing through their territory. The plains of M'sharrah
Rummellah are one hundred and fifty British miles in circumference,
perfectly flat, without a stone, a tree, a hedge, or a ditch; with
the majestic river Seboo passing through the centre of the plain.
The soil of this territory, which, in the hands of Europeans, might
be made a terrestrial paradise, is a rich, productive, decomposed
vegetable earth, which extends, as we perceived from various
chasms, to the depth of several feet from the surface. It produces
incredible quantities of the finest wheat, of a hard grain, very
large and long, clear as amber, and yielding a prodigious increase
of flour, so that a saa of wheat[143] produces a saa and a sixth of
195 flour. The prince, Muley Teeb, seated on an eminence in this
spacious tent, resembled what we should imagine the patriarch
Abraham to have been, entertaining his friends; or Saul upon his
throne, with his javelin in his hand. He had twelve lanciers, six
on each side of him in a row, standing with their lances erect, the
Prince having one in his hand. It appears that this is the Arabian
etiquette; and the Arabs appeared much gratified that the prince
had personified their sheik, with all the paraphernalia of royalty.
His Royal Highness whose mind seemed moved with the beauty of this
country, sent for the Doctor and myself, and asked us if we had
ever seen such a country before. We frankly confessed we had not.
The prince smiled, and said, that the (_sehell_) plain we were on,
although extremely populous, and full of douars, could grow
seventeen times as much corn as the inhabitants could consume; that
there was then corn enough in the matamores[144] of this plain, to
supply (_El garb kamel_) the whole of El garb, i.e. the country
north of the river Morbeya.[145]

[Footnote 142: Intoxication is a damnable vice with these
people; and when they remark drunkenness, they invariably add
an opprobrium to the observation.]

[Footnote 143: A saa of wheat is little less than two
Winchester bushels. The wheat is very heavy, and this measure
weighs 100 lb., equal to 119 lb. English.]

[Footnote 144: The matamores are subterraneous depositories for
corn, in which they preserve the wheat sound and good thirty
years; but when a matamore is once opened, it is expedient to
consume the corn immediately, otherwise it contracts what is
called the matamore twang. These depositories are indispensable
in countries exposed to drought, scarcity, or locusts, and
_should be adopted in our colony of South Africa_. The art of
constructing them is very peculiar, and I devoted some time in
learning it.]

[Footnote 145: See the map of West Barbary.]

196
We took our leave of the Prince, who appeared much gratified with
the hospitable entertainment of the Arabs, and with their
patriarchal style of living, and sent us an enormous dish of
cuscasoe, coloured with saffron.

Encamped in the centre of this plain, when the sun had set, and the
twilight came on, we could have imagined ourselves in the midst of
the ocean. Not a cloud was in the sky, nor a hill on the land, to
intercept the uniformity of the horizon; the moon shone so bright,
that we could read by its light, and the universal novelty of the
scene resembled enchantment.

On this rich land they use no dung: they reap the corn about a foot
from the ground, and burn the stubble. The produce is greater even
than that of the _new-dyke land_, on the banks of the river Ems, in
North Holland. The allotments of land are ascertained by a large
stone, placed at each corner of the square, when the reapers reach
these stones, they desist from proceeding or reaping the corn of
other proprietors. We rose early in the morning, and found the air
of this terrestrial paradise strongly perfumed with millions of
odoriferous flowers, that were growing spontaneously throughout the
plains. Walking with Dr. Bell through the Prince's camp, we saw a
beautiful grey horse. The doctor admired it. I recommended him to
ask the Prince for it, he was not acquainted with the customs of
197 this country, and ridiculed my observation. "If you wish to have
that horse, Doctor," said I, "I will engage that the Prince will
get it for you. I represented immediately to His Royal Highness,
that the Doctor had taken a liking to the horse, and would wish to
buy it. Not buy it," said the Prince; "he will receive it as a
present from me. Tell him, he deserves seven horses for the benefit
he has done me: all doctors that I have heretofore had have taken
twenty-four hours to give me ease; he relieves me in one. Tell him
so," said the prince, "and that he (_massab ala genibuna_) is in
the number of my dearest friends. (_e jeek elkhere attibib u
asselem_), Good be with you, doctor, and peace be with you." Thus
ended the negociation for the horse. I found afterwards that it
belonged to a sheik of the Arab province of Beni Hassen, who
regretted parting with it, but the Prince gave him the value of it,
and much courtesy withal. We struck our tents next morning at
eleven o'clock, and, travelling southward, the Prince received an
express from the Emperor to join his imperial army forthwith:
accordingly the Prince and his doctor departed south-east, and I
took leave of them, and pursued my journey to Rabat.

198

OF
THE EXCAVATED RESIDENCES
OF THE
INHABITANTS OF ATLAS:
THE
_ACEPHALI, HEL SHUAL, AND HEL ELKILLEB:_

_The Discovery of Africa not to be effected by the present System
of solitary Travellers; but by a grand Plan, with a numerous
Company; beginning with Commerce, as the natural Prelude to
Discovery, the Fore-runner of Civilization, and a preliminary Step,
indispensable to the Conversion of the native Negroes to
Christianity._

The inhabitants of the snowy or upper regions of the Atlas live,
during the months of November, December, January, February, and
half of March, in caves or excavations in the mountains; the snow
then disappears, and they begin to cultivate the earth.

I have repeatedly heard reports of the (_Helel Killeb_,[146])
dog-faced race; of the (_Hel Shual_,) tailed race; and of the race
199 having one eye,[147] and that in the breast. It is extremely
difficult to ascertain the origin of these reports, which are so
involved in metaphor that the signification is not intelligible to
Europeans; their existence is not doubted, however, in Africa. Of
the _Hel El Killeb_ some ignorant people affirm that the Almighty
transformed one of the tribes of the Jews into these people, and
that these are their descendants; others report them to be a
mongrel breed, between the human and ape species; their strength is
said to be very great. The Africans assert with considerable
confidence, which is corroborated, that the Hel Shual have a tail
half a cubit long; that they inhabit a district in the Desert at an
immense distance south-east of Marocco; that the Hel El Killeb[148]
200 are in a similar direction; that the latter are diminutive, being
about two or three cubits[149] in height; that they exclaim _bak,
bak, bak_, and that they have a few articulate sounds, which they
mutually understand among themselves; that they are extremely swift
of foot, and run as fast as horses. The Arimaspi of Herodotus are
called by the Arabs _Hel Ferdie_, these are represented by the
Arabs of the Desert as living at the foot of the lofty mountains of
the Moon, near Abyssinia: the male and female are equally without
hair on their head, having large chins and nostrils, like the ape
species; they are said to have a language of their own; their
costume is a _jelabea_,[150] and a belt, without shoes or head
dress; their country is said to abound in gold. It is "a
consummation devoutly to be wished," that our knowledge of Africa
should increase so as to enable us to unravel the mystery of these
doubtful reports, to ascertain the degree of credit that is due to
these mysterious traditions. These desiderata, however, can hardly
201 be expected, whilst the present injudicious plans for the discovery
of Africa are persevered in. We must, if we desire to discover
effectually the hidden recesses and reported wonders of this
continent, adopt plans and schemes very different from any that
have hitherto been suggested; we must adopt _a grand system upon an
extensive scale_, a system directed and moved by a person competent
to so great an undertaking. The head or director of such an
expedition should be master of the general travelling and
trafficking language of Africa, the modern Arabic: he should
moreover be acquainted with the character of the people, their
habits, modes of life, religious prejudices, and fanaticism. A
grand plan, thus directed, could hardly fail to secure the command
of the commerce of Africa to Great Britain. Then the discovery of
the inmost recesses would follow the path of commerce, and that
continent, which has baffled the researches of the moderns as well
as of the ancients, would lay open its treasures to modern Europe,
and civilisation would be the natural result. Then would be the
period to attempt the conversion of the Negroes to Christianity;
and the standard of peace and good will towards men might be
successfully planted on the banks of the _Nile El Kabeer_, or _Nile
Assudan_, the Great Nile, or Nile of Sudan, or Nigritia, commonly
called the Niger.

[Footnote 146: Apollonius Rhodius calls these people ημικυγες
or half-dogs.]

[Footnote 147: The ingenious author of Philosophic Researches
concerning the Americans, speaking of a race which appear to
resemble the Acephali of Herodotus, or the race of men having
one eye, and that in their chest, says, "There is in Canibar a
race of savages who have hardly any neck, and whose shoulders
reach up to their ears. This monstrous appearance is
artificial, and to give it to their children they put enormous
weights upon their heads, so as to make the vertebræ of the
neck enter, if we may so say, the channel bone, (clavicule.)
These barbarians, from a distance, seem to have their mouth in
the breast; and might well enough, in ignorant and enthusiastic
travellers, serve to revive the fable of the Acephali, or men
without heads." (See Larcher's Notes on Herodotus's Melpomene,
cap. 191.)--Saint Augustin, whose veracity is scarcely to be
doubted, declared in his thirty-third sermon, intituled _"A ses
Frères dans le Désert"--Avoir vu en Ethiopie des hommes et des
femmes sans tête avec des grands yeux sur le poitrine._]

[Footnote 148: We have heard of a pig-faced lady; if there is
such a person, there might also be a pig-faced gentleman, and
these might generate a pig-faced race; and if a pig-faced race,
why not a dog-faced race?]

[Footnote 149: Seven Cubits make four English yards.]

[Footnote 150: The best description I can give of a _jelabea_
is this: Take a large sack and cut a hole in the bottom, big
enough to admit the head; then cut the two bottom corners off
to admit the arms: this garment will then resemble the
_jelabea_.]

202

CAUTIONS
TO BE USED IN TRAVELLING.

_Danger of travelling after Sun-set.--The Emperor holds himself
accountable for Thefts committed on Travellers, whilst travelling
between the rising and the setting Sun.--Emigration of
Arabs.--Patriarchal Style of living among the Arabs; Food,
Clothing, domestic Looms, and Manufactures.--Riches of the Arabs
calculated by the Number of Camels they possess.--Arabian Women are
good Figures, and have personal Beauty; delicate in their Food;
poetical Geniuses; Dancing and Amusements; Musical Instruments;
their Manners are courteous_.

Travellers in West and South Barbary should never be out after
sun-set: it is not safe to travel in many parts of the country
during the night. The emperor holds himself accountable for thefts
committed between the rising and the setting sun; so that, if a
traveller be robbed of property, the value should be ascertained,
and an application being made to the bashaw of the province where
the robbery was committed it will be restored forthwith; but if
there be any demur, an application should be made to the Emperor,
personally, if possible, but if not, by letter; and the district is
immediately ordered to pay double the loss, one half to the person
robbed, and the other half to the Imperial treasury.
203
These robberies, however, rarely occur; for the bashaws of the
provinces and the alkaids of the douars feel it a duty incumbent on
them to protect all travellers and strangers; so that they would,
in the event of a robbery being committed, expose themselves to a
severe reprimand from the emperor, and an intimation that they
were, by suffering such irregularity, incompetent to their
situation, and would be liable to a heavy fine, or a discharge from
their office, for _neglect of vigilance_, which, in this country,
is considered _very reprehensible_.

Travelling through the province of Suse, I once witnessed the
emigration of an extensive douar of Arabs, amounting to about 200
families. They were just leaving their habitation, where they had
been encamped only a few months: it was a fine grazing country; the
camels, horses, mules, asses, oxen and cows, were all laden with
the tents and baggage of these wanderers. On enquiring the cause of
this emigration, I was told that the inhabitants were infested with
musquitoes and fleas to such a degree, that they had all
unanimously resolved to emigrate to another place, which they had
fixed upon, and that they would reach it by night. These wandering
Arabs, without any fixed habitation, are of a restless,
ungovernable spirit: they never cultivate the earth, as do the
Arabs of the plains of Marocco, but live, for the most part, on
camels' milk, occasionally killing a camel or a goat for food;
204 grazing their camels in the adjacent country: they live in the true
Patriarchal style, and seek the means of supplying all their wants
within themselves. To effect this purpose, they barter a few of
their camels for wool, and thus supply themselves with that article
for clothing, which is made in every (_keyma_) Arab tent, by the
women, at their own respective looms; each female being the
manufacturer for her own family. The cloth is wove in pieces of
seven cubits long and about two and a half broad, of the natural
colour of the wool: these pieces of cloth are afterwards converted
into cloaks, mantles, and tunics. Those who choose to indulge in
the luxury of dress, by wearing linen, or turbans, send a few
goat-skins, collected from the goats that have served them
occasionally for food, to Mogodor, or Marocco, or barter them with
some Jews for linen or shoes, and thus supply all their wants; so
that their resources considerably exceed their wants, for some of
them have several thousand camels which cost them nothing. These
animals browse on the bushes in the environs of their habitations,
and are continually increasing and multiplying. They never kill any
animal for food until full grown: this custom, from which the Arab
never departs, is manifestly calculated to increase property,
which, being invested in camels, is transportable, without trouble
or expense, wherever they choose.

The Arabs are gay and cheerful; the brow of care is rarely seen
205 among them. The more children they have, the greater the blessing.
They turn their hands in early youth to some useful purpose: so
soon as they can walk they attend the camels, or are put to some
domestic occupation; thus forming a useful link in the chain of
their patriarchal society. The independence of these Arabs is
depicted in their physiognomy; they are oppressed by no cankering
care, no anxiety, no anticipation of distress. The food and
clothing of the Arab is always at hand; fuel is not required in
this warm country; and a glass of cool water is all that is desired
to allay the thirst. This simple and abstemious mode of living is
congenial to the human constitution; accordingly they enjoy
uninterrupted health: sickness is so uncommon with them that to be
old and to be sick are synonymous terms. They think one cannot
happen without the other. Some of the women of these people, whilst
young, are extremely delicate, handsome, and have elegant figures.
They account it gross to swallow food, that would, they say, fatten
them like their Moorish neighbours; they therefore masticate it
only. Their physiognomy is very interesting and animated; their
features are regular; large black expressive eyes; a ready wit,
poetic fancy, expressing themselves in poetic effusions, in which,
from constant habit, some of them have become such adepts, that
they with facility speak extempore poetry; those who are unable to
206 converse in this manner are less esteemed. Their evening amusements
consist in dancing and music, vocal and instrumental. Generally,
throughout all the Arab provinces, but particularly in Suse, among
the Mograffra Arabs, the Woled Abbusebah, and Woled Deleim, the
whole country is in a blaze of light of a summer's evening; music,
dancing, and rejoicing, is heard in every direction. Their music
consists of a kettle-drum, a flute or reed, similar to what Homer
describes as the instrument of the ancient shepherds, a rhabeb or
two-stringed fiddle, played with a semicircular bow, a tamboureen,
and brass castanets. They play in precise time; and the ladies
arrange themselves at the entrance of the sheik's tent. It is
pleasant to observe the beauty of their fine-formed feet, uninjured
by tight shoes, and free from corns and all excrescences. They
dance some dances barefooted, making very short steps, scarcely
raising the foot from the ground, in a peculiar manner. They have
elegant and circular ankles; and their light motions fascinate the
eyes of the spectators and the admiring strangers, who occasionally
exclaim, (_Allah éhrduh alikume ia Elarb_) "the protection of God
be upon you, O Arabs!" (_makine fal Elarb_,) "there are none
comparable to the Arabs!" They have a very elegant shawl-dance: in
the management of the shawl they display singular grace, and
practise elegant figures, sometimes concealing their faces,
207 sometimes showing their brilliant eyes through an opening in the
shawl. The manners of these ladies is courteous, but chaste;
perfectly modest, but without reserve; and the other sex pay them
courteous attention.

208

ABUNDANCE OF CORN
PRODUCED IN
WEST BARBARY.

_Costly Presents made by Spain to the Emperor.--Bashaw of
Duquella's weekly Present of a Bar of Gold.--Mitferes or
Subterraneous Depositories for Corn_.

The empire of Marocco, west of the Atlas, during the reign of Seedi
Muhamed ben Abdallah, father of the present Emperor Soliman, was
one continued corn-field. At that time the exportation was free to
all parts of the world. It is impossible to conceive the abundance
produced in this prolific land, none but those who have actually
seen the standing corn in the ear, and have seen it reaped, can
form any correct idea of its prodigious increase. The plains of
Rahamena, of Shawiya, of Temsena, of Abda, and Duquella, those
immense plains of M'sharrah Rummellah, of Ait-Amor, and many
others, form each, separately, extensive fields of corn, farther
than the eye can reach. To give an idea of the quantity produced in
the plains near Dar El Beida, it will be sufficient to say, that
250 sail of ships, from 150 to 700 tons, were loaded at that port
in one year of Seedy Muhamed's reign. At the other ports on the
209 shores of the Atlantic, viz. at Arzilla, L'Araich, Meheduma, Rabat,
Azamor, Mazagan, Saffy, and Mogodor, were shipped a quantity,
almost equal in proportion to what was shipped at Dar-El-Beida, so
that the duties at one dollar per fanegue, of 80 lb. weight on the
exportation of wheat, barley, Indian corn, caravances, beans, and
seeds, in one year, according to the imperial registers, amounted
to 5,257,320 Mexico dollars.[151] Besides which, presents to an
incalculable amount were made from time to time by Spain and
Portugal, particularly by the former, to keep the Emperor in good
humour, and to prevent him from prohibiting the exportation of
grain, of which however there was little chance, as his Imperial
Majesty was always diligent in the accumulation of treasure, and
let no opportunity pass of encouraging the agriculture of his
dominions. This system gave general occupation to the Arabs, or
agriculturists, and enriched them so universally, that the
diffusion of wealth among them, produced other incalculable sources
of revenue, insomuch that it was customary for Muhamed Ben Amaran,
Bashaw of Duquella, to present to the Emperor at Marocco, every
Friday, (the Muhamedan sabbath), as he returned home from the
mosque, a massive bar of pure gold of Timbuctoo, valued at some
210 thousand dollars; which was considered as the fee by which he held
his bashawick. The Arabs who are the agriculturists of the
before-mentioned plains, besides the corn exported, lay up immense
quantities in subterraneous caverns, constructed by a curious
process, well deserving the attention of the colonists of South
Africa; these repositories are called mitferes[152], they are
constructed in a conical form, and will contain from 200 to 2000
quarters of corn.[153] It is expedient, in their construction, to
exclude the atmospheric air; and the soil, in which they are
constructed, should be essentially conservative, the air being
never changed, is constantly of the same temperature, very dry, and
not subject to the variations of humidity, which affect the
external air: this, with other necessary precautions being
observed, they will preserve the corn twenty or thirty years
perfectly sound. In countries, (like that of the Cape of Good
Hope,) subject to drought, inundations, or locusts, these mitferes,
or catacombs are indispensable, as they preserve corn as a reserve
stock, in the event of scarcity, or famine, produced by any of the
before mentioned calamities, or providential visitations. It is
211 more than probable that this singular art of constructing mitferes,
was derived in ancient times from the catacombs of Egypt, and that
Joseph might have preserved Pharaoh's corn[154] upwards of seven
years, in similar magazines. The Emperor Seedi Muhamed, who
possessed considerable talent, and had a perfect knowledge of the
disposition and character of his subjects, used to say in the
(_em'shoer_,) place of audience, before all the people, in the
latter part of his reign:--"You complain of my decrees; but when I
am departed from this world, you shall seek for one day of Seedi
Muhamed's reign, but you shall not find it." This prediction has
been literally verified throughout the respective reigns of his
sons Muley Yezzed, and Muley El Hesham, and even his son the
present Emperor has often manifested an anti-commercial system, and
has accordingly (probably by the advice of the Fakeers belonging to
the divan) prohibited the exportation of most articles of clothing,
and provision, such as wool, Fas manufactures, corn, olive oil,
raisins, &c.[155]

[Footnote 151: Barley and wheat imported from different ports
of England and from the Continent into London (which is more
than is imported into Great Britain) in 1818, was 6,179,330
quintals or saas of Barbary, which are equal to 7,415,390
fanegues $.]

[Footnote 152: Genesis, xli. 9.--"And Joseph gathered corn as
the sand of the sea very much."]

[Footnote 153: I descended into a mitfere in the Arab province
of Duquella, and remained there whilst the Arab explained to me
the mode of constructing them; this was near the douar of Woled
Aisah (see the map): it had just been emptied, and produced
3450 saas or quintals.]

[Footnote 154: Genesis, xli. 48.]

[Footnote 155: The result of this anti-commercial system is,
that corn is dearer than it was during the exportation. Many
millions of acres of the finest and most productive land lies
fallow for want of a market for its produce; indeed, the
produce has sometimes been so low for want of a market, that I
have known instances of the corn having been left standing, not
being worth the expense of reaping. Now this prohibition
undoubtedly will appear to many intelligent readers bad policy
in his Imperial Majesty, but it is nevertheless consistent
policy. The _sine qua non_ of the court of Marocco is to keep
the inhabitants poor. It is asserted by the political
economists of this country, that the Arab should not have more
than sufficient to feed and clothe him; every thing beyond this
turns to evil, and is an incentive to rebellion: the superflux,
they maintain, should go to (_Beit el melh d'el muselmen_,) the
Muselman treasury.]

A wine company, consisting of gentlemen of practical experience in
that branch of business, might form a most beneficial establishment
212 at Santa Cruz, whither the grapes of Edautenan are brought to
market, and other grapes from the Arab countries, of exquisite
quality and flavour, infinitely superior in richness, size, and
flavour to those of Spain and Portugal, or any part of Italy;
indeed, I have no hesitation in declaring, (without fear of
contradiction,) that this country produces the finest grapes,
oranges, and pomegranates in the world, and in the greatest
abundance. I have myself tasted at Marocco, at a Hebrew Rabbi's
table, excellent imitations of burgundy, claret, champagne,
madeira, and rhenish, or old hock, all the produce of grapes reared
in the plains of that city, and in the adjacent mountains. The port
of Santa Cruz, if purchased of the Emperor by the English, would,
besides securing the trade to Sudan, and the interior of Africa,
supply the London market with abundance of all these excellent
wines.
213

DOMESTIC SERPENTS OF MAROCCO.

Every house in Marocco has, or ought to have, a domestic serpent: I
say ought to have, because those that have not one, seek to have
this inmate, by treating it hospitably whenever one appears; they
leave out food for it to eat during the night, which gradually
domiciliates this reptile. These serpents are reported to be
extremely sagacious, and very susceptible. The superstition of
these people is extraordinary; for rather than offend these
serpents, they will suffer their women to be exposed during sleep
to their performing the office of an infant. They are considered,
in a house, emblematical of good, or prosperity, as their absence
is ominous of evil. They are not often visible; but I have seen
them passing over the beams of the roof of the apartments. A friend
of mine was just retired to bed at Marocco, when he heard a noise
in the room, like something crawling over his head, he arose,
looked about the room, and discovered one of these reptiles about
four feet long, of a dark colour, he pricked it with his sword, and
killed it, then returned to bed. In the morning he called to him
the master of the house where he was a guest, and telling him he
had attacked the serpent, the Jew was chagrined, and expostulated
with him, for the injury he had done him: apprehensive that evil
would visit him, he intimated to his guest, that he hoped he would
leave his house, as he feared the malignity of the serpent; and he
was not reconciled until my friend discovered to him that he had
actually killed the reptile.

214

MANUFACTURES OF FAS.

_Superior Manufacture of Gold-thread.--Imitation of precious
Stones.--Manufactory of Gun-barrels in Suse.--Silver-mine._

The manufactures of West Barbary, are of various kinds. They excel,
in the city of Fas, in the manufacture of woollens, cottons, silks,
and gold-thread. The wool and cotton are made into _hayks_, which
are pieces of cloth five feet wide, and about three and a half, or
four yards long, used to throw loosely over the dress, when they go
out into the external air: it resembles the Roman toga, and when
_tastefully adjusted_, gives an elegance to the Moorish costume.
These _hayks_ are manufactured in most of the private families of
Fas; the women employ themselves about them, and sell them to the
merchants. They are sometimes made of cotton mixed with silk, and
also altogether of silk. They make also pieces of silk of various
bright colours, called _bulawan_; the sky-blue, dark-blue, scarlet,
and yellow, are vivid colours, produced by their mode of dying the
silk before it is manufactured. They manufacture their silks from
_Bengal raw silk_, which they call _emfitla_. The _bulawan_ is
215 striped, or chequered, pink, blue, yellow, scarlet, and green: it
resembles what is called, in England, Persian, but it is much
stronger, and more[156] durable, though equally light. The silk
sashes, called _hazam_, are made in large quantities, and are
deserving of imitation in Europe; they are very substantial, but of
the same superior colours with the _bulawan_. They are made
generally half a yard wide, and three yards long: these sell at
Fas, from two to fifty dollars each. The superior kind made for the
ladies of the _horam_[157], or emperor's seraglio, for the ladies
of the bashaws, and for those of the great and opulent, are
intermixed with a beautiful gold-thread, much superior to any that
is manufactured in Europe, insomuch, that the gold-thread imported
from Leghorn and Marseilles is used only in such _hazams_ as are
made for exportation to Sudan, Draha, or Bled-el-Jereed, but those
made for the great and opulent, for home consumption, are
manufactured with the gold thread of the Fas manufacture. Whether
these expert artificers learned the mystery of gold beating, and
gold wire drawing, by which they obtain gold-thread, from the
216 Egyptians, I am not competent to say; but _they_ say they derived
it in ancient times from the Arabs, as well as the art of cutting,
polishing, and setting precious stones. They make a composition in
imitation of amber, which cannot, by the keenest eye, be
distinguished from the natural amber, the latter, however, by[158]
friction attracts cotton, but the manufactured amber does not; this
is the only criterion by which they ascertain the true from the
false amber. They also compose artificial stones with equal
sagacity; the topaz, the emerald, and the ruby they imitate to
perfection. The wool with which they make shawls almost equal in
appearance to those of Kashmere, is procured from the sheep of the
province of Tedla, and is finer than the Spanish Merino. They might
manufacture shawls of goats' hair, equal to those of Kashmere, from
the goats of the eastern declivity of the Atlas, whose hair is like
silk: these goats are called (_el maize Felelley_,) i.e. Tafilelt
goats.[159] There can be no doubt, if our intercourse with Marocco
217 had not been impeded by a general ignorance of the language of that
country, that we might long since have received from the
manufacturers of Fas, shawls of Tafilelt goat-hair, equal to the
finest of the Kashmere manufacture. There is a very extensive
manufactory of red woollen caps at Fas, the contexture of which is
well deserving investigation. There is also a manufactory of gun
locks and barrels; the former appear to have reached the acmé of
the art, the latter are not so good as those which they procure
from Europe: so that a Spanish or an English barrel, and a Fas
lock, is considered a complete gun. Such articles of manufacture as
require a complication of machinery and power to produce they
import from Europe, except only when the market is bare, and then
necessity compels them to attempt their construction. The (_hayk
Filelly_,) i.e. Tafilelt hayk, is a fine elegant woollen cloth,
thin as a muslin. The Emperor Seedi Muhamed ben Abdallah patronised
this manufacture of his native country, and never wore any other.
The art of manufacturing leather is carried to great perfection at
Mequinas: shoes of the thinnest leather are there made impervious
to water. The manufactures at Marocco and Terodant are similar to
those of Fas, with the exception of that of gold-thread, and the
cutting and polishing of precious stones. The preparation of
leather at Marocco surpasses any thing known in Europe: lion and
tiger skins they prepare white as snow, and soft as silk. There are
218 two plants that grow in the Atlas mountains, the leaves of which
they use in the manufacture of leather; they are called _tizra_,
and _tasaya_. Whether these render the leather impervious, I am not
competent to say; every inquiry that I have made at Marocco
respecting this beautiful manufacture, has been unsatisfactory. I
have always found the manufacturers very guarded, and extremely
jealous; but I have often thought that two or three of our leather
manufacturers, well versed in their art, and withal of penetrating
minds, might contrive to extract the secret from them. In the
mountains of Idaultit, in Lower Suse, they have iron-mines, and
they make gun-barrels and gun-locks equal to what are made at Fas.
The temptations to agriculture, however, are such, that sufficient
only for the consumption of their own _kabyl_ are manufactured;
which is done rather from a principle of self-defense, and from the
_amor patriæ_, than with a view to gain. The silver from the mines
of Elala, comes to the Santa Cruz market pure, and in round lumps,
weighing about two ounces each. I have bought it for its weight in
Spanish dollars; but it is generally taken to the Mint for sale.
Ores of gold from the mines of South Barbary, and silver dust from
the bed of the river at Messa, collected personally by me, I sent
to England to be assayed: the person who got them assayed,
reported, that the metal yielded was scarcely sufficient to pay the
charges of assaying; so that the speculation was abandoned.

[Footnote 156: The spirit of avarice does not sufficiently
prevail to induce the manufacturer to make imperfect articles
for the purpose of sale only. Moreover, they are restrained
from deception by an officer, who inspects the quality of
manufactures, and does not suffer an imperfect article to be
sold.]

[Footnote 157: This word is called by Europeans _haram_ or
seraglio; but haram thus applied, is a barbarism: it signifies
_vicious_. Horam is the correct pronunciation: it signifies a
place of safety, that admits of no intrusion.]

[Footnote 158: Thales, the chief of the seven wise men of
Greece, detected the existence of electricity in amber about
600 years before the Christian era. He was the first who
observed _attraction_ to be the distinguishing property of
amber; and he was so forcibly struck with this singular
discovery, that he was almost led to suppose that it possessed
animation. The term electricity is derived from the Greek word
ηλεκτρον, amber. See Remarks on Electricity and Galvanism, by
M. La Beaume, p. 29.]

[Footnote 159: There was a breed of these goats on the island
of Mogodor, kept there by the emperor's orders. This island is
the state-prison of the empire.]

219

ON THE STATE OF SLAVERY
IN MUHAMEDAN AFRICA.

The state of slavery in this country is very different from that
which is experienced by the unfortunate men who are transported
from Africa to work under our Christian brethren in the West India
islands. No man, who is sufficiently erudite to read the Koran can
be (_abd_) a slave in a Muhamedan country. It is incumbent on a
good mûselman to give such his liberty, that the propagation of the
(_Deen el Wâsah_[160]) mûselman faith, be not impeded. A man who
has served his master faithfully[161] seven years, sometimes gets
liberated. This liberation, however, is not compulsory; but
conscientious mûselmen, of good moral character, often adopt this
enlarging system. I have, however, met with many Moors, who, on
offering liberty to their slaves, the latter have declined it,
preferring to continue in obeisance; a clear proof that their
servitude is not very severe. All slaves, without exception, are
brought to this country from the various territories of Sudan, by
the akkabars, kaffilas, or caravans, that traverse Sahara. They are
all pagans or idolaters (from the interior regions). They are worth
220 from ten to twenty dollars at Timbuctoo; and at Marocco and Fas
they sell for, from seventy to one hundred dollars. They are
received into the Moorish families as domestic servants, and soon
forget their idolatrous superstitions, and become (nominally at
least) Muhamedans. After which, many learn to read the Koran, and
becoming observers of ablution and prostration, often procure their
liberation; for if any one should neglect to liberate such a slave,
his brethren in Muhamed will urge him to it, as a good and
charitable work, becoming a true, mûselman.[162]

[Footnote 160: So called by Muhamedans: _literally_ means the
liberal of _wide doctrine_, alluding to that of the Arabian
Prophet.]

[Footnote 161: Jeremiah, xxxiv. 14.]

[Footnote 162: The etymology of _muselman_ is, a man of peace;
from _salem_, peace.]

The man who wrote the letter from Timbuctoo, giving his master at
Mogodor an account of Mungo Park, having visited Kabria, which
letter I read, and reported its contents on my arrival in England
from Mogodor, about the year 1807, to my Lord Moira (now the
Marquis of Hastings), to Sir Joseph Banks, and to Sir Charles
Morgan, was a liberated negro of Seed el Abes Buhellel, a Fas
merchant, whose father had an establishment at Timbuctoo. When
Buhellel liberated this negro, he had such confidence in him, that
he advanced to him, on his own personal credit, goods to a
considerable amount, with which he crossed Sahara, and took them to
Timbuctoo for a market. It were to be desired, for the sake of
_humanity_, that our West-India planters would take a lesson on
this subject from the Moors, whose conduct, in this particular, is
worthy of imitation.

221

THE PLAGUE OF LOCUSTS.

_Their incredible Destruction.--Used as Food.--Remarkable Instance
of their destroying every Green Herb on one Side of a River, and
not on the other._

In the autumn of 1792, (Jeraad) locusts began to appear in West
Barbary. The corn was in ear, and therefore safe, as this devouring
insect attacks no hard substance. In (the _liahli_,) the period of
heavy rains comprised between the forty longest nights, _old
style_, they disappeared; so that one or two only were seen
occasionally: but so soon as the _liahli_ had passed, the small
young green locust began to appear, no bigger than a fly. As
vegetation increased, these insects increased in size and quantity.
But the country did not yet seem to suffer from them. About the end
of March, they increased rapidly. I was at (_Larsa Sultan_) the
emperor's garden, which belongs to the Europeans, and which was
given to the merchants of Mogodor by the emperor Seedi Muhamed ben
Abdallah, in the kabyl of Idaugourd, in the province of Haha, and
the garden flourished with every green herb, and the fruit-trees
were all coming forward in the productive beauty of spring. I went
there the following day, and not a green leaf was to be seen: an
222 army of locusts had attacked it during the night, and had devoured
every shrub, every vegetable, and every green leaf; so that the
garden had been converted into an unproductive wilderness. And,
notwithstanding the incredible devastation that was thus produced,
not one locust was to be seen. The gardener reported, that (_sultan
jeraad_) the king of the locusts had taken his departure eastward
early in the morning; the myriads of locusts followed, so that in a
quarter of an hour not one was to be seen. The depredations of
these devouring insects was too soon felt, and a direful scarcity
ensued. The poor would go out a locusting, as they termed it: the
bushes were covered; they took their (_haik_) garment, and threw it
over them, and then collected them in a sack. In half an hour they
would collect a bushel. These they would take home, and boil a
quarter of an hour; they would then put them into a frying-pan,
with pepper, salt, and vinegar, and eat them, without bread or any
other food, making a meal of them. They threw away the head, wings,
and legs, and ate them as we do prawns. They considered them
wholesome food, and preferred them to pigeons. Afterwards, whenever
there was any public entertainment given, locusts was a standing
dish; and it is remarkable that the dish was always emptied, so
generally were they esteemed as palatable food.

A few years after the locusts appeared, I performed a journey from
223 Mogodor to Tangier. The face of the country appeared like a newly
ploughed field of a brown soil; for it was completely covered with
these insects, insomuch that they had devoured even the bark of the
trees. They rose up about a yard, as the horses went on, and
settled again; in some places they were one upon another, three or
four inches deep on the ground; a few were flying in the air, and
they flew against the face, as if they were blind, to the no small
annoyance of the traveller. It is very remarkable, that on reaching
the banks of the river[163] Elkos, which we crossed, there was not,
on the north side of that river, to my great astonishment, one
locust any where to be seen; but the country was flourishing in all
the luxuriance of verdure, although the river was not wider than
the Thames at Windsor. This extraordinary circumstance was
accounted for by the Arabs, who said that not a locust would cross
the river, till (_sultan jeraad_) the king of the locusts should
precede and direct the way.

[Footnote 163: See the Map of the empire of Marocco.]

224

ON THE INFLUENCE
OF THE
GREAT PRINCIPLE OF CHRISTIANITY
_ON THE MOORS_.
(Mat. vii. 12.)

_Of the Propagation of Christianity in Africa.--Causes that prevent
it.--The Mode of promoting it is through a friendly and commercial
Intercourse with the Natives.--Exhortation to Great Britain to
attend to the Intercourse with Africa.--Danger of the French
colonizing Senegal, and supplanting us, and thereby depreciating
the Value of our West-India Islands._

That it is a Christian duty to attempt, by lenient measures, to
propagate the Christian religion among the Idolaters and Muhamedans
of Africa, I think cannot be doubted; but this propagation will not
spread to any considerable extent until, (in that country,) the
morals of Christians in general shall approach nearer than they
actually do to the standard of Christian perfection. It is,
however, most certain that there never was a more promising, or a
more favourable opportunity of subverting paganism in Africa, and
establishing Christianity on its ruins, than at this present
period; and I think the best method to effect this desirable
purpose is through the medium of commerce, which must, in that
continent, necessarily precede science and civilisation. It is well
225 known, by all men of penetration who have resided in Muhamedan
countries, that the principles of the religion of Muhamed are not
so repugnant to Christianity as many, nay, most persons have
imagined. Various causes, however, tend to increase the hostility
that exists between the two religions. First, it is augmented by
the fakeers, and by political men, who are ever active in bringing
to their aid superstition and enthusiasm, to increase the
hostility. Secondly, it is augmented by the very little intercourse
which they have with Christians, originating, for the most part, in
our ignorance of the Arabic language, an ignorance which has been
lamented by the emperor[164] Seedy Muhamed ben Abdallah himself.
Thirdly, the hostility of these two religions is augmented by a
very ancient tradition, that the country will be invaded by the
Christians, and converted to Christianity, that this event will
happen on a Friday (the Muhamedan sabbath), during the time that
they are at the (_silla dohor_) prayers at half past one o'clock,
226 P.M.; so that throughout the empire they close the gates of all the
towns on this day, at this period of time, till two o'clock, P.M.:
when the prayers are over, and the people go out of the mosques,
the gates are again thrown open. This tradition, which is
universally believed, acts on the minds of the whole community, and
fans the embers of hostility already lighted between Christians and
Muhamedans, bringing to the recollection of the latter the hostile
intentions of the former to invade and take their country from
them, when an opportunity shall offer. On the other hand, what
tends to reconcile the two creeds is, the influence that European
commerce, and the principles of the Christian doctrine, have had on
the muselmen of Africa. This influence extends as far as the
commerce with Europeans extends. Wherever the Europeans negociate
with the Moors, the great principle of the Christian doctrine is
known and discussed,--that principle which surpasses every doctrine
propagated by the Grecian philosophers, or the wise men of the
East,--that truly noble, liberal, and charitable principle, "Do as
you would be done by," influences the conduct of the better
educated muselmen who have had long intercourse and negociations
with Christians; and they do not fail to retort it upon us,
whenever _our conduct_ deviates from it. Thus, the minds of
muselmen, wherever European commerce flows, are tinctured with this
great principle of the Christian doctrine. And, to an accurate
227 observer of mankind, it will appear that this principle, from its
own intrinsic beauty, has in many superseded the muselman
retaliative system of morality, originating in the Mosaic law,--"An
eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth." For I have heard
muselmen, in their individual disputes with one another, advance
this precept as a rule of conduct. If, therefore, this divine
principle be recognised by muselmen, who have had intercourse and
commercial negociations with Europeans, in defiance of the
obstacles to this doctrine suggested by the fakeers and political
men; what might we not expect from the due cultivation of an
extensive commerce, upon a grand national scale, with this
interesting continent? Might we not expect a gradual diffusion of
the principles of Christianity among the muselmen, as well as among
the pagans and idolaters, of Africa? I would venture to assert,
that in the event of the British government engaging, with energy
and determination, to cultivate a commercial intercourse and
extensive connection with Africa, that the negroes, and possibly
even the Muhamedans, might gradually be converted to Christianity.
This event would take a long time to accomplish, but its gradual
progress, most probably, would be more rapid than was the progress
of Muhamedanism during the life of the Arabian prophet.

[Footnote 164: When this Emperor, for the purpose of satisfying
his people that he administered retributive justice, ordered
two teeth of an English merchant to be drawn, he repented so
much of what he had done, that he offered to make any amends
that the merchant might require, expressing his wish that he
had an English consul with whom he could converse colloquially,
without the inconvenience of an interpreter; and for this
purpose the Emperor, after granting him considerable favours,
urged him to accept of the British consulship; adding, that he
himself would secure him the appointment, and that he would
then refuse nothing, but whatsoever the English should ask of
him, they should have.]

Associations have been formed in this philanthropic country,
through the medium of extensive subscriptions, for the civilisation
228 of Africa, and the abolition of the slave trade: the greatest merit
is due to the individuals who have subscribed to such institutions;
their motives have been unexceptionable, but we grossly deceive
ourselves, and the whole is an illusion! The French, as it were,
have taken the staff out of our hands; and whilst we are in vain
endeavouring to abolish the trade in slaves, _by the capture of
slave-ships at sea_[165], they are insidiously cultivating the
growth of cotton, coffee, sugar, indigo, and other colonial
produce, on the banks of the Senegal river; insomuch that if we
shall continue thus supinely to disregard their important African
agricultural operations, the result in a few years will probably
be, that they will be able to undersell us in West-India produce,
in the markets of continental Europe; for they can cultivate, with
free negroes at Senegal, colonial produce at considerably less
expense than our West-India cultivation. The voyage, also, is not
half the distance; so that the continental market for the sale of
West-India produce will be shortly supplied from Senegal, from
229 whence it is more than probable that colonial produce will be
imported to Europe at little more than half the expense of
importing it from the West Indies: thus Great Britain may be driven
out of the market for colonial produce, except for what may be
sufficient for her own domestic supply.

[Footnote 165: Many naval officers concur in thinking, that to
suppress the slave trade, by interrupting the ships, would
employ all the navy of Great Britain; and entail a war-expense
on the nation; besides the enormous expense that will be
necessarily incurred by the various commissions dispatched to
Sierra Leone, Havannah, &c. &c. for the adjudication of
slave-causes. To which may be added, our expensive presents to
Spain and Portugal, to induce those powers to coalesce in the
abolition; which there is too much reason to apprehend will be
evaded by the subjects of those powers.]

This has been a favourite scheme of the French, who have now begun
to taste the fruits of it: they have had it in view and in
operation _ever since we gave them possession of Senegal_. It was
the system of her late Emperor, Bonaparte, suggested to him by the
arch and brilliant genius of Talleyrand, to indemnify the loss of
St. Domingo.

Moreover, the French, who are cultivating the territory of Senegal
with indefatigable industry, will be, in a few years, not only able
to supply the continental markets of Europe with colonial produce,
but they will become masters of North Africa, establish another
Ceuta at the African promontory of the Cape de Verd, and, in the
event of a war, annoy incalculably our East-India trade, and
enhance the price of East-India produce in the British dominions;
whilst they will, by the aid of the Americans, who will be always
ready to assist them, form a depot for East-India goods at the Cape
de Verd, and from thence introduce them into Africa and France, to
the almost total exclusion of Great Britain. If we are to prevent
these events from taking place, we must adopt different measures
230 from what we have adopted; we must move in a very different sphere
from that in which we have been accustomed to move; we must be much
more energetic, more vigilant, and more active than we have been,
with respect to African matters. It is presumed that these
suggestions are well deserving the consideration of His Majesty's
ministers. May they view with the eye of an eagle and the wisdom of
the serpent the insidious encroachments that are thus making on our
colonial markets!!

The Africans, by which term I mean the natives, viz. the Moors, the
Arabs, the Berebbers, the Shelluhs, and the Negroes, (not the Jews,
who, although numerous in this country, yet, as they are and have
been ever since their Theocratical Government, a distinct race, and
their customs and manners well known, I do not include them in the
term Africans, although from their birth they are entitled to the
appellation,)--the Africans, I say, are seldom met with in closed
rooms, but are constantly in the open air, transacting their
business in _dwarias_, which are detached rooms, or apartments,
with three sides, the fourth being supported by pillars; this
custom of living continually in or exposed to the external air
renders them strong and healthy, wherefore their bodies, by an
_antiperistasis_, have the natural heat repelled and kept within,
increasing by this action their appetite for food, which is always
strong. They live in a frugal manner, seldom eating but of one
231 food: the prevailing dish throughout North Africa is cuscasoe, a
granulated paste, cooked by steam, and garnished with vegetables,
and chickens, or mutton; this is a very nutritive, palatable, and
wholesome dish. They are not incumbered at their meals with a
variety of dishes; but a large bowl, or spacious plate, is
introduced on a round table, supported by one pillar, like the
_Monopodia_ of the ancients, rather larger than the bowl or dish,
and about six inches high. Half a dozen Moors sit round this
repast, on cushions or on the ground, cross-legged; a position
which they remain in with perfect ease and pliability from custom
and the loose dress they wear. When the company have seated
themselves, a slave or a servant comes round to the guests, to
perform the ceremony of (_togrêda_) washing of the hands; a brass
bason or pan, which they call _tas_, is brought round to all the
company, the slave holding it by his left hand, while, with the
right hand, he pours water on the hands of the guests from a
(_garoff_) pitcher, in the form of an Etruscan vase, having
(_zeef_) a towel thrown over his shoulder to dry their hands. This
ceremony is performed before and after meals. The master of the
feast, before they begin to eat, pronounces (_Bismillah_) the grace
before meat, which signifies, "In the name of God;" after the
repast, he says (_El Ham'd û lillah_) "Praise be to God." Each
guest eats with the fingers of his right hand, none ever touching
the food with their left. If a piece of meat, or a joint of a fowl
232 or chicken is to be divided, two of the guests take hold of it, and
pull it till it is divided. This is somewhat repugnant to an
European's ideas of delicacy; but if we consider that the hands are
previously washed, and that they never come in contact with the
mouth in decent or respectable society, there is not so insuperable
an objection to this way of eating as might otherwise appear. Each
person in eating the granulated flour or cuscasoe, puts his two
fore-fingers into the dish before him, and by a dextrous turn of
the hand converts the quantity taken up into the form of a ball,
which he, with a peculiar dexterity, jirks into the mouth. The
Africans never drink till they have done eating; when dinner is
over, a large goblet, or _poculum amicitiæ_, of pure water is
passed round, and each person drinks copiously; the washing is then
repeated, and the repast is terminated. Afterwards coffee is
introduced, without milk: the cup is not placed in a saucer, nor do
they hand you a spoon, for the sugar is mixed in the coffee-pot;
the cup is presented in an outer cup of brass, which preserves the
fingers from being burned. They use no bells in their tents; but
the slaves or servants are called by the master when wanted, one
generally standing in the corner of the tent to superintend the
others. The pipe is sometimes introduced after the coffee, but this
is by no means a general custom, except among the negroes. The pipe
is of rose-wood, of jasmin, or of rhododendrum wood: great
233 quantities of the latter are conveyed across the Sahara, for
pipe-tubes for the negroes of Timbuctoo, and other territories of
Sudan, bordering on the Nile el Abeed, or Nile of the Negroes
(Niger).

Passing through this territory of encampments, when travellers are
disposed to sleep at a douar, one of the party presents himself at
the confines of the encampment, and exclaims (_Deef Allah_) "The
guest of God." The sheik of the douar is immediately apprised of
the circumstance; and after investigating the rank of the
travellers, he enquires if they have tents with them; if they have
not, he has his own or (_kheyma deâf_) the guest's tent
appropriated for the travellers. If they have their own tents,
which persons of respectability generally have, the sheik comes and
directs the servants where to pitch them; the camels and mules are
disburdened, and the sheik declares (_atshie m'hassub alia_) "For
all this baggage I hold myself accountable." Europeans travelling
in this country generally follow their own customs: accordingly,
among the English, tea is ordered; a most delectable refreshment
after a fatiguing journey on horseback, exposed to the scorching
rays of the African sun. If the sheik and a few of his friends are
invited to tea, which these Arabs designate by (_elma skoon û el
hadra_) hot water and conversation, they like it very sweet, and
drink half-a-dozen cups at least. Nothing ingratiates travellers
with these people so much as distributing a few lumps of sugar
234 among them: sugar, honey, or any thing sweet, being with these
Arabs emblematical of peace and friendship. Some of the women of
the Arabs are extremely handsome; in all the simplicity of nature
"when unadorned adorned the most." To fine figures they unite
handsome profiles, good and white teeth, and large, black,
expressive, intelligent eyes, like the eyes of a gazel; dark
eye-brows, and dark long eye-lashes, which give a peculiar warmth
and softness to the eye. They concern themselves little about time,
and will sometimes come to converse after midnight with the
Europeans. When the guard of the tent informs them they cannot go
in, that the Christian is a-bed and undressed, they are not less
astonished than we are to see them sleeping in the open air at
night, on the ground, with their clothes on. When candles are
brought into the tent at night, the servant wishes the company a
good evening: he says "_M'sah elkhere_," the literal meaning of
which is "_Good be with you this evening_;" which salutation it is
courteous to return, even to a slave; and if any one, however great
his rank, were not to return it, he would be considered a bad
muselman, a disaffected and inhospitable barbarian. The morning
salutation is (_Alem Allah sebak_,) "May your morning be
accompanied with the knowledge of God;" or, (_Sebah el khere_, or
_sebahk b'elkhere_) "Good morning to you," or "May your morning be
good." Equals meeting, touch hands, and then each kisses his own
235 respectively; they then say, (I now speak of the middle order of
society,) "And how are you, and how have you been: how long it is
since I saw you! and how are you, and how are your children; (_ûhel
Dar'kume_,) and the people of your family, how are they, certainly
you are well:" and so they will go on, sometimes for a quarter of
an hour, repeating the same thing. If an inferior meets a superior,
he kisses his hand or his garment and retires, when there is a
greater disparity of rank, the inferior kisses the stirrup of the
superior; or prostrates himself if the superior is a prince, a
fakeer, or a bashaw.

Another salutation among respectable individuals is, by each
placing his right hand on his heart, indicating that part to be the
residence of the friend!

The Jews of this country retain the customs of their ancestors more
pure and unmixed than those in other countries.

When a Jew dies he is interred the same day, or the day after at
farthest. The female relations and the friends of the deceased
assemble round the corpse, and utter bitter lamentations, tearing
their faces and their hair in a most woeful manner; they disfigure
their faces with their finger-nails, till they bleed, and during
the whole time keep stamping or moving their legs, beating time, as
it were, with their feet; these lamentations are continued, with
occasional intermission, till the body of the deceased is carried
236 away for interment. The performers of these bitter lamentations
appear to have all the marks of hideous grief inscribed on their
faces, but most of them feel no real concern; some of the girls,
young and handsome, near akin to the deceased, are ambitious to
disfigure themselves, and they lacerate their pretty faces most
lamentably. The more wounds these bear on their cheeks the greater
is their grief considered to be. But the corpse being removed the
mourners regale themselves with _Mahaya_, or African brandy, and
make up for their lamentations, by converting their bitter strains
into conviviality.

There is a strange resemblance between this custom and that
practised by the inhabitants of New Zealand; insomuch that we might
imagine the latter to be one of the lost tribes of this
extraordinary people. It is true that we have no record of such a
perfection of navigation as to enable us to conjecture how a tribe
of Jews could reach New Zealand: but many things remain in great
obscurity even in this enlightened age; and we have had no
historical record transmitted to us from the ancients of many
extraordinary discoveries that recently have been made in Egypt.

237

INTEREST OF MONEY.

_Application of the Superflux of Property or Capital._

In this country the law allows no interest of money; the
consequence is, that the country is overwhelmed with usurers, who
exact, generally, an oath of secrecy, and lend money on pledges of
valuable and convertible merchandise: the interest paid on these
negociations is most exorbitant; I have known five, six, eight,
ten, and even twelve per cent, per month paid for the use of money!
There is no paper money in this country; but a bank might be
established at Mogodor, for the convenience of internal trade: the
_sine qua non_ of the bank should be, AN ADEQUATE CAPITAL. The
advantages that would necessarily result from an establishment of
this kind are incalculable; the paper of a bank, _thus
established_, would be current in a short time, UNDER JUDICIOUS AND
INTELLIGENT MANAGEMENT, in all the territories of Sudan, through
the heart of Africa, through Bambâra, Timbuctoo, Houssa, Cashna,
Wangara, Bernôh, Fas, and Marocco, and various other countries. The
238 immense advantages of the carriage of paper through the Desert and
through Sudan, _convertible_ into cash at every commercial city,
port, or district in a country like this, would greatly facilitate
the operations of commerce; this must be evident to every political
economist acquainted with the nature of commercial negociations in
Africa.

The superflux of coin, consisting principally of Mexico dollars,
and doubloons, (over and above the quantum necessary for the
circulating medium of commercial negociations,) is either buried
under ground by the owner, or converted into jewels for the ladies
of his family; there is a general propensity to these subterraneous
hordes; the bulk of the people, the lower classes in particular,
have an idea that they will enjoy in the next world what they save
in this; which opinion is not extraordinary, when we consider how
many cases there are, wherein we see the sublimest capacity
prostrate at the shrine of an _early imbibed_ superstition. Many of
these erring philosophers, therefore, attentive to the accumulation
of riches, retire from this sublunary world with an immense
immolated treasure, wherewith to begin, as they imagine, their
career in the world to come!

"We," they say, "convert our superflux to jewels and costly apparel
for our females, and we have the gratification of seeing them well
apparelled and agreeably ornamented. Moreover, a great part of our
possessions is appropriated to the sacred rites of hospitality,
239 which you Christians know not how to practise; for you worship the
idol of ostentation; you invite your friends to dinner; you incur
an intolerable and injudicious expense, and provide a multiplicity
of dishes to pamper their appetites, sufficient for a regiment of
muselmen; when nature and national beings, which men were born to
be, require only one dish. Moreover, your sumptuous entertainments
are given to those only who do not want; therefore is it an
ostentatious and a wanton waste! We, on the contrary, that is to
say, every good Muselman, gives one-tenth of his property to the
poor; and moreover much of his substance is appropriated to the
support, not of the rich and independent, who do not want it, but
to (_deefan_) strange guests who journey from one country to
another; insomuch that, with us, a poor man may travel by public
beneficence and apt hospitality from the shores of the
Mediterranean to the borders of Sahara, without a fluce[166] in
(_hashituh_) the corner of his garment.[167] A traveller, however
poor he may be, is never at a loss for a meal, several meals, and
even for three days entertainment, wherever he travels through our
country; and if any man were to go to a douar in any of the Arab
240 provinces of our Sovereign's empire, and not receive the
entertainment and courtesy of a brother, that douar would be
stamped with a stigma of indelible disgrace! Pardon us, therefore,
if we say, you have not such hospitality in your country, although
the great principle of (_Seedna Aisa_) our Lord Jesus, is
charity." [168] I should, however, observe that this hospitality is
shown almost exclusively to Muhamedans.

[Footnote 166: A fluce is a copper coin, one hundred of which
are equal to sixpence English.]

[Footnote 167: In the corner of his garment:--The Africans have
no pockets; they carry their money in the corner of their
garment, and tie it with a knot to secure it.]

[Footnote 168: The Muhamedans acknowledge Jesus Christ to have
been a Prophet that worked miracles; the indelible proof of his
mission.]

Respecting women and horses, speaking of the treatment of them in
England, they remark, that "England is a paradise for women, who
are there exalted beyond the fitness of things; and it is
(_gehennum_) a hell for horses, for those poor ill-treated animals
in the hackney coaches and carts, need only to be seen to be
pitied; the hard blows which they receive from their cruel masters
are calculated to impress our minds with an opinion that we are in
a land of barbarians, whereas you call yourselves a civilised
people: You say you are such; your actions deny the fact, and we
judge by actions, not by words or self-commendations. When,
therefore, you pride yourselves on your superiority and
civilisation the whole is a delusion; and when we hear you set
forth these absurd pretensions, we are compelled to commiserate our
common race, and to exclaim, Alas, poor human nature!" This is the
241 verbatim reply that a very intelligent but irritated Muselman made
to my animadversions on the absurdity of burying treasure. This
gentleman's father had been ambassador from the Emperor of Marocco
to Great Britain, and to France; and had seen much of French,
Spanish, and English manners, among the higher orders of society in
those countries.

Too much cannot be said in commendation of this generous,
open-hearted philanthropy of the Arabs, here described: but the
intelligent reader will understand, that it applies particularly to
the Arabs, or cultivators of the plains, in the empire of Marocco;
and, in its large and unlimited extent, to the Bedouin or roving
Arabs of the Sahara, and of Lower Suse, from whose (_kabyles_)
clans, the Arabs cultivators are early emigrations; almost all of
them having their original stock in the Sahara. It is also
confined, almost exclusively, to Muhamedans, and does not, like the
divine doctrine of Jesus Christ, with universal benevolence embrace
all mankind, without distinction of party, sect, or nation;--a
doctrine which has lately been put in considerable practice in our
own country, by institutions supported by voluntary subscriptions
for the destitute, for foreigners in distress, and for negroes; by
institutions in aid and support of all needy persons labouring
under sickness, or having need of surgical aid; by institutions for
the encouragement of industry, for the refutation of vice and
242 immorality; by institutions that reflect immortal honour on this
country, and cast a lustre on the respective individuals who have
contributed to all these heart-approving institutions, which are
calculated to afford relief to almost every description of
suffering humanity!!

Itinerant (_tebeebs_) doctors travel through the country to
administer to the sick; which, however, are seldom found. They
carry over their shoulders a leathern bag, containing their
surgical apparatus, which consists of a lancet, a scarifying knife,
and a caustic knife, or knife for burning: they scarify the neck,
the forehead, or the wrists. The caustic knife is an instrument of
very general application. They convert all gun-shot and other
wounds, as well as sores, into burns, by heating the knife in the
fire, and gently touching the circumference of the wound with it.
This produces acute pain; but the Africans bear pain heroically:
they say that this method prevents inflammation and festering. They
perform, by caustic, extraordinary cures. I imagine this method
would not agree with an European body, pampered with a variety of
high food and luxurious living.

The inhabitants of this country break their fast with (_el hassûa_)
barley-gruel; they grind the barley to the size of sparrow-shot,
this they mix with water, and simmer over a slow fire two or three
hours. This food is esteemed extremely wholesome, and is
243 antifebrile. The Emperor takes this before he drinks tea in a
morning: his father, Seedi Muhamed ben Abdallah, also, who drank
none but fine hyson tea, never would drink that beverage till he
had first laid a foundation of _el hassûa_.

The Arabs and Shelluhs, with whom _el hassûa_ is generally used,
urge its salubrity, by reporting that a physician alighted in a
strange country, and when he arose in the morning, after performing
his matins, he seated himself with some of the inhabitants, and,
conversing, asked them how they lived, and with what food they
broke their fast? "With _el hassûa_," was the reply: "Then,"
rejoined Esculapius, (_Salam û alikume_,) "Peace be with you; for
if you eat _el hassûa_ in the morning you have no need of a
doctor:" and he immediately departed.

When I established the port of Santa Cruz, and opened it to
European commerce, the gratitude and hospitality of the Arabs and
Shelluhs of the province of Suse, was demonstrated in every way: so
rejoiced were they to see their port, after an inactivity of thirty
years, again re-established. If I rode out to visit any part of the
country, the women, on my approach to a douar, would come out to a
great distance with bowls of milk on their heads; others with bowls
of honey, with thin scrapings of butter in them, and bread or
244 cakes[169], similar to pancakes, baked in five minutes, on stones
heated with the embers of charcoal. These greetings I received by
tasting every bowl of milk, and dipping a bit of bread in the honey
and eating it. The milk thus presented is emblematical of peace and
amity; the honey of welcome: to refuse eating or tasting what is
thus presented, is considered, among this patriarchal people, a
great breach of good manners, an inexcusable want of courtesy,
which they say none but a _kaffer_[170] would commit. They would
then say, _Birk eeaudee, birk attajar u straha_, "Alight, I pray
thee, alight, merchant! and rest yourself."

[Footnote 169: See a similar custom in Genesis, xxiii. 5--8.]

[Footnote 170: Kaffer is the Arabic term for Infidel. All the
idolatrous Negro nations are, by Muhamedans, denominated
Kaffer, (or Caffres). Sing. Kâffer--plural Kaffer.]

In these halcyon days, these grateful people never knew when to
cease offering presents. They sat on the ground in the refulgent
meridian sun, and when I dismounted to walk to the shade of a tree,
to partake of their hospitality, they would exhort me to shun the
shade, (_lie ê drab'k elbird_) for fear it should give me cold.
245 These Bedouin[171] Arabs of Suse and Sahara are the descendants of
the ancient Arabs, whose bold and figurative language is the same
that was spoken in Arabia twelve centuries ago, in the time of
Muhamed.

[Footnote 171: The Arabs of the vast plains of the empire of
Marocco, who live in douars, or encampments, are emigrations
from the original stock or clan in Sahara; who are the pure or
Bedouin Arabs. Being established in the beautiful and
productive plains of West and South Barbary, they soon forget
their Bedouin customs, change their wandering, plundering
habits, and become cultivators, and stationary; for the immense
produce of their labour in these plains, which require no dung,
nor any preparation but the plough, soon rewards their
industry, so as to determine them to continue this new mode of
life.]

Passing early one morning by a douar, in the territory of
Howara,[172] I was invited to join a party to hunt the wild boar.
The plains of Howara, between the city of Terodant and Santa Cruz,
abound with boars: we started, in a few hours, seven of these
animals, two of which were taken and killed. The dogs best
calculated for this sport are what they call _sereet telt_, or the
third race of greyhounds, which is a very strong dog. One of these,
I observed, attacked the boars by the nape of the neck, and never
left his hold till the other dogs came up to the attack: although
the boar would toss him about in all directions, he never left his
hold. The Arabs of Suse are very dextrous and active at this sport:
they hunt with javelins; some have guns, which they fire when
opportunity offers, but they never expend their powder and shot
(_batâl_) vainly, as they express it, but always make sure of their
246 mark. I could not but admire this celebrated (_slogie_) greyhound;
which the Arab to whom it belonged observing, insisted on my taking
it home to Santa Cruz, adding, that whenever I wished to hunt, to
let him know, and he would accompany me. I offered him a present of
money for the dog, which is what I never had refused before in the
provinces north of Suse; but he declined the offer, saying he was
more than recompensed already by the establishment of the port of
Santa Cruz. "Myself, my family, my kabyl," said he, "hail you as a
father; (_e moot alik_) they will die in your cause." No favour
could have equalled that of re-establishing the commerce of
Agadeer. These circumstances serve to show what reception might be
expected from these people, if the British Government would
negociate with the Emperor for the purchase of the port of Agadeer,
or Santa Cruz, preparatory to the establishment of a commerce with
Timbuctoo, and other regions of Sudan.

[Footnote 172: In the 815th year of the Hejira, an emigration
from the Howara Arabs attacked, took possession of, and
destroyed the city of Assouan, in Egypt.]

247

PLAN
FOR THE
GRADUAL CIVILISATION OF AFRICA.

_On the Commercial Intercourse with Africa, through the
Sahara and Ashantee._

To cultivate an extensive commercial intercourse with Africa, I
have already observed, that the best method, the simplest, and that
which is, from contingent circumstances, the most likely to
succeed, is the plan which I have pointed out in the following
prospectus. I shall now offer several reasons why this plan is
superior to any other hitherto suggested.

The riches of the Arabs of Sahara generally, as well as of that
part which I have contemplated as a convenient spot for
establishing a colony, and for opening a communication with Sudan,
consists exclusively in camels. The independence of a man is there
ascertained by the number of camels he possesses; it is not said,
how many thousand dollars has he? or, what quantity of gold does he
possess? or, what land has he? but, how many camels does he own?
The master of these, aptly denominated, ships of the Desert, is
248 urged by interest to let on hire his camels, as the master of a
ship of the ocean is urged by interest to seek freight for his
ship. And it is observed, that the ferocious appearance among the
Arabs, (which is too often assumed,) subsides in proportion to the
intercourse they have with merchants, who negociate with them for
the transport of their goods. Thus, at the _depôts_ for camels
between the cultivated country and the Desert, viz. at _Akka,
Tatta, Ufran,_ and _Wedinoon_, the ferocity of the Arabs is greatly
lost in the commercial spirit and endeavour to let their camels on
hire to the merchants. The Mograffra, the Woled Abbusebah, and the
Tejakant Arabs, therefore, who possess the Sahara, from the shores
of the Atlantic to the confines of Timbuctoo, would act in concert
with the colony, and would have a joint interest in promoting their
commercial views. The Brabeesh Arabs who receive, occasionally,
tribute from Timbuctoo, would also find it expedient to promote the
commerce of Sudan, and the prosperity of Timbuctoo; both which
would necessarily be united to their own interest, and would
provide a demand for their camels.

If the profits of this commerce, when once established and secured
to the British, were to be cent. per cent., the whole would remain
a bonus to the colony. There would be no shereef of Fezzan, or
bashaw of Tripoli, to take their share of the profits, in any
shape, in exchange for the privilege of being suffered to pass
249 through their country. But, on the contrary, the Arabs of the
Mograffra and other tribes would find it so evidently their
interest and advantage to be friendly with us, that we might
absolutely have the entire command of the Desert, from the shores
of the Atlantic to the city of Timbuctoo, which would eventually
throw such a weight of power into our hands, as to make even that
city itself, in a manner, tributary to us.

A plan of this kind should be executed _upon a grand national
scale_, and be pursued with discretion and perseverance.

An attempt to penetrate to Timbuctoo, through Ashantee, and
establish a commerce through that country, might meet with
temporary success; but I apprehend that we should labour under the
same inconveniences, and be subject to the same arbitrary imposts
and exactions, whether in the shape of duties, part of the profits,
or otherwise, as we should, by opening a communication through
Tripoli. There would be a present or douceur to the king of
Ashantee; others to the princes of the adjoining territories; and,
finally, (taking the character of this king to be as represented by
the late traveller in that country, Mr. Bowdich), might we not
reasonably anticipate that, on the first dispute respecting the
division of the profits, the king of Ashantee would order all the
English out of his country, and, to terminate the dispute, plunder
them of their property? But, perhaps the establishment of a colony
in Ashantee, _conjoined_ to one in Sahara, might not be
250 objectionable. We should then have two routs to the grand emporium
of central Africa: if one failed, the other would remain open for
our countrymen to recover their property and to return by; and
thus, in establishing a commercial intercourse with the interior of
Africa, through two routes, we should secure, at the same time, our
retreat, by one of them, and not remain at the mercy of the
barbarous king of Ashantee, or any other African potentate, who
might be urged, from jealousy or avarice, to sacrifice our people,
when once he had them in his power!

251

PROSPECTUS OF A PLAN
FOR FORMING A
NORTH AFRICAN OR SUDAN COMPANY,

To be instituted for the purpose of establishing an extensive
Commerce with, and laying open to British Enterprise, all the
Interior Regions of North Africa.

* * * * *

OBJECTS OF THE SOCIETY.

1_st_. To lay open the interior regions of North Africa to British
enterprise--to supply those vast and unexplored countries with
British manufactures, with East-India goods, and with colonial
produce.

2_dly_, To encourage our manufactories, by opening a new market
calculated to improve the revenue of the country, to provide
employment for the labouring poor, and to enrich the mercantile
community; _the genial influence of which sources of prosperity
will necessarily diffuse itself through all classes_.

3_dly_, To facilitate, through the medium of commerce (_the only
medium by which it can possibly be effected_), the exploration of
the interior regions of Africa, (_which have remained to this day a
sealed book, notwithstanding the many adventurous expeditions that
252 have been undertaken_,) by opening a communication with the natives
of that vast and little-known continent, and BY CALLING TO OUR AID
THE CO-OPERATION OF THE NATIVE CHIEFS, BY HOLDING OUT TO THEM THE
BENEFITS WHICH THEY WILL DERIVE FROM COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE AS A
REWARD FOR THEIR ASSISTANCE AND EXERTIONS IN PROMOTING THIS
DESIRABLE OBJECT.

For these purposes it is proposed--

That the funds to be raised be one hundred thousand pounds, in
shares of one hundred pounds each. Ten shares to constitute a
director.

The spot proposed to be fixed on as the point of communication, and
commercial depôt, between Great Britain and the interior of Africa
is SAFE AND HEALTHY: it will afford a _direct communication with
Timbuctoo and the interior regions of Sudan_, without being subject
to the uncertainty of securing the favour and protection of the
various sultans and sheiks of the respective territories of the
interior, through which the merchants and traders may pass--a
measure which would have been indispensable in every plan that has
hitherto been suggested for the discovery of those interesting
regions.

The plan now to be adopted, on the contrary, will be subject to
none of those impediments and uncertainties; but the merchants and
travellers will pass through territories where they need fear no
hostility, but will be received with hospitality and attention by
the natives, who will give them every assistance and accommodation
253 in their progress through their country.

Connected with this plan, a school for instructing the British
youth in African Arabic, so as to initiate them in the rudiments of
that language previously to their departure for Africa, might be
established, under the direction of JAMES GREY JACKSON, professor
of African Arabic, &c.

The present scheme has been many years in contemplation, but no
favourable opportunity of making it thus public having hitherto
occurred, it is now offered to the public, in consequence of the
energies lately manifested by France and by America for African
colonisation, and also by Holland.

The projectors, for the honour of their own country, are anxious
that Great Britain may not, through supineness, suffer this
important discovery to be wrested from her by any foreign power,
but that she should _at least share the glory_ due to this
important achievement, the completion of which would _immortalize
the prince who should cherish it to its maturity_.

Capitalists, and gentlemen resident in Great Britain, desirous of
further information on this subject, may address themselves to
JAMES GREY JACKSON, whose residence, at any time, may be known at
Messrs. Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, London.

TO THE BRITISH PUBLIC.

London, 31st March, 1819.

The above plan is ingenuously, liberally, and disinterestedly
254 submitted to the consideration of British capitalists and merchants
of respectability. The advantages to be derived from such an
establishment as is here contemplated, if not evident to Great
Britain, is clearly visible to Holland, to France, and to America.

The projector, therefore, without mentioning the offers that have
been made to him by a foreign maritime power, and _without
courting_ the suffrages of British merchants in support of this
plan, has it in contemplation, (_provided no attention is paid to
it in England_,) to lay this eligible scheme open to a foreign
power. If, therefore, the projector should accept employment in
this undertaking from a foreign power, it will be in the
conviction, that _it is more to the interest of mankind in general,
and to Europe in particular_, that this plan for opening an
_extensive, lucrative, and beneficial commerce with Africa_, (which
would necessarily lead to its civilisation,) should be known to,
and adopted by, _a foreign power_, than that this vast and
little-known continent should, (to the indelible disgrace of
civilised Europe,) _still continue to remain_ an useless and an
undiscovered country to the present generation!

JAMES GREY JACKSON.

_Appendix to the foregoing Prospectus, being an Epitome of the
Trade carried on by Great Britain and the European States in the
Mediterranean, indirectly with Timbuctoo, the Commercial Depôt of
North Africa, and with other States of Sudan_.

Marseilles, Genoa, Leghorn, and other commercial ports of France
255 and Italy, as well as of Spain, send to Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli,
and Egypt, _for the markets of Sudan_, manufactured silks, damask,
brocade, velvets, raw silk, combs of box and ivory, gold-thread,
paper, manufactured sugar, cochineal, and various other
merchandise.

Great Britain sends to the Barbary ports in the Mediterranean, and
to Mogodor on the Atlantic Ocean (which are afterwards conveyed to
Timbuctoo), for distribution at the several markets of Sudan--

_East India Goods, viz._--Gum benjamin, cassia, cinnamon, mace,
nutmegs, cloves, ginger, black pepper, Bengal silk, China silks,
nankeens, blue linens, long cloths, and muslins (mulls).

_West India Produce_.--Pimento, tobacco, coffee, cocoa, and
manufactured sugar.

_Linens_.--Dimities, plattilias, creas, rouans, Britannias,
cambrics, and Irish linens.

_Hardware_.--Iron nails, copper ditto, brass ditto, sword blades,
dagger ditto, guns, gunpowder, knives, &c. &c.

_Cloths_.--Superfine, of plain brilliant colours, not mixtures, and
cassimeres. And various other articles of merchandise.

Immense quantities of salt are also sent to Timbuctoo, which is for
the most part collected at the mines of Tishet and Shangareen, (see
the map of northern and central Africa, in the New Supplement to
the Encyclopaedia Britannica,) through which the caravan would pass
to Timbuctoo.
256
The following are the articles purchased by the Moors and Arab
traders, and are the returns brought back to Barbary from Sudan;
viz.

Gold dust, and trinkets of pure Wangara gold, of various fashions,
of the manufacture of Housa and Jinnie.--_B'Kore Sudan_ (fumigation
of Sudan), a kind of frankincense highly esteemed by the Africans.
Ostrich feathers (the finest in the world). Elephants' Teeth.
_Korkidan_, so called by the Arabs, being the horns of the
rhinoceros: these are a very costly article, and are in high
estimation among the muselmen, for sword-hilts and dagger-handles.
_Guza Sarawie_ (Grains of Paradise). Gum Copal Assafoetida, and a
great variety of drugs for manufacturing uses, and various roots
for dyeing. Ebony. Camwood. Sandal wood. Indigo, equal to that of
Guatimala: to which may be added, the command of the gum trade of
Senegal.

All the foregoing merchandise being first landed at Alexandria,
Tripoli, Tunis, Algiers, and Tetuan, and other Barbary ports in the
Mediterranean, _as well as at Mogodor on the western coast of
Africa_, are afterwards sold to the Muhamedan merchants, who sell
them with a very good profit to other Moors. These goods frequently
go through three, four, and five hands, before they reach the
consumer in Sudan, subject to a profit gained by each holder of
from twenty to thirty per cent.; the last purchaser, who conveys
257 them through the Desert, however, expects, and generally obtains,
from fifty to sixty per cent. profit on them, to which he considers
himself entitled, from the fatigue and privations of his passage
through the Desert, during a journey through a country, for the
most part barren, of above fifteen hundred miles in length; through
various kingdoms and principalities, subject to a charge for
(_statta_) convoy at the exit and entrance of each respective state
or district on each side of the Sahara, as well as in the Sahara
itself.

But, according to the plan here suggested to the commercial
community, all these various articles, instead of passing through
five several hands, would now pass through only two hands, viz.
through those of the shippers in England, and those of their agents
established on _the western coast of Africa_, who would sell them
directly to the Timbuctoo trader, which latter, instead of having
several principalities and kingdoms to pass through (at the exit
from each of which, as well as at the entrance of them, he would
have a charge for protection or convoy, called _statta_, levied on
the goods), would have no convoy-charge, or statta, to pay; he
would have but ten hundred, instead of fifteen or sixteen hundred
miles to go, being about two-thirds of the distance of the road
from Tunis or Tripoli, through Fezzan, to Timbuctoo.

N.B. There is an immense bank near the contemplated depôt, or port
258 (abounding in fish, which now supplies the _wahs_, or cultivated
spots in the desert, as well as the territories on the southern
confines thereof), which produces fish sufficient to supply the
whole of the interior of Africa, as well as the shores of the
Mediterranean, &c. &c.

_Letter from Vasco de Gama, in elucidation of this Plan_.

Sir,

The Society of Encouragement for National Industry in France, has
granted prizes for various discoveries in the arts and sciences;
but I wish government, or some society of our own country, would
offer a liberal prize for the best mode of colonising Africa, and
for meliorating the condition of the inhabitants of that vast and
little known continent. A well-digested plan for the discovery of
this continent might be followed by the most desirable events. The
efforts of the African Association have, to say the least, been
lamentably disastrous; little good can be anticipated from the
efforts of solitary or scientific travellers in a country where
science is not cultivated, and where the travellers know little or
259 nothing of the[173] general language of Africa, or of the manners
and dispositions of the natives.

[Footnote 173: The general language of North Africa is the
Western Arabic, with a knowledge of which language, a traveller
may make himself intelligible wherever he may go; either in the
negro countries of Sudan, in Egypt, Abyssinia, Sahara, or
Barbary.]

A knowledge therefore of the _African Arabic_ appears indispensable
to this great undertaking; and it should seem that a commercial
adventurer is much more likely to obtain his object than a
scientific traveller, for this plain reason,--because it is much
easier to persuade the Africans that we travel into their country
for the purposes of commerce and its result--_profit_, than to
persuade them that we are so anxious to ascertain the course of
their rivers!

Accordingly, it was aptly observed by the Negroes of Congo, when
they learned that Captain Tuckey came not to trade nor to make war;
_"What then come for? only to take walk and make book?"_

I do not mean now to lay down a plan for the colonisation of
Africa, or for opening an extensive commerce with that vast
continent, but I would suggest the propriety of the method by which
the East India Company govern their immense territories. _I would
wish to see an African Company formed on an extensive scale, with a
large capital_. I am convinced that such a company would be of more
service to the commerce of this country than the present India
trade, where the natives, _without being in want_ of our
manufactures, surpass us in ingenuity. But the Africans, on the
contrary, _are in want_ of our manufactured goods, and give immense
260 sums for them. According to a late author, who has given us the
fullest description[174] of Timbuctoo[175] and its vicinity, a
_Plattilia_ is there worth fifty Mexico dollars, or twenty _meezens
of gold_, each meezen being worth two and a half Mexico dollars; _a
piece of Irish linen_ of ordinary quality, and measuring
twenty-five yards, is worth seventy-five Mexico dollars; and a
quintal of _loaf sugar_ is worth one hundred Mexico dollars. Now if
we investigate the parsimonious mode of traversing the Desert, we
shall find that a journey of 1500 English miles is performed from
Fas to Timbuctoo at the rate of forty shillings sterling per
quintal, so that loaf sugar (a weighty and bulky article) can be
rendered from London at Timbuctoo through Tetuan and Fas, including
the expense of a land-carriage of 1500 miles at about 6£. per
quintal, thus:

Refined sugar on board in London for _s. d._
per cwt. 70 0

Duty on importation in any part of
Marocco, ten per cent. 7 0

Freight, &c. five per cent. 3 6

Land carriage across the Desert on camels
to Timbuctoo 40 0
-----
s. 120 6
-----

[Footnote 174: See new Supplement to the Encyclopedia
Britannica, article Africa, page 98.]

[Footnote 175: See the account of Timbuctoo appended to
Jackson's account of Marocco, published by Cadell and Davies,
London, Chap, 18.]

261
So that if 100 lb. of loaf sugar rendered, at Timbuctoo cost
120_s_. 6_d_ and sells there for 100 Mexico dollars at 4_s_. 6_d_.
each, or for 22£. 5_s_. there will result a profit of 270 per cent.

The profit in fine goods, such as the linens before mentioned, is
still more considerable, not being subject to so heavy a charge for
carriage. The immense quantity of[176] gold dust and gold bars that
would be brought from Timbuctoo, Wangara, Gana, and other
countries, in exchange for this merchandise, would be incalculable,
and has, perhaps, never yet been contemplated by Europeans!!--In
the same work, above quoted, 3d edition, page 289, will be found a
list of the various merchandise exportable from Great Britain,
which suit the market of the interior of Africa or Sudan: and also
a list of the articles which we should receive in return for those
goods.

[Footnote 176: The Kings, David and Solomon, extracted from
Africa to enrich the temple of Jerusalem upwards of
800,000,000£. sterling, a sum sufficient to discharge the
national debt; see Commercial Magazine for May 1819, page 6.;
which is eight times as much gold as the mines of Brazil have
produced since their discovery in 1756. See Commercial Magazine
for the same month, page 44.]

Plans to penetrate to the mart of Timbuctoo (which would supply
Housa, Wangara, Gana, and other districts of Sudan with European
merchandize) have been formed; but if a treaty of commerce were
made with any of the Negro kings, these plans would be subject to
various impediments.
262
The goods, in passing through hostile territories, (these
sovereigns living in a state of continual warfare with each other,)
would be subject to innumerable imposts; _it would therefore be
expedient to form a plan whereby the goods should reach Timbuctoo
through an eligible part of the Desert_: but some persons who have
been in the habit of trading for gum to _Portandik_, have declared
the inhabitants of Sahara to be a wild and savage race, untractable
and not to be civilised by commerce, or by any other means. This I
must beg leave to contradict: the Arabs of Sahara, from their
wandering habits, are certainly wild, and _they are hostile to all
who do not understand their language_; but if two or three
Europeans capable of holding colloquial intercourse with them, were
to go and establish a factory on their coast, and then suggest to
them the benefit _they would derive_, being the _carriers_ of such
a trade as is here contemplated, their ferocity would be
transferred forthwith into that virtue in the practice of which
they so eminently excel all other nations, _hospitality_; and the
most inviolable alliance might be formed with such a people. I
speak not from the experience of books, but from an actual
intercourse, and from having passed many years of my youth among
them.
263
An advantageous spot might be fixed upon on the western coast, in
an independent district, where our alliance would be courted, from
which the Kafila[177] or Akkaba would have to pass through only one
tribe with perfect safety, and subject to no impost whatever;
neither would they be subject to any duty on entering the town of
Timbuctoo, as they would enter at the _Beb Sahara_, or gate of the
Desert, which _exempts them_ from duty or impost.

[Footnote 177: Caravan.]

That civilisation would be the result of commerce, and that the
trade in slaves would decrease with the increase of our commerce
with these people, there can be little doubt; and, independent of
the advantages of an extensive commerce, the consolation would be
great to the Christian and to the Philosopher, of having converted
millions of brethren made in the perfection of God's image, and
endowed with reason, from barbarism to civilisation, if not to
Christianity!!!

Let us hope, then, that some of the intelligent readers of your
luminous and interesting pages will direct their attention to this
great national object, and produce ah eligible and well-digested
plan for the cultivation of a mutual intercourse _through the
medium qf commerce with Africa_, and for the civilisation of that
hitherto neglected continent.

VASCO DE GAMA.

_Eton, 28th May, 1819_.
264

_On Commercial Intercourse with Africa_.

(TO THE EDITOR OF THE MONTHLY MAGAZINE.)

Sir,

The plan of your correspondent, for opening a commercial
intercourse with the interior of Africa, appears to me so direct
and simple, that I am only surprised it has not been thought of
before. The Moors are the merchants of Africa; the chain of
communication that runs from the states of Barbary to the negro
kingdoms, and from the shores of the Atlantic Ocean to the Red Sea.
To judge of the humanity of these people from the accounts of
shipwrecked sailors, whom they have dragged into slavery, and then
liberated for money, would be not less fallacious than to estimate
the character of the English nation from the plunderers of the
wrecks on their coast. From such accounts, the name of Moor has
inspired us with horror; and Park's detention at the camp of Ali,
one of their chiefs, has contributed to confirm it. Park, however,
so far from endeavouring to conciliate his captors, endeavoured, by
his own confession, to appear as contemptible as possible in their
eyes; and yet, with this disadvantage, the greater part of the
miseries he endured proceeded from the climate and the irritation
of his own mind.

The Arabs of Sahara are the carriers of merchandize throughout
North Africa, and the Moors are in the constant habit of selling
265 gum to the French on the Senegal. The French say they are
perfidious; but they give no proof of it that I have seen. I have
met with a French traveller, who owns that his countrymen deceive
them either in the weight or measure of the gum they purchase.

Bruce found a friend in every Moorish merchant, and integrity and
intelligence in all. And where should these qualities be found in a
country like the interior of Africa, in which learning has no place
but among merchants?

So much for the proposed carriers of English goods to Timbuctoo.
Now for the road. The fertile parts of Africa are hot and humid,
unwholesome and dangerous; and the kings are often at war with each
other. Park experienced both these evils; and the wonder was, not
so much that he perished on his second journey, as that he returned
from his first. The Desert is dry and heathful. It is sprinkled
with fertile spots, which form a succession of known
resting-places, and the distance between each requires a certain
number of days to travel. The Moors are at home in Sahara; and,
when they go long journeys, the fertile spots are their inns. The
road from the coast of Sahara is also the shortest that has yet
been pointed out to Timbuctoo.

If the means of executing the plan appear sufficient, it is not
necessary to say any thing in favour of the object: the exchange of
British manufactures for gold, speaks for itself. But there is no
266 time to be lost. The French settlement of Galam is advantageously
situated for commerce with Timbuctoo: a Frenchman has already
travelled from Galam to that city, I believe on a commercial
speculation, and he has returned safe.

CATHERINE HUTTON.

_Impediments to our Intercourse with Africa_.

When we consider the maritime strength of Great Britain; her
command of the ocean; the vicinity to Europe of West Barbary, one
of the finest countries in the world; the rich and valuable produce
which is cultivated in this country;--when we consider that our
garrison of Gibraltar is in its vicinage, and but a few hours' sail
from it, we are naturally astonished that our communication with
this country is so limited. That we have less commercial
communication with Barbary, than we have with countries that do not
open to us any thing like the commercial advantages that this
country offers, though they are thousands of miles from us. It
appears relevant, therefore, to inquire, whence originates this
impeded intercourse? There are two great impediments to our free
intercourse with Sudan through Marocco: viz., a general ignorance
of the Arabic language, as spoken in the latter country; and the
repugnancy of the Muhamedan religion to that of Christ. With
respect to the first of these impediments, it is remarkable that
this learned language is so little known in Europe,--this language,
267 the most prevalent in the world, a language which is spoken or
understood almost without intermission from the western shores of
Africa on the Atlantic ocean, to the confines of China,--a language
understood, wherever Muhamedans are to be found, throughout all the
populous and commercial regions of Africa, from the Western Ocean
to the Red Sea, and from the Mediterranean to the country of
Kaffers,[178] in the vicinage of the Cape of Good Hope. With
respect to the second of these impediments, the repugnancy of the
Muhamedan religion to that of Christ, it may justly be observed,
that this is not really so great as we are apt to imagine; the
moral principles of Muhamedans being not unlike those of the former
Christians, being in fact a composition of Hebrew and Christian
morality. They acknowledge Jesus Christ to be a prophet, and tell
us, that, in this respect, they are on the safe side, as we impute
no Divine authority to Muhamed. But a most violent repugnance to
Christians has been propagated by the (_Fakeers_) Muselmen saints,
or holy men. They have industriously circulated the belief of an
old superstitious prediction which they have on record, viz. that
the Christians will invade the Muhamedan countries, take their
268 cities and towns, and establish the Christian religion on the ruins
of that of Muhamed, and take possession of the country. These
reports, propagated, as before observed, by the (_Fakeers_)
Muhamedan saints, among the lower orders, have kindled a high
degree of rancour and animosity, (equal to that which the Catholics
formerly indulged towards their protestant brethren,) which will
never be extinguished until a friendly alliance and extensive
commercial intercourse be established with them; which alone can
soften this rancour and animosity into peace and amity. This
animosity has been increased also by the rancorous anti-christian
disposition manifested towards these people by the writings of
Roman catholic priests and others.[179] If these uncharitable
opinions of each other could be eradicated, the blessings that
would result to the Africans would be incalculable; a reciprocal
exchange of good offices might pave the way to purchase of the
Emperor of Marocco the port of Agadeer or Santa Cruz, aptly
denominated, from its contiguity to the Sahara (_Beb Sudan_) "the
gate of Sudan," which, in the hands of the English, would be the
key to the whole of the interior of Africa, and an effectual link
269 in our chain of communication with the interior of that
undiscovered continent; it would moreover secure to us the entire
commerce of those extensive and populous regions, to the exclusion
of our Moorish competitors of Cairo, Alexandria, Tripoli, Tunis,
Algiers, and other ports of Barbary, who supply the people of Sudan
with European merchandise at the fourth, fifth, and sixth hand.

[Footnote 178: _Kaffer (or Caffre_) is an Arabic word which
signifies infidels or unbelievers (in Muhamed); the very name
has been given by Muhamedans, and therefore it is to be
presumed that the Muhamedans approximate the countries
contiguous to the Cape.]

[Footnote 179: See Martin Martinius. Abraham Ecchellensis.
Maccarius, Theolog. Polemic. Peter Cevaller. Robert de Retz,
translator of the Koran. See also the support of this assertion
in Jackson's Account of the Empire of Marocco, enlarged
edition, published by Cadell and Davies, Strand, from p. 196.
to 208.]

The abolition of the slave-trade cannot be effected until we shall
have substituted some commerce with the Negro countries, equivalent
at least, or that shall be more than equivalent to it, otherwise
the negro sovereigns of Sudan will never be induced to relinquish
so great a source of profit. Every naval officer in His Majesty's
service knows, that if we were to have thirty sail of the line
continually off the coast of Guinea, it would not be sufficient to
annihilate this abominable traffic, or to deter people from
embarking in a trade that yields such extraordinary profits. This
being admitted, as it certainly will be by every intelligent man,
it follows, that the system now in operation by the British
government for the abolition of the slave-trade, will be attended
only with an unnecessary expense to this country, without the
possibility of effecting the desired object; but, on the contrary,
judging from recent events, there is every reason to presume, that
this detestable commerce will increase, as it has continued to
increase, these last two or three years, in spite of all our
270 operations to prevent it; the Spaniards alone having imported into
the island of Cuba more slaves in 1818 and 1819, than in the four
preceding years. The result has been, that that island has
produced, in 1819, more than double the produce of the former year;
their waste lands, accordingly, are in progressive cultivation,
and, if they go on thus improving, that island, in a few years
hence, will produce coffee and sugar sufficient for the supply of
all the markets of Europe.

Finally, Slavery will never give way to any thing but civilisation;
the civilisation of Africa can never be accomplished but through a
great and extensive commercial intercourse, a commerce that will
_enrich the negroes, and enable them, by a supply of arms, to
contend with and gain an ascendancy over their Muhamedan
oppressors_, who want no other pretext for attacking them, than
that of their being idolaters, which idolatry, it is asserted,
authorises the Muselman to make them slaves. Thus, _the abolition
of slavery must depend on the Africans themselves_; and although it
is in our power to supply them with the means for _their
emancipation_, yet it is absurd to suppose that we can effect it by
our naval operations. If all the great sovereigns of Europe were to
agree to make the trading in slaves piracy, they would not prevent
it. WE cannot emancipate them; _that only can be accomplished by
their own energy_, awakened in them by commercial intercourse, and
its accompanying civilisation.
271
Much might be done if all the African societies were to unite their
interest, knowledge, and abilities for this desired object. If the
African Company would unite their energies with the African
Association, and with the African Institution, such an union would
promote the civilisation of the African continent, and the
conversion of the Negroes to Christianity.

ARCHITECTURE OF THE MOSQUES.

The architecture of this country is of the Gothic character. The
mosques are built somewhat like our churches: the body of the
mosques are covered with green glazed tiles; the steeples are
invariably an exact square, the sides being ten or twelve feet, not
tapering as those of Coventry, but the top having the same
dimensions as the base. At the top is erected a smaller square,
with a flag-staff similar to a gallows, to which is suspended every
day at noon, a white flag, the signal of preparation for prayers;
but on Fridays, the Muhamedan Sabbath, a dark-blue one is
substituted for the same purpose. Some of the mosques are paved
with white and black chequered marble, some are tessellated
pavements, consisting of white, blue, and green glazed tiles, about
two inches square, a very pretty mode of paving, extremely clean,
and has a very cool appearance; others are terrassed, which is lime
272 and small stones beaten down with wooden mallets. They excel in the
art of making terras. The houses are all flat roofed, so as to
resist the heaviest rains: the declivity of the terrasses is so
imperceptible, that it is just sufficient to give the rains a
tendency to the great conduit or pipe that leads to the mitfere
underneath the house, which is underground, and has a terras
bottom, impervious to the water. Here is collected water sufficient
for the family or household during the year; the lime that washes
into the mitfere from the terrassed roof, purifies the water, and
preserves it from worms and other insects. They have no ornaments
in their mosques; but the place where the Mufti or Fakeer reads
prayers, is covered with mats or carpets; the rest of the floor is
bare, and the respective individuals prostrate themselves on the
bare floor, or on an antelope's or _Elhorreh_[180] skin, or the
skin of a lion or tiger, prepared in a superior manner by the
tanners at Marocco, the leather of which is made soft as silk, and
white as snow.

[Footnote 180: For a description of this curious animal, see
Jackson's Marocco, page 83, Chapter on Zoology.]

The bodies of the dead are never laid in the mosques or near them,
but are invariably carried out of the town, to some coba[181] in
273 the vicinity. The bodies of the dead are washed, and covered with
lawn, and placed on an oblong wooden machine, resembling a box
without a cover, called a _kiffen;_ it has four legs about six
inches long, to uphold it from the ground, and two horizontal
projections at each end, to place on the shoulders of four men,
generally the nearest relations of the deceased, who thus carry the
body to the grave, chaunting with the whole company, amounting
sometimes to some hundreds, _La Allah, ila Allah wa Muhamed Rassule
Allah_, "There is no God but God, and Muhamed is the prophet of
God." This repetition may appear extraordinary to the English
reader; but let it be observed that the Muhamedans never use the
pronoun for the name of the Omnipotent, but invariably the noun.
The body is taken out of the bier, and laid in the ground, the face
upwards, without any coffin or box, the legs towards Mecca, and
then covered with earth, so that it might, at the resurrection,
rise with its eyes towards (_El Kaaba_) Muhamed's mausoleum. No
money is paid for the ground, nor is any expense paid for a
monument: a stick or a stone stands erect at the head, and another
274 at the feet. If the deceased lived a moral, inoffensive, and
exemplary life, the public, at its own expense, oftentimes erects
(_kaba_) a cubical building with a dome at the top to the departed,
and he is thence denominated (_fakeer_) a saint.

[Footnote 181: A coba is a cubical building, about forty or
fifty feet square, having a dome on the top, inhabited by a
fakeer; the ground adjacent to this building is consecrated for
the dead, but is never inclosed. The living reverence the dead
by never, riding over these grounds; but travellers, in passing
stop and repeat a fatha. When the ground has been consecrated
to the dead, and the _coba_ has an inhabitant, who must be a
sanctified person, he immediately assumes the name of fakeer or
priest, and the building, and cemetery attached to it, becomes
a _zowia_ or sanctuary.]

The palaces of this country generally consist of a perfect square
wall, containing from two to forty acres of land, or more; for the
imperial palace at Mequinas covers about two square miles of
ground. At each corner of the square is a cubical building, with an
angular top, of green glazed tiles, having four windows, one in
each side; in the centre of the square is the palace, surrounded by
a colonnade one or two stories high. The pavement is either
tessellated or of chequered marble; some of the walls of the rooms
are also tessellated with arabesque, borders, the ceilings are
painted with gay colours, viz. scarlet, sky-blue, green, yellow,
and orange, in arabesque, and some of them are very elegant. The
houses of the opulent are diminutive imitations of the palaces. The
house of (_the Talb Câduse_) the minister of the Sultan Seedi
Muhamed ben Abd Allah at Marocco, is a building, elegantly neat.
Abd Rahamen ben Nassar's house at Mogodor, is well deserving the
investigation of an European architect, and his magnificent new
house at Saffee, is a model of a particular style of architecture.
Some of the houses of the princes and the military at Mequinas are
275 handsome buildings, and many of the houses of the opulent merchants
at Fas, who have their commercial establishments at Timbuctoo, and
other countries of Sudan, are extremely neat and truly unique,
having beautiful gardens in the interior, ornamented with the
choicest and most odoriferous flowers and shrubs; with fountains of
running water, clear as crystal, delectable to behold in this warm
climate, and such as are not to be seen in any part of Europe.

276

FRAGMENTS, NOTES,
AND
ANECDOTES;

_Illustrating the Nature and Character of the Country_.

INTRODUCTION.

In recording the following Anecdotes and Fragments the naked truth
is stated, without the embellishments of language, or the labour of
rhetoric, which the wiser part of mankind have always approved of
as the most instructive way of writing; and all such as are
acquainted with books will readily agree with me, that many authors
stretch, even to the prejudice of truth, from an affectation of
elegance of style.

The following facts, therefore, will form the materials for a
history, rather than a history itself.

The study of the _language and customs of the Arabs is the best
comment upon the Old Testament_. The language of the modern Jews is
little to be regarded; their dispersion into various nations,
277 having no fixed habitation, being _wholly_ addicted to their own
interest, their conformation to the respective customs of the
various nations through which they are dispersed; have caused them,
in a great measure, to forget their ancient customs and original
language, except what is preserved in the Bible and in the exercise
of their religion. Whereas the Arabs have continued in the constant
possession of their country many centuries, and are so tenacious of
their customs and habits, that they are, at this day, the same men
they were three thousand years ago. Accordingly, many of their
customs, at this day, remind us of what happened among their
ancestors in the days of Abraham.

_Trade with Sudan_.

1795, June 14th. Two (_Akkabas_) accumulated caravans of Gum Sudan,
called in England "Turkey[182] Gum Arabic," have reached the Arab
encampment of Dikna, not far from the northern confines of the
Sahara; and will be at Santa Cruz, in the province of Suse, in a
fortnight.

[Footnote 182: This gum is conveyed from Sudan to Alexandria,
in Egypt; there it is shipped off for Smyrna, or
Constantinople, and from thence imported into England.]

_Wrecked Ships_.

278 A large ship, supposed to be Spanish, bound to Lima, has been
wrecked near Cape Noon; the cargo consists of lace, silks, linens,
superfine cloths, and is estimated by the Jews, at Wedinoon, to be
worth half a million of dollars.

_Wrecked Ships on the Coast_.

Extract of a Letter from James Jackson, and Co. at Mogodor, to
their correspondents in London. January, 1801.

The wine and dollars per the Perola de Setubal, wrecked on the
coast of Suse, have been recovered from the Arabs, by Alkaid Hamo,
the governor of Santa Cruz; and we have just received them safe by
a boat. If this vessel had been wrecked on the coast of Cornwall,
it is more than probable that the cargo would have been plundered.
We have presented the governor with twenty dollars, for his
extraordinary energy, exertions, and great merit in the recovery of
the whole of this property.

The Prosperous, Captain Driver, a southwhaler, was wrecked near
Cape Noon, in 1790; the crew was redeemed by me, and brought to my
house at Santa Cruz, after being upwards of two years in captivity
in the Desert: and I sent them all from Santa Cruz to Mogodor on
mules, where, after remaining about two months, the Bull-dog sloop
of war came down from Gibraltar for them, and they were sent off to
her by the imperial order.
279
_Wrecked Sailors_.

English seamen that are so unfortunate as to be wrecked on the
coast of Sahara, are generally better treated than the French,
Italian, or Spanish, because there is a greater probability of a
ransom; and because it is well known that the English admit no
slaves in their own country.

_Timbuctoo Coffee_.

Coffee grows spontaneously in the vicinage of Timbuctoo, _south of
the Nile Elabeed_. I sent a quantity to Mr. James Willis, formerly
Consul for Senegambia: it was of a bitter taste, which is the
general character of this grain before it is improved by
cultivation.

_Sand Baths_.

The Arabs bury the body erect in sand, up to the chin, as a remedy
for several disorders, particularly syphilis.

_Civil War common in West Barbary_.

In the provinces of Haha and Suse, particularly in the mountainous
districts, intestine wars frequently prevail: kabyl against kabyl,
village against village, house against house, family against
280 family. In these lamentable wars, which so continually disturb the
peace of society, retaliation is considered an incumbent duty on
every individual who may have lost a relation, so that the embers
of hostility are thus incessantly fanned; and this lamentable
revenge pervades whole clans, to the utter destruction of every
humane and philanthropic propensity, converting the human race to a
degradation below the beasts of the field.

_Policy of the Servants of the Emperor_.

The Bashaws, and others holding responsible situations in the
empire, are continually purchasing a good name and good report at
court, by courtesy to and by feeing the ministers of the Emperor to
report favourably of them, whenever opportunity may offer.
Incredible sums are sometimes expended in this way.

_El_[183] _Wah El Grarbee, or the Western Oasis_.

The prince, Muley Abd Salam, elder brother of the reigning Emperor,
Muley Soliman, purchased, on his return from the pilgrimage to
281 Mecca, a domain in (Santariah[184]) the Oasis of Ammon or Siwah, as
a retreat; and being appointed by his father Seedi Muhamed, viceroy
of the province of Suse[185], he was enabled to give succour to the
Shelluhs, inhabitants of that province, on their pilgrimage to
Mecca, and to entertain them with the comforts of hospitality on
their passage through the Desert. This was the more agreeable to
these Shelluhs, because, after passing a long journey of some
thousands of miles through Sahara, they reached, at Santariah, not
only a territory yielding every comfort and necessary of life, but
a country wherein their own prince had authority, and wherein their
own native language is spoken and understood.

[Footnote 183: In the Lybian Desert there are three _Wahs_ (or
_Oasises_, as we call them): the greater, called _El Wah El
Kabeer_; the lesser, called _El Wah Segrer_; and the Oasis of
Ammon, called _El Wah El Grarbie_, i. e. the Wah of the West.]

[Footnote 184: The Wah of the West is also called by the
Mograbines _Santariah_.]

[Footnote 185: See the map of West Barbary.]

When this prince's father, the emperor Seedi Muhamed died[186], the
prince Abdsalam engaged Alkaid Hamed ben Abdsaddock, late governor
of Mogodor, to go to Santariah, and sell this domain for him; which
he accordingly did. It is more than probable that the Shelluhs of
Siwah are an _emigration_ from Suse.

[Footnote 186: About twenty-eight years since.]

_Prostration, the etiquette of the Court of Marocco_.

282 An ambassador from Great Britain was sent to the court of Marocco,
during the reign of Seedi Muhamed, father of the present emperor,
Soliman. On his arrival at Fas, (where the court was at that time
held,) the (_Mule M'shoer_) Master of the Audience, who was the
(_Sherreef_) Prince Muley Dris, came up to the ambassador and
informed him, that it was customary for all persons coming into the
imperial presence to take off their shoes, and to prostrate
themselves. To these ceremonies the ambassador objected, alleging
that he was received by the king his master with his shoes on; and
that he presumed the Emperor, on a proper representation being made
to him, would not exact from him greater obedience than he paid to
his own sovereign. The master of the audience reported the
interpretation of the ambassador's remarks to his imperial master.
The emperor paused, and (insinuating that the ambassador was
somewhat presumptuous in placing a Christian king on a par with a
Muselman emperor) commanded the prince to dismiss the ambassador
for that time, till the following day. In the interim, the Emperor
urged the master of the audience to make diligent inquiry how the
Christians conducted themselves in the act of prayer before the
Almighty God; and whether they then uncovered their feet, and
prostrated themselves, as Muhamedans did. The morning following,
the master of audience procured the necessary information
respecting this point, and acquainted the Emperor that the English
283 Christians, like the Jews, prayed erect; but that they uncovered
their heads, and bowed at the name of Jesus of Nazareth. "Go,
then," replied the emperor, "and let the ambassador be presented to
me without uncovering his feet, and without prostration; for I
cannot require more obeisance from a foreigner, than he himself
pays to Almighty God."

_Massacre of the Jews_, _and Attack on Algiers_.

In the year 1806, when Algiers was attacked by the Arabs of the
mountains, and by the inhabitants of the plains, the Jews of the
city were massacred. It was suggested to the present Emperor of
Marocco that a favourable opportunity now offered to subdue
Algiers, and add it to the empire: but the Emperor replied, "That
it was wiser to secure and keep together all those provinces that
his father had left him, than to endeavour by _uncertain and
expensive_ warfare to extend his dominions, by invading a
neighbouring nation."

_Treaties with Muhamedan Princes_.

Treaties of peace and commerce between the Muselmen princes and
Christian powers, are regarded by the former no longer than it is
284 expedient to their convenience. Muselmen respect treaties no longer
than it is their apparent interest so to do. When an ambassador
once expostulated with his imperial majesty for having infringed on
a treaty made, an emperor of Marocco replied--"Dost thou think I
am a Christian, that I should be a _slave_ to my word?"

_Berebbers of Zimurh Shelleh_.

This kabyl of Berebbers inhabit the plains west and south-west of
Mequinas. They are a fine race of men, well-grown, and good
figures; they have a noble presence, and their physiognomy
resembles the ancient Roman. The laws of hospitality, however, are
disregarded among them: they will plunder travellers who sojourn
with them, whenever they have an opportunity.

_The European Merchants at Mogodor escape from Decapitation_.

The late emperor, Muley Yezzid, proceeded from Mequinas to Marocco,
with an army of thirty thousand cavalry, to take the field against
the rebellious Abdrahaman ben Nassar, bashaw of the province of
Abda, acting conjointly with the bashaw of the province of
Duquella, who had collected an army of eighty thousand men, of
285 which fifty thousand were horse. The Emperor, on his arrival at
Marocco, was exasperated against the kabyls of the south; and was
informed that the merchants of Mogodor had supplied his rebel
subject, Abdrahaman, with ammunition. Enraged at this report, which
the exasperated state of his mind prompted him to believe, he
issued an order to the Governor of Mogodor, implicating the greater
part of the European merchants of that port of high treason, and
ordered their decapitation. This order was brought by one Fenishe,
a relation of Tahar Fenishe; who had been, some years before,
ambassador from Marocco to the court of St. James's. The Governor,
however, suspecting that the order had been issued in a moment of
irritation, delayed its execution, in the hope that it might be
countermanded; or, in hope that the result of a battle would render
it unnecessary to be put in execution.--Soon afterwards, news
arrived at Mogodor that the two armies had met, had fought, and the
Emperor had vanquished his antagonists, who had more than double
his force, but was himself dangerously wounded. This induced the
governor still further to delay the execution; having now
ascertained that the order was obtained by a stratagem of malicious
and ill-disposed people. The next day news came that the Emperor
suffered extremely from a ball in the upper part of the thigh,
286 which the surgeons could not extract. The Emperor, in a fit of
frenzy, from pain or passion, took his (_kumaya_) dagger, cut open
the wound to the ball, and expired soon after. Thus were the
merchants of Mogodor saved providentially from an untimely death.

_The Emperor Muley Yezzid's Body disinterred_.

When the united armies of Abda and Duquella were vanquished and
dispersed by the Imperial troops, in the neighbourhood of Marocco,
the report became general that the Emperor was wounded. It is
asserted that several men in ambush had orders to wait their
opportunity to fire at the Emperor, when he should approach; and
when the Emperor did approach the bush wherein these men lay
concealed, they all fired. It appears, however, that only one shot
had effect. The Emperor finding himself wounded, instead of being
discouraged, was reanimated to the combat, and entered into the
midst of it; a soldier by his side observed to him, that he was
wounded, and whilst expressing his hope that it was not dangerous,
the Emperor, with one stroke of his sabre, cut off his head! Even
after the death of this redoubted warrior, the people trembled,
doubting the truth of his decease. Abdrahaman went personally to
Marocco and had the body disinterred to ascertain the fact,
suspecting that the report of his death might be a stratagem; but
287 having ascertained it, he returned to Saffy, and his brother Muley
Esslemmah was immediately proclaimed by Abdrahaman. Doubts of the
Emperor's death still pervaded the minds of men: it was reported
that he had been seen in the Atlas Mountains, in Draha, in Suse. At
length a person somewhat resembling him in person, appeared between
Wedinoon and Ait Bamaran (see the map): the panic took; and men
from all parts of the country, who had known the Emperor, hastened
to Wedinoon to ascertain the fact. Many who were too curious were
shot by order of this pretender, to prevent the possibility of
their returning to give notice of the imposture. The immense number
of persons who now believed him to be Yezzid was incalculable; his
party increased and multiplied, and he soon had thousands of
followers who supported his cause. The infatuation of the vulgar
and the bulk of the community was astounding; for the renowned
Muley Yezzid, like his Majesty George IV., was the first horseman
in his empire, and the most accomplished gentleman: whereas
Buhellesa[187], for so he was called in derision, was so bad a
horseman that he generally rode a mule.

[Footnote 187: So called from his generally riding a mule, with
a large stuffed saddle, rising high before and behind, covering
the whole of the mule's back, and forming a very secure seat.
This enormous and ponderous saddle-mattras is called _Hellesa_;
and as the Pretender rode on it, he was called _Bû Hellesa_;
that is the father of a _Hellesa_.]
288
This man was reported to be an adept in the occult sciences; and it
was both reported and credited, that the occult art enabled him to
multiply corn and provision for the army to any quantity he might
want. I was established at Santa Cruz, which was three days'
horse-travelling from Buhellesa's standard; the (_Shereef,_) Prince
Abdsalam, brother to Yezzid, was then resident there, and Viceroy
of Suse. It was the Prince Abdsalam's desire to destroy this
pretender; for his army and followers exceeded now thirty thousand
men, the Prince sent to Muhamed ben Delemy, khalif of Suse, and
sheik of the Duleim Arabs, whose castle was about thirty miles
south of Santa Cruz. Delemy and the Prince were sworn friends: the
latter proposed to him to give battle to Buhellesa, and so prevent
the empire from being usurped. Neither Delemy nor the Prince had
funds to raise an army; so that neither of them knew what steps to
take. _Delemy, however, with the true spirit of a Bedouin Arab,
supported his friend in his adversity,_ and promised to exert
himself to counteract the operations of the arch-hypocrite
Buhellesa. Collecting the sheiks of the various kabyls of Suse, he
made an energetic harangue to them; and discussed with them the
expediency of their uniting together, to repel the impostor. The
sheiks were all loyal, and well affected to Muley Abd Salam; whose
289 government of Suse, by his khaliff Delemy, added to the
hospitalities with which the Prince entertained the people of Suse
at his domain, the _Wah el Grabie_, or the Oasis of Ammon, called
_Santariah_, ingratiated Muley Abd Salam so much in their favour
and esteem, that they all unanimously (_passed l'âad_[188]) joined
hands, and determined, each individually, to raise his respective
kabyl to support the cause of Muley Abd Salam. In a short time they
raised an army among themselves of ten thousand horse, and
determined to attack Buhellesa, so soon as he should begin to move
forwards, and before he should reach Terodant, in his way to
Marocco; for there he had a strong party, which would augment his
forces. The hero Delemy, who was as valiant a soldier as Muley
Yezzid himself, and as expert and dextrous in the management of the
horse, determined therefore, with less than half the force of his
antagonist, to attack him, before he should be able to gather more
strength. The army of the sheiks joined, and proceeded towards
Wedinoon. At night they learned that Buhellesa, with an army of
290 22,000 men, mostly horse, having been apprised of Delemy's
preparations and movements, had proceeded through Ait Bamaran
towards Shtuka, and that he intended to attack Delemy's castle. On
hearing this, the army halted for an hour, and returned towards
Shtuka again. In the morning they came up with Buhellesa, who was
encamped about four hours south of Delemy's castle. The march of
Delemy's troops, all hardy warriors and men of valour, was so
rapid, that Buhellesa was taken by surprise. The battle lasted
seven hours; during which Delemy's brother was wounded and
unhorsed, in the midst of the enemy's troops: but being unknown,
and in a similar dress with the rest, he recovered himself by the
assistance of some friends, sent to him by his brother the khalif,
and was enabled to rejoin his own troops. Buhellesa was so hard
pressed, that he made his retreat into a house: on being attacked
there, his pistol missed fire, and he was overcome. They
immediately cut off his head and his arms, when his army dispersed,
most of them making the best of their way to Wedinoon. That same
night, the man of Shtuka, who first attacked Buhellesa, was
dispatched with his head and feet to Muley Abd Salam, at Santa
Cruz.

[Footnote 188: The _L'aad_ of the Arabs is a joining of hands,
without Shaking: the palms of the right hands of the parties
coming in contact with each other, and the thumbs over each
other. This is a solemn obligation among them; a calling God to
witness their resolution of mutual assistance, offensive and
defensive; a swearing to stand by each other till death; an
obligation that nothing can dissolve; such a pledge, that if a
man were to break it, he would be execrated and rejected from
society!]

The reported approach of Buhellesa, with so strong a force, had
urged me to ship all the property I could collect; and I was on the
291 beach early the following morning, directing the shipment of my
property; when taking a ride along the beach, I met an Arab, with a
basket before him, and a foot sticking out of it. "_Salam u alik_,"
I exclaimed, "And what have you got there?"--"_Alik Salam_," said
the Arab, "I have got Buhellesa's head and feet here: I killed him
myself; and the khalif Delemy has sent me with them to the Prince.
Dost thou think the Prince will reward me?"--"Certainly," said I,
"for such an essential service." The Prince gave the Arab one
hundred duckets[189]; the guns were fired; and the head and feet
were hung over an embrasure of the round battery, facing the south.
Thus terminated the career of Buhellesa.

A short time after this, I was on a visit to Delemy, and he
accompanied me to the field of battle; which was an undulating
plain, not unlike that of Waterloo: and the house to which
Buhellesa made his escape, was not unlike the hotel de la Belle
Alliance on the plains of Waterloo, having, however, a flat roof.

[Footnote 189: Worth 5_s._ each, but equal to 100_l_., or more,
in that country.]

_Shelluhs: their Revenge and Retaliation._

A Shelluh, of the province of Suse, had been a servant in the house
292 of Mr. Hutchison, British Consul at Mogodor fifteen years; but it
happened to be twenty years since a relation of his, in Suse, had
been killed, to whom he was the next of kin but one: but the next
of kin dying, it devolved upon him to seek retaliation; no
opportunity, however, having occurred, he determined to go to Suse
to fulfil this his calling. Now above twenty years had elapsed
since the death or murder of the relation of Bel Kossem, the
Consul's servant. This man, foregoing the eligibility of his place,
apprised the Consul of his intention to leave him. Mr. Hutchison,
who esteemed him not a little for his long and faithful services,
was astonished to hear of his determination to depart; and,
apprehending that he might want an increase of pay, he offered to
increase it: but Bel Kossem told him that an imperious duty
devolved on him to revenge the blood of his ancestor. Accordingly
he received his wages, and departed forthwith for Suse. A few
months afterwards he found an opportunity of killing his enemy,
which being done, it was expected that this Shelluh would now
return to Mogodor, and resume his place again; but by a parity of
reasoning, it devolved to the next of kin of the man recently
killed to seek revenge for his murdered relation, but Bel Kossem,
to avoid the like fate, went into a distant country. This duty of
revenging death, is rigidly pursued among the Shelluhs, so that one
murder often produces ten, or even twenty deaths; each revenging
his relation or next of kin.
293
_Travelling in Barbary._

It is extremely difficult, whilst travelling in this country, to
ascertain from the natives the distance of any (_douar_) encampment
of Arabs: the general answer to such a question is (_wahud saa_),
"an hour," but this is a very indefinite term, being used for a
distance from two to twelve miles, or more; therefore, as these
people have no definite notions of time or distance, the only way
of ascertaining distances, is by knowing the rate at which the
caravan goes, which is a regular pace, and consulting your watch;
by this means, the distance of any journey, however long, may be
accurately ascertained.

_Anecdote displaying the African Character, and showing them to be
now what they were anciently, under Jugurtha._

A Muhamedan was sent to prison, for having killed a man; and after
remaining there some time, it was expected that the Emperor's order
would come to have him shot, or to have his right hand cut off,
with which it was presumed he killed his enemy. A friend of the
prisoner, willing to liberate him, that he might escape the
punishment that awaited him, engaged a person well acquainted with
the prison to procure his enlargement; accordingly he promised him
294 a sum of money, if he would effect this purpose. It was agreed that
the money should be paid. The liberator was then to prove to the
man advancing the money, that he had accomplished his purpose. The
night in which his liberation was to be attempted was fixed on;
ropes were ready to enable the prisoner to escape over the
prison-wall. In the mean time the next of kin of the man who had
been murdered, sought the blood of the prisoner, and was persuaded
by the man that had engaged to liberate the prisoner, that the
latter was not in prison, that he had made his escape, but that the
former would undertake to put him in his power, so as to enable him
to accomplish his revenge. This was agreed to, and accordingly a
sum of money was paid as a remuneration for the service. All
matters were arranged, and the person who paid the money was
desired to be on the rock, near the prison, outside of the town
wall, at two o'clock in the morning, and there he would find his
enemy. The person who made the first engagement was directed to be
at the same spot at three o'clock. In the mean time the liberation
was effected at two o'clock, and the prisoner was informed that his
friend would meet him under the rock at three o'clock, to conduct
him to a place secure from discovery. Soon after two o'clock, the
next of kin to the person whom the prisoner had killed came and
295 plunged a dagger into his heart; afterwards came the other man, and
saw the body of his friend, whom he recognized. On expostulating
with the liberator, the latter replied, "I have executed my
engagement to liberate your friend; I am entitled to my reward:
what has happened to him since his liberation is no concern of
mine; see you to that. But I should inform you, that soon after his
liberation, I saw a man approach, and fearing that I was
discovered, I ran and hid myself under a rock. In a short time I
returned and found your friend weltering in his blood. When I
approached him, he had just time before he expired to name to me
his murderer, who, he said, was the next of kin to the man he had
himself killed."--Note, The Shelluhs consider it a duty incumbent
on them, each, individually to revenge the blood of their family;
that they are bound to seek the murderer, if possibly he can be
found. Such is their invariable attention to this principle of
revenging blood for blood, that I have known instances of men who
have relinquished eligible appointments, to go into distant
countries, several years after a murder has been committed, to
revenge the death of a relation, after becoming, by intervening
death, the next of kin of the murdered person.

The lamentable effects of this fatal retaliation is such, that one
death often produces twenty murders, and afterwards involves whole
kabyls in intestine wars.
296
It is remarkable, that the more duplicity they use in these horrid
transactions, the more merit is ascribed to the agent; who is
praised in proportion to the extent of his ingenuity, or duplicity,
as was the case with the liberator above mentioned.

_Every Nation is required to use its own Costume._

The Jews in West and South Barbary, have a predilection for the
European costume, in preference to their own, the former being
respected, the latter not: moreover the character of a _merchant_
is highly respected by the Moors, and the European dress is a kind
of passport to a man as such. One day, the Emperor seeing in the
place of audience, at a great distance, a gentleman, apparently an
European ambassador, ordered the master of the audience to go and
see who he was, and what nation he represented; but it being
discovered that he was a Marocco Jew, his scarlet and gold dress
was torn from him, and a _burnose_, (a large black cloak, the
costume of the Jews of the lower order,) was put over him, when he
was buffetted and kicked out of the place of audience. The Emperor
was exasperated at this circumstance, which he considered a vain
deception: he ordered his secretary to write to all the ports in
his dominions, to desire that Jews should wear the _burnose_, that
297 Christians only should wear the European costume, and Moors and
Arabs theirs; so that thus every individual might be known by their
respective dress. On this occasion, an opulent Hebrew merchant at
Mogodor felt so much the insults he was exposed to, from wearing
the Jewish costume, that he actually paid several thousand dollars
to obtain the privilege he had formerly enjoyed, which, in
consequence of his being an opulent man, and a foreign merchant,
was granted to him.

The name of this gentleman would here be mentioned to gratify the
curious; but as it might give umbrage to his family, and as the
intention here is only to describe the character and manners of the
country, there is, I conceive no necessity for stating
personalities.

_Ali Bey (El Abassi), Author of the Travels under that Name._

This extraordinary character visited Marocco about the year 1805 or
1806. He pretended to be a native of Aleppo, called in Arabic
_Hellebee_, and was known by the name of Seed Hellebee, which
signifies "the gentleman of Aleppo." Europeans, as well as himself,
since his return to Europe, have converted this name into Ali Bey,
of the family of the Abassides. This gentleman possessed abilities
of no ordinary degree, he was supplied with money in abundance by
298 the Spanish government. He had not been long at Mogodor, when his
munificence began to excite the suspicion of the governor, as well
as the admiration and applause of the populace. Adopting the
costume of the country, he professed himself to be a Muselman; and
as a pretext for not speaking the[190] Arabic language, he
pretended that he had gone from Aleppo, the place of his nativity,
to England when very young, and had forgotten it. He had, as he
declared, considerable property in the Bank of England. Being
desirous of collecting all the information possible respecting the
country, he procured two young Spanish renegado musicians, who
played on the guitar, and sung Arabic airs and songs, with which he
affected to be highly delighted, these musicians, however, served
his purpose in another way; for, being apprehensive of creating
suspicion by direct enquiries, he prevailed on these renegadoes to
procure the information he desired, by giving them from time to
time several questions to which they procured direct answers, as
reported by the natives.

[Footnote 190: He afterwards learned the Arabic language, and I
believe spoke it tolerably well when he quitted this country
and proceeded to Mekka.]

One day he gave a _fête champêtre_ at (_L'arsa Sultan_), the[191]
299 Sultan's garden, situated near a very picturesque rivulet, and
contiguous to springs of excellent water, which being collected in
a large tank, was conveyed by an aqueduct, which extended the
length of the garden, to immerge or irrigate the various beds of
flowers and plants. On his return home, as he was crossing the
river near the village of Diabet, a Shelluh shot a large fish as it
was passing the shallows, Seed Hellebee, or Seed Ali Bey admired
the dexterity of the Shelluh, (who, from his quickness, was
nicknamed Deib, i.e. the fox,) and desired him to take the fish to
his house at Mogodor, which he accordingly did, and received from
Ali Bey's secretary a handful of dollars. This Shelluh was a keen
sportsman, and seldom or never missed his shot: he generally
accompanied me in my shooting excursions, and he told me this
circumstance himself, adding, that Ali Bey was such a liberal man,
that, where any other gentleman gave a dollar, he gave a handful.
It was in this manner that Ali Bey purchased his popularity.

[Footnote 191: This garden is in the province of Haha, about
five miles S.S.E. of Mogodor, and belongs to the European
Commerce, to whom it was presented by the Late Emperor Seedi
Muhamed ben Abdallah.]

The governor of Mogodor, Alkaid Muhamed ben Abdsaddock now began to
suspect, not only the faith of this _soi disant_ Muhamedan, but
that he had some design unavowed; and desirous of ascertaining to
what nation of Christendom he belonged, the governor engaged
Monsieur Depras, a respectable French merchant of Mogodor, who
understood several languages, to ascertain if he was a Frenchman,
300 and if not, who and what he was. The governor, in order to enable
M. Depras to converse with Ali Bey, invited them both to tea; this
introduction being effected the next day, Depras called on Ali Bey,
and conversed with him during an hour in the French language, which
he spoke so well, that the former thought there was no doubt of his
being a Frenchman. But soon after this, the Spanish Consul was
announced, and being introduced, Seed Ali Bey changed his discourse
to Spanish, which he also spoke so correctly, that Depras now
altered his opinion, and conceiving him to be a Spaniard, took his
leave. He then reported to the governor what he had seen and heard,
that he spoke French and Spanish so fluently, that he really did
not know whether he was a Frenchman or a Spaniard.

Ali Bey continued to live in a most sumptuous and costly style, and
afterwards resolved to visit Marocco. On his journey thither, he
was particularly inquisitive respecting the population, produce,
names and residencies of the (sheiks) chiefs of Haha and Shedma,
through which provinces he passed. On his arrival at Marocco, he
still continued his magnificent establishment and sumptuous mode of
living; distributing money to the people bountifully, on the most
trifling occasions, which mode of conduct procured him universal
popularity among the lower orders. This soon excited the suspicions
301 of Alkaid Bushta, the governor of Marocco, who ingenuously informed
him, that such liberality was fit only for a Christian country, and
that he was mistaken if he flattered himself that it would be
tolerated at Marocco, and actually desired him to adopt a different
and a more parsimonious system, if he wished to be quiet; alleging,
that his munificence exceeded that of his Imperial Majesty, which
was highly indecorous; but afterwards finding little attention was
paid to his injunction, he published a decree throughout the city,
that any one that should be found asking for, or receiving money
from Ali Bey, should have a very severe bastinado! After residing
some time at Marocco, he expressed a desire to visit the Atlas
mountains, which appear a few miles east of Marocco, but which are,
in fact, a whole day's journey; their immense size and height
making them to appear so much nearer than they really are. Ali Bey
apprehending the hostility of Alkaid Bushta, he procured an
imperial order to visit the Atlas, but Bushta opposed it, and would
not, he said, permit him, he being governor of Marocco, without
having himself directly from the Emperor a permission to that
purpose. He then represented to the Emperor the impolicy of
allowing him to go and examine that country; and the imperial order
was immediately countermanded.

People now began to imagine that he was an agent of Bonaparte; and
their suspicion that he was a Christian spread far and near. It was
302 discovered also that he had corns on his feet, excrescences unknown
to Muselmen, whose shoes are made tight over the instep, and loose
over the toes, so that the latter being unconfined and at liberty,
they never have corns.

Notwithstanding all these suspicions, the courtesy and suavity of
the manners of Ali Bey had such influence on the imperial mind,
that Muley Soliman gave him a beautiful garden to reside in,
wherein there was a (_kôba_) pavilion. Ali Bey, finding his
influence considerable, erected with architectural taste several
edifices, suited, as he thought, to the imperial _gusto_, in which
he succeeded so well that his Imperial Majesty, when he returned
the next year to Marocco, resided almost exclusively in one of the
pavilions which he had erected.

The splendour of the imperial favour did not however continue long;
for Ali Bey began now to be suspected by the Emperor himself, and
it was bruited that his renegadoes had acted treacherously towards
him.

Ali Bey's knowledge of astronomy was peculiarly gratifying to the
Emperor. He could not altogether withdraw from him his attention.
The Emperor urged him to take unto himself a wife, and become an
useful member of society; but Ali objected, alleging various
motives for refusing. He was however at length prevailed on to
comply with the imperial injunction, and the Emperor gave him a
303 young girl to marry. It was anticipated that his new wife was a
political one, and would betray him to be an uncircumcised dog. The
wife, however, became extremely attached to him, and no information
could be procured from her to favour the plot that had been laid
for him. Various suspicions having increased respecting him, the
Emperor finally resolved that he should quit his territory; and an
order was issued that himself, his wife, and slaves should be
escorted to the port of L'Araich, and there embark for Europe. When
the military guard, however, had reached the port of L'Araich, the
boat being ready, Ali Bey was desired to embark, when, not
suspecting any stratagem, the boatmen pushed off, leaving his
disconsolate wife on the beach, bewailing his abrupt departure. The
lady appeared deeply affected with this sudden and unexpected
separation; and jumping out of the litter tore her dishevelled
hair, and distributed it to the winds, and with loud shrieks, which
pierced the air, demonstrated to him how sorely she lamented his
premature departure, and violent separation. His principal slave
was sold, by order of the Emperor's minister, to Seed Abdel'mjeed
Buhellel, a merchant of Fas, who was lately in London, and the
money was given to his wife.

During his residence at Fas, he predicted an eclipse, and, having
foretold to the people of that city, that it would happen at such a
304 time, they waited for the event with considerable curiosity. Now
his knowledge of futurity had spread abroad with demonstrations of
amazement; the eclipse happened precisely at the time he had
predicted, which established his fame as an (_alem min alem_), a
man wiser than the wise.

During the latter part of his residence in West Barbary, a report
prevailed that Bonaparte was preparing an immense army to invade
and subjugate the country. Ali Bey was not only suspected to be his
secret agent, but some persons were even ridiculous enough to
declare that he was Bonaparte himself in disguise; and accordingly
he was denominated _Parte_, for they would not add _Bona_, as that
word signifies good, in the _lingua franca_ of Barbary, and
Bonaparte, they said was not good, but a devil incarnate; so they
called him Parte. Last year I met in London the Moor who had
purchased Ali Bey's slave, and he told me that his son by the
before-mentioned wife lives at Fas; that he is a very amiable and
intelligent youth, about fifteen or sixteen years of age; and that
he is very poor, and would have starved, but for the charity and
protection of the highly respected fakeer of the city of Fas, Muley
Dris, under whose roof he resides, and is indebted to him for
protection and patronage. This man would be an acquisition to the
African Association, and means might be adopted to engage him in
305 their service to explore Sudan.

_The Emperor's Attack of Diminet, in the Atlas_.

The emperor Seedi Muhamed ben Abdallah levied a powerful army, and
took the field against Diminet, in the mountains of Atlas, east of
Marocco. The people of Diminet, and the territory of Berebbers,
east of that country, had also levied a strong force to defend
themselves. The Diminets were taken by surprise; for they had not
had intimation of an attack from Marocco. The Emperor himself, with
a few attendants disguised in the Berebber dress, advanced a few
miles ahead of the army. A party of mountaineers had received
orders from their sheik, (when the latter was informed that the
Emperor's army was coming against them,) to seek the Emperor, and
endeavour to kill him. They mistook the Emperor and his party for
Berebbers, as His Majesty spoke the language correctly, and had in
the early part of his life lived among them. "Where is the
Emperor's guard?" the mountaineers enquired; "for we are in search
of them: we hear he is coming to attack us, in our inaccessible
mountains; but we will be beforehand with him, and dispatch him
before he reaches us. Dost thou know where he is, or where his
guard is." "We do know," replied the Emperor; "for, about an hour
behind us, we passed a few men on horseback, among whom was the
Emperor; but the army is a long way behind: if you make speed, you
will soon pass him, and it will be an easy matter for you to put
306 the whole party to the sword, for they are not a dozen altogether."
The Berebbers, elated with this news, communicated from a party
whom they mistook for brethren of the neighbouring kabyl, rode off
at speed to seek their enemy, and in a short time found themselves
surrounded by the Emperor's army, who were scattered about in
ambush. These Berebbers were all secured, and were threatened with
torture if they would not discover where the army of their brethren
was, and what was their plan. The party discovered the plan and the
place of their encampment, which was not far off in recesses of the
mountain, and received a promise of remuneration if found correct.
By this discovery, the imperial army was enabled to surprise the
rebels; the latter were dispersed, and their houses burned. Thus
were they prevented from _harassing_ the Emperor's army, which is
their ordinary mode of warfare. To subjugate these people would be
impossible: it has often been attempted, but never succeeded. The
only lien the Emperor can get of them is, by having at court about
his person their sheik, whom he then makes answerable for the
obedience of the kabyl.

_Moral Justice_.

The imperial army being encamped in Temsena, on the confines of
307 Tedla, (see the map,) an Arab chieftain found that a friend of the
Emperor came into his _keyma_[192] at night, and took liberties
with his wife. The Arab suspected that he was (_shereef_) a prince,
and therefore did not dare to kill him, but preferred a complaint
to the Emperor. The Emperor was vexed to hear of such a gross
breach of hospitality, and asked what time he made his visits? "At
one hour after midnight," the Arab replied. Then, said the Emperor,
"when he comes, do you let me know by giving the watch-word to this
man, and he will then know what to do; and depend thou on my seeing
justice done to thee for the aggression." The marauder came; the
Arab repaired to the guard of the imperial tent, and gave the word;
the guard apprised the emperor, as he was directed, who personally
repaired to the tent of the Arab, and, being convinced of the fact,
ran the man through with his lance; this was done without a light.
The body was brought before the tent, and it was discovered to be
an officer of the imperial guard. The Emperor, on seeing that it
was not a shereef (a prince) prostrated himself in fervent prayer
for a considerable time. The courtiers who were all assembled by
this time to witness this extraordinary occurrence, wondered what
could induce the Emperor to be so fervent in prayer; which his
majesty observing, told them, "that he went alone to the tent,
308 thinking that nobody but a shereef would have dared to commit such
a breach of hospitality, in so open a manner; therefore he killed
him without having a light, lest, on discovering him to be a
prince, personal affection might give way to justice; but that when
he discovered that it was not a relation, he returned thanks to God
Almighty, that, in his determination to have justice administered,
he had not killed his own son!"

[Footnote 192: _Keyma_ is the name for an Arab's tent; they are
made of goats' hair, and are black.]

_Contest between the Emperor and the Berebbers of Atlas_.

March 10, 1797. The Sultan Soliman proceeds with a powerful army
against the warlike province of Shawiya, the rebellious Arabs'
retreat. The imperial army takes some of the women who are renowned
for personal charms. The army can get no food; and, being in danger
of starving, returns to Salee. The Arabs promise submission, in
hopes of having the women restored; but the Emperor's officers
violate them. The Arabs swear vengeance (_alia l'imin_[193]) by
their right hand. The emperor attacks them again, is repulsed, and
returns to Fas.

[Footnote 193: _Alia l'imin_, swearing by the right hand, is a
sacred oath; and those who take it will not swerve from its
obligation, which is peremptory.]

_Characteristic Trait of Muhamedans_.

One of the Emperor's ministers, when an English fleet was cruising
309 off Salee, and just after some impost had been levied on the
merchandise already purchased and warehoused by the Christian
merchants, suggested the impolicy at that moment, of harsh measures
against Europeans: the Emperor, in a jocose manner, asked what harm
he could suffer from the fleets of Europeans? "They could destroy
your Imperial Majesty's ports," replied the minister. "Then I would
build them again for one-half what it would cost them to destroy
them. But if they dared to do that, I could retaliate, by sending
out my cruisers to take their trading ships, which would so
increase the premiums of insurance (for the (_kaffers_) infidels
insure all things on earth, trusting nothing to God[194]), that
they would be glad to sue for peace again."

[Footnote 194: The Muhamedans abuse the Christians for their
mistrust of Providence, exemplified in their insuring ships,
merchandise, &c.]

_Political Deception_.

When an embassy is going to the Emperor, the alkaid of the escort
endeavours to make the present, which necessarily accompanies every
embassy, as bulky and conspicuous as possible, that the Arabs of
the kabyls through which they pass, may be dazzled and astounded
with the great appearance of the presents, which the alkaid
proclaims to consist chiefly of money, or treasure. The Arabs
accordingly observed, on Mr. Matra's (the British consul) presents,
that the English, who had conquered Bonaparte in Egypt, and were
masters of the ocean and seas, yet were tributary to the Sultan.
This idea is industriously propagated by the officers of the
Emperor's court. "Thinkest thou," they ohserved, "that these
Christians give such large presents with a free-will? Certainly
not! They are compelled to do so. The (_Romee_) Europeans are too
fond of money to give it away in such loads,--even the English,
thou seest, are tributary to the Seed." [195]

[Footnote 195: A higher title among the _true Arabs_ than
Emperor: it implies conjointly, Emperor, Father of the People,
Protector, and Brother.]

_Etiquette of the Court of Marocco_.

The European commerce of Mogodor went to pay their respects to the
Emperor Seedi Muhamed, on his arrival, from Fas, at Marocco, as is
customary. The Emperor's son, Muley El Mamune, was master of the
audience, and ordered the commerce to advance into the imperial
presence; and standing barefooted, as is the custom before the
Emperor, he requested the merchants to take off their shoes, as
_he_ had done; but they expostulated, and said it was not their
custom. The Prince, however, stopped them, and would not allow them
to approach the imperial presence without first submitting to this
ceremony. Seedi Muhamed, observing the impediment, and knowing the
311 cause, but willing at the same time to initiate the young prince in
the custom of foreign countries, called his son to him, and said,
"What do muselmen do, when they enter the _Jamaa_?"[196] "Revere
the holy ground, by entering barefooted," replied the prince.--"And
what do the Christians, when they enter their church?"--"They take
off their hats," rejoined the Prince. (_Allah e berk Amer
Seedi_,[197]) "God bless your Majesty's life."--"Then, what would
you more of these my merchants, than that they pay me, even the
same respect that they pay when they pray to _Allah_. Let them
approach uncovered, with their shoes on, which they never take off,
but to go to bed to rest".

[Footnote 196: An Arabic or Korannick word, signifying, the
congregation of prayer, or mosque.]

[Footnote 197: A term invariably used at court, in addressing
the Emperor.]

* * * * *

The province of Ait Atter, or the Atterites, in Lower Suse, is
considered as an independent province, and it pays no tribute. They
have a great dislike to _kadis_[198], _talbs_, and attornies,
alleging that they only increase disputes between man and man,
which is not at all necessary; all disputes are, therefore, decided
by the sheik, who is not a logical wrangler, but decides according
312 to the simplest manner. The following decree of their sheik is on
record:--

"Four men conjointly bought a mule, which for elucidation, we will
call A, B, C, and D: each claimed a leg. D's leg was the off-hind
one. In a few days this leg began to swell: it was agreed to cure
it by (_el keeh_) burning it with a hot iron, (a common remedy in
this country.) This done, the mule was turned out, and went into a
field of barley. Some spark was attached to the hoof, and set fire
to the corn, which was consumed. The proprietors of the barley
applied to the sheik for justice; and A, B, C, and D, the owners of
the mule, were summoned to appear. The sheik, finding the leg which
caused the barley to be burnt, belonged to D, ordered him to pay
the value of the barley. D expostulated, and maintained that he had
no right to pay; for, if it had not been for A, B, and C's portions
of the mule, the barley would have remained. "How so?" replied the
sheik. "Because," quoth D, "the leg which belongs to me cannot
touch the ground; but it was brought to the corn-field by the legs
of A, B, and C, which were the efficient cause of the ignition of
the barley. The sheik reversed his decree, and ordered A, B, and C
to pay the damage, and D got off without expense.

[Footnote 198: _Kadis_, i.e. judges. _Talbs_, i.e. record
writers. _Kadi_ is generally spelt by the Europeans of the
south _Cadi_, because they have no K in their alphabet: the
Arabs have no C; the letter is _Kaf_ or K, not C.]

313
_Customs of the Shelluhs of the Southern Atlas, viz. of Idaultit_
(_in Lower Suse_.)

The mountains of Idaultit are inhabited by a courageous and
powerful people, strict to their honour and word, unlike their
neighbours of Elala. They make verbal contracts between themselves,
and never go to law, or record their contracts or agreements,
trusting implicitly to each other's faith and honour. If a man goes
to this country to claim a debt due, he cannot receive it while
there, but must first leave the country, and trust to the integrity
of the Idaultitee, who will surely pay when convenient, but cannot
bear compulsion or restraint. They do not acknowledge any sultan,
but have a divan of their own, called _Eljma_, who settle all
disputes between man and man. These people cultivate the plains,
when there is no khalif in Suse; but when there is, they retire to
the fastnesses in their mountains, and defy the arm of power;
satisfying themselves with the produce of the mountains.

_Connubial Customs_.

The (_shereef_) Prince Muley Bryhim, son of the present Emperor
Soliman, was married to the daughter of the bashaw Abdrahaman ben
Nassar, who was powerful and rebellious, and prevented the Emperor
for some time from proceeding to the south. This couple was married
314 in 1803. The bashaw died the same year; and in 1805 she was
divorced, and sent by the Emperor to Mogodor, with orders to a
sheik of Shedma to marry her, it being considered a degradation for
a prince to be united to the daughter of a rebellious subject. This
happened in January, 1806. The widow of the late Prince Muley
Abdrahaman, who rebelled against his father, and who was elder
brother to the Emperor Soliman, has been recently sent by the
Emperor to Bu Azar, a negro bashaw, and governor of the city of
Terodant, in Suse, to marry her. These marriages are promoted by
the royal decree, to prevent the females from contaminating the
royal blood by illicit connection, if they remain divorced, without
a new husband.

_Political Duplicity_.

A fakeer having interceded in behalf of a state prisoner, his
friend, who was confined in the island of Mogodor (the state prison
of the empire, except for princes, who are sent to Tafilelt), the
Emperor assured him he would release him; and urged the fakeer to
proceed to Mogodor, and wait there his Majesty's arrival. The
fakeer departed, and soon after his arrival at Mogodor, he learned
that the Emperor was not going there; but the alkaid of Mogodor
showed him a letter from the Emperor, ordering him to retain the
prisoner in safe keeping, and not attend to what the fakeer should
say. This system of breaking engagements and promises, is too often
315 denominated policy. "Dost thou think I am a Christian," said an
emperor to a prince who was expostulating with him for not
fulfilling his engagements,--"Dost thou think I am a Christian, to
be a slave to my word?"

Senor P. a Spanish merchant, received a letter from the Emperor,
directed to the (_alkaid_) governor of Rabat, ordering him to show
Senor P. every attention, and to assist him if he should be
desirous of establishing a house at Rabat. Senor P. left the court
at Mequinas, well satisfied with his letter; but a few days after
his arrival, the alkaid told him he must embark and quit the
country in twenty-four hours, by the Emperor's order, which he
showed to Senor P. who could read Arabic. He was obliged to embark
immediately.

_Etiquette of Language at the Court of Marocco_.

If the Emperor should enquire about any person that has recently
died, it is not the etiquette to mention the word "death,"--a
muselmen is supposed never to die;--the answer is _Ufah Ameruh_,
"his destiny is closed," or "he has completed his destiny." To
which the following answer is invariably given--_Allah ê Erhammoh_,
"God be merciful to him." If a Jew's death is announced to any
muselman prince, fakeer, or alkaid, the expression is, _Maat hashak
asseedi_, "He is dead, Sir." _Ashak_ is an Arabic idiom, the exact
meaning of which cannot easily be conveyed in English; but it may
316 be assimilated to--"Pardon me for mentioning in your presence a
name contemptible or gross (as Jew)." Thus, for further elucidation
to the enquirer after the peculiarities of language, _Kie 'tkillem
ma el Kaba hashak asseedi_,--"He is talking with a prostitute--your
pardon, Sir, for the grossness of the expression."

If a man goes to the alkaid, to make a complaint against any one
for doing any indecent act, and in relating the circumstance he
omits the word _hashak asseedi_, the persons present will interrupt
him thus,--_Kul hashak b'adda_, "Say _hashak_ before you proceed."
Blood, dung, dirt, pimp, procuress, prostitute, traitor, &c. &c.
are words that (in correct company) are invariably followed by the
qualifying word _hashak_.

If a Christian is dead, the expression is _Mat el kaffer, or Mat el
karan, or Mat bel karan_, "The infidel is dead, the cuckold, or
the son of a cuckold is dead."

_Food_.

_Kuscasoe_ is, flour moistened with water, and granulated with the
hand to the size of partridge-shot. It is then put into a steamer
uncovered, under which fowls, or mutton, and vegetables, such as
onions, and turnips, are put to boil: when the steam is seen to
pass through the _kuscasoe_ it is taken off and shook in a bason,
to prevent the adhesion of the grains; and then put in the steamer
again, and steamed a second time. When it is taken off, some
317 butter, salt, pepper, and saffron, are mixed with it, and it is
served up in a large bowl. The top is garnished with the fowl or
mutton, and the onions and turnips. When the saffron has made it
the colour of straw, it has received the proper quota. This is,
when properly cooked, a very palatable and nutritious dish.

_Hassua_ is gruel boiled, and then left over the fire two hours. It
is made with barley not ground into flour, but into small particles
the size of sparrow-shot. It is a very salubrious food for
breakfast, insomuch that they have a proverb which intimates that
physicians need never go to those countries wherein the inhabitants
break their fast with _hassua_.

_El Hasseeda_ is barley roasted in an earthen pan, then powdered in
a mortar, and mixed with cold water, and drank. This is the
travelling food of the country--of the Arab, the Moor, the
Berebber, the Shelluh, and the Negro; and is universally used by
travellers in crossing the Sahara: the Akkabas that proceed from
Akka and Tatta to Timbuctoo, Houssa, and Wangara, are always
provided with a sufficient quantity of this simple restorative to
the hungry stomach.

_The Woled Abbusebah, a whole Clan of Arabs, banished from the
Plains of Marocco_.

This populous, powerful, and valiant kabyl, during the former part
of the reign of the Sultan Seedi Muhamed ben Abdallah, father of
318 the present Emperor Soliman, occupied the plains west of the city
of Marocco (being an emigration from the Bedouin tribe of the same
name in the Sahara); but their depredatory disposition made
travelling through their territory unsafe; wherefore the Emperor,
after endeavouring in vain to make an example of them, issued a
decree that they should all to a man leave his dominions, and they
were driven by his army out of their country to the south, and
entered the Sahara. The whole kabyl was thus outlawed, so that they
were plundered and killed as they passed through the plains of
Fruga, Ait Musie, Haha, and Suse, by the natives of those countries
respectively. Not half the number that emigrated, (which was some
thousands,) reached the original clan in the Sahara.

_The Koran, called also El Kateb el Aziz_.

The word Koran conveys the same signification as _Bible_: it means
"the reading" or "the book;"--_kora_, "to read; "_el Kateb el
Aziz_, i.e. "the dear or beloved book," meaning thereby the
_Koran_.

_Arabian Music_.

The Sultan Seedi Muhamed, after hearing the musical band of the
Marquis de Vialli, ambassador from Venice, expressed his
gratification at the music of the Italians, and laconically
observed that it possessed more harmony than that of any other
nation, excepting his own.
319
_Sigin Messa_. (_Sigilmessa_.)

The country of Sigin Messa, called in the maps Sigilmessa, was the
state prison of the kingdom of Suse, when it formed a part of the
empire of Muley el Monsore, in the twelfth century of the Christian
era. Messa, a port in Suse, was then a large city, and the capital
of the kingdom of Suse. The state prisoners were sent to a place of
safe keeping, which was east of Tafilelt, and was therefore called
Sigin Messa, i.e. the prison of Messa.

_Mungo Park at Timbuctoo_.

In the month of March, 1806, a letter was received at Mogodor by
Seedi L'Abes Buhellal Fasee, from his liberated slave at Timbuctoo.
This letter was in Arabic, and the following is an extract
literally translated from it by myself:--

"A boat arrived a few days since from the West at Kabra, having two
or three Christians in it. One was (_rajel kabeer_) a tall man, who
stood erect in the boat, which displayed (_shinjuk bied_) a white
flag. The inhabitants of Kabra did not, however, understand the
signal to be emblematic of peace, and no one went to the boat,
although it remained at anchor before Kabra the whole day, till
night. In the morning it was gone."

320 _Troglodytæ_.

The Shelluhs of the Atlas, south-east of Santa Cruz, in Suse,
during the rainy season, from November till February inclusive,
live in caves and excavations in the rocks and earth; laying up
provisions sufficient for that period, until the snow begins to
melt. The Berebbers of North Atlas have followed the same custom
from time immemorial.

_Police of West Barbary_.

When the present Emperor came to the throne, he gave indefatigable
attention to the police. He wished, he said, to make the roads safe
for travellers, from the Desert, or Sahara, to the shores of the
Mediterranean. He was vigilant in discovering thefts, and rigorous
in punishing them. If any one was robbed, he had only to report it
to the Emperor, who would forthwith order the douar where the
robbery was committed to restore the sum stolen, and to pay a fine
to the treasury of the same amount. By adhering strictly to this
system, he improved the revenue, and made travelling perfectly
safe; so that one may travel now (1805), without danger, with
property or money, from one end of the empire to the other. Before
this system of policy was renewed, (for it is an old law of the
land,) travellers with property were obliged to have a _statta_:
thus, if a caravan was going from Terodant or Marocco to Fas, it
took a _statta;_ that is, two men, natives of the district of
321 Rahamena, who accompanied the caravan in safety to the confines of
their territory; they then received a remuneration, and delivered
over the caravan to two men of Abda, who conducted it to the border
of Duquella: it was then delivered into the hands of two Duquella
Arabs; and so it went through the different provinces till it
reached Fas, under the protection, through each province, of a
_statta_, each of which _statta_ receives a remuneration. So that,
by the time of arrival at Fas, the merchandise was sometimes
subject to a charge of 8 or 10 per cent. for _statta_ or convoy
through the various provinces.

Before the Emperor Soliman thus established his authority, caravans
of gums, almonds, ostrich feathers, gold-dust, &c. &c. from Suse,
were sometimes twenty days going from Santa Cruz to Mogodor, a
distance of less than one hundred miles, the _statta_ being changed
and paid at the entrance of every kabyl, of which there are twelve
in the province of Haha alone; the camels being also changed at
every change of _statta_, increased the charge on the merchandise
to an immoderate amount. It would be a great acquisition to
England, if His Majesty were to negociate with the Emperor of
Marocco for the port of Santa Cruz; for the province of Suse
produces in abundance olive oil, almonds, and gums; worm-seed,
annis-seed, cummin-seed, and orchilla; oranges, grapes,
pomegranates, figs, melons, &c. This port was farmed, during the
reign of Muley Ismael, for an annual stipend. It is the key to
322 Sudan, and a communication might be opened on an extensive scale
from hence with Timbuctoo, Housa, Wangara, and other regions of
Sudan, so as to supply, in a few years, the whole of the interior
of Africa with British and East-India manufactures.

_Muley Abdrahaman ben Muhamed_.

This prince, who was elder brother of the present Emperor Soliman,
had accumulated considerable treasure in executing the office of
(_khalif_) viceroy of the provinces of Duquella, Abda, and Shedma.
His father, jealous of his son's power, when supported by a command
of treasure, had recourse to the usual means of transferring it to
the imperial treasury. It is held as law in this country, that
little is sufficient for every purpose of life. When property
becomes accumulated, it is alleged that more than a sufficiency is
derogatory of the principles laid down in the Koran, and ought to
revolve to the national treasury, there to be deposited as a fund
in reserve against the invasion of the country by the Europeans, an
event, which they are quite sure, from an ancient tradition, will
happen at no very distant period.

Abdrahaman, however, equally avaricious with his father, objected
to deliver up his treasure; which so irritated the Sultan, that he
ordered a party of his negro soldiers to go to the Prince's house
and seize every thing valuable. These men, in their thirst for
plunder, out-ran their discretion, as it appears; for they
323 proceeded to examine the ladies in the Horem, putting their base
hands on their persons, under the pretence of discovering if they
had concealed their jewels and gold. This outrage roused the
Prince's indignation and he lost no time in absenting himself for
ever from his father's dominions, for this insult on his
dignity.--"If my father," said the Prince, "had taken my treasure,
it would have passed from my hands to his; but to permit the
ignoble hands of slaves to offer me such an indignity, is more than
I can or will suffer." Abdrahaman therefore emigrated to the
province of Lower Suse, on the confines of Sahara, where he
remained encamped, ready, upon any alarm, at a moment's notice, to
penetrate into the Desert. He had always two _heiries_ ready
saddled at the gate of his (_keyma_) tent; one for carrying his
treasure, viz. gold dust and jewels, and the other for himself to
ride, on any emergency. Many fakeers were sent from the Sultan to
the Prince; with the most solemn assurances of his reconciliation,
and with urgent solicitations to him to return; but the Prince
never forgave or forgot the insult.

_Anecdote of Muley Ismael_.

Muley Ismael compared his subjects to a bag full of rats.--"If you
let them rest," said the warrior, "they will gnaw a hole in it:
324 keep them moving, and no evil will happen." So his subjects, if
kept continually occupied, the government went on well; but if left
quiet, seditions would quickly arise. This sultan was always in the
tented-field: he would say, that he should not return to his palace
until the tents were rotten. He kept his army incessantly occupied
in making plantations of olives, or in building: rest and rebellion
were with him synonymous terms.

Before the Portuguese transplanted their African colonies to South
America, they had penetrated far into West Barbary; they frequently
made incursions into the country from Mazagan to Marocco, and
eastward of that city. They had a church near Diminet, on the
declivity of the Atlas, about thirty-five miles east of Marocco,
which is still existing: it is a kind of sanctuary; the Berebbers
say it is haunted; they will not approach it. There is said to be
an inscription on the building in Roman characters, over the
entrance; but I never could ascertain what it is.

_Library at Fas_.

When the present Emperor came to the throne there was a very
extensive and valuable library of Arabic manuscripts at Fas,
consisting of many thousand volumes. Some of the more intelligent
literary Moors are acquainted with events that happened formerly,
325 during the time of the Roman power, which Europeans do not possess.
Abdrahaman ben Nassar, bashaw of Abda, was perfectly acquainted
with Livy and Tacitus, and had read those works from the library at
Fas. It is more than probable that the works of these authors, as
well as those of many other Romans and Greeks, are to be found
translated into the Arabic language, in the hands of private
individuals in West and in South Barbary. This library was
dispersed at the accession of Muley Soliman, and books commenting
on the Koran only were retained; the rest were burned or dispersed
among the natives.

_Deism_.

Deism was very prevalent throughout the empire. When the present
Emperor Soliman came to the throne, the deists went about in large
numbers, exclaiming, _La Allah ila Allah_, "There is no God but
God." The Emperor soon silenced these people, by proclaiming that
if any should be found uttering this truth, without adding,
"Muhamed is his prophet," should ([199]_ekul lassah_) be beat. The
sect soon disappeared.

[Footnote 199: This punishment is inflicted by two men, one on
each side; the culprit is stretched naked on the ground, and
beat on the back unmercifully, with sticks two yards long, and
as thick as a finger.]
326
_Muhamedan Loyalty_.

An alkaid of a district in the province of Abda, when that province
submitted to the Emperor, went to His Majesty, taking with him the
fruit of his government, viz. 100,000 dollars. He prostrated
himself before the Emperor, and announced that he had brought this
money to the Muselman treasury, being what he had collected since
the death of the Emperor's father. "I have lived splendidly, and
have never wanted any thing, or I should have brought Your Majesty
much more treasure." "You have been," said the Emperor, "a faithful
servant, and you shall be rewarded." He was promoted to a
government, and had many opportunities of refunding his loss. A
large sum was returned to him for his fidelity.

_Cairo_.

The city of El Kahira is called by Europeans Cairo. When Kairo was
founded, in the 359th year of the Hejra, the planet Mars was in
ascension; and it is Mars who conquers the universe: "therefore,"
said Moaz, (the son of El Mansor) to _his_ son, "I have given it
the name of El-Kahira."[200]

[Footnote 200: El Kahira is the Arabic for the planet Mars, and
signifies _victorious_.]
327
_Races of Men constituting the Inhabitants of West and South
Barbary, and that Part of Bled el Jereed, called Tafilelt and Sejin
Messa, east of the Atlas, forming the Territories of the present
Emperor of Marocco_.

_The Moors_, who inhabit the towns on the coast, and the cities of
Fas, Mequinas, Marocco, and Terodant; who speak a corrupt Arabic
language.

_The Berebbers_, who appear to be the Aborigines, and who retain
precisely the same character that was anciently given of the
Mauritanians by Sallust. These people inhabit the mountains of
Atlas, north of the city of Marocco, and have a language peculiar
to themselves. They are a hardy race of warriors, as artful as they
are indefatigable in war; when attacked by the imperial troops,
they defend themselves valiantly; and, by stratagem and device,
often surprise and defeat the Emperor's best troops, the _abeed
Seedy Bukaree_. They call the Negro and Arab troops of the Emperor,
(_mâden el grudder_), a mine of deceit, and never trust to their
vows and promises, even if they swear by the Koran. They are a
restless turbulent race, and have never been conquered. They have
adopted the Muhamedan doctrines.

_The Shelluhs_, or inhabitants of the Atlas, who dwell in houses in
the mountains south of Marocco, in the province of Haha, and in
328 part of Suse. These are a weaker race, not so athletic and robust
as the Berebbers. Their language has been represented to be similar
to that of the Berebbers, but that is evidently a mistake; I have
travelled through their country, and through the country of the
Berebbers, and have conversed with hundreds, nay, I may say, with
thousands of them: I have no hesitation in declaring them to be a
different race. Their language, costume, and habits differ; the
Shelluhs, however, possess the same art and duplicity with the
Berebbers.

_The Arabs_, who live in _douars_ of tents, and inhabit the immense
plains west of the Atlas, are the agriculturists of the country.
They form the principal population of this terrestrial paradise;
they are for the most part emigrations from the Sahara, several
centuries ago, and speak the true Arabic language. These are a fine
race of men, possessing, in a superlative degree, some of the
noblest qualities of the human race. To these may be added

_The Jews_, who wear a distinguishing costume, and a black cap;
they are all engaged in trade, and form one-seventh of the
population of the walled habitations. They are held in great
contempt, and are treated very rudely by the Arabs, and therefore
are seldom met with among the encampments of that people.

A _douar_ is a village of tents; these tents are made of goats' and
camels' hair; they are made by the females, are of a close texture,
329 extremely warm, and impervious to the rain: thus they are cool in
the summer, and warm in the rainy season. In countries exposed to
the attacks of neighbouring kabyles, they are arranged in a
circular form, covering sometimes several acres of ground, having a
large keyma or Arab tent in the centre of the circle, which serves
for a _jamma_, or meeting for morning and evening prayers, and at
other times for an _emdursa_, or seminary, where the Muhamedan
youth are taught to read the Koran, and to write, as they call it,
(_Sultan men Elsen_) the sultan of languages, or language of
languages. The tent-pegs of the respective tents are indented
within each other, so that the cattle cannot go out or in;
moreover, a hedge of thorny bushes encircles the whole, secured by
staves drove into the ground. The camels, horses, mules, horned
cattle, sheep, and goats, are all inclosed in a division of the
circular area during the night, and a fire is kept all night, to
keep off the lions and wild beasts. The incessant barking of dogs,
which are very numerous among the Arabs, prevent the travellers
unaccustomed to these habitations from sleeping.

_Various Modes of Intoxication_.

All nations have some method of getting rid of reason, for the
purpose of indulging in the vacuum and temporary independence
produced by intoxication. We, of Europe, have recourse to wine to
effect this purpose: the opulent indulge in the libations of
330 claret, burgundy, and champagne; the middling classes have recourse
to brandy, rum, and gin; but the African effects this purpose at
far less expense. A muselman procures ample temporary relief from
worldly care for a mere trifle: he buys at the (_attara_), drug
shop, for a penny, a small pipe of _el keef or hashisha_; this
completely effects his purpose. The leaves of this drug, which is a
kind of hemp, are called _el hashisha_; the flower of the plant is
called _el keef_, and is much more powerful in its inebriating
quality than the _hashisha_, but a pipe of the latter will have as
powerful an effect as two or three bottles of wine. It is said,
that when the patient is under the influence of pleasant
imaginations, the fume of this drug increases the sensation into
the most pleasing delirium, engendering the most luxuriant images,
and promoting a voluptuous vacuum. But when the person's ill fate
tempts him to taste it in a melancholy mood, it protracts the
gloomy moments, and gives the woes of life a longer duration: he
utters sighs and lamentations, he apprehends nothing but misery and
misfortune, till the effect of the drug is exhausted, and he awakes
from his dream of woe.

_Division of Agricultural Property_.

Agricultural property is ascertained by a large stone laid at each
corner of a plantation of corn, a direct line is drawn from stone
321 to stone at the season of reaping; it has, perhaps, never been
known, that these partitions have been removed for the purpose of
encroachment; a mutual confidence, and a point of honour renders
this mode of discriminating the respective property of individuals
adequate to every purpose of hedge or ditch.

_Mines_.

The mountains that separate the province of Suse from that of
Draha, abound in iron, copper, and lead. Ketiwa, a district on the
declivity of Atlas, east of Terodant, contains also mines of lead
and brimstone; and saltpetre also, of a superior quality, abounds
in the neighbourhood of Terodant. In the same mountains, about
fifty or sixty miles south-west of Terodant, there are mines of
iron of a very malleable quality, equal to that of Biscay in Spain,
from which the people of Tagrasert manufacture gun-barrels, equal
to those made in Europe. At Elala in Suse, in the same ridge of
mountains, are several rich mines of copper, some of which are
impregnated with gold: they have also a rich silver mine, the metal
of which latter is cast in round lumps, weighing two or three
ounces each piece. I have bought of this silver at Santa Cruz, and
have paid Spanish dollars for it, weight for weight; it is very
pure. Mines of antimony and lead ore are also found in Suse,
332 impregnated with gold, some specimens of which I sent to England to
be analyzed; but being informed that it yielded gold sufficient
only to pay the expenses of purifying, I gave no farther attention
to it, although I have had reason to think, since then, that an
importation of the ore would amply pay the importer.

_Nyctalopia, Hemeralopia, or Night-blindness, called by the Arabs
Butelleese; and its Remedy_.

During my residence at Santa Cruz, I had a cousin with me who was
afflicted with this disorder. When the sun sat his blindness came
on, and continued till the rising sun. This youth was so afflicted,
during a month, with this disorder, that he could scarcely see his
way with a candle in his hand, so that it was quite painful to see
him groping about. An Arab of the Woled Abbusebah Kabyl, who retain
much of the science and art of their ancestors, and whose
prosperity I had promoted at Santa Cruz, by facilitating his
commercial adventures, communicated to me a simple remedy for this
disorder; I put no faith in it, for it was so simple that I was
disposed to think it an illusion. He called on me, however,
repeatedly, and finding I had not applied it, he brought it one
morning himself, and urged me to try it, I did so; and that same
evening the eyes of the youth were almost well, and his sight was
333 completely restored the following night. This ophthalmic affection,
in an Arabic translation of Hippocrates, is called _Butelleese;_
another translation of ancient date calls it _Shebkeret:_ the name,
however, by which it is known at the present day in Africa, is
_Butelleese:_ the Latins called it _Lusciosus_, which word denotes
precisely the disease, viz. one who sees imperfectly in the morning
and evening twilight, but whose vision is clear at broad day-light.
_Lusciosus ad lucernam non videt. Vesperi non videre quos lusciosos
appellant_. Plaut. Mil. Gl. ii. 3.

This ophthalmia has been by some denominated _hen-blindness_, from
the circumstance of hens' eyes being thus affected, when they are
unable to see to pick up small grains in the dusk of the evening. I
have frequently seen fowls thus affected soon after going to sea,
from the coast of Africa, after which they decline and grow sick. A
quantity of small gravel should be spread in their coops at sea,
which prevents this disorder, and will sometimes cure it. At the
commencement of this complaint, the circumstance that first engages
the patient's attention is the dimness of his eye-sight at
twilight: the nocturnal dimness of vision was such, in the instance
before-mentioned, that the youth could scarcely see, even with a
candle in his hand, which he described, as seen by him, as if it
were misty, or as glimmering in a thick fog. There was no external
disfiguration visible in the eyes, but they appeared as usual.
334
What the cause of this disorder was I am unable to say; but I have
often suspected that it was contracted from the shining of the sun
on the white terras of the house where my cousin used to go of a
morning to shoot _tibeebs_, a bird somewhat resembling the European
sparrow. This youth was rather of a weak or delicate constitution.
I did not repeat the above remedy, as the boy's eyes continued
well, without any defect in the vision at any time of the day or
night, till seven-and-twenty days had elapsed, when the disorder
returned. I procured the remedy again, and he took it; it had the
same effect as before; he took it again, and then continued well
for a month. It again returned a third time, and was cured by one
single administration, after which it entirely disappeared, and
never returned. Some time after this, I was informed that the
British fleet in the Mediterranean was affected with this disorder;
that one-tenth, or more, of the crews of our ships had laboured
under it; and, on my return to England, I was urged to represent to
His Majesty's ministers, that I had an infallible remedy for the
disorder. I was referred to Doctor Harness, of the Transport Board.
I waited on the Doctor, and afterwards corresponded with him. He
appeared very desirous of knowing the remedy; but he was not at
liberty to grant me any remuneration for it. I, however, offered to
discover it, on being reimbursed the sum which the remedy cost me,
335 on experimental proof being produced of its infallibility; which
proposition was rejected by the Transport Board in August, 1812,
who informed me at the same time, that the Lords Commissioners of
the Admiralty did not judge proper to grant the sum required by me
for the discovery of the remedy for Nyctalopia, which, I should
add, was between 500_l_. and 600_l_. The remedy, therefore, remains
a secret to this day.

A celebrated electrician and galvanist having conversed with me
lately respecting this remedy for Nyctalopia, suggested to me the
probability, that the same remedy might be effectual also in _gutta
serena_, as both those disorders are known to proceed from a defect
in the optic nerve. This opinion he corroborated, by quoting, in
confirmation of it, the opinion of a well-known author. The
electrician perceiving my incredulity, or more properly, my
ignorance of the wonderful connection that exists between the
intestines and the head, was prompted, as I verily believe, by a
philanthropic disposition; and actually proved to me,
experimentally, the influence which the eyes have on the
intestines, and _vice versa_. A patient with a _gutta serena_, who
had been, as he informed me, twelve months under the hands of a
celebrated oculist, was recommended by the latter, as a last
resource, to try galvanism. He had received no benefit whatever
whilst under the direction of the oculist above alluded to, but his
intestines were intolerably deranged by the effects of the mercury
336 which he had taken. This gentleman galvanised his eyes, and the
man, who is a gunsmith, told me, that when he first went to have
the operation performed, he could not see the red border round the
hearth-rug in the front parlour, but when he returned into that
room, after having been galvanised, he assured me he saw it
plainly. He moreover declared that his bowels had been, and then
were, in a very deranged state, from the effects of the mercury
which he had taken, but that he felt incredible relief after having
been galvanised, and that, two or three days afterwards, they were
quite restored to health and strength. Being thus satisfied with
the influence that so wonderfully exists between the intestines and
the eyes, I am now making arrangements with the same gentleman, to
administer the remedy for the benefit, _as we hope_, of patients
afflicted with _gutta serena_. But I now declare to the public a
third time, that the remedy is simple, safe, and effectual, and
that I am ready and desirous of administering it to any one who may
choose to apply for it, who is afflicted with the disorder, with my
positive assurances, that it will effect a cure in eight-and-forty
hours at the utmost, but probably in twenty-four.

_Vaccination._

Intelligence received from West Barbary was instrumental in
337 promoting the adoption of vaccination. In the latter years of the
last century, the small-pox pervaded West and South Barbary. Mr.
Matra, the British consul-general to the Empire of Marocco, wrote
to me at that period officially, to procure him every information
possible, and to inform him if I could discover if cattle in this
country were subject to the small-pox. I made every inquiry without
delay, and I reported to His Excellency, (who was ambassador as
well as consul), that I had ascertained that the horses, mules,
asses, and oxen were subject in this country to the small-pox, of
which there could be no doubt, as the name given to the disorder in
the beasts of the field, was the same as that which designated the
small-pox in the human species, viz. JEDRIE. In consequence of this
information, confirmed afterwards by other enquiries, His
Excellency wrote to England on the subject, and, I believe, sent
some vaccine pus home; soon after which Dr. Jenner began his
experiments on vaccine inoculation, which have since been adopted
throughout Europe, and in great part of Asia and America. Although
I was thus instrumental in the propagation of vaccine inoculation,
yet I never asked for or received any remuneration; but I feel a
satisfaction in having been thus instrumental of good to mankind,
in this new and eligible system of inoculation, by means of which
human life has been preserved; for, according to Sir Gilbert
338 Blane's late statement, 23,134 lives have been saved during the
last 15 years by vaccination.

_Game_.

All kinds of game are plentiful in South and in West Barbary; viz.
_el gror_, a bird somewhat similar to the English partridge, but
unknown in Europe. I shot some of these birds for Doctor Brussonet,
the naturalist, who was intendant of the national garden of botany
at Montpelier, which that gentleman prepared in the oven, and sent
to the National Institute at Paris. He informed me this bird was a
non-descript. Hares, antelopes, woodcocks, snipes, plovers,
bustards. There is an abundance of partridges, red ducks as large
as geese, ducks, wigeon, and teal; curlews, in immense quantities,
are found in the flat parts of the country on the coast; immense
quantities of doves, wild pigeons, wood-pigeons, and large
sand-larks. Every person is at liberty to shoot; but the princes
and the great, consider field-sports beneath their dignity, except
hawking, and hunting the wild boar, the lion, and the tiger. The
Muhamedans do not prefer game to other food. When they have shot a
bird, they immediately cut its throat, that the blood may flow
freely; otherwise it is not lawful to eat it. Game is never seen in
the public markets. When they shoot for Europeans, they dispense
with the ceremony of cutting the throat of the game. They reproach
the Christians for eating such food, which they call (_m'jeefa_)
"strangled."
339
_Agriculture.--Mitferes._

The agriculturists, in all the Arab provinces throughout this
empire, have subterraneous caverns or apartments, generally in the
form of a cone, for the preservation of their corn during a
scarcity or famine. During my residence in this country, I have
investigated the method, and have learned the art of constructing
these depositories of grain. They season them before the corn is
deposited. They should not be constructed in a clay soil. In these
_mitferes_, throughout the Arab provinces of Duquella, Temsena,
Shawiya, &c. they preserve the corn sound during thirty years. I
have been present at the opening of them after the corn had been
deposited twenty-one years. It was perfectly sound. When these
depositories are opened, each family takes a portion of the grain,
so as to distribute the whole immediately; otherwise, in a few
months, if not consumed, it acquires a peculiar bad flavour, which
is called the _mitfere_ _twang_. To prevent this, an Arab, on
opening one of these depositaries, lends corn to all his
neighbours, and in his turn he receives it back again, when they
respectively open theirs. It is unnecessary to expatiate on the
expediency of constructing _mitferes_ in a country oftentimes
visited by locusts, the plague, drought, or inundation. There would
be a manifest policy in establishing similar granaries in our
340 colony in South Africa, where I understand they are visited by
locusts, and where the soil is similar to that of West and South
Barbary. All the valuable gums that Barbary now supplies Europe
with, and also many articles of commerce not yet known at the Cape,
might be procured from Barbary, and if transplanted to that colony,
would undoubtedly thrive, from the similarity of climate and soil.

_Laws of Hospitality_.

The territory of the Emperor of Marocco, west of the mountains of
Atlas, and from the shores of the Mediterranean to the confines of
the Shelluh province of Haha, is one continual corn-field,
inhabited by Arabs living in douars or encampments: much of the
ground, however, lies fallow. These encampments are fixed generally
at a considerable distance from the track of travellers, so that a
person unacquainted with this circumstance, would be disposed to
imagine the country thinly inhabited. The tents in safe countries,
where there is no fear of wild beasts, are pitched in a straight
line; but where lions or other ferocious animals are found, the
tents are disposed in a circular form; and thorny bushes are placed
round the douar, to prevent the visits of these unwelcome guests.
The Arabs are the agriculturists of the country, and are for the
most part emigrations from the original stock in Sahara. These
people have preserved from time immemorial the practice of open and
341 unrestrained hospitality. Their prophet confirmed these
propensities; and hospitality has been ever since, the predominant
virtue of the Arab. Accordingly, Muhamedans are entitled, through
their various journeys, to be entertained three days wherever they
sojourn. A traveller, therefore, when he chooses to rest from the
fatigue of his journey, goes to one of these douars and exclaims
(_Deef Allah_) "the guests of God." The sheik then comes forth from
his tent to receive him or them: (_Kheyma Deâf_) the travellers' or
guests' tent is appropriated to the stranger; food is brought to
him, agreeably to his rank in life, but always simple, good, and
wholesome. Here he may remain, if he chooses, for three days,
without being considered an intruder, and free of all expense
whatsoever. If he wishes to exceed the three days allowed by the
Muhamedan law, he must prove his poverty; which being done, he may
be entertained for a further period of time: but this latter is
quite optional; no man is compelled to entertain and provide food
for strangers and travellers, without remuneration, above three
days.

This hospitality extends not generally to all mankind, but to
Muhamedans only. A Christian or a Jew would be expected to pay a
trifle for his entertainment; although, in travelling through the
province of Suse, the Arabs have absolutely refused to take any
remuneration from me; but, that is not generally the case, nor
342 ought such conduct to be expected: in the instances
before-mentioned, these people considered themselves so much
benefited by the opening of the port of Santa Cruz, that they
thought they could not do enough for me. I was, therefore, every
where received in that province with the most cordial marks of
disinterested hospitality.

The laws of hospitality are sacred and inviolable. This I will
elucidate, by relating a circumstance that happened while I was at
Marocco. The Emperor was dissatisfied with the conduct of four
sheiks of Suse: they had not discharged the duties of their public
vocation, but had abused their office; the Emperor had issued
orders to arrest them, but by some means they got intelligence of
the orders; they therefore immediately ordered their horses, and
decamped in the evening from Marocco: they knew they should not be
safe any where from the Emperor's grasp, but under the protection
of the Khalif Muhamed ben Delemy, whom, however, they had in some
manner injured; nevertheless, knowing the noble character of the
man, they were resolved to try their fate; accordingly, they made
haste to reach the gates of his castle in Shtuka, before the
Emperor might discover their departure. They arrived, and
exclaiming _Deef Allah_, they were admitted. Delemy told them, that
although they had not behaved friendly to him, he would protect
them. His gates, he said, were always open to the children of
343 adversity, and they might depend on his protection. The Emperor
soon discovered, by diligent enquiry, what route they had taken,
and His Imperial Majesty urged Delemy to deliver them up; but the
latter expostulated, and observing that he should not deserve the
name of an Arabian sheik, if he degraded himself by giving up those
who had claimed his protection, in his own country: and he actually
granted them protection several months; till, at length, finding
they could not escape the hand of power, by any plan but that of
going into the Sahara, Delemy agreed to see them safe out of the
Emperor's dominions, and accompanied them to Akka, and beyond that
place, till they reached the Sahara, where, being perfectly safe,
he took his leave of them, and they exchanged _Salems_.

_Punishment for Murder._

If a man commits murder, the friends of the murdered claim redress
of the alkaid, if in a town,--of the bashaw of the province, if in
the country. If the murderer is discovered, he is taken into
custody, to suffer death, unless the relations of the murdered man
choose to compromise with the relations of the murderer: in which
case, a sum of money is paid to the former, and the matter is thus
settled.

_Insolvency Laws._

An insolvent cannot be detained in prison after his insolvency is
ascertained. He gives up his property to his creditors; but if he
344 should afterwards become a man of substance, his creditors can
claim the amount of their debts, deducting what they have already
received.

_Dances_.

The dances of the Arabs are peculiar to themselves. The youths
dance without females, and the females without youths. On all
marriages and rejoicings, music and dancing continue till the dawn
of day. Among the encampments of Arabs, in the summer season, the
whole country, at night, is in a blaze of light. The kettle-drum,
the triangle, the shepherd's pipe, and the _erbeb_ an instrument
resembling the fiddle, with two strings, form the band of music.

The youths form a double row of six or eight in each, and carry
themselves erect, with their arms hanging down close to their side;
moving obliquely to the right, then to the left, without taking
their feet from the ground, but moving their heels, then their toes
on the ground, advancing or gliding slowly along; keeping exact
time with the music: they then vault in the air, perform somersets
and various feats of agility. They sing also with great taste and
judgment, and some of them have excellent voices, being selected
for the purpose of affording entertainment to the spectators. The
ladies dance also in a similar manner, but without the vaulting and
somersets. They have a very elegant shawl-dance, which some of them
dance with great taste, and with much graceful movement.
345
_Circumcision._

The circumcision of male children is the general practice of
Islaemism; it is also used among some of the[201] _Khaffers_ or
_Cafers_ of North, Central, and South Africa. Circumcision is not a
practice ascribed to a principle of cleanliness, or any other
cause, but ancient usage. The period of performing this operation
among the Arabs is at the age of eight years.

[Footnote 201: _Khaffer_ (singular number) is an Arabic term,
applied to all who are not Muhamedans; all Pagans, Jews, and
Christians, are called _Khaffer_, _K'fer_ (plural) _Kaffir
billa_, an atheist: hence Caffraria, the name of the country
near the Cape of Good Hope.]

_Invoice from Timbuctoo to Santa Cruz._

Transport of ([202]_Alk Sudan_) gum of Sudan, bought at Timbuctoo,
on account of Messrs. James Jackson and Co. by their agent, L'Hage
Muhamed O----n, and dispatched to Akka by the spring (_akkaba_)
accumulated caravan, in February, 1794.

M. Doll

200 camel loads of gum-sudan, each
weighing 250 lb. net, bought at
Timbuctoo, at four Mexico dollars
per load, 800
346
_Charges._--Cow-skins to pack it in, sticks
to stow it on the camels, &c. 25

200 camels hired to Akka, at 18 Mexico
dollars each, 3600

Stata, _i.e._ convoy through the Sahara,
from Timbuctoo to Arawan, at 20
cents per camel, 40

Do. from Arawan to East Tagrassa, at
20 cents per camel, 40

Do. from East Tagrassa to Akka, at
40 cents per camel, 40

20 per cent., or one-fifth, on the first
cost, to be allowed to the purchaser
on safe arrival at Akka, 160
----
4705

[Footnote 202: This gum is the produce of an enormous tree of
Sudan, which flourishes near Timbuctoo, Housa, Wangara, and
Bernoh (or Bernou) it is transported by the caravans to
Alexandria in Egypt, to Tripoli, Tunis, and Algiers. From the
African ports in the Mediterranean it is shipped to Smyrna and
Constantinople, and from thence to England, under the
denomination of Turkey gum; some goes to Mogodor and Tetuan,
and thence to London.]

347
The adventure is subject to this charge, provided it arrive safe at
Akka, not otherwise, as also to encourage the agent at Timbuctoo,
to exert himself in procuring trusty guides and competent statas,
which he would not do, without having a certain interest in the
safe delivery.

_N.B._ No stata is necessary from Akka to Santa Cruz, but the hire
is 3 dollars per camel.

_Translation of a Letter from Timbuctoo, which accompanied the
foregoing Consignment._

Praise be to God alone; for there is nothing durable but the
kingdom of heaven.

To the Christian merchant, Jackson, at Agadeer. Peace be to those
who follow the right way.

This being premised, know that I have sent you by this akkabah, two
hundred camel load of gum-sudan, agreeable to the account herewith
transmitted. The stata will be paid by my friend, L'Hage Aly, sheik
of Akka, whom I request you will reimburse according to the account
which I have sent to you by him; and if he goes to Agadeer, be
kind, friendly, and hospitable to him on my account, for he stands
high in my esteem; and peace be with you.

Written at Timbuctoo, 10th of the month Muharram, year of the Hejra
1208, (corresponding with 15th Feb. A.C. 1794). By your friend,

L'HAGE MUHAMED O----N.
God be merciful to him.

_Invoice from Timbuctoo to Fas_.

Transport of gold, gum, and cottons, from Timbuctoo to Fas,
consigned to L'Hage Seyd and L'Hage Abdrahaman Elfellely, Timbuctoo
merchants at Fas, by (_akkaba el Kheriffy_) the autumnal caravan.
Dispatched 29th Duelhaja el Hurem, year 1204, corresponding with
10th October, A.C. 1790.

500 skins (_Tibber Wangâree_) gold dust of Wangara, each skin
containing 4 ounces, bought on their account, in barter for 800
Flemish plattilias.

100 (_Sibikat deheb Wangaree_). Wangara gold in bars, weighing 20
ounces each, bought in exchange for 400 pieces (_Shkalat_) Irish
cloth, averaging 44 cubits each piece (7 cubits are equal to 4
English yards).
348
10 bed-covers, 9 cubits long, 4 wide, chequered pattern, blue and
white cotton, with scarlet silk between the chequers, manufactured
at Timbuctoo, bought in barter for 100 lb. sugar, 30 loaves.

50 camel-load gum-sudan, weighing net 120 quintals.

_Charges_.--Hire of 50 camels to Akka, at 18 dollars each.

Stata to ditto, 1 dollar per load, to be paid by Sheik Aly ben
A----r.

_Copy of the Letter accompanying the foregoing Remittance._

Praise be to God alone; for there is neither beginning nor
strength, without God, the eternal God.

To my friends, L'Hage Zeyd and L'Hage Abdrahaman Elfellely. Peace
be with ye, and the mercy of the High God; and after that, know,
that I have sent to our agents at Akka, by the autumnal caravan, 50
camel loads of gum-sudan, being 100 skins; in each skin of gum I
have packed 5 skins of gold dust, and 1 bar of gold. L'Hage Tahar
ben Jelule will deliver to our agent at Akka, for you, 10 very
handsome cotton covers for beds, of Sudan manufacture. May all this
arrive safe, with the blessing of God. I will inform you by the
spring caravan what merchandize to send here next autumn. I refer
you to a long letter, which I have sent to you by L'Hage Tahar.
Peace be with you, and the blessing of God be upon you.
349
Written at Timbuctoo, the 29th Duelhaja El Huram, year 1204.

L'HAGE HAMED ELWANGARIE.
[203]God protect him.

[Footnote 203: The Muhamedans, in signing their name, always
invoke the protection, mercy, or providence of God upon
themselves.]

_Food of the Desert._

The people, whose interest induces them to cross the desert, (for
there are no travellers from curiosity in this country,) obviate
the objection to salt provisions, which increases the propensity to
drink water, by taking with them melted butter, called _smin_; this
is prepared without salt. They also cut beef into long pieces,
about six inches long, and one inch square, without fat; these are
called _el kuddeed_, which are hung on a line, exposed to the air
till dry; they then cut them into pieces, two inches long; these
are put into (_buckul_) an earthen pot; they then pour the _smin_
into the _buckul_ till it is covered. This meat and butter, besides
being palatable, is comprised in a small compass, and feeds many.
When this butter has been thus prepared and kept twelve or fifteen
years, it is called _budrâ_, and is supposed to contain penetrating
active medicinal qualities. I have seen some thirty years old.

_Antithesis, a favourite Figure with the Arabs._

Mahmoud, sultan of Ghezna in the beginning of the eleventh century,
350 though the son of a slave, was very powerful. He sent to the khalif
Alkader, requesting a title suited to his exalted dignity. The
latter hesitated; but fearing the power of the sultan, sent him at
the expiration of a year the ambiguous title, _Uly_, i.e. a prince,
a friend, a slave. Mahmoud penetrated the khalif's meaning, and
sent him immediately 100,000 pieces of gold, with a wish to know
whether a letter had not been omitted. Alkader received the
treasure, and took the hint, instantly dispatching letters patent
in full form, creating him _Uäly_ which signifies, without
equivocation, a sovereign independent prince.

_Arabian Modes of Writing_.

The Arabs have various modes of writing, the principal of which is
that used by the Koreish, the most learned of all the Western
tribes, and is denominated the _Niskhi_, or upright character: if
this is understood, the others may be easily comprehended. This is
the character in which the Koran was originally written. In the
seventh century, the Arabs adopted the invention of Moramer ben
Morra, a native of Babylonian Irak, which was afterwards improved
by the Kufik. The Kufik and the Niskhi are synonymous. Richardson,
in his Arabic Grammar, p. 4. say, "The Mauritannick character,
which is used by the Moors of Marocco and Barbary, descendants of
351 the Arabians, differs in many respects _considerably_ from the
other modes of writing." But this is incorrect; for the
Mauritannick alphabet, excepting in the order of the letters, is
precisely the same with the Oriental, as now written and spoken,
with the exception only of the letters _Fa_ and _Kaf_, and the
formation even of these characters are alike. The punctuation only,
differs in the West, that is, west of the Egyptian Nile. The
Western punctuation of _Fa_, is one point below the letter, and the
punctuation of the letter _Kaf_ is one point above. In the East,
the former letter has one point above, the latter has two. This is
the only difference between the Eastern and the Western alphabets.
Richardson, (see his Grammar, page 5,) also says, that "the purest
Arabic is spoken at Grand Cairo," but this is not correct: the
language of Grand Cairo and of Tunis, Tripoli, Algiers, and Marocco
are much alike, but none of them are the pure Koraisch or Korannick
Arabic, which is only spoken at Mekka, and among some of the tribes
of Bedouins in the West. The language of the Woled Abbusebah, of
the Howara, and of the Mograffra is the pure Arabic. Finally, in a
note in Richardson's Grammar, page 18, it is said, "Some of our
European writers, and amongst others Voltaire, substitute _Koran_
for _Alcoran_, but perhaps improperly, as D'Herbelot and other
learned Orientalists, write uniformly _l'Alcoran, il Alcorano_, the
Alcoran." We have been too apt to copy the orthography of Oriental
names from the French, whose pronunciation of the Roman or European
352 characters differs from ours. There cannot be a doubt that
D'Herbelot is incorrect. The word _Koran_ (for there is no _c_ in
the Arabic language) is derived from the verb _Kora_, to read;
_koran_, reading: _Al_ is the article; but, in this instance,
D'Herbelot uses this article twice, which is certainly erroneous,
for _l'_ is the French article in the word in question, and _al_ is
the Arabic article; whereas _one_ article only should precede a
noun. _L'Alcoran_ and the _Alcoran_ are therefore equally
incorrect; for the word in French should be _Le Coran_; in English,
_the Koran_; therefore Voltaire was correct. I have thought it
expedient to make these observations, because standing in
Richardson's Grammar on the authority of _learned orientalists_,
they are calculated to mislead the Arabic student.

_Decay of Science and the Arts among the Arabs_.

The literary fire of the Arabs and Persians has been extinguished
upwards of 300 years; but before that period, the encouragement to
learning in the East was unprecedented, and has never been equalled
by any European nation either before or since that period. Kadder
Khan, king of Turquestan, was the greatest support to science. When
he appeared abroad, he was preceded by 700 horsemen, with silver
battle-axes, and was followed by an equal number bearing maces of
gold. He supported with magnificent appointment a literary academy
353 in his palace, consisting of 100 men of the highest reputation.
Amak, called Abu Näib El Bokari, who was the chief poet, exclusive
of a great pension and a vast number of slaves, had, in attendance
wherever he went, thirty horses of state richly caparisoned, and a
retinue in proportion. The king before-mentioned used to preside at
their exercises of genius, on which occasions, by the side of his
throne were always placed four large basons filled with gold and
silver, which he distributed liberally to those who excelled.

Lebid suspended over the gate at Mecca a sublime poem; Muhamed
placed near it the opening of the second chapter of the Koran,
which was conceived to be something divine, and it gained the prize
of the _Ocadh_ assembly.

The remains of this custom of suspending over gates Arabic poems,
is perceived at this day among the western Moors. The gates or
entrances to Mogodor, Fas, Mequinas, Marocco, &c. have writing over
them, which is a kind of Arabic short-hand, that none but the
learned understand; these writings, however, are not moveable,
being engraven on a square table on the stone itself.

_Extraordinary Abstinence experienced in the Sahara_.

The Arabs or inhabitants of the Sahara, can support the most
extraordinary abstinence. Occasions occur, wherein they will travel
354 several days without food. After suffering a privation of a day or
two, they tie their (_hazam_) belt round their loins, every morning
tighter than the preceding day, thereby preventing, in some
measure, that action of the bowels which promotes appetite. A
Saharawan will thus go five or six days without food of any kind,
in which case, when he reaches a habitation, or a (_wah_)
cultivated spot in the Desert, he will drink about half-a-pint of
camel's milk; this remains on the stomach but a short time: he then
takes another draught, which, with some, remains and gives
nourishment, but with others _it_ is also rejected by the stomach;
_a third draught is then taken, which restores the exhausted
traveller!_ I have been assured, that instances have been known in
Sahara, wherein a man has been without food of any kind for seven
days, and has afterwards been restored by the foregoing regimen!

355

LANGUAGES OF AFRICA.

_Various Dialects of the Arabic Language.--Difference between the
Berebber and Shelluh Languages.--Specimen of the
Mandinga.--Comparison of the Shelluh Language with that of the
Canary Islands, and Similitude of Customs_.

Yareb, the son of Kohtan[204], is said to have been the first who
spoke Arabic, and the Muhamedans contend that it is the most
eloquent language spoken in any part of the globe, and that it is
the one which will be used at the day of judgment. To write a long
dissertation on this copious and energetic language, would be only
to repeat what many learned men have said before; a few
observations, however, may not be superfluous to the generality of
readers. The Arabic language is spoken by a greater proportion of
the inhabitants of the known world than any other: a person having
a practical knowledge of it, may travel from the shores of the
Mediterranean Sea to the Cape of Good Hope, and notwithstanding
that in such a journey he must pass through many kingdoms and
empires of blacks, speaking distinct languages, yet he would find
356 men in all those countries versed in Muhamedan learning, and
therefore acquainted with the Arabic; again, he might cross the
widest part of the African continent from west to east, and would
every where meet with persons acquainted with it, more particularly
if he should follow the course of the great river called the Neel
El Abeed, on the banks of which, from Jinnie and Timbuctoo, to the
confines of lower Egypt, are innumerable cities and towns of Arabs
and Moors, all speaking the Arabic. Again, were a traveller to
proceed from Marocco to the farthest shore of Asia, opposite the
islands of Japan, he would find the Arabic generally spoken or
understood wherever he came. In Turkey, in Syria, in Arabia, in
Persia, and in India, it is understood by all men of education; and
any one possessing a knowledge of the Korannick Arabic, might, in a
very short time, make himself master of all its various dialects.

[Footnote 204: This Kohtan is the Joktan, son of Eber, brother
to Phaleg, mentioned in Genesis. Chapter x, verse 25.]

The letters of this language[205] are formed in four distinct ways,
according to their situation at the beginning, middle, or end of
words, as well as when standing alone; the greatest difficulty,
however, to be overcome, is the acquiring a just pronunciation,
(without which no living language can be essentially useful;) and
to attain which, the learner should be able to express the
difference of power and sound between what may be denominated the
357 synonymous letters, such as ط and ث with ت and ع with ا and ص with
س and ض and ظ with د and ة with ح and ق with ى and خ and غ with ر.

[Footnote 205: The Oriental punctuation is here adopted.]

Besides these, there are other letters, whose power is extremely
difficult to be acquired by an European, because no language in
Europe possesses sounds similar to the Arabic letters خ غ ع, nor
has any language, except, perhaps, the English, a letter with the
power of the Arabian ث. Those who travel into Asia or Africa
scarcely ever become sufficiently masters of the Arabic to speak it
fluently, which radical defect proceeds altogether from their not
learning, while studying it, the peculiar distinction of the
synonymous letters. _No European, perhaps, ever knew more of the
theory of this language than the late Sir William Jones, but still
he could not converse with an Arabian;_ a circumstance of which he
was not conscious until he went to India. This great man, however,
had he been told that his knowledge of this popular eastern
language was so far deficient, that he was ignorant of the separate
powers of its synonymous letters, and consequently inadequate to
converse intelligibly with a native Arab, he would certainly have
considered it an aspersion, and have disputed altogether that such
was the fact. Considering how much we are indebted to the Arabians
358 for the preservation of many of the works of the ancients, which
would otherwise have never, perhaps, been known to us, it is really
surprising, that their language should be so little known in
Europe. It is certainly very difficult and abstruse, (to learners
particularly,) but this difficulty is rendered insurmountable by
the European professors knowing it only as a dead language, and
_teaching it without due attention to the pronunciation of the
before mentioned synonymous letters, a defect which is not likely
to be remedied, and which will always subject the speaker to
incessant errors_.

To shew the Arabic student the difference between the Oriental and
Occidental order of the letters of the alphabet, I shall here give
them opposite each other.

Oriental. Occidental

1 Alif 1 -- ا Alif ا

2 ba. ب -- 2 ba ب

3 ta ت -- 3 ta. ت

4 thsa ث -- 4 tha ث

5 jim ج -- 5 jim ج

6 hha ح -- 6 hha ح

7 kha خ -- 7 kha خ

8 dal د -- 8 dal د

9 dsal ذ -- 9 dth'al ذ

10 ra ر -- 10 ra ر

11 za ز -- 11 zain ز
359
12 sin س -- 12 ta ط

13 shin ش -- 13 da ظ

14 sad ص -- 14 kef ێ

15 dad ض -- 15 lam ل

16 ta ط -- 16 mim م

17 da ظ -- 17 nune ن

18 ain ع -- 18 sad ص

19 gain غ -- 19 dad ض

20 fa ف -- 20 ain ع

21 kaf ق -- 21 g'rain غ

22 kef ك -- 22 fa ڢ

23 lem ل -- 23 kaf ف

24 mim م -- 24 sin س

25 nun ن -- 25 shin ش

26 waw و -- 26 hha ه

27 he ه -- 27 wow و

28 ya ي -- 28 ia ي

29 lam-alif: ligature lam + alif = لأ لإ لآ‎

Besides this difference of the arrangement of the two alphabets,
the Arabic student will observe that there is also a difference in
the punctuation of two of the letters: thus--

Oriental. Occidental.

fa ف fa ڢ

kaf ق kaf ف

360
Among the Western Arabs, the ancient Arabic figures are used, viz.
0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9: they often write 100 thus, 1..--200,
2..

To explain the force of the synonymous letters on paper would be
impossible; the reader, however, may form some idea of the
indispensable necessity of knowing the distinction by the few words
here selected, which to one unaccustomed to hear the Arabic
language spoken, would appear similar and undistinguishable.

ENGLISH. ARABIC, ARABIC.

Rendered as near to European pronunciation
as the English Alphabet
will admit.

A horse Aoud [Arabic:]

Wood Awad [Arabic:]

To repeat Aoud [Arabic:]

Fish Hout [Arabic:]

A gun Mokhalla [Arabic:]

A foolish woman Mokeela [Arabic:]

A frying pan Makeela [Arabic:]

A lion Seban [Arabic:]

Morning Seban [Arabic:]

Seventh Seban [Arabic:]
361
Hatred Hassed [Arabic:]

Harvest Hassed [Arabic:]

Learning (Alem, or El Alem) [Arabic:]

A flag El Alem [Arabic:]

Granulated paste Kuscasoe [Arabic:]

The dish it is made in Kuscas [Arabic:]

Heart Kul'b [Arabic:]

Dog Kil'b [Arabic:]

Mould Kal'b [Arabic:]

Captain Rice [Arabic:]

Feathers Rish [Arabic:]

Mud G'ris [Arabic:]

Smell Shim [Arabic:]

Poison Sim[206] [Arabic:]
362
Absent G'raib [Arabic:]

Butter-milk Raib [Arabic:]

White Bead [Arabic:]

A black El Abd [Arabic:]

Eggs Baid [Arabic:]

Afar off Baid [Arabic:]

A pig Helloof [Arabic:]

An oath Hellef [Arabic:]

Feed for horses Alf [Arabic:]

A thousand Elf [Arabic:]

[Footnote 206: The African Jews find it very difficult in
speaking, to distinguish between _shim_ and _sim_, for they
cannot pronounce the _sh_, ش but sound it like _s_
س ; the very few who have studied the art of reading
the language, have, however, conquered this difficulty.]

It is difficult for any one who has not accurately studied the
Arabic language, to imagine the many errors which an European
commits in speaking it, when self taught, or when taught in Europe.
This deficiency originates in the inaccuracy of the application of
the guttural and synonymous letters.

The ain ع and the غ grain cannot be
363 accurately pronounced by Europeans, who have not studied the
language grammatically when young. The aspirated _h_, and the hard
_s_, in the word for _morning_ (sebah), are so much like their
synonymes, that few Europeans can discern the difference; the one
is consequently often mistaken for the other; and I have known a
beautiful sentence absolutely perverted through an inaccuracy of
this kind. In the words rendered _Hatred_ and _Harvest_, the two
synonymes of س and ص or _s_ hard and _s_
soft, are indiscriminately used by Europeans in their Arabic
_conversations_, a circumstance sufficient to do away the force and
meaning of many a sentence.

The poetry as well as prose of the Arabians is well known, and has
been so often discussed by learned men, that it would be irrelevant
here to expatiate on the subject; but as the following description
of the noblest passion of the human breast cannot but be
interesting to the generality of readers, and, without any
exception, to the fair sex, I will transcribe it.

"Love [Arabic:] beginneth in contemplation, passeth to meditation;
hence proceeds desire; then the spark bursts forth into a flame,
the head swims, the body wastes, and the soul turns giddy. If we
look on the bright side of love, we must acknowledge that it has at
least one advantage; it annihilates pride and immoderate self-love;
364 true love, whose aim is the happiness and equality of the beloved
object, being incompatible with those feelings.

"Lust is so different from true love [arabic], and so far from a
perfection, that it is always a species of punishment sent by God,
because man has abandoned the path of his pure love."

In their epistolary writing, the Arabs have generally a regular and
particular style, beginning and ending all their letters with the
name of God, symbolically, because God is the beginning and end of
all things. The following short specimen will illustrate this:

Translation of a letter written in the Korannick Arabic by Seedy
Soliman ben Muhammed ben Ismael, Sultan of Marocco, to his Bashaw
of Suse, &c. &c.

"Praise be to the only God! for there is neither power, nor
strength, without the great and eternal God."

L.S.

Containing the Emperor's name and
titles, as Soliman ben Muhamed
ben Abdallah, &c, &c.

"Our servant, Alkaid Abdelmelk ben Behie Mulud, God assist, and
peace be with thee, and the mercy and grace of God be upon thee!"

"We command thee forthwith to procure and send to our exalted
presence every Englishman that has been wrecked on the coast of
Wedinoon, and to forward them hither without delay, and diligently
365 to succour and attend to them, and may the eye of God be upon
thee!" [207]

[Footnote 207: When they write to any other but Muhamedans,
they never salute them with the words, "Peace be with thee,"
but substitute--"Peace be to those who follow the path of the
true God," _Salem ala min itaba el Uda_.]

"26th of the (lunar), month Saffer, year of the Hejra 1221. (May,
1806.)"

The accuracy of punctuation in the Arabic language is a matter that
ought to be strictly attended to.

The foregoing observations will serve to prove the insufficiency of
a knowledge of this language, as professed or studied in Great
Britain when unaccompanied with a practical knowledge. These
observations may apply equally to the Persian language.[208]

[Footnote 208: "One of the objects I had in view in coming to
Europe, was to instruct young Englishmen in the Persian
language. I however met with so little encouragement from
persons in authority, that I entirely relinquished the plan. I
instructed, however, (as I could not refuse the recommendations
that were brought to me,) an amiable young man, Mr. S------n,
and thanks be to God, my efforts were crowned with success! and
that he, having escaped the instructions of _self-taught_
masters, has acquired such a knowledge of the principles of
that language, and so correct an idea of its idiom and
pronunciation, that I have no doubt, after a few years'
residence in India, he will attain to such a degree of
excellence, as has not yet been acquired by any other
Englishman." Vide Travels of Mirza Abu Taleb Khan, vol. i. p.
200.]

If the present ardour for discovery in Africa be persevered in, the
learned world may expect, in the course of a few years, to receive
366 histories and other works of Greek and Roman authors, which were
translated into the Arabic language, when Arabian literature was in
its zenith, and have ever since been confined to some private
libraries in the cities of the interior of Africa, and in Arabia.

Having said thus much with regard to the Arabic of the western
Arabs, which, with little variation, is spoken throughout all the
finest districts of North Africa, I shall proceed to say a few
words respecting the other languages spoken north of Sahara: these
are the Berebber and its dialects, viz. the Zayan and Girwan, and
Ait Amor; the Shelluh of Suse and South Atlas, all which, though
latterly supposed by some learned men to be the same, differ in
many respects; any one possessing a knowledge of the Berebber
language might, with little difficulty, make himself understood by
the Zayan of Atlas, the Girwan, or the Ait Amor; but the Shelluh is
a different language, and each so different from the Arabic, that
there is not the smallest resemblance, as the following specimen
will demonstrate:

BEREBBER. SHELLUH. ARABIC. ENGLISH.
Tumtoot Tayelt Ishira A girl
Ajurode Ayel Ishire A boy
Askan Tarousa Hajar A thing
Aram Algrom Jimmel Camel
Tamtute Tamraut Murrah A woman
Ishiar Issemg'h L'Abd A slave
Aouli Izimer Kibsh A sheep
Taddert Tikimie Dar House
367 Ikshuden Asroen Lawad Wood
Eekeel Akfai Hellib Milk
Tifihie Uksume El Ham Meat
Buelkiel Amuran Helloof A hog
Abreede Agares Trek A road
Bishee Fikihie Ara Give me
Adude Asht Agi Come
Alkam Aftooh Cire Go
Kaym Gäuze Jils Sit down
Imile Imeek Serire Little

_Specimen of the Difference between the Arabic and Shelluh
Languages._

SHELLUH. ARABIC. ENGLISH.
Is sin Tamazirkt Wash katarf Do you understand
Shelluh Shelluh?
Uree sin Man arf huh I do not understand it.
Matshrult Kif enta How are you?
Is tekeete Wash gite min Are you come from
Marokshe Marockshe Marocco?
Egan ras Miliah Good
Maigan Ala'sh Wherefore?
Misimmink As'mek What is your name?
Mensh kat dirk Shall andik How much have you got?
Tasardunt Borella A mule
Romi Romi An European
Takannarit Nasarani A Christian
368 Romi Kaffer An infidel
Misem Bebans Ashkune mula Who is the owner?
Is'tkit Tegriwelt Washjite min Are you come from
Tegriwelt Cape Ossem?
Auweete Imkelli Jib Liftor Bring the dinner
Efoulkie Meziana Handsome
Ayeese El aoud A horse
Tikelline El Baid Eggs
Amuran Helloof Hog
Tayuh Tatta Camelion
Tasamumiat Adda Green lizard
Tenawine Sfune Ships.

Marmol says, the Shelluhs and Berebbers write and speak one
language, called Killem Abimalick[209]; but the foregoing specimen,
the accuracy of which may be depended on, clearly proves this
assertion to be erroneous, as well as that of many moderns who have
formed their opinion, in all probability, on the above authority.
Now, although the Shelluh and Berebber languages are so totally
dissimilar, that there is not one word in the foregoing vocabulary
which resembles its corresponding word in the other language, yet,
369 from the prejudice which Marmol's authority has established, it
will still be difficult, perhaps, to persuade the learned that such
an author could be mistaken on such a subject. My account therefore
must remain for a future age to determine upon, when the languages
of Africa shall be better known than they are at present; for it is
not a few travellers occasionally sent out on a limited plan, that
can ascertain facts, the attainment of which requires a long
residence, and familiar intercourse with the natives. Marmol had
also misled the world, in saying that they write a different
language; the fact is, that when they write any thing of
consequence, it is in the Arabic; but any trifling subject is
written in the Berebber words, though in the Arabic character. If
they had any peculiar character in the time of Marmol, they have
none now; for I have conversed with hundreds of them, as well as
with the Shelluhs, and have had them staying at my house for a
considerable time together, but never could learn from any, that a
character different from the Arabic had ever been in use among
them.

[Footnote 209: Killem Abimalick signifies the Language of
Abimalick; this is evidently an error of Marmol, the Shelluh
language is denominated _Amazirk_; the Berebber Language is
denominated _Killem Brebber_.]

In addition to these languages, there is another spoken at the
Oasis of Ammon, or Siwah, called in Arabic [Arabic:] El Wah El
Grarbie, which appears to be a mixture of Berebber and Shelluh, as
will appear from the list of Siwahan words given by Mr.
370 Horneman[210], in his Journal, page 19, part of which I have here
transcribed, to show the similitude between those two languages,
whereby it will appear that the language of Siwah and that of the
Shelluhs of South Atlas, are one and the same language.

ENGLISH. SIWAHAN. SHELLUH.
Sun Itfuckt Atfuct.
Head Achfé Akfie
Camel Lgum Arume
Sheep Jelibb Jelibb
Cow Tfunest Tafunest
Mountain Iddrarn Iddra[211]
Have you a horse? Goreck Ackmar Is derk Achmar?[212]
Milk Achi Akfie
Bread Tagor Tagora[213]
Dates Tena Tenia (sing.)Tena (plural.)

South of the Desert we find other languages spoken by the blacks;
and are told by Arabs, who have frequently performed the journey
from Jinnie to Cairo, and the Red Sea, that thirty-three different
371 Negro languages are met with in the course of that route, but that
the Arabic is spoken by the intelligent part of the people, and the
Muhamedan religion is known and followed by many; their writings
are uniformly in Arabic.

[Footnote 210: In reading Mr. William Marsden's observations on
the language of Siwah, at the end of Horneman's Journal, in
page 190, I perceive that the short vocabulary inserted
corresponds with a vocabulary of the Shelluh language, which I
presented to that gentleman some years past.] [Footnote 211:
Plural Iddrarn.]

[Footnote 212: Or, Is derk ayeese?]

[Footnote 213: This is applied to bread when baked in a pan, or
over the embers of charcoal, or other fire; but when baked in
an oven it is called Agarom (g guttural.)]

It may not be improper in this place, seeing the many errors and
mutilated translations which appear from time to time, of Arabic,
Turkish and Persian papers, to give a list of the Muhamedan moons
or lunar months, used by all those nations, which begin with the
first appearance of the new moon, that is, the day following, or
sometimes two days after the change, and continue till they see the
next new moon; these have been mutilated to such a degree in all
our English translations, that I shall give them, in the original
Arabic character, and as they ought to be spelt and pronounced in
the English character, as a clue whereby to calculate the
correspondence between our year and theirs. They divide the year
into 12 months, which contain 29 or 30 days, according as they see
the new moon; the first day of the month Muharam is termed [arabic]
Ras Elame, i.e. the beginning of the year.

As we are more used to the Asiatic mode of punctuation, that will
be observed in these words.

Muharam [Arabic]
Asaffer [Arabic]
372 Arabia Elule [Arabic]
Arabea Atthenie [Arabic]
Jumad Elule [Arabic]
Jumad Athenie [Arabic]
Rajeb [Arabic]
Shaban [Arabic]
Ramadan [Arabic]
Shual [Arabic]
Du'elkada [Arabic]
Du Elhajah [Arabic]

The first of Muharram, year of the Hejra 1221, answers to the 19th
March of the Christian æra, 1806.

Among the various languages spoken south of the Sahara, we have
already observed that there are thirty-three different ones between
the Western Ocean and the Red Sea, following the shores of the Nile
El Abeed, or Niger: among all these nations and empires, a man
practically acquainted with the Arabic, may always make himself
understood, and indeed, it is the language most requisite to be
known for every traveller in these extensive regions.

The Mandinga is spoken from the banks of the Senegal, where that
river takes a northerly course from the Jibel Kuthera to the
373 kingdom of Bambarra; the Wangareen tongue is a different one; and
the Housonians speak a language differing again from that.

_Specimen of the difference between the Arabic and Mandinga
language; the words of the latter extracted from the vocabularies
of Seedi Muhamed ben Amer Sudani._

ENGLISH. MANDINGA. ARABIC.

One Kalen Wahud
Two Fula Thanine
Three Seba Thalata
Four Nani Arba
Five Lulu Kumsa
Six Uruh Setta
Seven Urn'klu Sebba
Eight Säae Timinia
Nine Kanuntée Taseud
Ten Dan Ashra
Eleven Dan kalen Ahud ash
Twelve Dan fula Atenashe
Thirteen Dan seba Teltashe
Nineteen Dankanartée Tasatasli
Twenty Mulu Ashreen
Thirty Mulu nintau Thalateen
Forty Mulu fula Arbä'in
Fifty Mulu fula neentan Kumseen
Sixty Mulu sebaa Setteen
Seventy Mulu sebaa nintan Sebä'in.
374 Eighty Mulu nani T'aramana'een
Ninety Mulu nani neentaan Tasa'een
One hundred Kemi Mia
One thousand Uli Elf

This Neen Hadda
That Waleem Hadduk
Great Bawa Kabeer
Little Nadeen Sereer
Handsome Nimawa Zin
Ugly Nuta Uksheen (k guttur.)
White Kie Bead
Black Feen Khal
Red Williamma Hummer
How do you do? Nimbana mcuntania Kif-enta
Well Kantée Ala-khere
Not well Moon kanti Murrede
What do you want Ala feta matume Ash-bright
Sit down Siduma Jils
Get up Ounilee Node
Sour Akkumula Hamd
Sweet Timiata Helluh
True Aituliala Hack
False Funiala Kadube
Good Abatee Miliah
Bad Minbatee Kubiah
A witch Bua Sahar
A lion Jatta Sebaâ
375 An elephant Samma El fel
A hyæna Salua Dubbah
A wild boar Siwa El kunjer
A water horse Mali Aoud d'Elma
A horse Suhuwa Aoud
A camel Kumaniun Jimmel
A dog Wallee Killeb
Hel el Killeb Hel Wallee Hel El Killeb
or the dog-faced
race.

A gazel Tankeen Gazel (g guttural)
A cat Niankune El mish
A goat Baâ El mâize
A sheep Kurenale Kibsh
A bull Nisakia Toôr
A serpent Saâ Hensh
A camelion Mineer Tatta
An ape Ku'nee Dzatute
A fowl or chicken Susee Djez
A duck Beruee El Weese
A fish Hihu El hout
Butter Tulu Zibda
Milk Nunn El hellib
Bread Mengu El khubs (k guttur.)
Corn Nieu Zra
Wine Tangee Kummer (k guttur.)
Honey Alee Asel
Sugar Tobabualee Sukar
Salt Kuee Mil'h
Ambergris Anber Anber
376 Brass Tass Tass
Silver Kudee Nukra
Gold-dust Teber Tiber
Pewter Tass ki Kusdeer
A bow Kula El kos
An arrow Binia Zerag
A knife Muru Jenui
A spoon Kulia Mogerfa
A bed El arun El ferrashe
A lamp El kundeel El kundeel
A house Su Ed dar
A room Bune El beet
A light-hole Jinnee Reehâha
or window
A door Daa Beb
A town Kinda Midina
Smoke Sezee Tkan (k guttural)
Heat Kandia Skanna (k guttural)
Cold Nini Berd
Sea Bedu baha Bahar
River Bedu Wed
A rock Berri Jerf
Sand Kinnikanni Rummel
The earth Binku Dunia
Mountain Kuanku Jibbel
Island Juchüi Dzeera
Rain Sanjukalaeen Shta
God Allah Allah
Father Fa Ba
Mother Ba Ma
Hell Jahennum Jehennume
377 A man Kia Rajil
A woman Musa Murrah
A sister Bum musa Kat (k guttural)
A brother Bum kia Ka
The devil Buhau Iblis
A white man Tebabu Rajil biad
A singer Jalikea Runai (r guttural)
A singing woman Jalimusa Runaiah (r guttural)
A slave June Abeed
A servant Bettela Mutalem

Having now given some account of the languages of Africa, we shall
proceed to animadvert on the similitude of language and customs
between the Shelluhs of Atlas and the original inhabitants of the
Canary Islands. The words between inverted commas, are quotations
from Glasse's History of the Discovery and Conquest of the Canary
Islands.

"The inhabitants of Lancerotta and Fuertaventura are social and
cheerful;" like the Shelluhs of Atlas; "they are fond of singing
and dancing; their music is vocal, accompanied with a clapping of
hands, and beating with their feet;" the Shelluhs resemble them in
all these respects; "Their houses are built of stone, without
cement; the entrance is narrow, so that but one person can enter at
a time."

378 The houses of the Shelluhs are sometimes built without cement, but
always with stone; the doors and entrances are low and small, so
that one person only can enter.

"In their temples they offered to their God milk and butter."

Among the Shelluhs milk and butter are given as presents to princes
and great men; the milk being an emblem of good will and candour.

"When they were sick (which seldom happened) they cured themselves
with the herbs which grew in the country; and when they had acute
pains, they scarified the part affected with sharp stones, and
burned it with fire, and then anointed it with goat's butter.
Earthen vessels of this goat's butter were found interred in the
ground, having been put there by the women, who were the makers,
and took that method of preparing it for medicine."

The custom of the Shelluhs on such occasions is exactly similar;
the butter which they use is old, and is buried under ground many
years in (_bukul_) earthen pots, and is called _budra_: it is a
general medicine, and is said to possess a remarkably penetrating
quality.

"They grind their barley in a hand-mill, made of two stones, being
similar to those used in some remote parts of Europe".

In Suse, among the Shelluhs, they grind their corn in the same way,
and barley is the principal food.

"Their breeches are short, leaving the knees bare;" so are those
worn by the Shelluhs.
379
"Their common food was barley meal roasted and mixed with goat's
milk and butter, and this dish they call Asamotan."

This is the common food of the Shelluhs of Atlas, and they call it
by a similar name, Azamitta.

The opinion of the author of the History and Conquest of the Canary
Islands, is, that the inhabitants came originally from Mauritania,
and this he founds on the resemblance of names of places in Africa
and in the islands: "for," says he, "Telde[214], which is the name
of the oldest habitation in Canaria, Orotaba, and Tegesta, are all
names which we find given to places in Mauritania and in Mount
Atlas. It is to be supposed that Canaria, Fuertaventura, and
Lancerotta, were peopled by the Alarbes[215], who are the nation
most esteemed in Barbary; for the natives of those islands named
milk _Aho_, and barley _Temecin_, which are the names that are
given to those things in the language of the Alarbes of Barbary."
He adds, that--

"Among the books of a library that was in the cathedral of St. Anna
in Canaria, there was found one so disfigured, that it wanted both
the beginning and the end: it treated of the Romans, and gave an
380 account, that when Africa was a Roman province, the natives of
Mauritania rebelled and killed their presidents and governors, upon
which the senate, resolving to punish and make a severe example of
the rebels, sent a powerful army into Mauritania, which vanquished
and reduced them again to obedience. Soon after the ringleaders of
the rebellion were put to death, and the tongues of the common
people, together with those of their wives and children, were cut
out, and then they were all put aboard vessels with some grain and
cattle, and transported to the Canary islands." [216]

[Footnote 214: Telde or Tildie is a place in the Atlas
mountains, three miles east of Agadeer; the castle is in
ruins.]

[Footnote 215: The Alarbes, this is the name that the
inhabitants of Lower Suse and Sahara have, _El Arab_ or Arabs.]

[Footnote 216: One Thomas Nicols, who lived seven years in the
Canary Islands, and wrote a history of them, says, that the
best account he could get of the origin of the natives, was,
that they were exiles from Africa, banished thence by the
Romans, who cut out their tongues for blaspheming their gods.]

The following vocabulary will show the similarity of language
between the natives of Canaria and the Shelluhs (inhabitants of the
Atlas mountains south of Marocco).

LANCEROTTA AND SHELLUH OR ENGLISH.
FUERTAVENTURA DIALECT. LYBIAN TONGUE.

Temasin Tumzeen Barley
Tezzezes Tezezreat Sticks
Taginaste Taginast A palm-tree
Tahuyan Tahuyat A blanket,
covering, or petticoat.
Ahemon Amen Water
381 Faycag Faquair Priest or lawyer
Acoran M'koorn God
Almogaren Talmogaren Temples
Tamoyanteen Tigameen Houses
Tawacen Tamouren Hogs
Archormase Akermuse Green figs
Azamotan Azamittan Barley meal fried in oil
Tigot Tigot Heaven
Tigotan Tigotan The Heavens
Thener Athraar A mountain
Adeyhaman Douwaman A hollow valley
Ahico Tahayk A hayk, or coarse garment
Kabeheira Kabeera A head man or a powerful
Ahoren ---- Barley meal roasted
Ara ---- A goat
Ana ---- A sheep
Tagarer ---- A place of justice

Benehoare, the name of the natives of Palma.

Beni Hoarie, a tribe of Arabs in Suse between Agadeer and
Terodant.[217]

[Footnote 217: For further particulars, see Glasse's History of
the Canary Islands, 4to. page 174.]

382

TITLES
OF
THE EMPEROR OF MAROCCO,
STYLE OF ADDRESSING HIM,
AND
SPECIMENS OF EPISTOLARY CORRESPONDENCE.

* * * * *

_THE TITLES OF THE EMPEROR_
ARE

Servant of God.

Commander, Captain, or Leader of the (Mumeneen) _Faithful_ [i.e. in
Muhamed], _upheld by the Grace of God_.

_Prince of Hassenee_. Ever supported by God.

_Sultan of Fas, of Maroksh_ [Marocco], _of Suse, and of Draha, and
of Tafilelt and Tuat, together with all the kabyles_ [tribes] _of
the West, and of the Berebbers of Atlas, &c._

The Sultan calls his soldiers (_ketteffee_) "my shoulders or
support, or strength;" his subjects he calls his sons (_woledee_),
and himself the father of his people.

N.B. The Hejra, or Muhamedan æra began A.D. 622. The Muhamedan
years are lunar, 33 of which are about 32 solar years.

383

THE STYLE
USED BY MUSELMEN,
_IN ADDRESSING THE EMPEROR,_
IS AS FOLLOWS:

"Sultan of exalted dignity, whom God preserve. May the Almighty
protect that royal purity, and bestow happiness, increase of
wealth, and prosperity on the nation of believers [i.e. in
Muhamed], whose welfare and power is attributed entirely to the
favour and benevolence of the Exalted God."

The Sultan is head of the ecclesiastical, military, and civil law,
and is universally considered by his subjects God's Vicegerent, or
Lieutenant on Earth. All letters written to his Imperial Majesty,
are begun with the praise of God, and with the acknowledgment, (in
opposition to idolatry,) that there is neither beginning nor power
but what proceeds from God, the eternal God, (_La hule û la kûa ela
billa, Allah el adeem_.)

384

SPECIMENS
OF
_MUHAMEDAN EPISTOLARY CORRESPONDENCE._

* * * * *

_The following Letters are literal translations from the original
Arabic, and, although not of great importance, yet it is some
satisfaction to the enquiring mind, to observe the various modes of
address, and to note the style of Epistolary Correspondence
practised by the Muhamedans, which is so different from that which
is used among European and other nations._

* * * * *

LETTER I.

_From Muley Ismael, Emperor of Marocco, to Captain Kirke at
Tangier; Ambassador from King Charles the Second, dated 7th Du
Elkadah, in the 1093d Year of the Hejra, (corresponding to the 27th
October, A. D, 1682_.)

Praise be to God, the most High alone! and the blessing of God be
upon those who are for his prophet.

From the shereef[218], the servant of God, who putteth his trust in
385 God, the commander of the faithful, who is courageous in the way of
the omniscient God.

[Footnote 218: Shereef is a general term in the Arabic for a
prince, king, or emperor, signifying royal blood.]

L.S.

Ismael Son of a shereef; God illumine
and preserve him.

God assist his commanders, and give victory to his forces and
armies, Amen! To the captain of Tangier, Kirke, _peace be to those
who follow the right way[219]_; this by way of preface. Your letter
came to the lofty place of our residence, and we understand what
your discourse contained. As for the asking a cessation of arms by
sea; know, that it was not treated of between us till this present
time. Neither did we make truce with you concerning any thing but
Tangier alone. When you came to our illustrious house, we treated
with you about that matter for four years, and if you had sojourned
there yourself, no Muselman would ever have gone into that town
hostilely against you, but merely as a peaceable merchant.

[Footnote 219: This is a sentence which frequently occurs in
the Koran, but when used in epistolary correspondence with
Christians (for it is never used by Muhamedans between
themselves), it bears the appearance of a salutation, but the
allusion is to Muhamedans, who _these people think_ are the
only men who follow the true path or right way; it is, however,
a compliment to all who _think themselves_ in the right way.]

As to a cessation of arms by sea, it was not negociated by us,
neither did we discourse about it; but, when you desired it of us,
386 we wrote to your Master in England, saying, If you desire a
cessation of arms by sea, and are willing to receive a firm peace
from us, send us two understanding men, of the chief of the Divan
of England, by whom the peace of all the Christians here may be
confirmed; and, when they shall arrive at the lofty place of our
residence, and sit before us, whatsoever they shall hear from us,
by way of agreement, shall be acceded to! And we have given you
security, at sea, for four months, viz. from the time we sent you
our letter to Tangier, till the day that there shall come an answer
from your Master, and until the arrival of the two ambassadors
aforementioned, after the aforesaid manner. As for those men who in
thy letter thou didst say were taken at sea: I neither know nor
have heard any thing of them. Your discourse about that matter
having been with Aly ben Abdallah, and he administered justice (to
you) upon the Muselmen who had taken these men prisoners for the
sake of him, for whom you made your complaint to us; and he
returned the Christians to you, and imprisoned the sailors for
capturing them. Now, if there shall happen to be a peace between me
and you at sea, as there is for four years by land, through your
mediation, and by reason of your coming to us, I will hang them,
and blot out their footsteps, and be revenged on them with the most
severe revenge.

Our servant Muhamed ben Hadu Aater, who came from your presence,
told us that lions are scarce in your country, and that they are in
387 high estimation, with you. When your servant came to us, he found
we had two small young lions, wherefore by him we send them to you.
And know, that we have received by our servants from your Master,
_three_ coach-horses, now a coach requires _four_ horses to draw
it, wherefore you must needs send us another good one of the same
kind and size, that they may draw the coach with four horses.
Oblige us in this by all means. Farewell: we depend upon it.

Written 7th of the sacred month _Du El Kadah_, in the year of the
Hejra, ninety-three and a thousand, (A.D. 1682.)

LETTER II.

_From the same Muley Ismael to Sir Cloudesly Shovel, on board the
Charles Galley, off Salee, written Aug. 26. A.D. 1684, year of the
Hejra 1095_.

L.S.

I, servant of God, and Emperor of
Marocco and King of Mauritania,
whom God preserve in all
his undertakings, &c.

I Salute you and the rest of the captains.

As for the captives you have taken, they belong to several places,
and are not all my subjects; and what I do is out of charity, as
they are Muhamedans, being forced to go to sea for want of
maintenance. As for those that are my soldiers, they go to sea to
388 fight and to die in my quarrels; but, those _Moors_ that _you_ have
taken, are inconsiderable and of no account.

Henceforward I shall have ships as big as yours, if not bigger,
hoping to take some of your ships and captains, and cruise for you
in your English seas, as you do for us in these.

I have written letters to the King of England, in which are kind
expressions: And when you had Tangier, all things were given to you
as you wanted, and all done out of kindness; and now that you have
left Tangier for the Moors, whatever His Majesty of Great Britain
wants, either by sea or by land, it shall be granted, so that there
be a peace betwixt the two crowns; for which I pass my word and
faith.

Now, _I have written several letters to his Majesty of Great
Britain, to which I have received as yet no answer_; but, when it
(the answer) reaches my hands, I hope there will be a good
accommodation between us.

You have taken several of our ships and destroyed others, and you
are cruising on our coast, which is not the way to make a good
peace, neither the actions of honesty in you.

God be praised that you have quitted Tangier and left it to us, to
whom it did belong: from henceforward we shall keep it well
supplied with stores, for it is the best port of our dominions.

As for the captives you have taken, you may do as you please with
389 them, heaving them into the sea, or otherwise destroying them. The
English merchants that are here resident, shall satisfy all their
debts, which being done, none of them shall remain in my country.

LETTER. III.

_Captain Shovel's Answer_.

May it please Your Majesty,

We, the King of England's captains, return Your Majesty humble
thanks for your kind wishes to us. Your Majesty by this may know,
that we have received your letter, and by it we understand, that
Your Majesty is informed that most of these people that are taken
are not your subjects. We perceive by this, as well as in other
things, how grossly Your Majesty has been deceived by those people
you trust; else, we doubt not, but that, long before this, our
Master, whom God preserve, and Your Majesty had accommodated all
differences, and we should have had a firm peace.

Of those fifty-three slaves that are here, (excepting two or
three,) they are all Moors of their own country, as they themselves
can make appear; but, if they are to be disowned because they are
poor, the Lord help them!! Your Majesty tells us, that we may throw
them overboard, if we please: all this we very well know; but we
are Christians, and they bear the form of men, which is reason
390 enough for us not to do so.

As to Tangier, our Master kept it twenty-one years; and the world
is sensible, that in spite of all your force, he could, if he had
pleased, have continued to keep it to the world's end; for, he
levelled your walls, filled up your harbour, and demolished your
houses, in the face of your Alkaid and his army; and when he had
done, he left your[220] barren country (without the loss of a man)
for your own people to starve in: but our departure from thence,
long before this, we doubt not, but you have repented of. When you
tell us of those mighty ships Your Majesty intends to build and
send to our coast, you must excuse us if we think ourselves the
better judges; for we know, as to shipping, what you are able to
do.

[Footnote 220: The gallant and magnanimous captain was better
acquainted with the coast than with the country, which is any
thing but barren.]

If you think fit to redeem those slaves, at 100 dollars a-piece,
they are at Your Majesty's service, and the rest shall be sent to
you; or, if you think fit to give us so many English in exchange,
we shall be well satisfied; but we think you will hardly comply
with that, for the poorest slave that ever our Master redeemed out
of _your_ country, cost him 200 dollars; and some of these five
times that sum, for he freely extended his charity to all, and
never forgets his people _because they are poor_.
391
It is great wonder to us, that you should tax us with unjust
proceedings in taking your ships in time of truce, when Your
Majesty may remember that, during the time your ambassador was in
England, your corsairs took about twenty sail of my Master's ships;
and this very year, you have fitted out all the force in your
kingdom to sea, who have taken several of our ships, and at the
same time pretend to a truce for peace! But some of your ships, for
their unjust dealings, have had their reward, and the rest, when
they shall come to sea, we doubt not but God Almighty will put them
into our hands.

If Your Majesty think fit to send proposals to my Master concerning
peace, I shall take care for the speedy and safe conveyance of the
same. I desire Your Majesty's speedy answer; for I do not intend to
stay long before Salee.

Wishing Your Majesty long life and happiness, I subscribe myself,
Your Majesty's

Most obedient and humble Servant,

CLOUDESLY SHOVEL.

Sept. 1684 A.D.

392

LETTER IV.

_A literal Translation of Muley Ismael, Emperor of Marocco's Letter
to Queen Anne, in the year of our Lord 1710, extracted from the
Harl. MSS. 7525_.

L.S.

In the name of the most
merciful God.

He that depends upon God goeth straight to the right way. From the
servant of God, the Emperor of the believers, who maketh war for
the cause of the Lord of both worlds, Ismael ben Assherif Al
Hassanee to the Queen of the English, nay of England, and the
mistress of the great parliament thereof, happiness to every one
that followeth the right way, and believes in God, and is so
directed.

This premised, we have heard from more than one of the comers and
goers from thy country, that thou hast seized our Armenian servant,
a person of great esteem. We sent him to thee, to compose a
difference between us and thee, and we wrote to thee concerning
him, that thou shouldst use him well. Then, after this, we heard
that thou didst set him at liberty: And wherefore didst thou seize
him? Hath he exceeded any covenant, or hath he made any covenant
with thee and broke it? We should not have sent him to thee, but on
393 account of our knowledge and assurance of his understanding and
integrity; and when he resolved upon his journey into your country,
we gave him directions to dispatch some of our affairs. Wherefore
we wrote unto thee concerning him, and said, If thou hast any
necessity or business with us, he will convey it to us from thee.
And we said unto thee, Speak with him, and whatsoever thou sayest
unto him, he will communicate unto us, without addition or
diminution.

As for what our servant Alkaid Ali ben Abdallah did to ----, the
Christian, thy servant, by God we know nothing of it, nor gave him
any permission as to any thing that passed between them; and, at
the instant that we heard that he had taken thy man, we commanded
him to set him at liberty forthwith; and since then we have never
manifested any favour to Alkaid Ali, nor was our mind ever right
towards him afterwards till he died.

Our Christian servant, the merchant, Bayly, told us, that thou
hadst a mind to an ostrich, and we gave him two, a male and a
female, which shall come to you, if God will. And, lo! a secretary,
our servant, (who is much esteemed by us,) when he cometh he shall
bring what goods he hath collected with him, if it please God. And
we are in expectation of thy messenger the ambassador; and if he
comes, he shall see nothing from us but what is fair; and we will
deliver to him the Christians, and do what he pleases, if God will.
Wherefore be kind to our servant, with respect.
394
Written the first of the Glorious Ramadan, in the year of the Hejra
1125 (corresponding with A.D. 1710).

LETTER V.

_Translation of an Arabic Letter from the Sultan Seedi Muhamed[221]
ben Abdallah, Emperor of Marocco, to the European Consuls resident
at Tangier, delivered to each of them, by the Bashaw of the
province of El Grarb, on 1st day of June, 1788, corresponding with
the year of the Hejra, 1202_.

[Footnote 221: Father of the present Sultan Soliman ben
Muhamed.]

L.S.

Mohamed ben Abdallah, ben
Ismael, Sultan ben, Sultan,
&c.

In the name of God, for there is no power or strength but from God.

To all the Consuls at Tangier.

Peace (be) to those who follow the right path.

By this you will learn that we are in peace and friendship with all
the Christian powers until the month of May of the next year, (of
the Hejra, 1203,) and such nations as shall then be desirous to
continue in peace and friendship with us, are to write a letter to
us, when the month of May comes, to inform us if they are in peace
and friendship with us, then we shall be the same with them; but,
if any Christian nation desire to go to war with us, they will let
395 us know before the month above-mentioned; and we trust God will
keep us in his protection against them; and thus I have said all I
had to say.

2d day of Shaban, year of the Hejra 1202, (corresponding with 7th
May, 1788.)

LETTER VI.

_Letter from Muley Soliman ben Muhamed, Emperor of Marocco, &c. &c.
to His Majesty George III. literally translated from the original
Arabic, by James Grey Jackson, at the request of the Right Hon.
Spencer Perceval, after lying in the Secretary of State's Office
here for several months, and being then sent ineffectually to the
Universities for translation, and after various enquiries had been
made on behalf of the Emperor, to the Governor of Gibraltar, the
Bashaw of El Garb, and the Alkaid of Tangier, to ascertain if any
answer had been returned to his Imperial Majesty._

In the name of God! the all-merciful and commiserating God, on whom
is our account, and we acknowledge his support; for there is
neither beginning nor power but that which proceeds from God, the
High Eternal God.

From the servant of God, the commander of the faithful [in Muhamed]
upheld and supported by the Grace of God.

Soliman the son of Muhamed, the son of Abdallah, the son of Ismael,
Prince of [the house or dynasty of Hassan][222] who was ever upheld
396 by the power of God, Sultan of Fas and Marocco, and Suse, and
Draha, and Tafilelt, and Tuat, together with all the territories of
the West.

[Footnote 222: The words between brackets are not in the original,
but implied.]

L.S.

Soliman, son of Mohamed, son
Abdallah, God illumine and support
him!

To our dearly beloved and cherished, exalted by the power of God,
the Sultan[223] George the Third, Sultan of the territories of the
United Kingdom of Great Britain, Ireland, Duke of Mecklenburg
Strelitz, Prince, descended from the dynasty of the Sultans of Rome
and Palestine, &c.

This premised, we inform you, that we make diligent inquiry about
you, desiring heartily that you may be at all times surrounded by
health and prosperity. We wish you to increase in friendship with
us, that our alliance may be more strongly cemented than
heretofore, even stronger than it was in the days of our ancestors,
whom God guard and protect.

Now therefore we make known to you, that your physician, Doctor
Buffé, has been in our royal presence, [which is] exalted by the
bounty of God, and we have been well pleased with his medical
knowledge and diligent attention, and moreover with the relief he
has given to us.

397 We have therefore to entreat of you to give him your royal order to
return to Gibraltar, in our neighbourhood, well provided with all
good and necessary medicines; that he, residing at Gibraltar, may
be ready to attend quickly our royal presence, whenever we may be
in need of his [medical] assistance. We trust you will return him
without procrastination to our throne, seeing that he has been of
essential service to us.

We recommend you to exalt Dr. Buffé, in your favour and esteem on
our account, and we will always be your allies and friends. May you
ever be well and in prosperity! Peace be with you, 4th of the month
Jumad El Lule in the year [of the Hejra] 1221, (corresponding with
5th July, 1806, A.D.)

[Footnote 223: This perhaps is the only letter extant, wherein
a Muselman Prince gives the title of Sultan to a Christian
king.]

LETTER VII.

In Muhamedan countries, an insolvent man continues liable to his
creditors till the day of his death, unless the debt is discharged;
but he can claim by law his liberation from prison, on making oath,
and bringing proof of his insolvency: but then if he succeed
afterwards and become possessed of property, he is compelled to pay
the debts formerly contracted; so that an European should be
cautious how he contracts debts with the Moors, lest the
misfortunes that commerce is liable to should oblige him to remain
all his life in the country. A letter, similar to the following,
398 should be procured by every European, about to quit the country, to
prevent the extortion of the alkaid, who might, as has often
happened before, throw impediments in the way for the purpose of
extorting presents, &c.

_Translation of a Firman of Departure, literally translated from
the Original Arabic, by James Grey Jackson._

L.S.

Soliman ben Muhamed, ben
Abdallah, ben Ismael Sultan,
&c.

Praise be to God alone.

Our servants El Hage Mohamed o Bryhim, and Seid Mohamed Bel Akkia,
peace and the mercy of God be with you! This premised, I command
you to suffer the Christian merchant, Jackson, to embark for his
own country, if it appears to you that no one pursues him in law
[for debt,] as I wrote to you on this subject in my last letter: if
no one claims of him any right by law, allow him to go, and do not
impede him.[224] God protect you, and peace be with you. 3d day of
Saffer, the good year 1220 of the Hejra, (A.C. 1805.)

[Footnote 224: This repetition of the principal subject in
Arabic correspondence, is a mode of impressing on the mind more
forcibly, the subject intended to be impressed, and is commonly
practised by the best Arabian, and African writers; it also
frequently occurs in the inspired writings. See Psalms lxxv, l.
lxxvii, 1. &c.]

LETTER VIII.

As a specimen of the lofty style of writing so much in use among
399 the Eastern authors, I shall add the summons which Hulacu the
Tartar conqueror of the East, (who took Bagdad, and entirely
subverted the government of the Saracens,) sent to Al Mâlek
Annâsar, sultan of Aleppo, in the year of the Hejra 657, (of Christ
1259.)

Let Al Mâlek Annâsar know, that we sat down before Bagdad in the
655th year (of the Hejra,) and took it by the sword of the most
high God: and we brought the master of it before us, and demanded
two things of him; to which he, not answering, brought deserved
punishment upon himself. As it is written in your Koran, "_God doth
not change the condition of a people, till their own minds are
changed_." He took care of his wealth, and fate brought him to what
he is come to. He chose to exchange precious lives for pieces of
money made of vile metal; which is plainly the same that God says
_They found_ [the reward of] _what they had done present with
them_.[225] For we have attained by the power of God, what we
desired; and by the help of the most high God we shall increase.
Nor is there any doubt of our being the army of God upon his earth.
He created us, and gave us power over every one upon whom his anger
rests. Wherefore, let what is past be to you an example, and what
we have mentioned a warning. Fortifications are nothing in our
400 hands, nor doth the joining of battle avail you any thing; nor will
your intreaties be heard or regarded. Take warning therefore by
others, and surrender entirely to us, before the veil be taken off,
and [_the punishment of_] sin light upon you. For we shall have no
mercy upon him that complains, nor be moved by him that weeps. We
have wasted countries, we have destroyed men, we have made children
orphans, and the land desolate. It is your business to run away;
ours to pursue; nor can you escape our swords, nor fly from our
arrows. Our horses are racers; our arrows strike home; our swords
pierce like lightning; our fortifications are like mountains, and
our numbers like the sand. Whosoever surrenders comes off safe:
whosoever is for war, repents it. If you will obey our command, and
come to our terms, your interest and ours shall be the same; but if
you be refractory and persist in your error, blame not us, but
yourselves. God is against you, ye wicked wretches: look out for
something to screen you under your miseries, and find somebody to
bear you company in your affliction. We have given you fair
warning, and fair warning is fair play. You have eaten things
forbidden[226], you have been perfidious in your treaties. You have
introduced new heresies, and thought it a gallant thing to commit
401 sodomy. Prepare yourselves therefore for scorn and contempt. Now
you will find what you have done; for they that have done amiss,
will now find their state changed. You take it for granted, that we
are infidels. We take it for granted, that you are _villains_; and
_He_ by whose hand all things are disposed and determined, hath
given us the dominion over you. The greatest man you have is
despicable among us; and what _you_ call rich, is a beggar. We
govern the world from east to west, and whosoever is worth any
thing is our prey; and we take every ship by force. Weigh therefore
what is fit to be done, and return us a speedy answer, before
_infidelity_[227] shall have kindled its fire, and scattered its
sparks among you, and destroy you all from off the face of the
earth. We have awakened you by sending to you: make haste with an
answer, lest punishment come upon you unawares.

[Footnote 225: A quotation from the Koran. The Tartar was a
deist, and quotes the Koran in derision.]

[Footnote 226: The Muhamedans, whose religion is a compound of
Judaism and Christianity, have borrowed many customs from
either, they abstain like the Jews from swine's flesh, &c.]

[Footnote 227: As the Muhamedans charge every nation that doth
not believe Muhamed to have been a prophet with infidelity, so
the Tartar (who was a Deist) returns it upon them.]
402

LETTER IX.

_Translation of a Letter from the Emperor Muley Yezzid, to Webster
Blount, Esq. Consul General to the Empire of Marocco, from their
High Mightinesses the States-General, of the Seven United
Provinces. Written soon after the Emperor's Proclamation, and
previous to the Negotiation for the opening of the Port of Agadeer,
to Dutch Commerce._

"Praise be to God alone; for there is neither beginning nor power
without God."

L.S.

Yezzid ben Muhamed, Sultan ben Sultan, (i.e. Emperor and Son of an
Emperor.)

"To the Consul Blount. Peace be with those who follow the right
way, or the way of the true God: and this being premised, know that
I have received your letter, and that we are with you, (the Dutch
nation,) in peace and amity and good faith, and peace be with you.
22 Ramadan, year of the Hejra 1204, (A.C. 1792.)"

Translated literally by the Author, from the original Arabic in his
possession.

LETTER X.

_Translation of a Letter from the Emperor Yezzid, to the Governor
of Mogodor, Aumer ben Daudy, to give the Port of Agadeer to the
Dutch, and to send there the Merchants of that Nation._

"Praise be to God alone; for there is neither beginning nor power
without God, the eternal God."
403
L.S.

Yezzid ben Muhamed, Sultan
ben Sultan.

"Our servant (or agent) Alkaid Aumer ben Daudy, peace be unto you,
with the mercy and blessing of God: this premised, I command that
all the duties you have collected be sent to me speedily by my
brother[228] Muley Soliman, who will (_berik_) discharge you by
receipt for every thing you deliver to him, for he is our
representative. We are preparing to go to the siege of Ceuta, with
the acquiescence of the High God, by whose power we hope to enter
it, and take it. And we command you to send the Alkaid M'saud El
Hayanie to my port of Agadeer, with all things necessary for his
journey, assisting him with every possible succour, and send with
him twenty Benianters[229], who must be sailors skilful in the
management of boats; and the Christian merchants of the Dutch
nation will go to Agadeer, and establish their houses there; for I
have given that port to the Dutch to trade there: and send with
them Talb Aumer Busedra, and the eye of God be upon you, and peace
be with you."

[Footnote 228: The duties were at this time collected in kind;
viz. one tenth of every thing imported from Europe: and the
present Emperor Muly Soliman was deputed to convey them to the
camp before Ceuta, to his brother, the Emperor Muley Yezzid,
whose army was besieging that fortress.]

[Footnote 229: _Benianters_, are a kabyle of Shelluhs of Suse,
who are employed to work, and row the boats, and land the goods
at Mogodor.]

404

Seventh day of Arrabea Ellule, year (Hejra) 1205.[230]

Translated by the Author, from the original Arabic in his
possession.

"Be vigilant with respect to the matter of the establishment of
Agadeer, and of M'saud El Hayanie." [231]

[Footnote 230: Corresponding with A.C. 1793.]

[Footnote 231: The Emperors of Marocco, and the Arabian writers
in general thus repeat the principal subject of a letter or
discourse, to impress it more forcibly on the mind.]

LETTER XI.

_Epistolary Diction used by the Muhamedans of Africa, in their
Correspondence with all their Friends who are not of the Muhamedan
faith_.

"Praise be to God alone; for there is neither beginning nor
strength without God, the eternal God.

"From the servant of the great God, El Hage Abdrahaman El Fellely,
to my friend Consul Jackson, peace be to those who follow the right
way, or who pursue the right path; and then, O my friend, I have
received your letter, and I have taken good notice of its contents,
&c. &c."

The letter, after explaining matters of business, concludes thus:--

"Do not leave me without news from you; and peace be with you, and
peace from me to our friend L'hage Muhamed Bu Zeyd; and peace from
me to Seed Muham'd bel Hassen, and to the Fakeer Seed Abdallah, and
405 praise be to God, I am very well, and prosperous."

"Written 15th day of Shaban, year of the Hejra 1209, (1797, A.C.)"

The style in which letters are addressed is generally as follows:--

"This shall arrive, God willing, to the hands of Consul Jackson, at
Agadeer. May God prosper it."

LETTER XII.

_Translation of a Letter from the Sultan, Seedi Muhamed Emperor of
Marocco, to the Governor of Mogodor_.

"Praise be to God alone,

"I order my servant Alkaid Muhamed ben Amran, to deliver the
treasure and the merchandise to the Christian merchants at Mogodor,
which is in the possession of the Jews, Haim Miram, and Meemon ben
Isaac Corcos, and others of the Jews, friends of the Christian
merchants. God assist you, and peace be with you. 23d of the month
Jumad Ellule, year of the Hejra 1203.

"By order of the Sultan, empowered by God. Written by Talb El
Huderanie."

The courier who receives the letter is ordered by the minister whom
to deliver it to. It is then inclosed in a blank leaf or sheet of
paper, without any address, and not sealed. It is presumed, that
the courier or messenger will not dare to open it, or discover the
contents to any one; such a breach of confidence might cost him his
head, if discovered.
406
_Doubts having been made in the Daily Papers, concerning the
accuracy of the two following Translations of the Shereef Ibrahim's
account of Mungo Park's Death; the following Observations, by the
Author, are laid before the Public in elucidation of those
Translations_.

The following is a copy of a letter, supposed to be a description
of Mungo Park's death; brought to England from Ashantee in Africa,
by Mr. Bowdich; and that gentleman assured me, about six months
after his arrival in England, and a few days previous to the
publication of his interesting account of a mission to Ashantee,
that he had by every means in his power endeavoured, but
ineffectually, to get this manuscript _decyphered_ and translated
into English; that he had sent it to several persons, who had
retained it in their hands a considerable time, but had returned it
without a decypher, or even a complete translation. When delivered
into my hands, I transmitted him a _decypher_, and a translation
immediately. The following is my translation, which, in that
gentleman's account of Ashantee, is coupled with another
translation, _not perspicuous, but unintelligible_; for which see
Bowdich's "Account of a Mission to Ashantee," Appendix, No. 2.

The original Arabic document, of which I have given a decypher in
407 the work before mentioned, is, (for the information of gentlemen
desirous of referring to the same,) deposited in the British
Museum. There are also, in the same work on Ashantee, several
papers decyphered by me, of certain routes in Africa. Now I think
it expedient here, to declare to the public, that whenever the
British Government, the Court of Admiralty, or private individuals,
have stood in need of translations, and decyphers from the Arabic,
they have invariably found it expedient, ultimately, to apply to me
for the same, after having, however, endeavoured ineffectually to
procure their information at the Universities, the Post Office, and
elsewhere: but as this declaration may appear to many incredible, I
will mention three instances in elucidation of this my assertion,
which, as they are all on record, will place this fact beyond
doubt.

1st. A vessel under Marocco colours, was, during last war, taken by
a British cruiser, and sent or brought into Plymouth, or other
port, in England. The captain and the ship were detained a
considerable time here; the former, at length, whose patience
became exhausted, expostulated at his detention, and insisted on
being released, if no interpreter in this commercial nation could
be found competent to translate his passport. _Mr. Slade, an
eminent proctor in Doctors' Commons_, then applied to me, after a
detention of, I believe, two months, and I translated the passport.
408 Mr. Slade very liberally told me, that whatever I chose to charge
for this service, which he had _sought in vain to accomplish_,
should be gratefully paid. I charged five guineas; and it was
instantly paid. The passport consisted of two lines and a half.
This was in the Court of Admiralty. Mr. Slade, who is an honourable
and respectable man, will of course not hesitate to corroborate the
accuracy of this statement.

2d. A letter was written by the present Sultan Soliman, emperor of
Marocco, &c. to our late revered sovereign, George III., in a more
courteous style than is usual for Muhamedan potentates to write to
Christian kings; with liberal offers on the part of the Sultan,
courting an augmentation of friendly intercourse, &c. This letter
(contrary to the usual courtesy of European courts) was neglected
some months, no answer being returned to it. It was sent to the
Universities for translation, but ineffectually; then to the Post
Office; and, at the expiration of some months, it was accidentally
transmitted to me, through the hands of the Right Honourable
Spencer Perceval, at that time Chancellor of the Exchequer, and I
delivered, at the request of that gentleman, a translation of it in
English. This letter was ten or fifteen times as long as the
passport before mentioned, and I charged thirty pounds for the
service. But the Treasury thought ten pounds a sufficient
remuneration, which I accepted!!
409
This service was rendered to the British government, and I have
letters and documents in my possession, which corroborate this
fact.

3d. Was the translation of an Arabic manuscript, respecting Mungo
Park's death; delivered gratuitously to a private individual, viz.
Mr. Bowdich, before mentioned; to satisfy the curiosity of my
country, whose interest was excited respecting the fate of that
enterprising and indefatigable African traveller. Mr. Bowdich, who
is an honourable man, will undoubtedly confirm the truth of this
statement, to any gentleman who may be desirous of ascertaining the
fact.

_The Shereef Ibrahim's account of Mungo Park's Death_.

(THE AUTHOR'S TRANSLATION.)

"In the name of God, the Merciful and Clement!

"This narrative proceeds from the territory in Husa, called Eeaurie
or Yeaurie. We observed an extraordinary event or circumstance, but
we neither saw nor heard of the river which is called Kude. And as
we were sitting we heard the voice of children; and we saw a
vessel, the like to which in size we never saw before. And we saw
the king of Eeaurie send cattle and sheep, and a variety of
vegetables, in great abundance. And there were two men and one
woman, and two slaves; and they tied them in the vessel. There were
410 also in the vessel two white men, of the race called Christians:
and the Sultan of Eeaurie called aloud to them, to come out of the
vessel, but they would not. They proceeded to the country of Busa,
which is greater than that of the Sultan of Eeaurie. And as they
were sitting in the vessel, they hung[232], or were stopped by the
cape, or head-land of Kude."

[Footnote 232: Probably by an impetuous current.]

"And the people of the sultan of Busa called to them, and poured
their arms into the vessel; and the vessel reached the head-land or
cliff, and became attached or fixed to the head of the mountain or
projection in the river, and could not pass it. Then the men and
women of Busa collected themselves hostilely together, with arms of
all descriptions; and the vessel being unable to clear the
head-land, the man in the vessel killed his wife, and threw the
whole of her property into the river; they then threw themselves
into the river through fear. The news of this occurrence was then
conveyed to the Sultan Wawee, until it reached, by water, the
territory of Kanjee, in the country of the Sultan Wawee. And we
buried it in its earth; and one of them we saw not at all in the
water. And God knows the truth of this report from the mouth of the
Shereef Ibrahim. The end."

411 OBSERVATION.

After giving the foregoing translation, it behoves me to inform the
intelligent reader, that I wrote a letter to Mr. Bowdich,
communicating to him my observations on several notes, transmitted
to him by Sir William Ouseley, on the manuscript of which the
foregoing is a translation, in which I informed him, that in
decyphering the Arabic manuscript, I had observed the Oriental or
Asiatic punctuation; knowing that Mr. Bulmer had not letters with
the occidental punctuation. Several observations I made, respecting
the Arabic manuscripts which could not be elucidated here without
the Arabic type. I shall, therefore, omit them, and conclude by
observing, that in translating this manuscript, two gentlemen
(Arabic scholars) had translated _akkadan Fie Asfeena_, "two maids
in the ship;" which words I have translated, "were tied or bound in
the vessel:" the word _akkadan_ being the preterite of the verb
_akkad_, to bind. I was not surprised to hear that _one_ translator
had made such an interpretation; knowing that incredible errors
have been frequently committed by professed Professors in the
Hebrew language as well as in the Arabic. But when I heard, as I
did, that another Arabic scholar had given a similar
interpretation, I must confess that I was not a little surprised.
However, a circumstance soon after unravelled the mystery; for I
discovered that these two gentlemen, at a loss no doubt to
412 ascertain the meaning of _akkadan_, had referred to Richardson's
Arabic Dictionary, wherein the word is quoted to signify, in a
figurative sense, a virgin. _In a figurative sense!_ In translating
an ill-written, illiterate, and ungrammatical manuscript, these two
translators had had recourse to _rhetorical figures_, and actually
substituted a trope for what was a verb, generally used in the
West, signifying "to bind!"

As it has been asserted in the following extract, that my
translation of the foregoing manuscript differs _only in a trifling
degree_ from that of Mr. Abraham Salamé, I here insert my answer to
that assertion, leaving the intelligent reader to determine,
whether they are alike or materially different.

_Extract from The Times, 3d May, 1819_.

MUNGO PARK.

The death of this enterprising traveller is now placed beyond any
doubt. Many accounts of it have been received, and although varying
as to the circumstances attending it, yet all agreeing that it has
taken place. One statement was given to Mr. Bowdich, while on his
mission to the King of the Ashantees, in 1817, by a Moor, who said
that he was an eye-witness; and the same gentleman procured an
Arabic manuscript declaratory of Mr. Park's death. This manuscript
has been deposited with the African Association, formed for the
413 purpose of extending researches in that part of the world. Two
translations have been made of this curious document; one by Mr.
Salamé, an Egyptian, who accompanied Viscount Exmouth in his attack
on Algiers, as interpreter; and the other by Mr. Jackson, formerly
consul at one of the Barbary courts. The following is Mr. Salamé's
translation, from which, however, _the one by Mr. Jackson only
differs in a trifling degree_. The words in italics have been
inserted by Mr. Salamé, in order to render the reading more
perfect, and are not in the original:--

_A literal Translation of a Declaration written in a corrupted
Arabic, from the Town of Yaud, in the Interior of Africa_.

"'In the name of God, the merciful and the munificent. This
declaration is issued from the town called Yaud, in the county of
Kossa. We (the writer) do witness the _following_ case (statement.)
We never saw, nor heard of the sea (river) called Koodd; but we sat
to hear (understood) the voice (report) of some persons, _saying_,
'We saw a ship, equal to her we never saw before; and the King of
Yaud had sent plenty of every kind of food, with cows and sheep;
_there_ were two men, one woman, two male slaves, and two maids in
the ship; _the_ two white men _were_ derived from the race (sect)
414 of Nassri (Christ, or Christianity.) The King of Yaud asked them to
come out to him (to land); but they refused coming out (landing);
and they went to the _King_ of the country of Bassa, who is greater
than the King of Yaud; and _while_ they _were_ sitting in the ship,
and gaining a position (rounding) over the Cape of Koodd, and
_were_ in society with the people of the King of Bassa, the ship
reached (struck) a head of mountain, which took (destroyed) _her_
away, and the men and women of Bassa all together, with every kind
of arms (goods); and the ship could find no way to avoid the
mountain; and the man who _was_ in the ship, killed his wife, and
threw all his property into the sea (river), and _then_ they threw
themselves _also_, from fear. Afterwards they took one _out of the_
water till the news reached the town of Kanji, the country of the
King of Wawi; and the King of Wawi heard of it; he buried him in
his earth (grave), and the other we have not seen; perhaps he is in
the bottom of the water. And God knows best.' Authentic from the
mouth of Sherif Abraham.--Finis.'

"In addition to the foregoing, another corroboration has been
obtained. Lieut. Col. Fitzclarence, when on his voyage down the
Mediterranean on board the _Tagus_ frigate, Capt. Dundas, with
despatches from the Marquis of Hastings, learnt from the governor
to the two sons of the Emperor of Marocco, who had been on a
pilgrimage to Mecca, and were then returning home, that he (Hadjee
415 Tahib) had been at Timbuctoo in 1807, and had heard of _two white_
men, who came from the sea, having been near that place the year
before; and that they sold beads, and had no money to purchase
grain. This person added, that they went down the _Nile_ to the
eastward, and that general report stated that they _died of the
climate_. There can be little doubt but the _two white_ men here
alluded to were Mr. Park and his companion, Lieutenant Martyn, who
were at Sandsanding in Nov. 1805, and could, in the following year,
have been near Timbuctoo. Sandsanding is the place from whence the
last dispatches were dated by Mr. Park; and Amadi Fatouma, who was
his guide afterwards, was sent to learn his fate, and returned with
an account of Mr. Park being drowned. The statement of this person
was, however, of such a nature as to excite suspicions of its
correctness; and hopes were entertained that Mr. Park had not met
with such an untimely fate. Fourteen years have now almost elapsed
since the date of his last dispatches; and this circumstance is of
itself sufficient to demonstrate, that he is to be added to the
catalogue of those who have perished in their attempts to explore
the interior of Africa.--_Englishman_."

TO THE EDITOR OF THE BRITISH STATESMAN.

Sir;--Seeing in your Paper of yesterday a translation of the Arabic
416 manuscript respecting Mr. Mungo Park's death, which is deposited
with the African Association, and _decyphered and transcribed by
me_ in Mr. Bowdich's account of a Mission to Ashantee, p. 480, and
perceiving that the errors in _that translation_ are thus
propagated to the public through the medium of the London Papers;
which although perhaps of little consequence to the general reader,
yet, as they are of importance to the critic, and to the
investigator of African affairs, I shall take the liberty of
offering a few observations on the subject.

The following passage, in the translation above alluded to, might
have passed the public eye without animadversion as the language of
a foreigner, (as we have understood Mr. Salamé to be,) but from the
intelligent Editor of a London daily paper, might we not have
expected more correct phraseology?[233]

[Footnote 233: "The phrases thus objected to by our learned
Correspondent, were contained in the translations furnished to
us in common with other papers, and not the language of the
Editor. Indeed, this appears to be admitted by our
Correspondent himself, in the apparently very just comments he
has thus favoured us with.--EDITOR."]

"The ship reached a head of mountain which took her away, and the
men and women of Bassa, altogether with every kind of arms, and the
ship could find no way to avoid the mountain."

I have no hesitation in declaring to be incorrect the first two
417 lines of Mr. Abraham Salamé's translation, inserted in your paper
of yesterday, which runs thus:--

"_This declaration is issued from the town called YAUD, in the
country of KOSSA_."

My translation of this passage, inserted in Mr. Bowdich's account
of a Mission to Ashantee, page 478, runs thus:--

"_This narrative proceeds from the territory in HAUSA called
ECAUREE_."

No one, I presume, will say that there is not a _manifest_
difference between these two translations--between _the town called
Yaud, in the country of Kossa_, and the _territory of Hausa, called
Ecauree_.

One of these translations must therefore necessarily be incorrect.
The Arabic manuscript decyphered and transcribed by me, is inserted
in Mr. Bowdich's work, page 480. Those who may feel interested in
ascertaining which is the correct and precise translation, are
requested to refer to the transcript above-mentioned, or to the
original manuscript, in the possession of the African Association.
As for myself, I presume I am right; and would submit the decision
to the judgment of either Sir Gore Ousley, or to that of Sir
William, or to the opinion of any Arabic scholar, to decide this
question.

If, Mr. Editor, you had an Arabic type, to save the trouble of
referring to the original, I should ask the Arabic scholar if it
were possible for any man to translate the following passage in
418 that document:--"Bled Hausa eekalu Ecuree"--"the town called Yaud,
in the country of Cossa;" whilst I should maintain that it would
admit of no other translation but the following, viz.--"the country
of Hausa, called Ecauree."

If you think this elucidation of the translation of the Manuscript
of Park's death sufficiently interesting to the public to deserve a
place in your intelligent paper, it is very much at your service.

From, Sir,

Your most obedient servant,

JAMES GREY JACKSON,

Professor of African Languages, and formerly British Consul and
Agent for Holland, Sweden, and Denmark, at Santa Cruz, South
Barbary.[234]

_Circus, Minories, May 4._ 1819.

[Footnote 234: See BRITISH STATESMAN, May 6th, 1819.]

419

LETTERS RESPECTING AFRICA,
FROM
_J.G. JACKSON AND OTHERS._

_On the Plague._

To JAMES WILLIS, Esq. late Consul to Senegambia.

London, October 30, 1804.

My dear Sir,

Your letter reached my hands yesterday; but I am afraid I shall not
be able to satisfy you in every enquiry which you have made
relative to the plague in Barbary in 1799. I have, however, no
doubt but the plague which has prevailed in Spain has originated
from it. Some of the following observations may probably be of
service to you.

It does not appear to be ascertained how the plague originated in
Fas in the year 1799. Some persons have ascribed it to infected
merchandise received at Fas from the East; whilst others maintain
that the locusts which had infested Western Barbary during seven
years, destroying the crops, the vegetables, and every green thing,
even to the bark of the trees, produced such a scarcity, that the
420 poor could obtain scarcely any thing to eat but the locusts; and
living on them for several months, till a most abundant crop
enabled them to satisfy the cravings of nature, they ate abundantly
of the new corn, which producing a fever, brought on the contagion.
At this time the small-pox pervaded the country, and was generally
fatal. The small-pox is thought to be the forerunner of this
species of contagion, as appears by an ancient Arabic manuscript,
which gives a full account of the same disorder having carried off
two-thirds of the inhabitants of West Barbary about four hundred
years since; but, however the dreadful epidemy originated, the
leading features of the disorder were novel, and more dreadful than
the common plague of Turkey, or that of Syria or Egypt, as the
following observations will demonstrate.

In the month of April, 1799, a plague of the most dreadful kind
manifested itself at the city of Old Fas, which soon after
communicated itself to the new city. About this time the Emperor
Muley Soliman ben Muhamed was preparing a numerous army, and was on
the eve of departure to visit his Southern dominions, and to take
possession of the province of Abda, which had not acknowledged him
as Emperor, but was, as well as the port of Saffy, in a state of
rebellion. The Emperor left Fas early in the summer, and proceeded
to Sallee, Mazagan, and Saffee; thence to Marocco and Mogodor. Now
the plague began to kindle in all the Southern provinces, first
carrying off one or two the first day, three or four the second
421 day, six or eight the third day, and increasing progressively till
it amounted to a daily mortality of two in a hundred of the whole
population; continuing _with unabated violence_, ten, fifteen,
twenty days, being of longer duration in old than in new towns;
then diminishing in a progressive proportion from one thousand
a-day, to nine hundred, to eight hundred and so continuing to
decrease till it disappeared.

When it raged at the town of Mogodor, a small village (Deabet)
situated two miles South-east of Mogodor remained uninfected,
although the communication was open between these two places. On
the thirty-fourth day after its first appearance at Mogodor, this
village received the infection, where, after committing dreadful
havock among the human species for twenty-one days carried off one
hundred persons out of one hundred and thirty-three, the population
of the village before the plague visited it. After this, none died;
but those who were infected recovered, some losing the use of a
leg, or an arm, or an eye.

Many similar circumstances might be mentioned relative to the
numerous villages scattered about the extensive province of Haha,
all which shared the like, or a worse fate. Travelling through this
province after the plague had disappeared, I saw many ruins, which
had been flourishing villages before the plague. Making enquiry
concerning the population of these dismal remains of the
422 pestilence, I was informed, that one village contained six hundred
inhabitants; that only four had escaped. Others, which had
contained four and five hundred, had left seven or eight to lament
the calamities they had suffered.

Whenever any families retired to the country, to avoid the
infection; on returning to town, when apparently all infection had
disappeared, they were generally attacked, and died. The
destruction of the human species in the province of Upper and
LowerSuse was much greater than elsewhere. The capital city of this
province (Tarodant) lost, when the infection was at its _acmé_,
about eight hundred each day; the city of Marocco lost one thousand
each day; the cities of Old and New Fas from twelve to fifteen
hundred each day; insomuch, that, in these large towns, the
mortality was such, that the living had not time to bury the dead:
they were therefore thrown altogether into large holes, which were
covered over when full of dead bodies.

Young and healthy robust persons were generally attacked first;
then women and children; lastly, thin, sickly, and old people.
_After the plague had totally subsided, we saw men, who had been
common labourers, enjoying their thousands, and keeping horses,
without knowing how to ride them. Provisions became extremely
cheap, for the flocks and herds had been left in the fields, and
had nobody now to own them. Day-labour increased enormously. Never
423 was equality in the human species more evident than at this time_.
_When corn was to be ground, or bread made, both were done in the
houses of the rich, and prepared by themselves; for the very few
poor people whom the plague had spared were insufficient for the
wants of the affluent, and they were consequently obliged to work
for themselves_. The country being now depopulated, vast tribes of
Arabs from the Desert poured into Suse and Draha; settling
themselves on the river Draha and in Suse, and wherever they found
little or no population.

The symptoms of the disorder varied in different patients; in some
it manifested itself by a sudden shivering, in others by delirium,
succeeded by a violent thirst. Cold water was drank eagerly by the
imprudent, and generally proved fatal. Some had one, two, or three,
some more biles, generally in the groin, under the arm, or near the
breast; some had more. Some had no biles, nor any outward
disfiguration; these were invariably carried off in less than
twenty-four hours. I recommended Mr. Baldwin's remedy[235], applied
according to his directions; and I do not know one instance of its
failing, when properly applied, and sufficiently persevered in.

[Footnote 235: Of unction of the body with olive oil.]

I have no doubt but the epidemy, which has been ravaging Spain
lately, is the same disorder with the one above described. We have
been told that it was communicated originally to Spain by two
424 infected persons, who went from Tangier to Estapona, and eluded the
vigilance of the guards. We have been assured that it was
communicated by some persons infected, who landed in Spain from a
vessel that had loaded produce at Laraich, in West Barbary. We have
also been informed that a Spanish privateer, which had occasion to
land its crew for water in some part of West Barbary, caught the
infection, and afterwards went to Cadiz and communicated it to the
town.

JAMES G. JACKSON.

_Death of Mungo Park_.

May, 1812.

The doubts which may have existed of the fate of this eminent man
are now removed, by the certain accounts lately received from
Goree, of his having perished, through the hostility of the
natives, on one of the branches of the Niger. The particulars have
been transmitted to Sir Joseph Banks, by Governor Maxwell, of
Goree, who received them from Isaco[236], a Moor, sent inland by
the Governor, for the purpose of enquiry. In a letter to Mr.
Dickson, of Covent-garden, brother-in-law to Mr. Park, Sir Joseph
thus writes:--

"I have read Isaco's translated journal; by which it appears, that
425 the numerous European retinue of Mungq Park quickly and miserably
died, leaving, at the last, only himself and a Mr. Martyn.
Proceeding on their route, they stopped at a settlement, from
which, according to custom, they sent a present to the chief whose
territory they were next to pass. This present having been
treacherously withheld, the chief considered it, in the travellers,
as a designed injury and neglect. _On their approaching, in a
canoe, he assembled his people on a narrow channel of rocks[237],
and assailed them so violently with arrows, that some of the rowers
were killed_. This caused Mr. Park and Mr. Martyn to make an effort
by swimming to reach the shore; in which attempt they both were
drowned. The canoe shortly afterwards sunk, and only one hired
native escaped. Every appurtenance also of the travellers was lost
or destroyed, except a sword-belt which had belonged to Mr. Martyn,
and which Isaco redeemed, and brought with him to Goree."

[Footnote 236: Isaco was a Jew, not a Moor.--J.G.J.]

[Footnote 237: There is a remarkable confirmation of this
quotation from Sir Joseph's letter in Mr. _Jackson's_
translation of the Arabic manuscript of Mungo Park's death, for
which see Bowdich's Account of a Mission to Ashantee, p. 480.;
also Annals of Oriental Literature, No. I.]

_Death of Mr. Rontgen, in an Attempt to explore the Interior of
Africa_.

May, 1812.

The young German gentleman of the name of Rontgen, who left England
426 about a twelve-month since for Africa, in order to prosecute
discoveries in the interior of that country, has, it is said, been
murdered by the Arabs, before he had proceeded any great distance
from Mogodor, where he spent some time perfecting himself in the
Arabic language. He was a promising young man, and an enthusiast in
the cause in which he was lost, and supposed to understand the
Arabic language better than any European who ever before entered
Africa. At an early age he formed the plan of going to that
country, and gave up his connections and a competency in Germany,
to prosecute his intentions. His father was a character well known
in Europe, who raised himself from obscurity to the greatest
celebrity by his talent for mechanics. He was at one time worth a
million, but was ruined by the French revolution.

_The following Letter from James Willis, Esq. late Consul to
Senigambia, is extracted from the Gentleman's Magazine for May,
1812_.

COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE WITH AFRICA.

May 5. 1812.

At a time when our ancient rivals and enemies are exerting all
their powers to destroy the British commerce, and have nearly
effected their gigantic schemes of cutting off all communication
between Great Britain and the various ports, states, and kingdoms
of Europe; at such a time when we are in imminent danger of losing
427 the markets of a quarter of the globe, it becomes essentially
important to discover other channels for our commerce, and other
markets for our manufactures.

In this point of view, the information lately communicated to the
public by Mr. James Grey Jackson, in his "Travels in Africa,"
becomes highly interesting to the statesman as well as to the
merchant. From the account which he has given of the city of
Timbuctoo, and its commercial relations, there is great reason to
conclude, that if we could find means to open and maintain a safe
and easy communication with that great emporium, and with the rich,
fertile, and populous regions in its vicinity, we might acquire a
market for our manufactures, that would in time compensate for the
loss of that of Europe.

In the warehouses of Timbuctoo, are accumulated the manufactures of
India and of Europe; and from thence the immense population that
dwells upon the banks of the Niger is supplied. There is no doubt
that we could furnish the articles they want, upon much lower terms
than they can obtain them at present; and, in return, we should
furnish the best market they could have for their gold, ivory,
gums, and other rich products, and raw materials.

Now, it certainly appears to me, and I think it must appear to
every man who takes the trouble of investigating the subject, that,
provided Government would give proper support to the enterprise,
this important communication might easily be established. _For this
428 purpose, nothing more is necessary than to take a fortified station
upon the African coast, somewhere about the 29th degree of north
latitude, near the confines of the Marocco dominions, to serve as a
safe magazine or emporium for merchandize. From this station it
would be easy to maintain a direct correspondence with the opulent
merchants of Timbuctoo; regular caravans might be established to
depart at fixed periods; the protection of the Arabs can at all
times be purchased at stipulated prices, which may be considered as
premiums of insurance, or as a tax for convoy_, and thus in a
little time these caravans might carry out merchandize, to and from
Timbuctoo, with as much regularity and safety, and with less
expense, than our fleets convey our goods to and from the West
Indies.

The expense of such a fortified station as is here proposed, would
be very moderate, in comparison with the advantages it would
produce; and it would be easy to draw out a plan for it; but I do
not think it would be proper to go into a detail here,--_"non est
hic locus."_

It has been well observed, that commerce is the key of Africa; and
I shall only add, that if the plan I have suggested were carried
into execution, these interesting regions of Africa, that have
heretofore baffled the attempts of curiosity and enterprise, and
remained for so many ages a "sealed book" to the inhabitants of
Europe, would soon be explored and laid open. This is an object
429 that cannot be indifferent to a prince, who has so evidently
evinced a desire to patronise science, and who is undoubtedly
desirous to encourage, to facilitate, and to increase, still
further the vast geographical discoveries which have added such
lustre to the reign of his august father.

To return to Mr. Jackson's book. This work contains, besides the
information that more directly concerns the statesman and the
merchant, much interesting matter for the natural and moral
philosopher, as well as for the general reader. The author makes no
pretension to fine writing; his style is plain, unaffected, and
perspicuous, and there is as much new, authentic, and important
matter in the book, as in the hands of the French writers of
African travels, (Golberry, Vaillant, and Savary, for instance,)
would have been spread over three times the space. Upon the whole,
it is the most valuable work of the kind that has appeared for many
years. I hope the author will reap the reward which his labours
have so well deserved.

JAMES WILLIS.

_Of the Venomous Spider.--Charmers of Serpents.--Disease called
Nyctalopia, or Night-blindness.--Remedy for Consumption in
Africa.--Western Branch of the Nile, and Water Communication
between Timbuctoo and Egypt_.

Sir,

The venomous spider (_Tendaraman_). This beautiful reptile is
somewhat similar to a hornet in size and colour, but of a rounder
430 form; its legs are about an inch long, black, and very strong; it
has two bright yellow lines, latitudinally crossing its back; it
forms its web octagonally between bushes, the diameter being two or
three yards; it places itself in the centre of its web, which is so
fine, as to be almost invisible, and attaches to whatever may pass
between those bushes. It is said to make always towards the head,
before it inflicts its deadly wound. In the cork forests, the
sportsman, eager in his pursuit of game, frequently carries away on
his garments the _tenderaman_, whose bite is so poisonous, that the
patient survives but a few hours.

Charmers of serpents (_Aisawie_).--These _Aisawie_ have a
considerable sanctuary at Fas. They go to Suse in large bodies
about the month of July to collect serpents, which they pretend to
render harmless by a certain form of words, incantation, or
invocation to _Seedy ben Aisah_, their tutelary saint. They have an
annual feast, at which time they dance and shake their heads
quickly, during a certain period, till they become giddy, when they
run about the towns frantic, attacking any person that may have a
black or dark dress on; they bite, scratch, and devour any thing
that comes in their way. They will attack an _unjumma_, or portable
fire, and tear the lighted charcoal to pieces with their hands and
mouths. I have seen them take the serpents, which they carry about,
and devour them alive, the blood streaming down their clothes. The
431 incredible accounts of their feats would fill a volume; the
following observations may suffice to give the reader an idea of
these extraordinary fanatics. The _buska_ and the [238]_el effah_
are enticed out of their holes by them; they handle them with
impunity, though their bite is ascertained to be mortal; they put
them into a cane basket, and throw it over their shoulders: these
serpents they carry about the country, and exhibit them to the
people. I have seen them play with them, and suffer them to twist
round their bodies in all directions, without receiving any injury
from them. I have often enquired how they managed to do this, but
never could get any direct or satisfactory answer; they assure you,
however, that faith in their saint, and the powerful influence of
the name of the divinity, (_Isim Allah_,) enables them to work
these miracles: they maintain themselves in a miserable way, by
donations from the spectators before whom they exhibit. This art of
fascinating serpents was known by the ancient Africans, as appears
from the _Marii_ and _Psilii_, who were Africans, and showed proofs
of it at Rome.

[Footnote 238: For a description of these deadly serpents, see
Jackson's Account of Marocco, &c. chapter on Zoology.]

_Bu Telleese Nyctalopia_.--This ophthalmic disease is little known
in the northern provinces; but in Suse and Sahara it prevails. A
defect of vision comes on at dusk, but without pain; the patient is
432 deprived of sight, so that he cannot see distinctly, even with the
assistance of candles. During my residence at Agadeer, a cousin of
mine was dreadfully afflicted with this troublesome disease, losing
his sight at evening, and continuing in that state till the rising
sun. A Deleim Arab, a famous physician, communicated to me a
sovereign remedy, which being extremely simple, I had not
sufficient faith in his prescription to give it a trial, till
reflecting that the simplicity of the remedy was such as to
preclude the possibility of its being injurious, it was applied
inwardly; and twelve hours afterwards, to my astonishment, the
boy's eyes were perfectly well, and continued so during twenty-one
days, when I again had recourse to the same remedy, and it effected
a cure, on one administration, during thirty days, when it again
attacked him; the remedy was again applied with the same beneficial
effect as before.

_Offer to discover the African Remedy for Nyctalopia, or Night
Blindness_.

(TO THE EDITOR OF THE LITERARY PANORAMA.)

Sir,

Having read your animadversions on the additional matter introduced
in my second edition of an "Account of Marocco, Timbuctoo," &c.
(see Literary Panorama for April last, p. 713.) wherein you
433 conceive that I am reprehensible for not having discovered publicly
the remedy alluded to as an infallible cure to the _Butellise_ or
_Nyctalopia_, I should observe that I was not apprised, (till I
read those animadversions,) that this was a disorder incident to
the inhabitants in Europe, or that it affected our seamen on the
Mediterranean station. But, if that be the case, and it should be
found expedient and beneficial to the interests of Great Britain,
that this remedy should be divulged for the alleviation of our
meritorious seamen in His Majesty's service, I am willing to make
the discovery to any respectable medical man who may be appointed
by Government as physician or surgeon on the Mediterranean station.

JAMES G. JACKSON.

May 18. 1812.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE LITERARY PANORAMA.

Circus, Minories, June 21. 1815.

Sir,

I request you will contradict in your next publication the
assertion of my _decease_, which is calculated to injure
considerably my interests abroad as a merchant. (Vide your Review
of Parke's Travels, page 377.) In answer to this unfounded
information, which has been propagated in your review of last
month, I have to acquaint you that I am not only in the land of the
living, but in excellent health, and waiting to hear the testimony
434 of some stranger or European traveller (since the Africans are not
to be relied on), who shall establish the fact of _the junction of
the Nile of Sudan with that of Egypt; or at least, the
approximation of these two mighty streams_. And notwithstanding
_the_ insidious reflections and censures passed on the native
Africans, from whom I gathered much of the information communicated
to the public in my account of Marocco, it must be allowed by all
liberal-minded men, that a native is more likely to give an
accurate account of his country than a foreigner; and a residence
of sixteen years in a country may be allowed to give a man of
common observation experience enough to select judiciously such
intelligence as might be relied on; and I have no hesitation in
declaring it to be my unalterable opinion, that _so soon as a
traveller shall have returned from the interior of Africa, many of
my assertions respecting those regions will be confirmed_, and that
information founded on the testimony of unprejudiced and
disinterested Africans, will be found not so contemptible as some
learned persons have imagined.

JAMES G. JACKSON.
435

_Critical Observations on Abstracts from the Travels of Ali Bey,
and Robert Adams, in the Quarterly Journal of Literature, Science,
and the Arts, edited at the Royal Institution of Great Britain,
Vol. I. No. II. page 264_.

London, Dec. 19. 1817.

In the discussion on Aly Bey's Travels, in the Journal of Science
and the Arts, above mentioned, p. 270. are the following words:--

"Aly Bey has added, in a separate chapter, all the information he
received, respecting a mediterranean sea, from a merchant of
Marocco, of the name of Sidi Matte Buhlal, who had resided many
years at Timbuctoo, and in other countries of Sudan or Nigritia,
the most material of which was, that Tombut is a large town, very
trading, and inhabited by Moors and Negroes, and was at the same
distance from the Nile Abid, (or Nile of the Negroes, or Niger,) as
Fez is from Wed Sebu, that is to say, _about three hundred English
miles_."

As this passage is quoted from Aly Bey, by the first literary
society of Great Britain, and is, therefore, calculated to create a
doubt of the accuracy of what I have said, respecting the distance
of the Nile El Abeed from Timbuctoo, in the enlarged editions of my
account of Marocco, &c. page 297. I consider it a duty which I owe
436 to my country and to myself, not to let this sentence pass through
the press without submitting to the public my observations on the
subject.

Sidi Matte Buhlal is a native of Fas: the name is properly Sidi El
Mattie Bû Hellal. This gentleman is one out of twenty authorities
from whom I derived the information recorded in my account of
Marocco, respecting Timbuctoo and the interior of Africa; his whole
family, which is respectable and numerous, are among the first
Timbuctoo merchants that have their establishments at Fas. I
should, however, add, that among the many authorities from whom I
derived my information relative to Timbuctoo, there were two
muselmen in particular,--merchants of respectability and
intelligence, who came from Timbuctoo to Santa Cruz, soon after _I
opened that port to Dutch commerce, in the capacity of agent of
Holland, by order of the then Emperor of Marocco, Muley Yezzid_,
brother and predecessor of the present Emperor Soliman. These two
gentlemen had resided at Timbuctoo, and in other parts of Sudan,
fifteen years, trading during the whole of that period with
Darbeyta, on the coast of the Red Sea, with Jinnie, Housa, Wangara,
Cashna, and other countries of the interior, from whom, and from
others, equally intelligent and credible, I procured my information
respecting the _mediterranean sea in the interior of Africa, called
El Bahar Assudan, i.e. the Sea of Sudan_, situated fifteen days'
437 journey east of Timbuctoo. These two muselmen merchants had amassed
considerable fortunes at Timbuctoo, and were on their journey to
Fas, their native place; but in consequence of a civil war at that
time raging throughout West Barbary, particularly in the province
of Haha, through which it was indispensable that they should pass,
on their way to Fas, they sojourned with me two months; after which
they departed for Fas with a caravan.

These intelligent Moors gave me much information respecting
Timbuctoo, and the interior countries where they had resided; they
sold me many articles of Sudanic manufacture, among which were
three pieces of fine cotton cloth, manufactured at Timbuctoo, and
some ornaments of pure gold _in or molu_, of exquisite workmanship,
of the manufacture of Jinnie; one of these pieces of Timbuctoo
manufacture, of cotton interwoven with silk, of a square
blue-and-white pattern, dyed with _indigo of Timbuctoo_, I had the
honour to present to the British Museum, in April, 1796[239], where
it is now deposited.

[Footnote 239: This piece of cloth, about two yards wide and
five long, I had the honour of offering to Sir Joseph Banks,
who declined receiving it; but at the same time suggested that
it was a manufacture deserving public notice, and would be
considered an acceptable present by the British Museum.]

I have been led into this digression from certain insinuations that
have been[240] insidiously propagated, reflecting on the accuracy
438 of my statements respecting the interior of Africa; and I must add,
that I always have felt, and still feel confident, that in
proportion as we shall become more acquainted with the interior of
this unexplored continent, my account will be so much the more
authenticated: my confidence in this opinion, (however dogmatical
it may appear,) is founded on the original and intelligent sources
of my information; on a long residence and general acquaintance
with all the principal inhabitants of West Barbary, whose
connections lay in Sudan, and at Timbuctoo; in a competent
knowledge and practical acquaintance with the languages of North
Africa, and a consequent ability to discriminate the accuracy of
the sources of my intelligence.

[Footnote 240: See my letter to the editor of the Monthly
Magazine, for March, 1817; page 125.]

This being premised, I now proceed to offer to the public my
animadversions on the above quotation from the Journal of Science
and the Arts.

I have actually crossed the Wed Sebu, or the River Sebu, alluded to
in the above quotation, which passes through the Berebber Kabyl of
Zimure Shelleh; I have crossed the same river several times at the
city of Mequinez, and also at Meheduma, where it enters the
Atlantic Ocean, in lat. 34° 15' north, and from this experimental
knowledge of the course of that river, I can affirm, with
confidence, that it is not inaccurately laid down in my map of West
Barbary[241], and that it is not three hundred English miles from
439 Fas, but only six English miles from that city. I can also assert,
from incontestable testimony, that Tombut, or Timbuctoo, is[242]
not three hundred miles from the Nile El Abeed, but only about
twelve English miles from that stream, the latter being south of
the town.

[Footnote 241: For which see page 55.]

[Footnote 242: Vide Jackson's enlarged Account of Marocco, &c.
p. 297.]

Respecting the following passage in the above quoted Journal of
Science and the Arts, p. 272, "This river contains the fierce
animals called _Tzemsah_, which devour men," I shall only observe,
that _Tzemsah_ is the word in Arabic which denominates the
_crocodile_. Farther on, in the same page, we have the words,--"We
must suppose that the Joliba makes at this spot a strange winding,
which gives to the inhabitants of Marocco the opinion they
express." This supposed winding is actually asserted to exist, and
is denominated by the Arabs[243] _El Kose Nile_, i.e. the arch or
curve of the Nile, and is situated between the cities of Timbuctoo
and Jinnie.

[Footnote 243: Idem, note, p. 305.]

I should here adduce some further testimony respecting the course
of the Nile El Abeed; but as the quotation from Aly Bey in the
above Journal of Sciences and the Arts, page 271. asserts it to be
towards the east, and again, in page 272. declares it to be towards
the west, such incoherence, I presume, requires no confutation. I
consider that it originates from Moorish inaccuracy.
440
The _La Mar Zarak_ of Adams, if any such river exists, may be a
corruption of _Sagea el Humra_, i.e. the Red Stream, a river in the
southern confines of Sahara, nearly in the same longitude with
Timbuctoo. This river the late Emperor of Marocco, Muley Yezzid,
announced as the southern boundary of his dominions; but from the
accounts which I have had of it, it was not of that magnitude which
Adams ascribes to the Mar Zarak, nor was it precisely in the
neighbourhood of Timbuctoo, when I was a resident in South Barbary:
rivers, however, _which pass through sandy or desert districts_,
often change their courses in the space of twenty-four hours, by
the drifting of the moving sands impelled by the wind; instances of
which I have myself often witnessed.

If this river proceeded from the Desert, it might have had the name
of _El Bahar Sahara_, i.e. the River of Sahara; the word _La Mar_
is a lingua franca, or corrupt Spanish word, signifying the sea,
and might have been used to this poor sailor by a native to make it
the more intelligible to him. Many Spanish words having crept into
the Arabic vocabulary, and are occasionally used by those Africans
who have had intercourse with Europeans.

441 The next passage for animadversion is as follows:--

"The state in which he represented Timbuctoo, and its being the
residence of a Negro sovereign, instead of a muselman."

The state in which he has represented Timbuctoo, is, I think,
extremely inaccurate; and being a slave, it is more than probable,
that he was placed in a Fondaque[244], or Caravansera, belonging to
the King, which he _mistook_ for his palace; but that his narrative
should be deemed inaccurate, because he has described the town of
Timbuctoo to be under the sovereignty of a Negro prince, is to me
incomprehensible.

[Footnote 244: Vide Jackson's enlarged Account of Marocoo, &c.
p. 298.]

The various sources of information that I have investigated,
uniformly declare that sovereign to be a Negro, and that his name
in the year 1800, was Woolo. This account, it appears, is confirmed
by Adams, who says,[245] Woolo was King of Timbuctoo in 1810, and
that he was then old and grey-headed. Some years after the above
period, Riley's Narrative, epitomised in Leyden's Discoveries and
Travels in Africa, vol. i., _speaking of the King of Timbuctoo,
says, this sovereign is a very large, old, grey-headed black man_,
called _Shegar_, which means Sultan. This, however, I must observe
is a misinterpretation of the word _Shegar_, which is an
African-Arabic word, and signifies _red or carrotty_, and is a word
applicable to his physiognomy; but certainly not to his rank:--_Abd
442 Shegar_, a carrotty or red Negro. If these two testimonies, since
1800, be correct, then the _anachronism_ of which I am accused in
the New Supplement to the Encyclopedia Britannica, (title Africa,)
is misapplied.

[Footnote 245: Since publishing this letter, Mr. Bowdich, in
his Account of Ashantee, pages 194, 195, says, Woolo was King
of Timbuctoo in 1807, or ten years before Mr. Bowdich was at
Ashantee.]

Many of this king's civil officers, however, in 1800, were
muselmen; but the military were altogether Negroes.

However fervent the zeal of Muhamedanism may be at Timbuctoo, it is
not, I imagine, sufficient to convert the Negroes, who have not the
best opinion of the Muhamedan tenets. The Negroes, however, are
disposed to abjure idolatry for any other form of religion that
they can be persuaded to think preferable, or that holds out a
better prospect; a convincing proof of which has been seen by the
readiness of the Africans of Congo and Angola, to renounce their
idolatry for the Christian faith, by the conversion of thousands to
that faith by the indefatigable zeal of the catholic missionaries,
when the Portuguese first discovered those countries, and which, if
the Sovereign of Portugal had persevered with that laudable zeal
with which he began to promote the conversion of the Africans, the
inhabitants of those extensive and populous countries might, at
this day, have been altogether members of the Christian church!!
443
_On the Junction of the Nile of Egypt with the Nile of Timbuctoo,
or of Sudan_.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE MONTHLY MAGAZINE.[246]

[Footnote 246: Inserted in March, 1817.]

Sir,

London, Jan. 25. 1817.

Having read some annotations, in the Journal of a Mission to the
Interior of Africa, by Mungo Park, in 1805, which are calculated to
persuade some persons, that my Account of the Interior of Africa is
not altogether authentic, I feel myself called upon to offer some
cursory observations to the public, in refutation of those
aspersions. (Vide Appendix, No. IV. to Mungo Park's Second Journey,
in 1805, pages 114. and 115.)

Although I assert, on the concurrent testimony of the best informed
and most intelligent natives of Sudan, that there exists a
[247]water communication between Timbuctoo and Cairo, I do not
maintain that the [248]Nile of Sudan falls into the [249]Nile of
Egypt, but that it hath a communication with it, or with some river
444 that connects itself with the Nile of Egypt, which opinion is
confirmed by Mr. Hornemann, on African authority.

[Footnote 247: Vide Jackson's Marocco, second or third edition,
page 310.]

[Footnote 248: (_Nile el Kabeer_) the Great Nile, (_Bahar el
Abeed_, or _Nile el Abeed_) the Nile of Slaves or Negroes,
(_Nile Sudan_) the Nile of Sudan or Nigritia, are the various
names applied to the river that passes by Timbuctoo, and
through the interior of Sudan, from west to east.]

[Footnote 249: _Nile Masser_ is the name applied to the Nile of
Egypt.]

It is very probable that this junction is formed by a stream that
flows westward towards Wangara through the country called [250]
Bahar Kulla, and Lake Dwi, from the source of the Nile of Egypt, or
from that part of the Jibbel Kumri, or Lunar Mountains, which form
the southern boundary of Donga.

If this be so, the junction of the Nile el Abeed, of Timbuctoo, and
the Bahar el Aheäd of Donga[251], (or more properly the Bahar el
Abeed,) is established, and the water communication between
Timbuctoo and Cairo is proved; admitting, however, that the Negroes
reported by me to have performed the[252] voyage by water, took
their boat or canoe ashore, to ascend the cataracts, in the country
between Wangara and Donga.

[Footnote 250: _Bahar Kulla_ is an Arabic term, signifying the
sea altogether, implying an alluvial country, (probably forming
a part of the mediterranean sea of central Africa). See Major
Rennel's Map in the Proceedings of the African Association,
vol. i. 8vo. page 209. lat. N. 10°, long. 18°.]

[Footnote 251: Vide Major Kennel's Map in the Proceedings of
the African Association, 8vo. edition, vol. i. page 209.]

[Footnote 252: Vide Jackson's Marocco, second or third edition,
page 312.]

Mr. Park's annotator, in the spirit of controversy with which he
appears to be endued, may say, the fact of this stream running to
445 the west towards Wangara, cannot be admitted, because Mr. Browne
saw a ridge of mountains extending in that direction; but Mr.
Browne did not ascertain that this was an uninterrupted ridge; the
river might therefore pass through some chasm similar to that which
I have seen in crossing the Atlas Mountains, or through some
intermediate plain.

The annotator further says[253], "It is needless to comment upon
such hearsay statements, received from an African traveller." This
assertion being calculated to impress on the public mind, that I
founded my hypothesis respecting the junction of the Niles of
Africa on the simple and single statement of one individual African
traveller; I feel it incumbent on me thus publicly to declare, that
_the junction alluded to is founded on the universal and concurrent
testimony of all the most intelligent and well informed native
African travellers_ (for the most part natives of Sudan), not one
of whom differed in this opinion, but unanimously declared it to be
an uncontroverted fact, that the waters of the Nile of Egypt joined
the waters of the Nile el Abeed, which passes near Timbuctoo to the
east; and that there exists, without a doubt, a water communication
between Cairo in Egypt, and Timbuctoo in Sudan. Now, if, as M. de
Bailly observes, "_la vérité se fait connaître par le concours des
446 témoignages_," it must be admitted, by men of liberal sentiments,
that it is somewhat more than a hearsay statement; and what better
foundation can there possibly be for the truth of any geological
fact, than the concurrent testimony of the best-informed natives of
the country described?

[Footnote 253: Vide Appendix, No. IV. to Park's Second Journey
page 115.]

With respect to precision being unfavourable to authenticity[254],
I consider this a new dogma; and if I were disposed to confute it,
(but it carries with it its own confutation,) I should point out
many hearsay evidences, precisely recorded in my Account of
Marocco, which have been confirmed already by Ali Bey (El Abassy)
and many others; but "_non est hic locus_."

J.G. JACKSON.

[Footnote 254: Vide Appendix, No. II. to Park's Second Journey
page 103.]

_Strictures respecting the Interior of Africa, and Confirmation of
Jackson's Account of Sudan, annexed to his Account of the Empire of
Marocco, &c._

London, 16th Jan, 1818.

It is a satisfaction to perceive (after a lapse of eight or nine
years since the publication of my account of Marocco and the
interior of Africa), that in proportion as we are becoming better
acquainted with the interior of that continent, my account becomes
more authenticated, notwithstanding the attempts that have been so
447 insidiously made to invalidate it.

The various hypotheses, for the most part founded in theory, that
have within the last seven years, been adopted respecting the
course of the _Nile el Abeed_ (Niger), are beginning now to fall to
the ground, and the learned and judicious editor of the Supplement
to the New Encyclopedia Britannica, founding his opinions, as it
should seem, upon the facts that have been corroborated respecting
the interior of Africa, has actually adopted my opinion;[255] viz.

That there is an union of waters between the Nile of Egypt, and
that of Sudan[256]; where the common receptacle is, I have not
ventured to declare, but it is probable that it may be in the Bahar
Kulla[257], in Wangara, or in the [258]Sea of Sudan; the opinion
that the junction is formed in the Sea of Sudan is supported by the
Shereef Imhammed, who saw the Nile at Cashna, and declared that it
was so rapid there from east to west, that vessels could not stem
it.

[Footnote 255: See my letter to the Editor of the Monthly
Magazine, vol. xliii. March, 1817, page 125.]

[Footnote 256: It is incorrect to say, that the word _Nile_ is
applied, in Africa, to any great river: the name, I can with
confidence declare, is never applied to any river in North
Africa, except the Nile of Egypt, and that of Sudan; whoever
has propagated this opinion has mistaken the matter altogether.
See Proceedings of the African Association, vol. i. page 540.]

[Footnote 257: See Major Rennell's Map of North Africa, lat.
north 6°, long, west 18°, &c.]

[Footnote 258: See Jackson's enlarged Account of Marocco,
Timbuctoo, &c. page 310.]

448 Again: Parke's intelligence, in his second journey, demonstrates an
union of waters in the (Baseafeena[259]) Sea of Sudan; for he says,
the current was said to be sometimes one way, and sometimes
another; which I will take the liberty to interpret thus:--

That the current from the Eastern Nile, was westward into the Sea
of Sudan, and the current of the Western Nile was eastward into the
same sea of Sudan: thus the current would be sometimes one way, and
sometimes another, making the Sea of Sudan the common receptacle
for the Eastern as well as for the Western Nile.

Ptolemy's Sea of Nigritia is undoubtedly the same with my Sea of
Sudan; _Lybia Palus_[260] being the Latin denomination, as _Bahar
Sudan_ is the Arabic for the interior lake called the Sea of Sudan;
but whether this sea of Sudan will ultimately prove to be
situated[261] as I have described it, fifteen journies[262] east of
Timbuctoo, or 450 English miles, or as Ptolemy has described it, or
in the intermediate distance between the two extremes, must be left
for future travellers to ascertain.

[Footnote 259: Another name for the Sea of Sudan, as will
hereafter appear.]

[Footnote 260: See Ptolemy's Map of North Africa.]

[Footnote 261: See Jackson's enlarged Account of Marocco, page
310.]

[Footnote 262: Fifteen journies horse travelling, which are the
journies here alluded to, at thirty miles a-day, is 450 British
miles.]

The enterprising and indefatigable, the patient and persevering
genius of Burkhardt, deriving incalculable advantages from a long
449 residence in the eastern regions of Africa, may probably decree him
to be the person to clear up this long-contested geographical
point, unless the fascination of Arabian manners, or some Utopia in
the interior regions of that continent, should wean him from the
desire to re-visit his native country.

This intelligence of Park may be considered some corroboration of
what I have maintained respecting the union of waters between the
Eastern and Western Niles.[263]

The following testimonies are some confirmation of my report
respecting decked vessels, &c. in the interior of Africa.[264]

Dr. Stetzen, a German physician residing at Alexandria[265], says,
that he has received intelligence from a pilgrim, on his way to
Mecca, a native of _Ber Noh,_ or _Bernou_[266], that the river
within a mile of the city is as large as the Egyptian Nile, and
overflows its banks; _it is navigated by vessels of considerable
dimensions, carrying sails and oars._

[Footnote 263: See Monthly Magazine, March, 1817, page 125.]

[Footnote 264: See Jackson's enlarged Account of Marocco, &c.
page 309.]

[Footnote 265: For full particulars, see New Supp. to Ency.
Brit. article "Africa."]

[Footnote 266: This Bernou, or according to the Arabic
orthography, _Ber Noh_, is asserted by the Arabs to be the
birth-place of the Patriarch Noah.]

Mr. Barnes states, that the Niger discharges itself into a large
lake; that he has heard from the Black traders that there are white
450 inhabitants upon the borders of this lake; and has been told, by
people who have seen them, that they dress in the style of Barbary
Moors, and wear turbans, but do not speak Arabic. See Report of
Committee of Council.[267]

[Footnote 267: See Jackson's enlarged Account of Marocco, &c.
p, 309.]

Park, in his second journey, was informed, that "one month's travel
south of Baedo, through the kingdom of Grotto, will bring the
traveller to the country of the Christians, who have their houses
on the banks of the _Ba Seafeena_[268], which they describe as
incomparably larger than the lake Dehebby (Dibbie)."--This is
another corroboration of the accuracy of my account of the interior
of Africa; but before I dismiss this subject, I should observe,
that from the general ignorance of the African Arabic, an important
circumstance respecting this _Ba Seafeena_, is not yet (it appears)
discovered. It is this:--the words _Ba Seafeena_, or, according to
the correct Arabic orthography, _Bahar Sefeena_, literally
translated into English, signifies the Sea of Ships, and is
evidently only another name for the Sea of Sudan, declaring it to
be a sea wherein ships are found!

[Footnote 268: See New Supp. to Ency. Brit. article "Africa."]

Here then are two topographical facts first asserted by me, among
the moderns, to exist in the heart of Africa, and since confirmed
by Ali Bey, Park, and Dr. Sietzen, or, as the enlightened editor of
the Supplement to the New Encyclopedia Britt. observes,

451 "We have thus three independent testimonies[269] from opposite
quarters, meeting exactly in the same point; nor does there, as far
as we know, exist any evidence _at all respectable_ to the
contrary."

[Footnote 269: The testimonies here alluded to are Hornman,
Park, and Jackson.]

It now remains for me to declare (that as opinions have been
industriously propagated tending to discredit my account of
Marocco, and the interior of Africa,) that nothing has been set
down therein, until I had previously investigated the
qualifications of the narrators, their means of knowledge, and
whether the respective vocations of the several narrators made it
their interest to disguise or misrepresent the truth of their
communications; and, after ascertaining these important points, I
have generally had recourse to other testimonies, and have seldom
recorded any thing until confirmed by three or four _concurrent_
evidences: on this _pyramidical basis_ is founded the intelligence
in my account of Marocco, and of the interior of Africa, annexed to
that account.

This assertion is to be understood in respect to intelligence that
I could not ascertain by ocular demonstration.

Finally, my description of the black heartheaded serpent, called
452 Bouska[270], has been doubted; but a late traveller[271] has
confirmed the accuracy of my account; even of this extraordinary
animal.--In Riley's Narrative of his Shipwreck on the
453 Coast of Sahara is given an account of an exhibition by two
_Isawie_[272], who do not appear to have been adepts in the art of
454 fascinating these serpents; for I have frequently seen them manage
455 and charm the _Bouska_ much more adroitly than those who exhibited
at Rabat before Riley, although its bite is more deadly, and its
strength considerably greater, than that of the _El Effah!_

[Footnote 270: See Jackson's enlarged Account of Marocco, &c.
p. 109.]

[Footnote 271: "I paid two dollars for a station, and I looked
into the room without interruption. It was about twenty feet
long, and fifteen broad, paved with tiles and plastered within.
The windows had also been secured by an additional grating made
of wire, in such a manner as to render it impossible for the
serpents to escape from the room: it had but one door, and that
had a hole cut through it six or eight inches square: this hole
was also secured by a grating. In the room stood two men, who
appeared to be Arabs, with long bushy hair and beards; and I
was told they were a particular race of men, that could charm
serpents.

"A wooden box, about four feet long and two wide, was placed
near the door, with a string fastened to a slide at one end of
it; this string went through a hole in the door. The two
serpent-eaters were dressed in haiks only, and those very small
ones. After they had gone through their religious ceremonies
most devoutly, they appeared to take an eternal farewell of
each other: this done, one of them retired from the room, and
shut the door tight after him. The Arab within seemed to be in
dreadful distress. I could observe his heart throb, and his
bosom heave most violently: and he cried out very loudly,
"_Allah houakiber_", three times; which is, as I understood it,
_God have mercy on me_.[273]

"The Arab was at the farthest end of the room: at that instant
the cage was opened, and a serpent crept out slowly; he was:
about four feet long, and eight inches in circumference; his
colours were the most beautiful in nature, being bright, and
variegated with a deep yellow, a purple, a cream colour, black
and brown, spotted, &c. As soon as he saw the Arab in the room,
his eyes, which were small and green, kindled as with fire; he
erected himself in a second, his head two feet high; and
darting on the defenseless Arab, seized him between the folds
of his haik, just above his right hipbone, hissing most
horribly; the Arab gave a horrid shriek, when another serpent
came out of the cage. This last was black, very shining, and
appeared to be seven or eight feet long, but not more than two
inches in diameter: as soon as he had cleared the cage, he cast
his _red fiery eyes_ on his intended victim, thrust out his
forked tongue, _threw himself into a coil, erected his head,
which was in the centre of the coil_, three feet from the
floor, and flattening out the skin above his head and eyes, in
the form, and nearly of the size of a human heart, and
springing like lightning on the Arab, struck its fangs into his
neck near the jugular vein, while his tail and body flew round
his neck and arms in two or three folds. The Arab set up the
most hideous and piteous yelling, foamed and frothed at the
mouth, grasping the folds of the serpent, which were round his
arms with his right hand, and seemed to be in the greatest
agony, striving to tear the reptile from around his neck, while
with his left he seized hold of it near its head, but could not
break its hold: by this time the other had turned itself around
his legs, and kept biting all around the other parts of his
body, making apparently deep incisions: the blood, issuing from
every wound (both in his neck and body,) streamed all over his
haik and skin. My blood was chilled in my veins with horror at
this sight, and it was with difficulty my legs would support my
frame.

"Notwithstanding the Arab's greatest exertions to tear away the
serpents with his hands, they turned themselves still tighter,
stopped his breath, and he fell to the floor, where he
continued for a moment, as if in the most inconceivable agony,
rolling over, and covering every part of his body with his own
blood and froth, until he ceased to move, and appeared to have
expired. In his last struggle, he had wounded the black serpent
with his teeth, as it was striving, as it were, to force its
head into his mouth, which wound Footnote: seemed to increase
its rage. At this instant I heard the shrill sound of a
whistle, and looking towards the door saw the other Arab
applying a call to his mouth: the serpents listened to the
music, their fury seemed to forsake them by degrees, they
disengaged themselves leisurely from the apparently lifeless
carcase, and creeping towards the cage, they soon entered it,
and were immediately fastened in.

"The door of the apartment was now opened, and he without ran
to assist his companion: he had a phial of blackish liquor in
one hand, and an iron chissel in the other: finding the teeth
of his companion set, he thrust in the chissel, forced them
open, and then poured a little of the liquor into his mouth;
and holding the lips together, applied his mouth to the dead
man's nose, and filled his lungs with air: he next anointed his
numerous wounds with a little of the same liquid, and yet no
sign of life, appeared. I thought he was dead in earnest; his
neck and veins were exceedingly swollen; when his comrade
taking up the lifeless trunk in his arms, brought it out into
the open air, and continued the operation of blowing for
several minutes before a sign of life appeared; at length he
gasped, and after a time recovered so far as to be able to
speak. The swellings in his neck, body, and legs gradually
subsided, as they continued washing the wounds with clear cold
water and a sponge, and applying the black liquor occasionally;
a clean haik was wrapped about him, but his strength seemed so
far exhausted that he could not support himself standing, so
his comrade laid him on the ground by a wall, where he sunk
into a sleep. This exhibition lasted for about a quarter of an
hour from the time the serpents were let loose until they were
called off, and it was more than an hour from that time before
he could speak. I thought I could discover that the poisonous
fangs had been pulled out of these formidable serpents' jaws,
and mentioned that circumstance to the showman, who said, that
they had indeed been extracted; and when I wished to know how
swellings on his neck and other parts could be assumed, he
assured me, that though their deadly fangs were out, yet that
the poisonous quality of their breath and spittle would cause
the death of those they attack; that after a bite from either
of these serpents, no man could exist longer than fifteen
minutes: and that there was no remedy for any but those _who
were endowed by the Almighty with power to charm, and to manage
them_; and that he and his associates were of that favoured
number! The Moors and Arabs call the thick and beautiful
serpent _El Effah_, and the long black and heartheaded one _El
Bouskah_.

"I afterwards saw engravings of these two serpents in
_Jackson's Marocco_; which are very correct resemblances. They
are said to be very numerous on and about the south foot of the
Atlas mountains and border of the Desert, where these were
caught when young, and where they often attack both men and
beasts."--Vide _Riley's Shipwreck and Captivity in the Great
Desert_, p. 550.]

[Footnote 272: Disciples of Seedy ben Isa, whose sanctuary is
at Fas, and who possess the art of fascinating serpents.]

[Footnote 273: N.B. This is a misinterpretation of the Arabic
words here used, which, literally translated, signify, _God
alone, is great!_--J.G.J.]

_Animadversions on the Orthography of African Names_.

(TO THE EDITOR OF THE MONTHLY MAGAZINE, INSERTED MAY, 1818.)

Sir,

Bennet's-hill, Feb. 1818.

I should be much surprised to find that Jackson's account of what
he has heard is doubted, if I did not remember that Bruce's account
456 of what he had seen was disbelieved. Nothing human can appear to me
more deserving of implicit credit than the intelligence the former
of these writers gives respecting Timbuctoo. He has not seen it, it
is true. I have not seen Lisbon; but, if I had, and were to sit
down to write an account of it, some things would be necessary to
be described, with regard to which I should feel a degree of
uncertainty; and, having given an account of Lisbon, if I were to
visit it again, I should find others on which I had been mistaken.
But let me arrange in my own mind the information I want respecting
Lisbon; let me make enquiries of twenty intelligent persons who
have resided there; let me carefully compare their different
accounts, and who shall doubt the accuracy of the result?

Mr. Jackson has had an opportunity of acquiring information
respecting Timbuctoo that no other European ever had, by having the
direction of commerce in a city frequented by Timbuctan merchants;
a city, the port of which is called, in Arabic, _Bab Sudan_, the
Gate of Sudan. Mr. Jackson was qualified to make use of this
advantage to an extent that no other European ever was, by a
practical, and even critical knowledge of the general language of
the country,--the African Arabic. To these Mr. Jackson added an
ardent spirit of research, an industry which neglected no
opportunity, a caution to compare, a judgment to discriminate, and
457 a firmness to decide. Who, that weighs these things, can doubt the
accuracy of his intelligence respecting Sudan? I even regard his
orthography as the standard of correctness, and am surprised that
any person should continue to write Timbuctoo instead of Timbuctoo,
or Fez instead of Fas.

I am inclined to believe that Adams has been at Timbuctoo, though I
do not consider it as proved; but, supposing that he has, and that
I wished to become acquainted with that city, would I apply for
information to an illiterate slave, who was confined within narrow
precincts? Or would I rely upon the united testimony of twenty
persons of education, who had each a wider field of observation?

I have read "Jackson's Account of Marocco" twice through, at
different periods, with great attention; and I do most heartily
join in the confidence expressed by the enlightened and judicious
author, that, in proportion as the interior of Africa shall be more
known, the truth of his account of it will be made evident.

CATHERINE HUTTON.

_Hints for the Civilisation of Barbary, and Diffusion of Commerce_.

March 16, 1818.

Algiers, and the territory belonging to it, is governed by despotic
Turks, the refuse of the Ottoman troops; who maintain their power
458 over the Moors and Arabs of the plains (who are the cultivators of
the country), and over the Berebbers (who are the aborigines of the
country), or inhabitants of the mountains of Atlas, which terminate
this sovereignty on the south, and divide Algiers from
Bled-al-Jereed. The first principle of this barbarous and
sanguinary government, according io an African adage, is to
"_Maintain the arm of power, by making streams qf blood flow,
without intermission, around the throne!_" This country,--the
government of which reflects disgrace on Christendom, which has
been, during many ages the scourge of Christian mariners, and of
all who navigate the Mediterranean Sea,--has often been conquered.
The Romans reduced Numidia and Mauritania into Roman provinces.
This beautiful garden of the world was afterwards conquered by the
Vandals; then by the Greeks, during the reign of Justinian, under
Belisarius; and, finally, three times by the Arabs, viz. in the
647th year of Christ, by Abdallah and Zobeer; in the year 667, by
Ak'bah for the Kalif Moawiah; and in the year 692, by Hassan, the
governor of Egypt, for the Kalif Abd Elmelik. Not one of the armies
of these warriors ever exceeded 50,000 men.

After these general conquests, the partial conquests of the
Portuguese and Spaniards, about the end of the fifteenth and
beginning of the sixteenth century, were effected by a mere handful
of men; and, in 1509, the latter rendered the kingdom of Algiers
tributary to them: but, afterwards, they lost it by the ferocity of
459 their chiefs, and by the fanaticism of their soldiers and priests;
and, finally, by their perfidy and intolerance, they made
themselves enemies to the various (_Kabyles_) tribes of Mauritania,
and thereby lost their conquest.

The repeated insults, offered by these ruffians to civilised
Europe, cannot be efficiently punished by a bombardment; a measure
which punishes many innocent subjects for the insults offered by
their government. No one acquainted with the character of the
natives of Barbary will maintain, that the destruction of a few
thousands of the peaceable inhabitants, or the burning of many
houses, is a national calamity in the eyes of a Muselman chief; who
would himself commit the same ravage and destruction that was so
gallantly effected by the British fleet, under Lord Exmouth, for
half the money it cost to accomplish it.

When Lord St. Vincent was off Cadiz with the British fleet, and
could not obtain the object which he sought of the Emperor of
Marocco; his Lordship, after refusing to comply with the Emperor's
request, communicated to his Lordship by the Emperor's envoy, or
agent, Rais Ben Embark, told the Rais to inform his Emperor, that,
if he did not change his conduct very soon, he would begin a war
with him, and such a war as he had neither seen nor read of before.
When the Rais reported this to the Emperor Soliman, he enquired
what kind of war an admiral could wage against him; some one of the
460 divan observed, that he would destroy the ports on the coast;
adding, that it would cost a certain large sum of money to effect
that destruction. Upon which the Emperor exclaimed, that, for half
that amount, he would himself destroy all these ports.--This affair
happened in September, 1798.

There is a prophecy in Barbary, that, from time immemorial, has
been generally credited by the inhabitants. It has been transmitted
to them by some fakeer, that the land of the Muselmen will be
wrested from them by the Christians; and there is an impression,
that the period when this event will take place is not far distant.
They also believe that this event will happen on a Friday (the
Muselman Sabbath), whilst they are occupied at their devotions at
the _Dohor_, service of prayer. Accordingly, at this period,--viz.
from twelve till half-past one o'clock,--the gates of all the
town's on the coast are shut and bolted every Friday. This attack,
forsooth, is to happen whilst they are occupied at prayer, because
they are so infatuated with an opinion of their own valour, that
they will not believe that Christians would presume to attack them
openly, when armed and prepared for the combat. It should seem that
these people begin now seriously to anticipate the near approach of
this predestined conquest, and have accordingly entered into a kind
of holy alliance, offensive and defensive: to which, it is said,
the Emperor of Marocco, and the Deys of Tunis and Tripoli, have
acceded; and that this holy alliance is crowned by the Ottoman
Emperor.
461
It is more than probable, that the Dey of Algiers, goaded by the
blow inflicted by Lord Exmouth,--which has increased his hatred to
Christians, and has inflamed his desire of revenge,--will not fail
to seek every opportunity (according to the known principles of
Muhamedanism), of retaliating and insulting the Europeans, whenever
a favourable opportunity may offer, even at the risk of another
bombardment. This opinion has been confirmed by his late conduct;
and by the activity that has been manifested in the fortifications,
in increasing their military force, in building and equipping new
vessels, to infest the Mediterranean with their abominable
piracies; all which proceedings demonstrate the hostile intentions
of the Dey beyond all doubt.

* * * * *

_Plan for the Conquest of Algiers._

The inhabitants of the plains are bigoted to the Muhamedan tenets;
but they would readily exchange the iron rod that rules them for a
more mild and beneficial form of government. A well-disciplined
European army of 50,000 men, would assuredly effect their complete
conquest without much difficulty: such an army, directed by a
Wellington, would perform wonders, and astound the Africans. After
the conquest, an energetic, decisive, but beneficent form of
government, would be necessary, to retain the country, and to
462 conquer and annihilate the repugnancy which these people entertain
to our religious tenets. A system of rule formed on the principles
of the English constitution,--directed by good policy, benevolence,
and religious toleration,--would not fail to reconcile these
hostile tribes, and attach them to rational government. The
Berebbers would readily assimilate to such a government; and,
although by nature a treacherous race, they would rejoice to see
the country in possession of a government which, they would
perceive, strove to promote the welfare and prosperity of the
mountaineers, as well as the inhabitants of the plains; and their
own interest would thus gradually subdue the antipathy resulting
from religious prejudices.

A general knowledge of the African Arabic would be essentially
necessary; and I think a school might be established in England, on
the Madras system, for initiating youths (going out to Africa) in
the rudiments of that language. This would be attended with most
important advantages; and might be accomplished in a very short
time. The conquest of Algiers being thus effected, that of the
neighbouring states would follow, without difficulty, by a
disciplined army of European troops; keeping the principle ever in
view, of conciliating the natives, without swerving from an
energetic and decisive mode of government.

The advantages that would necessarily result from a successful
attack upon Africa, would be--
463
1. An incalculable demand for spices, and East India manufactures
of silk and cotton.

2. A similar demand for coffees, and for sugars, manufactured and
unmanufactured; as well as for other articles of West India
produce.

3. An incalculable demand for all our various articles of
manufacture.

On the other hand, we should obtain from this fine country,--

1. An immense supply of the finest wheat, and other grain, that the
world produces.

2. We should be able to open a direct communication with the
interior regions of Africa,--which have baffled the enterprise of
ancient and modern Europe: the fertile and populous districts which
lie contiguous to the Nile of Sudan, throughout the whole of the
interior of Africa, would become, in a few years, as closely
connected to us, by a mutual exchange of benefits, as our own
colonies; and such a stimulus would be imparted to British
enterprise and industry, as would secure to us such stores of gold
as would equal the riches of Solomon, and immortalize the prince
who should cherish this great commerce to its maturity.

VASCO DE GAMA.
464

(TO THE EDITOR OF THE EUROPEAN MAGAZINE.)

Liverpool,
Dec. 17. 1818.
Sir,

In "_The Portfolio_," a Monthly Miscellany for May, 1817, published
at Philadelphia, there is rather an interesting review of Ali Bey's
travels. The writer says, "Ali Bey has rectified various errors in
the common maps of Marocco. The river Luccos, for instance, flows
to the South, and not to the North of Alcasser; and the city of
Fas, according to Ali Bey, is situated in 34° 6' north latitude,
and not as laid down in the Maps of Arrowsmith, Rennell, Delille,
Golberri, &c."--If, however, he had given himself the trouble to
consult the map of West Barbary, in Jackson's Account of Marocco,
&c. &c. (which is by far the most accurate extant, and whose
geographical orthography has been adopted in all the best modern
English maps,) he would have seen that Fas is in 34° north
latitude; that the river Elkos, or Luccos, is described in that
map, (which was published several years before Ali Bey's travels,)
as running south of Alcasser.

In describing the funeral cry at Marocco, the editor, or reviewer,
impresses his reader with an idea that this funeral cry is that of
the Moors, whereas it is no such thing: it is the practice of the
Jews only in West Barbary to cry "Ah! Ah!" and lacerate their faces
465 with their finger nails; after which they wash, drink brandy, and
enjoy themselves.

The large sea in the interior of Africa, described by Ali Bey to be
without any communication with the Ocean, had been described
(_years before Ali Bey's travels were published_) by Jackson, in
his Account of Marocco, &c. &c. third edition, p. 309, and called
first by him _Bahar Sudan_, and represented as a sea having decked
vessels on it. Mr. Park, in his Second Journey, calls this sea the
Bahar Seafina, without, however, informing the public, or knowing,
that the Bahar Sefeena is an Arabic expression implying a sea of
ships, or a sea where ships are found; and the situation he places
it in coincides exactly with Jackson's prior description. There are
thus three concurrent testimonies of the situation of the Bahar
Sudan, or Sea of Sudan, _first noticed by Jackson_, and since
confirmed by Ali Bey and Park.[274]

EL HAGE HAMED EL WANGARY.

[Footnote 274: There is an able discussion of this subject in
the New Supplement to the Encyclopedia Britannica, article
"Africa," p. 104, and 105.]

_On the Negroes_.

(TO THE EDITOR OF THE EUROPEAN MAGAZINE.)

Sir,

Eton, 5th Dec. 1818.

Many maintain that the Negroes are a docile and tractable race, and
more easily to be governed than Europeans; others maintain, that
466 they are liars, thieves, vindictive, and a demoralised race. That
they are vindictive, no one who is acquainted with their character
will deny; but are not most barbarous and uncivilised nations the
same? What are the Muhamedans and Pagans? The latter, who form
nearly two-thirds of the population of the earth, are generally of
the same character, and the vindictive character of the former is
notorious.

Propagate among the Negroes the benign principles of the Christian
doctrine, and they will gradually (as those principles are
inculcated) become good subjects, and useful members of society. It
is that religion which will bring forth their latent and social
virtues--a religion, the moral principles of which are the
admiration even of its enemies, the Muhamedans themselves: a
religion which exalts the human character above the brutes, and
brings forth its beauties as the brilliancy of the diamond is
brought forth by the hand of the polisher.

Destroy their witchcraft and idolatry, and on their ruins inculcate
the divine doctrines of Christ, and we shall soon see that they
will possess sentiments that exalt the human character, and that
nothing has contributed more to their mental degradation than the
cruel treatment of their masters in the European colonies of the
West.

VASCO DE GAMA.
467

_Cursory Observations on Lieutenant-Colonel Fitzclarence's Journal
of a Route across India, through Egypt, to England_.

Eton, 7th May, 1819.

It is remarkable, that in proportion as our mass of information
respecting the interior of Africa increases, the truth of Mr. James
Grey Jackson's account of that country, in the appendix to his
account of Marocco, &c. receives additional confirmation. Some
literary sceptics have been so far prejudiced against this author's
report as to doubt its veracity altogether; but let us see how far
the interesting report of Lieut.-Colonel Fitzclarence, in his
journal of a route across India, through Egypt, to England, lately
published, corroborates Mr. Jackson's description of Timbuctoo,
published so long since as 1809.

It is to be lamented, that Jackson's African orthography is not
altogether adopted: with the superior and practical knowledge which
he evidently possesses of the African Arabic language, it cannot, I
presume, be doubted by the learned and impartial, that his
orthography is correct; and, judging from what has already
transpired, I do not hesitate to predict, that his African
orthography, from an evidence of its accuracy, will, in a few
years, be adopted throughout; although the learned world have been
ten years in correcting _Tombuctoo_ into _Timbuctoo_; the latter
468 being Mr. Jackson's orthography in his account of Marocco,
Timbuctoo, &c. published in 1809.

The late account of Mr. Bowdich's mission to Ashantee has been the
first to corroborate this author in this respect; and
Lieut.-Colonel Fitzclarence has confirmed it with this additional
observation, in his Journal of a Route, &c. page 493: "Upon
enquiring about _Timbuctoo_ the Hage laughed at our pronunciation,
the name of the city being _Timbuctoo_." The next improvement in
African geographical orthography, will probably be the conversion
of Fez into _Fas_ (for there is absolutely no more reason for
calling it Fez than there has been for calling Timbuctoo,
Timbuctoo), this word being spelled in Arabic with the letters _Fa,
Alif_, and _Sin_, which cannot be converted into any other
orthography but _Fas_; the same argument would hold with various
other words spelled correctly by this author, an accurate
elucidation of which might encroach too much upon your valuable
pages. I shall therefore briefly state, that in page 480 of Colonel
Fitzclarence's Journal, the name of the Moorish gentleman to whose
care the sons of the Emperor of Marocco, Muley Soliman, were
confided, is stated to be El Hadge Talib ben Jelow: this is
incorrect orthography, there is no such name in the Arabic language
as _Jelow_, it is a barbarism; ben Jelow signifies ben Jelule, and
the proper name is _El Hage Taleb ben Jelule_.

469 Behur Soldan is evidently another barbarism or corruption of the
Arabic words _Bahar Sudan: vide_ Jackson's Account of Marocco,
Timbuctoo, &c. page 309, published by Cadell and Davies.

It has been observed by an intelligent French writer, that "_Le
pluspart des hommes mesurant leur foi par leur connoissance acquise
croyent Ã fort peu de choses_." In confirmation of this opinion,
many intelligent men, at the time of the publication of Jackson's
Account of Marocco, Timbuctoo, &c. doubted the existence of the
_Heirie_, as described by him; but in proportion as our knowledge
of Africa improves, we see that the truth of these wonders is
confirmed: and Colonel Fitzclarence mentions one that travelled
four days in one; but we should not be surprised to hear, before
this century shall terminate, that an Englishman had travelled from
Fas to Timbuctoo on a Heirie, accompanied by an accredited agent of
the Emperor of Marocco, in ten or fifteen days!

It appears by this ingenious traveller's Journal of a Route, &c.
page 493, that all religions are tolerated at Timbuctoo. This is a
confirmation of what is reported by Jackson, in the Appendix
annexed to his Account of Marocco, &c. page 300.

The fish in the river of Timbuctoo, the Neel El Abeed or Neel of
Sudan, is described by Colonel Fitzclarence as resembling salmon:
470 this is a corroboration of Jackson, who says, the _shebbel_ abound
in the Neel of Sudan, and the shebbel is the African salmon. See
appendix to Jackson's Account of Marocco, &c. page 306.

In page 494, Colonel Fitzclarence says, the Nile at Kabra is a
quarter of a mile wide; Jackson says it is as wide as the Thames at
London. See Appendix to Jackson's Marocco, &c. page 305.

In page 496 of the Colonel's narrative, an account is given of the
rate of travelling through the Desert; which, allowing for an
arbitrary difference, in the resting days, corroborates Jackson's
Account, page 286.

In page 497, El hage Taleb ben Jelule's report to the Colonel, of
an account of two white men, (undoubtedly Mungo Park and another,)
who were at Timbuctoo in 1806, is a remarkable confirmation of the
account brought by Mr. Jackson from Mogodor in January, 1807, and
reported by him to the Marquis of Hastings, to Sir Joseph Banks,
and to Sir Charles Morgan, which is inserted in the Morning Post
and other papers, about the middle of August, 1814.

I am, Sir,

Your most obedient servant,

VASCO DE GAMA.
471

_On the Arabic Language, as now spoken in Turkey in Europe, in
Asia, and in Africa_.

London, May 10, 1819.

In this enlightened age, when our intercourse is increasing with
nations remote from our own, and possessing different religions,
languages, laws, and customs; when the ambassadors of the Muhamedan
potentates of Europe, Asia, and Africa, are resident in our
metropolis, all understanding _the Arabic language_; when, with a
knowledge of this language, a person may travel and hold colloquial
intercourse with the inhabitants of Turkey, with the greater part
of Asia, and with Africa; and, lastly, when we consider the
valuable and immense stores of Arabian literature, of the best
periods which still remain unexplored, is it not remarkable under
all the exciting circumstances above enumerated, that in this
powerful and opulent country, there should not be found, with all
our boasted learning and eagerness of research, three or four
Englishmen capable of writing and conversing intelligibly in that
beautiful and useful language? The extent of this disgraceful
ignorance would be scarcely credible, were there not proofs beyond
doubt, that our principal seats of learning are as deficient in
472 this knowledge as the public in general[275], and that letters or
public documents written in that language, have been in vain sent
to them for translation. What I have long considered as chiefly
tending to diminish the desire of acquiring this language, is an
opinion dogmatically asserted, and diligently propagated, that the
Arabic of the East and West are so different from each other, as
almost to form distinct languages, and to be unintelligible to the
inhabitants of either of those regions respectively; but, having
always doubted the truth of this assertion, I have endeavoured,
from time to time, _during the last ten years_, to ascertain
whether the Arabic language spoken in Asia be the same with that
which is spoken in Africa, (westward to the shores of the Atlantic
ocean,) but without success, and even without the smallest
473 satisfactory elucidation, until the arrival in London last winter,
of the most _Reverend Doctor Giarve, Bishop of Jerusalem_, who has
given such incontestible proofs of his proficiency in the Arabic
language, that his opinion on this important point cannot but be
decisive; accordingly, on presenting to the reverend Doctor some
letters from the Emperor of Marocco to me, desiring that he would
oblige me with his opinion, whether the Arabic in those letters was
the same with that spoken in Syria, the Rev. Doctor replied in the
following perspicuous manner, which, I think, decides the question:
_"I can assure you, that the language and the idiom of the Arabic
in these letters from the Emperor of Marocco to you, is precisely
the same with that which is spoken in the East."_

[Footnote 275: See page 408. respecting a letter sent to our
late revered Sovereign, by the Emperor of Marocco. In
consequence of the inattention to that letter, the Emperor
determined never to write again to a Christian king in the
Arabic language; and, with regard to Great Britain, I believe
he has faithfully ever since kept his word! Some time before
this letter was written, I being then in Marocco, the Emperor's
minister asked me if the Emperor his master were to write an
Arabic letter to the _Sultan George Sultan El Ingleez_, (these
were his expressions,) whether there were persons capable of
translating it into English: I replied, that there were men at
the Universities capable of translating every learned language
in the known world; and accordingly the letter above alluded to
was written in Arabic, and addressed to His Majesty. This
letter was written by the Emperor himself, which I am competent
to declare, having letters from him in my possession, and being
acquainted with his hand-writing and style.]

It is, therefore, thus ascertained, that the Arabic language spoken
in the kingdom of Tafilelt, of Fas, of Marocco, and in Suse or
South Barbary, is precisely the same language with that which is
now spoken in Syria, and Palestine in Asia; countries distant from
each other nearly 3000 miles, and from information since obtained,
there appears to be no doubt that the Arabic language spoken by the
Arabs in Arabia, by the Moors and Arabs in India and Madagascar, by
the Moorish nations on the African shores of the Mediterranean, are
one and the same language with that spoken in Marocco, subject only
to certain provincial peculiarities, which by no means form
474 impediments to the general understanding of the language, no more,
or not so much so, as the provincial peculiarities of one county of
England differ from another!!

Unwilling to encroach too much on your valuable pages, I will
leave, for the subject of my next letter, the inconceivable
misconstructions and errors into which the ignorance of this
language has led European travellers in Africa, of which I shall
state some examples in a recent publication respecting Africa.

I am, Sir,

Your most obedient Servant,

JAMES G. JACKSON.

_Cursory Observations on the Geography of Africa, inserted in an
Account of a Mission to Ashantee, by T. Edward Bowdich, Esq.
showing the Errors that have been committed by European Travellers
on that Continent, from their Ignorance of the Arabic Language, the
learned and the general travelling Language of that interesting
part of the World_.

June 17, 1819.

The Niger, after leaving the lake Dibber, was invariably described
as dividing in two large streams.--_Vide_ "Bowdich's Account of a
Mission to Ashantee," p. 187.

The Lake Dibber is called in the proceedings of the African
Association Dibbie, but the proper appellation is _El Bahar Tibber,
_or_ El Bahar Dehebbie_. The Bahar Tibber signifies the sea of gold
475 dust; the _Bahar Dehebbie_ signifies the sea or water abounding in
gold. Jinnee, which is on or near the shore of this lake, (I call
it a lake because it is fresh water,) abounds in gold, and is
renowned throughout Africa for the ingenuity of its artificers in
that metal, insomuch that they acknowledge the superiority of
Europeans in all arts except that of gold work. There are some
specimens of Jinnee gold trinkets, very correctly delineated in the
recent interesting work of "Lieutenant-Colonel Fitzclarence's
Journal of a Route across India, through Egypt to England," p. 496.

Page 187, "Yahoodie, a place of great trade."

This place is reported to be inhabited by one of the lost tribes of
Israel, possibly an emigration from the tribe of Judah. Yahooda, in
African Arabic, signifies Judah. Yahoodee signifies Jew. It is not
impossible, that many of the lost tribes of Israel may be found
dispersed in the interior regions of Africa, when we shall become
better acquainted with that Continent; it is certain, that some of
the nations that possessed the country eastward of Palestine when
the Israelites were a favoured nation, have emigrated to Africa.

An emigration of the Amorites[276] are now in possession of the
declivity of the Atlas Mountains, westward of the sanctuary[277] of
Muley Driss, and in the neighbourhood of the ruins of Pharaoh; they
476 live in encampments, consisting of two, three, or four tents each:
they resemble the Arabs of the Desert in their predatory
excursions. I speak from practical knowledge, having twice
travelled through their country, and visited their encampments.

[Footnote 276: They are called _Ite-amor_, Amorite.]

[Footnote 277: _Vide_ Jackson's Account of Marocco, chap. viii.
enlarged edition.]

Page 189. "Mr. Beaufoy's Moor says, that below Ghinea is the sea
into which the river of Timbuctoo discharges itself."

This might have been understood to signify the Sea of Sudan, if the
Moor had not said below Ghinea, (by which is meant Genowa, or as we
call it Guinea,) which implies, that the _Neel El Abeed_ (Niger)
discharges itself in the sea that washes the coast of Guinea; this,
therefore, corroborates Seedi Hamed's, or rather Richard's
hypothesis.

Page 190. "This branch of the Niger passing Timbuctoo, is not
crossed until the third day going from Timbuctoo to Houssa."

This quotation from "Dapper's Description of Africa," is
corroborated by L'Hage Abdsalam, Shabeeni, whose narrative says,
"Shabeeni, after staying three years at Timbuctoo, departed for
Houssa, and crossing the small river close to the walls, reached
the Neel in three days, travelling through a fine, populous, and
cultivated country."

The confusion of rivers, made mere equivocal by every new
hypothesis, receives here additional ambiguity. If there were (as
Mr. Bowdich affirms) three distinct rivers near Timbuctoo; viz. the
477 Joliba, the Gambarro, and the Niger, (_i. e_. the _Neel El Abeed_)
how comes it that they have not been noticed by Leo Africanus, who
resided at Timbuctoo; by Edrissi, who is the most correct of the
Arabian geographers; or whence is it, that these rivers have not
been noticed by the many Moorish travelling merchants who have
resided at Timbuctoo, and whom I have repeatedly questioned
respecting this matter[278], or whence is it that Alkaid L'Hassen
Ramy, a renowned chief of the Emperor of Marocco's army, with whom
I was well acquainted, and who was a native of Houssa, knew of no
such variously inclined streams. This being premised, I am
certainly not disposed to relinquish the opinion I brought with me
from Africa in the year 1807, viz. that the _Neel El Abeed_ is the
only mighty river that runs through Africa from west to east; but I
admit that its adjuncts, as well as itself, have different names;
thus, in the manuscript of Mr. Park's death, a copy of which is
inserted in "Mr. Bowdich's Account of Ashantee," it is called Kude;
many hundred miles eastward it is called Kulla, from the country
478 through which it passes; but Kude and Kulla are different names,
and ought not to be confounded one with the other; neither ought
Quolla (_i. e._, the Negro pronunciation of Kulla) to be confounded
with Kude, the former being the Negro term for the same river, in
the same manner as Niger is the Roman name for the _Neel Elabeed_,
which is the Arabic name for the same river. There is a stream
which proceeds from the Sahara, the water of which is _brackish_;
this stream hardly can be called a river, except in the rainy
season. It passes in a south-westerly direction near Timbuctoo, but
does not join the _Neel Elabeed_. I could mention several
intelligent and credible authorities, the report of respectable
merchants, who have resided, and, who have had establishments at
Timbuctoo, in confirmation of this fact; but as the authorities
which I should adduce would be unknown, even by name, to men of
science in Europe, I would refer the reader to the interesting
narrative of an intelligent Moorish merchant, who resided three
years at Timbuctoo, and who was known to the committee of the
African Association; this travelling merchant's name is L'Hage
Abdsalam Shabeeny, and his narrative, a manuscript of which (with
critical and explanatory notes by myself) I have in my possession,
has the following observation:[279]--"Close to the town of
Timbuctoo, on the south, is a small rivulet in which the
479 inhabitants wash their clothes, and which is about two feet deep;
it runs into the great forest on the east, and does not communicate
with the Nile, but is lost in the sands west of the town: its water
is brackish; that of the Nile is good and pleasant."

[Footnote 278: The Arabs who conduct the _cafelahs_ or caravans
across the Sahara, are often seen at Agadeer or Santa Cruz, and
sometimes even at Mogodor; and if there was a river penetrating
to the north through the Sahara, would it not have been noticed
by them? Is it possible that such a prominent feature of
African geography, as a river of sweet water passing through a
desert, could fail of being noticed by these people, who are,
in their passage through the Desert, continually in search of
water?]

[Footnote 279: See page 8.]

Page 199. Mr. Murray recently observes, "Joliba seems readily
convertible into Joli-ba, the latter syllable being merely an
adjunct, signifying river; this I was also given to understand."

This is an etymological error. The Joliba is not a compound word,
if it were it would be Bahar Joli, not Bajoli, or Joliba; thus do
learned men, through a rage for criticism, and for want of a due
knowledge of African languages, render confused, by fancied
etymologies, that which is sufficiently clear and perspicuous.

Page 191. "The river of Darkulla mentioned by Mr. Brown."

This is evidently an error: there is probably no such place or
country as Darkulla. There is, however, an alluvial country
denominated _Bahar Kulla_, (for which see the map of Africa in the
Supplement of the Encyclopaedia Britannica, p. 88. lat. N. 8°,
long. E. 20°). I apprehend this Darkulla, when the nations of
Europe shall be better acquainted with Africa and its languages,
will be discovered to be a corruption of _Bahar Kulla_, or an
unintelligible and ungrammatical term: _Dëaar Kulla_ is
grammatical, and implies a country covered with houses! _Dar Kulla_
480 is an ungrammatical and an incorrect term, which being literally
translated into English, signifies _many house_. This being
premised, we may reasonably suppose, that _Bahar Kulla_ is the
proper term which, as I have always understood, forms the junction
of the Nile of the west with the Nile of the east, and hence
forming a continuity[280] of waters from Timbuctoo to Cairo.

[Footnote 280: See my letter in the Monthly Magazine for March,
1817, page 128.]

191. In this geographical dissertation the word Niger is still
used, which is a name altogether unknown in Africa, and calculated
to contuse the geographical enquirer. As this word is
unintelligible to the natives of Africa, whether they be Arabs,
Moors, Berebbers, Shelluhs, or Negroes, ought it not to be expunged
from the maps?

P. 192. In the note in this page, "Jackson's Report of the source
of the _Neel el Abeed_, and the Source of the Senegal," is
confirmed by the Jinnee Moor.--See Jackson's Appendix to his
Account of Marocco, enlarged edition, p. 311.

"It is said, that thirty days from Timbuctoo they eat their
prisoners!" Does not this allude to Banbugr[281], and has not this
491 word been corrupted by Europeans into Bambarra. See Mr. Bowdich's
MS. No. 3, p. 486; Banbugr, who eat the flesh of men. Jackson's
translation.

[Footnote 281: The Gr in Banbugr, is the Arabic letter, grain.
Richardson, in his Arabic Grammar, renders this letter gh;
which demonstrates, that his knowledge of the Arabic was only
scholastic, not practical. It has no resemblance or affinity to
gh, and would be unintelligible if so pronounced to an Arab.]

Page 193. The government of Jinnee appears to be Moorish; because
_Malai Smaera_, which should be written _Mulai Smaera_, signifies
in the Arabic language, the _Prince Smaera_: the term does not
belong to Negroes, but exclusively to Muhamedans. _Malai Bacharoo_
is a Negro corruption of the word; it should be _Mulai_, or _Muley
Bukaree_; i.e. the _Abeed Mulai Bukaree_, or _Abeed Seedi Bukaree_.
They are well known among the Negroes of Sudan; the Negroes of this
race form the present body-guard of the Emperor of Maroceo's
troops, consisting of 5000 horse. They are dexterous in the
management of the horse, are well-disciplined troops, and are the
only military in the Emperor's army that can cope with the
Berebbers of the Atlas.

Note, p. 194. Dapper's description of Africa is here quoted in
confirmation of the decay of Timbuctoo; and Jackson is accused of
extravagance. The latter I shall pass over, it being an assertion
unsupported by any substantial testimony; but immediately
afterwards is the following passage.

"The three last kings before Billa (_i.e. Billabahada_) were
Osamana, (_i.e._ Osaman; Osamana being the feminine gender,)
Dawoloo, and Abass. Mr. Jackson says there was a King Woolo
reigning in 1800; and a Moor who had come from Timbuctoo to
Comassee ten years ago (viz. about 1807, or ten years before Mr.
482 Bowdich visited Ashantee), did not know King Woolo was dead, as he
was reigning at the time he left Timbuctoo."

With regard to Dapper's assertion, it should be remembered, that if
Timbuctoo was decaying in his time, that is about the period that
Muley Ismael ascended the throne of Marocco, viz. in 1672; it
revived very soon after, that is before the close of the 17th
century. This powerful and warlike prince had the address to
establish and to maintain a very strong garrison at Timbuctoo; and
accordingly, during his long reign of fifty-five years, viz. from
1672 to 1727, Timbuctoo carried on a constant, extensive, and
lucrative trade with Marocco, Tafilelt, and Fas, in gold dust,
gum-sudan, ostrich-feathers, ivory, and slaves, &c.
_Akkabahs_[282], and _cafilahs_, or caravans, were going
continually from Timbuctoo to Tafilelt, Marocco, Fas, and Terodant.
Travelling across the Desert was then as safe as it is now in the
plains of Marocco, or on the roads in England; the only months
during which the caravans did not travel were July and August,
because the _Shûme_, or hot wind of the Desert, prevails during
these two months. It is reported, that Muley Ismael was so rich in
gold, that the bolts of the gates of his palaces, and his kitchen
utensils, were of pure gold. Timbuctoo continued to carry on a most
483 lucrative trade with Marocco, &c.; during the Feign of the Emperor
Muley Abd Allah, son and successor of Ismael, and also during the
reign of Seedy[283] Muhamed ben Abd Allah, who died about the year
1795, a sovereign universally regretted, and hence aptly
denominated the father of his people: since the decease of
Seedy[284] Muhamed ben Abd Allah, the father of the reigning
emperor, Muley Soliman, the trade of Sudan has rapidly decreased,
because the policy of the present emperor is, to discourage
commerce, but to encourage the agriculture and the manufactures of
his own country, so as to make them sufficient for itself, and
independent of foreign supplies!

[Footnote 282: An Akkabah is an accumulation of many _cafilahs_
or caravans.]

[Footnote 283: It should be observed, that an emperor having
the name of the Arabian prophet, is called Seedy; but having
any other name, he is called Muley; the former signifies
master, the latter, prince.]

[Footnote 284: If therefore the trade with Timbuctoo declined
in Leo's time, _i.e._ A.D. 1570, it unquestionably revived in
Ismael's reign, and also continued with but little diminution
during the reign of his son Abd Allah, and his grandson
Muhamed.]

Da Woolo is a reverential term, and is synonymous with Woolo,
signifying King Woolo.

484 Park says, Mansong was king of Timbuctoo in 1796, and in 1805,
implying that he reigned from 1796 to 1805. The Moor before
mentioned, who came from Timbuctoo to Comassie in 1807, told Mr.
Bowdich, that Woolo was then reigning at Timbuctoo. Isaaco says,
Woolo was predecessor to Mansong; consequently, according to this
Jew, Woolo was king before the year 1796; therefore, if Mr. Park's
testimony be correct, Woolo must have been predecessor and
successor to Mansong; otherwise, Mr. Park was incorrect in saying
that Mansong was king of Timbuctoo in 1796, and in 1805. Adams
says, Woolo was king of Timbuctoo in 1810, and was old and
grey-headed. Riley's narrative also confirms his age and grey
hairs. With regard to my testimony, viz. that Woolo was king[285]
of Timbuctoo in 1800, I had it from two merchants of veracity, who
returned from Timbuctoo in 1800, after residing there 14 years:
they are both alive now, and reside at Fas; their names I would
mention, were I not apprehensive that it might lead to a reprimand
from the emperor, and create jealousy for having communicated
intelligence respecting the interior of the country. I should not
have entered into this detail _in confirmation of my assertion that
Woolo was king of Timbuctoo in_ 1800, if the editor of the
Supplement to the Encyclopedia Britannica (article Africa), had not
asserted, that I have committed an anachronism in asserting, that
he was king in that year; thereby insinuating that Park was right,
and that I was wrong.

[Footnote 285: See my Letter on the Interior of Africa, in the
Anti-Jacobin Review for January, 1818, p. 453.]

485 Page 195. The Editor of Adams's Narrative is, I apprehend,
incorrect in asserting, that the name Fatima affords no proof that
the queen, or the wife of Woolo, was a Muhamedan. Fatima is
incontestably an Arabian proper name; and it would be considered
presumption in a Negress unconverted to Muselmism, to assume the
name of Fatima. She must, therefore, have been necessarily a
Mooress, or a converted Negress; the name has nothing to do with a
numeral, as Mr. Bowdich suggests, and above all not with the
_numeral five_, for that is a number ominous of evil in Africa, and
as such, would never have been bestowed as a name on a beloved
wife.

Page 196. Note of W. Hutchison, "The four greatest monarchs known
on the banks of the Quolla, are Baharnoo, Santambool, Malisimiel,
and Malla, or Mallowa."

Baharnoo should be written _Ber Noh_; i.e. the country of Noah the
patriarch; it is called in the maps Bernoo, and the whole passage
is calculated greatly to confuse African geography. The information
is unquestionably derived from Negro authority, and that not of the
most authentic kind. Santambool is the Negro corruption of
_Strambool_, which is the Arabic name for Constantinople:
_Malisimiel_ is the Negro corruption of Muley Ismael.[286] The
first signifies the empire of Constantinople; the second signifies
the empire of Muley Ismael, who was emperor of Marocco in the early
part of the 18th century, and whose authority was acknowledged at
486 Timbuctoo, where he maintained a strong garrison, and held the
adjacent country in subjection, where his name is held in reverence
to this day. This being premised, it follows of course, that one of
these four great monarchies here alluded to, viz. that of
Santambool is certainly not on the Quolla, unless the Quolla be
considered the same river with the Egyptian Nile, and that Egypt be
considered a part of the empire of Santambool; then, and then only,
can it be said, that the empire of Santambool is situated on the
Quolla.

[Footnote 286: See Jackson's Marocco, chap. xiii. p. 295, and
note, p. 296.]

Page 198. Two large lakes were described close to the northward of
Houssa; one called Balahar Sudan, and the other Girrigi Maragasee;
the first of these names is a Negro corruption, or an European
corruption of the term _Bahar Sudan_[287]; the other is a Negro
name of another, if not of the same lake or sea. The situation of
the _Bahar Sudan_ is described by me in the 13th chapter, in my
account of Marocco, to be fifteen journeys east of Timbuctoo, and
the _Neel El Abeed_ passes through it. I had this information from
no less than seven Moorish merchants of intelligence and veracity;
the same is confirmed by Ali Bey[288], the Shereef Imhammed, Park,
and Dr. Seitzen; all these authorities must therefore fall to the
487 ground if Mr. Bowdich's report is to overturn these testimonies,
which has placed it three degrees of latitude north of the _Neel El
Abeed_, or [289]_Neel Assudan_, and in the Sahara[290],
_unconnected with any river_! I doubt if any, but a very ignorant
Pagan Negro (for the Muhamedan Negroes are more intelligent), would
have given the Sea of Sudan this novel situation.

[Footnote 287: See Jackson's Marocco, chap. xiii.]

[Footnote 288: For an elucidation of these opinions, see my
Letter on the Interior of Africa, in the European Magazine,
Feb. 1818, page 113.]

[Footnote 289: Neel Sudan and Neel Assudan are synonymous, the
_as_ being the article.]

[Footnote 290: See Mr. Bowdich's Map, in his Account of a
Mission to Ashantee.]

Page 200. The Quolla appears to be the Negro pronunciation of the
Arabic name _Kulla_; i.e. the _Bahar Kulla_, to which the _Neel
Assudan_ is said to flow. _Bahar Kulla_ is an Arabic word
signifying the sea altogether, or an alluvial country. The _Neel
Assudan_ here joins the waters of a river that proceed westward
from the Abysinian Nile, and hence is formed the water
communication between Cairo[291] and Timbuctoo.

[Footnote 291: See Jackson's Account of Marocco, enlarged
edition, p. 313. See also his Letter to the Editor of the
Monthly Magazine for March, 1817. p. 125.]

Page 201. Quolla Raba, or Kulla Raba, signifies the Kulla forest,
as the Negroes express it; the Arabs call it _Raba Kulla_, i.e. the
forest of _Kulla_, If any further proof of the accuracy of this
interpretation be necessary, it maybe added, that the position
agrees exactly with Major Rennell's kingdom of _Kulla_, for which
see the Major's map in proceedings of the African Association, vol.
i. page 209, lat. N. 9°, long. W. 10°.
488
Page 203. The lake Fittri is a lake, the waters of which are said
to be filtered through the earth, as the name implies. The Nile is
here said to run under ground. The Arabs and Moors have a
tradition, that the waters of Noah's flood rested here, and were
absorbed and filtered through the earth, leaving only this large
lake. I never understood this sea to be identified with the Bahar
Heimed[292]; i.e. the Hot or Warm Sea. The Hot Sea and the Filtered
Sea are distinct waters; the former lies about mid-way, in a right
line between Lake Fittri and Lake Dwi. (See Laurie and Whittle's
Map of Africa, published in 1813.) This is another inaccuracy of
Mr. Hutchison; who appears, indeed, to have collected information
from natives, without considering what title they had to
credibility. Another error is added to the note in page 203 and
204, viz. what he calls sweet beans are unquestionably dates, which
have not the least affinity in taste, shape, growth, or quality, to
beans. The Arabic name correctly converted into European letters,
is _timmer_, not _tummer_. The Arabic words designating sweet
beans, is _Elfool El Hellue_. The passage signed William Hutchison
here alluded to, is this: "The Arabs eat black rice, corn, and
_sweet beans called tummer_."

[Footnote 292: _Heimed_ is an Arabic term, signifying that
degree of heat which milk has when coming from the cow or
goat.]

Note, page 204. I do not know whence the Quarterly Review has
489 derived its information respecting the derivation of the word Misr
(a corruption of Massar); the word Massar is compounded of the two
Arabic words Ma and Sar; i.e. Mother of Walls. Possibly some Arabic
professor versed in bibliographic lore, to favor a darling
hypothesis, has transmuted Massar into Misr, to strengthen the
plausibility of the etymology of Misr from Misraem!!

Note, page _205_. _Bahar bela ma_ is an Arabic expression,
importing it to be a country once covered with water, but now no
longer so. In the note in this page, I recognise the word Sooess to
designate the Isthmus of Suez. The Bahar Malee, and the Sebaha
Bahoori, are Negro corruptions of the Arabic words _Bahar El
Maleh_, and _Seba Baharet_: the former does not apply particularly
to the Mediterranean, but _is a term applicable to any sea or ocean
that is salt_ (as all seas and oceans assuredly are); the latter
term signifies literally, the Seven Seas or Waters: neither is this
a term applicable to the Mediterranean, but to any sea supplied by
seven rivers, as the Red Sea: these, therefore, are evidently other
inaccuracies of Mr. Hutchison. I apprehend Mr. Hutchison's Arabic
tutor at Ashantee was not an erudite scholar. The term, and the
only term in Africa, applicable to the Mediterranean Sea, is the
_Bahar Segrer_ (literally the Small Sea); and _El Bahar El Kabeer_
(is the Atlantic Ocean, or literally the Great Sea); the latter is
sometimes figuratively called the _Bahar Addolum_, i.e. the Unknown
Sea, or the Sea of Darkness.
490
Note, p. 206. Is it possible that the author doubts that Wangara is
east of Timbuctoo? It should seem that he did, as he quotes Mr.
Hutchison as authority for making it to contain Kong, a mountainous
district many journeys south of the _Neel Assudan_. Mr. Park's
testimony is also called in support of this opinion, but they are
both erroneous. Wangara is as well known in Africa to be east of
Timbuqtoo, as in England York is known to be North of of London.

Oongooroo is a barbarous Negro corruption of Wangara; therefore,
this note, if suffered to pass through the press unnoticed, would
be calculated to confuse, not to elucidate, African geography;
neither can it be called, according to Mr. Horneman's orthography,
Ungura: the name is _Wangara_ which cannot be converted accurately
into any word _but_ Wangara. Ungura Oongooroo, &c. are corruptions
of the proper name, originating in an imperfect, and but an oral
knowledge of the African Arabic.

Page 210. I apprehend the reason why Wassenah was not known at
Ashantee by the traders, is because it was out of their trading
track. I have no doubt of the existence of Wassenah or Massenah
(for when the names of African towns and countries are recorded, we
should not be particular about a letter or two, when we find so
many orthographical variations are made by different authors);
neither is there any reason (that I know of) to doubt the
491 description of Wassenah given in Riley's Narrative; but it is not
extraordinary, that this place should be unknown at Ashantee, if
there were no commerce or communication between these countries
respectively; it is certain, that the Africans neither know, seek,
or care, for places or countries with which they have no trade or
communication.

It appears well deserving of observation (for the purpose of
rendering Arabic names intelligible to future African travellers),
that Mr. Bowdich has demonstrated that, what is called in our maps,
1. Bambarra, 2. Gimbala, 3. Sego, 4. Berghoo, 5. Begarmee, being
written in the Arabic language, with the guttural letter _grain_,
would be quite unintelligible, if pronounced to an African _as they
are written_ by our letters, the nearest approximation to the
Arabic words would be as follows, taking _Gr_ for the nearest
similitude that our alphabet affords to the guttural letter [Arabic
غ ] _grain_.

Correct Pronunciation. African Orthography. Called in the Maps.

1. Banbug'r [Arabic] Bambara.

2. Grimbala [Arabic] Gimbala.

3. Shagr'u [Arabic] Sego.

4. Bergr'u [Arabic] Berghoo.

5. Bagrarmee [Arabic] Begarmee.
492
The African traveller should be precise in his attention to the
sound of these words, otherwise he will be quite unintelligible to
the Africans, and to the Muhamedans.

Richardson, in his Arabic Grammar, is certainly incorrect, when he
says, the letter غ _grain_ should be pronounced _gh_. No
one acquainted _practically_ with the Arabic language, could
possibly be of this opinion; _gh_ having no more resemblance to the
sound of the letter غ _grain_, than _g_ has to _h_: and
every traveller going to Africa with this erroneous opinion, will,
undoubtedly, be unintelligible to the Africans.

Finally, the Arabic document, if it may be permitted to call it
Arabic, facing page 128 of this interesting work of Mr. Bowdich, is
a most miserable composition of _Lingua franca_, or corrupt
Spanish, of unintelligible jargon, consisting of many words quite
unintelligible to the Africans, whether Negroes or Moors, or
others. The language of this document, although it has some Arabic
words in it, is worse, if possible, than the scrawl in which it is
written; neither is it a correct translation of the English which
precedes it. But purporting to be a letter issued from the
_accredited servants of the King of the English_, it is certainly a
disgrace to the country from whence it issues, and a rare specimen
of our knowledge of the Arabic language.

JAMES GREY JACKSON.
493

_Commercial Intercourse with the Interior of Africa._

TO THE EDITOR OF THE JOURNAL OF TRADE, &c.

Sir, Eton, June 30, 1818.

The last expedition from Sierra Leone, in addition to many others
sent out for the purpose of _exploring the interior of Africa_,
having failed, and the enterprising and persevering Mr. Burckhardt,
having frustrated the well grounded hopes of the African
Association, by his having paid the debt of nature, it is not
improbable that His Majesty's government _will now direct their
attention with energy to the only plan that can possibly make that
interesting and extraordinary country a jewel in the British
crown_.

This important discovery, which would immortalise the prince, who
should cherish it to its maturity, _can be effected only through
the medium of commerce_. But it should be attempted not only with
energy and decision, but with _dispatch_, before the enterprising
and commercial spirit of a foreign power (seeing how abortive our
efforts have been), shall snatch from us the glorious opportunity
now offered of _laying open the interior regions of Africa_ to the
commercial enterprise of Great Britain.

I am, Sir, Your most obedient servant,

VASCO DE GAMA.

494

The following curious Memoir was composed by Edmund Hogan, in the
reign of Queen Elizabeth, and lately found amongst the papers of
one of his descendants.

(A TRUE COPY.)

"_The Embassage of Mr. Edmund Hogan, one of the Sworne Esquires of
her Ma't's Person, from her Highnesse to Muley Abdelmelech,
Emperour of Morocco, and King of Fes and Sus, in the Yeare 1577.
Written by himselfe_.

"I Edmund Hogan, being appointed Embassadour from the Queens Ma'tie
to the above-named Emperour and King Muley Abdelmelech, departed
with my company and servants from London the 22d April, 1577, being
imbarked in the good ship called the Gallion, of London, and
arrived in Azafi, a port of Barbary, the 21st of May next
following. Immediately I sent Leonell Egerton ashoare with my
letters directed to John Williams and John Bampton, who dispatched
a courier to Morocco to know the Kings pleasure for my repaire to
the court, which letters came to theire hands on the Thursday
night. They with all speed gave the King understanding of it, who
being glad thereof, speeded the next day certaine captaines, with
souldiera and tents, with other provision, to Azafi; so that upon
Whitsunday at night, the said captaines, with John Bampton, Robert
495 Washborne, and Robert Lion, and the Kings officers, came late to
Azafi. In the meane time I remained aboard, and caused some of the
goods to be discharged, for lightning of the ship; and I wrote in
my letter that I would not lande 'till I knew the Kings pleasure.
The 26th day, being Saturday, the Mark-speed arrived in the roade
about two of the clock in the afternoone. The 27th day, being
Whitsunday, came aboard the Gallion, John Bampton, and others,
giving me to understand how much the King rejoyced of my safe
arrivall, coming from the Queens Ma'tie; and how that for my safe
conduct to the court he had sent four captaines, and an hundred
souldiers well appointed, with a horse furnished, which he used
himself to ride on, with all other furniture accordingly; they
wished me also to come on land in the best order I could, as well
for my self as my men, which I did, having to the number of ten
men, whereof three were trumpeters. The ships being four, appointed
themselves in the best order they could, for the best shew, and
shott off all theire ordinance to the value of twenty marks in
powder. At my coming, ashoare, I found all the souldiers well
appointed on horseback, the captaines and the Govern'r of the towne
standing as neer the water side as they could, with a jennet of the
Kings, and rec'd me from the boate, declaring how glad his Ma'tie
was of my safe arrivall, coming from the Queens Ma'tie my
496 Mistresse, and that he had sent them to attend upon me, it being
his pleasure that I should tarrie there on shoare five or six dayes
for my refreshing; so being mounted upon the jennet, they conducted
me through the towne into a faire fielde upon the sea side, where
there was a tent provided for me, and all the ground spread with
Turkie carpets, and the castle discharged a peale of ordinance, and
all things necessarie were brought into my tent, where I both tooke
my table and lodging, and had other convenient tents for my
servants. The souldiers inviron'd the tents, and watched about us
day and night as long as I lay there, altho' I sought my speedier
dispatch. On the Wednesday towards night, I tooke my horse, and
travelled ten miles to the first place of water that wee could
finde, and there pitched our tents 'till the next morning, and so
traveled till ten of the clock, and then pitched our tents 'till
four, and so traveled as long as day light would suffer, about
twenty-six miles that day. The next day being Fryday, I traveled in
like order but eight and twenty miles at the most; and by a
[293]river, being about six miles within sight of the Citty of
Morocco, wee pitched bur tents. Imediately after came all our
English Merchants, and the French, on horseback, to meete me; and
before night there came an Alcayde from the King with fiftie men,
and divers mules laden with victuall and banket for my supper,
497 declaring unto me how glad the King shewed himselfe to hear of the
Queens Ma'tie, and that his pleasure was I should be received into
his countrey as never any Christian the like; and desired to know
what time the next day I would come into his Citie, because he
would that all the Christians, as also his Nobilitie, should meete
me; and willed John Bampton to be with him early in the morning,
which he did. About seven of the clock, being accompanied with the
French and English Merchants, and a great number of souldiers, I
passed towards the Citie, and by that time I had traveled two
miles, there met me all the Christians of the Spaniards and
Portugals to receive me, which I know was more by the Kings
commandment then of any good wills of themselves; for some of them,
although they speake me faire, hung downe theire heads like dogs,
and especially the Portugals; and I countenanced them accordingly.
So I passed on, 'till I came within two English miles of the Citie;
and then John Bampton returned, shewing me that the King was so
glad of my coming, that he could not devise to doe too much, to
shew the good will that he did owe to the Queens Ma'tie and her
Realme; His counsellors met me without the gates; and at the entrie
of the gates, his footmen and guard were placed on both sides of my
horse, and so brought me to the King's palace. The King sate in his
chaire, with his Counsell about him, as well the Moores as the
498 Alkaids; and, according to his order given unto me before, I there
declared my message in Spanish, and made deliverie of the Queens
Ma't's letters, and all that I spake at that present in Spanish, he
caused one of his Alkaids to declare the same to the Moores present
in the Arabic tongue; which done, he answered me againe in Spanish,
yeelding to the Queens Ma'tie great thankes, and offering himselfe
and his countrey to be at her Graces comandment; and he comanded
certaine of his counsellors to conduct me to my lodging, not being
farr from the Court. The house was faire, after the fashion of that
countrey, being dayly well furnished with all kinde of victuall at
the Kings charge. The same night he sent for me to the court, and I
had conference with him about the space of two houres; where I
throughly declared the charge co'mitted unto me from her Ma'tie,
finding him conformable, willing to pleasure, and not to urge her
Ma'tie with any demands, more then conveniently she might willingly
consent unto, hee knowing that out of his countrey the Realme of
England might be better served with lackes, then he in comparison
from us. Further, he gave me to understand, that the King of Spain
had sent unto him for a licence that an Embassadour of his might
come into his countrey, and had made great meanes, that if the
Queens Ma'tie of England sent any unto him, that he would not give
him any credit or entertainment; albeit (said he) I know what the
499 King of Spaine, and what the Queene of England and her realme is;
for I neither like of him, nor of his religion, being so governed
by the Inquisition, that he can doe nothing of himselfe. Therefore,
when he cometh upon the licence which I have granted, he shall well
see how little account I will make of him and Spaine, and how
greatly I will extoll you for the Queenes Ma'tie of England; he
shall not come to my presence as you have done, and shall dayly,
for I minde to accept of you as my companion, and one of my house,
whereas he shall attend twentie dayes after he hath done his
message. After the end of this speech, I delivered Sir Thomas
Gresham's letters; when as he tooke me by the hand, and led me
downe a long court to a palace, where there ranne a faire fountaine
of water, and there sitting himselfe in a chaire, he comanded me to
sitt downe in another, and there called for such simple musicians
as he had. Then I presented him with a greate base lute, which he
most thankfully accepted, and then he was desirous to hear of the
musicians; and I tolde him, that there was great care had to
provide them, and that I did not doubt but upon my returne they
should come with the first ship. He is willing to give them good
entertainment, with provision of victuall, and to let them live
according to theire law and conscience, wherein he urgeth none to
the contrary. I finde him to be one that liveth greatly in the fear
500 of God, being well exercised in the Scriptures, as well in the Old
Testament, as also in the New, and he beareth a greater affection
to our nation then to others, because of our religion, which
forbiddeth worship of idols; and the Moores called him the
Christian King. The same night, being the first of June, I
continued with him till twelve of the clock, and he seemed to have
so good likeing of me, that he tooke from his girdle a short
dagger, being sett with 200 stones rubies and Turkies, and did
bestowe it upon me; and so I, being conducted, returned to my
lodging for that time. The next day, because he knew it to be
Sunday, and our Sabboth day, he did let me rest; but on the Monday
in the afternoone he sent for me, and I had conference with him
againe, and musick. Likewise on the Tuesday, by three of the clock,
he sent for me into his garden, finding him layed upon a silk bed,
complaining of a sore leg; yet, after long conference, he walked
into another orchard, whereas having a fair banketing house, and a
great water, and a new gallie in it, he went aboard the gallie, and
tooke me with him, and passed the space of two or three houres,
shewing the great experience he had in gallies, wherein (as he
said) he had exercised himselfe eighteene yeares in his youth.
After supper he shewed me his horses, and other co'modities that he
had about his house; and since that night I have not seene him, for
that he hath kept in with his sore legg; but he hath sent to me
501 dayly. The 18th of June, at six of the clock at night, I had againe
audience of the King, and I continued with him, till midnight,
having debated, as well for the Queenes co'mission, as for the
well-dealing with her merchants for their traffick here in these
parts, saying, he would do much more for the Queenes Ma'tie and the
Realme; offering that all English ships with her subjects may with
good securitie enter into his ports and dominions, as well in trade
of merchandize, as for victuall and water, as also in time of warr
with any of her enemies, to bring in prizes, and to make sales as
occasion should serve, or else to depart againe with them at theire
pleasure. Likewise for all English ships that shall passe along his
Coast of Barbary, and threw the Streights into the Levant seas, and
so to the Turks dominions, and the King of Algiers, as his owne;
and that he would write to the Turke, and to the King of Algiers,
his letters for the well using of our ships and goods. Also, that
hereafter no Englishman that by any meanes may be taken captives,
shall be sold within any of his dominions; whereupon I declared
that the Queenes Ma'tie, accepting of these his offers, was pleased
to confirme the intercourse and trade of our Merchants within this
his countrey, as also to pleasure him with such commodities as he
should have need of, to furnish the necessities and wants of his
country in trade of merchandize, so as he required nothing contrary
to her honour and law, and the breach of league with the Christian
502 Princes her neighbours. The same night I presented the King with
the case of combes, and desired his Ma'tie to have speciall regard
that the ships might be Iaden back againe, for that I found little
store of salt-peter in readinesse in John Bampton's hands; he
answered me, that I should have all the assistance therein that he
could, but that in[294] Sus he thought to have some store in his
house there, as also that the Mountainers had made much in a
readinesse; I requested that he would sende downe, which he
promised to doe. The eighteenth day I was with him againe, and so
continued there till night; and he shewed me his house, with
pastime in ducking with water spaniels, and baiting bulls with his
English doggs. At this time I moved him againe for the sending
downe to Sus, which he granted to doe; and the 24th day there
departed Alcayde Mammie, with Lionell Egerton, and Rowland Guy, to
Sus; and carried with them, for our accounts and his company, the
Kings letters to his brother Muly Hammet, and Alcayde Shavan, and
the Viceroy. The 23d day the King sent me out of Morocco to his
garden called Shersbonare, with his guard and Alcayde Mamoute; and
the 24th at night I came to the Court to see a Morris-dance, and a
play of his Alkaids; he promised me audience the next day, being
503 Tuesday, but he putt it off 'till Thursday; and the Thursday at
night I was sent for to the King after supper, and then he sent
Alcayde Rodwan and Alcayde Gowry to conferr with me; but, after a
little talk, I desired to be brought to the King for my dispatch.
And being brought to him,. I preferred two bills of John Bampton's,
which he had made for provision of salt-peter, also two bills for
the quiet traffique of our English Merchants, and bills for sugars
to be made by the Jewes, as well for the debts past, as hereafter,
and for good order in the Ingenios. Also I moved him againe for the
salt-peter, and other dispatches, which he referred to be agreed
upon by the two Alcaydes. But the Fryday, being the 20th, the
Alcaydes could not intend it, and upon Saturday Alcayde Rodwan fell
sick; so on Sunday wee made meanes to the King, and that afternoone
I was sent for to conferre upon the bargaine with the Alcaydes and
others; but did not agree. Upon Tuesday I wrote a letter to the
King for my dispatch; and the same afternoone I was called againe
to the Court, and referred all things to the King, accepting his
offer of salt-peter. That night againe the King had me into his
gallie, and the spaniels did hunt the duck. The Thursday I was
appointed to weigh the 300 quintals grosse of salt-peter,, and that
afternoone the Tabybe came unto me to my lodging, shewing me that
the King was offended with John Bampton for divers causes. The
504 Sunday night late, being the 7th July, I got the King to forgive
all to John Bampton, and the King promised me to speake againe with
me upon Monday. Upon Tuesday I wrote to him againe for my dispatch,
and then he sent Fray Lewes to me, and said, that he had order to
write. Upon Wednesday I wrote againe; and he sent me word that I
should come and be dispatched, so that I should depart upon Fryday
without faile, being the 12th July. So the Fryday after, according
to the Kings order and appointment, I went to the Court; and
whereas motion and petition was made for the confirmac'on of the
demands which I had preferred, they were all granted, and likewise
which were on the behalfe of our English Merchants requested, were
with great favour and readinesse yeilded unto. And whereas the
Jewes there resident, were to our men in certaine round sum'es
indebted, the Emperor's pleasure and co'mandment was, that they
should without further excuse or delay pay and discharge the same.
And thus at length I was dismissed with great honour and speciall
countenance, such as hath not ordinarily bene shewed to other
Embassadors of the Christians. And touching the private affairs
intreated upon betwixt her Ma'tie and the Emperour, I had letters
from him to satisfie her Highnesse therein. So to conclude, having
received the like honourable conduct from his Court, as I had for
my part at my first landing, I imbarked myself with my foresaid
505 company; and arriving not long after in England, I repaired to her
Ma'ties Court, and ended my embassage to her Highnesses good
liking, with relation of my service performed."

[Footnote 293: The Tensift.]

[Footnote 294: Great quantities of superior saltpetre are
produced at Terodant in Suse.]

_Letter from the Author to Macvey Napier, Esq. F.R.S.L. and E._

Sir, London, 17th January, 1818.

Having read, with considerable satisfaction, your very able and
judicious dissertation respecting Africa, in the new Supplement to
the Encyclopedia Britannica, I will take the liberty to offer some
animadversions that have occurred to me in the perusal of that very
interesting article.

_Bahr Kûlla_ I conceive to be an immerged country, of considerable
extent, similar to Wangara; for the name, which is Arabic, implies
as much. The correct orthography, translated literally into English
is _Bahr Kûlha_, which signifies the sea, wholly or altogether,
implying, therefore, an alluvial country.

Respecting goat-skins dyed red or yellow, these are not brought by
caravans from central Africa to Marocco, but are manufactured at
Marocco, Fas, Mequinas, and Terodant the metropolis of Suse, from
which manufactories they are conveyed to the interior regions for
sale. Goat-skins, with the hair, in the raw state only, are
exported from Mogodor to England.
506
When Moore asserted that there was no such river as the Niger, he
evidently meant that the _natives of Africa_ knew it not by that
name; which is undoubtedly correct; for the word being an European
word, it would not be known in Africa: but its translation into
Arabic is _Bahar El Abeed_, i. e. the river of Negroes. Edrissi
called it Niger, from the same motive, viz. because it was so named
by _Europeans_, and by them only.

I conceive that the hypothesis which has been credited by some,
viz. that there is no receptacle for the two Niles, between Cashna
and Timbuctoo, must now necessarily fall to the ground; since the
sea of Sudan, first declared by me to be between Cashna and
Timbuctoo, and since confirmed by Ali Bey, and by Park, in his
second journey, can (as I apprehend) no longer be doubted: and it
is not improbable that this is the common receptacle of the Nile of
the West and the Nile of the East. This hypothesis is strengthened
by the testimony of the Shereef Imhammed, who has said, that he
himself saw the Nile, at Cashna, flowing so rapidly westward, that
vessels could not stem the current. If this be true, the [295]_Ba
Sea Feena_ of Park, which is only another name for the _Sea of
Sudan_, must lie west of Cashna, and, probably, about the same
507 point that it is stated by me to be situated, viz. fifteen journeys
of horse-travelling, or from 400 to 450 British miles east of
Timbuctoo.

[Footnote 295: The Arabic orthography is _Bahar S'feena_ which
being literally translated into English, signifies the Sea of
Ships.]

The word _Djinawa_ is the African word that denominates Guinea, but
I cannot imagine that it was ever intended to signify Gana. (See
Supplement to Encyclopædia Britannica, p. 104.)

You say there are, in Africa, two rivers to which the name of
_Niger_ has been given: this is evidently an error, but possibly of
the press only. There are, however, two rivers in Africa to which
the name of _Neel_ has been given.

The Proceedings of the African Association, vol. i. p. 540, declare
that the Nile is a name applied in Africa to any great river; but
as this assertion is calculated to produce confusion in the
geographical elucidation of the interior of that continent, and as
it certainly is not the fact, I must here beg leave to contradict
it, and declare that there are absolutely but two rivers in Africa,
that bear the name Neel or Nile, viz. the Neel El Kabeer, Neele
Sudan, or Neel El Abeed, i.e. the great Nile, the Nile of Sudan or
the Nile of the Negroes; and Neele Masser, i.e. the Nile of
Egypt.[296]

[Footnote 296: _Nile_ is a French term, and loses its proper
pronunciation and is unintelligible when pronounced by an
Englishman to an African; but if written _Neel_, and pronounced
by an Englishman, it is intelligible.]

If my knowledge of the African Arabic can be of any service in
508 giving you the signification or correct orthography of African
words, in the event of your favouring the public with a future
edition of your New Supplement to the Encyclopædia Britannica, any
information that I can communicate to you will be very much at your
service; and you may in this and in any other respect that regards
Africa freely command my services.

_Observations on an Historical Account of Discoveries and Travels
in Africa, by the late John Leyden, M.D., by Hugh Murray, Esq.
F.R.S.E._

TO HUGH MURRAY ESQ. F.R.S.E.

Sir,
London, Feb. 1818.

You have certainly rendered to your country a service, in the
publication of "The Travels and Discoveries in Africa, of the late
John Leyden," the perusal of which has been to me a fund of
instruction and entertainment; it is a most valuable work, and such
a one as was wanted by the literary world, inasmuch as the
judicious collection of the matter forms a most valuable epitome of
African knowledge, collecting what was before distributed into many
folios.

I anticipate that the information in this work, communicated to the
public, will soon be circulated, and you will be called upon to
supply a second edition. In the mean time, I take the liberty of
submitting to your perusal a few cursory observations which I have
509 made during the perusal of it, on the accuracy of which you may
assuredly rely. These apply for the most part to Arabian words,
which have been by the moderns, as well as the ancients variously
corrupted and mutilated. Desirous (for the information of those who
really seek after African knowledge) that this book will pass
through many editions. I am, &c.

JAMES GREY JACKSON.

_Cursory Observations_.

"The _Ludaia_, are not inhabitants of _Ludama_, they are a very
numerous and warlike tribe of Arabs, inhabiting the Sahara, of
which there are two or three emigrations or encampments in
different and distant parts of Sahara; the Emperor of Marocco has
some thousands of them in his army, and they are esteemed (next to
the negroes, called Abeed Seedy Bukaree) his best troops. See the
Map of the tracts from Fas and Arguin to Timbuctoo, facing page 1.
Lat. N. 24°. long. W. 3°.

"This serpent is the _Bûska_, described in Jackson's enlarged
Account of Marocco, &c. p. 109. Providence has afforded to man an
opportunity of evading the attack of this deadly animal; for when
it coils itself up, and by the strength of its tail darts forward
fifteen or twenty yards at once, the person attacked, by watching
vigilantly its motions, evades the attack, by moving only a short
distance from the right line, in which it is prepared to dart
510 forwards; neither can the _Bûska_ govern itself in the extent of
its movement, but necessarily goes as far as its strength will
permit, and then coils itself up again in a circular form, again
erects its head, and darts a second time to its object. I have
conversed with Arabs, who have been attacked by this monster, and
they have assured me, that, by vigilantly watching its motion, and
the direction of its head, when preparing to dart forward, they may
escape its attack.[297]

"It is not correct to assert that _Nasari is a general term_,
applied to infidels in Muhamed; it is applied to Christians only.
_Kaffer is the general term_ applied to all who have not faith in
the Arabian Prophet.[298]

"That which you call the Talk Tree, is the tree which produces the
Barbary gum; the name is _talh_.[299]"

[Footnote 297: Vide Leyden's Africa, p. 306.]

[Footnote 298: Ibid, p. 429.]

[Footnote 299: Ibid. 204.]

"The _Keydenah_.--This is the Sudanic name for the tree which
produces the Argan nut, or olive, the _kernel_ of which resembles a
bitter almond, and from _it_, not from the shell, they extract the
oil, so celebrated for frying fish, and for burning; a pint of
which will afford light as long as two pints of olive oil.

"The She plant, or properly Sheh is not wild thyme, nor does it
resemble it, it is the wormseed plant, the seed of which is an
511 article of exportation, from the ports of Marocco, The sheh
resembles the absynthum. The wild thyme is called _zatar_, also an
article of exportation from the ports of the Marocco empire.[300]

"The _Alsharra_ signifies the Book of Laws of Muhamed.[301]

"_Gebel Ramlie_ should be written _Jibbel Rummelie_, i.e. the Sandy
Mountain.[302]

"The Elwah [303]Elgarbie is inhabited by the Maggrebee Arabs. My
late friend, Muley Abd Salam, elder brother to Muley Soliman, the
reigning Emperor of Marocco, had a very large estate in this Wah,
called Santariah. In the 1793d year of the Christian era, he sent
his friend and servant Alkaid Muhammed ben Abd Saddack, late
governor of Mogodor, to effect the sale of this estate. He was
absent on this embassy two years and three months.[304]

"_Sheb_ is the Arabic for alum, the correct orthography is
_Shib_.[305]

"_Marybucks_ should be _Marabet_, i.e. Priests, or Holy
Muhamedans.[306]

"The primitive plough is used in all the African countries
inhabited by the Arabs, or their descendants; the negroes, however,
use the hoe." [307]

[Footnote 300: Vide Leyden's Africa, p. 312.]

[Footnote 301: Ibid, p. 334.]

[Footnote 302: Ibid, p. 398.]

[Footnote 303: Let the African traveller be careful to
pronounce these g's guttural خ]

[Footnote 304: Ibid, p. 399.]

[Footnote 305: Ibid. ibid.]

[Footnote 306: Ibid. p. 225.]

[Footnote 307: Ibid. p. 227.]
512
"The Mouselmines is a French corruption of the term Muselman, i.e.
Mohamedans.

"Mongearts, i.e. Moguert, the g guttural.

"Ouadelim, i.e. Wooled Deleim, or the sons of Deemy.

"Labdessebah, i.e. Woled Abbusebah, 'the sons of Abbusebah.'[308]

"Wed de Non, i.e. Wedinoon.

"The herb, with a decoction of which they dye their nails and
hands, is called by the Arabs _El Henna_: it imparts a coolness and
softness to the hands, and diminishes the excessive perspiration
incident to warm climates.[309]

"Hooled ben Soliman ought to be Woled ben Soliman, 'the sons of the
sons of Soliman;' and Benioled, should be Ben El Waled, 'the sons
of Elwaled.'[310]

"The small beautiful species of deer, is the _El Horreh:_ it is an
inhabitant of the confines of the Saharah; it is said never to lie
down. It produces the anti-poison called bezoar stone, (called in
the Arabic _Bide El Horrek_, i.e. the testicle of the Horreh.) This
is an article of commerce at Santa Cruz, and Wedinoon. The back and
sides of the skins of these animals are of a red brown, and of a
vivid white underneath." [311]

[Footnote 308: Vide Leyden's Africa, p. 262.]

[Footnote 309: Ibid. p. 291.]

[Footnote 310: Ibid. p. 299.]

[Footnote 311: Ibid. p. 303.]

513
TO JAMES GREY JACKSON, ESQ.

Sir,

Edinburgh, May 3. 1818.

I have lately been favoured with two communications from you:--the
one a letter to Mr. Napier, editor of the Encyclopædia Britannica,
on the subject of the article _Africa_, of which I was the author,
and which Mr. Napier, therefore, put into my hands; the other, a
letter direct to myself, on the subject of my edition of "Leyden's
Discoveries in Africa." I fully intended to have answered them
before now, but the pressure of other business, with the wish to
bestow upon them the leisurely consideration which they merited,
has hitherto prevented me. I feel much gratified by the favourable
opinion which you express of what I have done on this subject, and
much obliged to you for your communications, and offers of further
information. I experienced very much the disadvantage arising from
a want of knowledge of the languages of North Africa, with which
you appear to have a _very extensive acquaintance. Indeed, several
of the etymologies which you have given, are very interesting_. I
was particularly pleased to receive that of the term _Ba Sea
Feena_, though I cannot conceal that it tends to strengthen the
doubts which I have entertained of its applying to the sea on the
Gold Coast. The distance, the direction southwards, the Christians,
the motion one way and another, and even the ships, are all
514 circumstances which would agree. There are arguments, however,
against it; and it is certain that Park did not so understand it.
Do you think there is any chance that the Bahr Soudan could be the
Gulf of Guinea?

If you are acquainted with any circumstances which could tend to
confirm or refute the narrative of Sidi Hamet, as given by Riley,
or throw light upon Riley's general credibility; or if you have
ever heard any report of such a city as _Wassanah_, I should feel
particularly obliged to you for communicating such information: and
whenever I find myself at a loss, I shall gladly avail myself of
the liberality with which you show yourself disposed to impart the
knowledge of which you have become possessed.

I shall communicate this letter to Mr. Napier; and it is but fair
to mention, that, from the circumstances already stated, I am
solely responsible for the too long delay which has taken place in
answering your letter to him, as well as that to myself.

HUGH MURRAY.

_On the Niger and the Nile._

London, 7th April, 1820.

In the 25th number of the Quarterly Review, (article Park's
Travels,) the hypothesis there laid down as almost indisputable, is
515 the non-continuity of the two Niles of Africa, or (according to the
European phraseology of the day) of the Niger and the Nile.

This hypothesis founded on the opinion of Major Rennel, carries
with it no evidence whatever, but the speculative theory of that
learned geographer. The identity or connection of the two Niles,
and the consequent water communication between[312] Cairo and
Timbuctoo receives (supposing the Quarterly Review to be correct),
as our intelligence respecting Africa increases, additional
confirmation: and even the Quarterly Reviewer, who denominated the
opinion recorded by me, the gossipping stories of Negroes, (_vide_
Quarterly Review, No. 25, p. 140.) now favours this opinion!

The Quarterly Reviewer appreciates Burckhardt's information on this
subject, and depreciates mine, _although both are derived from the
same sources of[313] intelligence, and confirm one another_: the
reviewer says, Mr. Burckhardt has revived a question of older date;
viz. "that the Niger of Sudan and the Nile of Egypt are one and the
same river: this general testimony to a physical fact can be shaken
only by direct proof to the contrary."

[Footnote 312: _Vide_ Jackson's enlarged Account of Marocco, p.
310.]

[Footnote 313: _i. e_. Intelligence from natives of Africa.]

This is all very well: I do not object to the Quarterly Reviewer
giving up an opinion which he finds no longer tenable; but when I
see in the same review (No. 44, p. 481.) the following words,--"we
516 give no credit whatever to the report received by Mr. Jackson, of a
person (several Negroes[314], it should be) having performed a
voyage by water from Timbuctoo to Cairo," I cannot but observe with
astonishment, that the Reviewer believes Burckhardt's report, that
they are the same river, when, at the same time he does not believe
mine.

[Footnote 314: _Vide_ Jackson's enlarged Account of Marocco, p.
312.]

Is there not an inconsistency here, somewhat incompatible with the
impartiality which _ought_ to regulate the works of criticism? I
will not for a moment suppose it to have proceeded from a spirit of
animosity, which I feel myself unconscious of deserving. But the
reviewer further says, the objection to the identity of the Niger
and the Nile, is grounded on the incongruity of their periodical
inundations, or on the rise and fall of the former river not
corresponding with that of the latter. I do not comprehend whence
the Quarterly Reviewer has derived this information; I have always
understood the direct contrary, which I have declared in the
enlarged editions of my account of Marocco, page 304, which has
been confirmed by a most intelligent African traveller, Ali Bey,
(for which see his travels, page 220.)

I may be allowed to observe, that although the Quarterly Reviewer
has changed his opinion on this matter, I have invariably
maintained mine, founded as it is on the concurrent testimony of
the best informed and most intelligent native African travellers,
517 and I still assert, on the same foundation, _the identity of the
two Niles, and their continuity of waters_.

I have further to remark what will most probably ere long prove
correct; viz. that the _Bahar Abiad_[315], that is to say, the
river that passes through the country of Negroes, between Senaar
and Donga, is an erroneous appellation, originating in the general
ignorance among European travellers of the African Arabic, and that
the proper name of this river is Bahar Abeed, which is another term
for the river called the Nile-el-Abeed, which passes south of
Timbuctoo towards the east (called by Europeans the Niger).

It therefore appears to me, and I really think it must appear to
every unbiassed investigator of African geography, that every iota
of African discovery, made successively, by Hornemann[316],
Burckhardt, and others, tends to confirm _my water communication
between Timbuctoo and Cairo_, and the theorists and speculators in
African geography, who have heaped hypothesis upon hypothesis,
error upon error, who have raised splendid fabrics upon pillars of
ice, will ere long close their book, and be compelled, by the force
of truth and experience, to admit the fact stated about twelve
years ago by me in my account of Marocco, &c. viz. _that the Nile
518 of Sudan and the Nile of Egypt are identified by a continuity of
waters, and that a water communication is provided by these two
great rivers from Timbuctoo to Cairo_; and moreover, that the
general African opinion, _that the Neel-el-Abeed_ (Niger)
_discharges itself into the_ (Bahar el Mâleh) _Salt Sea, signifies
neither more nor less than that it discharges itself at the Delta
in Egypt, into the Mediterranean Sea_!

JAMES GREY JACKSON.

[Footnote 315: Bahar Abiad signifies White River; Bahar Abeed
signifies River of Negroes.]

[Footnote 316: _Vide_ my letter in Monthly Magazine on this
subject for March, 1817, p. 124.]

APPENDIX

BEING HISTORICAL FRAGMENTS IN ELUCIDATION OF
THE FOREGOING PAGES.

_First Expedition on Record to Timbuctoo.--Timbuctoo and Guago captured
by Muley Homed, (son of Muley Abdelmelk, commonly called Muley
Melk[317], or Muley Moluck,) in the 16th Century, (about the Year
1580_.)

[Footnote 317: See the Spectator, No. 349.]

Muley Abdelmelk, commonly called Muley Moluck, in 1577, A.C. fought the
celebrated battle with Don Sebastian, King of Portugal, near Alkassar,
which is at a short distance from L'Araich, wherein Don Sebastian was
killed; and Abdelmelk being, before the battle, extremely ill, his son
Muley Hamed went to his litter, to communicate to the Emperor his
father, that the Moors had gained the victory, when he found his father
dead and cold. Muley Hamed concealed this event till the battle was
over; and was then proclaimed Emperor, and reigned twenty-six years: he
cultivated the arts and sciences, mathematics and astronomy, which last
was of essential service to him in crossing the Sahara to Timbuctoo and
Guago; during which perilous journey the compass is so indispensable,
that there is no certainty of travelling without it. He lost some
thousands in this expedition; but if gold could recompense the waste of
human life, he was rewarded for his journey of abstinence and privation
across the Sahara, for he brought from Guago seventy-five quintals, and
from Timbuctoo sixty quintals, of gold-dust, making together one hundred
and thirty-five quintals, or 16,065 lb. English avoir-du-poids weight of
gold.

_A Library of Arabic Manuscripts taken by the Spaniards,--Contests among
Christians reprimanded._

Muley Sidan, son of Muley Hamed, disputed the throne of Marocco, A.C.
1611, with three brothers, one of whom was supported by the Spaniards,
whose succour was purchased by his delivering into their hands the port
of L'Araich, soon after which they gained a naval victory over the
forces of Sidan, which was very disastrous to the Africans; for the
Spaniards, besides other plunder, got possession of 3000 Arabic books,
on theology, philosophy, and medicine. Sidan, however, notwithstanding
this disaster, maintained his right to the crown. He was of a liberal
and charitable mind. He protected and granted to the Christians various
privileges; but _he ordered that Christians of all sects, and
denominations should live in peace one with another_.

One day, some (_Userah_) Christian slaves of Provence, in France, who
were Catholics, had a controversial dispute with others from Rochelle,
who were Calvinists. This dispute ended in a violent contest,
accompanied with blows on either side; this scene excited the curiosity
of the Muselmen, who were surprised to see Christians thus fight among
themselves on points of their own law! The report of this battle was
carried to Sidan, who ordered all these slaves to be brought before him.
He condemned some to a bastinado, which was inflicted in his presence.
He then addressed them thus:--"I command you all, on pain of death, not
to dispute in future on the various dogmas of your law: every one has
the presumption to think _himself_ right; and as I allow every
individual in my dominions to follow the religion that he chooses for
himself; _slaves ought to have among themselves the same toleration_".

_Muley El Arsheed, (a second Expedition to Timbuctoo and Sudan.)_

This Sultan preceded the renowned Muley Ismael, on the throne of
Marocco: he united to great ability the most ferocious disposition, and
was continually inebriated.--He crossed the Sahara to Timbuctoo, with a
numerous army, about the year of Christ 1670; proceeding to _Suse_, he
laid siege to the Sanctuary of _Seedi Aly ben Aidar_, near _Ilirgh_:
Seedi Aly, making his escape in disguise, fled to Sudan, whither he was
followed by Muley El Arsheed, who, on his arrival on the confines of
Sudan, between Timbuctoo and Jinnie, was met by a numerous host of
Negroes, commanded by a black sultan: the Emperor demanded Aly ben
Aidar; but the sultan of Bambarra replied, that, as he had claimed his
protection, it would be an infringement on the laws of hospitality to
deliver him up, adding, that he desired to know if the views of El
Arsheed were hostile or not; to which the latter replied, after
endeavouring in vain to procure the person of Aly, that he was not come
hostilely, but was about to return, which he forthwith did: and the
Bambareen sultan, having received from Aly two beautiful renegade
virgins, was so much flattered with the present, that he promised him
any thing that he should ask; whereupon, he requested permission to go
to Timbuctoo, and to settle there with his numerous followers; which
being granted, he proceeded thither, and having established a Moorish
garrison, resided there several, months, and afterwards returned to
Barbary, bringing with him many thousand Bambareen negroes: but, on his
reaching Suse, he heard of the death of Muley El Arsheed, and having
then no farther occasion for these negroes, he dismissed them. They went
to various parts of the country, serving the inhabitants in order to
procure daily subsistence; but the arch-politician Muley Ismael, who had
then recently been proclaimed as his successor, ordered them to be
collected together, and incorporated in his negro army, which was,
however, before this, very numerous, consisting for the most part of
blacks, brought away from Sudan by Muley El Arsheed the preceding year.
The Sultan Ismael also seized this opportunity of establishing his
authority at Timbuctoo, and he met with little or no opposition in
putting that place under contribution. Having sent fresh troops to
occupy the Moorish garrison there, the inhabitants were glad to make a
contribution, in exchange for the protection and power which it afforded
them; for previous to this, they had been subject to continual
depredations, from the Arabs of the adjacent country, to whom they had
been compelled to pay tribute, as a security for their caravans, which
were constantly passing the country of these Arabs, who are of the race
of Brabeesh. In the year 1727, A.C. when Ismael died, it is reported
that he possessed an immense quantity of gold, of the purity of which,
his gold coins, to be seen at this day at Timbuctoo, bear testimony; it
is also said, that the massive bolts of his palaces were of pure gold,
as well as the utensils of his kitchens. After his decease, however, the
tribute was discontinued, and the Moorish garrison at Timbuctoo,
intermarrying with the natives, and dispersing themselves in the
neighbouring country, has given to Timbuctoo that tincture of Muselman
manners, which they are known to possess; their descendants forming, at
this period, a considerable portion of the population of Timbuctoo.

_Third Expedition to Timbuctoo and Sudan_.

Muley Ismael died of an abscess in 1727, and was succeeded by his
youngest son Muley Hamed Dehebby, a most avaricious prince, whose
treasure, collected in his government during the life of his father,
amounted to ten millions; to which was now added his father's treasury,
amounting to fifty millions, besides jewels and diamonds to a much
larger amount.

Dehebby[318], sanguinary and cruel when sober, was mild, affable, and
humane when intoxicated: unlike Muselmen, he believed not in
predestination, but had always several surgeons and doctors in his
suite, and consulted them with the most unlimited confidence when ill.
He decorated the palace of Marocco: in one of the apartments of the
seraglio, of which he had had painted, in a superior style, the twelve
signs of the zodiac; for which his ignorant and bigoted subjects accused
him of having conspired against the Deity, in imitating, by gross and
ill-formed images, the works of the Almighty. This prince was an
intolerable drunkard; so that the Marabets and chiefs of the empire
called Abdelmelk to the throne, whom they enabled to take possession of
Mequinas. This prince, anticipating the revenge of Dehebby, proposed to
deprive him of his eye-sight; but the Marabets and chiefs opposed this
resolution and replied to him in the following words:--"It is not for
his crimes that we have deposed thy brother, but for his continual
intoxication, which prevented him from watching over the government and
his officers: he has therefore only been guilty of weakness, which is
not a punishable crime." Abdelmelk dared not push his point, but was
contented to send his brother to the (_Bled Shereef_), country of
princes, i.e. Tafilelt. Before Dehebby was dethroned, he marched with a
numerous army across Sahara, to Timbuctoo, of which he took possession,
and brought home immense quantities of gold.

[Footnote 318: His proper name was Muley Hamed ben Ismael, the name
Dehebby is figurative of his riches in gold.]

1730.--Muley Hamed Dehebby dying, should have been succeeded by his son
Muley Bouffer; but money and intrigue gave power to Abdallah, a son of
Muley Ismael, who was proclaimed in spite of the efforts of his nephew,
whom he attacked at Terodant, the capital of Suse. Bouffer was taken,
together with a Marabet, his confidential friend and counsellor.
Abdallah ordered them both to be brought before him.--"Thou art young,"
said he to his nephew; "thou hadst imprudently undertaken more than thou
couldst accomplish; and in consideration of thy youth and inexperience,
I pardon thee, but I will be revenged of thy counsellor." Then turning
himself to the Marabet, "Thou, art a rebel," said he. "Didst thou
imagine that thy sacred character, which thou hast abused against thy
(_Seed_) Lord or King would prevent him from punishing thee? Let us see
if thy sanctity will turn the edge of my sword."--In uttering these
words, he struck off the saint's head.

I N D E X.

* * * * *

ABDELMELK, the prince, moral reflection on his expensive apparel,
79. Is sent to Tafilelt, 80.
_Abolition_ of Slavery depends on the Africans themselves, not on
our naval force or operations, 270.
_Abstinence_ experienced in the Sahara, 353. Means used to support
it. Effects of, 354.
_Abbuselah Woled_, Arabs of, 138.
_Abdrahaman ben Nassar_, bashaw of Abda, interview with, 136.
_Abdsalam_, prince, departs for Tafilelt, through Draha and Bled el
jereed, 149.
_Abeed_, 481. Seedi Bukaree, emperor's body guard, 481.
_Aboukir_, battle of, its consequence to muselmen, 101.
_Acephali_, 198.
_Africa_, plan for the discovery of, 201.
_African_ Association, Institution, &c. recommended to unite their
energies and operations to cultivate a commercial intercourse with
Africa, 228. The same recommended an a large scale, 249. African
Company, a plan for, 251. African Association, disastrous
expeditions of, 258. An union of the African interests beneficial,
271. African duplicity exemplified, 293. African Association might
find the son of Ali Bey an acquisition in promoting their views, 304.
_African_ names, how pronounced, 491.
_Agadeer_, or Santa Cruz, port of, opened to Dutch commerce, 55.
Apprehensions at Mogodor from the establishment of Santa Cruz, 56.
Conveniently situated for the markets of Sudan. Denominated the gate
of Sudan, 56. Port of, farmed by Muley Ismael, 57. Author's arrival
at, to open the port to European commerce. Wretched state of its
inhabitants. Honourable reception of the author there, 59.
Disgraceful custom abolished by the author, 60. Propensity to
commerce among the people of Suse. Sanctuary at the entrance of the
town. Privilege of riding in and out of the town established by the
author, for Christians of all denominations, 61. Commercial road
made by the author down the mountain to facilitate the shipment of
merchandise, 62. The spirit of the natives in working at it. Happy
influence of commerce and industry on the people. Portuguese tower
in the neighbourhood, 63. Description of the town, 64. Strength of,
and convenient situation for a depôt, 65. Mitferes, depositaries for
water, 65. Attempt of the Danes to establish a colony in its
vicinage, at Agadeer Arba. Battery at, 66. Safe road for shipping.
Inhabitants friendly to the English, 67. Port of, shut by the
Emperor, and the garrison and merchants ordered to go to Marocco,
and from thence to quit the country or establish at Mogodor, 79.
Negociation for the port of, from the emperor, 246.
_Agricultural_ property, division of, 330. Agriculture, 339.
_Aisawie_, or charmers of serpents described, 430.
_Ait Attar_, or Attarites, an independent kabyl or clan, 311.
_Akka_, 7. Depôt for camels, 248.
_Akkaba_, kaffilas, or caravans to Timbuctoo, where eligible to be
established, 263.
_Akkaba_, what, 345.
_Akkad_, its signification, 411.
_Alk Sudan_, what, 345.
_Altitude_ of the Atlas mountains, 93, 94.
_Ali Bey_, an account of; 297. Suspicions entertained respecting
him. His magnificent mode of living. Excites the suspicion of the
governor of Marocco, 300. He is prevented from visiting the Atlas
mountains, 301. He is favoured by the emperor, 302. Stratagem
practised to ascertain what religion he followed. Ordered to embark
at Laraich. Is separated from his wife. Her conduct. He predicts an
eclipse, 303. Passes for a learned man. Suspected to be an agent of
Bonaparte. His son resides at Fas, patronised by the Marabet Muley
Dris or Idris, 304.
_Algiers_, attack of, recommended to the Emperor of Marocco, 283.
_Almonds_, plantations of, 74.
_Ambassador_, British, the author's interview with. Great
honor shown to him on his entry into Tangier, 127.
_Amber_, manufactured imitation of, at Fas, 126. 216.
_Amaranites_, or Ait Amaran, a tribe of Berebbers, 124.
_Amak_, the poet, his sumptuous style of living, 353.
_Amorites_, of the, 475.
------, or Ait Amor, 122. Descendants of the ancient Amorites, 124.
Anecdotes of, 193.
_Amusements_ of Europeans at Marocco, 89.
_Anachronism_ of the author misapplied, 442.
_Angola_, natives of, how converted to Christianity, 442.
_Anti-commercial_ system, 211.
_Antiperistasis_ of the Africans, how promoted, 230.
_Antimony_ mines, 331.
_Anecdote_ of an Emperor, 307.
_Anecdotes_, fragments, and notes, 276.
_Antithesis_, a favourite figure with the Arabs, 349.
_Apparel_ of the emperor, plain and simple, 79.
_Arabs_, cookery of, 64. Riches of, in what they consist, 247. Dance
and music, 140. Abstinence of, 141. Beauty of their women, 142.
Patriarchal life of, 143. 196. Arab royalty personified, 195.
Customs of, 244. Of Sahara, hostile to those who do not understand
their language, 262. The manners of, resemble those of the
patriarchal ages, 276. The study of their language and customs the
best comment on the Old Testament, 276. Their territory and origin,
328. Decay of science and arts among, 352.
------, sheiks of, hold themselves accountable for the property,
baggage, &c. of travellers, 233.
_Arabic_ document distributed by Mr. Bowdich in Africa, to the
natives, unintelligible, 492.
------, language, on the, 471. The language of Palestine resembles
that of West Barbary, 473.
----------, general utility of, a practical knowledge of in Africa,
258. On the language, 357. Arabian music, 318. Arabic grammar,
errors in Richardson's, 351. Pure Arabic, where spoken, 351. Arabian
modes of writing, 350, Errors committed by professors of, who have
not a practical knowledge of the language, 39.
----------, universality of the, 473.
------, translations of documents in, furnished to government by the
author, 407.
------, manuscripts, 3000 taken by the Spaniards, 520.
------, interpreter, the author officiates as, with the prince Muley
Teib, 192.
_Architecture_ described, 90. Gothic prevails, 271.
_Argan_ tree, and oil of, 510.
------, trees, oil of the, productive of leprosy if not properly
prepared, 91.
_Ashantee_, intercourse through, with Timbuctoo objectionable, and
why, 249.
_Atlas_, foot of, a productive country, 74. Table land in, and
produce of, 75. Narrow defile or pass, 76. Calculated altitude of, 93.
_Attarites_, or Ait Attar, a tribe of Berebbers, 124.
_Audiences_ of the emperor, introductory, of business, of leave or
departure, 89.
_Author's_ intelligence respecting the interior of Africa,
considered valuable, 99.
------, travels in disguise, 136.
_Azamore_, 110.

_Bab_ Sudan, 456.
_Badge_ of distinction worn by the lepers, 91.
_Bahar_ Segrer, the Mediterranean designated by that term, 489.
------, Sudan, corroborative testimony of its situation, 450, 451, 465.
----------, situation of, 436.
------, Kulla, explanation of the term, 444. Ditto of Bahar Sudan, 448.
------, El Kabeer, or Bahar Addolum, Atlantic Ocean designated by
that name, 489.
------, El Abeed, not Bahar El Abiad, 517.
_Ba_ Scafeena, of Park, synonymous with the sea of Sudan, 450, 465.
----------, of Park, synonymous with the sea of Sudan, properly
called Bahar S'feena, 506.
_Bank_, in West Barbary, recommended, 237.
_Banks_, Sir Joseph's letter to Mr. Dickson, respecting the death of
Mungo Park, a passage in it confirmed only in Mr. Jackson's
translation of the Shereef Ibrahim's account of that traveller's
death, brought by Mr. Bowdich from Ashantee, but not in Mr. Salemé's
translation, 425. The author's translation, 409.
_Barbary_, conquered by the Romans, by the Vandals, by the Greeks,
by the Arabs, 458. Partial conquest of by the Portuguese and
Spaniards, 458.
--------, travelling in, 293.
_Bashaw_ of Abda, interview with, 136.
_Bedouins_, emigration of. Camel's milk, their food, 203. Domestic
looms of. Manufactures of. Custom of, 204. Mode of living. Extempore
poetry of, 205. Manners of, 206.
_Beef_, mode of preserving for food in the desert, 349.
_Berebbers_, their contest with the emperor, 308. Their territory
and language, 327. Names of their clans or tribes, 124. Specimen of
their language, 367.
_Bernou_, etymology of, 449.
_Bism illak, and El Ham'd û lillah_, signification of, 231.
_Bonaparte_, his system respecting Africa, 229.
_Bouska_, exhibition of that monstrous serpent, 451.
_Brimstone_ mines, 331.
_British_ public, address to, 253.
_Buffé_, Dr. his medical success at Marocco, 396. He is recommended
to his majesty George the Third, and his majesty is requested, by
the emperor, to return him to Gibraltar, to reside there as the
emperor's physician, 397.
_Buhellessa_, the pretender, described, 287. He is an adept in the
occult sciences, 288. He marches with 22,000 men to attack Delemy's
castle, 289. He is vanquished and beheaded, 290. His army dispersed,
his head and feet sent to the Prince Muley Abdsalam, at Santa Cruz,
290. The prince rewards the man who killed the usurper: the author
visits the field of battle, which resembled the plains of Waterloo, 291.
_Buregreg_ river, 113.
_Burkhardt_, anticipation respecting, 449.
_Butellise_, or night-blindness, described, 332.
--------, or nyctalopia, an ophthalmia that affects our seamen in
the Mediterranean, 433.
_Butter_, melted, food in the desert, 6.

_Camel_, the ship of the desert, 247.
_Caffer_, or Khaffer, signification of, 345.
_Cairo_, derivation of the name, 326.
_Canary_ language resembles the shelluh of Atlas, 381.
_Caravans_ accumulate as they proceed to the confines of Sahara, 4.
_Cape_ of Good Hope, how to preserve, and to improve its produce,
339, 340.
_Cape de Verd_, compared to Ceuta, 229.
_Ceuta_, preparation for the siege of, by the emperor Muley
Yezzid, 403.
_Christians_, harmony among, necessary to precede the conversion
of Africa, 131.
_Christian_ religion, how to propagate it in Africa, 224.
--------, impediments to its propagation, 225.
--------, the influence of its principles in Africa, 227.
_Civilisation_ of Africa, the necessary result of commerce, and the
only plan by which an expectation of the conversion of the natives
to Christianity can possibly be indulged, 263.
----------, of Africa, through commerce, the only effectual means of
abolishing the slave trade, 270.
_Civil_ war prevalent in West and in South Barbary, 279.
_Characteristic_ trait of Muhamedans, 308.
_Christians_, ordered by the emperor, on pain of death, to live
peaceably with one another, 520.
_Christ_ acknowledged by muselmen, 240.
_Circumcision_, when performed among Muhamedans, 345.
_Cobas_ described, 272.
_Colonial_ produce, consequences of the cultivation of, in Senegal
by the French, 228.
_Commercial_ intercourse with Africa favourable to the propagation
of Christianity, 227.
----------, Recommended on a large scale, 249. 251. 259.
_Commercial_ adventurer in Africa more likely to succeed than a
scientific one, 259.
_Commerce_, the key of Africa, 428.
_Communication_ with Africa to be effected by the medium of
commerce, 493.
_Connubial_ customs, 313.
_Copper_ mines, 331.
_Corn_, abundant at Dar el Beida and at Fedalla, 110.
Abundance of, in West Barbary, 208. 340.
_Couriers_, confidence reposed in them, 405.
_Coffee_ of Timbuctoo, 279.
_Consuls_ of the European powers, their residence, 130.
_Congo_, Africans of, how converted to the Christian faith, 442.
_Continental_ markets of Europe, contemplation how they will be
supplied with colonial produce, 229.
_Cuscusoe_, or more properly Kuskasoe, an excellent food, mode of
preparing it, 97.
_Customs_, Muhamedan, 230.
_Cuba_, slave-trade and produce of, increased, 270.
_Customs_ of the shelluhs of Idaultit, and laws of, remarkable, 313.
_Customs_, ceremonies at funerals, 465.

_Dances_ of the Arabs described, music of, 140. 344.
_Dates_ abundant at Tafilelt, 80.
_Dar el Beida_, a corn country, 110.
_Dead_, bodies of the, never interred in towns or in the mosques, 272.
Ceremony of interment, 273.
_Deism_, 325.
_Deef Allah_, what, 341.
_Decay_ of science and the arts among the Arabs, 352.
_Delel_, i.e. auctioneer of slaves at Marocco, 95.
_Deleim_, woled Arabs, 138.
_Decked_ vessels in the interior of Africa, 449.
_Delemy_, sheik of the Deleim Arabs, 138.
Invites the author and his companion, Signor Andrea de Christo,
to pass the night at a douar of the Woled Abbusebah Arabs, 139.
Garden of, described, 147.
Renown of, 148.
A main pillar to the throne of Marocco, 148.
Receives an exhortation from the prince Abdsalam to give battle
to the usurper Buhellessa, 288.
Dextrous in the management of a horse, 289.
_Desert_, rate of travelling through, 470.
_Dews_ of the night, how they secure themselves against,
when sleeping, 154.
_Deef Allah_, custom of uttering, 233.
_Dimenet_, in the Atlas, attacked by the emperor, 305.
_Difference_ between the oriental and occidental Arabic alphabets, 351.
_Djinawa_, definition of the name, 507.
_Distances_ from port to port, along the coast, calculated, 132.
_Discovery_ of Africa, plan for, 200.
_Disgrace_ of inhospitality, 240.
_Doctors_, itinerant, their apparatus, 242.
_Douars_, or villages of tents, described, 328.
_Draha_, province of, 2.
Hire of camels from Tafilelt to, 2.
Dates, the names of the different species, 3.
Plantations of, 3.
Inhabitants of nearly black, 2.
Character of them, 2. 7.
_Drahim_, what, 3.
_Driss Zerone Muley_, renowned sanctuary of, 118.
Author's hospitable reception there, and admission to the
adytum, 119.
_Duplicity_ of the Africans exemplified, 293. 314.

_East_ India trade, our, how likely to be affected by French
colonisation, in Senegal, 229.
_Ebekoaits_, or Ait Ebeko, a tribe of Berebbers, 124.
_Effah el_, exhibition of that venomous serpent, 453.
_Elephants_, 8.
_Elegant_ females, 142.
_Emperor_ admits an ambassador without prostration, and why, 282.
--------, Yezzid is wounded, and dies, 285.
His body exhumated, 286.
Compared to his majesty George the Fourth, 287.
_Emperor_, anecdote of one, 307.
His contest with the Berebbers, 308.
Letter from him to his bashaw of Suse respecting English seamen
wrecked on the western coast of Africa, 364.
Titles of H.I.M., 382.
Style of addressing him, 382.
_Emperor's_ letters, 384, 387, 392, 394, 395, 398, 402, 403, 405.
----, plan of reconciling catholics with protestants, 520.
----, table, simplicity of the furniture of, 96.
----, audience of business of the, 98.
Audience of leave in the garden of the Nile, 98.
_Embassy_, British, to Marocco, result of, 128.
_Encroachments_ of the French anticipated on our colonial arkets, 230.
_Encyclopedia_ Britannica, misapplication of an anachronism, 442.
The editor of has adopted the author's opinion respecting
the course of the Niger, 447.
_Epistolary_ correspondence, 382.
_Epistolary_ diction used by Muhamedans, 404.
_Equity_, case of, 312.
_Esshume_, See _Shume_.
_Euphorbium_ plant, 74.
_European_ merchants at Mogador in danger of being decollated
by order of the emperor, on a charge of high-treason, 284.

_Fas_, bankrupts, how treated at, 16.
Is the metropolis of the north, 87.
Talb Cadus, 87.
----, gold thread manufactured at, of a superior quality, 126.
Manufactures, various of, 126.
----, houses of the merchants of, described, and gardens at, 275.
Library at, 324.
_Fakeers_, or muselmen-saints excite hostility between Christians
and Muhamedans, 267.
_Fedalla_, corn country, 110.
_Fig-trees_, very large, 82.
_Food_, 316.
Food of the desert, 349.
----, of the Arabs similar to that used in the days of Abraham, 243.
_Fourban_, Comte de, anecdote of, 112, 113.
_Fragments_, notes, and anecdotes, 276.
_French_ army, landing of, in Egypt, 100.
_Fruits_ of all kinds abundant at Salee and Rabat, 114, 125.
_Fruga_, town of, 76, 78.

_Game_, plentiful. Not sold in the public market. Custom
on shooting it, 338.
Strangled, what game so called, 338.
_Garrison_ of Tangier salutes the ambassador, 127.
_Garb el_, what, so called, 2.
_Garden_, imperial, the merchants encamped at Marocco in, 88.
Names and produce of, 81.
_Geography_ of Africa, on the, 474.
_George_ IV. compared to the Emperor Muley Yezzid, 287.
----, a patron to science and the arts, 429.
_Genoa_, its indirect commerce with Timbuctoo, 254.
_Girwan ait_, or Girwanites, a tribe of Berebbers, 124.
_Gold dust_, gold bars, wrought gold, 67.
----, and bars, consignment of, to Fas from Timbuctoo, 347.
_Gold thread_, superior manufactory of, at Fas, 215.
----, of a superior quality, manufactured at Fas, 126.
_Government_, offer to it, to discover the remedy for nyctalopia, 335.
_Great Britain_, its indirect commerce with Timbuctoo, 255.
_Grored el_, or sandy desert of Mogodor, 83.
_Gum_ Sudan, 67.
Gum Barbary, 67.
Gum Euphorbium, 74.
Gum sandrac. Gum ammoniac, 67.
----, called in England, Turkey gum Arabic, 345.
_Gun-barrels_, manufacture of, 331.
_Gutta serena_, probable remedy for the cure of, 335, 336.
Galvanism, beneficial in, 336.

_Hawking_, and hunting the boar, sports followed by princes, 338.
_Hassûa el_, described, 242.
_Heirie_, Jackson's account of, confirmed by Colonel Fitzclarence, 489.
_Hel shual_, and Hel elkilleb, what, 198.
Hel ferdie, what, 200.
_Hemeralopia_, or night-blindness described, 332.
_Henna_, an herb with which the Arabian, Moorish, Shelluh, Berebber,
and Jewish women dye their feet, hands, and hair, and why, 512.
_Hire_ of camels from Akka to Santa Cruz, 346.
_Hogan's_ embassy to the emperor of Marocco, from queen Elizabeth, 489.
_Honey_ of Haha, 153.
_Hospitality_ of the Arabs, cultivators of west and south
Barbary, 131. 239.
----------, laws of, 340. Disinterested hospitality shown to the
author, 342. Inviolability of the laws of, among the Bedouin
Arabs, 343.
_Howara_, an Arab clan, take possession of Assouan in Egypt, 74.
-------, Arabs, hunting the boar with. They took the city
of Assouan in Egypt, about four centuries ago, 245.
_Houses_ at Marocco and elsewhere described, 274.
_Housa_, travelling there safe, 37. Great traffic on the Nile of
Sudan. Niles, how denominated, 39. Description of the country
adjacent to, 40. Situation and size of the palace of, and
description of the city of, 41. Government of; administration of
justice at, 42. Landed property, 43. Revenues of; army, 44. Trade,
45. Climate, zoology, diseases, religion, 48. Persons; dress, 49.
Buildings; manners, 50. Gold, 51. Limits of the Empire of; pottery;
Timbuctoo tributary to it, 53. Small-pox, inoculation for, 54.
_Hutton_, Catherine, her observations on an intercourse with
Africa, 264.
_Hulacu_, the Tartar, conqueror of the east. His letter to the
sultan of Aleppo, 399.
_Hypotheses_, various, respecting the Niger, 447.

I.
_Jackson's_ report corroborated, 467.
_Idautenan_, independence of, 147. Superior grapes of, 147.
The country described, 147.
_Idiaugomoron_, 151.
_Idaultit_, customs of, 313.
_Jedrie_, the African name for the small-pox in horses, mules,
asses, and oxen, 337.
_Jelabia,_ garment so called, described, 200.
_Jerf el suffer_, the yellow cliff, 109.
_Jew_, great present made by one for the privilege of wearing
the European costume, 297.
_Jews_, a distinct race from the Africans, rendered so from
their particular laws and customs, &c. 230.
------, funeral cry of, 464. Funeral ceremonies of, 235.
------, massacre of, at Algiers, 283. How estimated in the empire
of Marocco, 328.
_Jinnie_, manufacture of gold filligrane at, 126.
_Impediments_ to our knowledge of Africa. What they are, 266.
_Inactivity_, or want of vigilance severely reprehensible in the
officers of the Marocco government, 203.
_Incorrect_ orthography of African names, 468.
_Indigo_ plant, 74.
_Interest_ of money, 237.
_Intercourse_, commercial, with Africa, recommended to be adopted
on a grand national scale, 249. 263.
_Interest_ of the Arabs of Sahara; how it would be united with a
colony on the coast, 248.
_Information_ from Africans respecting Africa, not contemptible, 434.
_Insolvency_ laws, 343. 397.
_Intoxication_, various modes of, 329.
_Invoice_ from Timbuctoo to Santa Cruz, 345. Ditto from ditto to
Fas, 347.
_Invasion_ of the country by Christians, a tradition of, 225.
_Invocation_ for the author's welfare made by the Fakeers of the
sanctuary of Muley Dris Zerone, 119.
----------, for the welfare of the British embassy.
_Journey_, in disguise, at a critical period, 135.
_Journies_, viz. from Mogodor to Rabat; to Mequinas; to the
sanctuary of Muley Dris Zerone; and to the ruins of Pharaoh;
through the country of Amorites to L'Araich and Tangier, 105.
_Irrigation_, wheel for, 13.
_Iron_ mines, 331.
_Isa_ Seedy ben, fascinators of serpents, 455.
_Isawie_ (fascinators of serpents) their performance, 453.
_Justice_, moral, 306.

_Kaaba_, Muhamed's mausoleum, so called, 273.
_Kadder Khan_, king of Turkostan, a great support to science, 352.
_Kaffer_, the application of this term, 510.
------, (or Caffre) its signification, 267. 345.
_Kassar Kabeer el_, a beautiful country, 124.
_Kereb_, what, 5.
_Key_ of Africa is commerce, 428.
_Keyma_, its definition, 307.
_Khalif Delemys_, noble conduct to the prince Abdsalsm, 288.
_Kibla_, i. e. the tomb of Muhamed, 9.
_Kiffen_, signification of, 273.
_King_ George IV. compared to the late emperor of Marocco, Muley
Yezzid, 287. A patron to science and the arts, 429.
_Kitiwa ait_, or Kituvites, a tribe of Berebbers, 124.
_Koba_, or coba, 88.
_Koran_, called the beloved book. Etymology of the word, 318.
Incorrectly called the Alcoran, l'Alcoran, or il Alcorano, 351.
Written in good language, 353.

_L'âad_ of the Arabs described, 289.
_Language_, etiquette of, at the court of Marocco, 315.
_Languages_ of Africa, 355.
_L'Araich_, forest of. Ferry of, 125.
_Laws_ of insolvency, 343.
_Lead_ mines, 331. Lead-ore mines, 331.
_Leather_ superior manufactory of, at Mequinas and Marocco, 217.
Articles used in the manufacture of leather, 218.
_Leghorn_, its indirect commerce with Timbuctoo, 255.
_Leper's_ town or village near Marocco, 90. Mendicant lepers, 91.
_Library_ at Fas, 324.
_Lions_, country abounding in. Mode of destroying them. Preservation
against, 115.
_Liquorice_ root, abundant in Suse, 74.
_Locusts_, their incredible devastation described, 221. Mode of
collecting them, 222. Used as food; method of preparing them; much
esteemed as food, 222. Remarkable instance of these insects having
devoured every blade of grass south of the river Elkos, but not
north of that river, 223.
_Love_, Arabian definition of, 363.
_Loyalty_ of the sheiks of Suse, 288. Of Muhamedans, 326.
_Ludaia_ are not Ludama, 507.
_Lybia_ palus and sea of Sudan synonymous, 448.

_Majesty_, His, George IV. patron of science and the arts, 429.
Compared to the late emperor Yezzid, 287.
_Mandinga_ language compared with the Arabic, 373.
_Manufactures_ of Fas; superior manufacture of gold-thread there, 214.
_Marabets_, what, 511.
_Marabet_, punishment of one, 524.
_Market_ called Soke Elkhummes, 94.
_Marocco_, emperor's march to, 73. Country abundant in
corn of a superior quality, 78. Reception at salutations
of the Moors, 78. Gate called Beb el Lushoir; its situation,
78. Garden of the Nile, an imperial garden, 79.
Tafilelt rose flourishes at Marocco; its powerful perfume;
otto of roses, 79. Roses; various flowers abundant;
Persian wheel in general use throughout the country, 82.
Divisions of the empire of, 86. The summer residence
of the emperor, 86. The metropolis of the south, 87.
Town or village of lepers at, 90. Policy of concealing
the appearance of wealth at, 95, Furniture of houses at,
95. Customs at, 95. All trades carried on at, 98.
--------, etiquete of the court of, 310, Emperor dispenses
with, 311.
_Marseilles_, its commerce indirectly with Timbuctoo, 254.
_Massacre_ of the Jews at Algiers, 283.
_Matamores_, what, 14. 195.
_Matra_, J.M., his excellency the British ambassador, treated
by the emperor like a prince, 128.
--------, his intelligence respecting vaccine pus, 337.
_Mauritannick_ writing, what, 351.
_Mazagan_, 109. Country of, and inhabitants described, 109.
_Mekka_ caravan, i. 4.
_Mendicant_ lepers, their exclamation, 91.
_Mensoria el_, 110.
_Mequinas_, city of the court-town; travelling, mode of; 88.
Imperial palace at, 117. Beauty of the ladies of, 118.
--------, superior leather and shoes made at, 98.
_Merchandize_, consignment of, from Timbuctoo to Fas, 348.
----------, the various, the produce of Sudan, 256.
_Messa_, visit to the port of, 145. Gold and silver mines of, 146.
_Minister's_ house at Marocco, a noble one, 90.
--------, suggestions recommended to their attention, 230.
_Mitfere_, or cistern, magnificent, at Mazagan, 109.
_Mitferes_, what, 90. Expediency of, 210.
--------, described, magazines for grain, 339. Custom observed when
opened, 339.
_Mogodor_, duties at, doubled, 74. Merchants of, present themselves
to the emperor, 87.
--------, duties at, reduced to the old standard through the
influence of Muley Abd el Melk ben Dris, 128.
--------, merchants in danger of being beheaded, 284.
_Monopodia_ of the ancients compared to a Moorish table, 281.
_Months_, or moons, Muhamedan, their names, 371.
_Money_, interest of, 237.
_Moors_, 1.
---------, their language and residence, 327.
_Moorish grace_ at meals, 96.
----------customs, 281.
_Morbeya_, river of, divides the northern from the southern division
of the empire, 86.
_'Msharrah Rummellah_, plains of, 124.
Described, 195.
_'Mtasseb_, what, 126.
_Muden_, what, 111.
_Muhamedan princes_, treaties with, 283.
--------------loyalty, 326.
--------------, their claims to hospitality, 341.
--------------customs, 349.
_Mules_, not used in the desert, 5.
_Muley_ Abdsalam's domain in the oasis of Ammon, 280.
--------Yezzid, the emperor, compared to his Majesty, George IV., 287.
---------Abdrahaman, anecdote of, 322.
---------Ismael, anecdote of, 323.
---------Ismael, emperor of Marocco, his letter to captain Kirke at
Tangier, ambassador from Charles II,, dated A.D. 1682. 384.
---------Ismael, his letter to sir Cloudesly Shovel at Salée, 387.
Sir Cloudesly's answer, 389.
---------Ismael, emperor of Marocco, his letter to queen Anne, 392.
---------Yezzid, emperor of Marocco, his letter to the Dutch
consul, 402.
---------Ismael's, emperor, gold coins at Timbuctoo, 522.
---------Hamed, son of Muley Moluck, an account of his expedition
to Timbuctoo, &c. 519.
---------Sidan, loses 3000 Arabic books, 520.
Muley El Arsheed, his expedition to Timbuctoo, 521.
Muley Hamed Dehebby, commonly called Deiby, his expedition
to Timbuctoo, 523.
_Mungo Park_ at Timbuctoo, 319.
_Murder_, punishment for, 343.
_Mushoir_, or place of audience, 89.
_Music_, and Arab dance, 141.

_Nasari_, the application of the term, 510.
_Nassar_, Abdrahaman Ben, the bashaw of Abda, interview with, 136.
_Nations_, the respective costumes of, enjoined, 296.
_Negro_ languages, thirty-three different ones spoken, 370.
_Negroes_, opinion respecting, 466. Mental degradation of,
imputable, in some measure, to the cruel treatment of
them in the West India islands, 466.
_Neel_, a name applied to two rivers in Africa only, 507.
_Nile_, at Kabra, its width, 471.
----, the correct orthography in English is Neel, 79.
_Niger_, contemplated result of the discovery of its course and
termination, 99. Opinion concerning its course, 103.
_Nile el Kabeer_, Nile Assudan, synonymous with Niger, 201.
----, or Nile of Sudan, discharges itself in a lake, 449.
------, and the Nile, 515. Theory respecting, 515. The author's
opinion of this river never varied, 516.
------, or Neel el Abeed, discharges itself into the Mediterranean
sea at the Delta, in Egypt, 518.
_Nile_, this word is improperly spelled, 507.
_Niles_, anticipation of the confirmation of their junction, 434.
_Nile_ Abid, or Neel el Abeed, error respecting its situation, 435.
_Niles_, junction of, where supposed to take place, 444. Not
doubted in Africa, but supported by the general testimony
of the natives, 445.
_Nile_, the word applied only to two rivers in Africa, 447.
_Nishki_, manner of writing, 350. Synonymous with the Kufie.
_North_ African, or Sudan Company, plan for one, 251.
_Nyctalopia_, or night-blindness, 332.
----------, description of, and remedy, 432. Offer to discover the
remedy, 432.
----------, an ophthalmia, that affects our seamen in the
Mediterranean, 433. Offer to discover the remedy for to
government, 433.

_Oasis_, western, 280.
_Oil_ of olives, 67. Oil organic, 91.
_Olive_ plantations of Ras el Wed, 77.
_Ophthalmia_, disorders at Marocco prevail among the Jews, 92.
_Opinions_ of the Africans respecting Jews, Christians, and
themselves, 315.
_Oranges_ of Rabat, superior in quality, and low in price, 114.
_Oranges_, 75.
Orange-trees, very large, 82.
_Ostrich's_ feathers, 67.
_Ostriches_ presented by the Emperor Muley Ismael to Queen Anne, 593.

_Palace_, imperial, at Tafileet, magnificent, 80.
_Palaces_ described, 274.
Architecture of, 274.
_Partridges_, mode of hunting among the Arabs, 107.
_Park_, Mungo, at Timbuctoo, 319.
----, his arrival at Timbuctoo confirmed, 470.
----, the author's translation of the Shereef Ibrahim's
account of that traveller's death, 409.
Mr. Abraham Saleme's translation of the same document, 413.
_Persian_, or Arabian wheel described, mode of irrigation, 147.
_Pharaoh_, ruins of, 80. 121.
_Philanthropists_ dig wells for public accommodation, 150.
_Physicians_ fly at the approach of the plague, 165.
_Piracy_, if the slave-trade were made piracy it would not
abolish the traffic, 270.
_Plague_, fragments respecting, 156.
Progress of, 157.
Decrease, 161.
The plague political, 164.
Emperor's minister attacked by it, writes to the British consul
for advice, 165.
----, supposed origin of, 166.
The author an eye-witness of it, and visited the infected, 167.
Progress of, 167.
Remarkable instance of a village in the neighbourhood of
Mogador being free from the epidemy thirty-four days
after it appeared at Mogador, although the communication
was open between the two places, 168.
Haha, destruction in, by the plague, 169.
Peculiarities of, 169.
Destruction of the plague in Suse, 169.
General depopulation caused by it, 170.
Consequences of, on the survivors, 171.
Gradations in society overturned by the plague, 171.
Emigrations from Sahara consequent to the plague, 172.
Symptoms, various of, 173.
Olive oil, external application of, infallible, supposed origin
of, 174.
Superstitious opinion respecting the plague, 175.
Author's precaution against, 177.
Fear, its effect in communicating the infection, 178.
Remedies used, 178.
How caught, 179. Plague cases of, 180.
_Plague_, avoided, by adhering to the principle of avoiding
personal contact and inhalation, 189. Olive oil, infallible
remedy for, 189.
------, 419. Remedy for, 423.
_Plough_, primitive, used by the Arabs, 511.
_Pomegranates_, 75.
_Policy_ of the court of Marocco, 211, 212, 280.
------, adopted by the emperor to secure the allegiance of
the Berebbers, 306.
------, of West Barbary, 320.
_Poculum amicitiæ_, goblet compared to, 232.
_Political_ economy of the emperor, in not going to war with
Algiers, 283.
--------, deception, 309, 314.
_Portugal_, sovereign of, his zeal in converting the Africans to
the Christian doctrine, 443.
_Portuguese_ penetrated far into West Barbary, 324.
_Portfolio_, monthly miscellany, observations on, 464.
_Precision_, unfavourable to truth, according to Mungo Park's
annotator, 446.
_Present_ to the emperor, etiquette of delivering it, presentation
to, 89.
------, received from the emperor, 98.
_Prince_, Muley Teib, conduct of, to Dr. Bell. Satisfied with
the doctor's medicines, 197.
_Property_, agricultural division of, 330.
_Prognosticated_ prosperity from the prayers of benediction of
the marabats or fakeers of the sanctuary of Muley Dris Zerone.
_Prostration_ practised at the court of Marocco, 281.
_Protection_ among the Arabs a sacred duty when claimed, 343.
_Punishment_ for murder, 343.
_Pyramidical_ basis on which is founded the intelligence in
Jackson's Account of Marocco, &c., 451.

_Quarterly_ journal, of literature, science, and the arts,
error of, 435, 438.
_Queen_ Elizabeth, embassy to the emperor of Marocco, 494.

_Rabat_, arrival at, 110. Town described. Aqueduct. Mausoleum
of the Sultan Muhamed at, described. Battery
of, bomb-proof. Bastions. Roman spring at. Old Roman
town of Sheila at, described. Old Roman coins, 111.
Mosques, tower of Hassan, similar to one at Timbuctoo,
&c. described, 112.
_Rabat_ and Salee, abundant countries, 113.
_Religions_, of all kinds, tolerated at Timbuctoo.
_Repast_, or dinner, sent by the prince Muley Teib, 192.
_Retaliation_ for murder, an incumbent duty on tha individuals
of a family, 295.
_Revenge_ of the Shelluhs, described, 152.
--------, of the Shelluhs for murder rigidly pursued, 291.
_Richardson_, incorrect in calling the Arabic guttural letter,
_grain_, ghain, 492.
_Richardson's_ Arabic grammar, some errors in, 351.
_Riches_ of the Arabs, in what it consists, 247.
_Rivers_, in sandy districts, change their courses, 440.
_Robbery_, singular mode of, 116.
_Rontgen_, African traveller, death of, 425.

_Santa Cruz_, the port of, delivered to the Dutch, 403.
--------, See _Agadeer_.
-------, or Agadeer, the key to Sudan, 268.
-------, invoice from Timbuctoo to, 345.
------- opened to Dutch commerce by the author, 436.
_Sanctuary_ of Muley Dris Zerone, 80.
_Saffy_, its road for shipping described, 108.
Situation and description of, 108.
_Sahara_, north part described, no water, 4.
South part described, 7.
Water carried in goat-skins, 5.
Sheiks of, independent,
--------, Arabs of, prefer sleeping in the open air, 155.
_Salee_, dungeon of, for Christian captives, 114.
------, and Rabat, the adjacent country productive, 113.
_Salutations_, peculiar character of their, 235.
_Saneet Urtemma_, a dangerous country, 110.
_Sand_ baths, 279.
_Science_ and the arts, decay of, among the Arabs, 352.
_Sebu_, river, situation of, 438.

_Sejin Messa_, etymology of the name, vulgarly called
Segilmessa, 145.
_Senegambia_, 70.
_Serpents_, charmers of, described, 430.
--------, domestic, of Marocco, 213.
_Servants_ of the emperor, policy of, 280.

_Shegar_, signification of, and misinterpretation, 441.
_Sheh_, the Arabic name for worm-seed, 5.
------, the plant designated, 510.
_Shella_, an old Roman town, 112.
_Shelluh_, revenge of, described, 152.
------, repast, described. Patriarchal cakes of, 153.
Customs of, 154. 313.
------, language, specimen of, 366.
_Shelluhs_, revenge and retaliation, 291.
------, their territory described, 327.
_Sheshawa_, plains of, 82.
Mountains of, strata of oyster-shells at the top of, 82.
River of, 82.
_Shume el_, the hot wind of Sahara so denominated, 5.
_Shoemaker_, an honourable trade, 98.
_Shovel_, Sir Cloudesley, his letter to the emperor of Marocco.
_Sigen Messa_, face of that country, 81.
_Silver_ mines of Elala, 218.
------, mine, 331.
_Siwah_, language of, similar to the Shelluh, 370.
_Slavery_, state of, in Africa, 219.
Cannot be abolished but by commerce, 269.
_Slaves_, mode of selling them, 95.
_Slave_ trade, not to be abolished by any naval force however
formidable, 269.
_South_ Africa, policy of constructing mitferes there, 339.
How that colony might be improved in the value of its produce, 340.
----------, colony of, policy and expediency of building
mitferes there, 339.
How to improve that colony, 340.
_Storks_, abundance of, at Azamore, 110.
_Style_ used in addressing the emperor, 383.
_Subterraneous_ hordes, propensity to, 238.
_Sudan_, gum of, 67.
------, trade with, 277.
------, company, plan for one, 251.
------, command of the commerce of, how to be obtained, 67.
------, produce of, 67.
_Sugar_, figurative of friendship, 234.
_Sulphur_ mines, 331.
_Sultan_ Muhamed's letter to the European consuls, 394.
To the governor of Mogodor, 405.
--------, Soliman's letter to his majesty George III., 395.
_Superstitious_ tradition, 460.
_Suse_, province of, inaccessible to an invading army from
the north, 76.
_Synonymous_ words in sound, 362.

_Tabia_ walls, what, 2. Mode of building them.
_Tafilelt_, 1. A rendezvous for caravans; kassars of; hire of
camels from Fas to; a country of princes, 2. Market
at, 2. Palace, imperial, magnificent at, 80. Dates
abundant at, 80. Magnificent plantations and extensive
forests of, 81. Faith and honour of the natives proverbial;
robberies unknown there, 81.
_Talleyrand_, his favourite African scheme, 229.
_Talh-tree_ defined, 510.
_Tangier_ garrison, salute to the British ambassador on his
entry there, 127.
_Tas_, what it is, 231.
_Tatta_, a depôt for camels, 248.
_Tendaraman_, venomous spider described, 429.
_Tensift_, river of, 108.
_Tildie_, repast, Arab, at; Portuguese tower at, 63. Cookery
of the Arabs at, 64.
_Timbuctoo_, situation of, and charge of travelling to, 7.
City of; river close to it, 8. Population of; extent of;
caravanseras of; slaves at, 10. Houses; government, 11.
Revenue of, 12. Moors pay no duty at, but negroes
do, 14. Subject to Housa, 14. Army of; subsidies;
administration of justice at; punishments, 15. Good
police of, 16. Insolvent debtors at; slaves entitled to
freedom at; property, succession to and distribution of;
rational treatment of slaves at; wills not written, 18.
Laws of inheritance; marriage; rape; adultery, 19.
Trade and articles sold at, 20. Manufactures, 23. Measures,
23. Husbandry, 24. Sowing season; provisions, 25.
Animals; birds, 26. Fish; prices of various articles, 27.
Costume, 28. Diversions, 31. Time, measurement of;
Religion, 32. Diseases, 33. Manners and customs, 34.
Neighbouring nations, 35.
--------, opportunity of opening a trade with, why declined, 145.
--------, how likely to be made tributary to Great
Britain, 249. Circuitous commerce of, explained, 256.
Direct and eligible route to, through Sahara from the
shores of the Atlantic Ocean, 257.
--------, value of merchandize at, 260. Immense profit
actually made in, 261. Immense quantities of gold
to be procured from Sudan, 261. Goods entering the
city at the gate of the desert pay no duty, 263. Timbuctoo
coffee, 279. Invoice from, 345. 347. Letter from, 346. 348.

_Timbuctoo_, Mungo Park at, 319.
----------, warehouses of, contain the manufactures, of India
and Europe, 427.
Communication with, plan for opening, 428.
----------, intelligence respecting, whence derived, 436.
----------, cotton manufacture, made in the city of, interwoven
with silk, of a chequered pattern, deposited in the
British Museum, 437.
Situation of, in respect to the Neel el abeed, 439.
Under the sovereignty of a negro prince, 441.
Fish at, resembling salmon, 469.
--------, first expedition to and conquest of, 519.
--------, second expedition to, 521.
--------, third expedition to, 523.
_Titles_ of emperor, 382.
_Togreda_, ceremony of, how performed, 231.
_Tomie_, or Sebah Biure, port of; the author visits it by the
prince's request, 138.
Arab dance and festivity in the neighbourhood of, 141.
Music of, 140.
_Trade_ with Sudan, 277.
_Travellers_, solitary or scientific, little expectations from,
258.
_Travelling_ in Barbary, 293.
_Treaties_ with Muhamedan princes, 283.
_Troglodyte_, 319.

_Uffran_, a depôt for camels, 248.
_Uly_ and Ualy, material difference between these two terms, 350.
_Unity_ among Christians a necessary prelude to the conversion
of Africa. The several sects of Christians should
unite, instead of being divided, as an expedient measure
necessary to precede the conversion of Africa, 129.
_Union_ of waters between Timbuctoo and Cairo, 447.

_Vaccination_, intelligence transmitted from West Barbary
instrumental in the propagation of, 337.
23,134 lives saved by vaccination, 338.
_Vasco de Gama's_ observations on intercourse with Africa, 258.
_Vincent_, Lord St. his message to the Emperor of Marocco, 459.
_Vines_, the grapes of which are of an extraordinary size, 74.

_Water_ communication between Timbuctoo and Cairo, 443.
This opinion is confirmed by Mr. Hornmann, 444.
------, communication between Cairo and Timbuctoo, the
opinion respecting, receives additional confirmation, 517.
------, melons at Salee and Rabat peculiarly sweet, 114.
------, carried through the Sahara in goat's skins.
_Wah el_, what, 6.
_Wahs_ of Sahara, how supplied with fish, 257.
Western oasis, 280.
_Wangara_, jewel from, 103.
_Wassenah_, or Massenah, conjecture why not known at Ashantee, 491.
_Wed el fees_, river of, 82.
_Whedinoon_, a depôt for camels.
_Wheat_, superior at Marocco, 95.
------, a superior kind or quality, 125.
_Wild_ myrtle grows in the Sahara, 6.
_Wine_ Company recommended, 212.
_Woled Aisah_, encampment of Arabs. Produce of that country, 109.
_Wool_, exportation of, granted by the emperor.
_Woladia el_, an eligible place for a naval depôt, 108.
_Woolja_, not Woolga, 109.
_Woled Abbusebah_, a whole clan of Arabs, banished from the
plains near Marocco, and plundered, killed or dispersed, 318.
_Woolo_, king of Timbuctoo, 484.
_Wormseed_, 74.
_Wrecked ships_, 277.
How treated, 278.
Wrecked sailors, 279.
_Wyk_, Sir Pieter, Swedish consul, his courier sent to the
author, 127.

_Yezzid Muley_, gives the port of Santa Cruz to the Dutch, 436.
----------, emperor of Marocco, compared to his majesty
George the Fourth, 287.
His letter to the Dutch consul, 402.
His letter to the governor of Mogador, giving to the Dutch the
port of Santa Cruz, 402.

_Zealand_, New, customs of, compared to those of the Jews, 236.
_Zeal_ of Mohamedans not sufficient to convert the negro nations
of Africa, 442.
_Zeef_, what it is, 231.
_Zemurh ait's_, or Zemurhites, a kabyl of Berebbers, 115.
_Zion ait's_, or Zianites, a tribe, or kabyl of Berebbers, 124.
_Ziltanait_, or Ziltanites, a tribe of Berebbers, 124.
_Zimurh_ shelluh, Berebbers of, their character, 284.

THE END.

Printed by A. and K. Spottiswoode,
Printers-Street, London.

_Works by the same Author_.

An account of the EMPIRE OF MAROCCO and the DISTRICTS OF SUSE AND
TAFILELT, compiled from Miscellaneous Observations made during a
long residence in, and various Journies through, these Countries.

TO WHICH IS ADDED,

An Account of SHIPWRECKS ON THE WESTERN COAST OF AFRICA, and an
Account of Timbuctoo, the great Emporium of Central Africa;
illustrated with ACCURATE MAPS and a variety of highly finished
PLATES. Third edition. _Considerably enlarged with new and
interesting matter_.

Sold by Cadell and Davies, London; and by W. Blackwood, Edinburgh.

* * * * *

_Preparing for the press_.

A GRAMMAR of the ARABIC LANGUAGE.

No accurate Grammar of the Arabic Language has ever yet issued from
the British Press!--It is extraordinary that the many professors of
_that bold and figurative language of the East_, have never yet
favoured the public with such a desirable work.--An attempt will now
be made, by the above author, to supply in England this deficiency
in Oriental Literature.

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "An Account of Timbuctoo and Housa Territories in the Interior of Africa" ***

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