Eighth Annual Report - of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the - Smithsonian Institution, 1886-1887, Government Printing

By Author	[ A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z \| Other Symbols ]
By Title	[ A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z \| Other Symbols ]
By Language

Download this book: [ ASCII | HTML | PDF ]

Look for this book on Amazon

We have new books nearly every day.
If you would like a news letter once a week or once a month fill out this form and we will give you a summary of the books for that week or month by email.

Title: Eighth Annual Report - of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the - Smithsonian Institution, 1886-1887, Government Printing - Office, Washington, 1891
Author: Various
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.

*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Eighth Annual Report - of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the - Smithsonian Institution, 1886-1887, Government Printing - Office, Washington, 1891" ***

Hutchinson, Julia Miller, Louise Hope and the Online
by the Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at
http://gallica.bnf.fr and The Internet Archive at
http://www.archive.org). This file is gratefully uploaded
having posted over 10,000 ebooks.

[Transcriber’s Note:

The two “Accompanying Papers” that make up the bulk of this book are
Victor Mindeleff, _A Study of Pueblo Architecture, Tusayan and
Cibola_: e-text 19856
James Stevenson, _The Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and Mythical
Sand Painting of the Navajo Indians_: e-text 19331

A few words in these two papers use some uncommon letters:
ā, ē (vowel with macron or “long” mark)
Ĕ, ĭ, ŏ (vowel with breve or “short” mark)
ⁿ (small raised n).
Alternate transcriptions of these words are given at the end of each
text.

If the apostrophes and quotation marks in this paragraph appear as
garbage, you may need to change your text reader’s “file encoding” or
“character set” to utf-8 (unicode), or use a different font. As a last
resort, use the Latin-1 version of this file instead.

Parenthetical question marks are from the original, as are all
brackets except footnote and illustration tags.

Variant spellings and typographical errors are listed separately after
each paper and after the combined Index.]

* * * * *

EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT

of the

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY

to the

Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution

1886-’87

J. W. POWELL
Director

[Illustration]

WASHINGTON
Government Printing Office
1891

* * * * *

CONTENTS.

REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR.

Page.
Letter of transmittal XV
Introduction XVII
Publication XVIII
Field work XVIII
Mound explorations XIX
Work of Prof. Cyrus Thomas XIX
General field studies XX
Work of Mr. A. S. Gatschet XX
Work of Mr. Jeremiah Curtin XXI
Work of Dr. W. J. Hoffman XXI
Office work XXIII
Work of Maj. J. W. Powell XXIII
Work of Prof. Cyrus Thomas XXIII
Work of Mr. Gerard Fowke XXIV
Work of Mr. H. L. Reynolds XXIV
Work of Mr. James D. Middleton XXIV
Work of Mr. James C. Pilling XXIV
Work of Mr. Frank H. Cushing XXIV
Work of Mr. Charles C. Royce XXV
Work of Mr. William H. Holmes XXV
Work of Mr. Victor Mindeleff XXVI
Work of Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff XXVI
Work of Mr. E. W. Nelson XXVII
Work of Mr. Lucien M. Turner XXVIII
Work of Mr. Henry W. Henshaw XXVIII
Work of Col. Garrick Mallery XXVIII
Work of Mr. James Mooney XXVIII
Work of Mr. John N. B. Hewitt XXVIII
Work of Mr. Albert S. Gatschet XXVIII
Work of Mr. J. Owen Dorsey XXVIII
Work of Dr. W. J. Hoffman XXIX
Work of Mr. Jeremiah Curtin XXIX
Accompanying papers XXIX
A study of Pueblo Architecture, Tusayan
and Cibola, by Victor Mindeleff XXX
Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and Mythical
Sand Painting of the Navajo Indians,
by James Stevenson XXXIV
Financial statement XXXVI

ACCOMPANYING PAPERS.

A Study of Pueblo Architecture, Tusayan and Cibola,
by Victor Mindeleff.

Introduction 13
Chapter I.--Traditionary history of Tusayan 16
Explanatory 16
Summary of traditions 16
List of traditionary gentes 38
Supplementary legend 40
Chapter II.--Ruins and inhabited villages of Tusayan 42
Physical features of the province 42
Methods of survey 44
Plans and description of ruins 45
Walpi ruins 46
Old Mashongnavi 46
Shitaimuvi 48
Awatubi 49
Horn House 50
Small ruin near Horn House 51
Bat House 52
Mishiptonga 52
Moen-kopi 53
Ruins on the Oraibi wash 54
Kwaituki 56
Tebugkihu, or Fire House 57
Chukubi 59
Payupki 59
Plans and descriptions of inhabited villages 61
Hano 61
Sichumovi 62
Walpi 63
Mashongnavi 66
Shupaulovi 71
Shumopavi 73
Oraibi 76
Moen-kopi 77
Chapter III.--Ruins and inhabited villages of Cibola 80
Physical features of the province 80
Plans and descriptions of ruins 80
Hawikuh 80
Ketchipauan 81
Chalowe 83
Hampassawan 84
K’iakima 85
Matsaki 86
Pinawa 86
Halona 88
Tâaaiyalana ruins 89
Kin-tiel and Kinna-Zinde 91
Plans and descriptions of inhabited villages 94
Nutria 94
Pescado 95
Ojo Caliente 96
Zuñi 97
Chapter IV.--Architecture of Tusayan and Cibola
compared by constructional details 100
Introduction 100
House building 100
Rites and methods 100
Localization of gentes 104
Interior arrangement 108
Kivas in Tusayan 111
General use of kivas by pueblo builders 111
Origin of the name 111
Antiquity of the kiva 111
Excavation of the kiva 112
Access 113
Masonry 114
Orientation 115
The ancient form of kiva 116
Native explanations of position 117
Methods of kiva building and rites 118
Typical plans 118
Work by women 129
Consecration 129
Various uses of kivas 130
Kiva ownership 133
Motives for building a kiva 134
Significance of structural plan 135
Typical measurements 136
List of Tusayan kivas 136
Details of Tusayan and Cibola construction 137
Walls 137
Roofs and floors 148
Wall copings and roof drains 151
Ladders and steps 156
Cooking pits and ovens 162
Oven-shaped structures 167
Fireplaces and chimneys 167
Gateways and covered passages 180
Doors 182
Windows 194
Roof openings 201
Furniture 208
Corrals and gardens; eagle cages 214
“Kisi” construction 217
Architectural nomenclature 220
Concluding remarks 223

CEREMONIAL OF HASJELTI DAILJIS AND MYTHICAL SAND PAINTING
OF THE NAVAJO INDIANS, BY JAMES STEVENSON.

Introduction 235
Construction of the Medicine Lodge 237
First day 237
Personators of the gods 237
Second day 239
Description of the sweat houses 239
Sweat houses and masks 242
Preparation of the sacred reeds (cigarettes)
and prayer-sticks 242
Third day 244
First ceremony 244
Second ceremony 245
Third ceremony 247
Fourth ceremony (night) 248
Fourth day 249
First ceremony 249
Second ceremony 250
Third ceremony 250
Fourth ceremony 252
Fifth ceremony 253
Sixth ceremony 253
Foods brought into the lodge 256
Fifth day 257
First ceremony 257
Second ceremony 259
Third ceremony 260
Sixth day 261
Seventh day 263
Eighth day 265
Ninth day 269
First ceremony 269
Second ceremony 270
Song of the Etsethle 272
Prayer to the Etsethle 272
Conclusion--the dance 273
Myths of the Navajo 275
Creation of the sun 275
Hasjelti and Hostjoghon 277
The floating logs 278
Naiyenesgony and Tobaidischinni 279
The brothers 280
The old man and woman of the first world 284

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Page.
Plate I. Map of the provinces of Tusayan and Cibola 12
II. Old Mashongnavi, plan 14
III. General view of Awatubi 16
IV. Awatubi (Talla-Hogan), plan 18
V. Standing walls of Awatubi 20
VI. Adobe fragment in Awatubi 22
VII. Horn House ruin, plan 24
VIII. Bat House 26
IX. Mishiptonga (Jeditoh) 28
X. A small ruin near Moen-kopi 30
XI. Masonry on the outer wall of the Fire-House,
detail 32
XII. Chukubi, plan 34
XIII. Payupki, plan 36
XIV. General view of Payupki 38
XV. Standing walls of Payupki 40
XVI. Plan of Hano 42
XVII. View of Hano 44
XVIII. Plan of Sichumovi 46
XIX. View of Sichumovi 48
XX. Plan of Walpi 50
XXI. View of Walpi 52
XXII. South passageway of Walpi 54
XXIII. Houses built over irregular sites, Walpi 56
XXIV. Dance rock and kiva, Walpi 58
XXV. Foot trail to Walpi 60
XXVI. Mashongnavi, plan 62
XXVII. Mashongnavi with Shupaulovi in distance 64
XXVIII. Back wall of a Mashongnavi house-row 66
XXIX. West side of a principal row in Mashongnavi 68
XXX. Plan of Shupaulovi 70
XXXI. View of Shupaulovi 72
XXXII. A covered passageway of Shupaulovi 74
XXXIII. The chief kiva of Shupaulovi 76
XXXIV. Plan of Shumopavi 78
XXXV. View of Shumopavi 80
XXXVI. Oraibi, plan In pocket.
XXXVII. Key to the Oraibi plan, also showing
localization of gentes 82
XXXVIII. A court of Oraibi 84
XXXIX. Masonry terraces of Oraibi 86
XL. Oraibi house row, showing court side 88
XLI. Back of Oraibi house row 90
XLII. The site of Moen-kopi 92
XLIII. Plan of Moen-kopi 94
XLIV. Moen-kopi 96
XLV. The Mormon mill at Moen-kopi 98
XLVI. Hawikuh, plan 100
XLVII. Hawikuh, view 102
XLVIII. Adobe church at Hawikuh 104
XLIX. Ketchipanan, plan 106
L. Ketchipauan 108
LI. Stone church at Ketchipauan 110
LII. K’iakima, plan 112
LIII. Site of K’iakima, at base of Tâaaiyalana 114
LIV. Recent wall at K’iakima 116
LV. Matsaki, plan 118
LVI. Standing wall at Pinawa 120
LVII. Halona excavations as seen from Zuñi 122
LVIII. Fragments of Halona wall 124
LIX. The mesa of Tâaaiyalana, from Zuñi 126
LX. Tâaaiyalana, plan 128
LXI. Standing walls of Tâaaiyalana ruins 130
LXII. Remains of a reservoir on Tâaaiyalana 132
LXIII. Kin-tiel, plan (also showing excavations) 134
LXIV. North wall of Kin-tiel 136
LXV. Standing walls of Kin-tiel 138
LXVI. Kinna-Zinde 140
LXVII. Nutria, plan 142
LXVIII. Nutria, view 144
LXIX. Pescado, plan 146
LXX. Court view of Pescado, showing corrals 148
LXXI. Pescado houses 150
LXXII. Fragments of ancient masonry in Pescado 152
LXXIII. Ojo Caliente, plan In pocket.
LXXIV. General view of Ojo Caliente 154
LXXV. House at Ojo Caliente 156
LXXVI. Zuñi, plan In pocket.
LXXVII. Outline plan of Zuñi, showing distribution
of oblique openings 158
LXXVIII. General inside view of Zuñi, looking west 160
LXXIX. Zuñi terraces 162
LXXX. Old adobe church of Zuñi 164
LXXXI. Eastern rows of Zuñi 166
LXXXII. A Zuñi court 168
LXXXIII. A Zuñi small house 170
LXXXIV. A house-building at Oraibi 172
LXXXV. A Tusayan interior 174
LXXXVI. A Zuñi interior 176
LXXXVII. A kiva hatchway of Tusayan 178
LXXXVIII. North kivas of Shumopavi, from the northeast 180
LXXXIX. Masonry in the north wing of Kin-tiel 182
XC. Adobe garden walls near Zuñi. 184
XCI. A group of stone corrals near Oraibi 186
XCII. An inclosing wall of upright stones at
Ojo Caliente 188
XCIII. Upright blocks of sandstone built into an
ancient pueblo wall 190
XCIV. Ancient wall of upright rocks in southwestern
Colorado 192
XCV. Ancient floor-beams at Kin-tiel 194
XCVI. Adobe walls in Zuñi 196
XCVII. Wall coping and oven at Zuñi 198
XCVIII. Cross-pieces on Zuñi ladders 200
XCIX. Outside steps at Pescado 202
C. An excavated room at Kin-tiel 204
CI. Masonry chimneys of Zuñi 206
CII. Remains of a gateway in Awatubi 208
CIII. Ancient gateway, Kin-tiel 210
CIV. A covered passageway in Mashongnavi 212
CV. Small square openings in Pueblo Bonito 214
CVI. Sealed openings in a detached house of Nutria 216
CVII. Partial filling-in of a large opening in
Oraibi, converting it into a doorway 218
CVIII. Large openings reduced to small windows, Oraibi 220
CIX. Stone corrals and kiva of Mashongnavi 222
CX. Portion of a corral in Pescado 224
CXI. Zuñi eagle-cage 226
CXII. A, Rainbow over eastern sweat house;
B, Rainbow over western sweat house 240
CXIII. Blanket rug and medicine tubes 242
CXIV. Blanket rug and medicine tubes 244
CXV. Masks: 1, Naiyenesyong; 2, 3, Tobaidischinne;
4, 5, Hasjelti; 6, Hostjoghon; 7, Hostjobokon;
8, Hostjoboard 246
CXVI. Blanket rug and medicine tubes 248
CXVII. 1, Pine boughs on sand bed; 2, Apache basket
containing yucca suds lined with corn pollen;
3, Basket of water surface covered with pine
needles 250
CXVIII. Blanket rug and medicine tubes and sticks 252
CXIX. Blanket rug and medicine tube 258
CXX. First sand painting 260
CXXI. Second sand painting 262
CXXII. Third sand painting 264
CXXIII. Fourth sand painting 266

Page.
Fig. 1. View of the First Mesa 43
2. Ruins, Old Walpi mound 47
3. Ruin between Bat House and Horn House 51
4. Ruin near Moen-kopi, plan 53
5. Ruin 7 miles north of Oraibi 55
6. Ruin 14 miles north of Oraibi (Kwaituki) 56
7. Oval fire-house ruin, plan. (Tebugkihu) 58
8. Topography of the site of Walpi 64
9. Mashongnavi and Shupaulovi from Shumopavi 66
10. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi 67
11. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi 68
12. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi 69
13. Topography of the site of Shupaulovi 71
14. Court kiva of Shumopavi 75
15. Hampassawan, plan 84
16. Pinawa, plan 87
17. Nutria, plan; small diagram, old wall 94
18. Pescado, plan, old wall diagram 95
19. A Tusayan wood-rack 103
20. Interior ground plan of a Tusayan room 108
21. North kivas of Shumopavi from the southwest 114
22. Ground plan of the chief-kiva of Shupaulovi 122
23. Ceiling-plan of the chief-kiva of Shupaulovi 123
24. Interior view of a Tusayan kiva 124
25. Ground-plan of a Shupaulovi kiva 125
26. Ceiling-plan of a Shupaulovi kiva 125
27. Ground-plan of the chief-kiva of Mashongnavi 126
28. Interior view of a kiva hatchway in Tusayan 127
29. Mat used in closing the entrance of Tusayan kivas 128
30. Rectangular sipapuh in a Mashongnavi kiva 131
31. Loom-post in kiva floor at Tusayan 132
32. A Zuñi chimney showing pottery fragments embedded in
its adobe base 139
33. A Zuñi oven with pottery scales embedded in
its surface 139
34. Stone wedges of Zuñi masonry exposed in a
rain-washed wall 141
35. An unplastered house wall in Ojo Caliente 142
36. Wall decorations in Mashongnavi, executed in pink
on a white ground 146
37. Diagram of Zuñi roof construction 149
38. Showing abutment of smaller roof-beams over
round girders 151
39. Single stone roof-drains 153
40. Trough roof-drains of stone 153
41. Wooden roof-drains 154
42. Curved roof-drains of stone in Tusayan 154
43. Tusayan roof-drains; a discarded metate and a gourd 155
44. Zuñi roof-drain, with splash-stones on roof below 156
45. A modern notched ladder in Oraibi 157
46. Tusayan notched ladders from Mashongnavi 157
47. Aboriginal American forms of ladder 158
48. Stone steps at Oraibi with platform at corner 161
49. Stone steps, with platform at chimney, in Oraibi 161
50. Stone steps in Shumopavi 162
51. A series of cooking pits in Mashongnavi 163
52. Pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi 163
53. Cross sections of pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi 163
54. Diagrams showing foundation stones of a Zuñi oven 164
55. Dome-shaped oven on a plinth of masonry 165
56. Oven in Pescado exposing stones of masonry 166
57. Oven in Pescado exposing stones of masonry 166
58. Shrines in Mashongnavi 167
59. A poultry house in Sichumovi resembling an oven 167
60. Ground-plan of an excavated room in Kin-tiel 168
61. A corner chimney-hood with two supporting poles,
Tusayan 170
62. A curved chimney-hood of Mashongnavi 170
63. A Mashongnavi chimney-hood and walled-up fireplace 171
64. A chimney-hood of Shupaulovi 172
65. A semi-detached square chimney-hood of Zuñi 172
66. Unplastered Zuñi chimney-hoods,
illustrating construction 173
67. A fireplace and mantel in Sichumovi 174
68. A second-story fireplace in Mashongnavi 174
69. Piki stone and chimney-hood in Sichumovi 175
70. Piki stone and primitive andiron in Shumopavi 176
71. A terrace fireplace and chimney of Shumopavi 177
72. A terrace cooking-pit and chimney of Walpi 177
73. A ground cooking-pit of Shumopavi covered with
a chimney 178
74. Tusayan chimneys 179
75. A barred Zuñi door 183
76. Wooden pivot hinges of a Zuñi door 184
77. Paneled wooden doors in Hano 185
78. Framing of a Zuñi door panel 186
79. Rude transoms over Tusayan openings 188
80. A large Tusayan doorway, with small transom openings 189
81. A doorway and double transom in Walpi 189
82. An ancient doorway in a Canyon de Chelly cliff ruin 190
83. A symmetrical notched doorway in Mashongnavi 190
84. A Tusayan notched doorway 191
85. A large Tusayan doorway with one notched jamb 192
86. An ancient circular doorway, or “stone-close,”
in Kin-tiel 193
87. Diagram illustrating symmetrical arrangement of
small openings in Pueblo Bonito 195
88. Incised decoration on a rude window-sash in Zuñi 196
89. Sloping selenite window at base of Zuñi wall
on upper terrace 197
90. A Zuñi window glazed with selenite 197
91. Small openings in the back wall of a Zuñi
house cluster 198
92. Sealed openings in Tusayan 199
93. A Zuñi doorway converted into a window 201
94. Zuñi roof-openings 202
95. A Zuñi roof-opening with raised coping 203
96. Zuñi roof-openings with one raised end 203
97. A Zuñi roof-hole with cover 204
98. Kiva trap-door in Zuñi 205
99. Halved and pinned trap-door frame of a Zuñi kiva 206
100. Typical sections of Zuñi oblique openings 208
101. Arrangement of mealing stones in a Tusayan house 209
102. A Tusayan grain bin 210
103. A Zuñi plume-box 210
104. A Zuñi plume-box 210
105. A Tusayan mealing trough 211
106. An ancient pueblo form of metate 211
107. Zuñi stools 213
108. A Zuñi chair 213
109. Construction of a Zuñi corral 215
110. Gardens of Zuñi 216
111. “Kishoni,” or uncovered shade, of Tusayan 218
112. A Tusayan field shelter, from southwest 219
113. A Tusayan field shelter, from northeast 219
114. Diagram showing ideal section of terraces,
with Tusayan names 223
115. Exterior lodge 236
116. Interior lodge 237
117. Gaming ring 238
118. Sweat house 240

* * * * *

REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR.

* * * * *

LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL.

Smithsonian Institution,
Bureau of Ethnology,
_Washington, D.C., October 1, 1887_.

SIR: I have the honor to submit my Eighth Annual Report as Director of
the Bureau of Ethnology.

The first part presents an explanation of the plan and operations of
the Bureau; the second consists of a series of papers on anthropologic
subjects, prepared by my assistants to illustrate the methods and
results of the work of the Bureau.

I desire to express my thanks for your earnest support and your wise
counsel relating to the work under my charge.

I am, with respect, your obedient servant,

[Signature:] J. W. Powell

Prof. S. P. LANGLEY,
_Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution._

* * * * *

EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT

of the

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.

By J. W. POWELL, Director.

* * * * *

INTRODUCTION.

The prosecution of research among the North American Indians, as
directed by act of Congress, was continued during the fiscal year
1886-’87.

The general plan upon which the work has been prosecuted has been
explained in former reports and has not been changed. After certain
lines of investigation had been decided upon, they were confided to
persons trained in their pursuit, with the intention that the results of
their labors, when completed or well advanced, should be presented from
time to time in the publications of the Bureau provided for by law.
A brief statement of the work upon which each one of the special
students was actively engaged during the fiscal year is furnished below,
but this statement does not embrace all the studies undertaken or
services rendered by them, since particular lines of research have been
suspended in this, as in former years, in order to prosecute unto
substantial completeness work regarded as of paramount importance. From
this cause delays have been occasioned in the completion of several
treatises and monographs, already partly in type, which otherwise would
have been published.

Invitation is renewed for the assistance of explorers, writers, and
students who are not and may not desire to be officially connected with
the Bureau. Their contributions, whether in the shape of suggestions or
of extended communications, will be gratefully acknowledged, and will
always receive proper credit if published either in the series of
reports or in monographs or bulletins, as the liberality of Congress may
in future allow.

The items now reported upon are presented in three principal divisions.
The first relates to the publication made; the second, to the work
prosecuted in the field; and the third, to the office work, which
largely consists of the preparation for publication of the results of
field work, with the corrections and additions obtained from the
literature relating to the subjects discussed and by correspondence.

PUBLICATION.

The only publication actually issued during the year was the Fourth
Animal Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Smithsonian Institution,
1882-’83. It is an imperial octavo volume of lxiii + 532 pages,
illustrated by 83 plates, of which 11 are colored, and 564 figures in
the text. The official report of the Director, occupying 39 pages
(pp. xxv-lxiii), is accompanied by the following papers:

Pictographs of the North American Indians, a preliminary paper, by
Garrick Mallery; pp. 3-256, Pls. I-LXXXIII, Figs. 1-209.

Pottery of the Ancient Pueblos, by William H. Holmes; pp. 257-360, Figs.
210-360.

Ancient Pottery of the Mississippi Valley, by William H. Holmes; pp.
361-436, Figs. 361-463.

Origin and Development of Form and Ornament in Ceramic Art, by William
H. Holmes; pp. 437-465, Figs. 464-489.

A Study of Pueblo Pottery, as illustrative of Zuñi culture growth, by
Frank Hamilton Cushing; pp. 467-521, Figs. 490-564.

FIELD WORK.

The field work of the year is divided into (1) mound explorations and
(2) general field studies, embracing those relating to social customs,
institutions, linguistics, pictography, and other divisions of
anthropology.

MOUND EXPLORATIONS.

WORK OF PROF. CYRUS THOMAS.

The work of exploring the mounds of the eastern United States was, as in
previous years, under the charge of Prof. Cyrus Thomas.

Although Prof. Thomas and his assistants have devoted a large portion of
the year to the study of the collections made in the division of mound
exploration and to the preparation of a report of its operations for the
last five years, yet some field work of importance has been done.

Prof. Thomas in person examined the more important ancient works of New
York and Ohio. He gave special attention to the latter, with a view of
determining where new and more accurate descriptions, surveys, and
illustrations were necessary. It was found requisite to undertake a
careful resurvey and description of a number of the well known works in
Ohio. This reexamination was the more necessary in view of the light
shed on the origin and use of these monuments by the explorations which
had been carried on in West Virginia, western North Carolina, and
eastern Tennessee.

Mr. J. P. Rogan continued his work as assistant until the close of
November, when he voluntarily resigned his position to enter upon other
engagements. A portion of his time during the first month was occupied
in arranging and preparing for shipment the collection purchased of Mrs.
McGlashan, in Savannah, Georgia. The rest of his time was employed in
exploring mounds along the upper Savannah River in Georgia and South
Carolina and along the lower Yazoo River in Mississippi.

Mr. J. W. Emmert continued to act as field assistant until the end of
February, when the field work closed. His labors, with the exception of
a short visit to central New York, were confined to eastern Tennessee,
chiefly Blount, Monroe, and Loudon counties, where numerous extensive
and very interesting groups are found in the section formerly occupied
by the Cherokees. Prof. Thomas thought it necessary to devote
considerable attention to the ancient works of that region, as it is
probable that there and in western North Carolina is to be found the key
that will materially assist in solving the problem of the peculiar works
of Ohio. The results of these explorations are of unusual interest,
independent of their supposed bearing on the Ohio mounds.

Mr. James D. Middleton, who has been a constant assistant in the
division since its organization, after completing some investigations
begun in southern Illinois, visited western Kentucky for the purpose of
investigating the works of that section, but was soon afterwards called
to Washington to take part in the office work. During the month of June
he visited and made a thorough survey of the extensive group of works
near Charleston, West Virginia, of which Colonel Norris had made a
partial exploration, the latter having been prevented from completing it
by the sickness which immediately preceded his death. During the same
month Mr. Middleton commenced the survey of the Ohio works before
alluded to, obtaining some valuable results in the short time before the
close of the year.

Mr. Gerard Fowke was also engaged for a short time in field work in
western Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Kentucky, but was called early in autumn
to Washington to assist in office work.

GENERAL FIELD STUDIES.

WORK OF MR. A. S. GATSCHET.

During October and December Mr. Albert S. Gatschet was engaged in
gathering historic and linguistic data in Louisiana, Texas, and the
portion of Mexico adjoining the Rio Grande, which region contains the
remnants of a number of tribes whose language and linguistic affinity
are practically unknown. After a long search Mr. Gatschet found a small
settlement of Biloxi Indians at Indian Creek, five or six miles west of
Lecompte, Rapides Parish, Louisiana, where they gain a livelihood as day
laborers. Most of them speak English more than their native tongue; in
fact, about two-thirds of the thirty-two survivors speak English only.
The vocabulary obtained by him discloses the interesting fact that the
Biloxi belong to the Siouan linguistic family.

He heard of about twenty-five of the Tunika tribe still living in their
old homes on the Marksville Prairie, Avoyelles Parish, Louisiana. An
excellent vocabulary was obtained of their language at Lecompte,
Louisiana, and a careful comparison of this with other Indian languages
shows that the Tunika is related to none, but represents a distinct
linguistic family. He was unable to collect any information in regard to
the Karankawa tribe, concerning which little is known except that they
lived upon the Texan coast near Lavaca Bay.

Leaving Laredo County, Texas, he visited Camargo, in Tamaulipas, Mexico,
finding near San Miguel the remnants of the Comecrudo tribe, or, as they
are called by the whites, Carrizos. Only the older men and women still
remember their language. The full-blood Comecrudos seen were tall and
thin, some of them with fairer complexions than the Mexicans.
Subsequently the Cotoname language, formerly spoken in the same
district, was studied and found to be a distinctly related dialect of
Comecrudo. Both of them belong to the Coahuiltecan family. From the
Comecrudo Mr. Gatschet obtained the names of a number of extinct tribes
which formerly lived in their vicinity, but of which no representatives
are left. These are the Casas Chiquitas, Tejones (or “Raccoons”), Pintos
or Pakawas, Miakkan, and Cartujanos. He next visited the Tlaskaltec
Indians, who live in the city of Saltillo. Of these Indians about two
hundred still speak their own language, which is almost identical with
the Aztec, although largely mixed with Spanish.

WORK OF MR. JEREMIAH CURTIN.

Mr. Jeremiah Curtin was engaged from the middle of March to June 1 in
completing investigations begun the previous year into the history,
myths, and language of the Iroquois Indians at Versailles, Cattaraugus
County, New York. The material obtained by him is of great interest and
value.

WORK OF DR. W. J. HOFFMAN.

Dr. W. J. Hoffman proceeded early in August to Paint Rock, North
Carolina, to secure sketches of pictographs upon the canyon walls of the
French Broad River near that place. Owing to disintegration of the
sandstone rocks, the painted outlines of animals and other figures are
becoming slowly obliterated, though sufficient remained to show their
similarity to others in various portions of the region which it is
believed was occupied by the Cherokee Indians. Similar outlines were
reported to have been formerly visible on the same river, as well as on
the Tennessee, near Knoxville, Tennessee, though no traces of them were
found.

The next place visited was a few miles distant from and northwest of
Liberty, Tazewell County, Virginia, where some painted characters still
remain in a good state of preservation. They are on the sandstone cliffs
near the summit of the mountains and consist of human figures, birds,
and other forms, appearing to resemble artistically those of North
Carolina. Five miles eastward, on the same range, is a single
diamond-shaped cluster of red and black marks, no other forms being
visible. This rock is known in the surrounding country as the
“Handkerchief Rock,” because of its resemblance to an outspread colored
handkerchief. He then proceeded to Charleston, West Virginia, obtaining
copies of petroglyphs on Big Horse Creek, 12 miles southwest of that
place, and at several points along the Kanawha River. It was learned
that 20 miles south of Charleston, on the reputed trail leading from the
Kanawha Valley into Kentucky, “painted trees” formerly marked the
direction of the trails leading into the Cherokee country, and into
Kentucky. These trees bore various marks in red, but no accurate
information pertaining to the precise form of the characters could be
ascertained. At the other points mentioned characters were noticed
resembling in general those found in other portions of the Eastern and
Middle States known to have been occupied by tribes of the Algonquian
linguistic family.

The “Indian God-Rock,” 115 miles north of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, on
the Alleghany River, was next examined and sketches were made of the
figures. This rock is an immense bowlder, the sculptured face of which
is about 15 feet high and from 8 to 10 feet broad, and lies at the
water’s edge. The figures upon the lower surface are being gradually
obliterated by erosion from floating logs and driftwood during seasons
of high water, while those upon the upper portions are being ruined by
the visitors who cut names and dates over and upon the sculptured
surfaces. Another place visited was on the Susquehanna River, 3 miles
below Columbia, Pennsylvania. Here a small stream empties into the river
from the east, along whose course several rocks were found bearing
deeply cut and polished grooves, indicating a nearly east and west
direction. These rocks are believed to be on the line of one of the
Indian trails leading to the Delaware River, similar to that at
Conowingo, Maryland, which was the last locality inspected, and which is
known as “Bald Friar.” A large mass of rock projecting from the bed of
the river is almost covered with numerous circles, cup-shaped
depressions, human forms, and ellipses, strongly resembling characters
from other points in the regions formerly occupied by the Algonquian
family. Measurements and sketches of these petroglyphs were made, with a
view to future reproduction upon models.

OFFICE WORK.

The Director, Maj. J. W. POWELL, has continued the work of the
linguistic classification of the Indian tribes in North America north of
Mexico, and in connection with it is preparing a map upon a linguistic
basis showing the original habitat of the tribes. The work is now far
advanced.

Prof. CYRUS THOMAS, as previously stated, has devoted much of his time
during the year to the study of the collections made, and in preparing
for publication the account of field work performed by himself and
assistants. That account will form the first volume of his final report,
and will consist almost wholly of descriptions, plans, and figures of
the ancient works examined, narrative and speculation being entirely
excluded. It will also include a paper by Mr. Gerard Fowke on the stone
articles of the collection. The second volume will be devoted to the
geographic distribution of the various types of mounds, archeologic maps
and charts, and a general discussion of the various forms and types of
ancient works. The preliminary lists of the various monuments known, and
of the localities where they are found, together with references to the
works and periodicals in which they are mentioned, which Mrs. V. L.
Thomas, in addition to her other duties, has been engaged upon for
nearly three years, is now completed, and is being used in the
preparation of maps. It will be issued as a bulletin.

Mr. GERARD FOWKE, in addition to assisting in the preparation of the
final report on the field work of the mound exploration division, has
made a study of the stone articles of the collection made by it.

Mr. H. L. REYNOLDS has made a study of the copper articles collected,
and has prepared a paper which is nearly completed.

Mr. J. D. MIDDLETON’S office work has consisted entirely in the
preparation of maps, charts, and diagrams. These are of two classes--
(1) those made entirely from original surveys, which constitute the
larger portion, and (2) the archeological maps of States and districts,
showing the distribution of given types, which are made from all the
data obtainable, including additions and verifications made by the mound
exploration division of the Bureau.

Mr. J. C. PILLING continued his bibliographic studies during the year,
with the intention of completing for the press his bibliography of North
American languages. After consultation with the Director and a number of
gentlemen well informed on the subject, it was concluded that the wants
of students in this branch of ethnology would be better subserved if the
material were issued in separate bibliographies, each devoted to one of
the great linguistic stocks of North America. The first one selected for
issue related to the Eskimo, which was prepared during the year, and
when put in type formed a pamphlet of 116 pages. The experiment proved
successful, and Mr. Pilling continued the preparation of the separates.
Late in the fiscal year the manuscript of his bibliography of the Siouan
family was sent to the Public Printer. It is the intention to continue
this work by preparing a bibliography of each of the linguistic groups
as fast as opportunity will permit.

Mr. FRANK H. CUSHING continued work upon his Zuñi material, so far as
his health permitted, until the middle of December. At that time he gave
up office work and left for Arizona and New Mexico, intending to devote
himself for a time to the examination of the ruins of that region with
the view of obtaining material of collateral interest in connection with
his Zuñi studies as well as in hope of restoring his impaired health.

Mr. CHARLES C. ROYCE, although no longer officially connected with the
Bureau, devoted much time during the year to the completion of his work
upon the former title of Indian tribes to lands within the United States
and the methods by which their relinquishment had been procured. This
work, delayed by Mr. Royce’s resignation from the Bureau force, is
reported by him as nearly completed.

Mr. WILLIAM H. HOLMES has continued the archeologic work begun in
preceding years, utilizing such portions of his time as were not
absorbed in work pertaining to the U.S. Geological Survey. A paper upon
the antiquities of Chiriqui and one upon textile art in its relation to
form and ornament, prepared for the Sixth Annual Report, were completed
and proofs were read. During the year work was begun upon a review of
the ceramic art of Mexico. A special paper, with twenty illustrations,
upon a remarkable group of spurious antiquities belonging to that
country, was prepared and turned over to the Smithsonian Institution for
publication. In addition, a preliminary study of the prehistoric textile
fabrics of Peru was begun, and a short paper with numerous illustrations
was written. As in former years, Mr. Holmes has superintended the
preparation of drawings and engravings for the Bureau publications. The
number of illustrations prepared during the year amounted to 650.

He has also general charge of the miscellaneous archeologic and
ethnologic collections of the Bureau, and reports that Prof. Cyrus
Thomas, Mr. James Stevenson, and other officers and agents of the Bureau
have obtained collections of articles from the mounds of the Mississippi
Valley and from the ruins of the Pueblo country. A number of interesting
articles have also been acquired by gift. Capt. J. G. Bourke, U.S. Army,
presented a series of vases and other ceremonial objects obtained from
cliff dwellings and caves in the Pueblo country; Mr. J. B. Stearns, of
Short Hills, N.J., made a few additions to his already valuable
donations of relics from the ancient graves of Chiriqui, Colombia, and
Mr. J. N. Macomb presented a number of fragments of earthenware from
Graham County, North Carolina. Some important accessions have been made
by purchase. A large collection of pottery, textile fabrics, and other
articles from the graves of Peru was obtained from Mr. William E.
Curtis; a series of ancient and modern vessels of clay and numerous
articles of other classes from Chihuahua, Mexico, were acquired through
the agency of Dr. E. Palmer; a small set of handsome vases of the
ancient white ware of New Mexico was acquired by purchase from Mr. C. M.
Landon, of Lawrence, Kansas, and several handsome vases from various
parts of Mexico were obtained from Dr. Eugene Boban.

Mr. VICTOR MINDELEFF was engraved during the fiscal year in the
preparation of a report on the architecture of the Tusayan and Cibola
groups of pueblos, which appears in the present volume. This report
contains a description of the topography and climate of the region, in
illustration of the influence of environment upon the development of the
pueblo type of architecture. It also contains a traditionary account of
the Tusayan pueblos and of their separate clans or phratries.
A description in detail of the Tusayan group treats of the relative
position of the villages and such ruins as are connected traditionally
or historically with them. A comparative study is also made between the
Tusayan and Cibola groups and between them and certain well preserved
ruins in regard to constructive details, by which means the
comparatively advanced type of the modern pueblo architecture is clearly
established. Maps of the groups discussed and of the topography of the
country and ground plans of houses and apartments were prepared to
illustrate the report and give effect to the descriptions and
discussion.

Mr. COSMOS MINDELEFF devoted the early part of the fiscal year to the
preparation of a report upon the exhibits of the Bureau of Ethnology and
the Geological Survey at the Cincinnati Industrial Exposition, 1884; the
Southern Exposition at Louisville, 1884; and the Industrial and Cotton
Centennial Exposition at New Orleans, 1884-’85. The report includes a
descriptive catalogue of the various exhibits. As these consisted
largely of models, and as the locality or object represented by each
model was described in detail, the report was lengthy. It was finished
in October and transmitted to the Commissioner representing the
Department of the Interior. During the remainder of the year the portion
of time which Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff was able to devote to office work was
employed in assisting Mr. Victor Mindeleff in the preparation of a
preliminary report on the architecture of Zuñi and Tusayan. The portion
assigned to him consists of an introductory chapter devoted to the
traditionary history of Tusayan, arranged from material collected by Mr.
A. M. Stephen, of Keam’s Canyon, Arizona.

The modeling room has remained in charge of Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff. The
preparation of a duplicate series of the models made in the last few
years and now deposited in the National Museum was continued, a large
portion of the time being given to that work. During the year the
following models were added to this series: (1) model of Shumopavi,
Tusayan, Arizona; (2) model of Etowah mound, Georgia; (3) models of
Mashongnavi; (4) model of Zuñi; (5) model of Peñasco Blanco; (6) models
of Etruscan graves, being a series to illustrate ancient Etruscan
graves, from material furnished by Mr. Thomas Wilson.

Mr. E. W. NELSON, during 1886, and continuously to the end of the fiscal
year, has devoted much time to preparing a report upon the Eskimo of
northern Alaska, for which his note books and large collections obtained
in that region furnish ample material. During 1886 the vocabularies,
taken from twelve Eskimo dialects for use in Arctic Alaska, were
arranged in the form of an English-Eskimo and Eskimo-English dictionary.
These dictionaries, with notes upon the alphabet and grammar, will form
one part of his report. The other part will consist of chapters upon
various phases of Eskimo life and customs in Alaska, and will be
illustrated by photographs taken by him on the spot and by specimens
collected during his extended journeys in that region. His notes upon
Eskimo legends, festivals, and other customs will form an important
contribution.

Mr. LUCIEN M. TURNER is also engaged in the preparation of a similar
report upon the Eskimo, in the form of a descriptive catalogue of the
large amount of material collected by him during a residence of several
years at St. Michaels and in the Aleutian Islands. When these two
reports shall be completed the amount of accurate information concerning
the remarkable people to whom they relate will be materially increased.

Mr. HENRY W. HENSHAW has continued in charge of the work upon the
synonymy of the Indian tribes of the United States, which was alluded to
in some detail in the annual report of last year. This work has been
temporarily suspended, and Mr. Henshaw has assisted the Director in the
preparation of a linguistic map of the region north of Mexico and in the
classification of the Indian tribes, a work which properly precedes and
forms the basis of the volume on synonymy.

Col. GARRICK MALLERY was steadily occupied during the year in the work
of the synonymy of the Indian tribes, his special field being the
Iroquoian and Algonquian linguistic stocks, and his particular
responsibility being the careful study of all the literature on the
subject in the French language. He also, when time allowed, continued
researches in and correspondence concerning sign language and
pictographs.

Mr. JAMES MOONEY has been occupied during the entire year, in
conjunction with Col. Mallery, in that portion of the work of the Indian
synonymy relating to the Algonquian and Iroquoian families.

Mr. JOHN N. B. HEWITT has continued the linguistic work left unfinished
by Mrs. Erminnie A. Smith. During the year he has been engaged in
recording, translating, and tracing the derivation of Tuscarora words
for a Tuscarora-English dictionary. He has thus far recorded about 8,000
words.

Mr. ALBERT S. GATSCHET has devoted almost the entire year to the
synonymy of Indian tribes, and has practically completed the section
assigned to him, viz, the tribes of the southeastern United States.

Mr. J. OWEN DORSEY continued his labors on the Indian synonymy cards of
the Siouan, Caddoan, Athapascan, Kusan, Yakonan, and Takilman linguistic
stocks. He resumed his preparation of the dictionary cards for
contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. VI, Part II, and in
connection therewith found it necessary to elaborate his additional
[¢]egiha texts, consisting of more than two hundred and fifty epistles,
besides ten or more myths gained since 1880. This work was Interrupted
in March, 1887, when he was obliged to undertake the arrangement of a
new collection of Teton texts for publication. Mr. George Bushotter,
a Dakota Indian, who speaks the Teton dialect, was employed by the
Director from March 23, for the purpose of recording for future use of
the Bureau some of the Teton myths and legends in the original. One
hundred of these texts were thus written, and it devolved on Mr. Dorsey
to prepare the interlinear translations of the texts, critical and
explanatory notes, and other necessary linguistic material, as dictated
by Mr. Bushotter. Besides writing the texts in the Teton dialects, Mr.
Bushotter has been able to furnish numerous sketches as illustrations,
all of which have been drawn and colored according to Indian ideas. His
collection of sketches is the most extensive that has been gained from
among the tribes of the Siouan family, and it is the first one
contributed by an Indian.

Dr. WALTER J. HOFFMAN and Mr. JEREMIAH CURTIN, when not in the field as
above mentioned, have continued to assist in the work of the synonymy of
the Indian tribes.

ACCOMPANYING PAPERS.

The papers contained in the present volume relate to the Pueblo and
Navajo Indians, who occupy a large territory in the interior
southwestern parts of the United States. The prehistoric archeology of
the Pueblos in the special department of architecture is the most
prominent single subject presented and discussed, but the papers also
include studies of the history, mythology, and sociology of that people,
as well as of their neighbors and hereditary enemies the Navajo. All of
these correlated studies are set forth with detail and illustration.

A STUDY OF PUEBLO ARCHITECTURE, TUSAYAN AND CIBOLA, BY VICTOR MINDELEFF.

This study relates to the ruins and inhabited towns found in that
immense southwestern region composed of the arid plateaus which is
approximately bounded on the east by the Rio Pecos and the west by the
Colorado River, on the north by Central Utah, and which extends
southward to yet undetermined limits in Mexico. The present paper is
more directly confined to the ancient provinces of Tusayan and Cibola
which are situated within the drainage of the Little Colorado River, and
the intention is to follow and supplement it by studies of other typical
groups in the region, but the necessary comparisons and generalizations
now presented apply to all the varied features which are observed in the
remains of Pueblo architecture now scattered over thousands of square
miles. The work of surveying and platting in this vast field, together
with the consequent coordination of studies and preparation of
illustrations, has occupied the author and Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff a large
amount of time since the year 1881, though it did not include all of
their duties performed during that period.

The title of the paper, which only indicates architecture, fails to do
justice to the broad and suggestive treatment of the subject. It would
be expected, indeed required, that the surveys should be accurate in
details and that the physical features of the region should be
exhaustively described, but while all this is well done, much more
matter of a different though related class, and of great value to
ethnology, is furnished. The history, prehistoric and recent, the
religion, the sociology and the arts of the people, with their home life
and folklore, are studied and discussed in a manner which would be
creditable in essays devoted to those special subjects, but are so
employed as to be thoroughly appropriate to the elucidation of the
general theme.

The chapter on the traditional history of Tusayan, which is the
individual compilation of Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff, is an important and
interesting contribution relative to the history, migrations, and
mythology of the people. The traditions are, however, used with proper
caution, the fact being recognized that they seldom contain distinct
information, but are often of high value from their incidental allusions
and in their preservation of the conditions of the past which influenced
the lines and limitations of their growth.

The classification and account of the Pueblo phratries and gentes form
an important contribution to anthropology, and the discussion upon the
origin and use of the kivas is more explanatory and exhaustive than any
before made on that subject. This word of the Tusayan language is
adopted to take the place of the Spanish term “estufa,” which literally
means a stove, and is misleading, because it strictly applies only to
the sweat houses which lodge-building Indians use. The kiva is the
ceremonial chamber of the ancient and modern Pueblo peoples. They are
found wherever the remains of Pueblo architecture occur, and are
distinguished from the typical dwelling rooms by their size and position
and generally by their form. The author dwells instructively upon the
antiquity, excavation, access, exterior masonry, orientation, and
general construction, furniture, and ornaments of these remarkable
chambers, and upon the rites connected with them. He also gives an
original and acute suggestion to account for the persistence of the
structural plan of the kivas by its religious or mythologic
signification.

The designation of the curious orifice of the sipapuh as “the place from
which the people emerged,” in connection with the peculiar arrangement
of the kiva interior with its change of floor level, suggested to Mr.
Mindeleff that these features might be regarded as typifying the four
worlds of the genesis myth that has exercised such an influence on
Tusayan customs. He was also led to infer that it typifies the “four
houses” or stages described in their creation myths. The sipapuh, with
its cavity beneath the floor, is certainly regarded as indicating the
place of beginning, the lowest house under the earth, the abode of
Myuingwa, the Creator; the main or lower floor represents the second
stage; and the elevated section of the floor is made to denote the third
stage, where animals were created. At the New Year festivals animal
fetiches were set in groups upon this platform. It is also to be noted
that the ladder to the surface is invariably made of pine, and always
rests upon the platform, never upon the lower floor, and in their
traditional genesis it is stated that the people climbed up from the
third house (stage) by a ladder of pine, and through such an opening as
the kiva hatchway. The outer air is the fourth world, or that now
occupied.

Another apt observation is connected with the evolution of ornament, and
was prompted to the author by the common use of small chinking stones
for bringing the masonry to an even face after the larger stones forming
the body of the wall had been laid in place. This method of construction
in the case of some of the best built ancient pueblos resulted in the
production of marvelously finished stone walls, in which the mosaic-like
bits are so closely laid as to show none but the finest joints on the
face of the wall, with but little trace of mortar. The chinking wedges
necessarily varied greatly in dimensions to suit the sizes of the
interstices between the larger stones of the wall. The use of stone in
this manner probably suggested the banded walls that form a striking
feature in some of the Chaco houses. In connection with these walls the
seams of stone of two degrees of thickness, which are observable in the
cliffs, naturally suggested to the builders their imitation by the use
of stones of similar thickness in continuous bands. The ornamental
effect of this device was originally an accidental result of adopting
the most convenient method of using the material at hand.

The author exhibits the result of thoughtful study in his expressed
views upon the mooted questions of racial origins and diffusions. He
noted that some of the ruins connected traditionally and historically
with Tusayan and Cibola differ in no particular from those stone pueblos
widely scattered over the southwestern plateaus which from time to time
have been invested by travelers and writers with a halo of romance and
regarded as the wondrous achievements in civilization of a vanished but
once powerful race. These abandoned stone houses found in the midst of
desert solitudes excited the imaginations of early explorers to connect
the remains with “Aztecs” and other mysterious peoples. From this early
implanted bias arose many ingenious theories concerning the origin and
disappearance of the builders of the ancient pueblos.

In connection with the architectural examination of some of these
remains many traditions were obtained from the living members of the
tribes, several of which are published in the present paper, and which
clearly indicate that some of the village ruins and cliff dwellings have
been built and occupied by ancestors of the present Pueblo Indians at a
date well within the historic period. Both architectural and traditional
evidence are in accord in establishing a continuity of descent from the
ancient Pueblos to those of the present day. Many of the communities are
now made up of the more or less scattered but interrelated remnants of
gentes which in former times occupied villages on the present or
neighboring sites.

Mr. Mindeleff’s conclusions may be condensed as follows:

The general outlines of the development of architecture, wherein the
ancient builders were stimulated to the best use of the exceptional
materials about them both by the difficult conditions of their
semidesert environment and by constant necessity for protection against
their neighbors, can be traced in its various stages of growth from the
primitive conical lodge to its culmination in the large communal village
of many-storied terraced buildings which were in use at the time of the
Spanish discovery, and which still survive in Zuñi. Yet the various
steps have resulted from a simple and direct use of the material
immediately at hand, while methods gradually improved as frequent
experiments taught the builders to utilize more fully the local
facilities. In all cases the material was derived from the nearest
available source, and often variations in the quality of the finished
work are due to variations in the quality of the stone near by. The
results accomplished attest the patient and persistent industry of the
ancient builders, but the work does not display great skill in the
construction or the preparation of material.

The same desert environment that furnished an abundance of material for
the ancient builders, from its inhospitable character and the constant
variations in the water supply, also compelled the frequent use of this
material in the change of house and village sites. This was an important
factor in bringing about the degree of advancement attained in the art
of building. The distinguishing characteristics of Pueblo architecture
may therefore be regarded as the product of a defensive motive and of an
arid environment that furnished an abundance of suitable building
material, and at the same time the climatic conditions that compelled
its frequent employment.

The cultural distinctions once drawn by writers between the Pueblo
Indians and neighboring tribes gradually become less clearly defined as
they have been intelligently studied. An understanding of their social
and religious system establishes the essential identity in their grade
of culture with that of other tribes. In many of the arts, too, such as
weaving and ceramics, these people in no degree surpass many tribes who
build ruder dwellings. Though they have progressed far beyond their
neighbors in architecture, many of the devices employed attest the
essentially primitive character of their art, and demonstrate that the
apparent distinction in grade of culture is mainly due to the
exceptional condition of their environment.

This important and timely paper furnishes new evidence taken from one of
the strongholds of sentimental phantasy to show that there is no need
for the hypothesis of an extinct race with dense population and high
civilization to account for the conditions actually existing in North
America before the European discovery.

CEREMONIAL OF HASJELTI DAILJIS AND MYTHICAL SAND PAINTING OF THE NAVAJO
INDIANS, BY JAMES STEVENSON.

This paper, apart from its intrinsic merits, has a peculiar interest to
American anthropologists from its being the last official work of Mr.
Stevenson, whose untimely death on July 25, 1888, was noticed in a
former report. It shows his personal characteristics, being a clear and
accurate statement of the facts actually observed and of the information
acquired by him at first hand, without diffuseness or unnecessary
theorizing.

Hasjelti Dailjis, in the Navajo tongue, signifies the dance of Hasjelti,
who is the chief or rather the most important and conspicuous of the
gods. The word dance does not well designate the ceremonies, as they are
in general more histrionic than saltatory. The whole of the ceremonial,
which lasts for nine days, is familiarly called among the tribe
“Yebitchai,” which means “the giant’s uncle,” this term being used to
awe the youthful candidates for initiation.

The ceremony witnessed by Mr. Stevenson was performed to cure a wealthy
member of the tribe of an inflammation of the eyes. Twelve hundred
Navajo Indians were present, chiefly as spectators, but that exhibition
of their interest may partly be accounted for by the fact that they
lived while on their visit at the expense of the invalid and occupied
most of the time in gambling and horse racing. The very numerous active
participants in the ceremonies, who might be called the mystery company,
in reference to the early form of our drama, were not directly paid for
their services, but acted because they were the immediate relatives of
the invalid for whose benefit the performance was given. The tribesman
who combined the offices of manager, theurgist, song priest, or master
of ceremonies was paid exorbitantly for his professional services. The
personation of the various gods and their attendants and the acted drama
of their mythical adventures and displayed powers exhibit features of
peculiar interest, while the details of the action day after day show
all imaginable and generally incomprehensible changes and multiplication
of costume and motions and postures and manipulations of feathers and
meal and sticks and paint and water and sand and innumerable other stage
properties in astounding complexity and seeming confusion. Yet, from
what is known of isolated and fragmentary parts of the dramatized myths,
it is to be inferred that every one of the strictly regulated and
prescribed actions has or has had a special significance, and it is
obvious that they are all maintained with strict religious scrupulosity,
indeed with constant dread of fatal consequences which would result from
the slightest divergence. In connection with this ritualistic form of
punctilio, which is noticed in the religious practices of other peoples
and lands, the established formal invocation of and prayer to the
divinity may be mentioned. It clearly offers a bribe or proposes the
terms of a bargain to the divinities, and has its parallel in the
archaic prayers of many other languages. Translated from the Navajo, it
is given as follows:

People of the mountains and roots [i.e., the gods, as shown by the
context], I hear you wish to be paid. I give to you food of corn
pollen and humming-bird feathers, and I send to you precious stones,
and tobacco, which you must smoke; it has been lighted by the sun’s
rays, and for this I beg you to give me a good dance; be with me!
Earth, I beg you to give me a good dance, and I offer to you food of
humming-bird’s plumes and precious stones, and tobacco to smoke
lighted by the sun’s rays, to pay for using you for the dance; make
a good solid ground for me, that the gods who come to see the dance
may be pleased at the ground their people dance upon; make my people
healthy and strong of mind and body.

In addition to his exhaustive account of the Hasjelti Dailjis and of the
curious dry-sand painting which the Navajo in common with the Pueblo
tribes make a prominent feature of their mysteries, and of which
illustrations are furnished, Mr. Stevenson presents translations of six
of the Navajo myths, some of which elucidate parts of the ceremony
forming the main title of his paper. These myths are set forth in a
simple and straightforward style, which gives intrinsic evidence that
they retain the spirit of the original. They are certainly free from the
pretentious embellishment and literary conceit which have perverted
nearly all the published forms of Indian myths and tales hitherto
accessible to general readers, and have even misled the numerous special
students who had no facilities for verification.

FINANCIAL STATEMENT.

_Classification of expenditures made from the appropriation for North
American ethnology for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1887._

Expenses. Amount Amount
expended. appropriated.

Services $27,988.59
Traveling expenses 2,339.89
Transportation of property 164.90
Field subsistence 102.30
Field supplies 204.51
Field material 11.54
Instruments 1.75
Laboratory material 5.00
Photographic material 16.30
Books and maps 176.43
Stationery 133.12
Illustrations for report 411.00
Goods for distribution to Indians 100.00
Office furniture 3.25
Correspondence 11.62
Specimens 2,600.20
Bonded railroad accounts forward
to Treasury for settlement 45.65
Balance on hand to meet outstanding
liabilities 5,683.95
---------- ----------
Total 40,000.00 $40,000.00

* * * * *

ACCOMPANYING PAPERS.

* * * * *

A STUDY

PUEBLO ARCHITECTURE:

Tusayan And Cibola.

Victor Mindeleff.

* * * * *

CONTENTS.

Introduction 13

CHAPTER I.--Traditionary history of Tusayan 16
Explanatory 16
Summary of traditions 16
List of traditionary gentes 38
Supplementary legend 40

CHAPTER II.--Ruins and inhabited villages of Tusayan 42
Physical features of the province 42
Methods of survey 44
Plans and description of ruins 45
Walpi ruins 46
Old Mashongnavi 47
Shitaimuvi 48
Awatubi 49
Horn House 50
Small ruin near Horn House 51
Bat House 52
Mishiptonga 52
Moen-kopi 53
Ruins on the Oraibi wash 54
Kwaituki 56
Tebugkihu, or Fire House 57
Chukubi 59
Payupki 59
Plans and descriptions of inhabited villages 61
Hano 61
Sichumovi 62
Walpi 63
Mashongnavi 66
Shupaulovi 71
Shumopavi 73
Oraibi 76
Moen-kopi 77

CHAPTER III.--Ruins and inhabited villages of Cibola 80
Physical features of the province 80
Plans and descriptions of ruins 80
Hawikuh 80
Ketchipauan 81
Chalowe 83
Hampassawan 84
K’iakima 85
Matsaki 86
Pinawa 86
Halona 88
Tâaaiyalana ruins 89
Kin-tiel and Kinna-Zinde 91
Plans and descriptions of inhabited villages 94
Nutria 94
Pescado 95
Ojo Caliente 96
Zuñi 97

CHAPTER IV.--Architecture of Tusayan and Cibola compared
by constructional details 100
Introduction 100
House building 100
Rites and methods 100
Localization of gentes 104
Interior arrangement 108
Kivas in Tusayan 111
General use of kivas by pueblo builders 111
Origin of the name 111
Antiquity of the kiva 111
Excavation of the kiva 112
Access 113
Masonry 114
Orientation 115
The ancient form of kiva 116
Native explanations of position 117
Methods of kiva building and rites 118
Typical plans 118
Work by women 129
Consecration 129
Various uses of kivas 130
Kiva ownership 133
Motives for building a kiva 134
Significance of structural plan 135
Typical measurements 136
List of Tusayan kivas 136
Details of Tusayan and Cibola construction 137
Walls 137
Roofs and floors 148
Wall copings and roof drains 151
Ladders and steps 156
Cooking pits and ovens 162
Oven-shaped structures 167
Fireplaces and chimneys 167
Gateways and covered passages 180
Doors 182
Windows 194
Roof openings 201
Furniture 208
Corrals and gardens; eagle cages 214
“Kisi” construction 217
Architectural nomenclature 220

Concluding remarks 223

ILLUSTRATIONS.

[Illustration: Plate I.
General Map of the Pueblo Region of Arizona and New Mexico,
Showing Relative Position of the Provinces of Tusayan and Cibola.
by Victor Mindeleff.]

* * * * *

A STUDY OF PUEBLO ARCHITECTURE
IN TUSAYAN AND CIBOLA.

By Victor Mindeleff.

* * * * *

INTRODUCTION.

The remains of pueblo architecture are found scattered over thousands
of square miles of the arid region of the southwestern plateaus. This
vast area includes the drainage of the Rio Pecos on the east and that
of the Colorado on the west, and extends from central Utah on the north
beyond the limits of the United States southward, in which direction its
boundaries are still undefined.

The descendants of those who at various times built these stone
villages are few in number and inhabit about thirty pueblos distributed
irregularly over parts of the region formerly occupied. Of these the
greater number are scattered along the upper course of the Rio Grande
and its tributaries in New Mexico; a few of them, comprised within the
ancient provinces of Cibola and Tusayan, are located within the
drainage of the Little Colorado. From the time of the earliest Spanish
expeditions into the country to the present day, a period covering more
than three centuries, the former province has been often visited by
whites, but the remoteness of Tusayan and the arid and forbidding
character of its surroundings have caused its more complete isolation.
The architecture of this district exhibits a close adherence to
aboriginal practices, still bears the marked impress of its development
under the exacting conditions of an arid environment, and is but slowly
yielding to the influence of foreign ideas.

The present study of the architecture of Tusayan and Cibola embraces all
of the inhabited pueblos of those provinces, and includes a number of
the ruins traditionally connected with them. It will be observed by
reference to the map that the area embraced in these provinces comprises
but a small portion of the vast region over which pueblo culture once
extended.

This study is designed to be followed by a similar study of two typical
groups of ruins, viz, that of Canyon de Chelly, in northeastern Arizona,
and that of the Chaco Canyon, of New Mexico; but it has been necessary
for the writer to make occasional reference to these ruins in the
present paper, both in the discussion of general arrangement and
characteristic ground plans, embodied in Chapters II and III and in the
comparison by constructional details treated in Chapter IV, in order
to define clearly the relations of the various features of pueblo
architecture. They belong to the same pueblo system illustrated by the
villages of Tusayan and Cibola, and with the Canyon de Chelly group
there is even some trace of traditional connection, as is set forth by
Mr. Stephen in Chapter I. The more detailed studies of these ruins, to
be published later, together with the material embodied in the present
paper, will, it is thought, furnish a record of the principal
characteristics of an important type of primitive architecture, which,
under the influence of the arid environment of the southwestern
plateaus, has developed from the rude lodge into the many-storied
house of rectangular rooms. Indications of some of the steps of this
development are traceable even in the architecture of the present day.

The pueblo of Zuñi was surveyed by the writer in the autumn of 1881
with a view to procuring the necessary data for the construction of a
large-scale model of this pueblo. For this reason the work afforded a
record of external features only.

The modern pueblos of Tusayan were similarly surveyed in the following
season (1882-’83), the plans being supplemented by photographs, from
which many of the illustrations accompanying this paper have been drawn.
The ruin of Awatubi was also included in the work of this season.

In the autumn of 1885 many of the ruined pueblos of Tusayan were
surveyed and examined. It was during this season’s work that the details
of the kiva construction, embodied in the last chapter of this paper,
were studied, together with interior details of the dwellings. It was in
the latter part of this season that the farming pueblos of Cibola were
surveyed and photographed.

The Tusayan farming pueblo of Moen-kopi and a number of the ruins in the
province were surveyed and studied in the early part of the season of
1887-’88, the latter portion of which season was principally devoted to
an examination of the Chaco ruins in New Mexico.

In the prosecution of the field work above outlined the author has been
greatly indebted to the efficient assistance and hearty cooperation of
Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff, by whom nearly all the pueblos illustrated, with
the exception of Zuñi, have been surveyed and platted.

The plans obtained have involved much careful work with surveying
instruments, and have all been so platted as faithfully to record the
minute variations from geometric forms which are so characteristic of
the pueblo work, but which have usually been ignored in the hastily
prepared sketch plans that have at times appeared. In consequence of
the necessary omission of just such information in hastily drawn plans,
erroneous impressions have been given regarding the degree of skill to
which the pueblo peoples had attained in the planning and building of
their villages. In the general distribution of the houses, and in the
alignment and arrangement of their walls, as indicated in the plans
shown in Chapters II and III, an absence of high architectural
attainment is found, which is entirely in keeping with the lack of skill
apparent in many of the constructional devices shown in Chapter IV.

[Illustration: Plate II. Old Mashongnavi, plan.]

In preparing this paper for publication Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff has
rendered much assistance in the revision of manuscript, and in the
preparation of some of the final drawings of ground plans; on him has
also fallen the compilation and arrangement of Mr. A. M. Stephen’s
traditionary material from Tusayan, embraced in the first chapter of the
paper.

This latter material is of special interest in a study of the pueblos as
indicating some of the conditions under which this architectural type
was developed, and it appropriately introduces the more purely
architectural study by the author.

Such traditions must be used as history with the utmost caution,
and only for events that are very recent. Time relations are often
hopelessly confused and the narratives are greatly incumbered with
mythologic details. But while so barren in definite information, these
traditions are of the greatest value, often through their merely
incidental allusions, in presenting to our minds a picture of the
conditions under which the repeated migrations of the pueblo builders
took place.

The development of architecture among the Pueblo Indians was
comparatively rapid and is largely attributable to frequent changes,
migrations, and movements of the people as described in Mr. Stephen’s
account. These changes were due to a variety of causes, such as disease,
death, the frequent warfare carried on between different tribes and
branches of the builders, and the hostility of outside tribes; but a
most potent factor was certainly the inhospitable character of their
environment. The disappearance of some venerated spring during an
unusually dry season would be taken as a sign of the disfavor of the
gods, and, in spite of the massive character of the buildings, would
lead to the migration of the people to a more favorable spot. The
traditions of the Zuñis, as well as those of the Tusayan, frequently
refer to such migrations. At times tribes split up and separate, and
again phratries or distant groups meet and band together. It is
remarkable that the substantial character of the architecture should
persist through such long series of compulsory removals, but while the
builders were held together by the necessity for defense against their
wilder neighbors or against each other, this strong defensive motive
would perpetuate the laborious type of construction. Such conditions
would contribute to the rapid development of the building art.

CHAPTER I.

TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF TUSAYAN.

EXPLANATORY.

In this chapter[1] is presented a summary of the traditions of the
Tusayan, a number of which were collected from old men, from Walpi on
the east to Moen-kopi on the west. A tradition varies much with the
tribe and the individual; an authoritative statement of the current
tradition on any point could be made only with a complete knowledge of
all traditions extant. Such knowledge is not possessed by any one man,
and the material included in this chapter is presented simply as a
summary of the traditions secured.

[Footnote 1: This chapter is compiled by Cosmos Mindeleff from
material collected by A. M. Stephen.]

The material was collected by Mr. A. M. Stephen, of Keam’s Canyon,
Arizona, who has enjoyed unusual facilities for the work, having lived
for a number of years past in Tusayan and possessed the confidence
of the principal priests--a very necessary condition in work of
this character. Though far from complete, this summary is a more
comprehensive presentation of the traditionary history of these people
than has heretofore been published.

SUMMARY OF TRADITIONS.

The creation myths of the Tusayan differ widely, but none of them
designate the region now occupied as the place of their genesis. These
people are socially divided into family groups called wi´ngwu, the
descendants of sisters, and groups of wi´ngwu tracing descent from the
same female ancestor, and having a common totem called my´umu. Each of
these totemic groups preserves a creation myth, carrying in its details
special reference to themselves; but all of them claim a common origin
in the interior of the earth, although the place of emergence to the
surface is set in widely separated localities. They all agree in
maintaining this to be the fourth plane on which mankind has existed. In
the beginning all men lived together in the lowest depths, in a region
of darkness and moisture; their bodies were misshaped and horrible, and
they suffered great misery, moaning and bewailing continually. Through
the intervention of Myúingwa (a vague conception known as the god of the
interior) and of Baholikonga (a crested serpent of enormous size, the
genius of water), the “old men” obtained a seed from which sprang a
magic growth of cane. It penetrated through a crevice in the roof
overhead and mankind climbed to a higher plane. A dim light appeared in
this stage and vegetation was produced. Another magic growth of cane
afforded the means of rising to a still higher plane on which the light
was brighter; vegetation was reproduced and the animal kingdom was
created. The final ascent to this present, or fourth plane, was effected
by similar magic growths and was led by mythic twins, according to some
of the myths, by climbing a great pine tree, in others by climbing the
cane, _Phragmites communis_, the alternate leaves of which afforded
steps as of a ladder, and in still others it is said to have been a
rush, through the interior of which the people passed up to the surface.
The twins sang as they pulled the people out, and when their song was
ended no more were allowed to come; and hence, many more were left below
than were permitted to come above; but the outlet through which mankind
came has never been closed, and Myu´ingwa sends through it the germs of
all living things. It is still symbolized by the peculiar construction
of the hatchway of the kiva and in the designs on the sand altars in
these underground chambers, by the unconnected circle painted on pottery
and by devices on basketry and other textile fabrics.

[Illustration: Plate III. General view of Awatubi.]

All the people that were permitted to come to the surface were collected
and the different families of men were arranged together. This was done
under the direction of twins, who are called Pekónghoya, the younger one
being distinguished by the term Balíngahoya, the Echo. They were
assisted by their grandmother, Kóhkyang wúhti, the Spider woman, and
these appear in varying guises in many of the myths and legends. They
instructed the people in divers modes of life to dwell on mountain or on
plain, to build lodges, or huts, or windbreaks. They distributed
appropriate gifts among them and assigned each a pathway, and so the
various families of mankind were dispersed over the earth’s surface.

The Hopituh,[2] after being taught to build stone houses, were also
divided, and the different divisions took separate paths. The legends
indicate a long period of extensive migrations in separate communities;
the groups came to Tusayan at different times and from different
directions, but the people of all the villages concur in designating the
Snake people as the first occupants of the region. The eldest member of
that nyumu tells a curious legend of their migration from which the
following is quoted:

At the general dispersal my people lived in snake skins, each family
occupying a separate snake skin bag, and all were hung on the end of
a rainbow, which swung around until the end touched Navajo Mountain,
where the bags dropped from it; and wherever a bag dropped, there
was their house. After they arranged their bags they came out from
them as men and women, and they then, built a stone house which had
five sides. [The story here relates the adventures of a mythic Snake
Youth, who brought back a strange woman who gave birth to
rattlesnakes; these bit the people and compelled them to migrate.] A
brilliant star arose in the southeast, which would shine for a while
and then disappear. The old men said, “Beneath that star there must
be people,” so they determined to travel toward it. They cut a staff
and set it in the ground and watched till the star reached its top,
then they started and traveled as long as the star shone; when it
disappeared they halted. But the star did not shine every night, for
sometimes many years elapsed before it appeared again. When this
occurred, our people built houses during their halt; they built both
round and square houses, and all the ruins between here and Navajo
Mountain mark the places where our people lived. They waited till
the star came to the top of the staff again, then they moved on, but
many people were left in those houses and they followed afterward at
various times. When our people reached Wipho (a spring a few miles
north from Walpi) the star disappeared and has never been seen
since. They built a house there and after a time Másauwu (the god of
the face of the earth) came and compelled them to move farther down
the valley, to a point about half way between the East and Middle
Mesa, and there they stayed many plantings. One time the old men
were assembled and Másauwu came among them, looking like a horrible
skeleton, and his bones rattling dreadfully. He menaced them with
awful gestures, and lifted off his fleshless head and thrust it into
their faces; but he could not frighten them. So he said, “I have
lost my wager; all that I have is yours; ask for anything you want
and I will give it to you.” At that time our people’s house was
beside the water course, and Másauwu said, “Why are you sitting here
in the mud? Go up yonder where it is dry.” So they went across to
the low, sandy terrace on the west side of the mesa, near the point,
and built a house and lived there. Again the old men were assembled
and two demons came among them and the old men took the great Baho
and the nwelas and chased them away. When they were returning, and
were not far north from their village, they met the Lenbaki
(Cane-Flute, a religious society still maintained) of the Horn
family. The old men would not allow them to come in until Másauwu
appeared and declared them to be good Hopituh. So they built houses
adjoining ours and that made a fine, large village. Then other
Hopituh came in from time to time, and our people would say, “Build
here, or build there,” and portioned the land among the new comers.

[Footnote 2: The term by which the Tusayan Indians proper designate
themselves. This term does not include the inhabitants of the
village of Tewa or Hano, who are called Hanomuh.]

The site of the first Snake house in the valley, mentioned in the
foregoing legend, is now barely to be discerned, and the people refuse
to point out the exact spot. It is held as a place of votive offerings
during the ceremony of the Snake dance, and, as its name, Bátni,
implies, certain rain-fetiches are deposited there in small jars buried
in the ground. The site of the village next occupied can be quite easily
distinguished, and is now called Kwetcap tutwi, ash heap terrace, and
this was the village to which the name Walpi was first applied--a term
meaning the place at the notched mesa, in allusion to a broad gap in the
stratum of sandstone on the summit of the mesa, and by which it can be
distinguished from a great distance. The ground plan of this early Walpi
can still be partly traced, indicating the former existence of an
extensive village of clustering, little-roomed houses, with thick walls
constructed of small stones.

The advent of the Lenbaki is still commemorated by a biennial ceremony,
and is celebrated on the year alternating with their other biennial
ceremony, the Snake dance.

The Horn people, to which the Lenbaki belonged, have a legend of coming
from a mountain range in the east.

Its peaks were always snow covered, and the trees were always green.
From the hillside the plains were seen, over which roamed the deer,
the antelope, and the bison, feeding on never-failing grasses.
Twining through these plains were streams of bright water, beautiful
to look upon. A place where none but those who were of our people
ever gained access.

[Illustration: Plate IV. Awatubi (Talla-Hogan), plan.]

This description suggests some region of the head-waters of the Rio
Grande. Like the Snake people, they tell of a protracted migration, not
of continuous travel, for they remained for many seasons in one place,
where they would plant and build permanent houses. One of these halting
places is described as a canyon with high, steep walls, in which was a
flowing stream; this, it is said, was the Tségi (the Navajo name for
Canyon de Chelly). Here they built a large house in a cavernous recess,
high up in the canyon wall. They tell of devoting two years[3] to ladder
making and cutting and pecking shallow holes up the steep rocky side by
which to mount to the cavern, and three years more were employed in
building the house. While this work was in progress part of the men were
planting gardens, and the women and children were gathering stones. But
no adequate reason is given for thus toiling to fit this impracticable
site for occupation; the footprints of Másauwu, which they were
following, led them there.

[Footnote 3: The term yasuna, translated here as “year,” is of
rather indefinite significance; it sometimes means thirteen moons
and in other instances much longer periods.]

The legend goes on to tell that after they had lived there for a long
time a stranger happened to stray in their vicinity, who proved to be a
Hopituh, and said that he lived in the south. After some stay he left
and was accompanied by a party of the “Horn,” who were to visit the land
occupied by their kindred Hopituh and return with an account of them;
but they never came back. After waiting a long time another band was
sent, who returned and said that the first emissaries had found wives
and had built houses on the brink of a beautiful canyon, not far from
the other Hopituh dwellings. After this many of the Horns grew
dissatisfied with their cavern home, dissensions arose, they left their
home, and finally they reached Tusayan. They lived at first in one of
the canyons east of the villages, in the vicinity of Keam’s Canyon, and
some of the numerous ruins on its brink mark the sites of their early
houses. There seems to be no legend distinctly attaching any particular
ruin to the Horn people, although there is little doubt that the Snake
and the Horn were the two first peoples who came to the neighborhood of
the present villages. The Bear people were the next, but they arrived as
separate branches, and from opposite directions, although of the same
Hopituh stock. It has been impossible to obtain directly the legend of
the Bears from the west. The story of the Bears from the east tells of
encountering the Fire people, then living about 25 miles east from
Walpi; but these are now extinct, and nearly all that is known of them
is told in the Bear legend, the gist of which is as follows:

The Bears originally lived among the mountains of the east, not far
distant from the Horns. Continual quarrels with neighboring villages
brought on actual fighting, and the Bears left that region and traveled
westward. As with all the other people, they halted, built houses, and
planted, remaining stationary for a long while; this occurred at
different places along their route.

A portion of these people had wings, and they flew in advance to survey
the land, and when the main body were traversing an arid region they
found water for them. Another portion had claws with which they dug
edible roots, and they could also use them for scratching hand and foot
holes in the face of a steep cliff. Others had hoofs, and these carried
the heaviest burdens; and some had balls of magic spider web, which they
could use on occasion for ropes, and they could also spread the web and
use it as a mantle, rendering the wearer invisible when he apprehended
danger.

They too came to the Tségi (Canyon de Chelly), where they found houses
but no people, and they also built houses there. While living there a
rupture occurred, a portion of them separating and going far to the
westward. These seceding bands are probably that branch of the Bears who
claim their origin in the west. Some time after this, but how long after
is not known, a plague visited the canyon, and the greater portion of
the people moved away, but leaving numbers who chose to remain. They
crossed the Chinli valley and halted for a short time at a place a short
distance northeast from Great Willow water (“Eighteen Mile Spring”).
They did not remain there long, however, but moved a few miles farther
west, to a place occupied by the Fire people who lived in a large oval
house. The ruin of this house still stands, the walls from 5 to 8 feet
high, and remarkable from the large-sized blocks of stone used in their
construction; it is still known to the Hopituh as Tebvwúki, the
Fire-house. Here some fighting occurred, and the Bears moved westward
again to the head of Antelope (Jeditoh) Canyon, about 4 miles from
Keam’s Canyon and about 15 miles east from Walpi. They built there a
rambling cluster of small-roomed houses, of which the ground plan has
now become almost obliterated. This ruin is called by the Hopituh “the
ruin at the place of wild gourds.” They seem to have occupied this
neighborhood for a considerable period, as mention is made of two or
three segregations, when groups of families moved a few miles away and
built similar house clusters on the brink of that canyon.

[Illustration: Plate V. Standing walls of Awatubi.]

The Fire-people, who, some say, were of the Horn people, must have
abandoned their dwelling at the Oval House or must have been driven out
at the time of their conflict with the Bears, and seem to have traveled
directly to the neighborhood of Walpi. The Snakes allotted them a place
to build in the valley on the east side of the mesa, and about two miles
north from the gap. A ridge of rocky knolls and sand dunes lies at the
foot of the mesa here, and close to the main cliff is a spring. There
are two prominent knolls about 400 yards apart and the summits of these
are covered with traces of house walls; also portions of walls can be
discerned on all the intervening hummocks. The place is known as
Sikyátki, the yellow-house, from the color of the sandstone of which the
houses were built. These and other fragmentary bits have walls not over
a foot thick, built of small stones dressed by rubbing, and all laid in
mud; the inside of the walls also show a smooth coating of mud plaster.
The dimensions of the rooms are very small, the largest measuring 9½
feet long, by 4½ feet wide. It is improbable that any of these
structures were over two stories high, and many of them were built in
excavated places around the rocky summits of the knolls. In these
instances no rear wall was built; the partition walls, radiating at
irregular angles, abut against the rock itself. Still, the great numbers
of these houses, small as they were, must have been far more than the
Fire-people could have required, for the oval house which they abandoned
measures not more than a hundred feet by fifty. Probably other incoming
gentes, of whom no story has been preserved, had also the ill fate to
build there, for the Walpi people afterward slew all its inhabitants.

There is little or no detail in the legends of the Bear people as to
their life in Antelope Canyon; they can now distinguish only one ruin
with certainty as having been occupied by their ancestors, while to all
the other ruins fanciful names have been applied. Nor is there any
special cause mentioned for abandoning their dwellings there; probably,
however, a sufficient reason was the cessation of springs in their
vicinity. Traces of former large springs are seen at all of them, but no
water flows from them at the present time. Whatever their motive, the
Bears left Antelope Canyon, and moved over to the village of Walpi, on
the terrace below the point of the mesa. They were received kindly
there, and were apparently placed on an equal footing with the Walpi,
for it seems the Snake, Horn, and Bear have always been on terms of
friendship. They built houses at that village, and lived there for some
considerable time; then they moved a short distance and built again
almost on the very point of the mesa. This change was not caused by any
disagreement with their neighbors; they simply chose that point as a
suitable place on which to build all their houses together. The site of
this Bear house is called Kisákobi, the obliterated house, and the name
is very appropriate, as there is merely the faintest trace here and
there to show where a building stood, the stones having been used in the
construction of the modern Walpi. These two villages were quite close
together, and the subsequent construction of a few additional groups of
rooms almost connected them, so that they were always considered and
spoken of as one.

It was at this period, while Walpi was still on this lower site, that
the Spaniards came into the country. They met with little or no
opposition, and their entrance was marked by no great disturbances. No
special tradition preserves any of the circumstances of this event;
these first coming Spaniards being only spoken of as the “Kast´ilumuh
who wore iron garments, and came from the south,” and this brief mention
may be accounted for by the fleeting nature of these early visits.

The zeal of the Spanish priests carried them everywhere throughout their
newly acquired territory, and some time in the seventeenth century a
band of missionary monks found their way to Tusayan. They were
accompanied by a few troops to impress the people with a due regard for
Spanish authority, but to display the milder side of their mission, they
also brought herds of sheep and cattle for distribution. At first these
were herded at various springs within a wide radius around the villages,
and the names still attaching to these places memorize the introduction
of sheep and cattle to this region. The Navajo are first definitely
mentioned in tradition as occupants of this vicinity in connection with
these flocks and herds, in the distribution of which they gave much
undesirable assistance by driving off the larger portion to their own
haunts.

The missionaries selected Awatubi, Walpi, and Shumopavi as the sites for
their mission buildings, and at once, it is said, began to introduce a
system of enforced labor. The memory of the mission period is held in
great detestation, and the onerous toil the priests imposed is still
adverted to as the principal grievance. Heavy pine timbers, many of
which are now pointed out in the kiva roofs, of from 15 to 20 feet in
length and a foot or more in diameter, were cut at the San Francisco
Mountain, and gangs of men were compelled to carry and drag them to the
building sites, where they were used as house beams. This necessitated
prodigious toil, for the distance by trail is a hundred miles, most of
the way over a rough and difficult country. The Spaniards are said to
have employed a few ox teams in this labor, but the heaviest share was
performed by the impressed Hopituh, who were driven in gangs by the
Spanish soldiers, and any who refused to work were confined in a prison
house and starved into submission.

The “men with the long robes,” as the missionaries were called, are said
to have lived among these people for a long time, but no trace of their
individuality survives in tradition.

Possibly the Spanish missionaries may have striven to effect some social
improvement among these people, and by the adoption of some harsh
measures incurred the jealous anger of the chiefs. But the system of
labor they enforced was regarded, perhaps justly, as the introduction of
serfdom, such as then prevailed in the larger communities in the Rio
Grande valleys. Perhaps tradition belies them; but there are many
stories of their evil, sensual lives--assertions that they violated
women, and held many of the young girls at their mission houses, not as
pupils, but as concubines.

[Illustration: Plate VI. Adobe fragment in Awatubi.]

In any case, these hapless monks were engaged in a perilous mission in
seeking to supplant the primitive faith of the Tusayan, for among the
native priests they encountered prejudices even as violent as their own.
With too great zeal they prohibited the sacred dances, the votive
offerings to the nature-deities, and similar public observances, and
strove to suppress the secret rites and abolish the religious orders and
societies. But these were too closely incorporated with the system of
gentes and other family kinships to admit of their extinction.
Traditionally, it is said that, following the discontinuance of the
prescribed ceremonies, the favor of the gods was withdrawn, the clouds
brought no rain, and the fields yielded no corn. Such a coincidence in
this arid region is by no means improbable, and according to the
legends, a succession of dry seasons resulting in famine has been of not
infrequent occurrence. The superstitious fears of the people were thus
aroused, and they cherished a mortal hatred of the monks.

In such mood were they in the summer of 1680, when the village Indians
rose in revolt, drove out the Spaniards, and compelled them to retreat
to Mexico. There are some dim traditions of that event still existing
among the Tusayan, and they tell of one of their own race coming from
the river region by the way of Zuñi to obtain their cooperation in the
proposed revolt. To this they consented.

Only a few Spaniards being present at that time, the Tusayan found
courage to vent their enmity in massacre, and every one of the hated
invaders perished on the appointed day. The traditions of the massacre
center on the doom of the monks, for they were regarded as the
embodiment of all that was evil in Spanish rule, and their pursuit, as
they tried to escape among the sand dunes, and the mode of their
slaughter, is told with grim precision; they were all overtaken and
hacked to pieces with stone tomahawks.

It is told that while the monks were still in authority some of the
Snake women urged a withdrawal from Walpi, and, to incite the men to
action, carried their mealing-stones and cooking vessels to the summit
of the mesa, where they desired the men to build new houses, less
accessible to the domineering priests. The men followed them, and two or
three small house groups were built near the southwest end of the
present village, one of them being still occupied by a Snake family, but
the others have been demolished or remodeled. A little farther north,
also on the west edge, the small house clusters there were next built by
the families of two women called Tji-vwó-wati and Si-kya-tcí-wati.
Shortly after the massacre the lower village was entirely abandoned, and
the building material carried above to the point which the Snakes had
chosen, and on which the modern Walpi was constructed. Several beams of
the old mission houses are now pointed out in the roofs of the kivas.

There was a general apprehension that the Spaniards would send a force
to punish them, and the Shumopavi also reconstructed their village in a
stronger position, on a high mesa overlooking its former site. The other
villages were already in secure positions, and all the smaller
agricultural settlements were abandoned at this period, and excepting at
one or two places on the Moen-kopi, the Tusayan have ever since confined
themselves to the close vicinity of their main villages.

The house masses do not appear to bear any relation to division by
phratries. It is surprising that even the social division of the
phratries is preserved. The Hopituh certainly marry within phratries,
and occasionally with the same gens. There is no doubt, however, that in
the earlier villages each gens, and where practicable, the whole of the
phratry, built their houses together. To a certain extent the house of
the priestess of a gens is still regarded as the home of the gens. She
has to be consulted concerning proposed marriages, and has much to say
in other social arrangements.

While the village of the Walpi was still upon the west side of the mesa
point, some of them moved around and built houses beside a spring close
to the east side of the mesa. Soon after this a dispute over planting
ground arose between them and the Sikyátki, whose village was also on
that side of the mesa and but a short distance above them. From this
time forward bad blood lay between the Sikyátki and the Walpi, who took
up the quarrel of their suburb. It also happened about that time, so
tradition says, more of the Coyote people came from the north, and the
Pikyás nyu-mu, the young cornstalk, who were the latest of the Water
people, came in from the south. The Sikyátki, having acquired their
friendship, induced them to build on two mounds, on the summit of the
mesa overlooking their village. They had been greatly harrassed by the
young slingers and archers of Walpi, who would come across to the edge
of the high cliff and assail them with impunity, but the occupation of
these two mounds by friends afforded effectual protection to their
village. These knolls are about 40 yards apart, and about 40 feet above
the level of the mesa which is something over 400 feet above Sikyátki.
Their roughly leveled summits measure 20 by 10 feet and are covered with
traces of house walls; and it is evident that groups of small-roomed
houses were clustered also around the sloping sides. About a hundred
yards south from their dwellings the people of the mounds built for
their own protection a strong wall entirely across the mesa, which at
that point is contracted to about 200 feet in width, with deep vertical
cliffs on either side. The base of the wall is still quite distinct, and
is about 3 feet thick.

But no reconciliation was ever effected between the Walpi and the
Sikyátki and their allies, and in spite of their defensive wall frequent
assaults were made upon the latter until they were forced to retreat.
The greater number of them retired to Oraibi and the remainder to
Sikyátki, and the feud was still maintained between them and the Walpi.

[Illustration: Plate VII. Horn House ruin, plan.]

Some of the incidents as well as the disastrous termination of this feud
are still narrated. A party of the Sikyátki went prowling through Walpi
one day while the men were afield, and among other outrages, one of them
shot an arrow through a window and killed a chief’s daughter while she
was grinding corn. The chief’s son resolved to avenge the death of his
sister, and some time after this went to Sikyátki, professedly to take
part in a religious dance, in which he joined until just before the
close of the ceremony. Having previously observed where the handsomest
girl was seated among the spectators on the house terraces, he ran up
the ladder as if to offer her a prayer emblem, but instead he drew out a
sharp flint knife from his girdle and cut her throat. He threw the body
down where all could see it, and ran along the adjoining terraces till
he cleared the village. A little way up the mesa was a large flat rock,
upon which he sprang and took off his dancer’s mask so that all might
recognize him; then turning again to the mesa he sped swiftly up the
trail and escaped.

And so foray and slaughter continued to alternate between them until the
planting season of some indefinite year came around. All the Sikyátki
men were to begin the season by planting the fields of their chief on a
certain day, which was announced from the housetop by the Second Chief
as he made his customary evening proclamations, and the Walpi, becoming
aware of this, planned a fatal onslaught. Every man and woman able to
draw a bow or wield a weapon were got in readiness and at night they
crossed the mesa and concealed themselves along its edge, overlooking
the doomed village. When the day came they waited until the men had gone
to the field and then rushed down upon the houses. The chief, who was
too old to go afield, was the first one killed, and then followed the
indiscriminate slaughter of women and children, and the destruction of
the houses. The wild tumult in the village alarmed the Sikyátki and they
came rushing back, but too late to defend their homes. Their struggles
were hopeless, for they had only their planting sticks to use as
weapons, which availed but little against the Walpi with their bows and
arrows, spears, slings, and war clubs. Nearly all of the Sikyátki men
were killed, but some of them escaped to Oraibi and some to Awatubi. A
number of the girls and younger women were spared, and distributed among
the different villages, where they became wives of their despoilers.

It is said to have been shortly after the destruction of Sikyátki that
the first serious inroad of a hostile tribe occurred within this region,
and all the stories aver that these early hostiles were from the north,
the Ute being the first who are mentioned, and after them the Apache,
who made an occasional foray.

While these families of Hopituh stock had been building their straggling
dwellings along the canyon brinks, and grouping in villages around the
base of the East Mesa, other migratory bands of Hopituh had begun to
arrive on the Middle Mesa. As already said, it is admitted that the
Snake were the first occupants of this region, but beyond that fact the
traditions are contradictory and confused. It is probable, however, that
not long after the arrival of the Horn, the Squash people came from the
south and built a village on the Middle Mesa, the ruin of which is
called Chukubi. It is on the edge of the cliff on the east side of the
neck of that mesa, and a short distance south of the direct trail
leading from Walpi to Oraibi. The Squash people say that they came from
Palát Kwabi, the Red Land in the far South, and this vague term
expresses nearly all their knowledge of that traditional land. They say
they lived for a long time in the valley of the Colorado Chiquito, on
the south side of that stream and not far from the point where the
railway crosses it. They still distinguish the ruin of their early
village there, which was built as usual on the brink of a canyon, and
call it Etípsíkya, after a shrub that grows there profusely. They
crossed the river opposite that place, but built no permanent houses
until they reached the vicinity of Chukubi, near which two smaller
clusters of ruins, on knolls, mark the sites of dwellings which they
claim to have been theirs. Three groups (nyumu) traveling together were
the next to follow them; these were the Bear, the Bear-skin-rope, and
the Blue Jay. They are said to have been very numerous, and to have come
from the vicinity of San Francisco Mountain. They did not move up to
Chukubi, but built a large village on the summit, at the south end of
the mesa, close to the site of the present Mashongnavi. Soon afterward
came the Burrowing Owl, and the Coyote, from the vicinity of Navajo
Mountains in the north, but they were not very numerous. They also built
upon the Mashongnavi summit.

After this the Squash people found that the water from their springs was
decreasing, and began moving toward the end of the mesa, where the other
people were. But as there was then no suitable place left on the summit,
they built a village on the sandy terrace close below it, on the west
side; and as the springs at Chukubi ultimately ceased entirely, the rest
of the Squash people came to the terrace and were again united in one
village. Straggling bands of several other groups, both wingwu and
nyumu, are mentioned as coming from various directions. Some built on
the terrace and some found house room in Mashongnavi. This name is
derived as follows: On the south side of the terrace on which the Squash
village was built is a high column of sandstone which is vertically
split in two, and formerly there was a third pillar in line, which has
long since fallen. These three columns were called Tútuwalha, the
guardians, and both the Squash village and the one on the summit were so
named. On the north side of the terrace, close to the present village,
is another irregular massy pillar of sandstone called Mashóniniptu,
meaning “the other which remains erect,” having reference to the one on
the south side, which had fallen. When the Squash withdrew to the summit
the village was then called Mashóniniptuovi, “at the place of the other
which remains erect;” now that term is never used, but always its
syncopated form, Mashongnavi.

[Illustration: Plate VIII. Bat House.]

The Squash village, on the south end of the Middle Mesa, was attacked by
a fierce band that came from the north, some say the Ute, others say the
Apache; but whoever the invaders were, they completely overpowered the
people, and carried off great stores of food and other plunder. The
village was then evacuated, the houses dismantled, and the material
removed to the high summit, where they reconstructed their dwellings
around the village which thenceforth bore its present name of
Mashongnavi. Some of the Squash people moved over to Oraibi, and
portions of the Katchina and Paroquet people came from there to
Mashongnavi about the same time, and a few of these two groups occupied
some vacant houses also in Shupaulovi; for this village even at that
early date had greatly diminished in population, having sustained a
disastrous loss of men in the canyon affrays east of Walpi.

Shumopavi seems to have been built by portions of the same groups who
went to the adjacent Mashongnavi, but the traditions of the two villages
are conflicting. The old traditionists at Shumopavi hold that the first
to come there were the Paroquet, the Bear, the Bear-skin-rope, and the
Blue Jay. They came from the west--probably from San Francisco Mountain.
They claim that ruins on a mesa bluff about 10 miles south from the
present village are the remains of a village built by these groups
before reaching Shumopavi, and the Paroquets arrived first, it is said,
because they were perched on the heads of the Bears, and, when nearing
the water, they flew in ahead of the others. These groups built a
village on a broken terrace, on the east side of the cliff, and just
below the present village. There is a spring close by called after the
Shunóhu, a tall red grass, which grew abundantly there, and from which
the town took its name. This spring was formerly very large, but two
years ago a landslide completely buried it; lately, however, a small
outflow is again apparent.

The ruins of the early village cover a hillocky area of about 800 by 250
feet, but it is impossible to trace much of the ground plan with
accuracy. The corner of an old house still stands, some 6 or 8 feet
high, extending about 15 feet on one face and about 10 feet on the
other. The wall is over 3 feet in thickness, but of very clumsy masonry,
no care having been exercised in dressing the stones, which are of
varying sizes and laid in mud plaster. Interest attaches to this
fragment, as it is one of the few tangible evidences left of the Spanish
priests who engaged in the fatal mission to the Hopituh in the sixteenth
century. This bit of wall, which now forms part of a sheep-fold, is
pointed out as the remains of one of the mission buildings.

Other groups followed--the Mole, the Spider, and the “Wíksrun.” These
latter took their name from a curious ornament worn by the men. A piece
of the leg-bone of a bear, from which the marrow had been extracted and
a stopper fixed in one end, was attached to the fillet binding the hair,
and hung down in front of the forehead. This gens and the Mole are now
extinct.

Shumopavi received no further accession of population, but lost to some
extent by a portion of the Bear people moving across to Walpi. No
important event seems to have occurred among them for a long period
after the destruction of Sikyátki, in which they bore some part, and
only cursory mention is made of the ingress of “enemies from the north;”
but their village, apparently, was not assailed.

The Oraibi traditions tend to confirm those of Shumopavi, and tell that
the first houses there were built by Bears, who came from the latter
place. The following is from a curious legend of the early settlement:

The Bear people had two chiefs, who were brothers; the elder was called
Vwen-ti-só-mo, and the younger Ma-tcí-to. They had a desperate quarrel
at Shumopavi, and their people divided into two factions, according as
they inclined to one or other of the contestants. After a long period of
contention Ma-tcí-to and his followers withdrew to the mesa where Oraibi
now stands, about 8 miles northwest from Shumopavi, and built houses a
little to the southwest of the limits of the present town. These houses
were afterwards destroyed by “enemies from the north,” and the older
portion of the existing town, the southwest ends of the house rows, were
built with stones from the demolished houses. Fragments of these early
walls are still occasionally unearthed.

After Ma-tcí-to and his people were established there, whenever any of
the Shumopavi people became dissatisfied with that place they built at
Oraibi, Ma-tcí-to placed a little stone monument about halfway between
these two villages to mark the boundary of the land. Vwenti-so´-mo
objected to this, but it was ultimately accepted with the proviso that
the village growing the fastest should have the privilege of moving it
toward the other village. The monument still stands, and is on the
direct Oraibi trail from Shumopavi, 3 miles from the latter. It is a
well dressed, rectangular block of sandstone, projecting two feet above
the ground, and measures 8½ by 7 inches. On the end is carved the rude
semblance of a human head, or mask, the eyes and mouth being merely
round shallow holes, with a black line painted around them. The stone is
pecked on the side, but the head and front are rubbed quite smooth, and
the block, tapering slightly to the base, suggests the ancient Roman
Termini.

There are Eagle people living at Oraibi, Mashongnavi, and Walpi, and it
would seem as if they had journeyed for some time with the later Snake
people and others from the northwest. Vague traditions attach them to
several of the ruins north of the Moen-kopi, although most of these are
regarded as the remains of Snake dwellings.

The legend of the Eagle people introduces them from the west, coming in
by way of the Moen-kopi water course. They found many people living in
Tusayan, at Oraibi, the Middle Mesa, and near the East Mesa, but the
Snake village was yet in the valley. Some of the Eagles remained at
Oraibi, but the main body moved to a large mound just east of
Mashongnavi, on the summit of which they built a village and called it
Shi-tái-mu. Numerous traces of small-roomed houses can be seen on this
mound and on some of the lower surroundings. The uneven summit is about
300 by 200 feet, and the village seems to have been built in the form of
an irregular ellipse, but the ground plan is very obscure.

[Illustration: Plate IX. Mishiptonga (Jeditoh).]

While the Eagles were living at Shi-tái-mu, they sent “Yellow Foot” to
the mountain in the east (at the headwaters of the Rio Grande) to obtain
a dog. After many perilous adventures in caverns guarded by bear,
mountain lion, and rattlesnake, he got two dogs and returned. They were
wanted to keep the coyotes out of the corn and the gardens. The dogs
grew numerous, and would go to Mashongnavi in search of food, and also
to some of the people of that village, which led to serious quarrels
between them and the Eagle people. Ultimately the Shi-tái-mu chief
proclaimed a feast, and told the people to prepare to leave the village
forever. On the feast day the women arranged the food basins on the
ground in a long line leading out of the village. The people passed
along this line, tasting a mouthful here or there, but without stopping,
and when they reached the last basin they were beyond the limits of the
village. Without turning around they continued on down into the valley
until they were halted by the Snake people. An arrangement was effected
with the latter, and the Eagles built their houses in the Snake village.
A few of the Eagle families who had become attached to Mashongnavi chose
to go to that village, where their descendants still reside, and are yet
held as close relatives by the Eagles of Walpi. The land around the East
Mesa was then portioned out, the Snakes, Horns, Bears, and Eagles each
receiving separate lands, and these old allotments are still
approximately maintained.

According to the Eagle traditions the early occupants of Tusayan came in
the following succession: Snake, Horn, Bear, Middle Mesa, Oraibi, and
Eagle, and finally from the south came the Water families. This sequence
is also recognized in the general tenor of the legends of the other
groups.

Shupaulovi, a small village quite close to Mashongnavi, would seem to
have been established just before the coming of the Water people. Nor
does there seem to have been any very long interval between the arrival
of the earliest occupants of the Middle Mesa and this latest colony.
These were the Sun people, and like the Squash folk, claim to have come
from Palátkwabi, the Red Land, in the south. On their northward
migration, when they came to the valley of the Colorado Chiquito, they
found the Water people there, with whom they lived for some time. This
combined village was built upon Homólobi, a round terraced mound near
Sunset Crossing, where fragmentary ruins covering a wide area can yet be
traced.

Incoming people from the east had built the large village of Awatubi,
high rock, upon a steep mesa about nine miles southeast from Walpi. When
the Sun people came into Tusayan they halted at that village and a few
of them remained there permanently, but the others continued west to the
Middle Mesa. At that time also they say Chukubi, Shitaimu, Mashongnavi,
and the Squash village on the terrace were all occupied, and they built
on the terrace close to the Squash village also. The Sun people were
then very numerous and soon spread their dwellings over the summit where
the ruin now stands, and many indistinct lines of house walls around
this dilapidated village attest its former size. Like the neighboring
village, it takes its name from a rock near by, which is used as a place
for the deposit of votive offerings, but the etymology of the term can
not be traced.

Some of the Bear people also took up their abode at Shupaulovi, and
later a nyumu of the Water family called Batni, moisture, built with
them; and the diminished families of the existing village are still
composed entirely of these three nyumu.

The next arrivals seem to have been the Asanyumu, who in early days
lived in the region of the Chama, in New Mexico, at a village called
Kaékibi, near the place now known as Abiquiu. When they left that region
they moved slowly westward to a place called Túwii (Santo Domingo),
where some of them are said to still reside. The next halt was at
Kaiwáika (Laguna) where it is said some families still remain, and they
staid also a short time at A´ikoka (Acoma); but none of them remained at
that place. From the latter place they went to Sióki (Zuñi), where they
remained a long time and left a number of their people there, who are
now called Aiyáhokwi by the Zuñi. They finally reached Tusayan by way of
Awatubi. They had been preceded from the same part of New Mexico by the
Honan nyumu (the Badger people), whom they found living at the
last-named village. The Magpie, the Pute Kóhu (Boomerang-shaped hunting
stick), and the Field-mouse families of the Asa remained and built
beside the Badger, but the rest of its groups continued across to the
Walpi Mesa. They were not at first permitted to come up to Walpi, which
then occupied its present site, but were allotted a place to build at
Coyote Water, a small spring on the east side of the mesa, just under
the gap. They had not lived there very long, however, when for some
valuable services in defeating at one time a raid of the Ute (who used
to be called the Tcingawúptuh) and of the Navajo at another, they were
given for planting grounds all the space on the mesa summit from the gap
to where Sichumovi now stands, and the same width, extending across the
valley to the east. On the mesa summit they built the early portion of
the house mass on the north side of the village, now known as Hano. But
soon after this came a succession of dry seasons, which caused a great
scarcity of food almost amounting to a famine, and many moved away to
distant streams. The Asa people went to Túpkabi (Deep Canyon, the de
Chelly), about 70 miles northeast from Walpi, where the Navajo received
them kindly and supplied them with food. The Asa had preserved some
seeds of the peach, which they planted in the canyon nooks, and numerous
little orchards still flourish there. They also brought the Navajo new
varieties of food plants, and their relations grew very cordial. They
built houses along the base of the canyon walls, and dwelt there for two
or three generations, during which time many of the Asa women were given
to the Navajo, and the descendants of these now constitute a numerous
clan among the Navajo, known as the Kiáini, the High-house people.

[Illustration: Plate X. A small ruin near Moen-kopi.]

The Navajo and the Asa eventually quarreled and the latter returned to
Walpi, but this was after the arrival of the Hano, by whom they found
their old houses occupied. The Asa were taken into the village of Walpi,
being given a vacant strip on the east edge of the mesa, just where the
main trail comes up to the village. The Navajo, Ute, and Apache had
frequently gained entrance to the village by this trail, and to guard it
the Asa built a house group along the edge of the cliff at that point,
immediately overlooking the trail, where some of the people still live;
and the kiva there, now used by the Snake order, belongs to them. There
was a crevice in the rock, with a smooth bottom extending to the edge of
the cliff and deep enough for a ki´koli. A wall was built to close the
outer edge and it was at first intended to build a dwelling house there,
but it was afterward excavated to its present size and made into a kiva,
still called the wikwálhobi, the kiva of the Watchers of the High Place.
The Walpi site becoming crowded, some of the Bear and Lizard people
moved out and built houses on the site of the present Sichumovi; several
Asa families followed them, and after them came some of the Badger
people. The village grew to an extent considerably beyond its present
size, when it was abandoned on account of a malignant plague. After the
plague, and within the present generation, the village was rebuilt--the
old houses being torn down to make the new ones.

After the Asa came the nest group to arrive was the Water family. Their
chief begins the story of their migration in this way:

In the long ago the Snake, Horn, and Eagle people lived here (in
Tusayan), but their corn grew only a span high, and when they sang
for rain the cloud god sent only a thin mist. My people then lived
in the distant Pa-lát Kwá-bi in the South. There was a very bad old
man there, who, when he met any one, would spit in his face, blow
his nose upon him, and rub ordure upon him. He ravished the girls
and did all manner of evil. Baholikonga got angry at this and turned
the world upside down, and water spouted up through the kivas and
through the fireplaces in the houses. The earth was rent in great
chasms, and water covered everything except one narrow ridge of mud;
and across this the serpent deity told all the people to travel. As
they journeyed across, the feet of the bad slipped and they fell
into the dark water, but the good, after many days, reached dry
land. While the water was rising around the village the old people
got on the tops of the houses, for they thought they could not
struggle across with the younger people; but Baholikonga clothed
them with the skins of turkeys, and they spread their wings out and
floated in the air just above the surface of the water, and in this
way they got across. There were saved of our people Water, Corn,
Lizard, Horned Toad, Sand, two families of Rabbit, and Tobacco. The
turkey tail dragged in the water--hence the white on the turkey tail
now. Wearing these turkey-skins is the reason why old people have
dewlaps under the chin like a turkey; it is also the reason why old
people use turkey-feathers at the religious ceremonies.

In the story of the wandering of the Water people, many vague references
are made to various villages in the South, which they constructed or
dwelt in, and to rocks where they carved their totems at temporary
halting places. They dwelt for a long time at Homólobi, where the Sun
people joined them; and probably not long after the latter left the
Water people followed on after them. The largest number of this family
seem to have made their dwellings first at Mashongnavi and Shupaulovi;
but like the Sun people they soon spread to all the villages.

The narrative of part of this journey is thus given by the chief before
quoted:

It occupied 4 years to cross the disrupted country. The kwakwanti (a
warrior order) went ahead of the people and carried seed of corn,
beans, melons, squashes, and cotton. They would plant corn in the
mud at early morning and by noon it was ripe and thus the people
were fed. When they reached solid ground they rested, and then they
built houses. The kwakwanti were always out exploring--sometimes
they were gone as long as four years. Again we would follow them on
long journeys, and halt and build houses and plant. While we were
traveling if a woman became heavy with child we would build her a
house and put plenty of food in it and leave her there, and from
these women sprang the Pima, Maricopa, and other Indians in the
South.

Away in the South, before we crossed the mountains (south of the
Apache country) we built large houses and lived there a long while.
Near these houses is a large rock on which was painted the
rain-clouds of the Water phratry, also a man carrying corn in his
arms; and the other phratries also painted the Lizard and the Rabbit
upon it. While they were living there the kwakwanti made an
expedition far to the north and came in conflict with a hostile
people. They fought day after day, for days and days--they fought by
day only and when night came they separated, each party retiring to
its own ground to rest. One night the cranes came and each crane
took a kwakwanti on his back and brought them back to their people
in the South.

Again all the people traveled north until they came to the Little
Colorado, near San Francisco Mountains, and there they built houses
up and down the river. They also made long ditches to carry the
water from the river to their gardens. After living there a long
while they began to be plagued with swarms of a kind of gnat called
the sand-fly, which bit the children, causing them to swell up and
die. The place becoming unendurable, they were forced again to
resume their travels. Before starting, one of the Rain-women, who
was big with child, was made comfortable in one of the houses on the
mountain. She told her people to leave her, because she knew this
was the place where she was to remain forever. She also told them,
that hereafter whenever they should return to the mountain to hunt
she would provide them with plenty of game. Under her house is a
spring and any sterile woman who drinks of its water will bear
children. The people then began a long journey to reach the summit
of the table land on the north. They camped for rest on one of the
terraces, where there was no water, and they were very tired and
thirsty. Here the women celebrated the rain-feast--they danced for
three days, and on the fourth day the clouds brought heavy rain and
refreshed the people. This event is still commemorated by a circle
of stones at that place. They reached a spring southeast from
Káibitho (Kumás Spring) and there they built a house and lived for
some time. Our people had plenty of rain and cultivated much corn
and some of the Walpi people came to visit us. They told ns that
their rain only came here and there in fine misty sprays, and a
basketful of corn was regarded as a large crop. So they asked us to
come to their land and live with them and finally we consented. When
we got there we found some Eagle people living near the Second Mesa;
our people divided, and part went with the Eagle and have ever since
remained there; but we camped near the First Mesa. It was planting
time and the Walpi celebrated their rain-feast but they brought only
a mere misty drizzle. Then we celebrated our rain-feast and planted.
Great rains and thunder and lightning immediately followed and on
the first day after planting our corn was half an arm’s length high;
on the fourth day it was its full height, and in one moon it was
ripe. When we were going up to the village (Walpi was then north of
the gap, probably), we were met by a Bear man who said that our
thunder frightened the women and we must not go near the village.
Then the kwakwanti said, “Let us leave these people and seek a land
somewhere else,” but our women said they were tired of travel and
insisted upon our remaining. Then “Fire-picker” came down from the
village and told us to come up there and stay, but after we had got
into the village the Walpi women screamed out against us--they
feared our thunder--and so the Walpi turned us away. Then our
people, except those who went to the Second Mesa, traveled to the
northeast as far as the Tsegi (Canyon de Chelly), but I can not tell
whether our people built the louses there. Then they came hack to
this region again and built houses and had much trouble with the
Walpi, but we have lived here ever since.

[Illustration: Plate XI. Masonry on the outer wall of the Fire-House,
detail.]

Groups of the Water people, as already stated, were distributed among
all the villages, although the bulk of them remained at the Middle Mesa;
but it seems that most of the remaining groups subsequently chose to
build their permanent houses at Oraibi. There is no special tradition of
this movement; it is only indicated by this circumstance, that in
addition to the Water families common to every village, there are still
in Oraibi several families of that people which have no representatives
in any of the other villages. At a quite early day Oraibi became a place
of importance, and they tell of being sufficiently populous to establish
many outlying settlements. They still identify these with ruins on the
detached mesas in the valley to the south and along the Moen-kopi
(“place of flowing water”) and other intermittent streams in the west.
These sites were occupied for the purpose of utilizing cultivable tracts
of land in their vicinity, and the remotest settlement, about 45 miles
west, was especially devoted to the cultivation of cotton, the place
being still called by the Navajo and other neighboring tribes, the
“cotton planting ground.” It is also said that several of the larger
ruins along the course of the Moen-kopi were occupied by groups of the
Snake, the Coyote, and the Eagle who dwelt in that region for a long
period before they joined the people in Tusayan. The incursions of
foreign bands from the north may have hastened that movement, and the
Oraibi say they were compelled to withdraw all their outlying colonies.
An episode is related of an attack upon the main village when a number
of young girls were carried off, and 2 or 3 years afterward the same
marauders returned and treated with the Oraibi, who paid a ransom in
corn and received all their girls back again. After a quiet interval the
pillaging bands renewed their attacks and the settlements on the
Moen-kopi were vacated. They were again occupied after another peace was
established, and this condition of alternate occupancy and abandonment
seems to have existed until within quite recent time.

While the Asa were still sojourning in Canyon de Chelly, and before the
arrival of the Hano, another bloody scene had been enacted in Tusayan.
Since the time of the Antelope Canyon feuds there had been enmity
between Awatubi and some of the other villages, especially Walpi, and
some of the Sikyatki refugees had transmitted their feudal wrongs to
their descendants who dwelt in Awatubi. They had long been perpetrating
all manner of offenses; they had intercepted hunting parties from the
other villages, seized their game, and sometimes killed the hunters;
they had fallen upon men in outlying corn fields, maltreating and
sometimes slaying them, and threatened still more serious outrage.
Awatubi was too strong for Walpi to attack single-handed, so the
assistance of the other villages was sought, and it was determined to
destroy Awatubi at the close of a feast soon to occur. This was the
annual “feast of the kwakwanti,” which is still maintained and is held
during the month of November by each village, when the youths who have
been qualified by certain ordeals are admitted to the councils. The
ceremonies last several days, and on the concluding night special rites
are held in the kivas. At these ceremonies every man must be in the kiva
to which he belongs, and after the close of the rites they all sleep
there, no one being permitted to leave the kiva until after sunrise on
the following day.

There was still some little intercourse between Awatubi and Walpi, and
it was easily ascertained when this feast was to be held. On the day of
its close, the Walpi sent word to their allies “to prepare the war arrow
and come,” and in the evening the fighting bands from the other villages
assembled at Walpi, as the foray was to be led by the chief of that
village. By the time night had fallen something like 150 marauders had
met, all armed, of course; and of still more ominous import than their
weapons were the firebrands they carried--shredded cedar bark loosely
bound in rolls, resinous splinters of piñon, dry greasewood (a furze
very easily ignited), and pouches full of pulverized red peppers.

[Illustration: Plate XII. Chukubi, plan.]

Secure in the darkness from observation, the bands followed the Walpi
chief across the valley, every man with his weapons in hand and a bundle
of inflammables on his back. Beaching the Awatubi mesa they cautiously
crept up the steep, winding trail to the summit, and then stole round
the village to the passages leading to the different courts holding the
kivas, near which they hid themselves. They waited till just before the
gray daylight came, then the Walpi chief shouted his war cry and the
yelling bands rushed to the kivas. Selecting their positions, they were
at them in a moment, and quickly snatching up the ladders through the
hatchways, the only means of exit, the doomed occupants were left as
helpless as rats in a trap. Fire was at hand in the numerous little
cooking pits, containing the jars of food prepared for the celebrants,
the inflammable bundles were lit and tossed into the kivas, and the
piles of firewood on the terraced roofs were thrown down upon the blaze,
and soon each kiva became a furnace. The red pepper was then cast upon
the fire to add its choking tortures, while round the hatchways the
assailants stood showering their arrows into the mass of struggling
wretches. The fires were maintained until the roofs fell in and buried
and charred the bones of the victims. It is said that every male of
Awatubi who had passed infancy perished in the slaughter, not one
escaping. Such of the women and children as were spared were taken out,
and all the houses were destroyed, after which the captives were divided
among the different villages.

The date of this last feudal atrocity can be made out with some degree
of exactness, because in 1692, Don Diego Vargas with a military force
visited Tusayan and mentions Awatubi as a populous village at which he
made some halt. The Hano (Tewa) claim that they have lived in Tusayan
for five or six generations, and that when they arrived there was no
Awatubi in existence; hence it must have been destroyed not long after
the close of the seventeenth century.

Since the destruction of Awatubi only one other serious affray has
occurred between the villages; that was between Oraibi and Walpi. It
appears that after the Oraibi withdrew their colonies from the south and
west they took possession of all the unoccupied planting grounds to the
east of the village, and kept reaching eastward till they encroached
upon some land claimed by the Walpi. This gave rise to intermittent
warfare in the outlying fields, and whenever the contending villagers
met a broil ensued, until the strife culminated in an attack upon Walpi.
The Oraibi chose a day when the Walpi men were all in the field on the
east side of the mesa, but the Walpi say that their women and dogs held
the Oraibi at bay until the men came to the rescue. A severe battle was
fought at the foot of the mesa, in which the Oraibi were routed and
pursued across the Middle Mesa, where an Oraibi chief turned and
implored the Walpi to desist. A conciliation was effected there, and
harmonious relations have ever since existed between them. Until within
a few years ago the spot where they stayed pursuit was marked by a
stone, on which a shield and a dog were depicted, but it was a source of
irritation to the Oraibi and it was removed by some of the Walpi.

In the early part of the eighteenth century the Ute from the north, and
the Apache from the south made most disastrous inroads upon the
villages, in which Walpi especially suffered. The Navajo, who then lived
upon their eastern border, also suffered severely from the same bands,
but the Navajo and the Tusayan were not on the best terms and never made
any alliance for a common defense against these invaders.

Hano was peopled by a different linguistic stock from that of the other
villages--a stock which belongs to the Rio Grande group. According to
Polaka, the son of the principal chief, and himself an enterprising
trader who has made many journeys to distant localities--and to others,
the Hano once lived in seven villages on the Rio Grande, and the village
in which his forefathers lived was called Tceewáge. This, it is said, is
the same as the present Mexican village of Peña Blanca.

The Hano claim that they came to Tusayan only after repeated
solicitation by the Walpi, at a time when the latter were much harassed
by the Ute and Apache. The story, as told by Kwálakwai, who lives in
Hano, but is not himself a Hano, begins as follows:

Long ago the Hopi´tuh were few and were continually harassed by the
Yútamo (Ute), Yuíttcemo (Apache), and Dacábimo (Navajo). The chiefs
of the Tcuin nyumu (Snake people) and the Hánin nyumu (Bear people)
met together and made the ba´ho (sacred plume stick) and sent it
with a man from each of these people to the house of the Tewa,
called Tceewádigi, which was far off on the Múina (river) near
Alavia (Santa Fé).

The messengers did not succeed in persuading the Tewa to come and the
embassy was sent three times more. On the fourth visit the Tewa
consented to come, as the Walpi had offered to divide their land and
their waters with them, and set out for Tusayan, led by their own chief,
the village being left in the care of his son. This first band is said
to have consisted of 146 women, and it was afterwards followed by
another and perhaps others.

Before the Hano arrived there had been a cessation of hostile inroads,
and the Walpi received them churlishly and revoked their promises
regarding the division of land and waters with them. They were shown
where they could build houses for themselves on a yellow sand mound on
the east side of the mesa just below the gap. They built there, but they
were compelled to go for their food up to Walpi. They could get no
vessels to carry their food in, and when they held out their hands for
some the Walpi women mockingly poured out hot porridge and scalded the
fingers of the Hano.

After a time the Ute came down the valley on the west side of the mesa,
doing great harm again, and drove off the Walpi flocks andiron Then the
Hano got ready for war; they tied buckskins around their loins, whitened
their legs with clay, and stained their body and arms with dark red
earth (ocher). They overtook the Ute near Wípho (about 3 miles north
from Hano), but the Ute had driven the flocks up the steep mesa side,
and when they saw the Tewa coming they killed all the sheep and piled
the carcasses up for a defense, behind which they lay down. They had a
few firearms also, while the Hano had only clubs and bows and arrows;
but after some fighting the Ute were driven out and the Tewa followed
after them. The first Ute was killed a short distance beyond, and a
stone heap still (?) marks the spot. Similar heaps marked the places
where other Ute were killed as they fled before the Hano, but not far
from the San Juan the last one was killed.

Upon the return of the Hano from this successful expedition they were
received gratefully and allowed to come up on the mesa to live--the old
houses built by the Asa, in the present village of Hano, being assigned
to them. The land was then divided, an imaginary line between Hano and
Sichumovi, extending eastward entirely across the valley, marked the
southern boundary, and from this line as far north as the spot where the
last Utah was killed was assigned to the Hano as their possession.

When the Hano first came the Walpi said to them, “let us spit in
your mouths, and you will learn our tongue,” and to this the Hano
consented. When the Hano came up and built on the mesa they said to
the Walpi, “let us spit in your mouths and you will learn our
tongue,” but the Walpi would not listen to this, saying it would
make them vomit. This is the reason why all the Hano can talk Hopí,
and none of the Hopítuh can talk Hano.

[Illustration: Plate XIII. Payupki, plan.]

The Asa and the Hano were close friends while they dwelt in New Mexico,
and when they came to this region both of them were called Hánomuh by
the other people of Tusayan. This term signifies the mode in which the
women of these people wear their hair, cut off in front on a line with
the mouth and carelessly parted or hanging over the face, the back hair
rolled up in a compact queue at the nape of the neck. This uncomely
fashion prevails with both matron, and maid, while among the other
Tusayan the matron parts her hair evenly down the head and wears it
hanging in a straight queue on either side, the maidens wearing theirs
in a curious discoid arrangement over each temple.

Although the Asa and the Hano women have the same peculiar fashion of
wearing the hair, still there is no affinity of blood claimed between
them. The Asa speak the same language as the other Tusayan, but the Tewa
(Hano) have a quite distinct language which belongs to the Tañoan stock.
They claim that the occupants of the following pueblos, in the same
region of the Rio Grande, are of their people and speak the same tongue.

Kótite Cochití (?). Kápung Santa Clara (?)
Númi Nambé. Pokwádi Pojoaque.
Ohke San Juan. Tetsógi Tesuque.
Posówe (Doubtless extinct.) Also half of Taos.

Pleasant relations existed for some time, but the Walpi again grew
ill-tempered; they encroached upon the Hano planting grounds and stole
their property. These troubles increased, and the Hano moved away from
the mesa; they crossed the west valley and built temporary shelters.
They sent some men to explore the land on the westward to find a
suitable place for a new dwelling. These scouts went to the Moen-kopi,
and on returning, the favorable story they told of the land they had
seen determined the Tewa to go there.

Meanwhile some knowledge of these troubles had reached Tceewádigi, and a
party of the Tewa came to Tusayan to take their friends back. This led
the Hopituh to make reparation, which restored the confidence of the
Hano, and they returned to the mesa, and the recently arrived party were
also induced to remain. Yet even now, when the Hano (Tewa) go to visit
their people on the river, the latter beseech them to come back, but the
old Tewa say, “we shall stay here till our breath leaves us, then surely
we shall go back to our first home to live forever.”

The Walpi for a long time frowned down all attempts on the part of the
Hano to fraternize; they prohibited intermarriages, and in general
tabued the Hano. Something of this spirit was maintained until quite
recent years, and for this reason the Hano still speak their own
language, and have preserved several distinctive customs, although now
the most friendly relations exist among all the villages. After the Hano
were quietly established in their present position the Asa returned, and
the Walpi allotted them a place to build in their own village. As before
mentioned, the house mass on the southeast side of Walpi, at the head of
the trail leading up to the village at that point, is still occupied by
Asa families, and their tenure of possession was on the condition that
they should always defend that point of access and guard the south end
of the village. Their kiva is named after this circumstance as that of
“the Watchers of the High Place.”

Some of the Bear and Lizard families being crowded for building space,
moved from Walpi and built the first houses on the site of the present
village of Sichumovi, which is named from the Sivwapsi, a shrub which
formerly grew there on some mounds (chumo).

This was after the Asa had been in Walpi for some time; probably about
125 years ago. Some of the Asa, and the Badger, the latter descendants
of women saved from the Awatubi catastrophe, also moved to Sichumovi,
but a plague of smallpox caused the village to be abandoned shortly
afterward. This pestilence is said to have greatly reduced the number of
the Tusayan, and after it disappeared there were many vacant houses in
every village. Sichumovi was again occupied by a few Asa families, but
the first houses were torn down and new ones constructed from them.

LIST OF TRADITIONARY GENTES.

In the following table the early phratries (nyu-mu) are arranged in the
order of their arrival, and the direction from which each came is given,
except in the case of the Bear people. There are very few
representatives of this phratry existing now, and very little tradition
extant concerning its early history. The table does not show the
condition of these, organizations in the present community but as they
appear in the traditional accounts of their coming to Tusayan, although
representatives of most of them can still be found in the various
villages. There are, moreover, in addition to these, many other gentes
and sub-gentes of more recent origin. The subdivision, or rather the
multiplication of gentes may be said to be a continuous process; as, for
example, in “corn” can be found families claiming to be of the root,
stem, leaf, ear, blossom, etc., all belonging to corn; but there may be
several families of each of these components constituting district
sub-gentes. At present there are really but four phratries recognized
among the Hopituh, the Snake, Horn, Eagle, and Rain, which is
indifferently designated as Water or Corn:

1. Ho´-nan--Bear.

Ho´-nan Bear.
Ko´-kyañ-a Spider.
Tco´-zir Jay.
He´k-pa Fir.

2. Tcu´-a--Rattlesnake--from the west and north.

Tcu´-a Rattlesnake.
Yu´ñ-ya Cactus--opuntia.
Pü´n-e Cactus, the species that grows in dome-like masses.
Ü´-se Cactus, candelabra, or branching stemmed species.
He´-wi Dove.
Pi-vwa´ni Marmot.
Pi´h-tca Skunk.
Ka-la´-ci-au-u Raccoon.

3. A´-la--Horn--from the east.

So´-wiñ-wa Deer.
Tc´ib-io Antelope.
Pa´ñ-wa Mountain sheep.

4. Kwa´-hü--Eagle--from the west and south.

Kwa´-hü Eagle.
Kwa´-yo Hawk.
Mas-si´ kwa´-yo Chicken hawk.
Tda´-wa Sun.
Ka-ha´-bi Willow.
Te´-bi Greasewood.

5. Ka-tci´-na--Sacred, dancer--from the east.

Ka-tci´-na Sacred dancer.
Gya´-zro Parroquet.
Uñ-wu´-si Raven.
Si-kya´-tci Yellow bird.
Si-he´-bi Cottonwood.
Sa-la´-bi Spruce.

6. A´sa--a plant (unknown)--from the Chama.

A´sa
Tca´-kwai-na Black earth Katcina.
Pu´tc-ko-hu Boomerang hunting stick.
Pi´-ca Field mouse.
Hoc´-bo-a Road runner, or chaparral cock.
Po-si´-o Magpie.
Kwi´ñobi Oak.

7. Ho-na´-ni--Badger--from the east.

Ho-na´-ni Badger.
Müñ-ya´u-wu Porcupine.
Wu-so´-ko Vulture.
Bu´-li Butterfly.
Bu-li´-so Evening primrose.
Na´-hü Medicine of all kinds; generic.

8. Yo´-ki--Rain--from the south.

Yo´-ki Rain.
O´-mau Cloud.
Ka´i-e Corn.
Mu´r-zi-bu-si Bean.
Ka-wa´i-ba-tuñ-a Watermelon.
Si-vwa´-pi Bigelovia graveolens.

[Illustration: Plate XIV. General view of Payupki.]

The foregoing is the Water or Rain phratry proper, but allied to them
are the two following phratries, who also came to this region with the
Water phratry.

LIZARD.

Ka´-kü-tci }
Ba-tci´p-kwa-si } Species of lizards.
Na´-nan-a-wi }
Mo´-mo-bi }
Pi´-sa White sand.
Tdu´-wa Red sand.
Ten´-kai Mud.

RABBIT.

So´-wi Jackass rabbit.
Tda´-bo Cottontail rabbit.
Pi´-ba Tobacco.
Tcoñ-o Pipe.

Polaka gives the following data:

Te´-wa gentes and phratries.

_Tewa_ _Hopi´tuh_ _Navajo._
Ko´ⁿ-lo \ Ka´-ai Nata´ⁿ Corn.
Cä / Pi´-ba Na´-to Tobacco.
Ke \ Ho´-nau Cac Bear.
Tce´-li / Ca´-la-bi Ts´-co Spruce.
Ke´gi \ Ki´-hu Ki-a´-ni House.
Tuñ / Tda´-wu Tjon-a-ai´ Sun.
O´-ku-wuñ \ O´-mau Kus Cloud.
Nuñ / Tcu´-kai Huc-klic Mud.

The gentes bracketed are said to “belong together,” but do not seem to
have distinctive names--as phratries.

SUPPLEMENTARY LEGEND.

An interesting ruin which occurs on a mesa point a short distance north
of Mashongnavi is known to the Tusayan under the name of Payupki. There
are traditions and legends concerning it among the Tusayan, but the only
version that could be obtained is not regarded by the writer as being up
to the standard of those incorporated in the “Summary” and it is
therefore given separately, as it has some suggestive value. It was
obtained through Dr. Jeremiah Sullivan, then resident in Tusayan.

The people of Payupki spoke the same language as those on the first mesa
(Walpi). Long ago they lived in the north, on the San Juan, but they
were compelled to abandon that region and came to a place about 20 miles
northwest from Oraibi. Being compelled to leave there, they went to
Canyon de Chelly, where a band of Indians from the southeast joined
them, with whom they formed an alliance. Together the two tribes moved
eastward toward the Jemez Mountains, whence they drifted into the valley
of the Rio Grande. There they became converts to the fire-worship then
prevailing, but retained their old customs and language. At the time of
the great insurrection (of 1680) they sheltered the native priests that
were driven from some of the Rio Grande villages, and this action
created such distrust and hatred among the people that the Payupki were
forced to leave their settlement. Their first stop was at Old Laguna (12
miles east of the modern village) and they had with them then some 35 or
40 of the priests. After leaving Laguna they came to Bear Spring (Fort
Wingate) and had a fight there with the Apache, whom they defeated. They
remained at Bear Spring for several years, until the Zuñi compelled them
to move. They then attempted to reach the San Juan, but were deceived in
the trail, turned to the west and came to where Pueblo Colorado is now
(the present post-office of Ganado, between Fort Defiance and Keam’s
Canyon). They remained there a long time, and through their success in
farming became so favorably known that they were urged to come farther
west. They refused, in consequence of which some Tusayan attacked them.
They were captured and brought to Walpi (then on the point) and
afterwards they were distributed among the villages. Previous to this
capture the priests had been guiding them by feathers, smoke, and signs
seen in the fire. When the priest’s omens and oracles had proved false
the people were disposed to kill them, but the priests persuaded them to
let it depend on a test case--offering to kill themselves in the event
of failure. So they had a great feast at Awatubi. The priests had long,
hollow reeds inclosing various substances--feathers, flour, corn-pollen,
sacred water, native tobacco (piba), corn, beans, melon seeds, etc., and
they formed in a circle at sunrise on the plaza and had their
incantations and prayers. As the sun rose a priest stepped forth before
the people and blew through his reed, desirous of blowing that which was
therein away from him, to scatter it abroad. But the wind would not
blow and the contents of the reed fell to the ground. The priests were
divided into groups, according to what they carried. In the evening all
but two groups had blown. Then the elder of the twain turned his back
eastward, and the reed toward the setting sun, and he blew, and the wind
caught the feather and carried it to the west. This was accepted as a
sign and the next day the Tusayan freed the slaves, giving each a
blanket with corn in it. They went to the mesa where the ruin now stands
and built the houses there. They asked for planting grounds, and fields
were given them; but their crops did not thrive, and they stole corn
from the Mashongnavi. Then, fearful lest they should be surprised at
night, they built a wall as high as a man’s head about the top of their
mesa, and they had big doorways, which they closed and fastened at
night. When they were compelled to plant corn for themselves they
planted it on the ledges of the mesa, but it grew only as high as a
man’s knees; the leaves were very small and the grains grew only on one
side of it. After a time they became friendly with the Mashongnavi
again, and a boy from that village conceived a passion for a Payupki
girl. The latter tribe objected to a marriage but the Mashongnavi were
very desirous for it and some warriors of that village proposed if the
boy could persuade the girl to fly with him, to aid and protect him. On
an appointed day, about sundown, the girl came down from the mesa into
the valley, but she was discovered by some old women who were baking
pottery, who gave the alarm. Hearing the noise a party of the
Mashongnavi, who were lying in wait, came up, but they encountered a
party of the Payupki who had come out and a fight ensued. During the
fight the young man was killed; and this caused so much bitterness of
feeling that the Payupki were frightened, and remained quietly in their
pueblo for several days. One morning, however, an old woman came over to
Mashongnavi to borrow some tobacco, saying that they were going to have
a dance in her village in five days. The next day the Payupki quietly
departed. Seeing no smoke from the village the Mashongnavi at first
thought that the Payupki were preparing for their dance, but on the
third day a band of warriors was sent over to inquire and they found the
village abandoned. The estufas and the houses of the priests were pulled
down.

The narrator adds that the Payupki returned to San Felipe whence they
came.

[Illustration: Plate XV. Standing walls of Payupki.]

CHAPTER II.

RUINS AND INHABITED VILLAGES OF TUSAYAN.

PHYSICAL FEATURES OF THE PROVINCE.

That portion of the southwestern plateau country comprised in the
Province of Tusayan has usually been approached from the east, so that
the easternmost of the series of mesas upon which the villages are
situated is called the “First Mesa.” The road for 30 or 40 miles before
reaching this point traverses the eastern portion of the great plateau
whose broken margin, farther west, furnishes the abrupt mesa-tongues
upon which the villages are built. The sandstone measures of this
plateau are distinguished from many others of the southwest by their
neutral colors. The vegetation consisting of a scattered growth of
stunted piñon and cedar, interspersed with occasional stretches of
dull-gray sage, imparts an effect of extreme monotony to the landscape.
The effect is in marked contrast to the warmth and play of color
frequently seen elsewhere in the plateau country.

The plateaus of Tusayan are generally diversified by canyons and buttes,
whose precipitous sides break down into long ranges of rocky talus and
sandy foothills. The arid character of this district is especially
pronounced about the margin of the plateau. In the immediate vicinity of
the villages there are large areas that do not support a blade of grass,
where barren rocks outcrop through drifts of sand or lie piled in
confusion at the bases of the cliffs. The canyons that break through the
margins of these mesas often have a remarkable similarity of appearance,
and the consequent monotony is extremely embarrassing to the traveler,
the absence of running water and clearly defined drainage confusing his
sense of direction.

The occasional springs which furnish scanty water supply to the
inhabitants of this region are found generally at great distances apart,
and there are usually but few natural indications of their location.
They often occur in obscure nooks in the canyons, reached by tortuous
trails winding through the talus and foothills, or as small seeps at the
foot of some mesa. The convergence of numerous Navajo trails, however,
furnishes some guide to these rare water sources.

[Illustration: Plate XVI. Plan of Hano.]

The series of promontories upon which the Tusayan villages are built are
exceptionally rich in these seeps and springs. About the base of the
“First Mesa” (Fig. 1), within a distance of 4 or 5 miles from the
villages located upon it, there are at least five places where water can
be obtained. One of these is a mere surface reservoir, but the others
appear to be permanent springs. The quantity of water, however, is so
small that it produces no impression on the arid and sterile effect of
the surroundings, except in its immediate vicinity. Here small patches
of green, standing out in strong relief against their sandy
back-grounds, mark the position of clusters of low, stunted peach trees
that have obtained a foothold on the steep sand dunes.

[Illustration: Fig. 1. View of the First Mesa.]

In the open plains surrounding the mesa rim (6,000 feet above the sea),
are seen broad stretches of dusty sage brush and prickly greasewood.
Where the plain rises toward the base of the mesa a scattered growth of
scrub cedar and piñon begins to appear. But little of this latter growth
is seen in the immediate vicinity of the villages; it is, however, the
characteristic vegetation of the mesas, while, in still higher
altitudes, toward the San Juan, open forests of timber are met with.
This latter country seems scarcely to have come within the ancient
builder’s province; possibly on account of its coldness in winter and
for the reason that it is open to the incursions of warlike hunting
tribes. Sage brush and greasewood grow abundantly near the villages, and
these curious gnarled and twisted shrubs furnish the principal fuel of
the Tusayan.

Occasionally grassy levels are seen that for a few weeks in early summer
are richly carpeted with multitudes of delicate wild flowers. The beauty
of these patches of gleaming color is enhanced by contrast with the
forbidding and rugged character of the surroundings; but in a very short
time these blossoms disappear from the arid and parched desert that they
have temporarily beautified. These beds of bloom are not seen in the
immediate vicinity of the present villages, but are unexpectedly met
with in portions of the neighboring mesas and canyons.

After crossing the 6 or 7 miles of comparatively level country that
intervenes between the mouth of Keam’s Canyon and the first of the
occupied mesas, the toilsome ascent begins; at first through slopes and
dunes and then over masses of broken talus, as the summit of the mesa is
gradually approached. Near the top the road is flanked on one side by a
very abrupt descent of broken slopes, and on the other by a precipitous
rocky wall that rises 30 or 40 feet above. The road reaches the brink of
the promontory by a sharp rise at a point close to the village of Hano.

METHODS OF SURVEY.

Before entering upon a description of the villages and ruins, a few
words as to the preparation of the plans accompanying this paper will
not be amiss. The methods pursued in making the surveys of the inhabited
pueblos were essentially the same throughout. The outer wall of each
separate cluster was run with a compass and a tape measure, the lines
being closed and checked upon the corner from which the beginning was
made, so that the plan of each group stands alone, and no accumulation
of error is possible. The stretched tapeline afforded a basis for
estimating any deviations from a straight line which the wall presented,
and as each sight was plotted on the spot these deviations are all
recorded on the plan, and afford an indication of the degree of accuracy
with which the building was carried out. Upon the basis thus obtained,
the outlines of the second stories were drawn by the aid of measurements
from the numerous jogs and angles; the same process being repeated for
each of the succeeding stories. The plan at this stage recorded all the
stories in outline. The various houses and clusters were connected by
compass sights and by measurements. A tracing of the outline plan was
then made, on which the stories were distinguished by lines of different
colors, and upon this tracing were recorded all the vertical
measurements. These were generally taken at every corner, although in a
long wall it was customary to make additional measurements at
intervening points.

[Illustration: Plate XVII. View of Hano.]

Upon the original outline were then drawn all such details as coping
stones, chimneys, trapdoors, etc., the tapeline being used where
necessary to establish positions. The forms of the chimneys as well as
their position and size were also indicated on this drawing, which was
finally tinted to distinguish the different terraces. Upon this colored
sheet were located all openings. These were numbered, and at the same
time described in a notebook, in which were also recorded the necessary
vertical measurements, such as their height and elevation above the
ground. In the same notebook the openings were also fully described. The
ladders were located upon the same sheet, and were consecutively
lettered and described in the notebook. This description furnishes a
record of the ladder, its projection above the coping, if any, the
difference in the length of its poles, the character of the tiepiece,
etc. Altogether these notebooks furnish a mass of statistical data which
has been of great service in the elaboration of this report and in the
preparation of models. Finally, a level was carried over the whole
village, and the height of each corner and jog above an assumed base was
determined. A reduced tracing was then made of the plan as a basis for
sketching in such details of topography, etc., as it was thought
advisable to preserve.

These plans were primarily intended to be used in the construction of
large scale models, and consequently recorded an amount of information
that could not be reproduced upon the published drawings without causing
great confusion.

The methods followed in surveying the ruins underwent some changes from
time to time as the work progressed. In the earlier work the lines of
the walls, so far as they could be determined, were run with a compass
and tapeline and gone over with a level. Later it was found more
convenient to select a number of stations and connect them by
cross-sights and measurements. These points were then platted, and the
walls and lines of débris were carefully drawn in over the framework of
lines thus obtained, additional measurements being taken when necessary.
The heights of standing walls were measured from both sides, and
openings were located on the plan and described in a notebook, as was
done in the survey of the inhabited villages. The entire site was then
leveled, and from the data obtained contour lines were drawn with a
5-foot interval. Irregularities in the directions of walls were noted.
In the later plans of ruins a scale of symbols, seven in number, were
employed to indicate the amount and distribution of the débris. The
plans, as published, indicate the relative amounts of débris as seen
upon the ground. Probable lines of wall are shown on the plan by dotted
lines drawn through the dots which indicate débris. With this exception,
the plans show the ruins as they actually are. Standing walls, as a
rule, are drawn in solid black; their heights appear on the field
sheets, but could not be shown upon the published plans without
confusing the drawing. The contour lines represent an interval of 5
feet; the few cases in which the secondary or negative contours are used
will not produce confusion, as their altitude is always given in
figures.

PLANS AND DESCRIPTIONS OF RUINS.

The ruins described in this chapter comprise but a few of those found
within the province of Tusayan. These were surveyed and recorded on
account of their close traditional connection with the present villages,
and for the sake of the light that they might throw upon the relation of
the modern pueblos to the innumerable stone buildings of unknown date so
widely distributed over the southwestern plateau country. Such
traditional connection with the present peoples could probably be
established for many more of the ruins of this country by investigations
similar to those conducted by Mr. Stephen in the Tusayan group; but this
phase of the subject was not included in our work. In the search for
purely architectural evidence among these ruins it must be confessed
that the data have proved disappointingly meager. No trace of the
numerous constructive details that interest the student of pueblo
architecture in the modern villages can be seen in the low mounds of
broken down masonry that remain in most of the ancient villages of
Tusayan. But little masonry remains standing in even the best preserved
of these ruins, and villages known to have been occupied within two
centuries are not distinguishable from the remains to which distinct
tradition (save that they were in the same condition when the first
people of the narrators’ gens came to this region) no longer clings.
Though but little architectural information is to be derived from these
ruins beyond such as is conveyed by the condition and character of the
masonry and the general distribution of the plan, the plans and relation
to the topography are recorded as forming, in connection with the
traditions, a more complete account than can perhaps be obtained later.

In our study of architectural details, when a comparison is suggested
between the practice at Tusayan and that of the ancient builders, our
illustrations for the latter must often be drawn from other portions of
the builders’ territory where better preserved remains furnish the
necessary data.

WALPI RUINS.

In the case of the pueblo of Walpi, a portion of whose people seem to
have been the first comers in this region, a number of changes of sites
have taken place, at least one of which has occurred within the historic
period. Of the various sites occupied one is pointed out north of the
gap on the first mesa. At the present time this site is only a low mound
of sand-covered débris with no standing fragment of wall visible. The
present condition of this early Walpi is illustrated in Fig. 2. In the
absence of foundation walls or other definite lines, the character of
the site is expressed by the contour lines that define its relief.
Another of the sites occupied by the Walpi is said to have been in the
open valley separating the first from the second mesa, but here no trace
of the remains of a stone village has been discovered. This traditional
location is referred to by Mr. Stephen in his account of Walpi. The last
site occupied previous to the present one on the mesa summit was on a
lower bench of the first mesa promontory at its southern extremity. Here
the houses are said to have been distributed over quite a large area,
and occasional fragments of masonry are still seen at widely separated
points; but the ground plan can not now be traced. This was the site of
a Spanish mission, and some of the Tusayan point out the position
formerly occupied by mission buildings, but no architectural evidence of
such structures is visible. It seems to be fairly certain, however, that
this was the site of Walpi at a date well within the historic period,
although now literally there is not one stone upon another. The
destruction in this instance has probably been more than usually
complete on account of the close proximity of the succeeding pueblo,
making the older remains a very convenient stone quarry for the
construction of the houses on the mesa summit. Of the three abandoned
sites of Walpi referred to, not one furnishes sufficient data for a
suggestion of a ground plan or of the area covered.

[Illustration: Plate XVIII. Plan of Sichumovi.]

[Illustration: Fig. 2. Ruins, Old Walpi mound.]

OLD MASHONGNAVI.

In the case of Mashongnavi we have somewhat more abundant material. It
will be desirable to quote a few lines of narrative from the account of
a Mashongnavi Indian of the name of Nuvayauma, as indicating the causes
that led to the occupation of the site illustrated.

We turned and came to the north, meeting the Apache and “Beaver
Indians,” with whom we had many battles, and being few we were
defeated, after which we came up to Mashongnavi [the ruin at the
“Giant’s Chair”] and gave that rock its name [name not known], and
built our houses there. The Apache came upon us again, with the
Comanche, and then we came to [Old Mashóngnavi]. We lived there in
peace many years, having great success with crops, and our people
increased in numbers, and the Apache came in great numbers and set
fire to the houses and burned our corn, which you will find to-day
there burnt and charred. After they had destroyed our dwellings we
came upon the mesa, and have lived here since.

The ruins referred to as having been the first occupied by the
Mashongnavi at a large isolated rock known as the “Giant’s Chair,” have
not been examined. The later village from which they were driven by the
attacks of the Apache to their present site has been surveyed. The plan
of the fallen walls and lines of débris by which the form of much of the
old pueblo can still be traced is given in Pl. II. The plan of the best
preserved portion of the pueblo towards the north end of the sheet
clearly indicates a general adherence to the inclosed court arrangement
with about the same degree of irregularity that characterizes the modern
village. Besides the clearly traceable portions of the ruin that bear
such resemblance to the present village in arrangement, several small
groups and clusters appear to have been scattered along the slope of the
foothills, but in their present state of destruction it is not clear
whether these clusters were directly connected with the principal group,
or formed part of another village. Occasional traces of foundation walls
strongly suggest such connection, although from the character of the
site this intervening space could hardly have been closely built over.
With the exception of the main cluster above described the houses occupy
very broken and irregular sites. As indicated on the plan, the slope is
broken by huge irregular masses of sandstone protruding from the soil,
while much of the surface is covered by scattered fragments that have
fallen from neighboring pinnacles and ledges. The contours indicate the
general character of the slopes over which these irregular features are
disposed. The fragment of ledge shown on the north end of the plate,
against which a part of the main cluster has been built, is a portion of
a broad massive ledge of sandstone that supports the low buttes upon
which the present villages of Mashongnavi and Shupaúlovi are built, and
continues as a broad, level shelf of solid rock for several miles along
the mesa promontory. Its continuation on the side opposite that shown in
the plate may be seen in the general view of Shupaulovi (Pl. XXXI).

SHITAIMUVI.

The vestiges of another ruined village, known as Shitaimuvi, are found
in the vicinity of Mashongnavi, occupying and covering the crown of a
rounded foothill on the southeast side of the mesa. No plan of this ruin
could be obtained on account of the complete destruction of the walls.
No line of foundation stones even could be found, although the whole
area is more or less covered with the scattered stones of former
masonry. An exceptional quantity of pottery fragments is also strewn
over the surface. These bear a close resemblance to the fine class of
ware characteristic of “Talla Hogan” or “Awatubi,” and would suggest
that this pueblo was contemporaneous with the latter. Some reference to
this ruin win be found in the traditionary material in Chapter I.

[Illustration: Plate XIX. View of Sichumovi.]

AWATUBI.

The ruin of Awatubi is known to the Navajo as Talla Hogan, a term
interpreted as meaning “singing house” and thought to refer to the
chapel and mission that at one time nourished here, as described by Mr.
Stephen in Chapter I. Tradition ascribes great importance to this
village. At the time of the Spanish conquest it was one of the most
prosperous of the seven “cities” of Tusayan, and was selected as the
site of a mission, a distinction shared by Walpi, which was then on a
lower spur of the first mesa, and by Shumopavi, which also was built on
a lower site than the present village of that name. Traditions referring
to this pueblo have been collected from several sources and, while
varying somewhat in less important details, they all concur in bringing
the destruction of the village well within the period of Spanish
occupation.

On the historical site, too, we know that Cruzate on the occasion of the
attempted reconquest of the country visited this village in 1692, and
the ruin must therefore be less than two centuries old, yet the
completeness of destruction is such that over most of its area no
standing wall is seen, and the outlines of the houses and groups are
indicated mainly by low ridges and masses of broken-down masonry, partly
covered by the drifting sands. The group of rooms that forms the south
east side of the pueblo is an exception to the general rule. Here
fragmentary walls of rough masonry stand to a height, in some cases, of
8 feet above the débris. The character of the stonework, as may be seen
from Pl. V, is but little better than that of the modern villages. This
better preserved portion of the village seems to have formed part of a
cluster of mission buildings. At the points designated A on the ground
plan may be seen the remnants of walls that have been built of straw
adobe in the typical Spanish manner. These rest upon foundations of
stone masonry. See Pl. VI. The adobe fragments are probably part of the
church or associated buildings. At two other points on the ground plan,
both on the northeast side, low fragments of wall are still standing, as
may be seen from the plate. At one of these points the remains indicate
that the village was provided with a gateway near the middle of the
northeast side.

The general plan of this pueblo is quite different from that of the
present villages, and approaches the older types in symmetry and
compactness. There is a notable absence of the arrangement of rooms into
long parallel rows. This typical Tusayan feature is only slightly
approximated in some subordinate rows within the court. The plan
suggests that the original pueblo was built about three sides of a
rectangular court, the fourth or southeast side--later occupied by the
mission buildings--being left open, or protected only by a low wall.
Outside the rectangle of the main pueblo, on the northeast side, are two
fragments of rude masonry, built by Navajo sheep herders. Near the west
corner of the pueblo are the vestiges of two rooms, outside the pueblo
proper, which seem to belong to the original construction.

Awatubi is said to have had excavated rectangular kivas, situated in the
open court, similar to those used in the modern village. The people of
Walpi had partly cleared out one of these chambers and used it as a
depository for ceremonial plume-sticks, etc., but the Navajo came and
carried off their sacred deposits, tempted probably by their market
value as ethnologic specimens. No trace of these kivas was visible at
the time the ruins were surveyed.

The Awatubi are said to have had sheep at the time the village was
destroyed. Some of the Tusayan point out the remains of a large sheep
corral near the spring, which they say was used at that time, but it is
quite as likely to have been constructed for that purpose at a much
later date.

HORN HOUSE.

The Horn House is so called because tradition connects this village with
some of the people of the Horn phratry of the Hopituh or Tusayan. The
ruin is situated on a projecting point of the mesa that forms the
western flank of Jeditoh Valley, not far from where the Holbrook road to
Keam’s Canyon ascends the brink of the mesa. The village is almost
completely demolished, no fragment of standing wall remaining in place.
Its general plan and distribution are quite clearly indicated by the
usual low ridges of fallen masonry partly covered by drifted sand. There
is but little loose stone scattered about, the sand having filled in all
the smaller irregularities.

It will be seen from the plan, Pl. VII, that the village has been built
close to the edge of the mesa, following to some extent the
irregularities of its outline. The mesa ruin at this point, however, is
not very high, the more abrupt portion having a height of 20 or 30 feet.
Near the north end of the village the ground slopes very sharply toward
the east and is rather thickly covered with the small stones of fallen
masonry, though but faint vestiges of rooms remain. In plan the ruin is
quite elongated, following the direction of the mesa. The houses were
quite irregularly disposed, particularly in the northern portion of the
ruin. But here the indications are too vague to determine whether the
houses were originally built about one long court or about two or more
smaller ones. The south end of the pueblo, however, still shows a well
defined court bounded on all sides by clearly traceable rooms. At the
extreme south end of the ruin the houses have very irregular outlines,
a result of their adaptation to the topography, as may be seen in the
illustration.

[Illustration: Plate XX. Plan of Walpi.]

The plan shows the position of a small group of cottonwood trees, just
below the edge of the mesa and nearly opposite the center of the
village. These trees indicate the proximity of water, and mark the
probable site of the spring that furnished this village with at least
part of its water supply.

There are many fragments of pottery on this spot, but they are not so
abundant as at Awatubi.

Two partly excavated rooms were seen at this ruin, the work of some
earlier visitors who hoped to discover ethnologic or other treasure.

These afforded no special information, as the character of the masonry
exposed differed in no respect from that seen at other of the Tusayan
ruins. No traces of adobe construction or suggestions of foreign
influence were seen at this ruin.

SMALL RUIN BETWEEN HORN HOUSE AND BAT HOUSE.

On a prolongation of the mesa occupied by the Horn House, midway between
it and another ruined pueblo known as the Bat House, occur the remains
of a small and compact cluster of houses (Fig. 3). It is situated on the
very mesa edge, here about 40 feet high, at the head of a small canyon
which opens into the Jeditoh Valley, a quarter of a mile below.

[Illustration: Fig. 3. Ruin between Bat House and Horn House.]

The site affords an extended outlook to the south over a large part of
Jeditoh Valley. The topography about this point, which receives the
drainage of a considerable area of the mesa top, would fit it especially
for the establishment of a reservoir. This fact probably had much to do
with its selection as a dwelling site. The masonry is in about the same
state of preservation as that of the Horn House, and some of the stones
of the fallen walls seem to have been washed down from the mesa edge to
the talus below.

BAT HOUSE.

The Bat House is a ruin of nearly the same size as the Horn House,
although in its distribution it does not follow the mesa edge so closely
as the latter, and is not so elongated in its general form. The northern
portion is quite irregular, and the rooms seem to have been somewhat
crowded. The southern half, with only an occasional room traceable,
as indicated on the plan, Pl. VIII, still shows that the rooms were
distributed about a large open court.

The Bat House is situated on the northwest side of the Jeditoh Valley,
on part of the same mesa occupied by the two ruins described above. It
occupies the summit of a projecting spur, overlooking the main valley
for an extent of more than 5 miles. The ruin lies on the extreme edge of
the cliff, here about 200 feet high, and lying beneath it on the east
and south are large areas of arable land. Altogether it forms an
excellent defensive site, combined with a fair degree of convenience to
fields and water from the Tusayan point of view.

This ruin, near its northeastern extremity, contains a feature that is
quite foreign to the architecture of Tusayan, viz, a defensive wall.
It is the only instance of the use by the Hopituh of an inclosing wall,
though it is met with again at Payupki (Pl. XIII), which, however, was
built by people from the Rio Grande country.

MISHIPTONGA.

Mishiptonga is the Tusayan name for the southernmost, and by far the
largest, of the Jeditoh series of ruins (Pl. IX). It occurs quite close
to the Jeditoh spring which gives its name to the valley along whose
northern and western border are distributed the ruins above described,
beginning with the Horn house.

[Illustration: Plate XXI. View of Walpi.]

This village is rather more irregular in its arrangement than any other
of the series. There are indications of a number of courts inclosed by
large and small clusters of rooms, very irregularly disposed, but with a
general trend towards the northeast, being roughly parallel with the
mesa edge. In plan this village approaches somewhat that of the
inhabited Tusayan villages. At the extreme southern extremity of the
mesa promontory is a small secondary bench, 20 feet lower than the site
of the main village. This bench has also been occupied by a number of
houses. On the east side the pueblo was built to the very edge of the
bluff, where small fragments of masonry are still standing. The whole
village seems so irregular and crowded in its arrangement that it
suggests a long period of occupancy and growth, much more than do the
other villages of this (Jeditoh) group.

The pueblo may have been abandoned or destroyed prior to the advent of
the Spaniards in this country, as claimed by the Indians, for no
traditional mention of it is made in connection with the later feuds and
wars that figure so prominently in the Tusayan oral history of the last
three centuries. The pueblo was undoubtedly built by some of the ancient
gentes of the Tusayan stock, as its plan, the character of the site
chosen, and, where traceable, the quality of workmanship link it with
the other villages of the Jeditoh group.

[Illustration: Fig. 4. Ruin near Moen-kopi, plan.]

MOEN-KOPI RUINS.

A very small group of rooms, even smaller than the neighboring farming
pueblo of Moen-kopi, is situated on the western edge of the mesa summit
about a quarter of a mile north of the modern village of Moen-kopi. As
the plan shows (Fig. 4), the rooms were distributed in three rows around
a small court. This ruin also follows the general northeastern trend
which has been noticed both in the ruined and in the occupied pueblos of
Tusayan. The rows here were only one room deep and not more than a
single story high at any point, as indicated by the very small amount of
débris. As the plate shows, nearly the entire plan is clearly defined by
fragments of standing walls. The walls are built of thin tablets of the
dark-colored sandstone which caps the mesa. Where the walls have fallen
the débris is comparatively free from earth, indicating that adobe has
been sparingly used. The walls, in places standing to a height of 2 or 3
feet, as may be seen in the illustration, Pl. X, show unusual precision
of workmanship and finish, resembling in this respect some of the
ancient pueblos farther north. This is to some extent due to the
exceptional suitability of the tabular stones of the mesa summit. The
almost entire absence of pottery fragments and other objects of art
which are such a constant accompaniment of the ruins throughout this
region strongly suggest that it was occupied for a very short time. In
Chapter III it will be shown that a similar order of occupation took
place at Ojo Caliente, one of the Zuñi farming villages. This ruin is
probably of quite recent origin, as is the present village of Moen-kopi,
although it may possibly have belonged to an earlier colony of which we
have no distinct trace. This fertile and well watered valley, a
veritable garden spot in the Tusayan deserts, must have been one of the
first points occupied. Some small cliff-dwellings, single rooms in
niches of a neighboring canyon wall, attest the earlier use of the
valley for agricultural purposes, although it is doubtful whether these
rude shelters date back of the Spanish invasion of the province.

A close scrutiny of the many favorable sites in this vicinity would
probably reveal the sand-encumbered remains of some more important
settlement than any of those now known.

RUINS ON THE ORAIBI WASH.

The wagon road from Keam’s Canyon to Tuba City crosses the Oraibi wash
at a point about 7 miles above the village of Oraibi. As it enters a
branch canyon on the west side of the wash it is flanked on each side by
rocky mesas and broken ledges. On the left or west side a bold
promontory, extending southward, is quite a conspicuous feature of the
landscape. The entire flat mesa summit, and much of the slope of a rocky
butte that rises from it, are covered with the remains of a small
pueblo, as shown on the plan, Fig. 5. All of this knoll except its
eastern side is lightly covered with scattered débris. On the west and
north sides there are many large masses of broken rock distributed over
the slope. There is no standing wall visible from below, but on closer
approach several interesting specimens of masonry are seen. On the north
side, near the west end, there is a fragment of curved wall which
follows the margin of the rock on which it is built. It is about 8 or 10
feet long and 3 feet high on the outer side. The curve is carefully
executed and the workmanship of the masonry good. Farther east, and
still on the north side, there is a fragment of masonry exhibiting a
reversed curve. This piece of wall spans the space between two adjoining
rocks, and the top of the wall is more than 10 feet above the rock on
which it stands. The shape of this wall and its relation to the
surroundings are indicated on the plan, Fig. 5. On the south side of the
ruin on the mesa surface, and near an outcropping rock, are the remains
of what appears to have been a circular room, perhaps 8 or 10 feet in
diameter, though it is too much broken down to determine this
accurately. Only a small portion of the south wall can be definitely
traced. On the south slope of the mesa are indications of walls, too
vaguely defined to admit of the determination of their direction.
Similar vestiges of masonry are found on the north and west, but not
extending to as great a distance from the knoll as those on the south.

[Illustration: Plate XXII. South passageway of Walpi.]

[Illustration: Fig. 5. Ruin 7 miles north of Oraibi.]

In that portion of the ruin which lies on top of the knoll, the walls so
far as traced conform to the shape of the site. The ground plan of the
buildings that once occupied the slopes can not be traced, and it is
impossible to determine whether its walls were carried through
continuously.

The masonry exhibited in the few surviving fragments of wall is of
unusually good quality, resembling somewhat that of the Fire House, Fig.
7, and other ruins of that class. The stones are of medium size, not
dressed, and are rather rougher and less flat than is usual, but the
wall has a good finish. The stone, however, is of poor quality. Most of
the débris about the ruin consists of small stone fragments and sand,
comparatively few stones of the size used in the walls being seen. The
material evidently came from the immediate vicinity of the ruin.

Pottery fragments were quite abundant about this ruin, most of the ware
represented being of exceptional quality and belonging to the older
types; red ware with black lines and black and white ware were
especially abundant.

There is quite an extensive view from the ruin, the top of the butte
commanding an outlook down the valley past Oraibi, and about 5 miles
north. There is also an extended outlook up the valley followed by the
wagon road above referred to, and over two branch valleys, one on the
east and another of much less extent on the west. The site was well
adapted for defense, which must have been one of the principal motives
for its selection.

[Illustration: Fig. 6. Ruin 14 miles north of Oraibi (Kwaituki).]

KWAITUKI.

The ruin known to the Tusayan as Kwaituki (Fig. 6) is also on the west
side of the Oraibi wash, 14 miles above Oraibi, and about 7 miles above
the ruin last described. Its general resemblance to the latter is very
striking. The builders have apparently been actuated by the same motives
in their choice of a site, and their manner of utilizing it corresponds
very closely. The crowning feature of the rocky knoll in this case is a
picturesque group of rectangular masses of sandstone, somewhat
irregularly distributed. The bare summit of a large block-like mass
still retains the vestiges of rooms, and probably most of the groups
were at one time covered with buildings, forming a prominent
citadel-like group in the midst of the village. To the north of this
rocky butte a large area seems to have been at one time inclosed by
buildings, forming a court of unusual dimensions. Along the outer margin
of the pueblo occasional fragments of walls define former rooms, but the
amount and character of the débris indicate that the inner area was
almost completely inclosed with buildings. The remains of masonry extend
on the south a little beyond the base of the central group of rocks, but
here the vestiges of stonework are rather faint and scattered.

[Illustration: Plate XXIII. Houses built over irregular sites, Walpi.]

In the nearly level tops of some of the rocks forming the central pile
are many smoothly worn depressions or cavities, which have evidently
been used for the grinding and shaping of stone implements.

A remarkable feature occurring within this village is a cave or
underground fissure in the rocks, which evidently had been used by the
inhabitants. The mouth or entrance to this cavern, partly obstructed and
concealed at the time of our visit, occurs at the point A on the plan.
On clearing away the rubbish at the mouth and entering it was found so
obstructed with broken rock and fine dust that but little progress could
be made in its exploration; but the main crevice in the rock could be
seen by artificial light to extend some 10 feet back from the mouth,
where it became very shallow. It could be seen that the original cavern
had been improved by the pueblo-builders, as some of the timbers that
had been placed inside were still in position, and a low wall of masonry
on the south side remained intact. Some Navajos stated that they had
discovered this small cave a couple of years before and had taken from
it a large unbroken water jar of ancient pottery and some other
specimens. The place was probably used by the ancient occupants simply
for storage.

Fragments of pottery of excellent quality were very abundant about this
ruin and at the foot of the central rocks the ground was thickly strewn
with fragments, often of large size.

The defensive character of this site parallels that of the ruin 7 miles
farther south in quite a remarkable manner, and the villages were
apparently built and occupied at the same time.

TEBUGKIHU, OR FIRE HOUSE.

About 15 miles northeast of Keam’s Canyon, and about 25 miles from
Walpi, is a small ruin called by the Tusayan “Tebugkihu,” built by
people of the Fire gens (now extinct). As the plan (Fig. 7) clearly
shows, this pueblo is very different from the typical Tusayan villages
that have been previously described. The apparent unity of the plan, and
the skillful workmanship somewhat resembling the pueblos of the Chaco
are in marked contrast to the irregularity and careless construction of
most of the Tusayan ruins. Its distance from the center of the province,
too, suggests outside relationship; but still the Tusayan traditions
undoubtedly connect the place with some of the ancestral gentes, as seen
in Chapter I.

The small and compact cluster of rooms is in a remarkable state of
preservation, especially the outside wall. This wall was carefully and
massively constructed, and stands to the height of several feet around
the entire circumference of the ruin, except along the brink of the
cliff, as the plan shows.

This outer wall contains by far the largest stones yet found
incorporated in pueblo masonry. A fragment of this masonry is
illustrated in Pl. XI. The largest stone shown measures about 5 feet in
length, and the one adjoining on the right measures about 4 feet. These
dimensions are quite remarkable in pueblo masonry, which is
distinguished by the use of very small stones.

The well defined outer wall of this cluster to the unaided eye appears
to be elliptical, but it will be seen from the plan that the ellipse is
somewhat pointed on the side farthest from the cliff. As in other cases
of ancient pueblos with curved outlines, the outer wall seems to have
been built first, and the inner rooms, while kept as rectangular as
possible, were adjusted to this curve. This arrangement often led to a
cumulating divergence from radial lines in some of the partitions, which
irregularity was taken up in one room, as in this instance, in the space
near the gate. The outer wall is uniform in construction so far as
preserved. Many irregularities appear, however, in the construction of
the inner or partition walls, and some of the rooms show awkward
attempts at adjustment to the curve of the outer wall.

[Illustration: Fig. 7. Oval (Fire House) ruin, plan (Tebugkihu).]

The ruin is situated on the very brink of a small canyon, which probably
contained a spring at the foot of the cliff close under the ruin site,
as the vegetation there has an unusual appearance of freshness,
suggesting the close proximity of water to the surface. A steep trail
evidently connected the village with the bottom of the canyon. Some of
the rocks of the mesa rim were marked by numerous cup-like cavities
similar to those seen at Kwaituki, and used in the polishing and forming
of stone implements. The type of pueblo here illustrated belonged to a
people who relied largely on the architecture for defense, differing in
this respect from the spirit of Tusayan architecture generally, where
the inaccessible character of the site was the chief dependence.

CHUKUBI.

The ruin called Chukubi by the Tusayan (Pl. XII) is situated on the
Middle Mesa, about 3 miles northeast of Mashongnavi. It occupies a
promontory above the same broad sandstone ledge that forms such a
conspicuous feature in the vicinity of Mashongnavi and Shupaulovi, and
which supports the buttes upon which these villages are built.

[Illustration: Plate XXIV. Dance rock and kiva, Walpi.]

Little masonry now remains on this site, but here and there a fragment
aids in defining the general plan of the pueblo. In general form the
village was a large rectangle with a line of buildings across its
center, dividing it into two unequal courts, and a projecting wing on
the west side. As may be seen from the illustration, one end of the ruin
forms a clearly defined rectangular court, composed of buildings mostly
two rooms deep. Here, as in other ruins of Tusayan, the arrangement
about inclosed courts is in contrast with the parallelism of rows, so
noticeable a feature in the occupied villages. At the east end of the
ruin are several curious excavations. The soft sandstone has been
hollowed out to a depth of about 10 inches, in prolongation of the
outlines of adjoining rooms. Such excavation to obtain level floors is
quite unusual among the pueblo builders; it was practiced to a very
small extent, and only where it could be done with little trouble. Any
serious inequality of surface was usually incorporated in the
construction, as will be noticed at Walpi (Pl. XXIII). Vestiges of
masonry indicating detached rooms were seen in each of the courts of the
main rectangle.

On the slope of the hill, just above the broad ledge previously
described, there is a fine spring, but no trace of a trail connecting it
with the pueblo could be found.

This village was advantageously placed for defense, but not to the same
degree as Payupki, illustrated in Pl. XIII.

PAYUPKI.

The ruin called Payupki (Pl. XIII) occupies the summit of a bold
promontory south of the trail, from Walpi to Oraibi, and about 6 miles
northwest from Mashongnavi. The outer extremity of this promontory is
separated from the mesa by a deep notch. The summit is reached from the
mesa by way of the neck, as the outer point itself is very abrupt, much
of the sandstone ledge being vertical. A bench, 12 or 15 feet below the
summit and in places quite broad, encircles the promontory. This bench
also breaks off very abruptly.

As may be seen from the plan, the village is quite symmetrically laid
out and well arranged for defense. It is placed at the mesa end of the
promontory cap, and for greater security the second ledge has also been
fortified. All along the outer margin of this ledge are the remains of a
stone wall, in some places still standing to a height of 1 or 2 feet.
This wall appears to have extended originally all along the ledge around
three sides of the village. The steepness of the cliff on the remaining
side rendered a wall superfluous. On the plain below this promontory,
and immediately under the overhanging cliff, are two corrals, and also
the remains of a structure that resembles a kiva, but which appears to
be of recent construction.

In the village proper (Pl. XIV) are two distinctly traceable kivas. One
of these, situated in the court, is detached and appears to have been
partly underground. The other, located in the southeast end of the
village, has also, like the first, apparently been sunk slightly below
the surface. There is a jog in the standing wall of this kiva which
corresponds to that usually found in the typical Tusayan kivas (see
Figs. 22 and 25). On the promontory and east of the village is a single
room of more than average length, with a well formed door in the center
of one side. This room has every appearance of being contemporary with
the rest of the village, but its occurrence in this entirely isolated
position is very unusual. Still farther east there is a mass of debris
that may have belonged to a cluster of six or eight rooms, or it may
possibly be the remains of temporary stone shelters for outlooks over
crops, built at a later date than the pueblo. As may be seen from the
illustration (Pl. XV), the walls are roughly built of large slabs of
sandstone of various sizes. The work is rather better than that of
modern Tusayan, but much inferior to that seen in the skillfully laid
masonry of the ruins farther north. In many of these walls an occasional
sandstone slab of great length is introduced. This peculiarity is
probably due to the character of the local material, which is more
varied than usual. All of the stone here used is taken from ledges in
the immediate vicinity. It is usually light in color and of loose
texture, crumbling readily, and subject to rapid decay, particularly
when used in walls that are roughly constructed.

Much of the pottery scattered about this ruin has a very modern
appearance, some of it having the characteristic surface finish and
color of the Rio Grande ware. A small amount of ancient pottery also
occurs here, some of the fragments of black and white ware displaying
intricate fret patterns. The quantity of these potsherds is quite small,
and they occur mainly in the refuse heaps on the mesa edge.

This ruin combines a clearly defined defensive plan with utilization of
one of the most inaccessible sites in the vicinity, producing altogether
a combination that would seem to have been impregnable by any of the
ordinary methods of Indian warfare.

[Illustration: Plate XXV. Foot trail to Walpi.]

PLANS AND DESCRIPTIONS OF THE INHABITED VILLAGES.

HANO.

The village of Hano, or Tewa, is intrusive and does not properly belong
to the Tusayan stock, as appears from their own traditions. It is
somewhat loosely planned (Pl. XVI) and extends nearly across the mesa
tongue, which is here quite narrow, and in general there is no
appreciable difference between the arrangement here followed and that of
the other villages. One portion of the village, however, designated as
House No. 5 on the plan, differs somewhat from the typical arrangement
in long irregular rows, and approaches the pyramidal form found among
the more eastern pueblos, notably at Taos and in portions of Zuñi. As
has been seen, tradition tells us that this site was taken up by the
Tewa at a late date and subsequent to the Spanish conquest; but some
houses, formerly belonging to the Asa people, formed a nucleus about
which the Tewa village of Hano was constructed. The pyramidal house
occupied by the old governor, is said to have been built over such
remains of earlier houses.

The largest building in the village appears to have been added to from
time to time as necessity for additional space arose, resulting in much
the same arrangement as that characterizing most of the Tusayan houses,
viz, a long, irregular row, not more than three stories high at any
point. The small range marked No. 4 on the plan contains a section three
stories high, as does the long row and also the pyramidal cluster above
referred to. (Pl. XVII.)

The kivas are two in number, one situated within the village and the
other occupying a position in the margin of the mesa. These ceremonial
chambers, so far as observed, appear to be much like those in the other
villages, both in external and internal arrangement.

Within the last few years the horse trail that afforded access to Hano
and Sichumovi has been converted into a wagon road, and during the
progress of this work, under the supervision of an American,
considerable blasting was done. Among other changes the marginal kiva,
which was nearly in line with the proposed improvements, was removed.
This was done despite the protest of the older men, and their
predictions of dire calamity sure to follow such sacrilege. A new site
was selected close by and the newly acquired knowledge of the use of
powder was utilized in blasting out the excavation for this subterranean
chamber. It is altogether probable that the sites of all former kivas
were largely determined by accident, these rooms being built at points
where natural fissures or open spaces in the broken mesa edge furnished
a suitable depression or cavity. The builders were not capable of
working the stone to any great extent, and their operations were
probably limited to trimming out such natural excavations and in part
lining them with masonry.

There is a very noticeable scarcity of roof-holes, aside from those of
the first terrace. As a rule the first terrace has no external openings
on the ground and is entered from its roof through large trap-doors, as
shown on the plans. The lower rooms within this first terrace are not
inhabited, but are used as storerooms.

At several points ruined walls are seen, remains of abandoned rooms that
have fallen into decay. Occasionally a rough, buttress-like projection
from a wall is the only vestige of a room or a cluster of rooms, all
traces on the ground having been obliterated.

The mesa summit, that forms the site of this village, is nearly level,
with very little earth on its surface. A thin accumulation of soil and
rubbish lightly covers the inner court, but outside, along the face of
the long row, the bare rock is exposed continuously. Where the rooms
have been abandoned and the walls have fallen, the stones have all been
utilized in later constructions, leaving no vestige of the former wall
on the rocky site, as the stones of the masonry have always been set
upon the surface of the rock, with no excavation or preparation of
footings of any kind.

SICHUMOVI.

According to traditional accounts this village was founded at a more
recent date than Walpi. It has, however, undergone many changes since
its first establishment.

The principal building is a long irregular row, similar to that of Hano
(Pl. XVIII). A portion of an L-shaped cluster west of this row, and a
small row near it parallel to the main building, form a rude
approximation to the inclosed court arrangement. The terracing here,
however, is not always on the court side, whereas in ancient examples
such arrangement was an essential defensive feature, as the court
furnished the only approach to upper terraces. In all of these villages
there is a noticeable tendency to face the rows eastward instead of
toward the court. The motive of such uniformity of direction in the
houses must have been strong, to counteract the tendency to adhere to
the ancient arrangement. The two kivas of the village are built side by
side, in contact, probably on account of the presence at this point of a
favorable fissure or depression in the mesa surface.

On the south side of the village are the remains of two small clusters
of rooms that apparently have been abandoned a long time. A portion of a
room still bounded by standing walls has been utilized as a corral for
burros (PL. XIX).

[Illustration: Plate XXVI. Mashongnavi, plan.]

At this village are three small detached houses, each composed of but a
single room, a feature not at all in keeping with the spirit of pueblo
construction. In this instance it is probably due to the selection of
the village as the residence of whites connected with the agency or
school. Of these single-room houses, one, near the south end of the long
row, was being built by an American, who was living in another such
house near the middle of this row. The third house, although fairly well
preserved at the time of the survey, was abandoned and falling into
ruin. Adjoining the middle one of these three buildings on the south
side are the outlines of two small compartments, which were evidently
built as corrals for burros and are still used for that purpose.

This village, though limited to two stories in height, has, like the
others of the first mesa, a number of roof holes or trapdoors in the
upper story, an approach to the Zuñi practice. This feature among the
Tusayan villages is probably due to intercourse with the more eastern
pueblos, for it seems to occur chiefly among those having such
communication most frequently. Its presence is probably the result
simply of borrowing a convenient feature from those who invented it to
meet a necessity. The conditions under which the houses were built have
hardly been such as to stimulate the Tusayan to the invention of such a
device. The uniform height of the second-story roofs seen in this
village, constituting an almost unbroken level, is a rather exceptional
feature in pueblo architecture. Only one depression occurs in the whole
length of the main row.

WALPI.

Of all the pueblos, occupied or in ruins, within the provinces of
Tusayan and Cibola, Walpi exhibits the widest departure from the typical
pueblo arrangement (Pl. XX).

The carelessness characteristic of Tusayan architecture seems to have
reached its culmination here. The confused arrangement of the rooms,
mainly due to the irregularities of the site, contrasts with the work at
some of the other villages, and bears no comparison with much of the
ancient work. The rooms seem to have been clustered together with very
little regard to symmetry, and right angles are very unusual. (See Fig.
8.)

The general plan of the village of to-day confirms the traditional
accounts of its foundation. According to these its growth was gradual,
beginning with a few small clusters, which were added to from time to
time as the inhabitants of the lower site upon the spur of the mesa,
where the mission was established, moved up and joined the pioneers on
the summit. It is probable that some small rooms or clusters were built
on this conspicuous promontory soon after the first occupation of this
region, on account of its exceptionally favorable position as an outlook
over the fields (Pl. XXI).

Though the peculiar conformation of the site on which the village has
been built has produced an unusual irregularity of arrangement, yet even
here an imperfect example of the typical inclosed court may be found,
at one point containing the principal kiva or ceremonial chamber of the
village. It is probable that the accidental occurrence of a suitable
break or depression in the mesa top determined the position of this kiva
at an early date and that the first buildings clustered about this
point.

[Illustration: Fig. 8. Topography of the site of Walpi.]

A unique feature in this kiva is its connection with a second
subterranean chamber, reached from the kiva through an ordinary doorway.
The depression used for the kiva site must have been either larger than
was needed or of such form that it could not be thrown into one
rectangular chamber. It was impossible to ascertain the form of this
second room, as the writer was not permitted to approach the connecting
doorway, which was closed with a slab of cottonwood. This chamber, used
as a receptacle for religious paraphernalia, was said to connect with an
upper room within the cluster of dwellings close by, but this could not
be verified at the time of our visit. The plan indicates that such an
adjoining chamber, if of average size, could easily extend partly under
the dwellings on either the west or south side of the court. The rocky
mesa summit is quite irregular in this vicinity, with rather an abrupt
ascent to the passageway on the south as shown in Pl. XXII. Southeast
from the kiva there is a large mass of rocks projecting above the
general level, which has been incorporated into a cluster of dwelling
rooms. Its character and relation to the architecture may be seen in Pl.
XXIII. So irregular a site was not likely to be built upon until most of
the available level surface had been taken up, for even in masonry of
much higher development than can be found in Tusayan the builders,
unable to overcome such obstacles as a large mass of protruding rock,
have accommodated their buildings to such irregularities. This is very
noticeable in the center cluster of Mummy Cave (in Canyon del Muerto,
Arizona), where a large mass of sandstone, fallen from the roof of the
rocky niche in which the houses were built, has been incorporated into
the house cluster. Between this and another kiva to the north the mesa
top is nearly level. The latter kiva is also subterranean and was built
in an accidental break in sandstone. On the very margin of this fissure
stands a curious isolated rock that has survived the general erosion of
the mesa. It is near this rock that the celebrated Snake-dance takes
place, although the kiva from which the dancers emerge to perform the
open air ceremony is not adjacent to this monument (Pl. XXIV).

[Illustration: Plate XXVII. Mashongnavi with Shupaulovi in distance.]

A short distance farther toward the north occur a group of three more
kivas. These are on the very brink of the mesa, and have been built in
recesses in the crowning ledge of sandstone of such size that they could
conveniently be walled up on the outside, the outer surface of rude
walls being continuous with the precipitous rock face of the mesa.

The positions of all these ceremonial chambers seem to correspond with
exceptionally rough and broken portions of the mesa top, showing that
their location in relation to the dwelling clusters was due largely to
accident and does not possess the significance that position does in
many ancient pueblos built on level and unencumbered sites, where the
adjustment was not controlled by the character of the surface.

The Walpi promontory is so abrupt and difficult of access that there is
no trail by which horses can be brought to the village without passing
through Hano and Sichumovi, traversing the whole length of the mesa
tongue, and crossing a rough break or depression in the mesa summit
close to the village. Several foot trails give access to the village,
partly over the nearly perpendicular faces of rock. All of these have
required to be artificially improved in order to render them
practicable. Plate XXV, from a photograph, illustrates one of these
trails, which, a portion of the way, leads up between a huge detached
slab of sandstone and the face of the mesa. It will be seen that the
trail at this point consists to a large extent of stone steps that have
been built in. At the top of the flight of steps where the trail to the
mesa summit turns to the right the solid sandstone has been pecked out
so as to furnish a series of footholes, or steps, with no projection or
hold of any kind alongside. There are several trails on the west side of
the mesa leading down both from Walpi and Sichúmovi to a spring below,
which are quite as abrupt as the example illustrated. All the water used
in these villages, except such as is caught during showers in the
basin-like water pockets of the mesa top, is laboriously brought up
these trails in large earthenware canteens slung over the backs of the
women.

Supplies of every kind, provisions, harvested crops, fuel, etc., are
brought up these steep trails, and often from a distance of several
miles, yet these conservative people tenaciously cling to the
inconvenient situation selected by their fathers long after the
necessity for so doing has passed away. At present no argument of
convenience or comfort seems sufficient to induce them to abandon their
homes on the rocky heights and build near the water supply and the
fields on which they depend for subsistence.

One of the trails referred to in the description of Hano has been
converted into a wagon road, as has been already described. The Indians
preferred to expend the enormous amount of labor necessary to convert
this bridle path into a wagon road in order slightly to overcome the
inconvenience of transporting every necessary to the mesa upon their own
backs or by the assistance of burros. This concession to modern ideas is
at best but a poor substitute for the convenience of homes built in the
lower valleys.

[Illustration: Fig. 9. Mashongnavi and Shupaulovi from Shumopavi.]

MASHONGNAVI.

Mashongnavi, situated on the summit of a rocky knoll, is a compact
though irregular village, and the manner in which it conforms to the
general outline of the available ground is shown on the plan.
Convenience of access to the fields on the east and to the other
villages probably prompted the first occupation of the east end of this
rocky butte (Pl. XXVI).

[Illustration: Plate XXVIII. Back wall of a Mashongnavi house-row.]

[Illustration: Fig. 10. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi.]

In Mashongnavi of to-day the eastern portion of the village forms a more
decided court than do the other portions. The completeness in itself of
this eastern end of the pueblo, in connection with the form of the
adjoining rows, strongly suggests that this was the first portion of the
pueblo built, although examination of the masonry and construction
furnish but imperfect data as to the relative age of different portions
of the village. One uniform gray tint, with only slight local variations
in character and finish of masonry, imparts a monotonous effect of
antiquity to the whole mass of dwellings. Here and there, at rare
intervals, is seen a wall that has been newly plastered; but,
ordinarily, masonry of 10 years’ age looks nearly as old as that built
200 years earlier. Another feature that suggests the greater antiquity
of the eastern court of the pueblo is the presence and manner of
occurrence here of the kiva. The old builders may have been influenced
to some extent in their choice of site by the presence of a favorable
depression for the construction of a kiva, though this particular
example of the ceremonial room is only partly subterranean. The other
kivas are almost or quite below the ground level. Although a favorable
depression might readily occur on the summit of the knoll, a deep
cavity, suitable for the construction of the subterranean kiva, would
not be likely to occur at such a distance from the margin of the
sandstone ledge. The builders evidently preferred to adopt such half-way
measures with their first kiva in order to secure its inclosure within
the court, thus conforming to the typical pueblo arrangement. The
numerous exceptions to this arrangement seen in Tusayan are due to local
causes. The general view of Mashongnavi given in Pl. XXVII shows that
the site of this pueblo, as well as that of its neighbor, Shupaulovi,
was not particularly defensible, and that this fact would have weight in
securing adherence in the first portion of the pueblo built to the
defensive inclosed court containing the ceremonial chamber. The plan
strongly indicates that the other courts of the pueblo were added as the
village grew, each added row facing toward the back of an older row,
producing a series of courts, which, to the present time, show more
terracing on their western sides. The eastern side of each court is
formed, apparently, by a few additions of low rooms to what was
originally an unbroken exterior wall, and which is still clearly
traceable through these added rooms. Such an exterior wall is
illustrated in Pl. XVIII. This process continued until the last cluster
nearly filled the available site and a wing was thrown out corresponding
to a tongue or spur of the knoll upon which it was built. Naturally the
westernmost or newer portions show more clearly the evidence of
additions and changes, but such evidence is not wholly wanting in the
older portions. The large row that bounds the original eastern court on
the west side may be seen on the plan to be of unusual width, having the
largest number of rooms that form a terrace with western aspect; yet the
nearly straight line once defining the original back wall of the court
inclosing cluster on this side has not been obscured to any great extent
by the later additions (Pl. XXVIII). This village furnishes the most
striking example in the whole group of the manner in which a pueblo was
gradually enlarged as increasing population demanded more space. Such
additions were often carried out on a definite plan, although the
results in Tusayan fall far short of the symmetry that characterizes
many ruined pueblos in New Mexico and Arizona.

[Illustration: Fig. 11. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi.]

[Illustration: Fig. 12. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi.]

[Illustration: Plate XXIX. West side of a principal row in
Mashongnavi.]

A few of these ancient examples, especially some of the smaller ruins of
the Chaco group, are so symmetrical in their arrangement that they seem
to be the result of a single effort to carry out a clearly fixed plan.
By far the largest number of pueblos, however, built among the southwest
tablelands, if occupied for any length of time, must have been subject
to irregular enlargement. In some ancient examples, such additions to
the first plan undoubtedly took place without marring the general
symmetry. This was the case at Pueblo Bonito, on the Chaco, where the
symmetrical and even curve of the exterior defensive wall, which was at
least four stories high, remained unbroken, while the large inclosed
court was encroached upon by wings added to the inner terraces. These
additions comfortably provided for a very large increase of population
after the first building of the pueblo, without changing its exterior
appearance.

In order to make clearer this order of growth in Mashongnavi, a series
of skeleton diagrams is added in Figs. 10, 11, and 12, giving the
outlines of the pueblo at various supposed periods in the course of its
enlargement. The larger plan of the village (Pl. XXVI) serves as a key
to these terrace outlines.

The first diagram illustrates the supposed original cluster of the east
court (Fig. 10), the lines of which can be traced on the larger plan,
and it includes the long, nearly straight line that marks the western
edge of the third story. This diagram shows also, in dotted lines, the
general plan that may have guided the first additions to the west. The
second diagram (Fig. 11) renders all the above material in full tint,
again indicating further additions by dotted lines, and so on. (Fig.
12.) The portions of a terrace, which face westward in the newer courts
of the pueblo, illustrated in Pl. XXIX, were probably built after the
western row, completing the inclosure, and were far enough advanced to
indicate definitely an inclosed court, upon which the dwelling rooms
faced.

[Illustration: Plate XXX. Plan of Shupaulovi.]

SHUPAULOVI.

This village, by far the smallest pueblo of the Tusayan group,
illustrates a simple and direct use of the principle of the inclosed
court. The plan (Pl. XXX) shows that the outer walls are scarcely broken
by terraces, and nearly all the dwelling apartments open inwards upon
the inclosure, in this respect closely following the previously
described ancient type, although widely differing from it in the
irregular disposition of the rooms. (Pl. XXXI) A comparison with the
first of the series of diagrams illustrating the growth of Mashóngnavi,
will show how similar the villages may have been at one stage, and how
suitable a nucleus for a large pueblo this village would prove did space
and character of the site permit. Most of the available summit of the
rocky knoll has already been covered, as will be seen from the
topographic sketch of the site (Fig. 13). The plan shows also that some
efforts at extension of the pueblo have been made, but the houses
outside of the main cluster have been abandoned, and are rapidly going
to ruin. Several small rooms occur on the outer faces of the rows, but
it can be readily seen that they do not form a part of the original plan
but were added to an already complete structure.

[Illustration: Fig. 13. Topography of the site of Shupaulovi.]

In the inclosed court of this pueblo occurs a small box-like stone
inclosure, covered with a large slab, which is used as a sort of shrine
or depository for the sacred plume sticks and other ceremonial
offerings. This feature is found at some of the other villages, notably
at Mashongnavi, in the central court, and at Hano, where it is located
at some distance outside of the village, near the main trail to the
mesa.

The plan of this small village shows three covered passageways similar
to those noted in Walpi on the first mesa, though their presence here
can not be ascribed to the same motives that impelled the Walpi to build
in this way; for the densely crowded site occupied by the latter
compelled them to resort to this expedient. One of these is illustrated
in Pl. XXXII. Its presence may be due in this instance to a
determination to adhere to the protected court while seeking to secure
convenient means of access to the inclosed area. It is remarkable that
this, the smallest of the group, should contain this feature.

This village has but two kivas, one of which is on the rocky summit near
the houses and the other on the lower ground near the foot of the trail
that leads to the village. The upper kiva is nearly subterranean, the
roof being but a little above the ground on the side toward the village,
but as the rocky site slopes away a portion of side wall is exposed.
This was roughly built, with no attempt to impart finish to its outer
face, either by careful laying of the masonry or by plastering. Pl.
XXXIII illustrates this kiva in connection with the southeastern portion
of the village. The plan shows how the prolongation of the side rows of
the village forms a suggestion of a second court. Its development into
any such feature as the secondary or additional courts of Mashóngnavi
was prohibited by the restricted site.

As in other villages of this group, the desire to adhere to the
subterranean form of ceremonial chamber outweighed the inducement to
place it within the village, or, in the case of the second kiva, even of
placing it on the same level as the houses, which are 30 feet above it
with an abrupt trail between them. It is curious and instructive to see
a room, the use of which is so intimately connected with the inner life
of the village, placed in such a comparatively remote and inaccessible
position through an intensely conservative adherence to ancient practice
requiring this chamber to be depressed.

[Illustration: Plate XXXI. View of Shupaulovi.]

The general view of the village given in Pl. XXXI strikingly illustrates
the blending of the rectangular forms of the architecture with the
angular and sharply defined fractures of the surrounding rock. This
close correspondence in form between the architecture and its immediate
surroundings is greatly heightened by the similarity in color. Mr.
Stephen has called attention to a similar effect on the western side of
Walpi and its adjacent mesa edge, which he thought indicates a distinct
effort at concealment on the part of the builders, by blending the
architecture with the surroundings. This similarity of effect is often
accidental, and due to the fact that the materials of the houses and of
the mesas on which they are built are identical. Even in the case of
Walpi, cited by Mr. Stephen, where the buildings come to the very mesa
edge, and in their vertical lines appear to carry out the effect of the
vertical fissures in the upper benches of sandstone, there was no
intentional concealment. It is more likely that, through the necessity
of building close to the limits of the crowded sites, a certain degree
of correspondence was unintentionally produced between the jogs and
angles of the houses and those of the mesa edge.

Such correspondence with the surroundings, which forms a striking
feature of many primitive types of construction where intention of
concealment had no part, is doubtless mainly due to the use of the most
available material, although the expression of a type of construction
that has prevailed for ages in one locality would perhaps be somewhat
influenced by constantly recurring forms in its environment. In the
system of building under consideration, such influence would, however,
be a very minute fraction in the sum of factors producing the type and
could never account for such examples of special and detailed
correspondence as the cases cited, nor could it have any weight in
developing a rectangular type of architecture.

In the development of primitive arts the advances are slow and
laborious, and are produced by adding small increments to current
knowledge. So vague and undefined an influence as that exerted by the
larger forms of surrounding nature are seldom recognized and
acknowledged by the artisan; on the contrary, experiments, resulting in
improvement, are largely prompted by practical requirements.
Particularly is this the case in the art of house-building.

SHUMOPAVI.

This village, although not so isolated as Oraibi, has no near neighbors
and is little visited by whites or Indians. The inhabitants are rarely
seen at the trading post to which the others resort, and they seem to be
pretty well off and independent as compared with their neighbors of the
other villages (Pl. XXXIV). The houses and courts are in keeping with
the general character of the people and exhibit a degree of neatness and
thrift that contrasts sharply with the tumble-down appearance of some of
the other villages, especially those of the Middle Mesa and Oraibi.
There is a general air of newness about the place, though it is
questionable whether the architecture is more recent than that of the
other villages of Tusayan. This effect is partly due to the custom of
frequently renewing the coating of mud plaster. In most of the villages
little care is taken to repair the houses until the owner feels that to
postpone such action longer would endanger its stability. Many of the
illustrations in this chapter indicate the proportion of rough masonry
usually exposed in the walls. At Shumopavi (Pl. XXXV), however, most of
the walls are smoothly plastered. In this respect they resemble Zuñi and
the eastern pueblos, where but little naked masonry can be seen. Another
feature that adds to the effect of neatness and finish in this village
is the frequent use of a whitewash of gypsum on the outer face of the
walls. This wash is used partly as an ornament and partly as protection
against the rain. The material, called by the Mexicans “yeso,” is very
commonly used in the interior of their houses throughout this region,
both by Mexicans and Indians. More rarely it is used among the pueblos
as an external wash. Here, however, its external use forms quite a
distinctive feature of the village. The same custom in several of the
cliff houses of Canyon de Chelly attests the comparative antiquity of
the practice, though not necessarily its pre-Columbian origin.

Shumopavi, compared with the other villages, shows less evidence of
having been built on the open court idea, as the partial inclosures
assume such elongated forms in the direction of the long, straight rows
of the rooms; yet examination shows that the idea was present to a
slight extent.

At the southeast corner of the pueblo there is a very marked approach to
the open court, though it is quite evident that the easternmost row has
its back to the court, and that the few rooms that face the other way
are later additions. In fact, the plan of the village and the
distribution of the terraces seem to indicate that the first
construction consisted only of a single row facing nearly east, and was
not an inclosed court, and that a further addition to the pueblo assumed
nearly the same form, with its face or terraced side toward the back of
the first row only partly adapting itself by the addition of a few small
rooms later, to the court arrangement, the same operation being
continued, but in a form not so clearly defined, still farther toward
the west.

The second court is not defined on the west by such a distinct row as
the others, and the smaller clusters that to some extent break the long,
straight arrangement bring about an approximation to a court, though
here again the terraces only partly face it, the eastern side being
bounded by the long exterior wall of the middle row, two and three
stories high, and almost unbroken throughout its entire length of 400
feet. The broken character of the small western row, in conjunction with
the clusters near it, imparts a distinct effect to the plan of this
portion, differentiating it in character from the masses of houses
formed by the other two rows. The latter are connected at their southern
end by a short cross row which converts this portion of the village
practically into a single large house. Two covered passageways, however,
which are designated on the plan, give access to the southeast portion
of the court. This portion is partly separated from the north half of
the inclosure by encroaching groups of rooms. This partial division of
the original narrow and long court appears to be of later date.

[Illustration: Plate XXXII. A covered passageway of Shupaulovi.]

The kivas are four in number, of which but one is within the village.
The latter occupies a partly inclosed position in the southwest portion,
and probably owes its place to some local facility for building a kiva
on this spot in the nature of a depression in the mesa summit; but even
with such aid the ceremonial chamber was built only partly under ground,
as may be seen in Fig. 14. The remaining three kivas are more distinctly
subterranean, and in order to obtain a suitable site one of these was
located at a distance of more than 200 feet from the village, toward the
mesa edge on the east. The other two are built very close together,
apparently in contact, just beyond the northern extremity of the
village. One of these is about 3 feet above the surface at one corner,
but nearly on a level with the ground at its western side where it
adjoins its neighbor. These two kivas are illustrated in Pl. LXXXVIII
and Fig. 21.

[Illustration: Fig. 14. Court kiva of Shumopavi.]

Here again we find that the ceremonial chamber that forms so important a
feature among these people, occupies no fixed relation to the dwellings,
and its location is largely a matter of accident, a site that would
admit of the partial excavation or sinking of the chamber below the
surface being the main requisite. The northwest court contains another
of the small inclosed shrines already described as occurring at
Shupaulovi and elsewhere.

The stonework of this village also possesses a somewhat distinctive
character. Exposed masonry, though comparatively rare in this
well-plastered pueblo, shows that stones of suitable fracture were
selected and that they were more carefully laid than in the other
villages. In places the masonry bears a close resemblance to some of the
ancient work, where the spaces between the longer tablets of stone were
carefully chinked with small bits of stone, bringing the whole wall to a
uniform face, and is much in advance of the ordinary slovenly methods of
construction followed in Tusayan.

Shumopavi is the successor of an older village of that name, one of the
cities of the ancient Tusayan visited by a detachment of Coronado’s
expedition in 1540. The ruins of that village still exist, and they
formerly contained vestiges of the old church and mission buildings
established by the monks. The squared beams from these buildings were
considered valuable enough to be incorporated in the construction of
ceremonial kivas in some of the Tusayan villages. This old site was not
visited by the party.

ORAIBI.

This is one of the largest modern pueblos, and contains nearly half the
population of Tusayan; yet its great size has not materially affected
the arrangement of the dwellings. The general plan (see Pl. XXXVI),
simply shows an unusually large collection of typical Tusayan
house-rows, with the general tendency to face eastward displayed in the
other villages of the group. There is a remarkable uniformity in the
direction of the rows, but there are no indications of the order in
which the successive additions to the village were made, such as were
found at Mashóngnavi.

The clusters of rooms do not surpass the average dimensions of those in
the smaller villages. In five of the clusters in Oraibi a height of four
stories is reached by a few rooms; a height seen also in Walpi.

At several points in Oraibi, notably on the west side of cluster No. 7,
may be seen what appears to be low terraces faced with rough masonry.
The same thing is also seen at Walpi, on the west side of the
northernmost cluster. This effect is produced by the gradual filling in
of abandoned and broken-down marginal houses, with fallen masonry and
drifted sand. The appearance is that of intentional construction, as may
be seen in Pl. XXXIX.

[Illustration: Plate XXXIII. The chief kiva of Shupaulovi.]

The rarity of covered passageways in this village is noteworthy, and
emphasizes the marked difference in the character of the Tusayan and
Zuñi ground plans. The close crowding of rooms in the latter has made a
feature of the covered way, which in the scattered plan of Oraibi is
rarely called for. When found it does not seem an outgrowth of the same
conditions that led to its adoption in Zuñi. A glance at the plans will
show how different has been the effect of the immediate environment in
the two cases. In Zuñi, built on a very slight knoll in the open plain,
the absence of a defensive site has produced unusual development of the
defensive features of the architecture, and the result is a remarkably
dense clustering of the dwellings. At Tusayan, on the other hand, the
largest village of the group does not differ in character from the
smallest. Occupation of a defensive site has there, in a measure taken
the place of a special defensive arrangement, or close clustering of
rooms. Oraibi is laid out quite as openly as any other of the group, and
as additions to its size have from time to time been made the builders
have, in the absence of the defensive motive for crowding the rows or
groups into large clusters, simply followed the usual arrangement. The
crowding that brought about the use of the covered way was due in Walpi
to restricted site, as nearly all the available summit of its rocky
promontory has been covered with buildings. In Zuñi, on the other hand,
it was the necessity for defense that led to the close clustering of the
dwellings and the consequent employment of the covered way.

A further contrast between the general plans of Oraibi and Zuñi is
afforded in the different manner in which the roof openings have been
employed in the two cases. The plan of Zuñi, Pl. LXXVI, shows great
numbers of small openings, nearly all of which are intended exclusively
for the admission of light, a few only being provided with ladders. In
Oraibi, on the other hand, there are only seventeen roof openings above
the first terrace, and of these not more than half are intended for the
admission of light. The device is correspondingly rare in other villages
of the group, particularly in those west of the first mesa. In
Mashóngnavi the restricted use of the roof openings is particularly
noticeable; they all are of the same type as those used for access to
first terrace rooms. There is but one roof opening in a second story. An
examination of the plan, Pl. XXX, will show that in Shupaúlovi but two
such openings occur above the first terrace, and in the large village of
Shumopavi, Pl. XXXIV, only about eight. None of the smaller villages can
be fairly compared with Zuñi in the employment of this feature, but in
Oraibi we should expect to find its use much more general, were it not
for the fact that the defensive site has taken the place of the close
clustering of rooms seen in the exposed village of Zuñi, and, in
consequence, the devices for the admission of light still adhere to the
more primitive arrangement (Pls. XL and XLI).

The highest type of pueblo construction, embodied in the large communal
fortress houses of the valleys, could have developed only as the
builders learned to rely for protection more upon their architecture and
less upon the sites occupied. So long as the sites furnished a large
proportion of the defensive efficiency of a village, the invention of
the builders was not stimulated to substitute artificial for natural
advantages. Change of location and consequent development must
frequently have taken place owing to the extreme inconvenience of
defensive sites to the sources of subsistence.

The builders of large valley pueblos must frequently have been forced to
resort hastily to defensive sites on finding that the valley towns were
unfitted to withstand attack. This seems to have been the case with the
Tusayan; but that the Zuñi have adhered to their valley pueblo through
great difficulties is clearly attested by the internal evidence of the
architecture itself, even were other testimony altogether wanting.

MOEN-KOPI.

About 50 miles west from Oraibi is a small settlement used by a few
families from Oraibi during the farming season, known as Moen-kopi. (Pl.
XLIII). The present village is comparatively recent, but, as is the case
with many others, it has been built over the remains of an older
settlement. It is said to have been founded within the memory of some of
the Mormon pioneers at the neighboring town of Tuba City, named after an
old Oraibi chief, recently deceased.

The site would probably have attracted a much larger number of settlers,
had it not been so remote from the main pueblos of the province, as in
many respects it far surpasses any of the present village sites. A large
area of fertile soil can be conveniently irrigated from copious springs
in the side of a small branch of the Moen-kopi wash. The village
occupies a low, rounded knoll at the junction of this branch with the
main wash, which on the opposite or southern side is quite precipitous.
The gradual encroachments of the Mormons for the last twenty years have
had some effect in keeping the Tusayan from more fully utilizing the
advantages of this site (Pl. XLII).

Moen-kopi is built in two irregular rows of one-story houses. There are
also two detached single rooms in the village--one of them built for a
kiva, though apparently not in use at the time of our survey, and the
other a small room with its principal door facing an adjoining row. The
arrangement is about the same that prevails in the other villages, the
rows having distinct back walls of rude masonry.

Rough stone work predominates also in the fronts of the houses, though
it is occasionally brought to a fair degree of finish. Some adobe work
is incorporated in the masonry, and at one point a new and still
unroofed room was seen built of adobe bricks on a stone foundation about
a foot high. There is but little adobe masonry, however, in Tusayan. Its
use in this case is probably due to Mormon influence.

[Illustration: Plate XXXIV. Plan of Shumopavi.]

Moen-kopi was the headquarters of a large business enterprise of the
Mormons a number of years ago. They attempted to concentrate the product
of the Navajo wool trade at this point and to establish here a
completely appointed woolen mill. Water was brought from a series of
reservoirs built in a small valley several miles away, and was conducted
to a point on the Moen-kopi knoll, near the end of the south row of
houses, where the ditch terminated in a solidly constructed box of
masonry. From this in turn the water was delivered through a large pipe
to a turbine wheel, which furnished the motive power for the works. The
ditch and masonry are shown on the ground plan of the village (Pl.
XLIII). This mill was a large stone building, and no expense was spared
in fitting it up with the most complete machinery. At the time of our
visit the whole establishment had been abandoned for some years and was
rapidly going to decay. The frames had been torn from the windows, and
both the floor of the building and the ground in its vicinity were
strewn with fragments of expensive machinery, broken cog-wheels, shafts,
etc. This building is shown in Pl. XLV, and may serve as an illustration
of the contrast between Tusayan masonry and modern stonemason’s work
carried out with the same material. The comparison, however, is not
entirely fair, as applied to the pueblo builders in general, as the
Tusayan mason is unusually careless in his work. Many old examples are
seen in which the finish of the walls compares very favorably with the
American mason’s work, though the result is attained in a wholly
different manner, viz, by close and careful chinking with numberless
small tablets of stone. This process brings the wall to a remarkably
smooth and even surface, the joints almost disappearing in the
mosaic-like effect of the wall mass. The masonry of Moen-kopi is more
than ordinarily rough, as the small village was probably built hastily
and used for temporary occupation as a farming center. In the winter the
place is usually abandoned, the few families occupying it during the
farming months returning to Oraibi for the season of festivities and
ceremonials.

CHAPTER III.

RUINS AND INHABITED VILLAGES OF CIBOLA.

PHYSICAL FEATURES OF THE PROVINCE.

Though the surroundings of the Cibolan pueblos and ruins exhibit the
ordinary characteristics of plateau scenery, they have not the
monotonous and forbidding aspect that characterizes the mesas and
valleys of Tusayan. The dusty sage brush and the stunted cedar and
piñon, as in Tusayan, form a conspicuous feature of the landscape, but
the cliffs are often diversified in color, being in cases composed of
alternating bands of light gray and dark red sandstone, which impart a
considerable variety of tints to the landscape. The contrast is
heightened by the proximity of the Zuñi Mountains, an extensive
timber-bearing range that approaches within 12 miles of Zuñi, narrowing
down the extent of the surrounding arid region.

Cibola has also been more generously treated by nature in the matter of
water supply, as the province contains a perennial stream which has its
sources near the village of Nutria, and, flowing past the pueblo of
Zuñi, disappears a few miles below. During the rainy season the river
empties into the Colorado Chiquito. The Cibolan pueblos are built on the
foothills of mesas or in open valley sites, surrounded by broad fields,
while the Tusayan villages are perched upon mesa promontories that
overlook the valley lands used for cultivation.

PLANS AND DESCRIPTIONS OF RUINS.

HAWIKUH.

The village of Hawikuh, situated about 15 miles to the south of Zuñi,
consisted of irregular groups of densely clustered cells, occupying the
point of a spur projecting from a low rounded hill. The houses are in
such a ruined condition that few separate rooms can be traced, and these
are much obscured by débris. This débris covers the entire area
extending down the east slope of the hill to the site of the church. The
large amount of débris and the comparative thinness of such walls as are
found suggest that the dwellings had been densely clustered, and carried
to the height of several stories. Much of the space between the village
on the hill and the site of the Spanish church on the plain at its foot
is covered with masonry débris, part of which has slid down from above
(Pl. XLVI).

[Illustration: Plate XXXV. View of Shumopavi.]

The arrangement suggests a large principal court of irregular form. The
surrounding clusters are very irregularly disposed, the directions of
the prevailing lines of walls greatly varying in different groups. There
is a suggestion also of several smaller courts, as well as of alleyways
leading to the principal one.

The church, built on the plain below at a distance of about 200 feet
from the main village, seems to have been surrounded by several groups
of rooms and inclosures of various sizes, differing somewhat in
character from those within the village. These groups are scattered and
open, and the small amount of debris leads to the conclusion that this
portion of the village was not more than a single story in height. (Pl.
XLVII.)

The destruction of the village has been so complete that no vestige of
constructional details remains, with the exception of a row of posts in
a building near the church. The governor of Zuñi stated that these posts
were part of a projecting porch similar to those seen in connection with
modern houses. (See Pls. LXXI, LXXV.) Suggestions of this feature are
met with at other points on the plain, but they all occur within the
newer portion of the village around the church. Some of the larger
inclosures in this portion of the village were very lightly constructed,
and cover large areas. They were probably used as corrals. Inclosures
for this purpose occur at other pueblos traditionally ascribed to the
same age.

The church in this village was constructed of adobe bricks, without the
introduction of any stonework. The bricks appear to have been molded
with an unusual degree of care. The massive angles of the northwest, or
altar end of the structure, have survived the stonework of the adjoining
village and stand to-day 13 feet high. (Pl. XLVIII.)

KETCHIPAUAN.

The small village of Ketchipauan appears to have been arranged about two
courts of unequal dimensions. It is difficult to determine, however, how
much of the larger court, containing the stone church, is of later
construction. (Pl. XLIX.)

All the northwest portion of the village is now one large inclosure or
corral, whose walls have apparently been built of the fallen masonry
from the surrounding houses, leaving the central space clear. This wall
on the northeast side of the large inclosure apparently follows the jogs
and angles of the original houses. This may have been the outer line of
rooms, as traces of buildings occur for some distance within it. On the
opposite side the wall is nearly continuous, the jogs being of slight
projection. Here some traces of dwellings occur outside of the wall in
places to a depth of three rooms. The same thing occurs also at the
north corner. The continuation of these lines suggests a rectangular
court of considerable size, bounded symmetrically by groups of
compartments averaging three rooms deep. (Pl. L.)

Several much smaller inclosures made in the same way occur in the
village, but they apparently do not conform to the original courts.

At the present time dwelling rooms are traceable over a portion of the
area south and west of the church. As shown on the plan, upright posts
occasionally occur. These appear to have been incorporated into the
original walls, but the latter are so ruined that this can not be stated
positively, as such posts have sometimes been incorporated in modern
corral walls. In places they suggest the balcony-like feature seen in
modern houses, as in Hawikuh, but in the east portion of the pueblo they
are irregularly scattered about the rooms. A considerable area on the
west side of the ruin is covered with loosely scattered stones,
affording no suggestions of a ground plan. They do not seem sufficient
in amount to be the remains of dwelling rooms.

The Spanish church in this pueblo was built of stone, but the walls were
much more massive than those of the dwellings. The building is well
preserved, most of the walls standing 8 or 10 feet high, and in places
14 feet. This church was apparently built by Indian labor, as the walls
everywhere show the chinking with small stones characteristic of the
native work. In this village also, the massive Spanish construction has
survived the dwelling houses.

The ground plan of the church shows that the openings were splayed in
the thickness of the walls, at an angle of about 45°. In the doorway, in
the east end of the building, the greater width of the opening is on the
inside, a rather unusual arrangement; in the window, on the north side,
this arrangement is reversed, the splay being outward. On the south side
are indications of a similar opening, but at the present time the wall
is so broken out that no well defined jamb can be traced, and it is
impossible to determine whether the splayed opening was used or not. The
stones of the masonry are laid with extreme care at the angles and in
the faces of these splays, producing a highly finished effect.

The position of the beam-holes on the inner face of the wall suggests
that the floor of the church had been raised somewhat above the ground,
and that there may have been a cellar-like space under it. No beams are
now found, however, and no remains of wood are seen in the “altar” end
of the church. At the present time there are low partitions dividing the
inclosed area into six rooms or cells. The Indians state that these were
built at a late date to convert the church into a defense against the
hostile Apache from the south. These partitions apparently formed no
part of the original design, yet it is difficult to see how they could
have served as a defense, unless they were intended to be roofed over
and thus converted into completely inclosed rooms. A stone of somewhat
larger size than usual has been built into the south wall of the church.
Upon its surface some native artist has engraved a rudely drawn mask.

[Illustration: Plate XXXVII. Key to the Oraibi plan, also showing
localization of gentes.] [numbering gap]

About 150 yards southeast from the church, and on the edge of the low
mesa upon which the ruin stands, has been constructed a reservoir of
large size which furnished the pueblo with a reserve water supply. The
ordinary supply was probably derived from the valley below, where water
is found at no great distance from the pueblo. Springs may also have
formerly existed near the village, but this reservoir, located where the
drainage of a large area discharges, must have materially increased the
water supply. The basin or depression is about 110 feet in diameter and
its present depth in the center is about 4 feet; but it has undoubtedly
been filled in by sediment since its abandonment. More than half of its
circumference was originally walled in, but at the present time the old
masonry is indicated only by an interrupted row of large foundation
stones and fallen masonry. Some large stones, apparently undisturbed
portions of the mesa edge, have been incorporated into the inclosing
masonry. The Indians stated that originally the bottom of this basin was
lined with stones, but these statements could not be verified. Without
excavation on the upper side, the basin faded imperceptibly into the
rising ground of the surrounding drainage. Other examples of these basin
reservoirs are met with in this region.

CHALOWE.

About 15° north of west from Hawikuh, and distant 1½ miles from it,
begins the series of ruins called Chalowe. They are located on two low
elevations or foothills extending in a southwestern direction from the
group of hills, upon whose eastern extremity Hawikuh is built. The
southernmost of the series covers a roughly circular area about 40 feet
in diameter. Another cluster, measuring about 30 feet by 20, lies
immediately north of it, with an intervening depression of a foot or so.
About 475 feet northwest occurs a group of three rooms situated on a
slight rise. A little east of north and a half a mile distant from the
latter is a small hill, upon which is located a cluster of about the
same form and dimensions as the one first described. Several more
vaguely defined clusters are traceable near this last one, but they are
all of small dimensions.

This widely scattered series of dwelling clusters, according to the
traditional accounts, belonged to one tribe, which was known by the
general name of Chalowe. It is said to have been inhabited at the time
of the first arrival of the Spaniards. The general character and
arrangement however, are so different from the prevailing type in this
region that it seems hardly probable that it belonged to the same people
and the same age as the other ruins.

No standing walls are found in any portion of the group, and the small
amount of scattered masonry suggests that the rooms were only one story
high. Yet the débris of masonry may have been largely covered up by
drifting sand. Now it is hardly possible to trace the rooms, and over
most of the area only scattered stones mark the positions of the groups
of dwellings.

HAMPASSAWAN.

Of the village of Hampassawan, which is said traditionally to have been
one of the seven cities of Cibola visited by Coronado, nothing now
remains but two detached rooms, both showing vestiges of an upper story.
With this exception, the destruction of the village is complete and only
a low rise in the plain marks its site. Owing to its exposed position,
the fallen walls have been completely covered with drifting sand and
earth, no vestige of the buildings showing through the dense growth of
sagebrush that now covers it.

[Illustration: Fig. 15. Hampassawan, plan.]

[Illustration: Plate XXXVIII. A court of Oraibi.]

The two surviving rooms referred to appear to have been used from time
to time, as outlooks over corn fields close by, and as a defense against
the Navajo. Their final abandonment, and that of the cultivation of the
adjoining fields, is said to have been due to the killing of a Zuñi
there, by the Navajo, within very recent times. These rooms have been
several times repaired, the one on the west particularly. In the latter
an additional wall has been built upon the northern side, as shown on
the plan, Fig. 15. The old roof seems to have survived until recently,
for, although at the present time the room is covered with a roof of
rudely split cedar beams, the remains of the old, carefully built roof
lie scattered about in the corners of the room, under the dirt and
débris. The openings are very small and seem to have been modified since
the original construction, but it is difficult to distinguish between
the older original structure and the more recent additions.

K’IAKIMA.

On the south side of the isolated mesa of Tâaaiyalana and occupying a
high rounded spur of foothills, is the ruined village of K’iakima (Pl.
LII). A long gulch on the west side of the spur contains, for 300 or 400
yards, a small stream which is fed from springs near the ruined village.

The entire surface of the hill is covered with scattered débris of
fallen walls, which must at one time have formed a village of
considerable size. Over most of this area the walls can not be traced;
the few rooms which can be distinctly outlined, occurring in a group on
the highest part of the hill. Standing walls are here seen, but they are
apparently recent, one room showing traces of a chimney (Pl. LIV). Some
of the more distinct inclosures, built from fallen masonry of the old
village, seem to have been intended for corrals. This is the case also
with the remains found on the cliffs to the north of the village, whose
position is shown on the plan (Pl. LIII). Here nearly all the scattered
stones of the original one-story buildings, have been utilized for these
large inclosures. It is quite possible that these smaller structures on
the ledge of the mesa were built and occupied at a much later date than
the principal village. Pl. LIII illustrates a portion of the base of
Tâaaiyalana where these inclosures appear.

A striking feature of this ruin is the occurrence in the northeast
corner of the village of large upright slabs of stone. The largest of
these is about 3 feet wide and stands 5½ feet out of the ground. One of
the slabs is of such symmetrical form that it suggests skillful
artificial treatment, but the stone was used just as it came from a seam
in the cliff above. From the same seam many slabs of nearly equal size
and symmetrical form have fallen out and now lie scattered about on the
talus below. Some are remarkable for their perfectly rectangular form,
while all are distinguished by a notable uniformity in thickness. Close
by, and apparently forming part of the same group, are a number of
stones imbedded in the ground with their upper edges exposed and placed
at right angles to the faces of the vertical monuments. The taller slabs
are said by the Indians to have been erected as a defense against the
attacks of the Apache upon this pueblo, but only a portion of the group
could, from their position, have been of any use for this purpose. The
stones probably mark graves. Although thorough excavation of the hard
soil could not be undertaken, digging to the depth of 18 inches revealed
the same character of pottery fragments, ashes, etc., found in many of
the pueblo graves. Mr. E. W. Nelson found identical remains in graves in
the Rio San Francisco region which he excavated in collecting pottery.
Comparatively little is known, however, of the burial practices of this
region, so it would be difficult to decide whether this was an ordinary
method of burial or not.

This pueblo has been identified by Mr. Cushing, through Zuñi tradition,
as the scene of the death of Estevanico, the negro who accompanied the
first Spanish expedition to Cibola.

MATSAKI.

Matsaki is situated on a foothill at the base of Tâaaiyalana, near its
northwestern extremity. This pueblo is in about the same state of
preservation as K’iakima, no complete rooms being traceable over most of
the area. Traces of walls, where seen, are not uniform in direction,
suggesting irregular grouping of the village. At two points on the plan
rooms partially bounded by standing walls are found. These appear to owe
their preservation to their occupation as outlooks over fields in the
vicinity long after the destruction of the pueblo. One of the two rooms
shows only a few feet of rather rude masonry. The walls of the other
room, in one corner, stand the height of a full story above the
surrounding débris, a low room under it having been partially filled up
with fallen masonry and earth. The well preserved inner corner of the
exposed room shows lumps of clay adhering here and there to the walls,
the remnants of an interior corner chimney. No trace of the supports for
a chimney hood, such as occur in the modern fireplaces, could be found.
The form outlined against the wall by these slight remains indicates a
rather rudely constructed feature which was added at a late date to the
room and formed no part of its original construction. It was probably
built while the room was used as a farming outlook. As shown on the
ground plan (Pl. LV), a small cluster of houses once stood at some
little distance to the southwest of the main pueblo and was connected
with the latter by a series of rooms. The intervening space may have
been a court. At the northern edge of the village a primitive shrine has
been erected in recent times and is still in use. It is rudely
constructed by simply piling up stones to a height of 2½ or 3 feet, in a
rudely rectangular arrangement, with an opening on the east. This
shrine, facing east, contains an upright slab of thin sandstone on which
a rude sun-symbol has been engraved. The governor of Zuñi, in explaining
the purpose of this shrine, compared its use to that of our own
astronomical observatories, which he had seen.

[Illustration: Plate XXXIX. Masonry terraces of Oraibi.]

PINAWA.

The ruins of the small pueblo of Pinawa occupy a slight rise on the
south side of the Zuñi River, a short distance west of Zuñi. The road
from Zuñi to Ojo Caliente traverses the ruin. Over most of the area
rooms can not be traced. One complete room, however, has been preserved
and appears to be still occupied during the cultivation of the
neighboring “milpas.” It is roofed over and in good condition, though
the general character of the masonry resembles the older work. On the
plan (Fig. 16) it will be seen that the stones of the original masonry
have been collected and built into a number of large inclosures, which
have in turn been partly destroyed. The positions of the entrances to
these inclosures can be traced by the absence of stones on the surface.
The general outline of the corral-like inclosures appears to have
followed comparatively well preserved portions of the original wall,
as was the case at Ketchipauan. (Pl. LVI.)

[Illustration: Fig. 16. Pinawa, plan.]

On the southwest side of the pueblo, portions of the outer wall are
distinctly traceable, some of the stones being still in position. This
portion of the outline is distinguished by a curious series of curves,
resembling portions of Nutria and Pescado, but intersecting in an
unusual manner.

The Ojo Caliente road passes between the main ruin and the standing room
above described. The remnants of the fallen masonry are so few and so
promiscuously scattered over this area that the continuity of remains
can not be fully traced.

HALONA.

An ancient pueblo called Halona is said to have belonged to the Cibolan
group, and to have been inhabited at the time of the conquest. It
occupied a portion of the site upon which the present pueblo of Zuñi
stands. A part of this pueblo was built on the opposite side of the
river, where the remains of walls were encountered at a slight depth
below the surface of the ground in excavating for the foundations of Mr.
Cushing’s house. At that time only scattered remains of masonry were met
with, and they furnished but little indication of details of plan or
arrangement. Later--during the summer of 1888--Mr. Cushing made
extensive additions to his house on the south side of the river, and in
excavating for the foundations laid bare a number of small rooms.
Excavation was continued until December of that year, when a large part
of the ancient village had been exposed. Pl. LVII, from a photograph,
illustrates a portion of these remains as seen from the southwest corner
of Zuñi. The view was taken in the morning during a light fall of snow
which, lightly covering the tops of the walls left standing in the
excavations, sharply defined their outlines against the shadows of the
rooms.

It seems impossible to restore the entire outline of the portion of
Halona that has served as a nucleus for modern Zuñi from such data as
can be procured. At several points of the present village, however,
vestiges of the old pueblo can be identified. Doubtless if access could
be obtained to all the innermost rooms of the pueblo some of them would
show traces of ancient methods of construction sufficient, at least, to
admit of a restoration of the general form of the ancient pueblo. At the
time the village was surveyed such examination was not practicable. The
portion of the old pueblo serving as a nucleus for later construction
would probably be found under houses Nos. 1 and 4, forming practically
one mass of rooms. Strangers and outsiders are not admitted to these
innermost rooms. Outcrops in the small cluster No. 2 indicate by their
position a continuous wall of the old pueblo, probably the external one.
Portions of the ancient outer wall are probably incorporated into the
west side of cluster No. 1. On the north side of cluster No. 2 (see Pl.
LXXVI) may be seen a buttress-like projection whose construction of
small tabular stones strongly contrasts with the character of the
surrounding walls, and indicates that it is a fragment of the ancient
pueblo. This projecting buttress answers no purpose whatever in its
present position.

[Illustration: Plate XL. Oraibi house row, showing court side.]

The above suggestions are confirmed by another feature in the same
house-cluster. On continuing the line of this buttress through the
governor’s house we find a projecting fragment of second story wall, the
character and finish of which is clearly shown in Pl. LVIII. Its general
similarity to ancient masonry and contrast with the present careless
methods of construction are very noticeable. The height of this fragment
above the ground suggests that the original pueblo was in a very good
state of preservation when it was first utilized as a nucleus for later
additions. That portion under house No. 1 is probably equally well
preserved. The frequent renovation of rooms by the application of a mud
coating renders the task of determining the ancient portions of the
cluster by the character of the masonry a very difficult one. Ceilings
would probably longest retain the original appearance of the ancient
rooms as they are not subjected to such renovation.

Mr. Cushing thought that the outer western wall of the ancient pueblo
was curved in outline. It is more probable, however, that it regulated
the lines of the present outer rooms, and is reflected in them, as the
usual practice of these builders was to put one partition directly over
another in adding to the height of a building. This would suggest a
nearly rectangular form, perhaps with jogs and offsets, for the old
builders could not incorporate a curved outer wall into a mass of
rectangular cells, such as that seen in the present pueblo. On the other
hand, the outer wall of the original pueblo may have been outside of
rooms now occupied, for the village had been abandoned for some time
before the colony returned to the site.

TÂAAIYALANA.

On the abandonment of the pueblos known as the Seven Cities of Cibola,
supposed to have occurred at the time of the general uprising of the
pueblos in 1680, the inhabitants of all the Cibolan villages sought
refuge on the summit of Tâaaiyalana, an isolated mesa, 3 miles southeast
from Zuñi, and there built a number of pueblo clusters.

This mesa, otherwise known as “Thunder Mountain,” rises to the height of
1,000 feet above the plain, and is almost inaccessible. There are two
foot trails leading to the summit, each of which in places traverses
abrupt slopes of sandstone where holes have been pecked into the rock to
furnish foot and hand holds. From the northeast side the summit of the
mesa can be reached by a rough and tortuous burro trail. All the rest of
the mesa rim is too precipitous to be scaled. Its appearance as seen
from Zuñi is shown in Pl. LIX.

On the southern portion of this impregnable site and grouped about a
point where nearly the whole drainage of the mesa top collects, are
found the village remains. The Zuñis stated that the houses were
distributed in six groups or clusters, each taking the place of one of
the abandoned towns. Mr. Frank H. Cushing [4] was also under the
impression that these houses had been built as six distinct clusters of
one village, and he has found that at the time of the Pueblo rebellion,
but six of the Cibolan villages were occupied. An examination of the
plan, however, will at once show that no such definite scheme of
arrangement governed the builders. There are but three, or at most four
groups that could be defined as distinct clusters, and even in the case
of these the disposition is so irregular and their boundaries so ill
defined, through the great number of outlying small groups scattered
about, that they can hardly be considered distinct. There are really
thirty-eight separate buildings (Pl. LX) ranging in size from one of two
rooms, near the southern extremity to one of one hundred and three
rooms, situated at the southwestern corner of the whole group and close
to the western edge of the mesa where the foot trails reach the summit.
There is also great diversity in the arrangement of rooms. In some cases
the clusters are quite compact, and in others the rooms are distributed
in narrow rows. In the large cluster at the northwestern extremity the
houses are arranged around a court; with this exception the clusters of
rooms are scattered about in an irregular manner, regardless of any
defensive arrangement of the buildings. The builders evidently placed
the greatest reliance on their impregnable site, and freely adopted such
arrangement as convenience dictated.

[Footnote 4: See Millstone for April, 1884, Indianapolis, Indiana.]

The masonry of these villages was roughly constructed, the walls being
often less than a foot thick. Very little adobe mortar seems to have
been used; some of the thickest and best preserved walls have apparently
been laid nearly dry (Pl. LXI). The few openings still preserved also
show evidence of hasty and careless construction. Over most of the area
the debris of the fallen walls is very clearly marked, and is but little
encumbered with earth or drifted sand. This imparts an odd effect of
newness to these ruins, as though the walls had recently fallen. The
small amount of debris suggests that the majority of these buildings
never were more than one story high, though in four of the broadest
clusters (see plan, Pl. LX) a height of two, and possibly three, stories
may have been attained. All the ruins are thickly covered by a very
luxurious growth of braided cactus, but little of which is found
elsewhere in the neighborhood. The extreme southeastern cluster,
consisting of four large rooms, differs greatly in character from the
rest of the ruins. Here the rooms or inclosures are defined only by a
few stones on the surface of the ground and partly embedded in the soil.
There is no trace of the debris of fallen walls. These outlined
inclosures appear never to have been walled to any considerable height.
Within one of the rooms is a slab of stone, about which a few ceremonial
plume sticks have been set on end within recent times.

[Illustration: Plate XLI. Back of Oraibi house row.]

The motive that led to the occupation of this mesa was defense; the
cause that led to the selection of the particular site was facility for
procuring a water supply. The trail on the west side passes a spring
half way down the mesa. There was another spring close to the foot trail
on the south side; this, however, was lower, being almost at the foot of
the talus.

In addition to these water sources, the builders collected and stored
the drainage of the mesa summit near the southern gap or recess. At this
point are still seen the remains of two reservoirs or dams built of
heavy masonry. Only a few stones are now in place, but these indicate
unusually massive construction. Another reservoir occurs farther along
the mesa rim to the southeast, beyond the limits of the plan as given.
As may be seen from the plan (Pl. LX) the two reservoirs at the gap are
quite close together. These receptacles have been much filled up with
sediment. Pl. LXII gives a view of the principal or westernmost
reservoir as seen from the northeast. On the left are the large stones
once incorporated in the masonry of the dam. This masonry appears to
have originally extended around three-fourths of the circumference of
the reservoir. As at Ketchipauan, previously described, the upper
portion of the basins merged insensibly into the general drainage and
had no definite limit.

The Zuñi claim to have here practiced a curious method of water storage.
They say that whenever there was snow on the ground the villagers would
turn out in force and roll up huge snowballs, which were finally
collected into these basins, the gradually melting snow furnishing a
considerable quantity of water. The desert environment has taught these
people to avail themselves of every expedient that could increase their
supply of water.

It is proper to state that in the illustrated plan of the Tâaaiyalana
ruins the mesa margin was sketched in without the aid of instrumental
sights, and hence is not so accurately recorded as the plans and
relative positions of the houses. It was all that could be done at the
time, and will sufficiently illustrate the general relation of the
buildings to the surrounding topography.

KIN-TIEL.

All the ruins above described bear close traditional and historic
relationship to Zuñi. This is not the case with the splendidly preserved
ancient pueblo of Kin-tiel, but the absence of such close historic
connection is compensated for by its architectural interest. Differing
radically in its general plan from the ruins already examined, it still
suggests that some resemblance to the more ancient portions of Nutria
and Pescado, as will be seen by comparing the ground plans (Pls. LXVII
and LXIX). Its state of preservation is such that it throws light on
details which have not survived the general destruction in the other
pueblos. These features will be referred to in the discussion and
comparison of these architectural groups by constructional details in
Chapter IV.

This pueblo, located nearly midway between Cibola and Tusayan, is given
on some of the maps as Pueblo Grande. It is situated on a small arm of
the Pueblo Colorado wash, 22 or 23 miles north of Navajo Springs, and
about the same distance south from Pueblo Colorado (Ganado post-office).
Geographically the ruins might belong to either Tusayan or Cibola, but
Mr. Cushing has collected traditional references among the Zuñi as to
the occupation of this pueblo by related peoples at a time not far
removed from the first Spanish visit to this region.

The plan (Pl. LXIII) shows a marked contrast to the irregularity seen in
the ruins previously described. The pueblo was clearly defined by a
continuous and unbroken outer wall, which probably extended to the full
height of the highest stories (Pl. LXIV). This symmetrical form is all
the more remarkable in a pueblo of such large dimensions, as, with the
exception of Pueblo Bonito of the Chaco group, it is the largest ancient
pueblo examined by this Bureau. This village seems to belong to the same
type as the Chaco examples, representing the highest development
attained in building a large defensive pueblo practically as a single
house. All the terraces faced upon one or more inclosed courts, through
which access was gained to the rooms. The openings in this outer wall,
especially near the ground, were few in number and very small in size,
as shown in Pl. CIV. The pueblo was built in two wings of nearly equal
size on the opposite slopes of a large sandy wash, traversing its center
from east to west. This wash doubtless at one time furnished peculiar
facilities for storage of water within or near the village, and this
must have been one of the inducements for the selection of the site.
At the time of our survey, however, not a drop of water was to be found
about the ruin, nor could vestiges of any construction for gathering or
storing water be traced. Such vestiges would not be likely to remain, as
they must have been washed away by the violent summer torrents or buried
under the accumulating sands. Two seasons subsequent to our work at this
point it was learned that an American, digging in some rooms on the
arroyo margin, discovered the remains of a well or reservoir, which he
cleared of sand and debris and found to be in good condition, furnishing
so steady a water supply that the discoverer settled on the spot. This
was not seen by the writer. There is a small spring, perhaps a mile from
the pueblo in a northeasterly direction, but this source would have been
wholly insufficient for the needs of so large a village. It may have
furnished a much more abundant supply, however, when it was in constant
use, for at the time of our visit it seemed to be choked up. About a
mile and a half west quite a lagoon forms from the collected drainage of
several broad valleys, and contains water for a long time after the
cessation of the rains. About 6 miles to the north, in a depression of a
broad valley, an extensive lake is situated, and its supply seems to be
constant throughout the year, except, perhaps, during an unusually dry
season. These various bodies of water were undoubtedly utilized in the
horticulture of the occupants of Kin-tiel; in fact, near the borders of
the larger lake referred to is a small house of two rooms; much similar
in workmanship to the main pueblo, evidently designed as an outlook over
fields. This building is illustrated in Pl. LXVI.

[Illustration: Plate XLII. The site of Moen-kopi.]

The arrangement of the inner houses differs in the two halves of the
ruin. It will be seen that in the north half the general arrangement is
roughly parallel with the outer walls, with the exception of a small
group near the east end of the arroyo. In the south half, on the other
hand, the inner rows are nearly at right angles to the outer room
clusters. An examination of the contours of the site will reveal the
cause of this difference in the different configuration of the slopes in
the two cases. In the south half the rows of rooms have been built on
two long projecting ridges, and the diverging small cluster in the north
half owes its direction to a similar cause. The line of outer wall being
once fixed as a defensive bulwark, there seems to have been but little
restriction in the adjustment of the inner buildings to conform to the
irregularities of the site. (Pl. LXIII.)

Only three clearly defined means of access to the interior of the pueblo
could be found in the outer walls, and of these only two were suitable
for general use. One was at a reentering angle of the outer wall, just
south of the east end of the arroyo, where the north wall, continued
across the arroyo, overlaps the outer wall of the south half, and the
other one was near the rounded northeastern corner of the pueblo. The
third opening was a doorway of ordinary size in the thick north wall. It
seems probable that other gateways once existed, especially in the south
half. From its larger size and more compact arrangement this south half
would seem to have greatly needed such facilities, but the preserved
walls show no trace of them.

The ground plan furnishes indications, mostly in the north half, of
several large rooms of circular form, but broken down remains of square
rooms are so much like those of round ones in appearance, owing to the
greater amount of débris that collects at the corners, that it could not
be definitely determined that the ceremonial rooms here were of the
circular form so common in the ancient pueblos. While only circular
kivas have been found associated with ancient pueblos of this type, the
kivas of all the Cibola ruins above described are said by the Zuñis to
have been rectangular. The question can be decided for this pueblo only
by excavation on a larger scale than the party was prepared to
undertake. Slight excavation at a point where a round room was indicated
on the surface, revealed portions of straight walls only.

The large size of the refuse heap on the south side of the village
indicates that the site had been occupied for many generations.
Notwithstanding this long period of occupation, no important structure
of the village seems to have extended beyond the plan. On the north
side, outside the main wall, are seen several rectangles faintly
outlined by stones, but these do not appear to have been rooms. They
resemble similar inclosures seen in connection with ruined pueblos
farther south, which proved on excavation to contain graves.

The positions of the few excavations made are indicated on the plan (Pl.
LXIII). Our facilities for such work were most meager, and whatever
results were secured were reached at no great distance from the surface.
One of these excavations, illustrated in Pl. C, will be described at
greater length in Chapter IV.

PLANS AND DESCRIPTIONS OF INHABITED VILLAGES.

NUTRIA.

Nutria is the smallest of the three farming pueblos of Zuñi, and is
located about 23 miles by trail northeast from Zuñi at the head of
Nutria valley. The water supply at this point is abundant, and furnishes
a running stream largely utilized in irrigating fields in the vicinity.
Most of the village is compactly arranged, as may be seen from the plan
(Pl. LXVII and Fig. 17), but a few small clusters, of late construction,
containing two or three rooms each, are situated toward the east at
quite a distance from the principal group. It is now occupied solely as
a farming pueblo during the planting and harvesting season.

The outline of this small pueblo differs greatly from those of most of
the Cibolan villages. The village (Pl. LXVIII), particularly in its
northernmost cluster, somewhat approximates the form of the ancient
pueblo of Kin-tiel (Pl. LXIII), and has apparently been built on the
remains of an older village of somewhat corresponding form, as indicated
by its curved outer wall. Fragments of carefully constructed masonry of
the ancient type, contrasting noticeably with the surrounding modern
construction, afford additional evidence of this. The ancient village
must have been provided originally with ceremonial rooms or kivas, but
no traces of such rooms are now to be found.

[Illustration: Fig. 17. Nutria, plan; small diagram, old wall.]

[Illustration: Plate XLIII. Plan of Moen-kopi.]

At the close of the harvest, when the season of feasts and ceremonials
begins, lasting through most of the winter, the occupants of these
farming villages close up their houses and move back to the main pueblo
leaving them untenanted until the succeeding spring.

The great number of abandoned and ruined rooms is very noticeable in the
farming pueblos illustrated in this and two of the succeeding plans
(Pls. LXIX and LXXIII). The families that farm in their vicinity seem to
occupy scarcely more than half of the available rooms.

PESCADO.

This village, also a Zuñi farming pueblo, is situated in a large valley
about 12 miles northeast from Zuñi. Although it is much larger than
Nutria it is wholly comprised within the compact group illustrated. The
tendency to build small detached houses noticed at Nutria and at Ojo
Caliente has not manifested itself here. The prevalence of abandoned and
roofless houses is also noticeable.

[Illustration: Fig. 18. Pescado, plan, old wall diagram.]

The outlines of the original court inclosing pueblo (Pl. LXX) are very
clearly marked, as the farming Zuñis in their use of this site have
scarcely gone outside of the original limits of the ancient pueblo. The
plan, Pl. LXIX and Fig. 18, shows a small irregular row built in the
large inclosed court; this row, with the inclosures and corrals that
surround it, probably formed no part of the original plan. The full
curved outline is broken only at the west end of the village by small
additions to the outer wall, and the north and east walls also closely
follow the boundary of the original pueblo. In fact, at two points along
the north wall fragments of carefully executed masonry, probably forming
part of the external wall of the ancient pueblo, are still preserved
(Pl. LXXII). This outer wall was probably once continuous to the full
height of the pueblo, but the partial restorations of the buildings by
the Zuñi farmers resemble more closely the modern arrangement. Small
rooms have been added to the outside of the cluster and in some cases
the terraces are reached by external stone steps, in contrast with the
defensive arrangement prevailing generally in pueblos of this form.
A number of dome-shaped ovens have been built outside the walls.

The principle of pueblo plan embodied in Kin-tiel, before referred to,
is traceable in this village with particular clearness, distinguishing
it from most of the Cibolan pueblos. No traces of kivas were met with in
this village.

OJO CALIENTE.

The farming village of Ojo Caliente is located near the dry wash of the
Zuñi River, and is about 15 miles distant from Zuñi, in a southerly
direction. It is about midway between Hawikuh and Ketchipauan, two of
the seven cities of Cibola above described. Though situated in fertile
and well watered country and close to the remains of the ancient
villages, it bears indications of having been built in comparatively
recent times. There are no such evidences of connection with an older
village as were found at Nutria and Pescado. The irregular and small
clusters that form this village are widely scattered over a rather rough
and broken site, as shown on the plan (Pl. LXXIII). Here again a large
portion of the village is untenanted. The large cluster toward the
eastern extremity of the group, and the adjoining houses situated on the
low, level ground, compose the present inhabited village. The houses
occupying the elevated rocky sites to the west (Pl. LXXIV) are in an
advanced stage of decay, and have been for a long time abandoned.

This southern portion of the Cibola district seems to have been much
exposed to the inroads of the Apache. One of the effects of this has
already been noticed in the defensive arrangement in the Ketchipauan
church. On account of such danger, the Zuñi were likely to have built
the first house-clusters here on the highest points of the rocky
promontory, notwithstanding the comparative inconvenience of such sites.
Later, as the farmers gained confidence or as times became safer, they
built houses down on the flat now occupied; but this apparently was not
done all at once. The distribution of the houses over sites of varying
degrees of inaccessibility, suggests a succession of approaches to the
occupation of the open and unprotected valley.

Some of the masonry of this village is carelessly constructed, and, as
in the other farming pueblos, there is much less adobe plastering and
smoothing of outer walls than in the home pueblo.

[Illustration: Plate XLIV. Moen-kopi.]

[Illustration: Plate (unnumbered key).]

At the time of the survey the occupation of this village throughout
the year was proposed by several families, who wished to resort to
the parent village only at stated ceremonials and important festivals.
The comparative security of recent times is thus tending to the
disintegration of the huge central pueblo. This result must be
inevitable, as the dying out of the defensive motive brings about a
realization of the great inconvenience of the present centralized
system.

ZUÑI.

The pueblo of Zuñi is built upon a small knoll on the north bank of
the Zuñi River, about three miles west of the conspicuous mesa of
Tâaaiyalana. It is the successor of all the original “Seven Cities of
Cibola” of the Spaniards, and is the largest of the modern pueblos.
As before stated, the remains of Halona, one of the “seven cities,” as
identified by Mr. Cushing, have served as a nucleus for the construction
of the modern pueblo, and have been incorporated into the most densely
clustered portions, represented on the plan (Pl. LXXVI) by numbers 1
and 4.

Some of the Cibolan villages were valley pueblos, built at a distance
from the rocky mesas and canyons that must have served as quarries for
the stone used in building. The Halona site was of this type, the
nearest supply of stone being 3 miles distant. At this point (Halona)
the Zuñi River is perennial, and furnishes a plentiful supply of water
at all seasons of the year. It disappears, however, a few miles west in
a broad, sandy wash, to appear again 20 miles below the village,
probably through the accession of small streams from springs farther
down. The so-called river furnishes the sole water supply at Zuñi, with
the exception of a single well or reservoir on the north side of the
village.

Zuñi has been built at a point having no special advantages for defense;
convenience to large areas of tillable soil has apparently led to the
selection of the site. This has subjected it in part to the same
influences that had at an earlier date produced the carefully walled
fortress pueblos of the valleys, where the defensive efficiency was due
to well planned and constructed buildings. The result is that Zuñi,
while not comparable in symmetry to many of the ancient examples,
displays a remarkably compact arrangement of dwellings in the portions
of the pueblos first occupied, designated on the plan (Pl. LXXVI) as
houses 1 and 4. Owing to this restriction of lateral expansion this
portion of the pueblo has been carried to a great height.

Pl. LXXVIII gives a general view of these higher terraces of the village
from the southeast. A height of five distinct terraces from the ground
is attained on the south side of this cluster. The same point, however,
owing to the irregularity of the site, is only three terraces above the
ground on the north side. The summit of the knoll upon which the older
portion of Zuñi has been built is so uneven, and the houses themselves
vary so much in dimensions, that the greatest disparity prevails in the
height of terraces. A three-terrace portion of a cluster may have but
two terraces immediately alongside, and throughout the more closely
built portions of the village the exposed height of terraces varies from
1 foot to 8 or 10 feet. Pl. LXXIX illustrates this feature.

The growth of the village has apparently been far beyond the original
expectation of the builders, and the crowded additions seem to have been
joined to the clusters wherever the demand for more space was most
urgent, without following any definite plan in their arrangement. In
such of the ancient pueblo ruins as afford evidence of having passed
through a similar experience, the crowding of additional cells seems to
have been made to conform to some extent to a predetermined plan. At
Kin-tiel we have seen how such additions to the number of habitable
rooms could readily be made within the open court without affecting the
symmetry and defensive efficiency of the pueblo; but here the nucleus of
the large clusters was small and compact, so that enlargement has taken
place only by the addition of rooms on the outside, both on the ground
and on upper terraces.

The highest point of Zuñi, now showing five terraces, is said to have
had a height of seven terraces as late as the middle of the present
century, but at the time of the survey of the village no traces were
seen of such additional stories. The top of the present fifth terrace,
however, is more than 50 feet long, and affords sufficient space for the
addition of a sixth and seventh story.

The court or plaza in which the church (Pl. LXXX) stands is so much
larger than such inclosures usually are when incorporated in a pueblo
plan that it seems unlikely to have formed part of the original village.
It probably resulted from locating the church prior to the construction
of the eastern rows of the village. Certain features in the houses
themselves indicate the later date of these rows.

[Illustration: Plate XLV. The Mormon mill at Moen-kopi.]

The arrangement of dwellings about a court (Pl. LXXXII), characteristic
of the ancient pueblos, is likely to have prevailed in the small pueblo
of Halona, about which clustered the many irregular houses that
constitute modern Zuñi. Occasional traces of such an arrangement are
still met with in portions of Zuñi, although nearly all of the ancient
pueblo has been covered with rooms of later date. In the arrangement of
Zuñi houses a noticeable difference in the manner of clustering is found
in different parts of the pueblo. That portion designated as house No. 1
on the plan, built over the remains of the original small pueblo, is
unquestionably the oldest portion of the village. The clustering seems
to have gone on around this center to an extraordinary and exceptional
extent before any houses were built in other portions. House No. 4 is a
portion of the same structure, for although a street or passageway
intervenes it is covered with two or three terraces, indicating that
such connection was established at an early date. The rows on the lower
ground to the east (Pl. LXXXI), where the rooms are not so densely
clustered, were built after the removal of the defensive motive that
influenced the construction of the central pile. These portions,
arranged approximately in rows, show a marked resemblance to pueblos of
known recent date. That they were built subsequently to the main
clusters is also indicated by the abundant use of oblique openings and
roof holes, where there is very little necessity for such contrivances.
This feature was originally devised to meet the exceptional conditions
of lighting imposed by dense crowding of the living rooms. It will be
referred to again in examining the details of openings, and its wide
departure from the arrangement found to prevail generally in pueblo
constructions will there be noted. The habit of making such provisions
for lighting inner rooms became fixed and was applied generally to many
clusters much smaller in size than those of other pueblos where this
feature was not developed and where the necessity for it was not felt.
These less crowded rooms of more recent construction form the eastern
portion of the pueblo, and also include the governor’s house on the
south side.

The old ceremonial rooms or kivas, and the rooms for the meeting of the
various orders or secret societies were, during the Spanish occupancy,
crowded into the innermost recesses of this ancient portion of Zuñi
under house No. 1. But the kivas, in all likelihood, occupied a more
marginal position before such foreign influence was brought to bear on
them, as do some of the kivas at the present time, and as is the general
practice in other modern pueblos.

CHAPTER IV.

ARCHITECTURE OF TUSAYAN AND CIBOLA COMPARED BY CONSTRUCTIONAL DETAILS.

INTRODUCTION.

In the two preceding chapters the more general features of form and
distribution in the ruined and inhabited pueblos of Tusayan and Cibola
have been described. In order to gain a full and definite idea of the
architectural acquirements of the pueblo builders it will be necessary
to examine closely the constructional details of their present houses,
endeavoring, when practicable, to compare these details with the rather
meager vestiges of similar features that have survived the destruction
of the older villages, noting the extent to which these have departed
from early types, and, where practicable, tracing the causes of such
deviation. For convenience of comparison the various details of
housebuilding for the two groups will be treated together.

The writer is indebted to Mr. A. M. Stephen, the collector of the
traditionary data already given, for information concerning the rites
connected with house building at Tusayan incorporated in the following
pages, and also for the carefully collected and valuable nomenclature of
architectural details appended hereto. Material of this class pertaining
to the Cibola group of pueblos unfortunately could not be procured.

HOUSE BUILDING.

RITES AND METHODS.

The ceremonials connected with house building in Tusayan are quite
meager, but the various steps in the ritual, described in their proper
connection in the following paragraphs, are well defined and definitely
assigned to those who participate in the construction of the buildings.

[Illustration: Plate XLVI. Hawikuh, plan.]

So far as could be ascertained there is no prearranged plan for an
entire house of several stories, or for the arrangement of contiguous
houses. Most of the ruins examined emphasize this absence of a clearly
defined general plan governing the location of rooms added to the
original cluster. Two notable exceptions to this want of definite plan
occur among the ruins described. In Tusayan the Fire House (Fig. 7) is
evidently the result of a clearly defined purpose to give a definite
form to the entire cluster, just as, on a very much larger scale, does
the ruin of Kin-tiel, belonging to the Cibola group (Pl. LXIII). In both
these cases the fixing of the outer wall on a definite line seems to
have been regarded as of more importance than the specific locations of
individual rooms or dwellings within this outline. Throughout that part
of Tusayan which has been examined, however, the single room seems now
to be regarded as the pueblo unit, and is spoken of as a complete house.
It is the construction of such a house unit that is here to be
described.

A suitable site having been selected, the builder considers what the
dimensions of the house should be, and these he measures by paces,
placing a stone or other mark at each corner. He then goes to the woods
and cuts a sufficient number of timbers for the roof of a length
corresponding to the width of his house. Stones are also gathered and
roughly dressed, and in all these operations he is assisted by his
friends, usually of his own gens. These assistants receive no
compensation except their food, but that of itself entails considerable
expense on the builder, and causes him to build his house with as few
helpers as possible.

The material having been accumulated, the builder goes to the village
chief, who prepares for him four small eagle feathers. The chief ties a
short cotton string to the stem of each, sprinkles them with votive
meal, and breathes upon them his prayers for the welfare of the proposed
house and its occupants. These feathers are called Nakwa kwoci, a term
meaning a breathed prayer, and the prayers are addressed to Másauwu, the
Sun, and to other deities concerned in house-life. These feathers are
placed at the four corners of the house and a large stone is laid over
each of them. The builder then decides where the door is to be located,
and marks the place by setting some food on each side of it; he then
passes around the site from right to left, sprinkling piki crumbs and
other particles of food, mixed with native tobacco, along the lines to
be occupied by the walls. As he sprinkles this offering he sings to the
Sun his Kitdauwi, house song: “Si-ai, a-hai, si-ai, a-hai.” The meaning
of these words the people have now forgotten.

Mr. Stephen has been informed by the Indians that the man is a mason and
the woman the plasterer, the house belonging to the woman when finished;
but according to my own observation this is not the universal practice
in modern Tusayan. In the case of the house in Oraibi, illustrated in
Pl. XL from a photograph, much, if not all, of the masonry was laid, as
well as finished and plastered, by the woman of the house and her female
relatives. There was but one man present at this house-building, whose
grudgingly performed duty consisted of lifting the larger roof beams and
lintels into place and of giving occasional assistance in the heavier
work. The ground about this house was strewn with quantities of broken
stone for masonry, which seemed to be all prepared and brought to the
spot before building began; but often the various divisions of the work
are carried on by both men and women simultaneously. While the men were
dressing the stones, the women brought earth and water and mixed a mud
plaster. Then the walls were laid in irregular courses, using the mortar
very sparingly.

The house is always built in the form of a parallelogram, the walls
being from 7 to 8 feet high, and of irregular thickness, sometimes
varying from 15 to 22 inches in different parts of the same wall.

Pine, piñon, juniper, cottonwood, willow, and indeed all the available
trees of the region are used in house construction. The main beams for
the roof are usually of pine or cottonwood, from which the bark has been
stripped. The roof is always made nearly level, and the ends of the
beams are placed across the side walls at intervals of about 2 feet.
Above these are laid smaller poles parallel with the side walls, and not
more than a foot apart. Across these again are laid reeds or small
willows, as close together as they can be placed, and above this series
is crossed a layer of grass or small twigs and weeds. Over this
framework a layer of mud is spread, which, after drying, is covered with
earth and firmly trodden down. The making of the roof is the work of the
women. When it is finished the women proceed to spread a thick coating
of mud for a floor. After this follows the application of plaster to the
walls. Formerly a custom prevailed of leaving a small space on the wall
unplastered, a belief then existing that a certain Katchina came and
finished it, and although the space remained bare it was considered to
be covered with an invisible plaster.

The house being thus far completed, the builder prepares four feathers
similar to those prepared by the chief, and ties them to a short piece
of willow, the end of which is inserted over one of the central roof
beams. These feathers are renewed every year at the feast of Soyalyina,
celebrated in December, when the sun begins to return north ward. The
builder also makes an offering to Másauwu (called “feeding the house”)
by placing fragments of food among the rafters, beseeching him not to
hasten the departure of any of the family to the under world.

A hole is left in one corner of the roof, and under this the woman
builds a fireplace and chimney. The former is usually but a small cavity
about a foot square in the corner of the floor. Over this a chimney hood
is constructed, its lower rim being about 3 feet above the floor.

As a rule the house has no eaves, the roof being finished with a stone
coping laid flush with the wall and standing a few inches higher than
the roof to preserve the earth covering from being blown or washed away.
Roof-drains of various materials are also commonly inserted in the
copings, as will be described later.

All the natives, as far as could be ascertained, regard this
single-roomed house as being complete in itself, but they also consider
it the nucleus of the larger structure. When more space is desired, as
when the daughters of the house marry and require room for themselves,
another house is built in front of and adjoining the first one, and a
second story is often added to the original house. The same ceremony is
observed in building the ground story in front, but there is no ceremony
for the second and additional stories.

[Illustration: Plate XLVII. Hawikuh, view.]

Anawita (war-chief of Sichumovi) describes the house in Walpi in which
he was born as having had five rooms on the ground floor, and as being
four stories high, but it was terraced both in front and rear, his
sisters and their families occupying the rear portion. The fourth story
consisted of a single room and had terraces on two opposite sides. This
old house is now very dilapidated, and the greater portion of the walls
have been carried away. There is no prescribed position for
communicating doorways, but the outer doors are usually placed in the
lee walls to avoid the prevailing southwest winds.

[Illustration: Fig. 19. A Tusayan wood rack.]

Formerly on the approach of cold weather, and to some extent the custom
still exists, people withdrew from the upper stories to the kikoli
rooms, where they huddled together to keep warm. Economy in the
consumption of fuel also prompted this expedient; but these ground-floor
rooms forming the first terrace, as a rule having no external doorways,
and entered from without by means of a roof hatchway provided with a
ladder, are ordinarily used only for purposes of storage. Even their
roofs are largely utilized for the temporary storage of many household
articles, and in the autumn, after the harvests have been gathered, the
terraces and copings are often covered with drying peaches, and the
peculiar long strips into which pumpkins and squashes have been cut to
facilitate their desiccation for winter use. Among other things the
household supply of wood is sometimes piled up at one end of this
terrace, but more commonly the natives have so many other uses for this
space that the sticks of fuel are piled up on a rude projecting skeleton
of poles, supported on one side by two upright forked sticks set into
the ground, and on the other resting upon the stone coping of the wall,
as illustrated in Fig. 19. At other times poles are laid across a
re-entering angle of a house and used as a wood rack, without any
support from the ground. At the autumn season not only is the available
space of the first terrace fully utilized, but every projecting beam or
stick is covered with strings of drying meat or squashes, and many long
poles are extended between convenient points to do temporary duty as
additional drying racks. There was in all cases at least one fireplace
on the inside in the upper stories, but the cooking was done on the
terraces, usually at the end of the first or kikoli roof. This is still
a general custom, and the end of the first terrace is usually walled up
and roofed, and is called tupubi. Tuma is the name of the flat
baking-stone used in the houses, but the flat stone used for baking at
the kisi in the field is called tupubi.

Kikoli is the name of the ground story of the house, which has no
opening in the outer wall.

The term for the terraced roofs is ihpobi, and is applied to all of
them; but the tupatca ihpobi, or third terrace, is the place of general
resort, and is regarded as a common loitering place, no one claiming
distinct ownership. This is suggestive of an early communal dwelling,
but nothing definite can now be ascertained on this point. In this
connection it may also be noted that the eldest sister’s house is
regarded as their home by her younger brothers and her nieces and
nephews.

Aside from the tupubi, there are numerous small rooms especially
constructed for baking the thin, paper-like bread called piki. These are
usually not more than from 5 to 7 feet high, with interior dimensions
not larger than 7 feet by 10, and they are called tumcokobi, the place
of the flat stone, tuma being the name of the stone itself, and tcok
describing its flat position. Many of the ground-floor rooms in the
dwelling houses are also devoted to this use.

The terms above are those more commonly used in referring to the houses
and their leading features. A more exhaustive vocabulary of
architectural terms, comprising those especially applied to the various
constructional features of the kivas or ceremonial rooms, and to the
“kisis,” or temporary brush shelters for field use, will be found near
the end of this paper.

The only trace of a traditional village plan, or arrangement of
contiguous houses, is found in a meager mention in some of the
traditions, that rows of houses were built to inclose the kiva, and to
form an appropriate place for the public dances and processions of
masked dancers. No definite ground plan, however, is ascribed to these
traditional court-inclosing houses, although at one period in the
evolution of this defensive type of architecture they must have partaken
somewhat of the symmetrical grouping found on the Rio Chaco and
elsewhere.

LOCALIZATION OF GENTES.

In the older and more symmetrical examples there was doubtless some
effort to distribute the various gentes, or at least the phratries,
in definite quarters of the village, as stated traditionally. At the
present day, however, there is but little trace of such localization. In
the case of Oraibi, the largest of the Tusayan villages, Mr. Stephen has
with great care and patience ascertained the distribution of the various
gentes in the village, as recorded on the accompanying skeleton plan
(Pl. XXXVII). An examination of the diagram in connection with the
appended list of the families occupying Oraibi will at once show that,
however clearly defined may have been the quarters of various gentes in
the traditional village, the greatest confusion prevails at the present
time. The families numerically most important, such as the Reed, Coyote,
Lizard, and Badger, are represented in all of the larger house clusters.

[Illustration: Plate XLVIII. Adobe church at Hawikuh.]

_Families occupying Oraibi._

[See house plan--house numbers in blue.]

1. Kokop................winwuh...................Burrowing owl.
2. Pikyas...............nyumuh...................Young corn plant.
3. Bakab................winwuh...................Reed (_Phragmites
communis_).
4. Tuwa.................winwuh...................Sand.
5. Tdap.................nyumuh...................Jack rabbit.
6. Honan................winwuh...................Badger.
7. Isn..................winwuh...................Coyote.
8. See 3.........................................Reed.
9. Kukuto...............winwuh...................Lizard.
10. Honan................nyumuh...................Bear.
11. Honau.........................................Bear.
12. See 3.........................................Reed.
13. See 7.........................................Coyote.
14. Tcuin.........................................Rattlesnake.
15. Awat..........................................Bow.
16. Kokuan........................................Spider.
17. See 9.........................................Lizard.
18. See 3.........................................Reed.
19. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl.
20. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl.
21. See 5.........................................Rabbit.
22. See 9.........................................Lizard.
23. See 9.........................................Lizard.
23½. See 9........................................Lizard.
24. See 2.........................................Young corn.
25. Gyazro...............nyumuh...................Paroquet.
26. See 2.........................................Young corn.
27. Kwah.................nyumuh...................Eagle.
28. See 7.........................................Coyote.
29. See 27........................................Eagle.
30. See 9.........................................Lizard.
31. See 9.........................................Lizard.
32. See 7.........................................Coyote.
33. See 7.........................................Coyote.
34. See 2.........................................Young corn.
35. See 6.........................................Badger.
36. See 16........................................Spider.
37. Batun................winwuh...................Squash.
38. See 15........................................Bow.
39. See 15........................................Bow.
40. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl.
41. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl.
42. See 6.........................................Badger.
43. Tdawuh...............winwuh...................Sun.
44. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl.
45. See 25........................................Paroquet.
46. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl.
47. See 1.........................................Burrowing-owl.
48. See 3.........................................Reed.
49. See 3.........................................Reed.
50. See 3.........................................Reed.
51. See 3.........................................Reed.
52. See 27........................................Eagle.
53. See 25........................................Paroquet.
54. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl.
55. See 5.........................................Rabbit.
56. See 9.........................................Lizard.
57. Pobol................winwuh...................Moth.
58. See 6.........................................Badger.
59. See 5.........................................Rabbit.
60. See 5.........................................Rabbit.
61. See 7.........................................Coyote.
62. See 7.........................................Coyote.
63. Atoko................winwuh...................Crane.
64. See 3.........................................Reed.
65. See 9.........................................Lizard.
66. Keli.................nyumuh...................Hawk.
67. See 7.........................................Coyote.
68. See 43........................................Sun.
69. Kwan.................nyumuh...................Mescal cake.
70. See 27........................................Eagle.
71. See 27........................................Eagle.
72. See 2.........................................Corn.
73. See 6.........................................Badger.
74. See 7.........................................Coyote.
75. See 7.........................................Coyote.
76. See 27........................................Eagle.
77. See 3.........................................Reed.
78. See 3.........................................Reed.
79. See 3.........................................Reed.
80. See 9.........................................Lizard.
81. See 43........................................Sun.
82. See 25........................................Paroquet.
83. See 9.........................................Lizard.
84. See 9.........................................Lizard.
85. See 43........................................Sun.
86. See 3.........................................Reed.
87. See 3.........................................Reed.
88. See 7.........................................Coyote.
89. See 3.........................................Reed.
90. Vacant.
91. See 2.........................................Corn.
92. See 25........................................Paroquet.
93. See 25........................................Paroquet.
94. See 10........................................Bear.
95. See 19........................................Bear.
96. See 4.........................................Sand.
97. See 4.........................................Sand.
98. See 4.........................................Sand.
99. See 3.........................................Reed.
100. See 2........................................Corn.
101. See 2........................................Corn.
102. See 7........................................Coyote.
103. See 7........................................Coyote.
104. See 3........................................Reed.
105. See 3........................................Reed.
106. See 3........................................Reed.
107. See 5........................................Rabbit.
108. See 7........................................Coyote.
109. See 5........................................Rabbit.
110. See 5........................................Rabbit.
111. See 3........................................Reed.
112. See 5........................................Rabbit.
113. Vacant.
114. Vacant.
115. See 3........................................Reed.
116. See 6........................................Badger.
117. See 43.......................................Sun.
118. See 7........................................Coyote.
119. See 43.......................................Sun.
120. See 5........................................Rabbit.
121. See 43.......................................Sun.
122. See 3........................................Reed.
123. See 4........................................Sand.
124. See 4........................................Sand.
125. See 3........................................Reed.
126. See 3........................................Reed.
127. See 43.......................................Sun.
128. See 2........................................Corn.
129. See 9........................................Lizard.
130. See 4........................................Sand.
131. See 4........................................Sand.
132. See 7........................................Coyote.
133. See 9........................................Lizard.
134. See 25.......................................Paroquet.
135. See 25.......................................Paroquet.
136. See 6........................................Badger.
137. See 6........................................Badger.
138. Vacant.
139. See 10.......................................Bear.
140. See 3........................................Reed.
141. See 25.......................................Paroquet.
142. See 25.......................................Paroquet.
143. See 43.......................................Sun.
144. See 5........................................Rabbit.
145. See 15.......................................Bow.
146. Vacant.
147. See 6........................................Badger.
148. Katcin..............nyumuh...................Katcina.
149. See 7........................................Coyote.
150. See 6........................................Badger.
151. See 6........................................Badger.
152. See 6........................................Badger.
153. See 6........................................Badger.

Counting No. 23½, this makes 154 houses; 149 occupied, 5 vacant.

[Illustration: Plate XLIX. Ketchipanan, plan.]

Reed families..... 25 Paroquet families... 10 Eagle families.... 6
Coyote families... 17 Owl families........ 9 Bear families..... 5
Lizard families... 14 Corn families....... 9 Bow families...... 4
Badger families... 13 Sun families........ 9 Spider families... 2
Rabbit families... 11 Sand families....... 8

Snake, Squash, Moth, Crane, Hawk, Mescal cake, Katcina, one each.

No tradition of gentile localization was discovered in Cibola.
Notwithstanding the decided difference in the general arrangements of
rooms in the eastern and western portions of the village, the
architectural evidence does not indicate the construction of the various
portions of the present Zuñi by distinct groups of people.

INTERIOR ARRANGEMENT.

On account of the purpose for which much of the architectural data here
given were originally obtained, viz, for the construction of large scale
models of the pueblos, the material is much more abundant for the
treatment of exterior than of interior details. Still, when the walls
and roof, with all their attendant features, have been fully recorded,
little remains to be described about a pueblo house; for such of its
interior details as do not connect with the external features are of the
simplest character. At the time of the survey of these pueblos no
exhaustive study of the interior of the houses was practicable, but the
illustrations present typical dwelling rooms from both Tusayan and Zuñi.
As a rule the rooms are smaller in Tusayan than at Zuñi.

[Illustration: Fig. 20. Interior ground plan of a Tusayan room.]

[Illustration: Plate L. Ketchipauan.]

The illustration, Fig. 20, shows the ground plan of a second-story room
of Mashongnavi. This room measures 13 by 12½ feet, and is considerably
below the average size of the rooms in these villages. A projecting
buttress or pier in the middle of the east wall divides that end of the
room into two portions. One side is provided with facilities for storage
in the construction of a bench or ledge, used as a shelf, 3 feet high
from the floor; and a small inclosed triangular bin, built directly on
the floor, by fixing a thin slab of stone into the masonry. The whole
construction has been treated with the usual coating of mud, which has
afterwards been whitewashed, with the exception of a 10-inch band that
encircles the whole room at the floor line, occupying the position of a
baseboard. The other side of the dividing pier forms a recess, that is
wholly given up to a series of metates or mealing stones; an
indispensable feature of every pueblo household. It is quite common to
find a series of metates, as in the present instance, filling the entire
available width of a recess or bay, and leaving only so much of its
depth behind the stones as will afford floor space for the kneeling
women who grind the corn. In larger open apartments undivided by
buttress or pier, the metates are usually built in or near one corner.
They are always so arranged that those who operate them face the middle
of the room. The floor is simply a smoothly plastered dressing of clay
of the same character as the usual external roof covering. It is, in
fact, simply the roof of the room below smoothed and finished with
special care. Such apartments, even in upper stories, are sometimes
carefully paved over the entire surface with large flat slabs of stone.
It is often difficult to procure rectangular slabs of sufficient size
for this purpose, but the irregularities of outline of the large flat
stones are very skillfully interfitted, furnishing, when finished,
a smoothly paved floor easily swept and kept clean.

On the right of the doorway as one enters this house are the fireplace
and chimney, built in the corner of the room. In this case the chimney
hood is of semicircular form, as indicated on the plan. The entire
chimney is illustrated in Fig. 62, which represents the typical curved
form of hood. In the corner of the left as one enters are two ollas, or
water jars, which are always kept filled. On the floor near the water
jars is indicated a jug or canteen, a form of vessel used for bringing
in water from the springs and wells at the foot of the mesa. At Zuñi
water seems to be all brought directly in the ollas, or water jars, in
which it is kept, this canteen form not being in use for the purpose.

The entrance doorway to this house, as indicated on the plan, is set
back or stepped on one side, a type of opening which is quite common in
Tusayan. This form is illustrated in Fig. 84.

This room has three windows, all of very small size, but it has no
interior communication with any other room. In this respect it is
exceptional. Ordinarily rooms communicate with others of the cluster.

Pl. LXXXV shows another typical Tusayan interior in perspective. It
illustrates essentially the same arrangement as does the preceding
example. The room is much larger than the one above described, and it is
divided midway of its length by a similar buttress. This buttress
supports a heavy girder, thus admitting of the use of two tiers of floor
beams to span the whole length of the room. The fireplace and chimney
are similar to those described, as is also the single compartment for
mealing stones. In this case, however, this portion of the room is quite
large, and the row of mealing stones is built at right angles to its
back wall and not parallel with it.

The right-hand portion of the room is provided with a long, straight
pole suspended from the roof beams. This is a common feature in both
Tusayan and Zuñi. The pole is used for the suspension of the household
stock of blankets and other garments. The windows of this house are
small, and two of them, in the right-hand division of the room, have
been roughly sealed up with masonry.

Pl. LXXXVI illustrates a typical Zuñi interior. In this instance the
example happens to be rather larger than the average room. It will be
noticed that this apartment has many features in common with that at
Tusayan last described. The pole upon which blankets are suspended is
here incorporated into the original construction of the house, its two
ends being deeply embedded in the masonry of the wall. The entire floor
is paved with slabs of much more regular form than any used at Tusayan.
The Zuñi have access to building stone which is of a much better grade
than is available in Tusayan.

[Illustration: Plate LI. Stone church at Ketchipauan.]

This room is furnished with long, raised benches of masonry along the
sides, a feature much more common at Zuñi than at Tusayan. Usually such
benches extend along the whole length of a wall, but here the projection
is interrupted on one side by the fireplace and chimney, and on the left
it terminates abruptly near the beginning of a tier of mealing stones,
in order to afford floor space for the women who grind. The metates are
arranged in the usual manner, three in a row, but there is an additional
detached section placed at right angles to the main series. The sill of
the doorway by which this room communicates with an adjoining one is
raised about 18 inches above the floor, and is provided with a rudely
mortised door in a single panel. Alongside is a small hole through which
the occupant can prop the door on the inside of the communicating room.
The subsequent sealing of the small hand-hole with mud effectually
closes the house against intrusion. The unusual height of this door sill
from the floor has necessitated the construction of a small step, which
is built of masonry and covered with a single slab of stone. All the
doors of Zuñi are more or less raised above the ground or floor, though
seldom to the extent shown in the present example. This room has no
external door and can be directly entered only by means of the hatchway
and ladder shown in the drawing. At one time this room was probably
bounded by outer walls and was provided with both door and windows,
though now no evidence of the door remains, and the windows have become
niches in the wall utilized for the reception of the small odds and ends
of a Zuñi household. The chimney of this house will be noticed as
differing materially, both in form and in its position in the room, from
the Tusayan examples. This form is, however, the most common type of
chimney used in Zuñi at the present time, although many examples of the
curved type also occur. It is built about midway of the long wall of the
room. The Tusayan chimneys seldom occupy such a position, but are nearly
always built in corners. The use of a pier or buttress-projection for
the support of a roof girder that is characteristic of Tusayan is not
practiced at Zuñi to any extent. Deer horns have been built into the
wall of the room to answer the purpose of pegs, upon which various
household articles are suspended.

The various features, whose positions in the pueblo dwelling house have
been briefly described above, will each be made the subject of more
exhaustive study in tracing the various modifications of form through
which they have passed. The above outline will furnish a general idea of
the place that these details occupy in the house itself.

KIVAS IN TUSAYAN.

_General use of kivas._--Wherever the remains of pueblo architecture
occur among the plateaus of the southwest there appears in every
important village throughout all changes of form, due to variations of
environment and other causes, the evidence of chambers of exceptional
character. The chambers are distinguishable from the typical dwelling
rooms by their size and position, and, generally, in ancient examples,
by their circular form. This feature of pueblo architecture has survived
to the present time, and is prominent in all modern pueblos that have
come under the writer’s notice, including the villages of Acoma and
Jemez, belonging to the Rio Grande group, as well as in the pueblos
under discussion. In all the pueblos that have been examined, both
ancient and modern, with the exception of those of Tusayan, these
special rooms, used for ceremonial purposes, occupy marginal or
semidetached positions in the house clusters. The latter are wholly
detached from the houses, as may be seen from the ground plans.

_Origin of the name._--Such ceremonial rooms are known usually by the
Spanish term “estufa,” meaning literally a stove, and here used in the
sense of “sweat house,” but the term is misleading, as it more properly
describes the small sweat houses that are used ceremonially by
lodge-building Indians, such as the Navajo. At the suggestion of Major
Powell the Tusayan word for this everpresent feature of pueblo
architecture has been adopted, as being much more appropriate. The word
“kiva,” then, will be understood to designate the ceremonial chamber of
the pueblo building peoples, ancient and modern.

_Antiquity of the kiva._--The widespread occurrence of this feature and
its evident antiquity distinguish it as being especially worthy of
exhaustive study, especially as embodied in its construction maybe found
survivals of early methods of arrangement that have long ago become
extinct in the constantly improving art of housebuilding, but which are
preserved through the well known tendency of the survival of ancient
practice in matters pertaining to the religious observances of a
primitive people. Unfortunately, in the past the Zuñi have been exposed
to the repressive policy of the Spanish authorities, and this has
probably seriously affected the purity of the kiva type. At one time,
when the ceremonial observances of the Zuñi took place in secret for
fear of incurring the wrath of the Spanish priests, the original kivas
must have been wholly abandoned, and though at the present time some of
the kivas of Zuñi occupy marginal positions in the cell clusters, just
as in many ancient examples, it is doubtful whether these rooms
faithfully represent the original type of kiva. There seems to be but
little structural evidence to distinguish the present kivas from
ordinary large Zuñi rooms beyond the special character of the fireplace
and of the entrance trap door, features which will be fully described
later. At Tusayan, on the other hand, we find a distinct and
characteristic structural plan of the kiva, as well as many special
constructive devices. Although the position of the ceremonial room is
here exceptional in its entire separation from the dwelling, this is due
to clearly traceable influences in the immediate orograpic environment,
and the wholly subterranean arrangement of most of the kivas in this
group is also due to the same local causes.

[Illustration: Plate LII. K’iakima, plan.]

_Excavation of the kiva._--The tendency to depress or partly excavate
the ceremonial chamber existed in Zuñi, as in all the ancient pueblo
buildings which have been examined; but the solid rock of the mesa tops
in Tusayan did not admit of the necessary excavation, and the
persistence of this requirement, which, as I shall elsewhere show, has
an important connection with the early types of pueblo building,
compelled the occupants of these rocky sites to locate their kivas at
points where depressions already existed. Such facilities were most
abundant near the margins of the mesas, where in many places large
blocks of sandstone have fallen out from the edge of the surface
stratum, leaving nearly rectangular spaces at the summit of the cliff
wall. The construction of their villages on these rocky promontories
forced the Tusayan builders to sacrifice, to a large extent, the
traditional and customary arrangement of the kivas within the
house-inclosed courts of the pueblo, in order to obtain properly
depressed sites. This accidental effect of the immediate environment
resulted in giving unusual prominence to the sinking of the ceremonial
room below the ground surface, but a certain amount of excavation is
found as a constant accompaniment of this feature throughout the pueblo
region in both ancient and modern villages. Even at Zuñi, where the
kivas appear to retain but few of the specialized features that
distinguish them at Tusayan, the floors are found to be below the
general level of the ground. But at Tusayan the development of this
single requirement has been carried to such an extent that many of the
kivas are wholly subterranean. This is particularly the case with those
that occupy marginal sites on the mesas, such as have been referred to
above. In such instances the broken-out recesses in the upper rocks have
been walled up on the outside, roughly lined with masonry within, and
roofed over in the usual manner. In many cases the depth of these rock
niches is such that the kiva roof when finished does not project above
the general level of the mesa summit, and its earth covering is
indistinguishable from the adjoining surface, except for the presence of
the box-like projection of masonry that surrounds the entrance trap door
and its ladder (see Pl. LXXXVII). Frequently in such cases the surface
of the ground shows no evidence of the outlines or dimensions of the
underlying room. Examples of such subterranean kivas may be seen in the
foreground of the general view of a court in Oraibi (Pl. XXXVIII), and
in the view of the dance rock at Walpi (Pl. XXIV). But such wholly
subterranean arrangement of the ceremonial chamber is by no means
universal even at Tusayan. Even when the kiva was placed within the
village courts or close to the houses, in conformity to the traditional
plan and ancient practice as evidenced in the ruins, naturally depressed
sites were still sought; but such sites as the mesa margin affords were
rarely available at any distance from the rocky rim. The result is that
most of the court kivas are only partly depressed. This is particularly
noticeable in a court kiva in Shumopavi, an illustration of which is
given in Fig. 14.

The mungkiva or principal kiva of Shupaulovi, illustrated in Pl. XXXIII,
is scarcely a foot above the ground level on the side towards the
houses, but its rough walls are exposed to a height of several feet down
on the declivity of the knoll. The view of the stone corrals of
Mashongnavi, shown in Pl. CIX, also illustrates a kiva of the type
described. This chamber is constructed on a sharp slope of the declivity
where a natural depression favored the builders. On the upper side the
roof is even with the ground, but on its outer or southern side the
masonry is exposed to nearly the whole depth of the chamber. At the
north end of Shumopavi, just outside the houses, are two kivas, one of
which is of the semi-subterranean type. The other shows scarcely any
masonry above the ground outside of the box-like entrance way. Pl.
LXXXVIII illustrates these two kivas as seen from the northeast, and
shows their relation to the adjacent houses. The following (Fig. 21)
illustrates the same group from the opposite point of view.

_Access._--The last described semi-subterranean kiva and the similar one
in the court of the village, show a short flight of stone steps on their
eastern side. Entrance to the ceremonial chamber is prevented when
necessary by the removal of the ladder from the outside, or in some
instances by the withdrawal of the rungs, which are loosely inserted
into holes in the side pieces. There is no means of preventing access to
the exposed trap doors, which are nearly on a level with the ground. As
a matter of convenience and to facilitate the entrance into the kiva of
costumed and masked dancers, often encumbered with clumsy paraphernalia,
steps are permanently built into the outside wall of the kiva in direct
contradiction to the ancient principles of construction; that is, in
having no permanent or fixed means of access from the ground to the
first roof. These are the only cases in which stone steps spring
directly from the ground, although they are a very important feature in
Tusayan house architecture above the first story, as may be seen in any
of the general views of the villages. The justification of such an
arrangement in connection with the indefensible kiva roof lies obviously
in the different conditions here found as compared with the dwellings.

[Illustration: Fig. 21. North kivas of Shumopavi, seen from the
southwest.]

The subterranean kiva of the Shumopavi group, above illustrated, is
exceptional as occurring at some distance from the mesa rim. Probably
all such exceptions to the rule are located in natural fissures or
crevices of the sandstone, or where there was some unusual facility for
the excavation of the site to the required depth. The most noteworthy
example of such inner kiva being located with reference to favorable
rock fissures has been already described in discussing the ground plan
of Walpi and its southern court-inclosed kiva (p. 65).

_Masonry._--The exterior masonry of these chambers seems in all cases to
be of ruder construction than that of the dwelling houses. This is
particularly noticeable in the kivas of Walpi on the mesa edge, but is
apparent even in some of the Zuñi examples. One of the kivas of house
No. 1 in Zuñi, near the churchyard, has small openings in its wall that
are rudely framed with stone slabs set in a stone wall of exceptional
roughness. Apparently there has never been any attempt to smooth or
reduce this wall to a finished surface with the usual coating of adobe
mud.

[Illustration: Plate LIII. Site of K’iakima, at base of Tâaaiyalana.]

In Tusayan also some of the kiva walls look as though they had been
built of the first material that came to hand, piled up nearly dry, and
with no attempt at the chinking of joints, that imparts some degree of
finish to the dwelling-house masonry. The inside of these kivas,
however, is usually plastered smoothly, but the interior plastering is
applied on a base of masonry even in the case of the kivas that are
wholly subterranean. It seems to be the Tusayan practice to line all
sides of the kivas with stone masonry, regardless of the completeness
and fitness of the natural cavity. It is impossible, therefore, to
ascertain from the interior of a kiva how much of the work of excavation
is artificial and how much has been done by nature. The lining of
masonry probably holds the plastering of adobe mud much better than the
naked surface of the rock, but the Tusayan builders would hardly resort
to so laborious a device to gain this small advantage. The explanation
of this apparent waste of labor lies in the fact that kivas had been
built of masonry from time immemorial, and that the changed conditions
of the present Tusayan environment have not exerted their influence for
a sufficient length of time to overcome the traditional practice. As
will be seen later, the building of a kiva is accompanied by certain
rites and ceremonies based on the use of masonry walls, additional
testimony of the comparatively recent date of the present subterranean
types.

_Orientation._--In questioning the Tusayan on this subject Mr. Stephen
was told that no attention to the cardinal points was observed in the
plan, although the walls are spoken of according to the direction to
which they most closely approximate. An examination of the village plans
of the preceding chapters, however, will show a remarkable degree of
uniformity in the directions of kivas which can scarcely be due to
accident in rooms built on such widely differing sites. The intention
seems to have been to arrange these ceremonial chambers approximately on
the north and south line, though none of the examples approach the
meridian very closely. Most of them face southeast, though some,
particularly in Walpi, face west of south. In Walpi four of the five
kivas are planned on a southwest and northeast line, following the
general direction of the mesa edge, while the remaining one faces
southeast. The difference in this last case may have been brought about
by exigencies of the site on the mesa edge and the form of the cavity in
which the kiva was built. Again at Hano and Sichumovi (Pls. XVI and
XVIII) on the first mesa this uniformity of direction prevails, but,
as the plans show, the kivas in these two villages are few in number.
The two kivas of Shupaulovi will be seen (Pl. XXX) to have the same
direction, viz, facing southeast. In Shumopavi (Pl. XXXIV) there are
four kivas all facing southeast. In Mashongnavi, however (Pl. XXVI), the
same uniformity does not prevail. Three of the kivas face south of east,
and two others built in the edge of the rocky bench on the south side of
the village face west of south. In the large village of Oraibi there is
remarkable uniformity in the direction of the many kivas, there being a
variation of only a few degrees in direction in the whole number of
thirteen shown on the plan (Pl. XXXVI). But in the case of the large
kiva partly above ground designated as the Coyote kiva, the direction
from which it is entered is the reverse of that of the other kivas.
No explanation is offered that will account for this curious single
exception to the rule. The intention of the builders has evidently been
to make the altar and its attendant structural features conform to a
definite direction, fixed, perhaps, by certain requirements of the
ceremonial, but the irregularity of the general village plan in many
cases resulting from its adaptation to restricted sites, has given rise
to the variations that are seen.

In Zuñi there was an evident purpose to preserve a certain uniformity of
direction in the kiva entrances. In house No. 1 (Pls. LXXVI and LXXVII)
there are two kivas, distinguishable on the plan by the large divided
trap door. The entrance of these both face southeast, and it can readily
be seen that this conformity has been provided intentionally, since the
rooms themselves do not correspond in arrangement. The roof opening is
in one case across the room and in the other it is placed
longitudinally. As has been pointed out above, the general plan of
arranging the kivas is not so readily distinguished in Zuñi as in
Tusayan. Uniformity, so far as it is traceable, is all the more striking
as occurring where there is so much more variation in the directions of
the walls of the houses. Still another confirmation is furnished by the
pueblo of Acoma, situated about 60 miles eastward from Zuñi. Here the
kivas are six in number and the directions of all the examples are found
to vary but a few degrees. These also face east of south.

There are reasons for believing that the use of rectangular kivas is of
later origin in the pueblo system of building than the use of the
circular form of ceremonial chamber that is of such frequent occurrence
among the older ruins. Had strict orientation of the rectangular kiva
prevailed for long periods of time it would undoubtedly have exerted a
strong influence towards the orientation of the entire pueblo clusters
in which the kivas were incorporated; but in the earlier circular form,
the constructional ceremonial devices could occupy definite positions in
relation to the cardinal points at any part of the inner curve of the
wall without necessarily exerting any influence on the directions of
adjoining dwellings.

[Illustration: Plate LIV. Recent wall at K’iakima.]

_The ancient form of kiva._--In none of the ruins examined in the
province of Tusayan have distinct traces of ancient kivas been found,
nor do any of them afford evidence as to the character of the ceremonial
rooms. It is not likely, however, that the present custom of building
these chambers wholly under ground prevailed generally among the earlier
Tusayan villages, as some of the remains do not occupy sites that would
suggest such arrangement. The typical circular kiva characteristic of
most of the ancient pueblos has not been seen within the limits of
Tusayan, although it occurs constantly in the ruins of Canyon de Chelly
which are occasionally referred to in Tusayan tradition as having been
occupied by related peoples. Mr. Stephen, however, found vestiges of
such ancient forms among the debris of fallen walls occupying two small
knolls on the edge of the first mesa, at a point that overlooks the
broken-down ruin of Sikyatki. On the southeast shoulder of one of the
knolls is a fragment of a circular wall which was originally 12 feet in
diameter. It is built of flat stones, from 2 to 4 inches thick, 6 to 8
inches wide, and a foot or more in length, nearly all of which have been
pecked and dressed. Mud mortar has been sparingly used, and the masonry
shows considerable care and skill in execution; the curve of the wall is
fairly true, and the interstices of the masonry are neatly filled in
with smaller fragments, in the manner of some of the best work of the
Canyon de Chelly ruins.

The knoll farther south shows similar traces, and on the southeast slope
is the complete ground plan of a round structure 16½ feet in diameter.
At one point of the curved wall, which is about 22 inches thick, occurs
the characteristic recessed katchinkihu (described later in discussing
the interior of kivas) indicating the use of this chamber for ceremonial
purposes.

Although these remains probably antedate any of the Tusayan ruins
discussed above (Chapter II), they suggest a connection and relationship
between the typical kiva of the older ruins and the radically different
form in use at the present time.

_Native explanations of position._--Notwithstanding the present practice
in the location of kivas, illustrated in the plans, the ideal village
plan is still acknowledged to have had its house-clusters so distributed
as to form inclosed and protected courts, the kivas being located within
these courts or occupying marginal positions in the house-clusters on
the edge of the inclosed areas. But the native explanations of the
traditional plan are vague and contradictory.

In the floor of the typical kiva is a sacred cavity called the sipapuh,
through which comes the beneficent influence of the deities or powers
invoked. According to the accounts of some of the old men the kiva was
constructed to inclose this sacred object, and houses were built on
every side to surround the kiva and form its outer wall. In earlier
times, too, so the priests relate, people were more devout, and the
houses were planned with their terraces fronting upon the court, so that
the women and children and all the people, could be close to the masked
dancers (katchinas) as they issued from the kiva. The spectators filled
the terraces, and sitting there they watched the katchinas dance in the
court, and the women sprinkled meal upon them, while they listened to
their songs. Other old men say the kiva was excavated in imitation of
the original house in the interior of the earth, where the human family
were created, and from which they climbed to the surface of the ground
by means of a ladder, and through just such an opening as the hatchway
of the kiva. Another explanation commonly offered is that they are made
underground because they are thus cooler in summer, and more easily
warmed in winter.

All these factors may have had some influence in the design, but we have
already seen that excavation to the extent here practiced is wholly
exceptional in pueblo building and the unusual development of this
requirement of kiva construction has been due to purely local causes.
In the habitual practice of such an ancient and traditional device, the
Indians have lost all record of the real causes of the perpetuation of
this requirement. At Zuñi, too, a curious explanation is offered for the
partial depression of the kiva floor below the general surrounding
level. Here it is naively explained that the floor is excavated in order
to attain a liberal height for the ceiling within the kiva, this being a
room of great importance. Apparently it does not occur to the Zuñi
architect that the result could be achieved in a more direct and much
less laborious manner by making the walls a foot or so higher at the
time of building the kiva, after the manner in which the same problem is
solved when it is encountered in their ordinary dwelling house
construction. Such explanations, of course, originated long after the
practice became established.

METHODS OF KIVA BUILDING AND RITES.

The external appearance of the kivas of Tusayan has been described and
illustrated; it now remains to examine the general form and method of
construction of these subterranean rooms, and to notice the attendant
rites and ceremonies.

_Typical plans._--All the Tusayan kivas are in the form of a
parallelogram, usually about 25 feet long and half as wide, the ceiling,
which is from 5½ to 8 feet high, being slightly higher in the middle
than at either end. There is no prescribed rule for kiva dimensions, and
seemingly the size of the chamber is determined according to the number
who are to use it, and who assume the labor of its construction. A list
of typical measurements obtained by Mr. Stephen is appended (p. 136).

[Illustration: Plate LV. Matsaki, plan.]

An excavation of the desired dimensions having been made, or an existing
one having been discovered, the person who is to be chief of the kiva
performs the same ceremony as that prescribed for the male head of a
family when the building of a dwelling house is undertaken. He takes a
handful of meal, mixed with piki crumbs, and a little of the crumbled
herb they use as tobacco, and these he sprinkles upon the ground,
beginning on the west side, passing southward, and so around, the
sprinkled line he describes marking the position to be occupied by the
walls. As he thus marks the compass of the kiva, he sings in a droning
tone “Si-ai, a-hai, a-hai, si-ai, a-hai”--no other words but these. The
meaning of these words seems to be unknown, but all the priests agree in
saying that the archaic chant is addressed to the sun, and it is called
Kitdauwi--the House Song. The chief then selects four good-sized stones
of hard texture for corner stones, and at each corner he lays a baho,
previously prepared, sprinkles it with the mixture with which he has
described the line of the walls, and then lays the corner stone upon it.
As he does this, he expresses his hope that the walls “will take good
root hold,” and stand firm and secure.

The men have already quarried or collected a sufficient quantity of
stone, and a wall is built in tolerably regular courses along each side
of the excavation. The stones used are roughly dressed by fracture; they
are irregular in shape, and of a size convenient for one man to handle.
They are laid with only a very little mud mortar, and carried up, if the
ground be level, to within 18 inches of the surface. If the kiva is
built on the edge of the cliff, as at Walpi, the outside wall connects
the sides of the gap, conforming to the line of the cliff. If the
surface is sloping, the level of the roof is obtained by building up one
side of the kiva above the ground to the requisite height as illustrated
in Fig. 21. One end of the “Goat” kiva at Walpi is 5 feet above ground,
the other end being level with the sloping surface. When the ledge on
the precipitous face of the mesa is uneven it is filled in with rough
masonry to obtain a level for the floor, and thus the outside wall of
some of the Walpi kivas is more than 12 feet high, although in the
interior the measurement from floor to ceiling is much less.

Both cottonwood and pine are used for the roof timbers; they are roughly
dressed, and some of them show that an attempt has been made to hew them
with four sides, but none are square. In the roof of the “Goat” kiva,
at Walpi, are four well hewn pine timbers, measuring exactly 6 by 10
inches, which are said to have been taken from the mission house built
near Walpi by the Spanish priests some three centuries ago. The ceiling
plan of the mungkiva of Shupaulovi (Fig. 23) shows that four of these
old Spanish squared beams have been utilized in its construction. One of
these is covered with a rude decoration of gouged grooves and bored
holes, forming a curious line-and-dot ornament. The other kiva of this
village contains a single undecorated square Spanish roof beam. This
beam contrasts very noticeably with the rude round poles of the native
work, one of which, in the case of the kiva last mentioned, is a forked
trunk of a small tree. Some of the Indians say that the timbers were
brought by them from the Shumopavi spring, where the early Spanish
priests had established a mission. According to these accounts, the home
mission was established at Walpi, with another chapel at Shumopavi, and
a third and important one at Awatubi.

One man, Sikapiki by name, stated that the squared and carved beams were
brought from the San Francisco Mountains, more than a hundred miles
away, under the direction of the priests, and that they were carved and
finished prior to transportation. They were intended for the chapel and
cloister, but the latter building was never finished. The roof timbers
were finally distributed among the people of Shumopavi and Shupaulovi.
At Shumopavi one of the kivas, known, as the Nuvwatikyuobi
(The-high-place-of-snow--San Francisco Mountains) kiva, was built only
8 years ago. The main roof timbers are seven in number. Four of them are
hewn with flat sides, 8 by 12 inches to 9 by 13 inches; the other three
are round, the under sides slightly hewn, and they are 12 inches in
diameter. These timbers were brought from the San Francisco Mountains
while the Spaniards were here. The Shumopavi account states that the
people were compelled to drag most of the timbers with ropes, although
oxen were also used in some cases, and that the Spaniards used them to
roof their mission buildings. After the destruction of the mission these
timbers were used in the construction of a dwelling house, which,
falling into ruin, was abandoned and pulled down. Subsequently they were
utilized as described above. In the Teosobi, Jay, the main timbers were
taken out of it many years ago and used in another kiva. The timbers now
in the roof are quite small and are laid in pairs, but they are old and
much decayed. In the Gyarzobi, Paroquet, are six squared timbers from
the Spanish mission buildings, measuring 9 by 13 inches, 8 by 12 inches,
etc. These have the same curious grooved and dotted ornamentation that
occurs on the square beam of Shupaulovi, above described. At the other
end of the kiva are also two unusually perfect round timbers that may
have come from the mission ruin. All of these show marks of fire, and
are in places deeply charred.

In continuation of the kiva building process, the tops of the walls are
brought to an approximate level. The main roof timbers are then laid
parallel with the end walls, at irregular distances, but less than 3
feet apart, except near the middle, where a space of about 7 feet is
left between two beams, as there the hatchway is to be built. The ends
of the timbers rest upon the side walls, and as they are placed in
position a small feather, to which a bit of cotton string is tied
(nakwakwoci) is also placed under each. Stout poles, from which the bark
has been stripped, are laid at right angles upon the timbers, with
slight spaces between them. Near the center of the kiva two short
timbers are laid across the two main beams about 5 feet apart; this is
done to preserve a space of 5 by 7 feet for the hatchway, which is made
with walls of stone laid in mud plaster, resting upon the two central
beams and upon the two side pieces. This wall or combing is carried up
so as to be at least 18 inches above the level of the finished roof.
Across the poles, covering the rest of the roof, willows and straight
twigs of any kind are laid close together, and over these is placed a
layer of dry grass arranged in regular rows. Mud is then carefully
spread over the grass to a depth of about 3 inches, and after it has
nearly dried it is again gone over so as to fill up all the cracks.
A layer of dry earth is then spread over all and firmly trodden down,
to render the roof water-tight and bring its surface level with the
surrounding ground, following the same method and order of construction
that prevails in dwelling-house buildings.

[Illustration: Plate LVI. Standing wall at Pinawa.]

Short timbers are placed across the top of the hatchway wall, one end
of which is raised higher than the other, so as to form a slope, and
upon these timbers stone slabs are closely laid for a cover. (See Pl.
LXXXVII.) An open space, usually about 2 by 4½ feet, is preserved, and
this is the only outlet in the structure, serving at once as doorway,
window, and chimney.

The roof being finished, a floor of stone flags is laid; but this is
never in a continuous level, for at one end it is raised as a platform
some 10 or 12 inches high, extending for about a third of the length of
the kiva and terminating in an abrupt step just before coming under the
hatchway, as illustrated in the ground plan of the mungkiva of
Shupaulovi (Fig. 22, and also in Figs. 25 and 27). On the edge of the
platform rests the foot of a long ladder, which leans against the higher
side of the hatchway, and its tapering ends project 10 or 12 feet in the
air. Upon this platform the women and other visitors sit when admitted
to witness any of the ceremonies observed in the kiva. The main floor in
a few of the kivas is composed of roughly hewn planks, but this is a
comparatively recent innovation, and is not generally deemed desirable,
as the movement of the dancers on the wooden floor shakes the fetiches
out of position.

On the lower or main floor a shallow pit of varying dimensions, but
usually about a foot square, is made for a fireplace, and is located
immediately under the opening in the hatchway. The intention in raising
the hatchway above the level of the roof and in elevating the ceiling in
the middle is to prevent the fire from igniting them. The ordinary fuel
used in the kiva is greasewood, and there are always several bundles of
the shrub in its green state suspended on pegs driven in the wall of the
hatchway directly over the fire. This shrub, when green, smolders and
emits a dense, pungent smoke, but when perfectly dry, burns with a
bright, sparkling flame.

Across the end of the kiva on the main floor a ledge of masonry is
built, usually about 2 feet high and 1 foot wide, which serves as a
shelf for the display of fetiches and other paraphernalia during stated
observances (see Fig. 22). A small, niche-like aperture is made in the
middle of this ledge, and is called the katchin kihu (katchina house).
During a festival certain masks are placed in it when not in use by the
dancers. Some of the kivas have low ledges built along one or both sides
for use as seats, and some have none, but all except two or three have
the ledge at the end containing the katchina house.

In the main floor of the kiva there is a cavity about a foot deep and 8
or 10 inches across, which is usually covered with a short, thick slab
of cottonwood, whose upper surface is level with the floor. Through the
middle of this short plank and immediately over the cavity a hole of 2
or 2½ inches in diameter is bored. This hole is tapered, and is
accurately fitted with a movable wooden plug, the top of which is flush
with the surface of the plank. The plank and cavity usually occupy a
position in the main floor near the end of the kiva. This feature is the
sipapuh, the place of the gods, and the most sacred portion of the
ceremonial chamber. Around this spot the fetiches are set during a
festival; it typifies also the first world of the Tusayan genesis and
the opening through which the people first emerged. It is frequently so
spoken of at the present time.

Other little apertures or niches are constructed in the side walls; they
usually open over the main floor of the kiva near the edge of the dais
that forms the second level, that upon which the foot of the ladder
rests. These are now dedicated to any special purpose, but are used as
receptacles for small tools and other ordinary articles. In early days,
however, these niches were used exclusively as receptacles for the
sacred pipes and tobacco and other smaller paraphernalia.

[Illustration: Fig. 22. Ground plan of the chief kiva of Shupaulovi.]

[Illustration: Plate LVII. Halona excavations as seen from Zuñi.]

In order to make clearer the relative positions of the various features
of kiva construction that have been described several typical examples
are here illustrated. The three ground plans given are drawn to scale
and represent kivas of average dimensions. Mr. Stephen has made a series
of typical kiva measurements, which is appended to this section, and
comparison of these with the plans will show the relation of the
examples selected to the usual dimensions of these rooms. Fig. 22 is the
ground plan of the mungkiva, or chief kiva, of Shupaulovi. It will be
observed that the second level of the kiva floor, forming the dais
before referred to, is about 15 inches narrower on each side than the
main floor. The narrowing of this portion of the kiva floor is not
universal and does not seem to be regulated by any rule. Sometimes the
narrowing is carried out on one side only, as in the mungkiva of
Mashongnavi (Fig. 27), sometimes on both, as in the present example, and
in other cases it is absent. In the second kiva of Shupaulovi,
illustrated in Fig. 25, there is only one small jog that has been built
midway along the wall of the upper level and it bears no relation to the
point at which the change of floor level occurs. The ledge, or dais, is
free for the use of spectators, the Indians say, just as the women stand
on the house terraces to witness a dance, and do not step into the
court. The ledge in this case is about a foot above the main floor.
Benches of masonry are built along each side, though, as the plan shows,
they are not of the same length. The bench on the eastern side is about
4 feet shorter than the other, which is cut off by a continuation of the
high bench that contains the katchinkihu beyond the corner of the room.
These side benches are for the use of participants in the ceremonies.
When young men are initiated into the various societies during the
feasts in the fall of the year they occupy the floor of the sacred
division of the kiva, while the old members of the order occupy the
benches along the wall. The higher bench at the end of the room is used
as a shelf for paraphernalia. The hole, or recess, in this bench, whose
position is indicated by the dotted lines on the plan, is the sacred
orifice from which the katchina is said to come, and is called the
katchinkihu. In the floor of the kiva, near the katchinkihu, is the
sipapuh, the cottonwood plug set into a cottonwood slab over a cavity in
the floor. The plan shows how this plank, about 18 inches wide and 6½
feet long, has been incorporated into the paving of the main floor. The
paving is composed of some quite large slabs of sandstone whose
irregular edges have been skillfully fitted to form a smooth and well
finished pavement. The position of the niches that form pipe receptacles
is shown on the plan opposite the fireplace in each side wall. The
position of the foot of the ladder is indicated, the side poles resting
upon the paved surface of the second level about 15 inches from the edge
of the step. Fig. 23 gives a ceiling plan of the same kiva, illustrating
the arrangement of such of the roof beams and sticks as are visible from
inside. The plan shows the position of the four Spanish beams before
referred to, the northernmost being the one that has the line and dot
decoration. The next two beams, laid in contact, are also square and of
Spanish make. The fourth Spanish beam is on the northern edge of the
hatchway dome and supports its wall. The adjoining beam is round and of
native workmanship. The position and dimensions of the large hatchway
projection are here indicated in plan, but the general appearance of
this curious feature of the Tusayan kiva can be better seen from the
interior view (Fig. 24). Various uses are attributed to this domelike
structure, aside from the explanation that it is built at a greater
height in order to lessen the danger of ignition of the roof beams. The
old men say that formerly they smoked and preserved meat in it. Others
say it was used for drying bundles of wood by suspension over the fire
preparatory to use in the fireplace. It is also said to constitute an
upper chamber to facilitate the egress of smoke, and doubtless it aids
in the performance of this good office.

[Illustration: Fig. 23. Ceiling plan of the chief kiva of Shupaulovi.]

[Illustration: Fig. 24. Interior view of a Tusayan kiva.]

[Illustration: Plate LVIII. Fragments of Halona wall.]

The mud plaster that has been applied directly to the stone work of the
interior of this kiva is very much blackened by smoke. From about half
of the wall space the plaster has fallen or scaled off, and the exposed
stonework is much blackened as though the kiva had long been used with
the wall in this uncovered condition.

The fireplace is simply a shallow pit about 18 inches square that is
placed directly under the opening of the combined hatchway and smoke
hole. It is usually situated from 2 to 3 feet from the edge of the
second level of the kiva floor. The paving stones are usually finished
quite neatly and smoothly where their edges enframe the firepit.

[Illustration: Fig. 25. Ground plan of a Shupaulovi kiva.]

[Illustration: Fig. 26. Ceiling plan of a Shupaulovi kiva.]

Figs. 25 and 26 illustrate the ground and ceiling plans of the second
kiva of the same village. In all essential principles of arrangement it
is identical with the preceding example, but minor modifications will be
noticed in several of the features. The bench at the katchina, or
“altar” end of the kiva, has not the height that was seen in the
mungkiva, but is on the same level as the benches of the sides. Here the
sipapuh is at much greater distance than usual from the katchina recess.
It is also quite exceptional in that the plug is let into an orifice in
one of the paving stones, as shown on the plan, instead of into a
cottonwood plank. Some of the paving stones forming the floor of this
kiva are quite regular in shape and of unusual dimensions, one of them
being nearly 5 feet long and 2 feet wide. The gray polish of long
continued use imparts to these stones an appearance of great hardness.
The ceiling plan of this kiva (Fig. 26) shows a single specimen of
Spanish beam at the extreme north end of the roof. It also shows a
forked “viga” or ceiling beam, which is quite unusual.

[Illustration: Fig. 27. Ground plan of the chief kiva of Mashongnavi.]

[Illustration: Plate LIX. The mesa of Tâaaiyalana, from Zuñi.]

This kiva is better plastered than the mungkiva and shows in places
evidences of many successive coats. The general rule of applying the
interior plastering of the kiva on a base of masonry has been violated
in this example. The north end and part of the adjoining sides have been
brought to an even face by filling in the inequalities of the excavation
with reeds which are applied in a vertical position and are held in
place by long, slender, horizontal rods, forming a rude matting or
wattling. The rods are fastened to the rocky wall at favorable points by
means of small prongs of some hard wood, and the whole of the primitive
lathing is then thickly plastered with adobe mud. Mr. Stephen found the
Ponobi kiva of Oraibi treated in the same manner. The walls are lined
with a reed lathing over which mud is plastered. The reed used is the
Bakabi (_Phragmites communis_) whose stalks vary from a quarter of an
inch to three-quarters of an inch in diameter. In this instance the
reeds are also laid vertically, but they are applied to the ordinary
mud-laid kiva wall and not directly to the sides of the natural
excavation. The vertical laths are bound in place by horizontal reeds
laid upon them 1 or 2 feet apart. The horizontal reeds are held in place
by pegs of greasewood driven into the wall at intervals of 1 or 2 feet
and are tied to the pegs with split yucca. These specimens are very
interesting examples of aboriginal lathing and plastering applied to
stone work.

[Illustration: Fig. 28. Interior view of a kiva hatchway in Tusayan.]

The ground plan of the mungkiva of Mashongnavi is illustrated in Fig.
27. In this example the narrowing of the room at the second level of the
floor is on one side. The step by which the upper level is reached from
the main floor is 8 inches high at the east end, rising to 10 inches at
the west end. The south end of the kiva is provided with a small opening
like a loop-hole, furnishing an outlook to the south. The east side of
the main portion of the kiva is not provided with the usual bench. The
portion of the bench at the katchina end of the kiva is on a level with
the west bench and continuous for a couple of feet beyond the northeast
corner along the east wall. The small wall niches are on the west side
and nearer the north end than usual. The arrangement of the katchinkihu
is quite different from that described in the Shupaulovi kivas. The
orifice occurs in the north wall at a height of 3½ feet above the floor,
and 2 feet 3 inches above the top of the bench that extends across this
end of the room. The firepit is somewhat smaller than in the other
examples illustrated. Fig. 28 illustrates the appearance of the kiva
hatchway from within as seen from the north end of the kiva, but the
ladder has been omitted from the drawing to avoid confusion. The ladder
rests against the edge of the coping that caps the dwarf wall on the
near side of the hatchway, its top leaning toward the spectator. The
small smoke-blackened sticks that are used for the suspension of bundles
of greasewood and other fuel in the hatchway are clearly shown. At the
far end of the trapdoor, on the outside, is indicated the mat of reeds
or rushes that is used for closing the openings when necessary. It is
here shown rolled up at the foot of the slope of the hatchway top, its
customary position when not in use. When this mat is used for closing
the kiva opening it is usually held in place by several large stone
slabs laid over it. Fig. 29 illustrates a specimen of the Tusayan kiva
mat.

[Illustration: Fig. 29. Mat used in closing the entrance of Tusayan
kiva.]

[Illustration: Plate LX. Tâaaiyalana, plan.]

The above kiva plans show that each of the illustrated examples is
provided with four long narrow planks, set in the kiva floor close to
the wall and provided with orifices for the attachment of looms. This
feature is a common accompaniment of kiva construction and pertains to
the use of the ceremonial room as a workshop by the male blanket weavers
of Tusayan. It will be more fully described in the discussion of the
various uses of the kiva.

The essential structural features of the kivas above described are
remarkably similar, though the illustrations of types have been selected
at random. Minor modifications are seen in the positions of many of the
features, but a certain general relation between the various
constructional requirements of the ceremonial room is found to prevail
throughout all the villages.

_Work by women._--After all the above described details have been
provided for, following the completion of the roofs and floors, the
women belonging to the people who are to occupy the kiva continue the
labor of its construction. They go over the interior surface of the
walls, breaking off projections and filling up the interstices with
small stones, and then they smoothly plaster the walls and the inside of
the hatchway with mud, and sometimes whitewash them with a gypsiferous
clay found in the neighborhood. Once every year, at the feast of Powuma
(the fructifying moon), the women give the kiva this same attention.

_Consecration._--When all the work is finished the kiva chief prepares a
baho and “feeds the house,” as it is termed; that is, he thrusts a
little meal, with piki crumbs, over one of the roof timbers, and in the
same place inserts the end of the baho. As he does this he expresses his
hope that the roof may never fall and that sickness and other evils may
never enter the kiva.

It is difficult to elicit intelligent explanation of the theory of the
baho and the prayer ceremonies in either kiva or house construction. The
baho is a prayer token; the petitioner is not satisfied by merely
speaking or singing his prayer, he must have some tangible thing upon
which to transmit it. He regards his prayer as a mysterious, impalpable
portion of his own substance, and hence he seeks to embody it in some
object, which thus becomes consecrated. The baho, which is inserted in
the roof of the kiva, is a piece of willow twig about six inches long,
stripped of its bark and painted. From it hang four small feathers
suspended by short cotton strings tied at equal distances along the
twig. In order to obtain recognition from the powers especially
addressed, different colored feathers and distinct methods of attaching
them to bits of wood and string are resorted to. In the present case
these are addressed to the “chiefs” who control the paths taken by the
people after coming up from the interior of the earth. They are thus
designated:

To the west: Siky´ak oma´uwu Yellow Cloud.
south: Sa´kwa oma´uwu Blue Cloud.
east: Pal´a oma´uwu Red Cloud.
north: Kwetsh oma´uwu White Cloud.

Two separate feathers are also attached to the roof. These are addressed
to the zenith, héyap omáuwu--the invisible space of the above--and to
the nadir, Myuingwa--god of the interior of the earth and maker of the
germ of life. To the four first mentioned the bahos under the corner
stones are also addressed. These feathers are prepared by the kiva chief
in another kiva. He smokes devoutly over them, and as he exhales the
smoke upon them he formulates the prayers to the chiefs or powers, who
not only control the paths or lives of all the people, but also preside
over the six regions of space whence come all the necessaries of life.
The ancients also occupy his thoughts during these devotions; he desires
that all the pleasures they enjoyed while here may come to his people,
and he reciprocally wishes the ancients to partake of all the enjoyments
of the living.

All the labor and ceremonies being completed the women prepare food for
a feast. Friends are invited, and the men dance all night in the kiva to
the accompaniment of their own songs and the beating of a primitive
drum, rejoicing over their new home. The kiva chief then proclaims the
name by which the kiva will be known. This is often merely a term of his
choosing, often without reference to its appropriateness.

_Various uses of kivas._--Allusions occur in some of the traditions,
suggesting that in earlier times one class of kiva was devoted wholly to
the purposes of a ceremonial chamber, and was constantly occupied by a
priest. An altar and fetiches were permanently maintained, and
appropriate groups of these fetiches were displayed from month to month,
as the different priests of the sacred feasts succeeded each other, each
new moon bringing its prescribed feast.

Many of the kivas were built by religious societies, which still hold
their stated observances in them, and in Oraibi several still bear the
names of the societies using them. A society always celebrates in a
particular kiva, but none of these kivas are now preserved exclusively
for religious purposes; they are all places of social resort for the
men, especially during the winter, when they occupy themselves with the
arts common among them. The same kiva thus serves as a temple during a
sacred feast, at other times as a council house for the discussion of
public affairs. It is also used as a workshop by the industrious and as
a lounging place by the idle.

[Illustration: Plate LXI. Standing walls of Tâaaiyalana ruins.]

There are still traces of two classes of kiva, marked by the distinction
that only certain ones contain the sipapuh, and in these the more
important ceremonies are held. It is said that no sipapuh has been made
recently. The prescribed operation is performed by the chief and the
assistant priests or fetich keepers of the society owning the kiva. Some
say the mystic lore pertaining to its preparation is lost and none can
now be made. It is also said that a stone sipapuh was formerly used
instead of the cottonwood plank now commonly seen. The use of stone for
this purpose, however, is nearly obsolete, though the second kiva of
Shupaulovi, illustrated in plan in Fig. 25, contains an example of this
ancient form. In one of the newest kivas of Mashongnavi the plank of the
sipapuh is pierced with a square hole, which is cut with a shoulder, the
shoulder supporting the plug with which the orifice is closed (see Fig.
30). This is a decided innovation on the traditional form, as the
orifice from which the people emerged, which is symbolized in the
sipapuh, is described as being of circular form in all the versions of
the Tusayan genesis myth. The presence of the sipapuh possibly at one
time distinguished such kivas as were considered strictly consecrated to
religious observances from those that were of more general use. At
Tusayan, at the present time, certain societies do not meet in the
ordinary kiva but in an apartment of a dwelling house, each society
having its own exclusive place of meeting. The house so used is called
the house of the “Sister of the eldest brother,” meaning, probably, that
she is the descendant of the founder of the society. This woman’s house
is also called the “house of grandmother,” and in it is preserved the
tiponi and other fetiches of the society. The tiponi is a ceremonial
object about 18 inches long, consisting of feathers set upright around a
small disk of silicified wood, which serves as its base when set upon
the altar. This fetich is also called iso (grandmother), hence the name
given to the house where it is kept. In the house, where the order of
warriors (Kuleataka) meets, the eldest son of the woman who owns it is
the chief of the order. The apartment in which they meet is a low room
on the ground floor, and is entered only by a hatchway and ladder. There
is no sipapuh in this chamber, for the warriors appeal directly to
Cótukinungwa, the heart of the zenith, the sky god. Large figures of
animal fetiches are painted in different colors upon the walls. On the
west wall is the Mountain Lion; on the south, the Bear; on the east, the
Wild Cat, surmounted with a shield inclosing a star; on the north, the
White Wolf; and on the east side of this figure is painted a large disk,
representing the sun. The walls of the chambers of the other societies
are not decorated permanently. Here is, then, really another class of
kiva, although it is not so called by the people on the Walpi mesa. The
ordinary term for the ground story rooms is used, “kikoli,” the house
without any opening in its walls. But on the second mesa, and at Oraibi,
although they sometimes use this term kikoli, they commonly apply the
term “kiva” to the ground story of the dwelling house used as well as to
the underground chambers.

[Illustration: Fig. 30. Rectangular sipapuh in a Mashongnavi kiva.]

It is probable that a class of kivas, not specially consecrated, has
existed from a very early period. The rooms in the dwelling houses have
always been small and dark, and in early times without chimneys. Within
such cramped limits it was inconvenient for the men to practice any of
the arts they knew, especially weaving, which could have been carried on
out of doors, as is done still occasionally, but subject to many
interruptions. It is possible that a class of kivas was designed for
such ordinary purposes, though now one type of room seems to answer all
these various uses. In most of the existing kivas there are planks, in
which stout loops are secured, fixed in the floor close to the wall, for
attaching the lower beam of a primitive vertical loom, and projecting
vigas or beams are inserted into the walls at the time of their
construction as a provision for the attachment of the upper loom poles.
The planks or logs to which is attached the lower part of the loom
appear in some cases to be quite carefully worked. They are often partly
buried in the ground and under the edges of adjacent paving stones in
such a manner as to be held in place very securely against the strain of
the tightly stretched warp while the blanket is being made. The holes
pierced in the upper surface of these logs are very neatly executed in
the manner illustrated in Fig. 31, which shows one of the orifices in
section, together with the adjoining paving stones. The outward
appearance of the device, as seen at short intervals along the length of
the log, is also shown. Strips of buckskin or bits of rope are passed
through these U-shaped cavities, and then over the lower pole of the
loom at the bottom of the extended series of warp threads. The latter
can thus be tightened preparatory to the operation of filling in with
the woof. The kiva looms seem to be used mainly for weaving the
dark-blue and black blankets of diagonal and diamond pattern, which form
a staple article of trade with the Zuni and the Rio Grande Pueblos. As
an additional convenience for the practice of weaving, one of the kivas
of Mashongnavi is provided with movable seats. These consist simply of
single stones of suitable size and form. Usually they are 8 or 10 inches
thick, a foot wide, and perhaps 15 or 18 inches long. Besides their use
as seats, these stones are used in connection with the edges of the
stone slabs that cap the permanent benches of the kiva to support
temporarily the upper and lower poles of the blanket loom while the warp
is gradually wound around them. The large stones that are incorporated
into the side of the benches of some of the Mashongnavi kivas have
occasionally round, cup-shaped cavities, of about an inch in diameter,
drilled into them. These holes receive one end of a warp stick, the
other end, being supported in a corresponding hole of the heavy, movable
stone seat. The other warp stick is supported in a similar manner, while
the thread is passed around both in a horizontal direction preparatory
to placing and stretching it in a vertical position for the final
working of the blanket. A number of these cup-shaped pits are formed
along the side of the stone bench, to provide for various lengths of
warp that may be required. On the opposite side of this same kiva a
number of similar holes or depressions are turned into the mud
plastering of the wall. All these devices are of common occurrence at
other of the Tusayan kivas, and indicate the antiquity of the practice
of using the kivas for such industrial purposes. There is a suggestion
of similar use of the ancient circular kivas in an example in Canyon de
Chelly. At a small cluster of rooms, built partly on a rocky ledge and
partly on adjoining loose earth and rocky debris, a land slide had
carried away half of a circular kiva, exposing a well-defined section of
its floor and the debris within the room. Here the writer found a number
of partly finished sandals of yucca fiber, with the long, unwoven fiber
carefully wrapped about the finished portion of the work, as though the
sandals had been temporarily laid aside until the maker could again work
on them. A number of coils of yucca fiber, similar to that used in the
sandals, and several balls of brown fiber, formed from the inner bark of
the cedar, were found on the floor of the room. The condition of the
ruin and the debris that filled the kiva clearly suggested that these
specimens were in use just where they were found at the time of the
abandonment or destruction of the houses. No traces were seen, however,
of any structural devices like those of Tusayan that would serve as aids
to the weavers, though the weaving of the particular articles comprised
in the collection from this spot would probably not require any cumbrous
apparatus.

[Illustration: Fig. 31. Loom post in kiva at Tusayan.]

[Illustration: Plate LXII. Remains of a reservoir on Tâaaiyalana.]

_Kiva ownership._--The kiva is usually spoken of as being the home of
the organization which maintains it. Different kivas are not used in
common by all the inhabitants. Every man has a membership in some
particular one and he frequents that one only. The same person is often
a member of different societies, which takes him to different kivas, but
that is only on set occasions. There is also much informal visiting
among them, but a man presumes to make a loitering place only of the
kiva in which he holds membership.

In each kiva there is a kiva mungwi (kiva chief), and he controls to a
great extent all matters pertaining to the kiva and its membership. This
office or trust is hereditary and passes from uncle to nephew through
the female line--that is, on the death of a kiva chief the eldest son of
his eldest sister succeeds him.

A kiva may belong either to a society, a group of gentes, or an
individual. If belonging to a society or order, the kiva chief commonly
has inherited his office in the manner indicated from the “eldest
brother” of the society who assumed its construction. But the kiva chief
is not necessarily chief of the society; in fact, usually he is but an
ordinary member. A similar custom of inheritance prevails where the kiva
belongs to a group of gentes, only in that case the kiva chief is
usually chief of the gentile group.

As for those held by individuals, a couple of examples will illustrate
the Tusayan practice. In Hano the chief kiva was originally built by a
group of “Sun” gentes, but about 45 years ago, during an epidemic of
smallpox, all the people who belonged to the kiva died except one man.
The room fell into ruin, its roof timbers were carried off, and it
became filled up with dust and rubbish. The title to it, however, rested
with the old survivor, as all the more direct heirs had died, and he,
when about to die, gave the kiva to Kotshve, a “Snake” man from Walpi,
who married a Tewa (Hano) woman and still lives in Hano. This man
repaired it and renamed it Tokónabi (said to be a Pah-Ute term, meaning
black mountain, but it is the only name the Tusayan have for Navajo
Mountain) because his people (the “Snake”) came from that place. He in
turn gave it to his eldest son, who is therefore kiva mungwi, but the
son says his successor will be the eldest son of his eldest sister. The
membership is composed of men from all the Hano gentes, but not all of
any one gens. In fact, it is not now customary for all the members of a
gens to be members of the same kiva.

Another somewhat similar instance occurs in Sichumovi. A kiva, abandoned
for a long time after the smallpox plague, was taken possession of by an
individual, who repaired it and renamed it Kevinyáp tshómo--Oak Mound.
He made his friends its members, but he called the kiva his own. He also
says that his eldest sister’s son will succeed him as chief.

In each village one of the kivas, usually the largest one, is called
(aside from its own special name) mungkiva--chief kiva. It is frequented
by the kimungwi--house or village chief--and the tshaakmungwi--chief
talker, councillor--and in it also the more elaborate ceremonies are
observed.

No women frequent any of the kivas; in fact they never enter them except
to plaster the walls at customary periods, or during the occasion of
certain ceremonies. Yet one at least of the Oraibi kivas was built for
the observances of a society of women, the Mamzrántiki. This and another
female society--Lalénkobáki--exist in all the other villages, and on the
occasion of their festivals the women are given the exclusive use of one
of the kivas.

_Motives for building a kiva._--Only two causes are mentioned for
building a new kiva. Quarrels giving rise to serious dissensions among
the occupants of a kiva are one cause. An instance of this occurred
quite recently at Hano. The conduct of the kiva chief gave rise to
dissensions, and the members opposed to him prepared to build a separate
room of their own. They chose a gap on the side of the mesa cliff, close
to Hano, collected stones for the walls, and brought the roof timbers
from the distant wooded mesas; but when all was ready to lay the
foundation their differences were adjusted and a complete reconciliation
was effected.

[Illustration: Plate LXIII. Kin-tiel, plan (also showing
excavations).]

The other cause assigned is the necessity for additional room when a
gens has outgrown its kiva. When a gens has increased in numbers
sufficiently to warrant its having a second kiva, the chief of the
gentile group, who in this case is also chief of the order, proposes to
his kin to build a separate kiva, and that being agreed to, he assumes
the direction of the construction and all the dedicatory and other
ceremonies connected with the undertaking. An instance of this kind
occurred within the last year or two at Oraibi, where the members of the
“Katchina” gentes, who are also members of the religious order of
Katchina, built a spacious kiva for themselves.

The construction of a new kiva is said to be of rare occurrence. On the
other hand, it is common to hear the kiva chief lament the decadence of
its membership. In the “Oak Mound” kiva at Sichumovi there are now but
four members. The young men have married and moved to their wives’
houses in more thriving villages, and the older men have died. The chief
in this case also says that some 2 years ago the agent gave him a stove
and pipe, which he set up in the room to add to its comfort. He now has
grave fears that the stove is an evil innovation, and has exercised a
deleterious influence upon the fortune of his kiva and its members; but
the stove is still retained.

_Significance of structural plan._--The designation of the curious
orifice of the sipapuh as “the place from which the people emerged” in
connection with the peculiar arrangement of the kiva interior with its
change of floor level, suggested to the author that these features might
be regarded as typifying the four worlds of the genesis myth that has
exercised such an influence on Tusayan customs; but no clear data on
this subject were obtained by the writer, nor has Mr. Stephen, who is
specially well equipped for such investigations, discovered that a
definite conception exists concerning the significance of the structural
plan of the kiva. Still, from many suggestive allusions made by the
various kiva chiefs and others, he also has been led to infer that it
typifies the four “houses,” or stages, described in their creation
myths. The sipapuh, with its cavity beneath the floor, is certainly
regarded as indicating the place of beginning, the lowest house under
the earth, the abode of Myuingwa, the Creator; the main or lower floor
represents the second stage; and the elevated section of the floor is
made to denote the third stage, where animals were created. Mr. Stephen
observed, at the New Year festivals, that animal fetiches were set in
groups upon this platform. It is also to be noted that the ladder
leading to the surface is invariably made of pine, and always rests upon
the platform, never upon the lower floor, and in their traditional
genesis it is stated that the people climbed up from the third house
(stage) by a ladder of pine, and through such an opening as the kiva
hatchway; only most of the stories indicate that the opening was round.
The outer air is the fourth world, or that now occupied.

There are occasional references in the Tusayan traditions to circular
kivas, but these are so confused with fantastic accounts of early mythic
structures that their literal rendition would serve no useful purpose in
the present discussion.

_Typical measurements._--The following list is a record of a number
of measurements of Tusayan kivas collected by Mr. Stephen. The wide
difference between the end measurements of the same kiva are usually
due to the interior offsets that have been noticed on the plans, but
the differences in the lengths of the sides are due to irregularities
of the site. The latter differences are not so marked as the former.

+-----------------+------------------+---------+---------------+
| Width at ends. | Length of sides. |Height at| Height |
| | | center. | at ends. |
+-----------------+------------------+---------+---------------+
| 13 6 -- -- | 24 0 -- -- | 8 6 | -- -- -- -- |
| 12 0 -- -- | 21 9 -- -- | 7 6 | 6 6 -- -- |
| 14 6 14 6 | 24 6 23 3 | 8 0 | 6 6 6 6 |
| 12 2 12 11 | 23 9 23 9 | 7 10 | 6 1 6 0 |
| 12 6 12 6 | 26 0 25 3 | 7 6 | 6 6 6 6 |
| 13 4 12 10 | 26 8 26 7 | 7 10 | 7 0 7 0 |
| 15 0 13 6 | 26 6 24 11 | 7 4 | 6 3 6 2 |
| 12 6 11 5 | 23 7 21 9 | 8 0 | 7 0 7 0 |
| 12 5 13 5 | 22 8 24 1 | 7 3 | 6 1 6 9 |
| 10 6 13 6 | 27 0 27 0 | 8 3 | 6 3 6 2 |
| 13 6 11 6 | 29 9 29 0 | 11 0 | 5 11 -- -- |
| 14 6 -- -- | 28 6 28 6 | 9 8 | 6 0 -- -- |
| 13 2 14 0 | 28 9 29 9 | 8 6 | 7 0 6 4 |
| 15 1 14 0 | 28 6 -- -- | 9 6 | 7 3 6 6 |
| 13 0 12 6 | 28 7 29 6 | -- -- | 7 4 6 3 |
+-----------------+------------------+---------+---------------+

_List of Tusayan kivas._--The following list gives the present names
of all the kivas in use at Tusayan. The mungkiva or chief kiva of the
village is in each case designated:

HANO.
1. Toko´nabi kiva Navajo Mountain.
2. Hano sinte´ kiva Place of the Hano.
Toko´nabi kiva is the mungkiva.

WALPI.
1. Djiva´to kiva Goat.
2. Al kiva A´la, Horn.
3. Naca´b kiva Na´cabi, half-way or central.
4. Picku´ibi kiva Opening oak bud.[5]
Wikwa´lobi kiva Place of the watchers.
5. Mung kiva Mungwi chief.
No. 5 is the mungkiva.

[Footnote 5: These two names are common to the kiva in which the
Snake order meets and in which the indoor ceremonies pertaining to
the Snake-dance are celebrated.]

SICHUMOVI.
1. Bave´ntcomo Water mound.
2. Kwinzaptcomo Oak mound.
Bave´ntcomo is the mungkiva.

MASHONGNAVI.
1. Tcavwu´na kiva A small coiled-ware jar.
2. Hona´n kiva Honani, Badger, a gens.
3. Gy´arzohi kiva Gy´arzo, Paroquet, a gens.
4. Kotcobi kiva High place.
5. Al kiva A´la, Horn.
Teavwu´na kiva is the mungkiva.

SHUPAULOVI.
1. A´tkabi kiva Place below.
2. Kokyangobi kiva Place of spider.
A´tkabi kiva is the mungkiva.

SHUMOPAVI.
1. Nuvwa´tikyuobi High place of snow, San Francisco
Mountain.
2. Al kiva A´la, Horn.
3. Gy´arzobi Gy´arzo, Paroquet, a gens.
4. Tco´sobi Blue Jay, a gens.
Tco´sobi is the mungkiva.

ORAIBI.
1. Tdau kiva Tda´uollauwuh The singers.
2. Ha´wiobi kiva Ha´wi, stair; High stair place.
obi, high place.
3. Ish kiva Isa´uwuh Coyote, a gens.
4. Kwang kiva Kwa´kwanti Religious order.
5. Ma´zrau kiva Ma´mzrauti Female order.
6. Na´cabi kiva Half way or Central place.
7. Sa´kwalen kiva Sa´kwa le´na Blue Flute, a religious order.
8. Po´ngobi kiva Pongo, a circle An order who decorate
themselves with circular
marks on the body.
9. Hano´ kiva Ha´nomuh A fashion of cutting the hair.
10. Motc kiva Mo´mtci The Warriors, an order.
11. Kwita´koli kiva Kwita, ordure; Ordure heap.
ko´li, a heap.
12. Katcin kiva Katcina A gens.
13. Tcu kiva Tcua, a snake Religions order.
Tdau kiva is the mungkiva.

[Illustration: Plate LXIV. North wall of Kin-tiel.]

DETAILS OF TUSAYAN AND CIBOLA CONSTRUCTION.

WALLS.

The complete operation of building a wall has never been observed at
Zuñi by the writer, but a close examination of numerous finished and
some broken-down walls indicates that the methods of construction
adopted are essentially the same as those employed in Tusayan, which,
have been repeatedly observed; with the possible difference, however,
that in the former adobe mud mortar is more liberally used. A singular
feature of pueblo masonry as observed at Tusayan is the very sparing use
of mud in the construction of the walls; in fact, in some instances when
walls are built during the dry season, the larger stones are laid up in
the walls without the use of mud at all, and are allowed to stand in
this condition until the rains come; then the mud mortar is mixed, the
interstices of the walls filled in with it and with chinking stones, and
the inside walls are plastered. But the usual practice is to complete
the house at once, finishing it inside and out with the requisite
mortar. In some instances the outside walls are coated, completely
covering the masonry, but this is not done in many of the houses, as may
be seen by reference to the preceding illustrations of the Tusayan
villages. At Zuñi, on the other hand, a liberal and frequently renewed
coating of mud is applied to the walls. Only one piece of masonry was
seen in the entire village that did not have traces of this coating of
mud, viz, that portion of the second story wall of house No. 2 described
as possibly belonging to the ancient nucleus pueblo of Halona and
illustrated in Pl. LVIII. Even the rough masonry of the kivas is partly
surfaced with this medium, though many jagged stones are still visible.
As a result of this practice it is now in many cases impossible to
determine from mere superficial inspection whether the underlying
masonry has been constructed of stone or of adobe; a difficulty that may
be realized from an examination of the views of Zuñi in Chapter III.
Where the fall of water, such as the discharge from a roof-drain, has
removed the outer coating of mud that covers stonework and adobe alike,
a large proportion of these exposures reveal stone masonry, so that it
is clearly apparent that Zuñi is essentially a stone village. The
extensive use of sun-dried bricks of adobe has grown up within quite
recent times. It is apparent, however, that the Zuñi builders preferred
to use stone; and even at the present time they frequently eke out with
stonework portions of a house when the supply of adobe has fallen short.
An early instance of such supplementary use of stone masonry still
survives in the church building, where the old Spanish adobe has been
repaired and filled in with the typical tabular aboriginal masonry,
consisting of small stones carefully laid, with very little intervening
mortar showing on the face. Such reversion to aboriginal methods
probably took place on every opportunity, though it is remarkable that
the Indians should have been allowed to employ their own methods in this
instance. Although this church building has for many generations
furnished a conspicuous example of typical adobe construction to the
Zuñi, he has never taken the lesson sufficiently to heart to closely
imitate the Spanish methods either in the preparation of the material or
in the manner of its use. The adobe bricks of the church are of large
and uniform size, and the mud from which they were made had a liberal
admixture of straw. This binding material does not appear in Zuñi in any
other example of adobe that has been examined, nor does it seem to have
been utilized in any of the native pueblo work either at this place or
at Tusayan. Where molded adobe bricks have been used by the Zuñi in
housebuilding they have been made from the raw material just as it was
taken from the fields. As a result these bricks have little of the
durability of the Spanish work. Pl. XCVI illustrates an adobe wall of
Zuñi, part of an unroofed house. The old adobe church at Hawikuh (Pl.
XLVIII), abandoned for two centuries, has withstood the wear of time and
weather better than any of the stonework of the surrounding houses. On
the right-hand side of the street that shows in the foreground of Pl.
LXXVIII is an illustration of the construction of a wall with adobe
bricks. This example is very recent, as it has not yet been roofed over.
The top of the wall, however, is temporarily protected by the usual
series of thin sandstone slabs used in the finishing of wall copings.
The very rapid disintegration of native-made adobe walls has brought
about the use in Zuñi of many protective devices, some of which will be
noticed in connection with the discussion of roof drains and wall
copings. Figs. 32 and 33 illustrate a curious employment of pottery
fragments on a mud-plastered wall and on the base of a chimney to
protect the adobe coating against rapid erosion by the rains. These
pieces, usually fragments from large vessels, are embedded in the adobe
with the convex side out, forming an armor of pottery scales well
adapted to resist disintegration, by the elements.

[Illustration: Plate LXV. Standing walls of Kin-tiel.]

[Illustration: Fig. 32. A Zuñi chimney, showing pottery fragments
embedded in its adobe base.]

[Illustration: Fig. 33. A Zuñi oven with pottery scales embedded in
its surface.]

The introduction of the use of adobe in Zuñi should probably be
attributed to foreign influence, but the position of the village in the
open plain at a distance of several miles from the nearest outcrop of
suitable building stone naturally led the builders to use stone more
sparingly when an available substitute was found close at hand. The thin
slabs of stone, which had to be brought from a great distance, came to
be used only for the more exposed portions of buildings, such as copings
on walls and borders around roof openings. Still, the pueblo builders
never attained to a full appreciation of the advantages and requirements
of this medium as compared with stone. The adobe walls are built only as
thick as is absolutely necessary, few of them being more than a foot in
thickness. The walls are thus, in proportion, to height and weight,
sustained, thinner than the crude brick construction of other peoples,
and require protection and constant repairs to insure durability. As to
thickness, they are evidently modeled directly after the walls of stone
masonry, which had already, in both Tusayan and Cibola, been pushed to
the limit of thinness. In fact, since the date of the survey of Zuñi, on
which the published plan is based, the walls of several rooms over the
court passageway in the house, illustrated in Pl. LXXXII, have entirely
fallen in, demonstrating the insufficiency of the thin walls to sustain
the weight of several stories.

The climate of the pueblo region is not wholly suited to the employment
of adobe construction, as it is there practiced. For several months in
the year (the rainy season) scarcely a day passes without violent storms
which play havoc with the earth-covered houses, necessitating constant
vigilance and frequent repairs on the part of the occupants.

Though the practice of mud-coating all walls has in Cibola undoubtedly
led to greater carelessness and a less rigid adherence to ancient
methods of construction, the stone masonry may still be seen to retain
some of the peculiarities that characterize ancient examples. Features
of this class are still more apparent at Tusayan, and notwithstanding
the rudeness of much of the modern stone masonry of this province, the
fact that the builders are familiar with the superior methods of the
ancient builders, is clearly shown in the masonry of the present
villages.

[Illustration: Plate LXVI. Kinna-Zinde.]

Perhaps the most noteworthy characteristic of pueblo masonry, and one
which is more or less present in both ancient and modern examples, is
the use of small chinking stones for bringing the masonry to an even
face after the larger stones forming the body of the wall have been laid
in place. This method of construction has, in the case of some of the
best built ancient pueblos, such as those on the Chaco in New Mexico,
resulted in the production of marvelously finished stone walls, in which
the mosaic-like bits are so closely laid as to show none but the finest
joints on the face of the wall with but little trace of mortar. The
chinking wedges necessarily varied greatly in dimensions to suit the
sizes of the interstices between the larger stones of the wall. The use
of stone in this manner no doubt suggested the banded walls that form so
striking a feature in some of the Chaco houses. This arrangement was
likely to be brought about by the occurrence in the cliffs of seams of
stone of two degrees of thickness, suggesting to the builders the use of
stones of similar thickness in continuous bands. The ornamental effect
of this device was originally an accidental result of adopting the most
convenient method of using the material at hand. Though the masonry of
the modern pueblos does not afford examples of distinct bands, the
introduction of the small chinking spalls often follows horizontal lines
of considerable length. Even in mud-plastered Zuñi, many outcrops of
these thin, tabular wedges protrude from the partly eroded mudcoating of
a wall and indicate the presence of this kind of stone masonry. An
example is illustrated in Fig. 34, a tower-like projection at the
northeast corner of house No. 2.

[Illustration: Fig. 34. Stone wedges of Zuñi masonry exposed in
rain-washed wall.]

[Illustration: Fig. 35. An unplastered house wall in Ojo Caliente.]

[Illustration: Plate LXVII. Nutria, plan.]

In the Tusayan house illustrated in Pl. LXXXIV, the construction of
which was observed at Oraibi, the interstices between the large stones
that formed the body of the wall, containing but small quantities of mud
mortar, were filled in or plugged with small fragments of stone, which,
after being partly embedded in the mud of the joint, were driven in with
unhafted stone hammers, producing a fairly even face of masonry,
afterward gone over with mud plastering of the consistency of modeling
clay, applied a handful at a time. Piled up on the ground near the new
house at convenient points for the builders may be seen examples of the
larger wall stones, indicating the marked tabular character of the
pueblo masons’ material. The narrow edges of similar stones are visible
in the unplastered portions of the house wall, which also illustrates
the relative proportion of chinking stones. This latter, however, is a
variable feature. Pl. XV affords a clear illustration of the proportion
of these small stones in the old masonry of Payupki; while in Pl. XI,
illustrating a portion of the outer wall of the Fire House, the tablets
are fewer in number and thinner, their use predominating in the
horizontal joints, as in the best of the old examples, but not to the
same extent. Fig. 35 illustrates the inner face of an unplastered wall
of a small house at Ojo Caliente, in which the modern method of using
the chinking stones is shown. This example bears a strong resemblance to
the Payupki masonry illustrated in Pl. XV in the irregularity with which
the chinking stones are distributed in the joints of the wall. The same
room affords an illustration of a cellar-like feature having the
appearance of an intentional excavation to attain a depth for this room
corresponding to the adjoining floor level, but this effect is due
simply to a clever adaptation of the house wall to an existing ledge of
sandstone. The latter has had scarcely any artificial treatment beyond
the partial smoothing of the rock in a few places and the cutting out of
a small niche from the rocky wall. This niche occupies about the same
position in this room that it does in the ordinary pueblo house. It is
remarkable that the pueblo builders did not to a greater extent utilize
their skill in working stone in the preparation of some of the irregular
rocky sites that they have at times occupied for the more convenient
reception of their wall foundations; but in nearly all such cases the
buildings have been modified to suit the ground. An example of this
practice is illustrated in Pl. XXIII, from the west side of Walpi. In
some of the ancient examples the labor required to so prepare the sites
would not have exceeded that expended on the massive masonry composed of
numberless small stones. Many of the older works testify to the
remarkable patience and industry of the builders in amassing and
carefully adjusting vast quantities of building materials, and the
modern Indians of Tusayan and Cibola have inherited much of this ancient
spirit; yet this industry was rarely diverted to the excavation of room
or village sites, except in the case of the kivas, in which special
motives led to the practice. In some of the Chaco pueblos, as now seen,
the floors of outer marginal rooms seem to be depressed below the
general level of the surrounding soil; but it is now difficult to
determine whether such was the original arrangement, as much sand and
soil have drifted against the outer walls, raising the surface. In none
of the pueblos within the limits of the provinces under discussion has
there been found any evidence of the existence of underground cellars;
the rooms that answer such purpose are built on the level of the ground.
At Tusayan the ancient practice of using the ground-floor rooms for
storage still prevails. In these are kept the dried fruit, vegetables,
and meats that constitute the principal winter food of the Tusayan.
Throughout Tusayan the walls of the first terrace rooms are not finished
with as much care as those above that face the open courts. A quite
smoothly finished coat of adobe is often seen in the upper stories, but
is much more rarely applied to the rough masonry of the ground-floor
rooms. At Zuñi no such difference of treatment is to be seen, a result
of the recent departure from their original defensive use. At the
present day most of the rooms that are built on the ground have external
doors, often of large size, and are regarded by the Zuñi as preferable
to the upper terraces as homes. This indicates that the idea of
convenience has already largely overcome the traditional defensive
requirements of pueblo arrangement. The general finish and quality of
the masonry, too, does not vary noticeably in different portions of the
village. An occasional wall may be seen in which underlying stones may
be traced through the thin adobe covering, as in one of the walls of the
court illustrated in Pl. LXXXII, but most of the walls have a fairly
smooth finish. The occasional examples of rougher masonry do not seem to
be confined to any particular portion of the village. At Tusayan, on the
other hand, there is a noticeable difference in the extent to which the
finishing coat of adobe has been used in the masonry. The villages of
the first mesa, whose occupants have come in frequent contact with the
eastern pueblo Indians and with outsiders generally, show the effect in
the adoption of several devices still unknown to their western
neighbors, as is shown in the discussion of the distribution of roof
openings in these villages, pp. 201-208. The builders of the first mesa
seem also to have imitated their eastern brethren in the free use of the
adobe coating over their masonry, while at the villages of the middle
mesa, and particularly at Oraibi, the practice has been comparatively
rare, imparting an appearance of ruggedness and antiquity to the
architecture.

The stonework of this village, perhaps approaches the ancient types more
closely than that of the others, some of the walls being noticeable for
the frequent use of long bond stones. The execution of the masonry at
the corners of some of the houses enforces this resemblance and
indicates a knowledge of the principles of good construction in the
proper alternation of the long stones. A comparison with the Kin-tiel
masonry (Pl. LXXXIX) will show this resemblance. As a rule in pueblo
masonry an upper house wall was supported along its whole length by a
wall of a lower story, but occasional exceptions occur in both ancient
and modern work, where the builders have dared to trust the weight of
upper walls to wooden beams or girders, supported along part of their
length by buttresses from the walls at their ends or by large, clumsy
pieces of masonry, as was seen in the house of Sichumovi. In an upper
story of Walpi also, partitions occur that are not built immediately
over the lower walls, but on large beams supported on masonry piers.
In the much higher terraces of Zuñi, the strength of many of the inner
ground walls must be seriously taxed to withstand the superincumbent
weight, as such walls are doubtless of only the average thickness and
strength of ground walls. The dense clustering of this village has
certainly in some instances thrown the weight of two, three, or even
four additional, stories upon walls in which no provision was made for
the unusual strain. The few supporting walls that were accessible to
inspection did not indicate any provision in their thickness for the
support of additional weight; in fact, the builders of the original
walls could have no knowledge of their future requirements in this
respect. In the pueblos of the Chaco upper partition walls were, in a
few instances, supported directly on double girders, two posts of 12 or
14 inches in diameter placed side by side, without reinforcement by
stone piers or buttresses, the room below being left wholly
unobstructed. This construction was practicable for the careful builders
of the Chaco, but an attempt by the Tusayan to achieve the same result
would probably end in disaster. It was quite common among the ancient
builders to divide the ground or storage floor into smaller rooms than
the floor above, still preserving the vertical alignment of the walls.

[Illustration: Plate LXVIII. Nutria, view.]

The finish of pueblo masonry rarely went far beyond the two leading
forms, to which attention has been called, the free use of adobe on the
one hand and the banded arrangement of ancient masonry on the other.
These types appear to present development along divergent lines. The
banded feature doubtless reached such a point of development in the
Chaco pueblos that its decorative value began to be appreciated, for it
is apparent that its elaboration has extended far beyond the
requirements of mere utility. This point would never have been reached
had the practice prevailed of covering the walls with a coating of mud.
The cruder examples of banded construction, however--those that still
kept well within constructional expediency--were doubtless covered with
a coating of plaster where they occurred inside of the rooms. At Tusayan
and Cibola, on the other hand, the tendency has been rather to elaborate
the plastic element of the masonry. The nearly universal use of adobe is
undoubtedly largely responsible for the more slovenly methods of
building now in vogue, as it effectually conceals careless construction.
It is not to be expected that walls would be carefully constructed of
banded stonework when they were to be subsequently covered with mud. The
elaboration of the use of adobe and its employment as a periodical
coating for the dwellings, probably developed gradually into the use of
a whitewash for the house walls, resulting finally in crude attempts at
wall decoration.

Many of the interiors in Zuñi are washed with a coating of white, clayey
gypsum, used in the form of a solution made by dissolving in hot water
the lumps of the raw material, found in many localities. The mixture is
applied to the walls while hot, and is spread by means of a rude
glove-like sack, made of sheep or goat skin, with the hair side out.
With this primitive brush the Zuñi housewives succeed in laying on a
smooth and uniform coating over the plaster. An example of this class of
work was observed in a room of house No. 2. It is difficult to determine
to what extent this idea is aboriginal; as now employed it has doubtless
been affected by the methods of the neighboring Spanish population,
among whom the practice of white-coating the adobe houses inside and out
is quite common. Several traces of whitewashing have been found among
the cliff-dwellings of Canyon de Chelly, notably at the ruin known as
Casa Blanca, but as some of these ruins contained evidences of
post-Spanish occupation, the occurrence there of the whitewash does not
necessarily imply any great antiquity for the practice.

External use of this material is much rarer, particularly in Zuñi, where
only a few walls of upper stories are whitened. Where it is not
protected from the rains by an overhanging coping or other feature, the
finish is not durable. Occasionally where a doorway or other opening has
been repaired the evidences of patchwork are obliterated by a
surrounding band of fresh plastering, varying in width from 4 inches to
a foot or more. Usually this band is laid on as a thick wash of adobe,
but in some instances a decorative effect is attained by using white.
It is curious to find that at Tusayan the decorative treatment of the
finishing wash has been carried farther than at Zuñi. The use of a
darker band of color about the base of a whitewashed room has already
been noticed in the description of a Tusayan interior. On many of the
outer walls of upper stories the whitewash has been stopped within a
foot of the coping, the unwhitened portion of the walls at the top
having the effect of a frieze. In a second story house of Mashongnavi,
that had been carefully whitewashed, additional decorative effect was
produced by tinting a broad band about the base of the wall with an
application of bright pinkish clay, which was also carried around the
doorway as an enframing band, as in the case of the Zuñi door above
described. The angles on each side, at the junction of the broad base
band with the narrower doorway border, were filled in with a design of
alternating pink and white squares. This doorway is illustrated in Fig.
36. Farther north, on the same terrace, the jamb of a whitewashed
doorway was decorated with the design shown on the right hand side of
Fig. 36, executed also in pink clay. This design closely resembles a
pattern that is commonly embroidered upon the large white “kachina,” or
ceremonial blankets. It is not known whether the device is here regarded
as having any special significance. The pink clay in which these designs
have been executed has in Sichumovi been used for the coating of an
entire house front.

[Illustration: Fig. 36. Wall decorations in Mashongnavi executed in
pink on a white ground].

In addition to the above-mentioned uses of stone and earth in the
masonry of house walls, the pueblo builders have employed both these
materials in a more primitive manner in building the walls of corrals
and gardens, and for other purposes. The small terraced gardens of Zuñi,
located on the borders of the village on the southwest and southeast
sides, close to the river bank, are each surrounded by walls 2½ or 3
feet high, of very light construction, the average thickness not
exceeding 6 or 8 inches. These rude walls are built of small,
irregularly rounded lumps of adobe, formed by hand, and coarsely
plastered with mud. When the crops are gathered in the fall the walls
are broken down in places to facilitate access to the inclosures, so
that they require repairing at each planting season. Aside from this
they are so frail as to require frequent repairs throughout the period
of their use. This method of building walls was adopted because it was
the readiest and least laborious means of inclosing the required space.
The character of these garden walls is illustrated in Pl. XC, and their
construction with rough lumps of crude adobe shows also the contrast
between the weak appearance of this work and the more substantial effect
of the masonry of the adjoining unfinished house. At the Cibolan farming
pueblos inclosing walls were usually made of stone, as were also those
of Tusayan. Pl. LXX indicates the manner in which the material has been
used in the corrals of Pescado, located within the village. The stone
walls are used in combination with stakes, such as are employed at the
main pueblo.

[Illustration: Plate LXIX. Pescado, plan.]

Small inclosed gardens, like those of Zuñi, occur at several points in
Tusayan. The thin walls are made of dry masonry, quite as rude in
character as those inclosing the Zuñi gardens. The smaller clusters are
usually located in the midst of large areas of broken stone that has
fallen from the mesa above. In the foreground of Pl. XXII may be seen a
number of examples of such work. Pl. XCI illustrates a group of corrals
at Oraibi whose walls are laid up without the use of mud mortar.

Where exceptionally large blocks of stone are available they have been
utilized in an upright position, and occur at greater or less intervals
along the thin walls of dry masonry. An example of this use was seen in
a garden wall on the west side of Walpi, where the stones had been set
on end in the yielding surface of a sandy slope among the foothills.
A similar arrangement, occurring close to the houses at Ojo Caliente,
is illustrated in Pl. XCII. Large, upright slabs of stone have been used
by the pueblo builders in many ways, sometimes incorporated into the
architecture of the houses, and again in detached positions at some
distance from the villages. Pls. XCIII and XCIV, drawn from the
photographs of Mr. W. H. Jackson, afford illustrations of this usage in
the ancient ruins of Montezuma Canyon. In the first of these cases the
stones were utilized, apparently, in house masonry. Among the ruins in
the valley of the San Juan and its tributaries, as described by Messrs.
W. H. Holmes and W. H. Jackson, varied arrangements of upright slabs of
stone are of frequent occurrence. The rows of stones are sometimes
arranged in squares, sometimes in circles, and occasionally are
incorporated into the walls of ordinary masonry, as in the example
illustrated. Isolated slabs are also met with among the ruins. At
K’iakima, at a point near the margin of the ruin, occurs a series of
very large, upright slabs, which occupy the positions of headstones to a
number of small inclosures, thought to be mortuary, outlined upon the
ground. These have been already described in connection with the ground
plan of this village.

The employment of upright slabs of stone to mark graves probably
prevailed to some extent in ancient practice, but other uses suggest
themselves. Occupying a conspicuous point in the village of Kin-tiel
(Pl. LXIII) is an upright slab of sandstone which seems to stand in its
original position undisturbed, though the walls of the adjoining rooms
are in ruins. A similar feature was seen at Peñasco Blanco, on the east
side of the village and a short distance without the inclosing wall.
Both these rude pillars are, in character and in position, very similar
to an upright stone of known use at Zuñi. A hundred and fifty feet from
this pueblo is a large upright block of sandstone, which is said to be
used as a datum point in the observations of the sun made by a priest of
Zuñi for the regulation of the time for planting and harvesting, for
determining the new year, and for fixing the dates of certain other
ceremonial observances. By the aid of such devices as the native priests
have at their command they are enabled to fix the date of the winter
solstice with a fair degree of accuracy. Such rude determination of time
was probably an aboriginal invention, and may have furnished the motive
in other cases for placing stone pillars in such unusual positions. The
explanation of the governor of Zuñi for a sun symbol seen on an upright
stone at Matsaki has been given in the description of that place. Single
slabs are also used, as seen in the easternmost room group of
Tâaaiyalana, and in the southwestern cluster on the same mesa, in the
building of shrines for the deposit of plume sticks and other ceremonial
objects.

An unusual employment of small stones in an upright position occurs at
Zuñi. The inclosing wall of the church yard, still used as a burial
place, is provided at intervals along its top with upright pieces of
stone set into the joints of a regular coping course that caps the wall.
This feature may have some connection with the idea of vertical grave
stones, noted at K’iakima. It is difficult to surmise what practical
purpose could have been subserved by these small upright stones.

Notwithstanding the use of large stones for special purposes the pueblo
builders rarely appreciated the advantages that might be obtained by the
proper use of such material. Pueblo masonry is essentially made up of
small, often minute, constructional units. This restriction doubtless
resulted in a higher degree of mural finish than would otherwise have
been attained, but it also imposes certain limitations upon their
architectural achievement. Some of these are noted in the discussion of
openings and of other details of construction.

Pl. XLV, an illustration of a Mormon mill building at Moen-kopi, already
referred to in the description of that village, is introduced for the
purpose of comparing the methods adopted by the natives and by the
whites in the treatment of the same class of material. Perhaps the most
noteworthy contrast is seen in the sills and lintels of the openings.

ROOFS AND FLOORS.

In the pueblo system of building, roof and floor is one; for all the
floors, except such as are formed immediately on the surface of the
ground, are at the same time the roofs and ceilings of lower rooms. The
pueblo plan of to-day readily admits of additions at any time and almost
at any point of the basal construction. The addition of rooms above
converts a roof into the floor of the new room, so that there can be no
distinction in method of construction between floors and roofs, except
the floors are occasionally covered with a complete paving of thin stone
slabs, a device that in external roofs is confined to the copings that
cap the walls and enframe openings.

[Illustration: Plate LXX. Court view of Pescado, showing corrals.]

[Illustration: Fig. 37. Diagram of Zuñi roof construction.]

The methods of roofing their houses practiced by the pueblo builders
varied but little, and followed the general order of construction that
has been outlined in describing Tusayan house building. The diagram,
shown in Fig. 37, an isometric projection illustrating roof
construction, is taken from a Zuñi example, the building of which was
observed by the writer. The roof is built by first a series of principal
beams or rafters. These are usually straight, round poles of 6 or 8
inches in diameter, with all bark and projecting knots removed. Squared
beams are of very rare occurrence; the only ones seen were those of the
Tusayan kivas, of Spanish manufacture. In recently constructed houses
the principal beams are often of large size and are very neatly squared
off at the ends. Similar square ended beams of large size are met with
in the ancient work of the Chaco pueblos, but there the enormous labor
involved in producing the result with only the aid of stone implements
is in keeping with the highly finished character of the masonry and the
general massiveness of the construction. The same treatment was adopted
in Kin-tiel, as may be seen in Pl. XCV, which illustrates a beam resting
upon a ledge or offset of the inner walls. The recent introduction of
improved mechanical aids has exerted a strong influence on the character
of the construction in greatly facilitating execution. The use of the
American ax made it a much easier task to cut large timbers, and the
introduction of the “burro” and ox greatly facilitated their
transportation. In the case of the modern pueblos, such as Zuñi, the
dwelling rooms that were built by families so poor as not to have these
aids would to some extent indicate the fact by their more primitive
construction, and particularly by their small size, in this respect more
closely resembling the rooms of the ancient pueblos. As a result the
poorer classes would be more likely to perpetuate primitive devices,
through the necessity for practicing methods that to the wealthier
members of the tribe were becoming a matter of tradition only. In such a
sedentary tribe as the present Zuñi, these differences of wealth and
station are more marked than one would expect to find among a people
practicing a style of architecture so evidently influenced by the
communal principle, and the architecture of to-day shows the effect of
such distinctions. In the house of the governor of Zuñi a new room has
been recently built, in which the second series of the roof, that
applied over the principal beams, consisted of pine shakes or shingles,
and these supported the final earth covering without any intervening
material. In the typical arrangement, however, illustrated in the
figure, the first series, or principal beams, are covered by another
series of small poles, about an inch and a half or two inches in
diameter, at right angles to the first, and usually laid quite close
together. The ends of these small poles are partially embedded in the
masonry of the walls. In an example of the more careful and laborious
work of the ancient builders seen at Peñasco Blanco, on the Chaco, the
principal beams were covered with narrow boards, from 2 to 4 inches wide
and about 1 inch thick, over which was put the usual covering of earth.
The boards had the appearance of having been split out with wedges, the
edges and faces having the characteristic fibrous appearance of torn or
split wood. At Zuñi an instance occurs where split poles have been used
for the second series of a roof extending through the whole thickness of
the wall and projecting outside, as is commonly the case with the first
series. A similar arrangement was seen in a ruined tower in the vicinity
of Fort Wingate, New Mexico. In the typical roof construction
illustrated the second series is covered with small twigs or brush,
laid in close contact and at right angles to the underlying series, or
parallel with the main beams. Pl. XCVI, illustrating an unroofed adobe
house in Zuñi, shows several bundles of this material on an adjoining
roof. This series is in turn covered with a layer of grass and small
brush, again at right angles, which prepares the frame for the reception
of the final earth covering, this latter being the fifth application to
the roof. In the example illustrated the entire earth covering of the
roof was finished in a single application of the material. It has been
seen that at Tusayan a layer of moistened earth is applied, followed by
a thicker layer of the dry soil.

In ancient construction, the method of arranging the material varied
somewhat. In some cases series 3 was very carefully constructed of
straight willow wands laid side by side in contact. This gave a very
neat appearance to the ceiling within the room. Examples were seen in
Canyon de Chelly, at Mummy Cave, and at Hungo Pavie and Pueblo Bonito on
the Chaco.

[Illustration: Plate LXXI. Pescado houses.]

Again examples occur where series 2 is composed of 2-inch poles in
contact and the joints are chinked on the upper side with small stones
to prevent the earth from sifting through. This arrangement was seen in
a small cluster on the canyon bottom on the de Chelly.

The small size of available roofing rafters has at Tusayan brought about
a construction of clumsy piers of masonry in a few of the larger rooms,
which support the ends of two sets of main girders, and these in turn
carry series 1, or the main ceiling beams of the roof. The girders are
generally double, an arrangement that has been often employed in ancient
times, as many examples occur among the ruins. The purpose of such
arrangement may have been to admit of the abutment of the ends of series
1, when the members of the latter were laid in contact. In the absence
of squared beams, which seem never to have been used in the old work,
this abutment could only be securely accomplished by the use of double
girders, as suggested in the following diagram, Fig. 38.

[Illustration: Fig. 38. Showing abutment of smaller roof beams over
round girders.]

The final roof covering, composed of clay, is usually laid on very
carefully and firmly, and, when the surface is unbroken, answers fairly
well as a watershed. A slight slope or fall is given to the roof. This
roof subserves every purpose of a front yard to the rooms that open upon
it, and seems to be used exactly like the ground itself. Sheepskins are
stretched and pegged out upon it for tanning or drying, and the
characteristic Zuñi dome-shaped oven is frequently built upon it. In
Zuñi generally upper rooms are provided only with a mud floor, although
occasionally the method of paving with large thin slabs of stone is
adopted. These are often somewhat irregular in form, the object being to
have them as large as possible, so that considerable ingenuity is often
displayed in selecting the pieces and in joining the irregular edges.
This arrangement, similar to that of the kiva floors of Tusayan, is
occasionally met with in the kivas.

In making excavations at Kin-tiel, the floor of the ground room in which
the circular door illustrated in Pl. C, was found was paved with large,
irregular fragments of stone, the thickness of which did not average
more than an inch. Its floor, whose paving was all in place, was strewn
with broken, irregular fragments similar in character, which must have
been used as the flooring of an upper chamber.

WALL COPINGS AND ROOF DRAINS.

In the construction of the typical pueblo house the walls are carried up
to the height of the roof surface, and are then capped with a continuous
protecting coping of thin flat stones, laid in close contact, their
outer edges flush with the face of the wall. This arrangement is still
the prevailing one at Tusayan, though there is an occasional example of
the projecting coping that practically forms a cornice. This latter is
the more usual form at Zuñi, though in the farming pueblos of Cibola it
does not occur with any greater frequency than at Tusayan. The flush
coping is in Tusayan made of the thinnest and most uniform specimens of
building stone available, but these are not nearly so well adapted to
the purpose as those found in the vicinity of Zuñi.

Here the projecting stones are of singularly regular and symmetrical
form, and receive very little artificial treatment. Their extreme
thinness makes it easy to trim off the projecting corners and angles,
reducing them to such a form that they can be laid in close contact.
Thus laid they furnish an admirable protection against the destructive
action of the violent rains. The stones are usually trimmed to a width
corresponding to the thickness of the walls. Of course where a
projecting cornice is built, it can be made, to some extent, to conform
to the width of available coping stones. These can usually be procured,
however, of nearly uniform width. In the case of the overhanging
cornices the necessary projection is attained by continuing either the
main roof beams, or sometimes the smaller poles of the second series,
according to the position of the required cornice, for a foot or more
beyond the outer face of the wall. Over these poles the roofing is
continued as in ordinary roof construction with the exception that the
edge of the earth covering is built of masonry, an additional precaution
against its destruction by the rains. In many places the adobe
plastering originally applied to the faces of these cornices, as well as
to the walls, has been washed away, exposing the whole construction. In
some of these instances the face of the cornice furnishes a complete
section of the roof, in which all the series of its construction can be
readily identified. The protective agency of these coping stones is well
illustrated in Pl. XCVII, which shows the destructive effect of rain at
a point where an open joint has admitted enough water to bare the
masonry of the cornice face, eating through its coating of adobe, while
at the firmly closed joint toward the left there has been no erosive
action. The much larger proportion of projecting copings or cornices in
Zuñi, as compared with Tusayan, is undoubtedly attributable to the
universal smoothing of the walls with adobe, and to the more general use
of this perishable medium in this village, and the consequent necessity
for protecting the walls. The efficiency of this means of protecting the
wall against the wear of weather is seen in the preservation of external
whitewashing for several feet below such a cornice on the face of the
walls. At the pueblo of Acoma a similar extensive use of projecting
cornices is met with, particularly on the third story walls. Here again
it is due to the use of adobe, which has been more frequently employed
in the finish of the higher and newer portions of the village than in
the lower terraces. As a rule these overhanging copings occur
principally on the southern exposures of the buildings and on the
terraced sides of house rows. When walls rise to the height of several
stories directly from the ground, such as the back walls of house rows,
they are not usually provided with this feature but are capped with
flush copings.

[Illustration: Plate LXXII. Fragments of ancient masonry in Pescado.]

The rapid and destructive erosion of the earthen roof covering must have
early stimulated the pueblo architect to devise means for promptly
distributing where it would do the least harm, the water which came upon
his house. This necessity must have led to the early use of roof drains,
for in no other way could the ancient builders have provided for the
effectual removal of the water from the roofs and at the same time have
preserved intact the masonry of the walls. Unfortunately we have no
examples of such features in the ruined pueblos, for in the destruction
or decay of the houses they are among the first details to be lost. The
roof drain in the modern architecture becomes a very prominent feature,
particularly at Zuñi.

[Illustration: Fig. 39. Single stone roof drains.]

[Illustration: Fig. 40. Trough roof drains of stone.]

These drains are formed by piercing an opening through the thickness of
the coping wall, at a point where the drainage from the roof would
collect, the opening being made with a decided pitch and furnished with
a spout or device of some kind to insure the discharge of the water
beyond the face of the wall. These spouts assume a variety of forms.
Perhaps the most common is that of a single long, narrow slab of stone,
set at a suitable angle and of sufficient projection to throw the
discharge clear of the wall. Fig. 39 illustrates drains of this type,
No. 1 being a Tusayan example and No. 2 from Zuñi. It will be noted that
the surrounding masonry of the former, as well as the stone itself, are
much ruder than the Zuñi example. Another type of drain, not differing
greatly from the preceding, is illustrated in Fig. 40. This form is a
slight improvement on the single stone drain, as it is provided with
side pieces which convert the device into a trough-like spout, and more
effectually direct the discharge. No. 1 is a Tusayan spout and No. 2 a
Zuñi example. Wooden spouts are also commonly used for this purpose.
Fig. 41 illustrates an example from each province of this form of drain.
These are usually made from small tree trunks, not exceeding 3 or 4
inches in diameter, and are gouged out from one side. No tubular
specimens of wooden spouts were seen. At Tusayan the builders have
utilized stone of a concretionary formation for roof drains. The workers
in stone could not wish for material more suitably fashioned for the
purpose than these specimens. Two of these curious stone channels are
illustrated in Fig. 42. Two more examples of Tusayan roof drains are
illustrated in Fig. 43. The first of the latter shows the use of a
discarded metate, or mealing stone, and the second of a gourd that has
been walled into the coping.

[Illustration: Fig. 41. Wooden roof drains.]

[Illustration: Fig. 42. Curved roof drains of stone in Tusayan.]

[Illustration: Plate LXXIV. General view of Ojo Caliente.]

It is said that tubes of clay were used at Awatubi in olden times for
roof drains, but there remains no positive evidence of this. Three forms
of this device are attributed to the people of that village. Some are
said to have been made of wood, others of stone, and some again of
sun-dried clay. The native explanation of the use in this connection of
sun-dried clay, instead of the more durable baked product, was that the
application of fire to any object that water passes through would be
likely to dry up the rains. It was stated in this connection that at the
present day the cobs of the corn used for planting are not burned until
rain has fallen on the crop. If the clay spout described really existed
among the people at Awatubi, it was likely to have been an innovation
introduced by the Spanish missionaries. Among the potsherds picked up at
this ruin was a small piece of coarsely made clay tube, which seemed to
be too large and too roughly modeled to have been the handle of a ladle,
which it roughly resembled, or to have belonged to any other known form
of domestic pottery. As a roof drain its use would not accord with the
restrictions referred to in the native account, as the piece had been
burnt.

[Illustration: Fig. 43. Tusayan roof drains; a discarded metate and
a gourd.]

In some cases in Zuñi where drains discharge from the roofs of upper
terraces directly upon those below, the lower roofs and also the
adjoining vertical walls are protected by thin tablets of stone, as
shown in Fig. 44. It will be seen that one of these is placed upon the
lower roof in such a position that the drainage falls directly upon it.
Where the adobe roof covering is left unprotected its destruction by the
rain is very rapid, as the showers of the rainy season in these regions,
though usually of short duration, are often extremely violent. The force
of the torrents is illustrated in the neighboring country. Here small
ruts in the surface of the ground are rapidly converted into large
arroyos. Frequently ordinary wagon tracks along a bit of valley slope
serve as an initial channel to the rapidly accumulating waters and are
eaten away in a few weeks so that the road becomes wholly impassable,
and must be abandoned for a new one alongside.

[Illustration: Fig. 44. Zuñi roof drain, with splash stones on roof
below.]

The shiftlessness of the native builders in the use of the more
convenient material brings its own penalty during this season in a
necessity for constant watchfulness and frequent repairs to keep the
houses habitable. One can often see in Zuñi where an inefficient drain
or a broken coping has given the water free access to the face of a
plastered wall, carrying away all its covering and exposing in a
vertical space the jagged stones of the underlying masonry. It is
noticeable that much more attention has been paid to protective devices
at Zuñi than at Tusayan. This is undoubtedly due to the prevalent use of
adobe in the former. This friable material must be protected at all
vulnerable points with slabs of stone in order quickly to divert the
water and preserve the roofs and walls from destruction.

LADDERS AND STEPS.

In the inclosed court of the old fortress pueblos the first terrace was
reached only by means of ladders, but the terraces or rooms above this
were reached both by ladders and steps. The removal of the lower tier of
ladders thus gave security against intrusion and attack. The builders of
Tusayan have preserved this primitive arrangement in much greater purity
than those of Cibola.

[Illustration: Plate LXXV. House at Ojo Caliente.]

In Zuñi numerous ladders are seen on every terrace, but the purpose of
these, on the highest terraces, is not to provide access to the rooms of
the upper story, which always have external doors opening on the
terraces, but to facilitate repairs of the roofs. At Tusayan, on the
other hand, ladders are of rare occurrence above the first terrace,
their place being supplied by flights of stone steps. The relative
scarcity of stone at Zuñi, suitable for building material, and its great
abundance at Tusayan, undoubtedly account for this difference of usage,
especially as the proximity of the timber supply of the Zuñi mountains
to the former facilitates the substitution of wood for steps of masonry.

[Illustration: Fig. 45. A modern notched ladder in Oraibi.]

[Illustration: Fig. 46. Tusayan notched ladders from Mashongnavi.]

The earliest form of ladder among the pueblos was probably a notched
log, a form still occasionally used. Figures 45 and 46 illustrate
examples of this type of ladder from Tusayan.

A notched ladder from Oraibi, made with a modern axe, is shown. This
specimen has a squareness of outline and an evenness of surface not
observed in the ancient examples. The ladder from Mashongnavi,
illustrated on the left of Fig. 46, closely resembles the Oraibi
specimen, though the workmanship is somewhat ruder. The example
illustrated on the right of the same figure is from Oraibi. This ladder
is very old, and its present rough and weatherbeaten surface affords but
little evidence of the character of the implement used in making it.

[Illustration: Fig. 47. Aboriginal American forms of ladder.]

The ladder having two poles connected by cross rungs is undoubtedly a
native invention, and was probably developed through a series of
improvements on the primitive notched type. It is described in detail in
the earliest Spanish accounts. Fig. 47 illustrates on the left the
notched ladder, and on the right a typical two-pole ladder in its most
primitive form. In this case the rungs are simply lashed to the
uprights. The center ladder of the diagram is a Mandan device
illustrated by Mr. Lewis H. Morgan.[6] As used by the Mandans this
ladder is placed with its forked end on the ground, the reverse of the
Pueblo practice. It will readily be seen, on comparing these examples,
that an elongation of the fork which occurs as a constant accompaniment
of the notched ladder might eventually suggest a construction similar to
that of the Mandan ladder reversed. The function of the fork on the
notched ladder in steadying it when placed against the wall would be
more effectually performed by enlarging this feature.

[Footnote 6: Cont. to N.A. Ethn., vol. 4, Houses and House life,
pp. 129-131.]

[Illustration: Plate LXXVII. Outline plan of Zuñi, showing
distribution of oblique openings.]

At one stage in the development of the form of ladder in common use
to-day the rungs were laid in depressions or notches of the vertical
poles, resembling the larger notches of the single ladder, and then
lashed on with thongs of rawhide or with other materials. Later, when
the use of iron became known, holes were burned through the side poles.
This is the nearly universal practice to-day, though some of the more
skillful pueblo carpenters manage to chisel out rectangular holes. The
piercing of the side poles, particularly prevalent in Zuni, has brought
about a curious departure from the ancient practice of removing the
ladder in times of threatened danger. Long rungs are loosely slipped
into the holes in the side pieces, and the security formerly gained by
taking up the entire ladder is now obtained, partially at least, by the
removal of the rungs. The boring of the side pieces and the employment
of loose rungs seriously interferes with the stability of the structure,
as means must be provided to prevent the spreading apart of the side
pieces. The Zuni architect has met this difficulty by prolonging the
poles of the ladder and attaching a cross piece near their upper ends to
hold them together. As a rule this cross piece is provided with a hole
near each end into which the tapering extremities of the poles are
inserted. From their high position near the extremities of the ladders,
seen in silhouette against the sky, they form peculiarly striking
features of Zuni. They are frequently decorated with rude carvings of
terraced notches. Examples of this device may be seen in the views of
Zuni, and several typical specimens are illustrated in detail in Pl.
XCVIII. The use of cross pieces on ladders emerging from roof openings
is not so common as on external ones, as there is not the same necessity
for holding together the poles, the sides of the opening performing that
office.

There are two places in Zuni, portions of the densest house cluster,
where the needs of unusual traffic have been met by the employment of
double ladders, made of three vertical poles, which accommodate two
tiers of rungs. The sticks forming the rungs are inserted in continuous
lengths through all three poles, and the cross pieces at the top are
also continuous, being formed of a single flat piece of wood perforated
by three holes for the reception of the tips of the poles. In additional
to the usual cross pieces pierced for the reception of the side poles
and rudely carved into ornamental forms, many temporary cross pieces are
added during the harvest season in the early autumn to support the
strips of meat and melons, strings of red peppers, and other articles
dried in the open air prior to storage for winter use. At this season
every device that will serve this purpose is employed. Occasionally
poles are seen extending across the reentering angles of a house or are
supported on the coping and rafters. The projecting roof beams also are
similarly utilized at this season.

Zuni ladders are usually provided with about eight rungs, but a few have
as many as twelve. The women ascend these ladders carrying ollas of
water on their heads, children play upon them, and a few of the most
expert of the numerous dogs that infest the village can clumsily make
their way up and down them. As described in a previous section all
houses built during the year are consecrated at a certain season, and
among other details of the ceremonial, certain rites, intended to
prevent accidents to children, etc., are performed at the foot of the
ladders.

In Tusayan, where stone is abundant, the ladder has not reached the
elaborate development seen in Zuñi. The perforated cross piece is rarely
seen, as there is little necessity for its adoption. The side poles are
held together by the top and bottom rungs, which pass entirely through
the side pieces and are securely fixed, while the ends of the others are
only partly embedded in the side pieces. In other cases (Pl. XXXII) the
poles are rigidly held in place by ropes or rawhide lashings.

Short ladders whose side poles are but little prolonged beyond the top
rung are of common occurrence, particularly in Oraibi. Three such
ladders are shown in Pl. LXXXIV. A similar example may be seen in Pl.
CVII, in connection with a large opening closed with rough masonry. In
these cases the rungs are made to occupy slight notches or depressions
in the upright poles and are then firmly lashed with rawhide, forming a
fairly rigid structure. This type of ladder is probably a survival of
the earliest form of the pueblo ladder.

In addition to the high cross piece whose function is to retain in place
the vertical poles, the kiva ladders are usually provided, both in Zuñi
and Tusayan, with a cross piece consisting of a round stick tied to the
uprights and placed at a uniform height above the kiva roof. This stick
affords a handhold for the marked dancers who are often encumbered with
ceremonial paraphernalia as they enter the kiva. In the case of the
Oraibi kiva occupying the foreground of Pl. XXXVIII, it may be seen that
this handhold cross piece is inserted into holes in the side poles, an
exception to the general practice. In Pl. LXXXVII, illustrating kivas,
the position of this feature will be seen.

The exceptional mode of access to Tusayan kiva hatchways by means of
short nights of stone steps has already been noticed. In several
instances the top steps of these short flights cover the thickness of
the wall. The remains of a similar stairway were observed in Pueblo
Bonito, where it evidently reached directly from the ground to an
external doorway. Access by such means, however, is a departure from the
original defensive idea.

[Illustration: Plate LXXVIII. General inside view of Zuñi, looking
west.]

Modern practice in Zuñi has departed more widely from the primitive
system than at Tusayan. In the former pueblo short nights of stone steps
giving access to doors raised but a short distance above the ground are
very commonly seen. Even in the small farming pueblo of Pescado two
examples of this arrangement are met with. Pl. XCIX illustrates one of
these found on the north outside wall. In the general views of the
Tusayan villages the closer adherence to primitive methods is clearly
indicated, although the modern compare very unfavorably with the ancient
examples in precision of execution. Pl. XXXII illustrates two flights of
stone steps of Shupaulovi. In many cases the workmanship of these stone
steps does not surpass that seen in the Walpi trail, illustrated in Pl.
XXV.

[Illustration: Fig. 48. Stone steps at Oraibi, with platform at
corner.]

[Illustration: Fig. 49. Stone steps, with platform at chimney,
in Oraibi.]

Perhaps in no one detail of pueblo construction are the careless and
shiftless modern methods so conspicuous as in the stone steps of the
upper terraces of Tusayan. Here are seen many awkward makeshifts by
means of which the builders have tried to compensate for their lack of
foresight in planning. The absence of a definite plan for a house
cluster of many rooms, already noted in the discussion of dwelling-house
construction, is rendered conspicuous by the manner in which the stone
stairways are used. Figs. 48 and 49 illustrate stone steps on upper
terraces in Oraibi. In both cases the steps have been added long after
the rooms against which they abut were built. In order to conform to the
fixed requirement of placing such means of access at the corners of the
upper rooms, the builders constructed a clumsy platform to afford
passage around the previously built chimney. Fig. 50 shows the result of
a similar lack of foresight. The upper portion of the flight, consisting
of three steps, has been abruptly turned at right angles to the main
flight, and is supported upon rude poles and beams. The restriction of
this feature to the corners of upper rooms where they were most likely
to conflict with chimneys is undoubtedly a survival of ancient practice,
and due to the necessary vertical alignment of walls and masonry in this
primitive construction.

[Illustration: Fig. 50. Stone steps in Shumopavi.]

COOKING PITS AND OVENS.

Most of the cooking of the ancient Pueblos was probably done out of
doors, as among the ruins vestiges of cooking pits, almost identical in
character with those still found in Tusayan, are frequently seen. In
Cibola the large dome-shaped ovens, common to the Pueblos of the Rio
Grande and to their Mexican neighbors are in general use. In Tusayan a
few examples of this form of oven occur upon the roofs of the terraces,
while the cooking pit in a variety of forms is still extensively used.

[Illustration: Plate LXXIX. Zuñi terraces.]

The distribution of the dome-shaped ovens in Cibola and in Tusayan may
be seen on the ground plans in Chapters III and IV. The simplest form of
cooking pit, still commonly used in Tusayan, consists of a depression in
the ground, lined with a coating of mud. The pit is usually of small
size and is commonly placed at some little distance from the house; in a
few cases it is located in a sheltered corner of the building. Fig. 51
illustrates a series of three such primitive ovens built against a house
wall, in a low bench or ledge of masonry raised 6 inches above the
ground; the holes measure about a foot across and are about 18 or 20
inches deep. Many similar pits occur in the Tusayan villages; some of
them are walled in with upright stone slabs, whose rough edges project 6
or 8 inches above the ground, the result closely resembling the ancient
form of in-door fireplace, such as that seen in a room of Kin-tiel. (Pl.
C.)

[Illustration: Fig. 51. A series of cooking pits in Mashongnavi.]

[Illustration: Fig. 52. Pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi.]

[Illustration: Fig. 53. Cross sections of pi-gummi ovens of
Mashongnavi.]

In its perfected form the cooking pit in Tusayan takes the place of the
more elaborate oven used in Zuñi. Figs. 52 and 53 show two specimens of
pits used for the preparation of pi-gummi, a kind of baked mush.

These occur on the east side of Mashongnavi. They project 6 or 8 inches
above the ground, and have a depth of from 18 to 24 inches. The débris
scattered about the pits indicates the manner in which they are covered
with slabs of stone and sealed with mud when in use. In all the oven,
devices of the pueblos the interior is first thoroughly heated by a long
continued fire within, the structure. When the temperature is
sufficiently high the ashes and dirt are cleaned out, the articles to be
cooked inserted, and the orifices sealed. The food is often left in
these heated receptacles for 12 hours or more, and on removal it is
generally found to be very nicely cooked. Each of the pi-gummi ovens
illustrated above is provided with a tube-like orifice 3 or 4 inches in
diameter, descending obliquely from the ground level into the cavity.
Through this opening the fire is arranged and kept in order, and in this
respect it seems to be the counterpart of the smaller hole of the Zuñi
dome-shaped ovens. When the principal opening, by which the vessel
containing the pi-gummi or other articles is introduced, has been
covered with a slab of stone and sealed with mud, the effect is similar
to that of the dome-shaped oven when the ground-opening or doorway is
hermetically closed.

No example of the dome-shaped oven of pre-Columbian origin has been
found among the pueblo ruins, although its prototype probably existed in
ancient times, possibly in the form of a kiln for baking a fine quality
of pottery formerly manufactured. However, the cooking pit alone,
developed to the point of the pi-gummi oven of Tusayan, may have been
the stem upon which the foreign idea was engrafted. Instances of the
complete adoption by these conservative people of a wholly foreign idea
or feature of construction are not likely to be found, as improvements
are almost universally confined to the mere modification of existing
devices. In the few instances in which more radical changes are
attempted the resulting forms bear evidence of the fact.

[Illustration: Fig. 54. Diagram showing foundation stones of a Zuñi
oven.]

[Illustration: Plate LXXX. Old adobe church of Zuñi.]

In Cibola the construction of a dome-shaped oven is begun by laying out
roughly a circle of flat stones as a foundation. Upon these the upper
structure is rudely built of stones laid in the mud and approximately in
the courses, though often during construction one side will be carried
considerably higher than another. The walls curve inward to an
apparently unsafe degree, but the mud mortar is often allowed to partly
dry before carrying the overhanging portion so far as to endanger the
structure, and accidents rarely happen. The oven illustrated in Pl.
XCVII shows near its broken doorway the arrangement of foundation stones
referred to. Typical examples of the dome oven occur in the foreground
of the general view of Zuñi shown in Pl. LXXVIII.

The dome ovens of Cibola are generally smoothly plastered, inside and
out, but a few examples are seen in which the stones of the masonry are
exposed. In. Pl. XCIX may be seen two ovens differing in size, one of
which shows the manner in which the opening is blocked up with stone to
keep out stray dogs during periods of disuse. Fig. 55 illustrates a
mud-plastered oven at Pescado, which is elevated about a foot above the
ground on a base or plinth of masonry. The opening of this oven is on
the side toward the houses. This form is quite exceptional in Cibola,
though of frequent occurrence among the Rio Grande pueblos. A very large
and carefully finished example was examined at Jemez.

[Illustration: Fig. 55. Dome-shaped oven on a plinth of masonry.]

[Illustration: Fig. 56. Oven in Pescado exposing stones of masonry.]

[Illustration: Fig. 57. Oven in Pescado exposing stones of masonry.]

Figs. 56 and 57 illustrate two specimens of rough masonry ovens seen at
Pescado. In one of these a decided horizontal arrangement of the stones
in the masonry prevails. The specimen at the right is small and rudely
constructed, showing but little care in the use of the building
material. The few specimens of dome ovens seen in Tusayan are
characterized by the same rudeness of construction noticed in their
house masonry. The rarity of this oven at Tusayan, where so many of the
constructions have retained a degree of primitiveness not seen
elsewhere, is perhaps an additional evidence of its foreign origin.

[Illustration: Plate LXXXI. Eastern rows of Zuñi.]

[Illustration: Fig. 58. Shrines in Mashongnavi.]

OVEN-SHAPED STRUCTURES.

In Tusayan, there are other structures, of rude dome-shape, likely to be
mistaken for some form of cooking device. Fig. 58 illustrates two
specimens of shrines that occur in courts of Mashongnavi. These are
receptacles for plume sticks (bahos) and other votive offerings used at
certain festivals, which, after being so used, are sealed up with stone
slabs and adobe. These shrines occur at several of the villages, as
noted in the discussion of the plans in Chapter III. In the foreground
of Pl. XXXVIII may be seen an Oraibi specimen somewhat resembling those
seen at Mashongnavi.

[Illustration: Fig. 59. A poultry house in Sichumovi resembling an
oven.]

Fig. 59 illustrates a very rude structure of stones in Sichumovi,
resembling in form a dome oven, which is used as a poultry house.
Several of these are seen in the Tusayan villages.

FIREPLACES AND CHIMNEYS.

The original fireplace of the ancient pueblo builders was probably the
simple cooking pit transferred to a position within the dwelling room,
and employed for the lighter cooking of the family as well as for
warming the dwelling. It was placed in the center of the floor in order
that the occupants of the house might conveniently gather around it. One
of the first improvements made in this shallow indoor cooking pit must
have consisted in surrounding it with a wall of sufficient height to
protect the fire against drafts, as seen in the outdoor pits of Tusayan.
In excavating a room in the ancient pueblo of Kin-tiel, a completely
preserved fireplace, about a foot deep, and walled in with thin slabs of
stone set on edge, was brought to light. The depression had been
hollowed out of the solid rock.

[Illustration: Fig. 60. Ground plan of an excavated room in Kin-tiel.]

This fireplace, together with the room in which it was found, is
illustrated in Pl. C and Fig. 60. It is of rectangular form, but other
examples have been found which are circular. Mr. W. H. Jackson describes
a fireplace in a cliff dwelling in “Echo Cave” that consisted of a
circular, basin-like depression 30 inches across and 10 inches deep.
Rooms furnishing evidence that fires were made in the corners against
the walls are found in many cliff dwellings; the smoke escaped overhead,
and the blackened walls afford no trace of a chimney or flue of any
kind.

The pueblo chimney is undoubtedly a post-Spanish feature, and the best
forms in use at the present time are probably of very recent origin,
though they are still associated with fireplaces that have departed
little from the aboriginal form seen at Kin-tiel and elsewhere. It is
interesting to note, in this connection, that the ceremony consecrating
the house is performed in Tusayan before the chimney is added,
suggesting that the latter feature did not form a part of the aboriginal
dwelling.

[Illustration: Plate LXXXII. A Zuñi court.]

In Cibola a few distinct forms of chimney are used at the present time,
but in the more remote Tusayan the chimney seems to be still in the
experimental stage. Numbers of awkward constructions, varying from the
ordinary cooking pit to the more elaborate hooded structures, testify to
the chaotic condition of the chimney-building art in the latter
province.

Before the invention of a chimney hood, and while the primitive
fireplace occupied a central position in the floor of the room, the
smoke probably escaped through the door and window openings. Later a
hole in the roof provided an exit, as in the kivas of to-day, where
ceremonial use has perpetuated an arrangement long since superseded in
dwelling-house construction. The comfort of a dwelling room provided
with this feature is sufficiently attested by the popularity of the
modern kivas as a resort for the men. The idea of a rude hood or flue to
facilitate the egress of the smoke would not be suggested until the
fireplace was transferred from the center of a room to a corner, and in
the first adoption of this device the builders would rely upon the
adjacent walls for the needed support of the constructional members.
Practically all of the chimneys of Tusayan are placed in corners at the
present time, though the Zuñi builders have developed sufficient skill
to construct a rigid hood and flue in the center of a side wall, as may
be seen in the view of a Zuñi interior, Pl. LXXXVI.

Although the pueblo chimney owes its existence to foreign suggestion it
has evidently reached its present form through a series of timid
experiments, and the proper principles of its construction seem to have
been but feebly apprehended by the native builders, particularly in
Tusayan. The early form of hood, shown in Fig. 66, was made by placing a
short supporting pole across the corner of a room at a sufficient
distance from the floor and upon it arranging sticks to form the frame
work of a contracting hood or flue. The whole construction was finally
covered with a thick coating of mud. This primitive wooden construction
has probably been in use for a long time, although it was modified in
special cases so as to extend across the entire width of narrow rooms to
accommodate “piki” stones or other cumbersome cooking devices. It
embodies the principle of roof construction that must have been employed
in the primitive house from which the pueblo was developed, and
practically constitutes a miniature conical roof suspended over the
fireplace and depending upon the walls of the room for support. On
account of the careful and economical use of fuel by these people the
light and inflammable material of which the chimney is constructed does
not involve the danger of combustion that would be expected. The perfect
feasibility of such use of wood is well illustrated in some of the old
log-cabin chimneys in the Southern States, where, however, the
arrangement of the pieces is horizontal, not vertical. These latter
curiously exemplify also the use of a miniature section of house
construction to form a conduit for the smoke, placed at a sufficient
height to admit of access to the fire.

A further improvement in the chimney was the construction of a corner
hood support by means of two short poles instead of a single piece, thus
forming a rectangular smoke hood of enlarged capacity. This latter is
the most common form in use at the present time in both provinces, but
its arrangement in Tusayan, where it represents the highest achievement
of the natives in chimney construction, is much more varied than in
Cibola. In the latter province the same form is occasionally executed in
stone. Fig. 61 illustrates a corner hood, in which the crossed ends of
the supporting poles are exposed to view. The outer end of the lower
pole is supported from the roof beams by a cord or rope, the latter
being embedded in the mud plastering with which the hood is finished.
The vertically ridged character of the surface reveals the underlying
construction, in which light sticks have been used as a base for the
plaster. The Tusayans say that large sunflower stalks are preferred for
this purpose on account of their lightness. Figs. 63 and 64 show another
Tusayan hood of the type described, and in Fig. 69 a large hood of the
same general form, suspended over a piki-stone, is noticeable for the
frank treatment of the suspending cords, which are clearly exposed to
view for nearly their entire length.

[Illustration: Fig. 61. A corner chimney hood with two supporting
poles (Tusayan).]

In a chimney in a Mashongnavi house, illustrated in Fig. 62, a simple,
sharply curved piece of wood has been used for the lower rim of this
hood, thus obtaining all the capacity of the two-poled form. The
vertical sticks in this example are barely discernible through the
plastering, which has been applied with more than the usual degree of
care.

[Illustration: Fig. 62. A curved chimney hood of Mashongnavi.]

[Illustration: Plate LXXXIII. A Zuñi small house.]

A curious example illustrating a rudimentary form of two-poled hood is
shown in Fig. 63. A straight pole of unusual length is built into the
walls across the corner of a room, and its insertion into the wall is
much farther from the corner on one side than the other. From the longer
stretch of inclosed wall protrudes a short pole that joins the principal
one and serves as a support for one side of the chimney-hood. In this
case the builder appears to have been too timid to venture on the bolder
construction required in the perfected two-poled hood. This example
probably represents a stage in the development of the higher form.

[Illustration: Fig. 63. A Mashongnavi chimney hood and walled up
fireplace.]

In some instances the rectangular corner hood is not suspended from the
ceiling, but is supported from beneath by a stone slab or a piece of
wood. Such a chimney hood seen in a house of Shupaulovi measures nearly
4 by 5 feet. The short side is supported by two stone slabs built into
the wall and extending from the hood to the floor. Upon the upper stone
rests one end of the wooden lintel supporting the long side, while the
other end, near the corner of the room, is held in position by a light
crotch of wood. Fig. 64 illustrates this hood; the plan indicating the
relation of the stones and the forked stick to the corner of the room.
Fig. 71, illustrating a terrace fireplace and chimney of Shumopavi,
shows the employment of similar supports.

Corner chimney hoods in Zuñi do not differ essentially from the more
symmetrical of the Tusayan specimens, but they are distinguished by
better finish, and by less exposure of the framework, having been, like
the ordinary masonry, subjected to an unusually free application of
adobe.

[Illustration: Fig. 64. A chimney hood of Shupaulovi.]

The builders of Tusayan appear to have been afraid to add the necessary
weight of mud mortar to produce this finished effect, the hoods usually
showing a vertically ridged or crenated surface, caused by the sticks of
the framework showing through the thin mud coat. Stone also is often
employed in their construction, and its use has developed a large,
square-headed type of chimney unknown at Tusayan. This is illustrated in
Fig. 65. This form of hood, projecting some distance beyond its flue,
affords space that may be used as a mantel-shelf, an advantage gained
only to a very small degree by the forms discussed above. This chimney,
as before stated, is built against one of the walls of a room, and near
the middle.

[Illustration: Fig. 65. A semi-detached square chimney hood of Zuñi.]

[Illustration: Plate LXXXIV. A house-building at Oraibi.]

All the joints of these hoods, and even the material used, are generally
concealed from view by a carefully applied coating of plaster,
supplemented by a gypsum wash, and usually there is no visible evidence
of the manner in which they are built, but the construction is little
superior to that of the simple corner hoods. The method of framing the
various types of hoods is illustrated in Fig. 66. The example on the
left shows an unplastered wooden hood skeleton. The arrangement of the
parts in projecting rectangular stone hoods is illustrated in the
right-hand diagram of the figure. In constructing such a chimney a thin
buttress is first built against the wall of sufficient width and height
to support one side of the hood. The opposite side of the hood is
supported by a flat stone, firmly set on edge into the masonry of the
wall. The front of the hood is supported by a second flat stone which
rests at one end on a rude shoulder in the projecting slab, and at the
other end upon the front edge of the buttress. It would be quite
practicable for the pueblo builders to form a notch in the lower corner
of the supported stone to rest firmly upon a projection of the
supporting stone, but in the few cases in which the construction could
be observed no such treatment was seen, for they depended mainly on the
interlocking of the ragged ends of the stones. This structure serves to
support the body of the flue, usually with an intervening stone-covered
space forming a shelf. At the present period the flue is usually built
of thin sandstone slabs, rudely adjusted to afford mutual support. The
whole structure is bound together and smoothed over with mud plastering,
and is finally finished with the gypsum wash, applied also to the rest
of the room. Mr. A. F. Bandelier describes “a regular chimney, with
mantel and shelf, built of stone slabs,” which he found “in the caves of
the Rito de los Frijoles, as well as in the cliff dwellings of the
regular detached family house type,”[7] which, from the description,
must have closely resembled the Zuñi chimney described above. Houses
containing such devices may be quite old, but if so they were certainly
reoccupied in post-Spanish times. Such dwellings are likely to have been
used as places of refuge in times of danger up to a comparatively recent
date.

[Footnote 7: Fifth Ann. Rept. Arch. Inst. Am., p. 74.]

[Illustration: Fig. 66. Unplastered Zuñi chimney hoods, illustrating
construction.]

Among the many forms of chimneys and fireplaces seen in Tusayan a
curious approach to our own arrangement of fireplace and mantel was
noticed in a house in Sichumovi. In addition to the principal mantel
ledge, a light wooden shelf was arranged against the wall on one side of
the flue, one of its ends being supported by an upright piece of wood
with a cap, and the other resting on a peg driven into the wall. This
fireplace and mantel is illustrated in Fig. 67.

Aside from the peculiar “guyave” or “piki” baking oven, there is but
little variation in the form of indoor fireplaces in Cibola, while in
Tusayan it appears to have been subjected to about the same mutations
already noted in the outdoor cooking pits. A serious problem was
encountered by the Tusayan builder when he was called upon to construct
cooking-pit fireplaces, a foot or more deep, in a loom of an upper
terrace. As it was impracticable to sink the pit into the floor, the
necessary depth was obtained by walling up the sides, as is shown in
Fig. 68, which illustrates a second-story fireplace in Mashongnavi.
Other examples may be seen in the outdoor chimneys shown in Figs. 72 and
73.

[Illustration: Fig. 67. A fireplace and mantel in Sichumovi.]

[Illustration: Fig. 68. A second-story fireplace in Mashongnavi.]

[Illustration: Plate LXXXV. A Tusayan interior.]

A modification of the interior fireplace designed for cooking the thin,
paper-like bread, known to the Spanish-speaking peoples of this region
as “guyave,” and by the Tusayan as “piki,” is common to both Cibola and
Tusayan, though in the former province the contrivance is more carefully
constructed than in the latter, and the surface of the baking stone
itself is more highly finished. In the guyave oven a tablet of carefully
prepared sandstone is supported in a horizontal position by two slabs
set on edge and firmly imbedded in the floor. A horizontal flue is thus
formed in which the fire is built. The upper stone, whose surface is to
receive the thin guyave batter, undergoes during its original
preparation a certain treatment with fire and piñon gum, and perhaps
other ingredients, which imparts to it a highly polished black finish.
This operation is usually performed away from the pueblo, near a point
where suitable stone is found, and is accompanied by a ceremonial, which
is intended to prevent the stone from breaking on exposure to the fire
when first used. During one stage of these rites the strictest silence
is enjoined, as, according to the native account, a single word spoken
at such a time would crack the tablet.

[Illustration: Fig. 69. Piki stone and chimney hood in Sichumovi.]

When the long guyave stone is in position upon the edges of the back and
front stones the fire must be so applied as to maintain the stone at a
uniform temperature. This is done by frequent feeding with small bits of
sage brush or other fuel. The necessity for such economy in the use of
fuel has to a certain extent affected the forms of all the heating and
cooking devices. Fig. 69 illustrates a Sichumovi piki stone, and Fig. 70
shows the use of the oven in connection with a cooking fireplace, a
combination that is not uncommon. The latter example is from Shumopavi.
The illustration shows an interesting feature in the use of a primitive
andiron or boss to support the cooking pot in position above the fire.
This boss is modeled from the same clay as the fireplace floor and is
attached to it and forms a part of it. Mr. Stephen has collected free
specimens of these primitive props which had never been attached to the
floor. These were of the rudely conical form illustrated in the figure,
and were made of a coarsely mixed clay thoroughly baked to a stony
hardness.

[Illustration: Fig. 70. Piki stone and primitive andiron in
Shumopavi.]

[Illustration: Plate LXXXVI. A Zuñi interior.]

Chimneys and fireplaces are often found in Tusayan in the small,
recessed, balcony-like rooms of the second terrace. When a deep
cooking-pit is required in such a position, it is obtained by building
up the sides, as in the indoor fireplaces of upper rooms. Such a
fireplace is illustrated in Fig. 71. A roofed recess which usually
occurs at one end of the first terrace, called “tupubi,” takes its name
from the flat piki oven, the variety of fireplace generally built in
these alcoves. The transfer of the fireplace from the second-story room
to the corner of such a roofed-terrace alcove was easily accomplished,
and probably led to the occasional use of the cooking-pit, with
protecting chimney hood on the open and unsheltered roof. Fig. 72
illustrates a deep cooking-pit on an upper terrace of Walpi. In this
instance the cooking pit is very massively built, and in the absence of
a sheltering “tupubi” corner is effectually protected on three sides by
mud-plastered stone work, the whole being capped with the usual
chimneypot. The contrivance is placed conveniently near the roof
hatchway of a dwelling room.

[Illustration: Fig. 71. A terrace fireplace and chimney of Shumopavi.]

[Illustration: Fig. 72. A terrace cooking-pit and chimney of Walpi.]

The outdoor use of the above-described fireplaces on upper terraces has
apparently suggested the improvement of the ground cooking pit in a
similar manner. Several specimens were seen in which the cooking pit of
the ordinary depressed type, excavated near an inner corner of a house
wall, was provided with sheltering masonry and a chimney cap; but such
an arrangement is by no means of frequent occurrence. Fig. 73
illustrates an example that was seen on the east side of Shumopavi. It
will be noticed that in the use of this arrangement on the ground--an
arrangement that evidently originated on the terraces--the builders have
reverted to the earlier form of excavated pit. In other respects the
example illustrated is not distinguishable from the terrace forms above
described.

[Illustration: Fig. 73. A ground cooking-pit of Shumopavi covered with
a chimney.]

In the discussion of the details of kiva arrangement in Tusayan (p. 121)
it was shown that the chimney is not used in any form in these
ceremonial chambers; but the simple roof-opening forming the hatchway
serves as a smoke vent, without the addition of either an internal hood
or an external shaft. In the Zuñi kivas the smoke also finds vent
through the opening that gives access to the chamber, but in the framing
of the roof, as is shown elsewhere, some distinction between door and
chimney is observed. The roof-hole is made double, one portion
accommodating the ingress ladder and the other intended to serve for the
egress of the smoke.

[Illustration: Plate LXXXVII. A kiva hatchway of Tusayan.]

The external chimney of the pueblos is a simple structure, and exhibits
but few variations from the type. The original form was undoubtedly a
mere hole in the roof; its use is perpetuated in the kivas. This
primitive form was gradually improved by raising its sides above the
roof, forming a rudimentary shaft. The earlier forms are likely to have
been rectangular, the round following and developing later short masonry
shafts which were finally given height by the addition of chimney pots.
In Zuñi the chimney has occasionally developed into a rather tall shaft,
projecting sometimes to a height of 4 or 5 feet above the roof. This is
particularly noticeable on the lower terraces of Zuñi, the chimneys of
the higher rooms being more frequently of the short types prevalent in
the farming pueblos of Cibola and in Tusayan. The tall chimneys found in
Zuñi proper, and consisting often of four or five chimney pots on a
substructure of masonry, are undoubtedly due to the same conditions that
have so much influenced other constructional details; that is, the
exceptional height of the clusters and crowding of the rooms. As a
result of this the chimney is a more conspicuous feature in Zuñi than
elsewhere, as will be shown by a comparison of the views of the villages
given in Chapters III and IV.

[Illustration: Fig. 74. Tusayan chimneys.]

In Tusayan many of the chimneys are quite low, a single pot surmounting
a masonry substructure not more than 6 inches high being quite common.
As a rule, however, the builders preferred to use a series of pots. Two
typical Tusayan chimneys are illustrated in Fig. 74. Most of the
substructures for chimneys in this province are rudely rectangular in
form, and clearly expose the rough stonework of the masonry, while in
Zuñi the use of adobe generally obliterates all traces of construction.
In both provinces chimneys are seen without the chimney pot. These
usually occur in clusters, simply because the builder of a room or group
of rooms preferred that form of chimney. Pl. CI illustrates a portion of
the upper terraces of Zuñi where a number of masonry chimneys are
grouped together. Those on the highest roof are principally of the
rectangular form, being probably a direct development from the square
roof hole. The latter is still sometimes seen with a rim rising several
inches above the roof surface and formed of slabs set on edge or of
ordinary masonry. These upper chimneys are often closed or covered with
thin slabs of sandstone laid over them in the same manner as the roof
holes that they resemble. The fireplaces to which some of them belong
appear to be used for heating the rooms rather than for cooking, as they
are often disused for long periods during the summer season.

Pl. CI also illustrates chimneys in which pots have been used in
connection with masonry bases, and also a round masonry chimney. The
latter is immediately behind the single pot chimney seen in the
foreground. On the extreme left of the figure is shown a chimney into
which fire pots have been incorporated, the lower ones being almost
concealed from view by the coating of adobe. A similar effect may be
seen in the small chimney on the highest roof shown in Pl. LVIII. Pl.
LXXXII shows various methods of using the chimney pots. In one case the
chimney is capped with a reversed large-mouthed jar, the broken bottom
serving as an outlet for the smoke. The vessel usually employed for this
purpose is an ordinary black cooking pot, the bottom being burned out,
or otherwise rendered unfit for household use. Other vessels are
occasionally used. Pl. LXXXIII shows the use, as the crowning member of
the chimney, of an ordinary water jar, with dark decorations on a white
ground. A vessel very badly broken is often made to serve in chimney
building by skillful use of mud and mortar. To facilitate smoke exit the
upper pot is made to overlap the neck of the one below by breaking out
the bottom sufficiently. The joining is not often visible, as it is
usually coated with adobe. The lower pots of a series are in many cases
entirely embedded in the adobe.

The pueblo builder has never been able to construct a detached chimney a
full story in height, either with or without the aid of chimney pots;
where it is necessary to build such shafts to obtain the proper draft he
is compelled to rely on the support of adjoining walls, and usually
seeks a corner. Pl. CI shows a chimney of this kind that has been built
of masonry to the full height of a story. A similar example is shown in
the foreground of Pl. LXXVIII. In Pl. XXII may be seen a chimney of the
full height of the adjoining story, but in this instance it is
constructed wholly of pots. Pl. LXXXV illustrates a similar case
indoors.

The external chimney probably developed gradually from the simple roof
opening, as previously noted. The raised combing about trapdoors or roof
holes afforded the first suggestion in this direction. From this
developed the square chimney, and finally the tall round shaft, crowned
with a series of pots. The whole chimney, both internal and external,
excluding only the primitive fireplace, is probably of comparatively
recent origin, and based on the foreign (Spanish) suggestion.

GATEWAYS AND COVERED PASSAGES.

Gateways, arranged for defense, occur in many of the more
compactly-built ancient pueblos. Some of the passageways in the modern
villages of Tusayan and Cibola resemble these older examples, but most
of the narrow passages, giving access to the inner courts of the
inhabited villages, are not the result of the defensive idea, but are
formed by the crowding together of the dwellings. They occur, as a rule,
within the pueblo and not upon its periphery. Many of the terraces now
face outward and are reached from the outside of the pueblo, being in
marked contrast to the early arrangement, in which narrow passages to
inclose courts were exclusively used for access. In the ground plans of
several villages occupied within historic times, but now ruined,
vestiges of openings arranged on the original defensive plan may be
traced. About midway on the northeast side of Awatubi fragments of a
standing wall were seen, apparently the two sides of a passageway to the
inclosed court of the pueblo. The masonry is much broken down, however,
and no indication is afforded of the treatment adopted, nor do the
remains indicate whether this entrance was originally covered or not.
It is illustrated in Pl. CII.

[Illustration: Plate LXXXVIII. North kivas of Shumopavi, from the
northeast.]

Other examples of this feature may be seen in the ground plans of
Tebugkihu, Chukubi, and Payupki (Fig. 7, and Pls. XII and XIII).

In the first of these the deep jambs of the opening are clearly defined,
but in the other two only low mounds of débris suggest the gateway. In
the ancient Cibolan pueblos, including those on the mesa of Tâaaiyalana,
no remains of external gateways have been found; the plans suggest that
the disposition of the various clusters approximated somewhat the
irregular arrangement of the present day. There are only occasional
traces, as of a continuous defensive outer wall, such as those seen at
Nutria and Pescado. In the pueblos of the Cibola group, ancient and
modern, access to the inner portion of the pueblo was usually afforded
at a number of points. In the pueblo of Kin-tiel, however, occurs an
excellent example of the defensive gateway. The jambs and corners of the
opening are finished with great neatness, as may be seen in the
illustration (Pl. CIII). This gateway or passage was roofed over, and
the rectangular depressions for the reception of cross-beams still
contain short stumps, protected from destruction by the masonry. The
masonry over the passageway in falling carried away part of the masonry
above the jamb corner, thus indicating continuity of bond. The ground
plan of this ruin (Pl. LXIII) indicates clearly the various points at
which access to the inner courts was obtained. On the east side a
noticeable feature is the overlapping of the boundary wall of the south
wing, forming an indirect entranceway. The remains do not indicate that
this passage, like the one just described, was roofed over. In some
cases the modern passageways, as they follow the jogs and angles of
adjoining rows of houses, display similar changes of direction. In
Shupaulovi, which preserves most distinctly in its plan the idea of the
inclosed court, the passageway at the south end of the village changes
its direction at a right angle before emerging into the court (Pl. XXX).
This arrangement was undoubtedly determined by the position of the
terraces long before the passageway was roofed over and built upon. Pl.
XXII shows the south passageway of Walpi; the entrances are made
narrower than the rest of the passage by building buttresses of masonry
at the sides. This was probably done to secure the necessary support for
the north and south walls of the upper story. One of the walls, as maybe
seen in the illustration, rests directly upon a cross beam, strengthened
in this manner.

One of the smaller inclosed courts of Zuñi, illustrated in Pl. LXXXII,
is reached by means of two covered passages, bearing some general
resemblance to the ancient defensive entrances, but these houses,
reached from within the court, have also terraces without. The low
passage shown in the figure has gradually been surmounted by rooms,
reaching in some cases a height of three terraces above the openings;
but the accumulated weight finally proved too much for the beams and
sustaining walls--probably never intended by the builders to withstand
the severe test afterwards put upon them--and following an unusually
protracted period of wet weather, the entire section of rooms above fell
to the ground. This occurred since the surveying and photographing. It
is rather remarkable that the frail adobe walls withstood so long the
unusual strain, or even that they sustained the addition of a top story
at all.

In the preceding examples the passageway was covered throughout its
length by rooms, but cases occur in both Tusayan and Cibola in which
only portions of the roof form the floor of superstructures. Pl. CIV
shows a passage roofed over beyond the two-story portion of the building
for a sufficient distance to form a small terrace, upon which a ladder
stands. Pl. XXIII illustrates a similar arrangement on the west side of
Walpi. The outer edges of these terraces are covered with coping stones
and treated in the same manner as outer walls of lower rooms. In Zuñi an
example of this form of passage roof occurs between two of the eastern
house rows, where the rooms have not been subjected to the close
crowding characteristic of the western clusters of the pueblo.

DOORS.

In Zuñi many rooms of the ground story, which in early times must have
been used largely for storage, have been converted into well-lighted,
habitable apartments by the addition of external doors. In Tusayan this
modification has not taken place to an equal extent, the distinctly
defensive character of the first terrace reached by removable ladders
being still preserved. In this province a doorway on the ground is
always provided in building a house, but originally this space was not
designed to be permanent; it was left merely for convenience of passing
in and out during the construction, and was built up before the walls
were completed. Of late years, however, such doorways are often
preserved, and additional small openings are constructed for windows.

[Illustration: Plate LXXXIX. Masonry in the north wing of Kin-tiel.]

In ancient times the larger doorways of the upper terraces were probably
never closed, except by means of blankets or rabbit-skin robes hung over
them in cold weather. Examples have been seen that seem to have been
constructed with this object in view, for a slight pole, of the same
kind as those used in the lintels, is built into the masonry of the
jambs a few inches below the lintel proper. Openings imperfectly closed
against the cold and wind were naturally placed in the lee walls to
avoid the prevailing southwest winds, and the ground plans of the
exposed mesa villages were undoubtedly influenced by this circumstance,
the tendency being to change them from the early inclosed court type and
to place the houses in longitudinal rows facing eastward. This is
noticeable in the plans given in Chapter II.

Doorways closed with masonry are seen in many ruins. Possibly these are
an indication of the temporary absence of the owner, as in the harvest
season, or at the time of the destruction or abandonment of the village;
but they may have been closed for the purpose of economizing warmth and
fuel during the winter season. No provision was made for closing them
with movable doors. The practice of fastening up the doors during the
harvesting season prevails at the present time among the Zuñi, but the
result is attained without great difficulty by means of rude cross bars,
now that they have framed wooden doors. One of these is illustrated in
Fig. 75. These doors are usually opened by a latch-string, which, when
not hung outside, is reached by means of a small round hole through the
wall at the side of the door. Through this hole the owner of the house,
on leaving it, secures the door by props and braces on the inside of the
room, the hole being sealed up and plastered in the same manner that
other openings are treated.

[Illustration: Fig. 75. A barred Zuñi door.]

This curious arrangement affords another illustration of the survival
of ancient methods in modified forms. It is not employed, however, in
closing the doors of the first terrace; these are fastened by barring
from the inside, the exit being made by means of internal ladders to the
terrace above, the upper doors only being fastened in the manner
illustrated. In Pl. LXXIX may be seen good examples of the side hole.
Fig. 75 shows a barred door. The plastering or sealing of the small side
hole instead of the entire opening was brought about by the introduction
of the wooden door, which in its present paneled form is of foreign
introduction, but in this, as in so many other cases, some analogous
feature which facilitated the adoption of the idea probably already
existed. Tradition points to the early use of a small door, made of a
single slab of wood, that closed the small rectangular wall niches, in
which valuables, such as turquoise, shell, etc., were kept. This slab,
it is said, was reduced and smoothed by rubbing with a piece of
sandstone. A number of beams, rafters, and roofing planks, seen in the
Chaco pueblos, were probably squared and finished in this way. The
latter examples show a degree of familiarity with this treatment of wood
that would enable the builders to construct such doors with ease. As
yet, however, no examples of wooden doors have been seen in any of the
pre-Columbian ruins.

The pueblo type of paneled door is much more frequently seen in Cibola
than in Tusayan, and in the latter province it does not assume the
variety of treatment seen in Zuñi, nor is the work so neatly executed.
The views of the modern pueblos, given in Chapters III and IV, will
indicate the extent to which this feature occurs in the two groups. In
the construction of a paneled door the vertical stile on one side is
prolonged at the top and bottom into a rounded pivot, which works into
cup-like sockets in the lintel and sill, as illustrated in Fig. 76. The
hinge is thus produced in the wood itself without the aid of any
external appliances.

[Illustration: Fig. 76. Wooden pivot hinges of a Zuñi door.]

It is difficult to trace the origin of this device among the pueblos. It
closely resembles the pivot hinges sometimes used in mediæval Europe in
connection with massive gates for closing masonry passages; in such
cases the prolonged pivots worked in cavities of stone sills and
lintels. The Indians claim to have employed it in very early times, but
no evidence on this point has been found. It is quite possible that the
idea was borrowed from some of the earlier Mormon settlers who came into
the country, as these people use a number of primitive devices which are
undoubtedly survivals of methods of construction once common in the
countries from which they came. Vestiges of the use of a pivotal hinge,
constructed on a much more massive scale than any of the pueblo
examples, were seen at an old fortress-like, stone storehouse of the
Mormons, built near the site of Moen-kopi by the first Mormon settlers.

[Illustration: Plate XC. Adobe garden walls near Zuñi.]

The paneled door now in use among the pueblos is rudely made, and
consists of a frame inclosing a single panel. This panel, when of large
size, is occasionally made of two or more pieces. These doors vary
greatly in size. A few reach the height of 5 feet, but the usual height
is from 3½ to 4 feet. As doors are commonly elevated a foot or more
above the ground or floor, the use of such openings does not entail the
full degree of discomfort that the small size suggests. Doors of larger
size, with sills raised but an inch or two above the floor or ground,
have recently been introduced in some of the ground stories in Zuñi; but
these are very recent, and the idea has been adopted only by the most
progressive people.

[Illustration: Fig. 77. Paneled wooden doors in Hano.]

Pl. XLI shows a small paneled door, not more than a foot square, used as
a blind to close a back window of a dwelling. The smallest examples of
paneled doors are those employed for closing the small, square openings
in the back walls of house rows, which still retain the defensive
arrangement so marked in many of the ancient pueblos. In some instances
doors occur in the second stories of unterraced walls, their sills being
5 or 6 feet above the ground. In such cases the doors are reached by
ladders whose upper ends rest upon the sills. Elevated openings of this
kind are closed in the usual manner with a rude, single-paneled door,
which is often whitened with a coating of clayey gypsum.

Carefully worked paneled doors are much more common in Zuñi than in
Tusayan, and within the latter province the villages of the first mesa
make more extended use of this type of door, as they have come into more
intimate contact with their eastern brethren than other villages of the
group. Fig. 77 illustrates a portion of a Hano house in which two wooden
doors occur. These specimens indicate the rudeness of Tusayan
workmanship. It will be seen that the workman who framed the upper one
of these doors met with considerable difficulty in properly joining the
two boards of the panel and in connecting these with the frame. The
figure shows that at several points the door has been reenforced and
strengthened by buckskin and rawhide thongs. The same device has been
employed in the lower door, both in fastening together the two pieces of
the panel and in attaching the latter to the framing. These doors also
illustrate the customary manner of barring the door during the absence
of the occupant of the house.

The doorway is usually framed at the time the house is built. The sill
is generally elevated above the ground outside and the floor inside, and
the door openings, with a few exceptions, are thus practically only
large windows. In this respect they follow the arrangement
characteristic of the ancient pueblos, in which all the larger openings
are window-like doorways. These are sometimes seen on the court margin
of house rows, and frequently occur between communicating rooms within
the cluster. They are usually raised about a foot and a half above the
floor, and in some cases are provided with one or two steps. In Zuñi,
doorways between communicating rooms, though now framed in wood,
preserve the same arrangement, as may be seen in Pl. LXXXVI.

[Illustration: Fig. 78. Framing of a Zuñi door-panel.]

The side pieces of a paneled pueblo door are mortised, an achievement
far beyond the aboriginal art of these people. Fig. 78 illustrates the
manner in which the framing is done. All the necessary grooving, and the
preparation of the projecting tenons is laboriously executed with the
most primitive tools, in many cases the whole frame, with all its
joints, being cut out with a small knife.

[Illustration: Plate XCI. A group of stone corrals near Oraibi.]

Doors are usually fastened by a simple wooden latch, the bar of which
turns upon a wooden pin. They are opened from without by lifting the
latch from its wooden catch, by means of a string passed through a small
hole in the door, and hanging outside. Some few doors are, however,
provided with a cumbersome wooden lock, operated by means of a square,
notched stick that serves as a key. These locks are usually fastened to
the inner side of the door by thongs of buckskin or rawhide, passed
through small holes bored or drilled through the edge of the lock, and
through the stile and panel of the door at corresponding points. The
entire mechanism consists of wood and strings joined together in the
rudest manner. Primitive as this device is, however, its conception is
far in advance of the aboriginal culture of the pueblos, and both it and
the string latch must have come from without. The lock was probably a
contrivance of the early Mormons, as it is evidently roughly modeled
after a metallic lock.

Many doors having no permanent means of closure are still in use. These
are very common in Tusayan, and occur also in Cibola, particularly in
the farming pueblos. The open front of the “tupubi” or balcony-like
recess, seen so frequently at the ends of first-terrace roofs in
Tusayan, is often constructed with a transom-like arrangement in
connection with the girder supporting the edge of the roof, in the same
manner in which doorways proper are treated. Pl. XXXII illustrates a
balcony in which one bounding side is formed by a flight of stone steps,
producing a notched or terraced effect. The supporting girder in this
instance is embedded in the wall and coated over with adobe, obscuring
the construction. Fig. 79 shows a rude transom over the supporting beam
of a balcony roof in the principal house of Hano. The upper doorway
shown in this house has been partly walled in, reducing its size
somewhat. It is also provided with a small horizontal opening over the
main lintel, which, like the doorway, has been partly filled with
masonry. This upper transom often seems to have resulted from carrying
such openings to the full height of the story. The transom probably
originated from the spaces left between the ends of beams resting on the
main girder that spanned the principal opening (see Fig. 81). Somewhat
similar balconies are seen in Cibola, both in Zuñi and in the farming
villages, but they do not assume so much importance as in Tusayan. An
example is shown in Pl. CI, in which the construction of this feature is
clearly visible.

In the remains of the ancient pueblos there is no evidence of the use of
the half-open terrace rooms described above. If such rooms existed,
especially if constructed in the open manner of the Tusayan examples,
they must have been among the first to succumb to destruction. The
comparative rarity of this feature in Zuñi does not necessarily indicate
that it is not of native origin, as owing to the exceptional manner of
clustering and to prolonged exposure to foreign influence, this pueblo
exhibits a wider departure from the ancient type than do any of the
Tusayan villages. It is likely that the ancient builders, trusting to
the double protection of the inclosed court and the defensive first
terrace, freely adopted this open and convenient arrangement in
connection with the upper roofs.

[Illustration: Fig. 79. Rude transoms over Tusayan openings.]

[Illustration: Plate XCII. An inclosing wall of upright stones at Ojo
Caliente.]

The transom-like opening commonly accompanying the large opening is also
seen in many of the inclosed doorways of Tusayan, but in some of these
cases its origin can not be traced to the roof constructions, as the
openings do not approach the ceilings of the rooms. In early days such
doorways were closed by means of large slabs of stone set on edge, and
these were sometimes supplemented by a suspended blanket. In severe
winter weather many of the openings were closed with masonry. At the
present time many doorways not provided with paneled doors are closed in
such ways. When a doorway is thus treated its transom is left open for
the admission of light and air. The Indians state that in early times
this transom was provided for the exit of smoke when the main doorway
was closed, and even now such provision is not wholly superfluous. Fig.
80 illustrates a large doorway of Tusayan with a small transom. The
opening was being reduced in size by means of adobe masonry at the time
the drawing was made. Fig. 81 shows a double transom over a lintel
composed of two poles; a section of masonry separating the transom into
two distinct openings rests upon the lintel of the doorway and supports
a roof-beam; this is shown in the figure. Other examples of transoms may
be seen in connection with many of the illustrations of Tusayan
doorways.

[Illustration: Fig. 80. A large Tusayan doorway with small transom
openings.]

[Illustration: Fig. 81. A doorway and double transom in Walpi.]

The transom bars over exterior doorways of houses probably bear some
relation to a feature seen in some of the best preserved ruins and still
surviving to some extent in Tusayan practice. This consists of a
straight pole, usually of the same dimensions as the poles of which the
lintel is made, extending across the opening from 2 to 6 inches below
the main lintel, and fixed into the masonry in a position to serve as a
curtain pole. Originally this pole undoubtedly served as a means of
suspension for the blanket or skin rug used in closing the opening, just
as such means are now used in the huts of the Navajo, as well as
occasionally in the houses of Tusayan. The space above this cross stick
answered the same purpose as the transoms of the present time.

A most striking feature of doorways is the occasional departure from the
quadrangular form, seen in some ruined villages and also in some of the
modern houses of Tusayan. Fig. 82 illustrates a specimen of this type
found in a small cliff ruin, in Canyon de Chelly. Ancient examples of
this form of opening are distinguished by a symmetrical disposition of
the step in the jamb, while the modern doors are seldom so arranged.
A modern example from Mashongnavi is shown in Fig. 83. This opening also
illustrates the double or divided transom. The beam ends shown in the
figure project beyond the face of the wall and support an overhanging
coping or cornice. A door-like window, approximating the symmetrical
form described, is seen immediately over the passage-way shown in Pl.
XXII. This form is evidently the result of the partial closing of a
larger rectangular opening.

[Illustration: Fig. 82. An ancient doorway in Canyon de Chelly cliff
ruin.]

[Illustration: Fig. 83. A symmetrically notched doorway in
Mashongnavi.]

[Illustration: Plate XCIII. Upright blocks of sandstone built into
an ancient pueblo wall.]

[Illustration: Fig. 84. A Tusayan notched doorway.]

Fig. 84 shows the usual type of terraced doorway in Tusayan, in which
one jamb is stepped at a considerably greater height than the other.
In Tusayan large openings occur in which only one jamb is stepped,
producing an effect somewhat of that of the large balcony openings with
flights of stone steps at one side, previously illustrated. An opening
of this form is shown in Fig. 85. Both of the stepped doorways,
illustrated above, are provided with transom openings extending from one
roof beam to another. In the absence of a movable door the openings were
made of the smallest size consistent with convenient use. The stepped
form was very likely suggested by the temporary partial blocking up of
an opening with loose, flat stones in such a manner as to least impair
its use. This is still quite commonly done, large openings being often
seen in which the lower portion on one or both sides is narrowed by
means of adobe bricks or stones loosely piled up. In this connection it
may be noted that the secondary lintel pole, previously described as
occurring in both ancient and modern doorways, serves the additional
purpose of a hand-hold when supplies are brought into the house on the
backs of the occupants. The stepping of the doorway, while diminishing
its exposed area, does not interfere with its use in bringing in large
bundles, etc. Series of steps, picked into the faces of the cliffs, and
affording access to cliff dwellings, frequently have a supplementary
series of narrow and deep cavities that furnish a secure hold for the
hands. The requirements of the precipitous environment of these people
have led to the carrying of loads of produce, fuel, etc., on the back by
means of a suspending band passed across the forehead; this left the
hands free to aid in the difficult task of climbing. These conditions
seem to have brought about the use, in some cases, of handholds in the
marginal frames of interior trapdoors as an aid in climbing the ladder.

[Illustration: Fig. 85. A large Tusayan doorway with one notched
jamb.]

One more characteristic type of the ancient pueblo doorway remains to be
described. During the autumn of 1883, when the ruined pueblo of Kin-tiel
was surveyed, a number of excavations were made in and about the pueblo.
A small room on the east side, near the brink of the arroyo that
traverses the ruin from east to west, was completely cleared out,
exposing its fireplace, the stone paving of its floor, and other details
of construction. Built into an inner partition of this room was found a
large slab of stone, pierced with a circular hole of sufficient size for
a man to squeeze through. This slab was set on edge and incorporated
into the masonry of the partition, and evidently served as a means of
communication with another room. The position of this doorway and its
relation to the room in which it occurs may be seen from the
illustration in Pl. C, which shows the stone in situ. The doorway or
“stone-close” is shown in Fig. 86 on a sufficient scale to indicate the
degree of technical skill in the architectural treatment of stone
possessed by the builders of this old pueblo. The writer visited Zuñi in
October of the same season, and on describing this find to Mr. Frank H.
Cushing, learned that the Zuñi Indians still preserved traditional
knowledge of this device. Mr. Cushing kindly furnished at the time the
following extract from the tale of “The Deer-Slayer and the Wizards,” a
Zuñi folk-tale of the early occupancy of the valley of Zuñi.

[Illustration: Plate XCIV. Ancient wall of upright rocks in
southwestern Colorado.]

“‘How will they enter?’ said the young man to his wife. ‘Through the
stone-close at the side,’ she answered. In the days of the ancients, the
doorways were often made of a great slab of stone with a round hole cut
through the middle, and a round stone slab to close it, which was called
the stone-close, that the enemy might not enter in times of war.”

[Illustration: Fig. 86. An ancient circular doorway or “stone-close”
in Kin-tiel.]

Mr. Cushing had found displaced fragments of such circular stone
doorways at ruins some distance northwest from Zuñi, but had been under
the impression that they were used as roof openings. All examples of
this device known to the writer as having been found in place occurred
in side walls of rooms. Mr. E. W. Nelson, while making collections of
pottery from ruins near Springerville, Arizona, found and sent to the
Smithsonian Institution, in the autumn of 1884, “a flat stone about 18
inches square with a round hole cut in the middle of it. This stone was
taken from the wall of one of the old ruined stone houses near
Springerville, in an Indian ruin. The stone was set in the wall between
two inner rooms of the ruin, and evidently served as a means of
communication or perhaps a ventilator. I send it on mainly as an example
of their stone-working craft.” The position of this feature in the
excavated room of Kin-tiel is indicated on the ground plan, Fig. 60,
which also shows the position of other details seen in the general view
of the room, Pl. C.

A small fragment of a “stone-close” doorway was found incorporated into
the masonry of a flight of outside stone steps at Pescado, indicating
its use in some neighboring ruin, thus bringing it well within the
Cibola district. Another point at which similar remains have been
brought to light is the pueblo of Halona, just across the river from the
present Zuñi. Mr. F. Webb Hodge, recently connected with the Hemenway
Southwestern Archeological Exposition, under the direction of Mr. F. H.
Cushing, describes this form of opening as being of quite common
occurrence in the rooms of this long-buried pueblo. Here the doorways
are associated with the round slabs used for closing them. The latter
were held in place by props within the room. No slabs of this form were
seen at Kin-tiel, but quite possibly some of the large slabs of nearly
rectangular form, found within this ruin, may have served the same
purpose. It would seem more reasonable to use the rectangular slabs
for this purpose when the openings were conveniently near the floors.
No example of the stone-close has as yet been found in Tusayan.

The annular doorway described above affords the only instance known to
the writer where access openings were closed with a rigid device of
aboriginal invention; and from the character of its material this device
was necessarily restricted to openings of small size. The larger
rectangular doorways, when not partly closed by masonry, probably were
covered only with blankets or skin rugs suspended from the lintel.
In the discussion of sealed windows modern examples resembling the
stone-close device will be noted, but these are usually employed in a
more permanent manner.

The small size of the ordinary pueblo doorway was perhaps due as much to
the fact that there was no convenient means of closing it as it was to
defensive reasons. Many primitive habitations, even quite rude ones
built with no intention of defense, are characterized by small doors and
windows. The planning of dwellings and the distribution of openings in
such a manner as to protect and render comfortable the inhabited rooms
implies a greater advance in architectural skill than these builders had
achieved.

The inconveniently small size of the doorways of the modern pueblos is
only a survival of ancient conditions. The use of full-sized doors,
admitting a man without stooping, is entirely practicable at the present
day, but the conservative builders persist in adhering to the early
type. The ancient position of the door, with its sill at a considerable
height from the ground, is also retained. From the absence of any
convenient means of rigidly closing the doors and windows, in early
times external openings were restricted to the smallest practicable
dimensions. The convenience of these openings was increased without
altering their dimensions by elevating them to a certain height above
the ground. In the ruin of Kin-tiel there is marked uniformity in the
height of the openings above the ground, and such openings were likely
to be quite uniform when used for similar purposes. The most common
elevation of the sills of doorways was such that a man could readily
step over at one stride. It will be seen that the same economy of space
has effected the use of windows in this system of architecture.

WINDOWS.

In the pueblo system of building, doors and windows are not always
clearly differentiated. Many of the openings, while used for access to
the dwellings, also answer all the purposes of windows, and, both in
their form and in their position in the walls, seem more fully to meet
the requirements of openings for the admission of light and air than for
access. We have seen in the illustrations in Chapters III and IV,
openings of considerable size so located in the face of the outer wall
as to unfit them for use as doorways, and others whose size is wholly
inadequate, but which are still provided with the typical though
diminutive single-paneled door. Many of these small openings, occurring
most frequently in the back walls of house rows, have the jambs,
lintels, etc., characteristic of the typical modern door. However,
as the drawings above referred to indicate, there are many openings
concerning the use of which there can be no doubt, as they can only
provide outlook, light, and air.

[Illustration: Plate XCV. Ancient floor-beams at Kin-tiel.]

In the most common form of window in present use in Tusayan and Cibola
the width usually exceeds the height. Although found often in what
appear to be the older portions of the present pueblos, this shape
probably does not date very far back. The windows of the ancient pueblos
were sometimes square, or nearly so, when of small size, but when larger
they were never distinguishable from doorways in either size or finish,
and the height exceeded the width. This restriction of the width of
openings was due to the exceptionally small size of the building stone
made use of. Although larger stones were available, the builders had not
sufficient constructive skill to successfully utilize them. The failure
to utilize this material indicates a degree of ignorance of mechanical
aids that at first thought seems scarcely in keeping with the
massiveness of form and the high degree of finish characterizing many of
the remains; but as already seen in the discussion of masonry, the
latter results were attained by the patient industry of many hands,
although laboring with but little of the spirit of cooperation. The
narrowness of the largest doors and windows in the ancient pueblos
suggests timidity on the part of the ancient builders. The apparently
bolder construction of the present day, shown in the prevailing use of
horizontal openings, is not due to greater constructive skill, but
rather to the markedly greater carelessness of modern construction.

[Illustration: Fig. 87. Diagram illustrating symmetrical arrangement
of small openings in Pueblo Bonito.]

The same contrast between modern and ancient practice is seen in the
disposition of openings in walls. In the modern pueblos there does not
seem to be any regularity or system in their introduction, while in some
of the older pueblos, such as Pueblo Bonito on the Chaco, and others of
the same group, the arrangement of the outer openings exhibits a certain
degree of symmetry. The accompanying diagram, Fig. 87, illustrates a
portion of the northern outer wall of Pueblo Bonito, in which the small
windows of successive rooms, besides being uniform in size, are grouped
in pairs. The degree of technical skill shown in the execution of the
masonry about these openings is in keeping with the precision with which
the openings themselves are placed. Pl. CV, gives a view of a portion of
the wall containing these openings.

In marked contrast to the above examples is the slovenly practice of the
modern pueblos. There are rarely two openings of the same size, even in
a single room, nor are these usually placed at a uniform height from the
floor. The placing appears to be purely a matter of individual taste,
and no trace of system or uniformity is to be found. Windows occur
sometimes at considerable height, near or even at the ceiling in some
cases, while others are placed almost at the base of the wall; examples
may be found occupying all intermediate heights between these extremes.
Many of the illustrations show this characteristic irregularity, but
Pls. LXXIX and LXXXII of Zuñi perhaps represent it most clearly.

The framing of these openings differs but little from that of the
ancient examples. The modern opening is distinguished principally by the
more careless method of combining the materials, and by the introduction
in many instances of a rude sash. A number of small poles or sticks,
usually of cedar, with the bark peeled off, are laid side by side in
contact, across the opening, to form a support for the stones and earth
of the superposed masonry. Frequently a particularly large tablet of
stone is placed immediately upon the sticks, but this stone is never
long enough or thick enough to answer the purpose of a lintel for larger
openings. The number of small sticks used is sufficient to reach from
the face to the back of the wall, and in the simplest openings the
surrounding masonry forms jambs and sill. American or Spanish influence
occasionally shows itself in the employment of sawed boards for lintels,
sills, and jambs. The wooden features of the windows exhibit a curiously
light and flimsy construction.

A large percentage of the windows, in both Tusayan and Cibola, are
furnished with glass at the present time. Occasionally a primitive sash
of several lights is found, but frequently the glass is used singly; in
some instances it is set directly into the adobe without any intervening
sash or frame. In several cases in Zuñi the primitive sash or frame has
been rudely decorated with incised lines and notches. An example of this
is shown in Fig. 88. The frame or sash is usually built solidly into the
wall. Hinged sashes do not seem to have been adopted as yet. Often the
introduction of lights shows a curious and awkward compromise between
aboriginal methods and foreign ideas.

[Illustration: Fig. 88. Incised decoration on a rude window sash in
Zuñi.]

[Illustration: Plate XCVI. Adobe walls in Zuñi.]

Characteristic of Zuñi windows, and also of those of the neighboring
pueblo of Acoma, is the use of semitranslucent slabs of selenite, about
1 inch in thickness and of irregular form. Pieces are occasionally met
with about 18 inches long and 8 or 10 inches wide, but usually they are
much smaller and very irregular in outline. For windows pieces are
selected that approximately fit against each other, and thin, flat
strips of wood are fixed in a vertical position in the openings to serve
as supports for the irregular fragments of selenite, which could not be
retained in place without some such provision. The use of window
openings at the bases of walls probably suggested this use of vertical
sticks as a support to slabs of selenite, as in this position they would
be particularly useful, the windows being generally arranged on a slope,
as shown in Fig. 89. Similar glazing is also employed in the related,
obliquely pierced openings of Zuñi, to be described later.

[Illustration: Fig. 89. Sloping selenite window at base of Zuñi wall
on upper terrace.]

Selenite, in all probability, was not used in pre-Spanish times. No
examples have as yet been met with among ruins in the region where this
material is found and now used. Throughout the south and east portion of
the ancient pueblo region, explored by Mr. A. F. Bandelier, where many
of the remains were in a very good state of preservation, no cases of
the use of this substance were seen. Fig. 90 illustrates a typical
selenite window.

[Illustration: Fig. 90. A Zuñi window glazed with selenite.]

In Zuñi some of the kivas are provided with small external windows
framed with slabs of stone. It is likely that the kivas would for a long
time perpetuate methods and practices that had been superseded in the
construction of dwellings. The use of stone jambs, however, would
necessarily be limited to openings of small size, as such use for large
openings was beyond the mechanical skill of the pueblo builders.

Fig. 91 illustrates the manner of making small openings in external
exposed walls in Zuñi. Stone frames occur only occasionally in what seem
to be the older and least modified portions of the village. At Tusayan,
however, this method of framing windows is much more noticeable, as the
exceptional crowding that has exercised such an influence on Zuñi
construction has not occurred there. The Tusayan houses are arranged
more in rows, often with a suggestion of large inclosures resembling the
courts of the ancient pueblos. The inclosures have not been encroached
upon, the streets are wider, and altogether the earlier methods seem to
have been retained in greater purity than in Zuñi. The unbroken outer
wall, of two or three stories in height, like the same feature of the
old villages, is pierced at various heights with small openings that do
not seriously impair its efficiency for defense. Tusayan examples of
these loop-hole-like openings maybe seen in Pls. XXII, XXIII, and XXXIX.

[Illustration: Fig. 91. Small openings in the back wall of a Zuñi
house-cluster.]

In some of the ancient pueblos such openings were arranged on a
distinctly defensive plan, and were constructed with great care.
Openings of this type, not more than 4 inches square, pierced the second
story outer wall of the pueblo of Wejegi in the Chaco Canyon. In the
pueblo of Kin-tiel (Pl. LXIII) similar loop-hole-like openings were very
skillfully constructed in the outer wall at the rounded northeastern
corner of the pueblo. The openings pierced the wall at an oblique angle,
as shown on the plan. Two of these channel-like loopholes maybe seen in
Pl. LXV. This figure also shows the carefully executed jamb corners and
faces of three large openings of the second story, which, though greatly
undermined by the falling away of the lower masonry, are still held in
position by the bond of thin flat stones of which the wall is built.

[Illustration: Plate XCVII. Wall coping and oven at Zuñi.]

It is often the practice in the modern pueblos to seal up the windows of
a house with masonry, and sometimes the doors also during the temporary
absence of the occupant, which absence often takes place at the seasons
of planting and harvesting. At such times many Zuñi families occupy
outlying farming pueblos, such as Nutria and Pescado, and the Tusayans,
in a like manner, live in rude summer shelters close to their fields.
Such absence from the home pueblo often lasts for a month or more at a
time. The work of closing the opening is done sometimes in the roughest
manner, but examples are seen in which carefully laid masonry has been
used. The latter is sometimes plastered. Occasionally the sealing is
done with a thin slab of sandstone, somewhat larger than the opening,
held in place with mud plastering, or propped from the inside after the
manner of the “stone close” previously described. Fig. 92 illustrates
specimens of sealed openings in the village of Hano of the Tusayan
group. The upper window is closed with a single large slab and a few
small chinking stones at one side. The masonry used in closing the lower
opening is scarcely distinguishable from that of the adjoining walls.
Pl. CVI illustrates a similar treatment of an opening in a detached
house of Nutria, whose occupants had returned to the home pueblo of Zuñi
at the close of the harvesting season. The doorway in this case is only
partly closed, leaving a window-like aperture at its top, and the stones
used for the purpose are simply piled up without the use of adobe
mortar.

[Illustration: Fig. 92. Sealed openings in Tusayan.]

Windows and doors closed with masonry are often met with in the remains
of ancient pueblos, suggesting, perhaps, that some of the occupants were
absent at the time of the destruction of the village. When large
door-like openings in upper external walls were built up and plastered
over in this way, as in some ruins, the purpose was to economize heat
during the winter, as blankets or rugs made of skins would be
inadequate.

Besides the closing and reopening of doors and windows just described,
the modern pueblo builders frequently make permanent changes in such
openings. Doors are often converted into windows, and windows are
reduced in size or enlarged, or new ones are broken through the walls,
apparently, with the greatest freedom, so that they do not, from their
finish or method of construction, furnish any clue to the antiquity of
the mud-covered wall in which they are found. Occasionally surface
weathering of the walls, particularly in Zuñi, exposes a bit of
horizontal pole embedded in the masonry, the lintel of a window long
since sealed up and obliterated by successive coats of mud finish. It is
probable that many openings are so covered up as to leave no trace of
their existence on the external wall. In Zuñi particularly, where the
original arrangement for entering and lighting many of the rooms must
have been wholly lost in the dense clustering of later times, such
changes are very numerous. It often happens that the addition of a new
room will shut off one or more old windows, and in such cases the latter
are often converted into interior niches which serve as open cupboards.
Such niches were sometimes of considerable size in the older pueblos.
Changes in the character of openings are quite common in all of the
pueblos. Usually the evidences of such changes are much clearer in the
rougher and more exposed work of Tusayan than in the adobe-finished
houses of Zuñi. Pl. CVII illustrates a large, balcony-like opening in
Oraibi that has been reduced to the size of an ordinary door by filling
in with rough masonry. A small window has been left immediately over the
lintel of the newer door. Pl. CVIII illustrates two large openings in
this village that have been treated in a somewhat similar manner, but
the filling has been carried farther. Both of these openings have been
used as doorways at one stage of their reduction, the one on the right
having been provided with a small transom; the combined opening was
arranged wholly within the large one and under its transom. In the
further conversion of this doorway into a small window, the secondary
transom was blocked up with stone slabs, set on edge, and a small
loophole window in the upper lefthand corner of the large opening was
also closed. The masonry filling of the large opening on the left in
this illustration shows no trace of a transom over the smaller doorway.
A small loophole in the corner of this large opening is still left open.
It will be noted that the original transoms of the large openings have
in all these cases been entirely filled up with masonry.

[Illustration: Plate XCVIII. Cross-pieces on Zuñi ladders.]

[Illustration: Fig. 93. A Zuñi doorway converted into a window.]

The clearness with which all the steps of the gradual reduction of these
openings can be traced in the exposed stone work is in marked contrast
with the obscurity of such features in Zuñi. In the latter group,
however, examples are occasionally seen where a doorway has been partly
closed with masonry, leaving enough space at the top for a window. Often
in such cases the filled-in masonry is thinner than that of the
adjoining wall, and consequently the form of the original doorway is
easily traced. Fig. 93, from an adobe wall in Zuñi, gives an
illustration of this. The entrance doorway of the detached Zuñi house
illustrated in Pl. LXXXIII, has been similarly reduced in size, leaving
traces of the original form in a slight offset. In modern times, both in
Tusayan and Cibola, changes in the form and disposition of openings seem
to have been made with the greatest freedom, but in the ancient pueblos
altered doors or windows have rarely been found. The original placing of
these features was more carefully considered, and the buildings were
rarely subjected to unforeseen and irregular crowding.

In both ancient and modern pueblo work, windows, used only as such, seem
to have been universally quadrilateral, offsets and steps being confined
exclusively to doorways.

ROOF OPENINGS.

The line of separation between roof openings and doors and windows is,
with few exceptions, sharply drawn. The origin of these roof-holes,
whose use at the present time is widespread, was undoubtedly in the
simple trap door which gave access to the rooms of the first terrace.
Pl. XXXVIII, illustrating a court of Oraibi, shows in the foreground a
kiva hatchway of the usual form seen in Tusayan. Here there is but
little difference between the entrance traps of the ceremonial chambers
and those that give access to the rooms of the first terrace; the former
are in most cases somewhat larger to admit of ingress of costumed
dancers, and the kiva traps are usually on a somewhat sharper slope,
conforming to the pitch of the small dome-roof of the kivas, while those
of the house terraces have the scarcely perceptible fall of the house
roofs in which they are placed. In Zuñi, however, where the development
and use of openings has been carried further, the kiva hatchways are
distinguished by a specialized form that will be described later. An
examination of the plans of the modern villages in Chapters II and III
will show the general distribution of roof openings. Those used as
hatchways are distinguishable by their greater dimensions, and in many
cases by the presence of the ladders that give access to the rooms
below. The smaller roof openings in their simplest form are constructed
in essentially the same manner as the trap doors, and the width is
usually regulated by the distance between two adjacent roof beams. The
second series of small roof poles is interrupted at the sides of the
opening, which sides are finished by means of carefully laid small
stones in the same manner as are projecting copings. This finish is
often carried several inches above the roof and crowned with narrow
stone slabs, one on each of the four sides, forming a sort of frame
which protects the mud plastered sides of the opening from the action of
the rains. Examples of this simple type may be seen in many of the
figures illustrating Chapters II and III, and in Pl. XCVII. Fig. 94 also
illustrates common types of roof openings seen in Zuñi. Two of the
examples in this figure are of openings that give access to lower rooms.
Occasional instances are seen in this pueblo in which an exaggerated
height is given to the coping, the result slightly approaching a square
chimney in effect. Fig. 95 illustrates an example of this form.

[Illustration: Fig. 94. Zuñi roof-openings.]

[Illustration: Plate XCIX. Outside steps at Pescado.]

[Illustration: Fig. 95. A Zuñi roof opening, with raised coping.]

In Zuñi, where many minor variations in the forms of roof openings
occur, certain of these variations appear to be related to roof
drainage. These have three sides crowned in the usual manner with coping
stones laid flat, but the fourth side is formed by setting a thin slab
on edge, as illustrated in Fig. 96.

[Illustration: Fig. 96. Zuñi roof-openings, with one elevated end.]

Fig. 94 also embodies two specimens of this form.

The special object of this arrangement is in some cases difficult to
determine; the raised end in all the examples on any one roof always
takes the same direction, and in many cases its position relative to
drainage suggests that it is a provision against flooding by rain on the
slightly sloping roof; but this relation to drainage is by no means
constant. Roof holes on the west side of the village in such positions
as to be directly exposed to the violent sand storms that prevail here
during certain months of the year seem in some cases to have in view
protection against the flying sand. We do not meet with evidence of any
fixed system to guide the disposition of this feature. In many cases
these trap holes are provided with a thin slab of sandstone large enough
to cover the whole opening, and used in times of rain. During fair
weather these are laid on the roof, near the hole they are designed to
cover, or lie tilted against the higher edge of the trap, as shown in
Fig. 97.

[Illustration: Fig. 97. A Zuñi roof hole with cover.]

When the cover is placed on one of these holes, with a high slab at one
end, it has a steep pitch, to shed water, and at the same time light and
air are to some extent admitted, but it is very doubtful if this is the
result of direct intention on the part of the builder. The possible
development of this roof trap of unusual elevation into a rudimentary
chimney has already been mentioned in the discussion of chimneys.
A development in this direction would possibly be suggested by the
desirability of separating the access by ladder from the inconvenient
smoke hole. This must have been brought very forcibly to the attention
of the Indian when, at the time a fire was burning in the fireplace,
they were compelled to descend the ladder amidst the smoke and heat.

[Illustration: Plate C. An excavated room at Kin-tiel.]

[Illustration: Fig. 98. Kiva trapdoor in Zuñi.]

The survival to the present time of such an inconvenient arrangement in
the kivas can be explained only on the ground of the intense
conservatism of these people in all that pertains to religion. In the
small roof holes methods of construction are seen which would not be so
practicable on the larger scale of the ladder holes after which they
have been modeled. In these latter the sides are built up of masonry or
adobe, but the framing around them is more like the usual coping over
walls. The stone that, set on edge in the small openings built for the
admission of light, forms a raised end never occurs in these. The ladder
for access rests against the coping.

When occurring in connection with kivas, ladder holes have certain
peculiarities in which they differ from the ordinary form used in
dwellings. The opening in such cases is made of large size to admit
dancers in costume with full paraphernalia. These, the largest roof
openings to be found in Zuñi, are framed with pieces of wood. The
methods of holding the pieces in place vary somewhat in minor detail.
It is quite likely that recent examples, while still preserving the form
and general appearance of the earlier ones, would bear evidence that the
builders had used their knowledge of improved methods of joining and
finishing.

As may readily be seen from the illustration, Fig. 98, this framing,
by the addition of a cross piece, divides the opening unequally. The
smaller aperture is situated immediately above the fireplace (which
conforms to the ancient type without chimney and located in the open
floor of the room) and is very evidently designed to furnish an outlet
to the smoke. In a chamber having no side doors or windows, or at most
very small square windows, and consequently no drafts, the column of
smoke and flame can often on still nights be seen rising vertically from
the roof. The other portion of the opening containing the ladder is used
for ingress and egress. This singular combination strongly suggests that
at no very remote period one opening was used to answer both purposes,
as it still does in the Tusayan kivas. It also suggests the direction in
which differentiation of functions began to take place, which in the
kiva was delayed and held back by the conservative religious feeling,
when in the civil architecture it may have been the initial point of a
development that culminated in the chimney, a development that was
assisted in its later steps by suggestions from foreign sources. In the
more primitively constructed examples the cross pieces seem to be simply
laid on without any cutting in. The central piece is held in place by a
peg set into each side piece, the weight and thrust of the ladder
helping to hold it. The primitive arrangement here seen has been
somewhat improved upon in some other cases, but it was not ascertained
whether these were of later date or not.

In the best made frames for kiva entrances the timbers are “halved” in
the manner of our carpenters, the joint being additionally secured by a
pin as shown in Fig. 99.

The use of a frame of wood in these trapdoors dates back to a
comparatively high antiquity, and is not at all a modern innovation,
as one would at first be inclined to believe. Their use in so highly
developed a form in the ceremonial chamber is an argument in favor of
antiquity. Only two examples were discovered by Mr. L. H. Morgan in a
ruined pueblo on the Animas. “One of these measured 16 by 17 inches and
the other was 16 inches square. Each was formed in the floor by pieces
of wood put together. The work was neatly done.”[8]

[Footnote 8: Contributions to N.A. Ethnology, vol. 4. House Life,
etc., p. 182.]

[Illustration: Fig. 99. Halved and pinned trapdoor frame of a Zuñi
kiva.]

[Illustration: Plate CI. Masonry chimneys of Zuñi.]

Unfortunately, Mr. Morgan does not describe in detail the manner in
which the joining was effected, or whether the pieces were halved or cut
to fit. It seems hardly likely, considering the rude facilities
possessed by the ancients, that the enormous labor of reducing large
pieces of wood to such interfitting shapes would have been undertaken.
A certain neatness of finish would undoubtedly be attained by arranging
the principal roof beams and the small poles that cross them at right
angles, in the usual careful manner of the ancient builders. The kiva
roof opening, with the hole serving for access and smoke exit, is
paralleled in the excavated lodges of the San Francisco Mountains, where
a single opening served this double purpose. A slight recess or
excavation in the side of the entrance shaft evidently served for the
exit of smoke.

At the village of Acoma the kiva trapdoors differ somewhat from the Zuñi
form. The survey of this village was somewhat hasty, and no opportunity
was afforded of ascertaining from the Indians the special purpose of the
mode of construction adopted. The roof hole is divided, as in Zuñi, but
the portion against which the ladder leans, instead of being made into a
smoke vent, is provided with a small roof. These roof holes to the
ceremonial chamber are entered directly from the open air, while in the
dwelling rooms it seems customary (much more customary than at Zuñi) to
enter the lower stories through trapdoors within upper rooms. In many
instances second-story rooms have no exterior rooms but are entered from
rooms above, contrary to the usual arrangement in both Tusayan and
Cibola. All six of the kivas in this village are provided with this
peculiarly constructed opening.

In Zuñi close crowding of the cells has led to an exceptionally frequent
use of roof-lights and trapdoors. The ingenuity of the builders was
greatly taxed to admit sufficient light to the inner rooms. The roof
hole, which was originally used only to furnish the means of access and
light for the first terrace, as is still the case in Tusayan, is here
used in all stories indiscriminately, and principally for light and air.
In large clusters there are necessarily many dark rooms, which has led
to the employment of great numbers of roof holes, more or less directly
modeled after the ordinary trapdoor. Their occurrence is particularly
frequent in the larger clusters of the village, as in house No. 1. The
exceptional size of this pile, and of the adjoining house No. 4, with
the consequent large proportion of dark rooms, have taxed the ingenuity
of the Zuñi to the utmost, and as a result we see roof openings here
assuming a degree of importance not found elsewhere.

In addition to roof openings of the type described, the dense clustering
of the Zuñi houses has led to the invention of a curious device for
lighting inner rooms not reached by ordinary external openings. This
consists of an opening, usually of oval or subrectangular form in
elevation, placed at the junction of the roof with a vertical wall. This
opening is carried down obliquely between the roofing beams, as shown in
the sections, Fig. 100, so that the light is admitted within the room
just at the junction of the ceiling and the inner face of the wall. With
the meager facilities and rude methods of the Zuñi, this peculiar
arrangement often involved weak construction, and the openings, placed
so low in the wall, were in danger of admitting water from the roof. The
difficulty of obtaining the desired light by this device was much
lessened where the outer roof was somewhat lower than the ceiling
within.

These oblique openings occur not only in the larger clusters of houses
Nos. 1 and 4, but also in the more openly planned portions of the
village, though they do not occur either at Acoma or in the Tusayan
villages. They afford an interesting example of the transfer and
continuance in use of a constructional device developed in one place by
unusual conditions to a new field in which it was uncalled for, being
less efficient and more difficult of introduction than the devices in
ordinary use.

[Illustration: Fig. 100. Typical sections of Zuñi oblique openings.]

FURNITURE.

The pueblo Indian has little household furniture, in the sense in which
the term is commonly employed; but his home contains certain features
which are more or less closely embodied in the house construction and
which answers the purpose. The suspended pole that serves as a clothes
rack for ordinary wearing apparel, extra blankets, robes, etc., has
already been described in treating of interiors. Religious costumes and
ceremonial paraphernalia are more carefully provided for, and are stored
away in some hidden corner of the dark storerooms.

[Illustration: Plate CII. Remains of a gateway in Awatubi.]

The small wall niches, which are formed by closing a window with a thin
filling-in wall, and which answer the purpose of cupboards or
receptacles for many of the smaller household articles, have also been
described and illustrated in connection with the Zuñi interior (Pl.
LXXXVI).

[Illustration: Fig. 101. Arrangement of mealing stones in a Tusayan
house.]

In many houses, both in Tusayan and in Cibola, shelves are constructed
for the more convenient storage of food, etc. These are often
constructed in a very primitive manner, particularly in the former
province. An unusually frail example may be seen in Fig. 67, in
connection with a fireplace. Fig. 101, showing a series of mealing
stones in a Tusayan house, also illustrates a rude shelf in the corner
of the room, supported at one end by an upright stone slab and at the
other by a projecting wooden peg. Shelves made of sawed boards are
occasionally seen, but as a rule such boards are considered too valuable
to be used in this manner. A more common arrangement, particularly in
Tusayan, is a combination of three or four slender poles placed side by
side, 2 or 3 inches apart, forming a rude shelf, upon which trays of
food are kept.

Another device for the storage of food, occasionally seen in the pueblo
house, is a pocket or bin built into the corner of a room. Fig. 101,
illustrating the plan of a Tusayan house, indicates the position of one
of these cupboard-like inclosures. A sketch of this specimen is shown in
Fig. 102. This bin, used for the storage of beans, grain, and the like,
is formed by cutting off a corner of the room by setting two stone slabs
into the floor, and it is covered with the mud plastering which extends
over the neighboring walls.

A curious modification of this device was seen in one of the inner rooms
in Zuñi, in the house of José Pié. A large earthen jar, apparently an
ordinary water vessel, was built into a projecting masonry bench near
the corner of the room in such a manner that its rim projected less than
half an inch above its surface. This jar was used for the same purpose
as the Tusayan corner bin.

[Illustration: Fig. 102. A Tusayan grain bin.]

[Illustration: Fig. 103. A Zuñi plume box.]

Some of the Indians of the present time have chests or boxes in which
their ceremonial blankets and paraphernalia are kept. These of course
have been introduced since the days of American boards and boxes. In
Zuñi, however, the Indians still use a small wooden receptacle for the
precious ceremonial articles, such as feathers and beads. This is an
oblong box, provided with a countersunk lid, and usually carved from a
single piece of wood. Typical specimens are illustrated in Figs. 103 and
104. The workmanship displayed in these objects is not beyond the
aboriginal skill of the native workman, and their use is undoubtedly
ancient.

[Illustration: Fig. 104. A Zuñi plume box.]

[Illustration: Plate CIII. Ancient gateway, Kin-tiel.]

[Illustration: Fig. 105. A Tusayan mealing trough.]

[Illustration: Fig. 106. An ancient pueblo form of metate.]

Perhaps the most important article of furniture in the home of the
pueblo Indian is the mealing trough, containing the household milling
apparatus. This trough usually contains a series of three metates of
varying degrees of coarseness firmly fixed in a slanting position most
convenient for the workers. It consists of thin slabs of sandstone set
into the floor on edge, similar slabs forming the separating partitions
between the compartments. This arrangement is shown in Fig. 105,
illustrating a Tusayan mealing trough. Those of Zuñi are of the same
form, as maybe seen in the illustration of a Zuñi interior, Fig. 105.
Occasionally in recently constructed specimens the thin inclosing walls
of the trough are made of planks. In the example illustrated one end of
the series is bounded by a board, all the other walls and divisions
being made of the usual stone slabs. The metates themselves are not
usually more than 3 inches in thickness. They are so adjusted in their
setting of stones and mortar as to slope away from the operator at the
proper angle. This arrangement of the mealing stones is characteristic
of the more densely clustered communal houses of late date. In the more
primitive house the mealing stone was usually a single large piece of
cellular basalt, or similar rock, in which a broad, sloping depression
was carved, and which could be transported from place to place. Fig. 106
illustrates an example of this type from the vicinity of Globe, in
southern Arizona. The stationary mealing trough of the present day is
undoubtedly the successor of the earner moveable form, yet it was in use
among the pueblos at the time of the first Spanish expedition, as the
following extract from Castañeda’s account[9] of Cibola will show. He
says a special room is designed to grind the grain: “This last is apart,
and contains a furnace and three stones made fast in masonry. Three
women sit down before these stones; the first crushes the grain, the
second brays it, and the third reduces it entirely to powder.” It will
be seen how exactly this description fits both the arrangement and the
use of this mill at the present time. The perfection of mechanical
devices and the refinement of methods here exhibited would seem to be in
advance of the achievement of this people in other directions.

[Footnote 9: Given by W. W. H. Davis in El Gringo, p. 119.]

The grinding stones of the mealing apparatus are of correspondingly
varying degrees of roughness; those of basalt or lava are used for the
first crushing of the corn, and sandstone is used for the final grinding
on the last metate of the series. By means of these primitive appliances
the corn meal is as finely ground as our wheaten flour. The grinding
stones now used are always flat, as shown in Fig. 105, and differ from
those that were used with the early massive type of metate in being of
cylindrical form.

One end of the series of milling troughs is usually built against the
wall near the corner of the room. In some cases, where the room is quite
narrow, the series extends across from wall to wall. Series comprising
four mealing stones, sometimes seen in Zuñi, are very generally arranged
in this manner. In all cases sufficient floor space is left behind the
mills to accommodate the women who kneel at their work. Pl. LXXXVI
illustrates an unusual arrangement, in which the fourth mealing stone is
set at right angles to the other stones of the series.

Mortars are in general use in Zuñi and Tusayan households. As a rule
they are of considerable size, and made of the same material as the
rougher mealing stones. They are employed for crushing and grinding the
chile or red pepper that enters so largely into the food of the Zuñi,
and whose use has extended to the Mexicans of the same region. These
mortars have the ordinary circular depressions and are used with a round
pestle or crusher, often of somewhat long, cylindrical form for
convenience in handling.

Parts of the apparatus for indoor blanket weaving seen in some of the
pueblo houses may be included under the heading of furniture. These
consist of devices for the attachment of the movable parts of the loom,
which need not be described in this connection. In some of the Tusayan
houses may be seen examples of posts sunk in the floor provided with
holes for the insertion of cords for attaching and tightening the warp,
similar to those built into the kiva floors, illustrated in Fig. 31.
No device of this kind was seen in Zuñi. A more primitive appliance for
such work is seen in both groups of pueblos in an occasional stump of a
beam or short pole projecting from the wall at varying heights. Ceiling
beams are also used for stretching the warp both in blanket and belt
weaving.

[Illustration: Plate CIV. A covered passageway in Mashongnavi.]

The furnishings of a pueblo house do not include tables and chairs. The
meals are eaten directly from the stone-paved floor, the participants
rarely having any other seat than the blanket that they wear, rolled up
or folded into convenient form. Small stools are sometimes seen, but the
need of such appliances does not seem to be keenly felt by these
Indians, who can, for hours, sit in a peculiar squatting position on
their haunches, without any apparent discomfort. Though moveable chairs
or stools are rare, nearly all of the dwellings are provided with the
low ledge or bench around the rooms, which in earlier times seems to
have been confined to the kivas. A slight advance on this fixed form of
seat was the stone block used in the Tusayan kivas, described on p. 132,
which at the same time served a useful purpose in the adjustment of the
warp threads for blanket weaving.

[Illustration: Fig. 107. Zuñi stools.]

The few wooden stools observed show very primitive workmanship, and are
usually made of a single piece of wood. Fig. 107 illustrates two forms
of wooden stool from Zuñi. The small three-legged stool on the left has
been cut from the trunk of a piñon tree in such a manner as to utilize
as legs the three branches into which the main stem separated. The other
stool illustrated is also cut from a single piece of tree trunk, which
has been reduced in weight by cutting out one side, leaving the two ends
for support.

[Illustration: Fig. 108. A Zuñi chair.]

A curiously worked chair of modern form seen in Zuñi is illustrated in
Fig. 108. It was difficult to determine the antiquity of this specimen,
as its rickety condition may have been due to the clumsy workmanship
quite as much as to the effects of age. Rude as is the workmanship,
however, it was far beyond the unaided skill of the native craftsman to
join and mortise the various pieces that go to make up this chair. Some
decorative effect has been sought here, the ornamentation, made up of
notches and sunken grooves, closely resembling that on the window sash
illustrated in Fig. 88, and somewhat similar in effect to the carving on
the Spanish beams seen in the Tusayan kivas. The whole construction
strongly suggests Spanish influence.

Even the influence of Americans has as yet failed to bring about the use
of tables or bedsteads among the pueblo Indians. The floor answers all
the purposes of both these useful articles of furniture. The food dishes
are placed directly upon it at meal times, and at night the blankets,
rugs, and sheep skins that form the bed are spread directly upon it.
These latter, during the day, are suspended upon the clothes pole
previously described and illustrated.

CORRALS AND GARDENS.

The introduction of domestic sheep among the pueblos has added a new and
important element to their mode of living, but they seem never to have
reached a clear understanding as to how these animals should be cared
for. No forethought is exercised to separate the rams so that the lambs
will be born at a favorable season. The flocks consist of sheep and
goats which are allowed to run together at all tunes. Black sheep and
some with a grayish color of wool are often seen among them. No attempt
is made to eliminate these dark-fleeced members of the flock, since the
black and gray wool is utilized in its natural color in producing many
of the designs and patterns of the blankets woven by these people. The
flocks are usually driven up into the corrals or inclosures every
evening, and are taken out again in the morning, frequently at quite a
late hour. This, together with the time consumed in driving them to and
from pasture, gives them much less chance to thrive than those of the
nomadic Navajo. In Tusayan the corrals are usually of small size and
inclosed by thin walls of rude stone work. This may be seen in the
foreground of Pl. XXI. Pl. CIX illustrates several corrals just outside
the village of Mashongnavi similarly constructed, but of somewhat larger
size. Some of the corrals of Oraibi are of still larger size,
approaching in this respect the corrals of Cibola. The Oraibi pens are
rudely rectangular in form, with more or less rounded angles, and are
also built of rude masonry.

[Illustration: Plate CV. Small square openings in Pueblo Bonito.]

In the less important villages of Cibola stone is occasionally used for
inclosing the corrals, as in Tusayan, as may be seen in Pl. LXX,
illustrating an inclosure of this character in the court of the farming
pueblo of Pescado. Pl. CX illustrates in detail the manner in which
stone work is combined with the use of rude stakes in the construction
of this inclosure. On the rugged sites of the Tusayan villages corrals
are placed wherever favorable nooks happen to be found in the rocks, but
at Zuñi, built in the comparatively open plain, they form a nearly
continuous belt around the pueblo. Here they are made of stakes and
brush held in place by horizontal poles tied on with strips of rawhide.
The rudely contrived gateways are supported in natural forks at the top
and sides of posts. Often one or two small inclosures used for burros or
horses occur near these sheep corrals. The construction is identical
with those above described and is very rude. It is illustrated in Fig.
109, which shows the manner in which the stakes are arranged, and also
the method of attaching the horizontal tie-pieces. The construction of
these inclosures is frail, and the danger of pushing the stakes over by
pressure from within is guarded against by employing forked braces that
abut against horizontal pieces tied on 4 or 5 feet from the ground.
Reference to Pl. LXXIV will illustrate this construction.

[Illustration: Fig. 109. Construction of a Zuñi corral.]

Within the village of Zuñi inclosures resembling miniature corrals are
sometimes seen built against the houses; these are used as cages for
eagles. A number of these birds are kept in Zuñi for the sake of their
plumage, which is highly valued for ceremonial purposes. Pl. CXI
illustrates one of these coops, constructed partly with a thin adobe
wall and partly with stakes arranged like those of the corrals.

In both of the pueblo groups under discussion, small gardens contiguous
to the villages are frequent. Those of Tusayan are walled in with stone.

Within the pueblo of Zuñi a small group of garden patches is inclosed by
stake fences, but the majority of the gardens in the vicinity of the
principal villages are provided with low walls of mud masonry. The small
terraced gardens here are near the river bank on the southwest and
southeast sides of the village. The inclosed spaces, averaging in size
about 10 feet square, are used for the cultivation of red peppers,
beans, etc., which, during the dry season, are watered by hand. These
inclosures, situated close to the dwellings, suggest a probable
explanation for similar inclosures found in many of the ruins in the
southern and eastern portions of the ancient pueblo region. Mr.
Bandelier was informed by the Pimas[10] that these inclosures were
ancient gardens. He concluded that since acequias were frequent in the
immediate vicinity these gardens must have been used as reserves in case
of war, when the larger fields were not available, but the manner of
their occurrence in Zuñi suggests rather that they were intended for
cultivation of special crops, such as pepper, beans, cotton, and perhaps
also of a variety of tobacco--corn, melons, squashes, etc., being
cultivated elsewhere in larger tracts. There is a large group of gardens
on the bank of the stream at the southeastern corner of Zuñi, and here
there are slight indications of terracing. A second group on the steeper
slope at the southwestern corner is distinctly terraced. Small walled
gardens of the same type as these Zuñi examples occur in the vicinity of
some of the Tusayan villages on the middle mesa. They are located near
the springs or water pockets, apparently to facilitate watering by hand.
Some of them contain a few small peach trees in addition to the
vegetable crops ordinarily met with. The clusters here are, as a rule,
smaller than those of Zuñi, as there is much less space available in the
vicinity of the springs. At one point on the west side of the first
mesa, a few miles above Walpi, a copious spring serves to irrigate quite
an extensive series of small garden patches distributed over lower
slopes.

[Footnote 10: Fifth Ann. Rept. Arch. Inst. Am., p. 92.]

[Illustration: Fig. 110. Gardens of Zuñi.]

[Illustration: Plate CVI. Sealed openings in a detached house of
Nutria.]

At several points around Zuñi, usually at a greater distance than the
terrace gardens, are fields of much larger area inclosed in a similar
manner. Their inclosure was simply to secure them against the
depredations of stray burros, so numerous about the village. When the
crops are gathered in the autumn, several breaches are made in the low
wall and the burros are allowed to luxuriate on the remains. Pl. LIX
indicates the position of the large cluster of garden patches on the
southeastern side of Zuñi. Fig. 110, taken from photographs made in
1873, shows several of these small gardens with their growing crops and
a large field of corn beyond. The workmanship of the garden walls as
contrasted with that of the house masonry has been already described and
is illustrated in Pl. XC.

“KISI” CONSTRUCTION.

Lightly constructed shelters for the use of those in charge of fields
were probably a constant accompaniment of pueblo horticulture. Such
shelters were built of stone or of brush, according to which material
was most available.

In very precipitous localities, as the Canyon de Chelly, these outlooks
naturally became the so-called cliff-dwellings or isolated shelters.
In Cibola single stone houses are in common use, not to the exclusion,
however, of the lighter structures of brush, while in Tusayan these
lighter forms, of which there are a number of well defined varieties,
are almost exclusively used. A detailed study of the methods of
construction employed in these rude shelters would be of great interest
as affording a comparison both with the building methods of the ruder
neighboring tribes and with those adopted in constructing some of the
details of the terraced house; the writer, however, did not have an
opportunity of making an examination of all the field shelters used in
these pueblos. Two of the simpler types are the “tuwahlki,” or watch
house, and the “kishoni,” or uncovered shade. The former is constructed
by first planting a short forked stick in the ground, which supports one
end of a pole, the other end resting on the ground. The interval between
this ridge pole and the ground is roughly filled in with slanting sticks
and brush, the inclosed space being not more than 3 feet in height, with
a maximum width of four or five feet. These shelters are for the
accommodation of the children who watch the melon patches until the
fruit is harvested.

[Illustration: Fig. 111. Kishoni, or uncovered shade, of Tusayan.]

The kishoni, or uncovered shade, illustrated in Fig. 111, is perhaps the
simplest form of shelter employed. Ten or a dozen cottonwood saplings
are set firmly into the ground, so as to form a slightly curved
inclosure with convex side toward the south. Cottonwood and willow
boughs in foliage, grease-wood, sage brush, and rabbit brush are laid
with stems upward in even rows against these saplings to a height of 6
or 7 feet. This light material is held in place by bands of small
cottonwood branches laid in continuous horizontal lines around the
outside of the shelter and these are attached to the upright saplings
with cottonwood and willow twigs.

[Illustration: Plate CVII. Partial filling-in of a large opening in
Oraibi, converting it into a doorway.]

Figs. 112 and 113 illustrate a much more elaborate field shelter in
Tusayan. As may readily be seen from the figures this shelter covers a
considerable area; it will be seen too that the upright branches that
inclose two of its sides are of sufficient height to considerably shade
the level roof of poles and brush, converting it into a comfortable
retreat.

[Illustration: Fig. 112. A Tusayan field shelter, from southwest.]

[Illustration: Fig. 113. A Tusayan field shelter, from northeast.]

ARCHITECTURAL NOMENCLATURE.

The following nomenclature, collected by Mr. Stephen, comprises the
terms commonly used in designating the constructional details of Tusayan
houses and kivas:

Kiko´li The ground floor rooms forming the first terrace.
Tupu´bi The roofed recess at the end of the first terrace.
Ah´pabi } A terrace roof.
Ih´pobi }
Tupat´ca ih´pobi The third terrace, used in common as a loitering
place.
Tumtco´kobi “The place of the flat stone;” small rooms in
which “piki,” or paper-bread, is baked. “Tuma,”
the piki stone, and “tcok” describing its flat
position.
Tupa´tca “Where you sit overhead;” the third story.
O´mi Ah´pabi The second story; a doorway always opens from it
upon the roof of the “kiko´li.”
Kitcobi “The highest place;” the fourth story.
Tuhkwa A wall.
Puce An outer corner.
Apaphucua An inside corner.
Lestabi The main roof timbers.
Wina´kwapi Smaller cross poles. “Winahoya,” a small pole, and
“Kwapi,” in place.
Kaha´b kwapi The willow covering.
Süibi kwapi The brush covering.
Si´hü kwapi The grass covering.
Kiam´ balawi The mud plaster of roof covering,
“Balatle´lewini,” to spread.
Tcukat´cvewata Dry earth covering the roof. “Tcuka,” earth,
“katuto,” to sit, and “at´cvewata,” one laid
above another.
Kiami An entire roof.
Kwo´pku The fireplace.
Kwi´tcki “Smoke-house,” an inside chimney-hood.
Sibvu´tütük´mula A series of bottomless jars piled above each
other, and luted together as a chimney-top.
Sibvu´ A bottomless earthen vessel serving as a chimney
pot.
Bok´ci Any small hole in a wall, or roof, smaller than
a doorway.
Hi´tci An opening, such as a doorway. This term is also
applied to a gap in a cliff.
Hi´tci Kalau´wata A door frame.
Tûñañ´îata A lintel; literally, “that holds the sides in
place.”
Wuwûk´pi “The place step;” the door sill.
Niñuh´pi A handhold; the small pole in a doorway below the
lintel.
Pana´ptca ütc´pi bok´ci
A window; literally, “glass covered opening.”
Ut´cpi A cover.
Ahpa´bütc´pi } A door. “Apab,” inside; wina, a pole.
Wina´ütc´pi }
O´wa ütc´ppî “Stone cover,” a stone slab.
Tüi´ka A projection in the wall of a room suggesting a
partition, such as shown in Pl. LXXXV. The same
term is applied to a projecting cliff in a mesa.
Kiam´i An entire roof. The main beams, cross poles, and
roof layers have the same names as in the kiva,
given later.
Wĭna´kü´i Projecting poles; rafters extending beyond the
walls.
Bal´kakini “Spread out;” the floor.
O´tcokpü´h “Leveled with stones;” a raised level for the
foundation.
Ba´lkakini tü´wi “Floor ledge;” the floor of one room raised above
that of an adjoining one.
Hako´la “Lower place;” the floor of a lower room. Sand
dunes in a valley are called “Hakolpi.”
Ko´ltci A shelf.
Owako´ltci A stone shelf.
Ta´pü kü´ita A support for a shelf.
Wina´koltci A hewn plank shelf.
Kokiüni A wooden peg in a wall.
Tületa A shelf hanging from the ceiling.
Tület´haipi The cords for suspending a shelf.
Tükûlci A niche in the wall.
Tükûli A stone mortar.
Ma´ta The complete mealing apparatus for grinding corn.
Owa´mata The trough or outer frame of stone slabs.
Mata´ki The metate or grinding slab.
Kakom´ta mata´ki The coarsest grinding slab.
Tala´kî mata´ki The next finer slab; from “talaki” to parch
crushed corn in a vessel at the fire.
Piñ´nyümta mata´ki The slab of finest texture; from “pin,” fine.
Ma´ta ü´tci The upright partition stones separating the
metates. The rubbing stones have the same names
as the metates.
Hawi´wita A stone stairway.
Tütü´beñ hawi´wita A stairway pecked into a cliff face.
Sa´ka A ladder.
Wina´hawi´pi Steps of wood.
Ki´cka The covered way.
Hitcu´yî´wa “Opening to pass through;” a narrow passage
between houses.
Ki´sombi “Place closed with houses;” courts and spaces
between house groups.
Bavwa´kwapi A gutter pipe inserted in the roof coping.

[Illustration: Plate CVIII. Large openings reduced to small windows,
Oraibi.]

In kiva nomenclature the various parts of the roof have the same names
as the corresponding features of the dwellings. These are described on
pp. 148-151.

Le´stabi The main roof timbers.
Wina´kwapi The smaller cross poles.
Kaha´b kwapi The willow covering.
Süibi kwapi The brush covering.
Si´hü kwapi The grass covering.
Tcuka´tcve wata The dry earth layer of the roof.
Kiam´ba´lawi The layer of mud plaster on the roof.
Kiami An entire roof.

The following terms are used to specially designate various features of
the kivas:

Tüpat´caiata, Both of these terms are used to designate
lestabi } the kiva hatchway beams upon which the
Lesta´bkwapi, } hatchway walls rest.
Süna´cabi le´stabi The main beams in the roof, nearest to the
hatchway.
Ĕp´eoka le´stabi The main beams next to the central ones.
Püep´eoka le´stabi The main beams next in order, and all the beams
intervening between the “epeoka” and the end
beams are so designated.
Kala´beoka lestabi The beams at the ends of a kiva.
Mata´owa “Stone placed with hands.”
Hüzrüowa “Hard stone.”
Both of these latter terms are applied to
corner foundation stones.
Kwa´kü üt´cpi Moveable mat of reeds or sticks for covering
hatchway opening, Fig. 29.
“Kwaku,” wild hay; “utepi,” a stopper.
Tüpat´caiata The raised hatchway; “the sitting place,”
Fig. 95.
Tüpat´caiata tü´kwa The walls of the hatchway.
Kipat´ctjua´ta The kiva doorway; the opening into the hatchway,
Fig. 28.
Apa´pho´ya Small niches in the wall. “Apap,” from “apabi,”
inside, and “hoya,” small.
Si´papüh An archaic term. The etymology of this word is
not known.
Kwŏp´kota The fireplace. “Kwuhi,” coals or embers;
“küaiti,” head.
Kŏi´tci Pegs for drying fuel, fixed under the hatchway.
“Ko-hu,” wood; Fig. 28.
Kokü´ina Pegs in the walls.
Sa´ka A ladder. This term is applied to any ladder.
Figs. 45-47.
Sa´kaleta Ladder rungs; “Leta,” from “lestabi;” see above.
Tüvwibi The platform elevation or upper level of the
floor. “Tu-vwi,” a ledge; Fig. 24.
Tüvwi Stone ledges around the sides, for seats. The
same term is used to designate any ledge,
as that of a mesa, etc.
Katcin´ Kibü “Katcina,” house. The niche in a ledge at the
end of the kiva.
Kwi´sa The planks set into the floor, to which the
lower beam of a blanket loom is fastened.
Kaintup´ha } Terms applied to the main floor; they both mean
Kiva´kani } “the large space.”
Tapü´wü´tci Hewn planks a foot wide and 6 to 8 feet long,
set into the floor.
Wina´wü´tci A plank.
Owa´pühü´imiata “Stone spread out;” the flagged floor; also
designates the slabs covering the hatchway.
Yau´wiopi. Stones with holes pecked in the ends for holding
the loom beam while the warp is being
adjusted; also used as seats; see p. 132.

[Illustration: Plate CIX. Stone corrals and kiva of Mashongnavi.]

The accompanying diagram is an ideal section of a Tusayan four-story
house, and gives the native names for the various rooms and terraces.

[Illustration: Fig. 114. Diagram showing ideal section of terraces,
with Tusayan names.]

CONCLUDING REMARKS.

The modern villages of Tusayan and Cibola differ more widely in
arrangement and in the relation they bear to the surrounding topography
than did their predecessors even of historic times.

Many of the older pueblos of both groups appear to have belonged to the
valley types--villages of considerable size, located in open plains or
on the slopes of low-lying foothills. A comparison of the plans in
Chapters II and III will illustrate these differences. In Tusayan the
necessity of defense has driven the builders to inaccessible sites, so
that now all the occupied villages of the province are found on mesa
summits. The inhabitants of the valley pueblos of Cibola, although
compelled at one time to build their houses upon the almost inaccessible
summit of Tâaaiyalana mesa, occupied this site only temporarily, and
soon established a large valley pueblo, the size and large population of
which afforded that defensive efficiency which the Tusayan obtained only
by building on mesa promontories. This has resulted in some adherence on
the part of the Tusayan to the village plans of their ancestors, while
at Zuni the great house clusters, forming the largest pueblo occupied in
modern times, show a wide departure from the primitive types. In both
provinces the architecture is distinguished from that of other portions
of the pueblo region by greater irregularity of plan and by less
skillfully executed constructional details; each group, however, happens
to contain a notable exception to this general carelessness.

In Cibola the pueblo of Kin-tiel, built with a continuous defensive
outer wall, occupies architecturally a somewhat anomalous position,
notwithstanding its traditional connection with the group, and the Fire
House occupies much the same relation in reference to Tusayan. The
latter, however, does not break in upon the unity of the group, since
the Tusayan, to a much greater extent than the Zuñi, are made up of
remnants of various bands of builders. In Cibola, however, some of the
Indians state that their ancestors, before reaching Zuñi, built a number
of pueblos, whose ruins are distinguished from those illustrated in the
present paper by the presence of circular kivas, this form of ceremonial
room being, apparently, wholly absent from the Cibolan pueblos here
discussed.

The people of Cibola and of Tusayan belong to distinct linguistic
stocks, but their arts are very closely related, the differences being
no greater than would result from the slightly different conditions that
have operated within the last few generations. Zuñi, perhaps, came more
directly under early Spanish influence than Tusayan.

Churches were established, as has been seen, in both provinces, but it
is doubtful whether their presence produced any lasting impression on
the people. In Tusayan the sway of the Spaniards was very brief. At some
of the pueblos the churches seem to have been built outside of the
village proper where ample space was available within the pueblo; but
such an encroachment on the original inclosed courts seems never to have
been attempted. Zuñi is an apparent exception; but all the house
clusters east of the church have probably been built later than the
church itself, the church court of the present village being a much
larger area than would be reserved for the usual pueblo court. These
early churches were, as a rule, built of adobe, even when occurring in
stone pueblos. The only exception noticed is at Ketchipauan, where it
was built of the characteristic Indian smoothly chinked masonry. The
Spaniards usually intruded their own construction, even to the
composition of the bricks, which are nearly always made of straw adobe.

At Tusayan there is no evidence that a church or mission house ever
formed part of the villages on the mesa summits. Their plans are
complete in themselves, and probably represent closely the first pueblos
built on these sites. These summits have been extensively occupied only
in comparatively recent times, although one or more small clusters may
have been built here at an early date as outlooks over the fields in the
valleys below.

[Illustration: Plate CX. Portion of a corral in Pescado.]

It is to be noted that some of the ruins connected traditionally and
historically with Tusayan and Cibola differ in no particular from stone
pueblos widely scattered over the southwestern plateaus which have been
from time to time invested with a halo of romantic antiquity, and
regarded as remarkable achievements in civilization by a vanished but
once powerful race. These deserted stone houses, occurring in the midst
of desert solitudes, appealed strongly to the imaginations of early
explorers, and their stimulated fancy connected the remains with
“Aztecs” and other mysterious peoples. That this early implanted bias
has caused the invention of many ingenious theories concerning the
origin and disappearance of the builders of the ancient pueblos, is
amply attested in the conclusions reached by many of the writers on this
subject.

In connection with the architectural examination of some of these
remains many traditions have been obtained from the present tribes,
clearly indicating that some of the village ruins, and even cliff
dwellings, have been built and occupied by ancestors of the present
Pueblo Indians, sometimes at a date well within the historic period.

The migrations of the Tusayan clans, as described in the legends
collected by Mr. Stephen, were slow and tedious. While they pursued
their wanderings and awaited the favorable omens of the gods they halted
many times and planted. They speak traditionally of stopping at certain
places on their routes during a certain number of “plantings,” always
building the characteristic stone pueblos and then again taking up the
march.

When these Indians are questioned as to whence they came, their replies
are various and conflicting; but this is due to the fact that the
members of one clan came, after a long series of wanderings, from the
north, for instance, while those of other gentes may have come last from
the east. The tribe to-day seems to be made up of a collection or a
confederacy of many enfeebled remnants of independent phratries and
groups once more numerous and powerful. Some clans traditionally
referred to as having been important are now represented by few
survivors, and bid fair soon to become extinct. So the members of each
phratry have their own store of traditions, relating to the wanderings
of their own ancestors, which differ from those of other clans, and
refer to villages successively built and occupied by them. In the case
of others of the pueblos, the occupation of cliff dwellings and cave
lodges is known to have occurred within historic times.

Both architectural and traditional evidence are in accord in
establishing a continuity of descent from the ancient Pueblos to those
of the present day. Many of the communities are now made up of the more
or less scattered but interrelated remnants of gentes which in former
times occupied villages, the remains of which are to-day looked upon as
the early homes of “Aztec colonies,” etc.

The adaptation, of this architecture to the peculiar environment
indicates that it has long been practiced under the same conditions that
now prevail. Nearly all of the ancient pueblos were built of the
sandstone found in natural quarries at the bases of hundreds of cliffs
throughout these table-lands. This stone readily breaks into small
pieces of regular form, suitable for use in the simple masonry of the
pueblos without receiving any artificial treatment. The walls themselves
give an exaggerated idea of finish, owing to the care and neatness with
which the component stones are placed. Some of the illustrations in the
last chapter, from photographs, show clearly that the material of the
walls was much ruder than the appearance of the finished masonry would
suggest, and that this finish depended on the careful selection and
arrangement of the fragments. This is even more noticeable in the Chaco
ruins, in which the walls were wrought to a high degrees of surface
finish. The core of the wall was laid up with the larger and more
irregular stones, and was afterwards brought to a smooth face by
carefully filling in and chinking the joints with smaller stones and
fragments, sometimes not more than a quarter of an inch thick; this
method is still roughly followed by both Tusayan and Cibolan builders.

Although many details of construction and arrangement display remarkable
adaptation to the physical character of the country, yet the influence
of such environment would not alone suffice to produce this
architectural type. In order to develop the results found, another
element was necessary. This element was the necessity for defense. The
pueblo population was probably subjected to the more or less continuous
influence of this defensive motive throughout the period of their
occupation of this territory. A strong independent race of people, who
had to fear no invasion by stronger foes, would necessarily have been
influenced more by the physical environment and would have progressed
further in the art of building, but the motive for building rectangular
rooms--the initial point of departure in the development of pueblo
architecture--would not have been brought into action. The crowding of
many habitations upon a small cliff ledge or other restricted site,
resulting in the rectangular form of rooms, was most likely due to the
conditions imposed by this necessity for defense.

[Illustration: Plate CXI. Zuñi eagle-cage.]

The general outlines of the development of this architecture wherein the
ancient builders were stimulated to the best use of the exceptional
materials about them, both by the difficult conditions of their
semi-desert environment and by constant necessity for protection against
their neighbors, can be traced in its various stages of growth from the
primitive conical lodge to its culmination in the large communal village
of many-storied terraced buildings which we find to have been in use at
the time of the Spanish discovery, and which still survives in Zuñi,
perhaps its most striking modern example. Yet the various steps have
resulted from a simple and direct use of the material immediately at
hand, while methods gradually improved as frequent experiments taught
the builders more fully to utilize local facilities. In all cases the
material was derived from the nearest available source, and often
variations in the quality of the finished work are due to variations in
the quality of the stone near by. The results accomplished attest the
patient and persistent industry of the ancient builders, but the work
does not display great skill in construction or in preparation of
material. The same desert environment that furnished such an abundance
of material for the ancient builders, also, from its difficult and
inhospitable character and the constant variations in the water supply,
compelled the frequent employment of this material. This was an
important factor in bringing about the attained degree of advancement in
the building art. At the present day constant local changes occur in the
water sources of these arid table-lands, while the general character of
the climate remains unaltered.

The distinguishing characteristics of Pueblo architecture may be
regarded as the product of a defensive motive and of an arid environment
that furnished an abundance of suitable building material, and at the
same time the climatic conditions that compelled its frequent
employment.

The decline of the defensive motive within the last few years has
greatly affected the more recent architecture. Even after the long
practice of the system has rendered it somewhat fixed, comparative
security from attack has caused many of the Pueblo Indians to recognize
the inconvenience of dwellings grouped in large clusters on sites
difficult of access, while the sources of their subsistence are
necessarily sparsely scattered over large areas. This is noticeable in
the building of small, detached houses at a distance from the main
villages, the greater convenience to crops, flocks and water outweighing
the defensive motive. In Cibola particularly, a marked tendency in this
direction has shown itself within a score of years; Ojo Caliente, the
newest of the farming pueblos, is perhaps the most striking example
within the two provinces. The greater security of the pueblos as the
country comes more fully into the hands of Americans, has also resulted
in the more careless construction in modern examples as compared with
the ancient.

There is no doubt that, as time shall go on, the system of building
many-storied clusters of rectangular rooms will gradually be abandoned
by these people. In the absence of the defensive motive a more
convenient system, employing scattered small houses, located near
springs and fields, will gradually take its place, thus returning to a
mode of building that probably prevailed in the evolution of the pueblo
prior to the clustering of many rooms into large defensive villages. Pl.
LXXXIII illustrates a building of the type described located on the
outskirts of Zuñi, across the river from the main pueblo.

The cultural distinctions between the Pueblo Indians and neighboring
tribes gradually become less clearly defined as investigation
progresses. Mr. Cushing’s study of the Zuñi social, political, and
religious systems has clearly established their essential identity in
grade of culture with those of other tribes. In many of the arts, too,
such as weaving, ceramics, etc., these people in no degree surpass many
tribes who build ruder dwellings.

In architecture, though, they have progressed far beyond their
neighbors; many of the devices employed attest the essentially primitive
character of the art, and demonstrate that the apparent distinction in
grade of culture is mainly due to the exceptional condition of the
environment.

Errors and Anomalies for “Pueblo Architecture”:

Unusual letters:

Ko´ⁿ-lo ... Nata´ⁿ
Ko´[n]-lo ... Nata´[n] (small raised “n”)
Wĭna´kü´i
W[)i]na´kü´i (short “i”)
Ĕp´eoka le´stabi
[)E]p´eoka le´stabi (short “e”)
Kwŏp´kota
Kŏi´tci
Kw[)o]p´kota ... K[)o]i´tci (short “o”)

Variant Forms, unchanged from original:

nyumu
_sometimes hyphenated:_
nyu-mu
Mashongnavi
Shupaulovi
Sichumovi
_sometimes written with accent:_
Mashóngnavi
Shupaúlovi
Sichúmovi

Irregularities in Table of Contents:

CHAPTER I.--Traditionary history of Tusayan
_title in body text reads “Traditional...”_
Small ruin near Horn House
Moen-kopi
Tâaaiyalana ruins
Kin-tiel and Kinna-Zinde
_titles in body text:_
Small ruin between Horn House and Bat House
Moen-kopi ruins
Tâaaiyalana
Kin-tiel

Many phrases are hyphenated in the List of Illustrations but not in the
captions themselves:
chief-kiva, ground-plan, loom-post, roof-beams...

Whatever their motive, the Bears left Antelope Canyon
_text reads “Cañyon”_
far off on the Múina (river) near Alavia (Santa Fé)
_text reads “Sante Fé”_
The principal building is a long irregular row, similar to
_text reads “similiar”_
All the Tusayan kivas are in the form of a parallelogram
_text reads “paralellogram”_
the second level of the kiva floor, forming the dais before referred to
The ledge, or dais, is free for the use of spectators
_text reads “dias” both times, but is spelled “dais” on its first
occurrence (earlier in text)_
these overhanging copings occur principally on the southern exposures
_text reads “pricipally”_
particularly prevalent in Zuni
_text reads “particulary”_
Chapters II and III
_text reads “Chapter”_
usually carved from a single piece of wood
_text reads “single / single” at line break_
somewhat similar in effect to the carving on the Spanish beams
_text reads “similiar”_
the almost inaccessible summit of Tâaaiyalana mesa
_text reads “Tâaiyalana”_

Punctuation:

Long ago the Hopi´tuh were few
_paragraph (printed as block quote) begins with redundant
quotation mark_

* * * * *

CEREMONIAL OF HASJELTI DAILJIS

and

MYTHICAL SAND PAINTING OF THE NAVAJO INDIANS

JAMES STEVENSON

* * * * *

CONTENTS

Page.
Introduction 235
Construction of the Medicine Lodge 237
First day 237
Personators of the gods 237
Second day 239
Description of the sweat houses 239
Sweat houses and masks 242
Preparation of the sacred reeds (cigarette)
and prayer sticks 242
Third day 244
First ceremony 244
Second ceremony 245
Third ceremony 247
Fourth ceremony (night) 248
Fourth day 249
First ceremony 249
Second ceremony 250
Third ceremony 250
Fourth ceremony 252
Fifth ceremony 253
Sixth ceremony 253
Foods brought into the lodge 256
Fifth day 257
First ceremony 257
Second ceremony 259
Third ceremony 260
Sixth day 261
Seventh day 263
Eighth day 265
Ninth day 269
First ceremony 269
Second ceremony 270
Song of the Etsethle 272
Prayer to the Etsethle 272
Conclusion--the dance 273
Myths of the Navajo 275
Creation of the sun 275
Hasjelti and Hostjoghon 277
The floating logs 278
Naiyenesgony and Tobaidischinni 279
The Brothers 280
The old man and woman of the first world 284

ILLUSTRATIONS

Page.
Plate CXII. A, Rainbow over eastern sweat house;
B, Rainbow over western sweat house 240
CXIII. Blanket rug and medicine tubes 242
CXIV. Blanket rug and medicine tubes 244
CXV. Masks: 1, Naiyenesyong; 2, 3, Tobaidischinne;
4, 5, Hasjelti; 6, Hostjoghon; 7, Hostjobokon;
8, Hostjoboard 246
CXVI. Blanket rug and medicine tubes 248
CXVII. 1, Pine boughs on sand bed; 2, Apache basket
containing yucca suds lined with corn pollen;
3, Basket of water surface covered with pine
needles 250
CXVIII. Blanket rug and medicine tubes and sticks 252
CXIX. Blanket rug and medicine tube 258
CXX. First sand painting 260
CXXI. Second sand painting 262
CXXII. Third sand painting 264
CXXIII. Fourth sand painting 266

Fig. 115. Exterior lodge 236
116. Interior lodge 237
117. Gaming ring 238
118. Sweat house 240

* * * * *

CEREMONIAL OF HASJELTI DAILJIS
AND MYTHICAL SAND PAINTING
OF THE NAVAJO INDIANS.

JAMES STEVENSON.

* * * * *

INTRODUCTION.

During my visit to the Southwest, in the summer of 1885, it was my good
fortune to arrive at the Navajo Reservation a few days before the
commencement of a Navajo healing ceremonial. Learning of the preparation
for this, I decided to remain and observe the ceremony, which was to
continue nine days and nights. The occasion drew to the place some 1,200
Navajos. The scene of the assemblage was an extensive plateau near the
margin of Keam’s Canyon, Arizona.

A variety of singular and interesting occurrences attended this great
event--mythologic rites, gambling, horse and foot racing, general
merriment, and curing the sick, the latter being the prime cause of the
gathering. A man of distinction in the tribe was threatened with loss of
vision from inflammation of the eyes, having looked upon certain masks
with an irreligious heart. He was rich and had many wealthy relations,
hence the elaborateness of the ceremony of healing. A celebrated
theurgist was solicited to officiate, but much anxiety was felt when it
was learned that his wife was pregnant. A superstition prevails among
the Navajo that a man must not look upon a sand painting when his wife
is in a state of gestation, as it would result in the loss of the life
of the child. This medicine man, however, came, feeling that he
possessed ample power within himself to avert such calamity by
administering to the child immediately after its birth a mixture in
water of all the sands used in the painting. As I have given but little
time to the study of Navajo mythology, I can but briefly mention such
events as I witnessed, and record the myths only so far as I was able to
collect them hastily. I will first describe the ceremony of Yebitchai
and give then the myths (some complete and others incomplete)
explanatory of the gods and genii figuring in the Hasjelti Dailjis
(dance of Hasjelti) and in the nine days’ ceremonial, and then others
independent of these. The ceremony is familiarly called among the tribe,
“Yebitchai,” the word meaning the giant’s uncle. The name was originally
given to the ceremonial to awe the children who, on the eighth day of
the ceremony, are initiated into some of its mysteries and then for the
first time are informed that the characters appearing in the ceremony
are not real gods, but only their representatives. There is good reason
for believing that their ideas in regard to the sand paintings were
obtained from the Pueblo tribes, who in the past had elaborated sand
paintings and whose work at present in connection with most of their
medicine ceremonies is of no mean order. The Mission Indians of southern
California also regard sand paintings as among the important features in
their medicine practices. While the figures of the mythical beings
represented by the Navajo are no doubt of their own conception, yet I
discovered that all their medicine tubes and offerings were similar to
those in use by the Zuñi. Their presence among the Navajo can be readily
explained by the well known fact that it was the custom among Indians of
different tribes to barter and exchange medicine songs, ceremonies, and
the paraphernalia accompanying them. The Zuñi and Tusayan claim that the
Navajo obtained the secrets of the Pueblo medicine by intruding upon
their ceremonials or capturing a pueblo, and that they appropriated
whatever suited their fancy.

[Illustration: Fig. 115. Exterior lodge.]

My explanation of the ceremonial described is by authority of the priest
doctor who managed the whole affair and who remained with me five days
after the ceremonial for this special purpose. Much persuasion was
required to induce him to stay, though he was most anxious that we
should make no mistake. He said:

My wife may suffer and I should be near her; a father’s eyes
should be the first to look upon his child; it is like sunshine in
the father’s heart; the father also watches his little one to see
the first signs of understanding, and observes the first steps of
his child, that too is a bright light in the father’s heart, but
when the little one falls, it strikes the father’s heart hard.

The features of this ceremonial which most surprise the white spectator
are its great elaborateness, the number of its participants and its
prolongation through many days for the purpose of restoring health to a
single member of the tribe.

CONSTRUCTION OF THE MEDICINE LODGE.

A rectangular parallelogram was marked off on the ground, and at each
corner was firmly planted a forked post extending 10 feet above the
surface, and on these were laid 4 horizontal beams, against which rested
poles thickly set at an angle of about 20°, while other poles were
placed horizontally across the beams forming a support for the covering.
The poles around the sides were planted more in an oval than a circle
and formed an interior space of about 35 by 30 feet in diameter. On the
east side of the lodge was an entrance supported by stakes and closed
with a buffalo robe, and the whole structure was then thickly covered
first with boughs, then with sand, giving it the appearance of a small
earth mound.

[Illustration: Fig. 116. Interior lodge.]

FIRST DAY.

PERSONATORS OF THE GODS.

The theurgist or song-priest arrived at noon on the 12th of October,
1885. Almost immediately after his arrival we boldly entered the
medicine lodge, accompanied by our interpreter, Navajo John, and pleaded
our cause. The stipulation of the medicine man was that we should make
no mistakes and thereby offend the gods, and to avoid mistakes we must
hear all of his songs and see all of his medicines, and he at once
ordered some youths to prepare a place for our tent near the lodge.
During the afternoon of the 12th those who were to take part in the
ceremonial received orders and instructions from the song-priest. One
man went to collect twigs with which to make twelve rings, each 6 inches
in diameter. These rings represented gaming rings, which are not only
used by the Navajo, but are thought highly of by the genii of the rocks.
(See Fig. 117.) Another man gathered willows with which to make the
emblem of the concentration of the four winds. The square was made by
dressed willows crossed and left projecting at the corners each one inch
beyond the next. The corners were tied together with white cotton cord,
and each corner was ornamented with the under tail feather of the eagle.
These articles were laid in a niche behind the theurgist, whose
permanent seat was on the west side of the lodge facing east. The night
ceremony commenced shortly after dark. All those who were to participate
were immediate friends and relatives of the invalid excepting the
theurgist or song-priest, he being the only one who received direct
compensation for his professional services. The cost of such a ceremony
is no inconsiderable item. Not only the exorbitant fee of the theurgist
must be paid, but the entire assemblage must be fed during the nine
days’ ceremonial at the expense of the invalid, assisted by his near
relatives.

[Illustration: Fig. 117. Gaming ring.]

A bright fire burned in the lodge, and shortly after dark the invalid
appeared and sat upon a blanket, which was placed in front of the
song-priest. Previously, however, three men had prepared themselves to
personate the gods--Hasjelti, Hostjoghon, and Hostjobokon--and one to
personate the goddess, Hostjoboard. They left the lodge, carrying their
masks in their hands, went a short distance away and put on their masks.
Then Hasjelti and Hostjoghon returned to the lodge, and Hasjelti, amid
hoots, “hu-hoo-hu-huh!” placed the square which he carried over the
invalid’s head, and Hostjoghon shook two eagle wands, one in each hand,
on each side of the invalid’s head and body, then over his head,
meanwhile hooting in his peculiar way, “hu-u-u-u-uh!” He then followed
Hasjelti out of the lodge. The men representing Hostjobokon and
Hostjoboard came in alternately. Hostjobokon took one of the rings which
had been made during the afternoon, and now lay upon the blanket to the
right of the invalid, and placed it against the soles of the feet of the
invalid, who was sitting with knees drawn up, and then against his
knees, palms, breast, each scapula, and top of his head; then over his
mouth. While touching the different parts of the body the ring was held
with both hands, but when placed to the mouth of the invalid it was
taken in the left hand. The ring was made of a reed, the ends of which
were secured by a long string wrapped over the ring like a slipnoose.
When the ring was placed over the mouth of the invalid the string was
pulled and the ring dropped and rolled out of the lodge, the long tail
of white cotton yarn, with eagle plume attached to the end, extending
far behind. Hostjoboard repeated this ceremony with a second ring, and
so did Hostjobokon and Hostjoboard alternately, until the twelve rings
were disposed of. Three of the rings were afterward taken to the east,
three to the south, three to the west, and three to the north, and
deposited at the base of piñon trees. The rings were placed over the
invalid’s mouth to give him strength, cause him to talk with one tongue,
and to have a good mind and heart. The other portions of the body were
touched with them for physical benefit. When the rings had all been
rolled out of the lodge Hasjelti entered, followed by Hostjoghon. He
passed the square (the concentrated winds) four times over the head of
the invalid during his hoots. Hostjoghon then waved his turkey wands
about the head and body of the invalid, and the first day’s ceremony was
at an end.

SECOND DAY.

DESCRIPTION OF THE SWEAT HOUSES.

The construction of the first sweat house, or tachi, was begun at dawn.
Four of these houses were built on four consecutive mornings, each one
located about 400 feet distant from the great central medicine lodge,
toward the four cardinal points, and all facing to the east. The first
one built was east of the lodge. A description of the construction of
this particular one will answer for all, but the ceremonies differ in
detail.

Four upright poles, forked at the upper ends, were placed at the four
cardinal points within an area designated as the base of the house, the
forked ends resting against each other, a circular excavation some 6
feet in diameter and 1 foot in depth having first been made. Between the
uprights smaller poles were laid; on the poles piñon boughs, sage and
_Bigelovia Douglasii_ (a kind of sage brush) were placed as a thatch;
all being laid sufficiently compact to prevent the sand placed over the
top from sifting through. The doorway, on the east side of the house,
was about 2½ feet high and 20 inches wide. Highly polished sticks (the
same as those employed in blanket weaving) were used to render the sand
covering of the structure smooth. The sweat houses to the east and west
had the rainbow painted over them. Those to the north and south were
devoid of such decoration, because the song priest seldom completes his
medicine in one ceremonial; and he chose to omit the songs which would
be required if the bow ornamented the north and south sweat houses.
Under the direction of the priest of the sweat house, who received
instruction from the song priest, three young men painted the rainbow,
one the head and body, another the skirt and legs, while the third
painted the bow. The head of this goddess was to the north, the bow
extending over the structure. The colors used were made from ground
pigments sprinkled on with the thumb and forefinger. Whenever a pinch of
the dry paint was taken from the pieces of bark which served as paint
cups, the artist breathed upon the hand before sprinkling the paint.
This, however, had no religious significance, but was merely to clear
the finger and thumb of any superfluous sand. The colors used in
decoration were yellow, red, and white from sandstones, black from
charcoal, and a grayish blue, formed of white sand and charcoal, with a
very small quantity of yellow and red sands. (See Fig. 118.) The
decorators were carefully watched by the song priest.

[Illustration: Fig. 118. Sweat house.]

Upon the completion of the rainbow the song priest returned to the
medicine lodge, but soon reappeared bearing a basket of twelve turkey
wands, and these he planted around the base of the sweat house on a line
of meal he had previously sprinkled. There was a fire some 20 feet from
the house, in which stones were heated. These stones were placed in the
sweat house on the south side, and upon them was thrown an armful of
white sage and _Bigelovia Douglasii_. A few pine boughs were laid by the
side of the stones for the invalid to sit upon. The entrance to the
sweat house was then covered with a black and white striped blanket upon
which were placed two large Coçonino buckskins one upon the other, and
upon them a double piece of white cotton. The buckskins represented
daylight, or the twilight that comes just at the dawn of day. The
invalid for whom this ceremony was held took off all his clothing except
the breech cloth, and sat on the outside by the entrance of the sweat
house amid the din of rattle and song, the theurgist being the only one
who had a rattle. The invalid propelled himself into the house feet
foremost, the covering of the sweat house having been raised for this
purpose. After entering it, he rid himself of his breechcloth and the
coverings were immediately dropped. The song continued 5 minutes, when
all stopped for a moment and then recommenced.

[Illustration: Plate CXII. RAINBOW OVER SWEAT HOUSE.]

During the song the theurgist mixed various herbs in a gourd over which
he poured water. After chanting some twenty minutes he advanced to the
entrance of the house, taking the medicine gourd with him, and, after
pouring some of its contents on the heated stones, took his seat and
joined in the chanting. After another twenty minutes Hasjelti and
Hostjoghon appeared. A Navajo blanket had previously been placed on the
ground at the south side of the entrance. Hasjelti lifted the coverings
from the entrance, and the patient, having first donned his breech
cloth, came out and sat on the blanket. Hasjelti rubbed the invalid with
the horn of a mountain sheep held in the left hand, and in the right
hand a piece of hide, about 10 inches long and 4 wide, from between the
eyes of the sheep. The hide was held flatly against the palm of the
hand, and in this way the god rubbed the breast of the invalid, while he
rubbed his back with the horn, occasionally alternating his hands.
Hostjoghon put the invalid through the same manipulation. The gods then
gave him drink four times from the gourd containing medicine water
composed of finely-chopped herbs and water, they having first taken a
draught of the mixture. The soles of the feet, palms, breast, back,
shoulders, and top of the head of the invalid were touched with medicine
water, and the gods suddenly disappeared. The patient arose and bathed
himself with the remainder of the medicine water and put on his
clothing. The coverings of the entrance, which were gifts to the song
priest from the invalid, were gathered together by the song priest and
carried by an attendant to the medicine lodge. An attendant erased the
rainbow by sweeping his hand from the feet to the head, drawing the
sands with him, which were gathered into a blanket and carried to the
north and deposited at the base of a piñon tree. The song priest placed
the wands in a basket, and thus, preceded by the invalid, carried them
in both hands to the medicine lodge singing a low chant. The sweat house
was not carelessly torn down, but was taken down after a prescribed
form. Four men commenced at the sides toward the cardinal points, and
with both hands scraped the sand from the boughs. When this was all
removed the boughs were carefully gathered and conveyed to a piñon tree
some 50 feet distant and fastened horizontally in its branches about 2
feet above the ground. The heated stones from the interior of the sweat
house were laid on the boughs; the upright logs which formed the frame
work of the house were carried to a piñon tree, a few feet from the tree
in which the boughs and heated stones were placed, and arranged
crosswise in the tree, and on these logs corn meal was sprinkled and on
the meal a medicine tube (cigarette) was deposited. The tube was about 2
inches long and one third of an inch in diameter, and it contained a
ball composed of down from several varieties of small birds, sacred
tobacco, and corn pollen. It was an offering to Hasjelti. Meal was
sprinkled on the tube. The ground on which the house had stood was
smoothed over, the ashes from the fire carefully swept away, and thus
all traces of the ceremony were removed. The invalid upon entering the
lodge took his seat on the west side facing east. The song priest
continued his chant. He took from the meal bag some sacred meal and
placed it to the soles of the feet of the invalid and on his palms,
knees, breast, back, shoulders, and head. At the conclusion of this
ceremony all indulged in a rest for an hour or more. The bark cups which
contained the colored sands for decorating were placed in the medicine
lodge north of the door.

SWEAT HOUSES AND MASKS.

The deer skins which hang over the entrance of the sweat houses (a
different skin being used for each sweat house) must be from animals
which have been killed by being smothered. The deer is run down and
secured by ropes or otherwise. Corn pollen is then put into the mouth of
the deer and the hands are held over the mouth and nostrils until life
is extinct. The animal now being placed upon his back, a line is drawn
with corn pollen, over the mouth, down the breast and belly to the tail.
The line is then drawn from the right hoof to the right foreleg to the
breast line. The same is done on the left fore leg and the two hind
legs. The knife is then passed over this line and the deer is flayed.
Skins procured in this way are worth, among the Navajo, $50 each. Masks
are made of skins prepared in the same manner. If made of skins of deer
that have been shot the wearer would die of fever.

Buckskin over the entrance to an eastern sweat house denotes dawn; over
a southern, denotes red of morning; over a western, sunset; over a
northern, night.

PREPARATION OF THE SACRED REEDS (CIGARETTE) AND PRAYER STICKS.

Before noon two sheepskins were spread one upon the other before the
song-priest. Upon these was laid a blanket, and on the blanket pieces of
cotton. These rugs extended north and south. The theurgist then produced
a large medicine bag, from which a reed was selected. The reed was
rubbed with a polishing stone, or, more accurately speaking, the
polishing stone was rubbed with the reed, as the reed was held in the
right hand and rubbed against the stone, which was held in the left. It
was then rubbed with finely broken native tobacco, and afterwards was
divided into four pieces, the length of each piece being equal to the
width of the first three fingers. The reeds were cut with a stone knife
some 3½ inches long. An attendant then colored the tubes. The first reed
was painted blue, the second black, the third blue, and the fourth
black. Through all these, slender sticks of yucca had been run to serve
as handles while painting the tubes and also to support the tubes while
the paint was drying. The attendant who cut the reeds sat left of the
song-priest, facing east; a stone containing the paints was placed to
the north of the rug; and upon the end of the stone next to himself the
reed-cutter deposited a bit of finely broken tobacco. In cutting the
reeds occasionally a bit splintered off; these scraps were placed by the
side of the tobacco on the northeast end of the rug.

[Illustration: Plate CXIII. BLANKET RUG AND MEDICINE TUBES.]

The attendant who colored the reeds sat facing west; and as each reed
was colored it was placed on the rug, the yucca end being laid on a
slender stick which ran horizontally. The first reed painted was laid to
the north. Three dots were put upon each blue reed to represent eyes and
mouth; two lines encircled the black reeds. Four bits of soiled cotton
cloth were deposited in line on the east of the rug. The three
attendants under the direction of the song-priest took from the medicine
bag, first two feathers from the Arctic blue bird (_Sialia arctica_),
which he placed west of the bit of cloth that lay at the north end of
the rug; he placed two more of the same feathers below the second piece
of cloth; two under the third, and two below the fourth, their tips
pointing east. Then upon each of these feathers he placed an under
tail-feather of the eagle. The first one was laid on the two feathers at
the north end of the rug; again an under tail-feather of the turkey was
placed on each pile, beginning with that of the north. Then upon each of
these was placed a hair from the beard of the turkey, and to each was
added a thread of cotton yarn. During the arrangement of the feathers
the tube decorator first selected four bits of black archaic beads,
placing a piece on each bit of cloth; then four tiny pieces of white
shell beads were laid on the cloths; next four pieces of abalone shell
and four pieces of turquois.

In placing the beads he also began at the north end of the rug. An aged
attendant, under the direction of the song-priest, plucked downy
feathers from several humming-birds and mixed them together into four
little balls one-fourth of an inch in diameter and placed them in line
running north and south, and south of the line of plume piles. He
sprinkled a bit of corn pollen upon each ball; he then placed what the
Navajo term a night-owl feather under the balls with its tip pointing to
the northeast. (See Pl. CXIII). The young man facing west then filled
the colored reeds, beginning with the one on the north end. He put into
the hollow reed, first, one of the feather balls, forcing it into the
reed with the quill end of the night-owl feather. (A night-owl feather
is always used for filling the reeds after the corn is ripe to insure a
warm winter; in the spring a plume from the chaparral cock, _Geococcyx
californianus_, is used instead to bring rain). Then a bit of native
tobacco was put in. When the reed was thus far completed it was passed
to the decorator, who had before him a tiny earthen bowl of water,
a crystal, and a small pouch of corn pollen. Holding the crystal in the
sunbeam which penetrated through the fire opening in the roof, he thus
lighted the cigarettes which were to be offered to the gods. The
forefinger was dipped into the bowl of water and then into the corn
pollen, and the pollen that adhered to the finger was placed to the top
of the tube. After the four tubes were finished they were placed on the
pieces of cloth, not, however, until a bit of pollen had been sprinkled
on the beads which lay on the cloth. The pollen end of the tube pointed
to the east. The four bunches of feathers were then laid on the tubes.
The song-priest rolled up each cloth and holding the four parcels with
both hands he placed them horizontally across the soles of the feet,
knees, palms, breast, back, shoulders, head, and across the mouth of the
invalid, and the invalid drew a breath as the parcel touched his lips.
He sat to the north of the rug facing east. The sick man then received
the parcels from the song-priest and held them so that the ends
projected from between the thumbs and forefingers, and repeated a prayer
after the theurgist, who sat facing the invalid. The prayer ran thus:

People of the mountains and rocks, I hear you wish to be paid.
I give to you food of corn pollen and humming-bird feathers, and I
send to you precious stones and tobacco which you must smoke; it
has been lighted by the sun’s rays and for this I beg you to give
me a good dance; be with me. Earth, I beg you to give me a good
dance, and I offer to you food of humming-birds’ plumes and
precious stones, and tobacco to smoke lighted by the sun’s rays,
to pay for using you for the dance; make a good solid ground for
me, that the gods who come to see the dance may be pleased at the
ground their people dance upon; make my people healthy and strong
of mind and body.

The prayer being offered, the parcels were given by the theurgist to an
attendant, who deposited them in line three feet apart along the side of
the dancing ground in front of the lodge. Their proper place is
immediately on the ground that is to be danced upon, but to prevent them
from being trampled on they are laid to one side. The black tubes are
offerings to the gods and the blue to the goddesses of the mountains and
to the earth.

[Illustration: Plate CXIV. BLANKET RUG AND MEDICINE TUBES.]

THIRD DAY.

FIRST CEREMONY.

The construction of the second sweat house began at sunrise and was
completed at nine o’clock. Several large rocks were heated and placed in
the sweat house and as before white sage and _Bigelovia Douglasii_ were
thrown in, the fumes of which were designed as medicine for the sick
man. After the invalid entered the sweat house, buckskin blankets, etc.,
were drawn over the entrance. The song-priest, accompanied by two
attendants, sat a little to the south. He sprinkled meal around the west
base of the house and over the top from north to south and placed the
wands around its base in the manner heretofore described (the twelve
wands and medicine used were the special property of the theurgist). The
song-priest holding the rattle joined the choir in a chant. To his right
were two Navajo jugs filled with water and an Apache basket partly
filled with corn meal. A bunch of buckskin bags, one of the small blue
medicine tubes, a mountain sheep’s horn, and a piece of undressed hide
lay on the meal. Near by was a gourd half filled with water in which
meal was sprinkled; near this was a small earthenware vase containing
water and finely chopped herbs. At the conclusion of the chant the
song-priest passed his rattle to one of the choir and stirred the
mixture in the bowl with his forefinger, and after a few remarks to the
invalid, who was still in the sweat house, he threw some of the mixture
in upon the hot rocks. This was repeated four times, when the
song-priest returned to his former position. The sweat-house priest took
from his shoulders a Navajo blanket and spread it near the door a little
to the right. A call from one of the attendants was a signal for
Hasjelti and Hostjoghon to appear. The two men personating these gods
were behind a tree south of the sweat house, their bodies, arms, and
legs painted white. Foxskins were attached pendent to the backs of their
girdles. As the gods approached the sweat house, the patient came out
and sat upon the blanket, and Hasjelti took a mountain sheep’s horn, in
the right hand and the piece of hide in the other and rubbed the sick
man, beginning with the limbs; as he rubbed down each limb, he threw his
arms toward the eastern sky and cried “yo-yo!” He also rubbed the head
and body, holding the hands on opposite sides of the body. After this
rubbing, the sick man drank from the bowl of medicine-water, then arose
and bathed himself with the same mixture, the filled gourds being handed
to him four times by Hasjelti, each time accompanied with his peculiar
hoot. Hostjoghon repeated the same ceremony over the invalid. There was
a constant din of rattle and chanting, the gods disappeared, and
immediately thereafter the theurgist gathered the twelve wands from the
base of the sweat house. He removed the blue reed from the basket and
laid it a little to the left of the priest of the sweat house, who in
turn handed it to an attendant to be deposited with the wood of the
sweat house in a neighboring tree. The invalid proceeded to the medicine
lodge followed by the song-priest uttering a low chant. After entering
the lodge the invalid took his seat on the west side; the song-priest,
still standing, took from a small buckskin bag white powdered material
which he rubbed on the soles of the feet, palms, knees, breast,
shoulders, and head of the invalid; then taking a pinch of the same
material he extended his hand first toward the east and then toward the
heavens and the earth. After these attentions he took his accustomed
seat in the lodge and joined in conversation with his attendants.

SECOND CEREMONY.

Two sheepskins, a blanket, and cotton cloth were spread one upon the
other in front of the song-priest; and from the long reeds that had been
first rubbed with a polishing stone, then with tobacco, were cut ten
pieces an inch and a quarter long and two pieces 2 inches long. These
were colored black and blue, one long piece and five small ones being
black, the others blue. While these were being decorated the song-priest
and choir sang “My fathers, see, we are getting ready! We do our work
well, and you would better go into the house for we are to have rain!
Now, mothers, send down rain upon us!” This song was constantly
repeated.

The tubes when completed were laid in position to form a dual person.
The long black tube representing the body was first placed in position.
The long blue tube was then laid by its side and south of it. The pollen
end of the tubes pointed to the east. The right black leg was the next
placed in position, then the right blue leg, the left black leg and left
blue leg. The right black arm, then the right blue arm, the left black
arm and the left blue arm, then the black head and the blue head. (See
Pl. CXV.)

These tubes were filled with feathers, balls, and tobacco, and tipped
with the corn pollen and lighted with the crystal, the black tubes being
offerings to the gods, the blue to the goddesses. After they were
completed they were placed in position by a second attendant; and while
the tubes were being filled the song-priest and choir sang “See,
fathers! We fill these with tobacco; it is good; smoke it!” A message
was received from the fathers that they would smoke, and, puffing the
smoke from their mouths, they would invoke the watering of the earth.
They again sang “All you people who live in the rocks, all you who are
born among the clouds, we wish you to help us; we give you these
offerings that you may have food and a smoke! All women, you who live in
the rocks, you who are born among the fog, I pray you come and help us;
I want you to come and work over the sick; I offer to you food of
humming-birds’ plumes, and tobacco to smoke!” Two bunches of feathers
which had been placed to the east side of the rug pointing east were
deposited in two corn husks, each husk containing bits of turquoise,
black archaic beads, and abalone shell; corn pollen was sprinkled on
these. The song-priest then placed the dual body in the husks thus:
First, the black body was laid upon the husks to the north, and upon
this a pinch of pollen was sprinkled; the blue body was placed in the
other husks and pollen sprinkled upon it; then the two right legs (black
and blue) were put into the corn husks with the black body; the two left
legs were added to the same; the right and left arms and the two heads
were placed in the husk with the blue body and corn pollen sprinkled
upon them. The husks were closed and held by the song-priest to the
soles of the feet, palms, knees, breast, shoulders, back, and top of
head of the invalid, who repeated a long prayer after the theurgist, and
the parcels were given to an attendant, who carried them some distance
from the lodge to the north and placed them in a secluded shady spot
upon the ground. Two bits of tobacco were laid upon the ground and upon
these the body was placed, the figure in a recumbent position with the
arms over the head. The invalid for whom this ceremony was held spared
no expense in having the theurgist make the most elaborate explanation
to his near relatives of the secrets of the medicine tubes.

[Illustration: Plate CXV. CEREMONIAL MASKS.]

THIRD CEREMONY.

The theurgist occupied his usual seat, surrounded by his corps of
attendants. The man personating Naiyenesgony had his body and limbs
painted black. The legs below the knee, the scapula, the breasts, and
the arm above the elbow were painted white. His loins were covered with
a fine red silk scarf, held by a silver belt; his blue knit stockings
were tied with red garters below each knee, and quantities of coral,
turquois, and white shell beads ornamented the neck. The man
representing Tobaidischinni had his body colored reddish brown, with
this figure [Drawing] (the scalp knot) in white on the outside of each
leg below the knee, on each arm below the shoulder, each scapula, and on
each breast. This design represents the knot of hair cut from the heads
of enemies, and the style is still in use by the Navajo. The man wore a
red woolen scarf around the loins, caught on by a silver belt, and his
neck was profusely ornamented with coral, turquois, and white beads.[1]
Naiyenesgony and Tobaidischinni left the lodge, carrying with them their
masks. (See Pl. CXV, 1, 2, 3.) Bunches of pine boughs, which during the
forenoon had been made into wreaths by joining pieces together with
yucca in this fashion were [Drawing], laid across each end of the rug.

[Footnote 1: In the decoration of the bodies several men assisted,
but the personators of the gods did much of the work on their own
persons, and they seemed quite fastidious. The fingers were dipped
into the paint and rubbed on the body.]

[Inline drawings:
__
\/ scalp knot
/\
¯¯

III__III__III__III
III III III III wreath ]

After the two men personating the gods left the lodge the invalid
entered and took his seat on the rug with his back to the theurgist. Two
attendants dressed him with the wreaths, beginning with the right ankle;
a piece was then tied around the calf, thigh, waist, around the chest,
right wrist, elbow, upper arm, throat, forehead, then around the upper
left arm, elbow, wrist, thigh, left knee, calf, and ankle. Thus the man
was literally obscured with a mass of pine. He sat in an upright
position with the legs extended and arms falling by his sides. A chant
was sung by the song priest, and in a few minutes Naiyenesgony and
Tobaidischinni appeared. Naiyenesgony drew his stone knife in front of
the invalid over the forehead to the feet, then down the right side and
down the back and down the left side. He then began to remove the pine.
As each wreath was taken off the clusters were partly separated with the
stone knife. Tobaidischinni assisted Naiyenesgony by holding the wreaths
while they were being cut.

When all the evergreen had been removed the personators of the gods
exclaimed, “Now, my people, we have killed all enemies!” and immediately
left the lodge. The song priest placed a small wreath of the pine on the
sick man’s head, and holding in his left hand a bunch of eagle plumes,
and in his right hand a rattle, he sang the ten songs and prayers,
assisted by the choir, that were given by Naiyenesgony and
Tobaidischinni to the Navajo to bring health and good fortune. After the
pine-bough wreaths had been separated the bits of yucca-strings were
picked up by the attendant and handed to Naiyenesgony, who held them
over the sick man’s head, after which the bits were again divided with
the knife. After the ten songs and prayers had been chanted the invalid
left the rug and sat a little to the northeast, of it, with his knees
drawn up. The song priest placed two live coals in front of the invalid
and sprinkled chopped herbs on the coals, the fumes of which the invalid
inhaled. The pines were carried off and placed in the shade of a pine
tree, that the disease might not leave the pine and return to the
invalid.[2]

[Footnote 2: Continency must be observed by the personators of the
gods until all paint is removed from their bodies.]

FOURTH CEREMONY.

The personators of Hasjelti and Hostjoghon adorned themselves for the
ceremony. Hasjelti wore ordinary clothing and a red scarf, with a silver
belt around the waist. Hostjoghon’s body was painted white, and he wore
a red woolen scarf around the loins, caught on with a silver belt. A
rug, composed of a blanket and a piece of white cotton, was spread in
front of the song priest, and the masks of Hasjelti and Hostjoghon
placed thereon. (See Pl. CXV, 4, 5, 6.)

Upon the completion of the toilets of the personators of the gods they
hurried from the lodge, bearing their masks with them, when an attendant
made a cavity immediately in front of the rug 4 inches in diameter, and
the song priest sprinkled a circle of meal around the cavity. The
invalid entered the lodge and stood on the rug and removed all of his
clothing except the breech cloth. He then took his seat facing east,
with knees drawn up. A mask of the Hostjobokon, which had been laid upon
the rug, was drawn over the invalid’s head. Hasjelti and Hostjoghon
appeared at this juncture bearing a pine bough some 5 feet in height. An
attendant made gestures over the sick man, holding in his right hand a
pinch of sacred meal, which was afterward placed in the cavity. Hasjelti
waved the pine bough five times around the invalid and planted it in the
cavity, where it was held in place by the gods. Then bending its top,
the attendant attached it to the mask over the invalid’s head by a
buckskin string which was fastened to the mask. The song priest and
choir all the while sang a weird chant. The gods raised the bough, gave
their peculiar hoots, and disappeared from the lodge, carrying with them
the pine bough with the mask attached to it. In a few minutes they came
back with the mask. After the chant the song-priest placed meal on the
soles of the invalid’s feet, knees, palms, breast, back, shoulders, and
head, and then put some in the cavity, after which the cavity was filled
with earth. Two coals were laid in front of the invalid, and upon these
the song priest placed finely broken herbs; an attendant sprinkled water
on the herbs, and the invalid inhaled the fumes. The cotton cloth was
removed from the blanket rug, and the invalid stepped upon the rug and
put on his clothing. When the mask was removed from the invalid’s head
it drew all fever with it.

[Illustration: Plate CXVI. BLANKET RUG AND MEDICINE TUBES.]

FOURTH DAY.

FIRST CEREMONY.

The theurgist carried a bowl of water and pine needles, and an attendant
bore a gourd of water, a small vase of powdered herbs, and an Apache
basket containing corn meal, buckskin bags, horn of the mountain sheep
and a piece of hide cut from between the eyes of the animal. The
theurgist and attendant took seats to the right of the entrance of the
sweat house west of the medicine lodge. This sweat house was decorated
with the rainbow. Over the entrance were, first, two striped blankets,
one upon the other, a buckskin, and a piece of white cotton. Hot stones,
etc., having been previously placed in the sweat house, the sick man
entered. The song-priest and four attendants sang, accompanied by the
rattle. At the conclusion of the chant Hasjelti and Hostjoghon appeared
as on the previous days. Hasjelti lifted the coverings from the entrance
and the invalid came out and sat upon a blanket south of the entrance
and bathed both his hands in the bowl containing the pine needles and
water; he then drank of it and bathed his feet and legs to the thighs,
his arms and shoulders, body and face and head, and then emptied the
remainder over his back. Hasjelti manipulated the right leg with the
sheep’s horn and hide, rubbing the upper part of the leg with the right
hand, then the under part with the left; he then rubbed the sides of the
leg in the same manner, each time giving a hoot; the arms, chest, head,
and face were similarly manipulated. Hostjoghon repeated the hooting
every time he changed the position of the hands. Hasjelti, taking the
gourd containing the water and corn meal, gave four draughts of it to
the invalid, hooting each time the bowl was put to the lips; Hostjoghon
did the same. The song and rattle continued. Hasjelti, then put the
powdered plants from the small vase to the soles of the feet, knees,
palms, breast, back, shoulders, and top of the head of the invalid,
hooting each time an application was made; this was repeated by
Hostjoghon. The invalid took a sip from the bowl and rubbed the
remainder over his body. The song-priest then removed the wands from the
base of the sweat house and the coverings from the door; the pine boughs
and hot stones were also removed and the invalid preceded the
song-priest to the medicine lodge. All the wood of the sweat house was
placed in a tree, excepting four small pieces, which were deposited,
together with the pine boughs from the interior of the sweat house, in a
semicircle formed by the rocks from the sweat house at the base of a
piñon tree. A line of meal 2 inches in length running east and west was
sprinkled on the apex of the semicircle, and upon this line the black
tube was laid. A bit of meal was sprinkled on the tube and a quantity
over the pine boughs of this small shrine. Before sprinkling the meal on
the top of the medicine tube the attendant waved his hand in a circle
from left to right, calling “hooshontko;” meaning: Widespread blessings
that come not from spoken words, but come to all, that people may have
the blessings of corn pollen, and that tongues may speak with the
softness of corn pollen.

SECOND CEREMONY.

A rug was laid in front of the theurgist. Four medicine tubes were
placed on the rug, the one to the north end being white; the second one
black and red, a white line dividing the two colors; the third one,
blue; the fourth, black. The white tube was an offering to Hasjelti; the
red, to Zaadoltjaii; the blue, to Hostjoboard; the black, to Naaskiddi,
the hunchback. The tubes were filled as before described. These tubes
were begun and finished by the same person. (See Pl. CXVI.) When the
tubes were finished they were put into corn husks and bits of cotton
cloth; tiny pieces of turquois, white shell, abalone, and archaic black
beads having first been placed on the husks and cloths. The four turkey
plumes with barred tips that lay upon the rug were subsequently placed
upon the tubes. These parcels were sprinkled by the song priest with
corn pollen, and after closing them he placed them in the hands of the
invalid, who sat at the northeast corner of the rug facing east. The
song-priest sat before him and said a long prayer, which the invalid
repeated. At the close of the prayer an aged attendant received the
parcels from the theurgist and placed them to the soles of the feet,
palms, etc., of the invalid. They were afterward placed to his mouth and
he drew from them a long breath. The old man carried the parcels south
over the brow of a hill and deposited them in secluded spots about 4
feet apart, repeating a brief prayer over each one; he then motioned
toward the east, south, west, and north, and returned to the lodge.
During his absence the choir sang; in the meantime the fire in the lodge
was reduced to embers.

THIRD CEREMONY.

About noon a circular bed of sand, some four inches in height and four
feet in diameter, was made. Five grains of corn and five pine boughs
were laid thereon; four of the grains of corn and four of the boughs
were placed to the cardinal points. The fifth and center branch of pine
covered most of the circle, its tips pointing to the east. The fifth
grain of corn was dropped in the center of the sand bed. (See Pl.
CXVII, 1). Four of these pine boughs were cut from the east, south,
north, and west sides of one tree. The fifth bough may be taken from any
part of the tree. Of the five grains of corn one must be white, one
yellow, and one blue, and the other two grains may be of either of these
three colors. On this particular occasion there were two blue, two
white, and one yellow. These grains were, after the ceremony, dried and
ground by the theurgist and placed among his medicines. The boughs and
sand absorbed the disease from the invalid, and at the close of the
ceremony they were carried to the north and deposited in a shady spot
that the sun might not touch and develop the latent disease that had
been absorbed by them. The boughs and sand were never afterward to be
touched. An Apache basket containing yucca root and water was placed in
front of the circle. (See Pl. CXVII 2.) There was a second basket south
of it which contained water and a quantity of pine needles sufficiently
thick to form a dry surface, and on the top a number of valuable
necklaces of coral, turquois, and silver. A square was formed on the
edge of the basket with four turkey wands. (See Pl. CXVII 3.) The
song-priest with rattle led the choir. The invalid sat to the northeast
of the circle; a breechcloth was his only apparel. During the chanting
an attendant made suds from the yucca. The basket remained in position;
the man stooped over it facing north; his position allowed the sunbeams
which came through the fire opening to fall upon the suds. When the
basket was a mass of white froth the attendant washed the suds from his
hands by pouring a gourd of water over them, after which the song-priest
came forward and with corn pollen drew a cross over the suds, which
stood firm like the beaten whites of eggs, the arms of the cross
pointing to the cardinal points. A circle of the pollen was then made
around the edge of the suds. The attendant who prepared the suds touched
his right hand to the four points of the pollen lines and in the center
and placed it upon the head of the patient who first made a circle
embracing the sand and basket and then knelt upon the boughs in the
center of the sand.[3] A handful of the suds was afterwards put upon his
head. The basket was placed near him and he bathed his head thoroughly;
the maker of the suds afterwards assisted him in bathing the entire body
with the suds, and pieces of yucca were rubbed upon the body. The chant
continued through the ceremony and closed just as the remainder of the
suds was emptied by the attendant over the invalid’s head. The song
priest collected the four wands from the second basket and an attendant
gathered the necklaces. A second attendant placed the basket before the
invalid who was now sitting in the center of the circle and the first
attendant assisted him in bathing the entire body with this mixture; the
body was quite covered with the pine needles which had become very soft
from soaking. The invalid then returned to his former position at the
left of the song priest, and the pine needles and yucca, together with
the sands, were carried out and deposited at the base of a piñon tree.
The body of the invalid was dried by rubbing with meal.

[Illustration: Plate CXVII. 1. PINE BOUGHS. 2, 3. BASKETS.]

[Footnote 3: The suds were crossed and encircled with the pollen to
give them additional power to restore the invalid to health.]

FOURTH CEREMONY.

This ceremony commenced almost immediately after the close of the one
preceding. The rug was spread over the ground in front of the song
priest; four bunches of small sticks were brought in and laid in piles
north, south, east, and west of the rug. Four attendants took seats,
each before a pile of the wood, and scraped off the bark of their
respective heaps; they then cut twelve pieces 2 inches in length, except
that cut by the attendant who sat at the north, who made his about 1¼
inches long. Being asked why he cut his shorter than the rest, he
replied, “All men are not the same size.” The sticks were sharpened at
one end and cut squarely off at the other. In order that all of the
sticks should be of the same length they were measured by placing the
three first fingers across the stick. The fifth man sat immediately to
the right of the song priest, who took a hollow reed from the large
medicine bag from which he cut four pieces, each piece the breadth of
his three fingers. The reed, which was cut with a stone knife, was
afterwards rubbed with native tobacco. Six sticks of each of the piles
had their square ends beveled; these represented females. The attendant
on the east side of the rug having completed his twelve sticks, painted
them white with kaolin finely ground and mixed with water. The flat ends
of the sticks were colored black; the beveled parts were painted blue;
around the lower end of the blue was a bit of yellow which represented
the jaw painted with corn pollen. Three black dots were painted upon the
blue for the eyes and mouth; the ground color was laid on with the
finger; the other decorations were made with yucca brushes. The man on
the south side colored his sticks blue. The tops of six sticks were
painted yellow, and six were black. The black ends were those having the
beveled spots. These spots were blue with a chin of yellow; they also
had the three black dots for eyes and mouth. The man to the west colored
his sticks yellow with the flat ends black; the beveled spots of six of
them were blue with a yellow chin and three black dots for eyes and
mouth. The sticks to the north were colored black; six of them had the
beveled parts colored blue with a yellow jaw, and three spots for eyes
and mouth; the six sticks that were not beveled had their flat tops
painted blue. All these sticks were laid on the rug with their flat ends
outward. The attendants who prepared the reeds, each reed being colored
for a cardinal point, filled them with balls of humming-bird feathers
and tobacco and lighted them with a crystal, when they were touched with
corn pollen. The reed for the east was white, the one for the south
blue, that for the west yellow, and that for the north black. Each reed
was placed at its appropriate point in line with the sticks. (See Pl.
CXVIII.) The theurgist then advanced, carrying a basket half filled with
corn meal. This he placed in the center of the rug; when kneeling on the
edge of the rug and beginning with the white sticks, he placed first the
white reed in the east side of the basket, and passing from this point
around to the right he placed the six offerings to the gods, then the
six to the goddesses. Next taking the blue tube at the south end he
placed it to the left of the white line of sticks, leaving sufficient
space for the sticks between it and the white tube; all the blue ones
were placed in position corresponding to the white. The yellow followed
next, and then the black. All were placed with their flat ends or heads
pointed to the rim of the basket. The theurgist deposited the basket in
the niche on a pile of turkey feather wands, the wands resting upon a
large medicine bag. The sticks and scraps left after making the tubes
were carried out and deposited without ceremony.

[Illustration: Plate CXVIII.
BLANKET RUG AND MEDICINE TUBES AND STICKS.]

FIFTH CEREMONY.

The rug which was spread in front of the song priest was composed of two
blankets whose edges met, and upon this rug there were two lines of
masks running north and south; the tops of the masks were to the east.
There were sixteen masks; those representing the gods cover the head,
and those representing goddesses cover the face only. They were
decorated with ribbons, plumes, etc. During the forenoon prayers were
said over them and meal sprinkled upon them.

SIXTH CEREMONY.

Just after dark those who were to take part in the ceremony prepared to
personate one of the Hostjobokon and two of the Hostjoboard
(goddesses)--Hostjoghon and Hasjelti. Hostjobokon’s body and limbs were
painted, and he wore a mountain lion’s skin doubled lengthwise and
fastened around the loins at the back, and a silver belt encircled his
waist. Hasjelti wore knee breeches and a shirt of black velvet,
ornamented with silver buttons. His face and hands were covered with
white kaolin. Hostjoghon’s body was painted white, and he wore a red
silk scarf around the loins, caught on with a silver belt. The two men
personating the goddesses had their limbs painted white; one wore a
black sash around his loins, held by a silver belt. The other had a red
woolen scarf and silver belt; gray foxskins hung from the back of the
belts. The masks were fastened to their heads before leaving the lodge
by means of a string and a lock of their hair, and they were then thrown
back from the head. After a little indulgence in their hoots they all
left the lodge. The invalid entered the lodge and, stepping upon a piece
of white cotton which had been laid diagonally across the rug to the
northeast and southwest, took off his clothing. The lodge had now become
very crowded. The fire, which had burned brightly during the day, was
mere coals. The attendant at the left of the song priest opened the
choir with the rattle. The invalid sat upon the cotton cloth. Hasjelti,
entering with his favorite hoot amidst rattle and song, placed the
square (representing the concentrated winds) four times over the head of
the invalid and ran out of the lodge. He entered again and received from
the theurgist one of the twelve white sticks which during the forenoon
had been placed in the basket. The white stick farthest from the white
reed was handed him. This Hasjelti placed to the soles of the feet,
knees, palms, etc., of the invalid, amid hoots and antics, after which
he dashed out and hurled the stick to the east. One of the Hostjoboard
entered and received the next white stick, and after the same ceremony
ran out and cast it to the east. Hostjobokon returned and the theurgist
handed him the next white stick, when he repeated the ceremony, hurried
from the lodge, and threw the stick to the east. Hostjoboard again
entered, received a stick, repeated the ceremony, and ran out and threw
it to the east; and thus Hostjobokon and Hostjoboard alternated until
all the white sticks were disposed of, when Hasjelti reappeared and
received from the song priest the white reed (cigarette) and carried it
from the lodge. When he returned the theurgist handed him one of the
blue sticks, with which he repeated the ceremony and, leaving the lodge,
threw it to the south, when Hostjoghon and Hostjoboard alternately
disposed of the blue sticks in the same order in which the white sticks
had been distributed. The yellow and black sticks were disposed of in a
similar manner, Hasjelti officiating with the first stick of each color
and the reeds. The yellow sticks were thrown to the west; the black to
the north. This was all done amidst the wildest hoots and song of the
choir, accompanied by the rattle.

Hasjelti again appeared and placed the square four times over the
invalid’s head with wild hoots. The four cigarettes to be smoked by the
gods were afterwards taken by four of the personators of the gods and
deposited in a secluded spot under a tree and sprinkled with corn
pollen; after their return Hasjelti again placed the square over the
invalid’s head. The song priest placed two live coals in front of the
invalid, and upon the coals he put a pinch of tobacco, the smoke of
which the invalid inhaled. The attendant poured water over the coals,
when they were thrown out at the fire opening of the lodge. The
personators of the gods returned to the lodge bearing their masks in
their hands. The invalid put on his clothing and took his seat upon the
rug, but in a short time he returned to his former seat on the northwest
side of the lodge. The sweat-house priest appeared with a large buffalo
robe which he spread before the song priest, the head pointing north,
and upon this various kinds of calico were laid, carefully folded the
length of the robe. There were many yards of this. Upon the calico was
spread a fine large buckskin, and on this white muslin; these were all
gifts from the invalid to the song priest. The masks were then laid upon
the cotton (see Pl. CXV, 7, 8); the mask of Hasjelti was on the east
side to the north end, that of Hostjoghon at the south end, and between
these the six masks of the Hostjobokon were placed. Immediately under
these were the six Hostjoboard, and beneath the latter were the masks of
Naiyenesgony and Tobaidischinni at the north end. Three other masks of
the Etsethle followed in line running south. After all the masks had
been properly arranged the song priest sprinkled them with pollen.
Beginning with Hasjelti he sprinkled every mask of the upper line thus:
Over the top of the head down the center of the face, then forming a
kind of half-circle he passed over the right cheek, then passing his
hand backward to the left he sprinkled the same line up the left cheek.
The second and third rows had simply a line of the pollen run across the
masks, beginning at the north end. The theurgist repeated a prayer
during the sprinkling of the pollen, then handed the bag of pollen to
the priest of the sweat house, who repeated the sprinkling of the masks,
when everyone in the lodge, each having his individual bag of pollen,
hastened forward and sprinkled the masks, at the same time offering
prayers. The theurgist and priest of the sweat house again sprinkled
pollen on the masks as heretofore described.

Baskets and bowls in unlimited quantity, filled with food, were placed
in a circle around the fire which now burned brightly. The guests formed
into groups and drew the food toward them, but did not touch it for a
time. The invalid, song-priest, and his attendants, indulged in a smoke
which was social and not religious, the white man’s tobacco being
preferred on such occasions. A girl and a boy, about 12 years of age,
came into the lodge. The boy was the son of the invalid, the girl his
sister’s child. The boy knelt at the northeast end of the rug and the
girl at the southeast end. They were richly dressed in Navajo blankets,
coral necklaces, etc., and they remained perfectly quiet. The theurgist
and his attendants talked together in an undertone, and if the inmates
of the lodge spoke at all their voices were scarcely audible. After a
time the choir opened, led by the song-priest with his rattle. During
the singing the rattle was passed from one to the other. The invalid did
not join in the song. The choir continued an hour without cessation, and
then rested 2 minutes, and again began and continued for another
hour.[4] At the conclusion of the singing the song-priest handed to the
girl a wand of turkey plumes taken from a basket of feathers which had
stood, since the placing of the masks, on the west side of him. Another
wand was passed to the boy; and the children received some instructions
from the song-priest, who spoke in an undertone, after which, an
attendant filled with water from a wicker water jug a basket that had
stood throughout the ceremony at the east of the rug.

[Footnote 4: I noticed that the priest of the sweat house on no
occasion sat with the song-priest and his attendants.]

The song was now resumed, and dipping the wand he held in the basket of
water the boy sprinkled the masks, beginning at the north end and east
row. The girl repeated the same. The east row of masks was sprinkled
twice. When the children sprinkled the middle and west rows, the
ceremony was always begun at the north end of each line of masks; again
dipping their wands in the water, the boy beginning at the north side
and the girl at the south, they sprinkled the inmates of the lodge. The
children were very awkward, and were rendered more so by the many
scoldings given them for their mistakes. The sprinkling of the people
was continued until the water was exhausted. The lodge was also
sprinkled at the cardinal points. The song never ceased throughout this
ceremony. The girl and boy, taking the position first assigned them, an
attendant, with a reed filled with sacred tobacco, puffed the smoke over
the masks, smoking each mask separately on the east row; the middle and
west rows he hurriedly passed over. While this was being done an
attendant took a pinch from all the different foods and placed what he
gathered into a basket in the niche behind the song-priest.[5] After the
masks had been smoked, the attendant puffed the smoke over all the
people, beginning on the north side of the lodge. During the smoking the
song ceased, but was resumed when the attendant took his seat. At the
close of the song sacred meal was mixed with water in a Zuñi pottery
bowl. This meal is made of green corn baked in the earth and then
ground. During the preparation of this medicine mixture the song-priest
sang: “This food is mixed for the people of the rocks! We feed you with
this food, O people of the rocks!” The theurgist then dipped his
forefinger into the mixture, and running his hand rapidly over the masks
from north to south, he touched each mouth; each line was passed over
four times. The invalid dipped his three first fingers into the basket,
and placing them in his mouth, sucked in his breath with a loud noise.
This was repeated four times by the invalid and then by each of the
attendants, when all the inmates of the lodge were expected to partake
of the mixture. This was done with a prayer for rain, good crops,
health, and riches. All hands now participated in the feast.

[Footnote 5: This food is dried and made into a powder, and used as
a medicine by the theurgist.]

FOODS BROUGHT INTO THE LODGE.

Da’ttuneilgaij
Pats made of wheat flour and fried.

Tab’aestch’lŏnni
Corn meal pats wrapped in corn husks and boiled.

Tanā’shkiji
Thick mush boiled and stirred with sticks.

Nänesk’ādi
Tortillas.

Ta’bijai
Four small balls of corn meal wrapped in corn husks and boiled.

Insi’dok’ui
Corn bread with salt, made from the new corn, wrapped in corn husks
and baked in ashes.

Tkāditin
White corn meal mush.

Klesa’hn
Corn meal dough in rectangular cakes baked in ashes, hot earth,
or sand.

Tsēste’lttsoi
Cakes some fourth of an inch thick made from sweet corn mixed with
goat’s milk and baked on a hot rock.

Tseste’
Bread made of corn first toasted and then finely ground and made into
a thin batter which is baked upon a highly polished lava slab. The
crisp gauzy sheets are folded or rolled.

Tki’neshpipizi
Small balls of corn meal mush.

To’tkonji
Corn meal cakes one-fourth of an inch in thickness of old corn,
baked in a pan; they are seasoned with salt.

Älkaandt
A bread made from sweet corn which is first parched then ground on
a metate and then chewed by women and girls and placed in a mass in
a flat basket; this must be either of yellow or white corn, the blue
corn is never used for this purpose. A mush is made of either white
or yellow corn meal and the former preparation which has become yeast
is stirred into the mush. A hole is then dug in the ground (near the
fire) and lined with shucks into which the mush is poured, it is then
covered with shucks after which earth is thrown over it and a large
fire built which burns all night. In the early morning the cinders
and coals are removed when the bread is found to be baked.

Tkleheljoe
Yeast is prepared for this bread in the same manner as that for the
Älkaandt except that the corn is baked instead of parched. The yeast
is then mixed with meal into a stiff dough and baked in corn husks,
four pats are placed in each package.

Ta’nätnil (beverage)
Is the same preparation as the yeast used in the Älkaandt except in
this case a drink is made of it by pouring boiling water over it.

Diz’etso
Peaches (fresh or dried) stewed. There were also several large bowls
of stewed mutton.

Little groups of threes and fives were formed over the floor of the
lodge; others less fortunate were closely packed together around the
outer edge of the lodge and could procure their food only through the
generosity of their neighbors. The girl and boy left the lodge after
having partaken of the sacred meal mixture. After refreshment the
song-priest lifted each mask with his left hand beginning with Hasjelti,
and first extending his right hand, which held a fine large crystal,
toward the heavens, he touched the under part of each mask with the
crystal; four times he passed over the masks. The choir sang but no
rattle was used. The crystal was afterward placed on the rug opposite
the basket of feathers. The food vessels were removed and the song
continued for a time when the song-priest repeated a long low prayer,
after which the song was resumed, and thus the night was consumed in
prayer and song over the masks.

FIFTH DAY.

FIRST CEREMONY.

A basket of yucca suds was prepared by an attendant, who cleansed his
hands of the suds by pouring a gourd of clear water over them; he then
put a handful of the suds upon the head of a man who stood before him,
nude with the exception of a breech cloth, after which the man washed
his head from a water jug which was held over the head of the bather by
the attendant. The bather covered his body with the suds, and the
contents of the jug was emptied on the floor of the lodge by the
attendant. The man dressed himself in the ordinary cotton clothing with
rare beads around his neck, and a leather pouch held by a band of
mountain sheep skin over his shoulders; he knelt before a bowl of white
kaolin which he spread over his face; he then took his seat between two
attendants, the one to the right of him holding a pinch of native
tobacco and the one on the left holding corn meal in the palms of the
right hands.

At early dawn the buffalo robe at the entrance of the lodge was slightly
dropped from the doorway to admit the rays of approaching day. The masks
which had been sung and prayed over all night were laid away in the
niche behind the song-priest. The little girl who performed the previous
night returned to the lodge, but I could not see that she was there for
any purpose save to eat some of the remaining food, which had been
gathered into two large parcels and left by the old woman who removed
the vessels after the feast. A red blanket was laid and upon it a piece
of white cotton. A reed five inches in length and twice the diameter of
the others heretofore used was prepared. The reed was colored black in
the usual manner and filled with a feather ball and tobacco. It was
lighted with the crystal and touched with the pollen. Upon the
completion of the tube the invalid took his seat on the west side of the
rug, the attendant who prepared the tube sitting on the west side; he
took from one pouch four white shell beads and from another a turquoise
bead; he looped a cord of white cotton yarn some three feet long around
the pollen end of the tube and fastened to the loop two wing feathers of
the Arctic blue bird, one from the right wing and one from the left, and
a tail feather from the same bird and three feathers from a bird of
yellow plumage, the right and left wing and tail feather. The five beads
were strung on the string, the turquoise being the first put on; these
were slipped up the cord and two under tail-feathers and a hair from the
beard of the turkey were fastened to the end of the string with a loop
similar to that which attached it to the tube. (See Pl. CXIX.) This was
the great (cigarette) offering to Hasjelti and must be placed in a
canyon near a spring, for all birds gather at the waters. This was
offered that the song-priest might have his prayers passed straight over
the line of song. This offering secures the presence of this most valued
god and so fills the mind of the song-priest with song and prayer that
it comes forth without hesitation and without thought, so that he may
never have to think for his words. A small quantity of each variety of
sand used in decorating was placed on a husk with a little tobacco, and
on these a pinch of corn pollen; the tube was then laid on the husk and
the string and feathers carefully placed. Two additional feathers, the
under tail of the eagle and turkey, were laid on the husk. A blue
feather was dipped in water, then in pollen, and rubbed twice over these
feathers; an attendant folded the parcel and the song-priest received it
and touched it to the soles of the feet, knees, palms, breast, and back
and mouth of the invalid; he then put a pinch of the pollen into the
invalid’s mouth, and a pinch on the top of the head; he placed the
folded husk in the invalid’s hand, and stood in front of him and
whispered a long prayer which the invalid repeated after him. The manner
of holding the husk has been previously described. The man with painted
face received the husk from the theurgist, who returned to his seat and
at once opened the chant with the rattle. At the close of the chant the
holder of the husk touched the soles of the feet, palms, etc., of the
invalid with it and left the lodge. This precious parcel was taken three
miles distant and deposited in a canyon near a spring where there is a
luxuriant growth of reeds. Prayers were offered by the depositor for
health, rain, food, and good fortune to all. Only the theurgist and his
attendants and a few of the near relatives of the invalid were present
at this ceremony.

[Illustration: Plate CXIX. BLANKET RUG AND MEDICINE TUBE.]

SECOND CEREMONY.

The sweat-house priest preceded the invalid and song-priest, the latter
carrying his medicine basket, wands, etc. The hot stones and pine boughs
were put into the sweat house; meal was sprinkled around the west base
and the wands deposited, as before described, by the song-priest. Three
white and black striped blankets were placed over the entrance, one upon
the other, and upon these were a buckskin and several folds of white
muslin. An attendant brought a large medicine bowl half filled with pine
needles; water was poured upon these; a small earthen bowl and a gourd
containing water were placed before the song-priest, who put into the
bowl chopped sage, over which he sprinkled dried foods reduced to
powder; a small quantity of meal was also sprinkled into the gourd and
bowl. The song then began. A small pine bough was laid to the right of
the entrance of the sweat house. The opening of the song was a call upon
the gods to impart to the medicine power to complete the cure of the
invalid and to make all people well, and to have a wet and good ground
all over the earth. This song is specially addressed to Toneennili, the
water sprinkler.

Hasjelti and Hostjoghon arrived just as the sick man emerged from the
sweat house. The invalid bathed himself from the bowl of pine needles
and water. Taking the sheep’s horn in the left hand and a piece of hide
in the right, Hasjelti pressed the invalid’s body as before described.
The god was requested by the priest of the sweat house to pay special
attention to the rubbing of the head of the invalid. The small gourd was
handed to Hasjelti, who gave four drafts of its contents to the invalid.
Hasjelti touched the soles of the feet, palms, etc., of the invalid with
medicine water from the bowl. The gods then suddenly disappeared. On
this occasion Hostjoghon took no part in administering the medicine. The
invalid, after putting on his clothing, proceeded to the lodge, followed
by the song-priest. The sweat house was razed as usual, and the pine
boughs and stones were placed to the north of the house in a small piñon
tree; the logs of the house were deposited on the ground a few feet from
the tree. A line of meal the length of the medicine tube was sprinkled
on the logs and the tube laid thereon. Meal was sprinkled over the tube
and logs.

THIRD CEREMONY.

The first sand painting occurred on October 16; it was begun in the
early forenoon and completed at sundown. Common yellowish sand was
brought in blankets. This formed the ground color for the painting. It
was laid to form a square 3 inches in depth and 4 feet in diameter. Upon
this three figures were painted after the manner described of the
painting of the rainbow over the sweat house. Nine turkey wands were
placed on the south, west, and north sides of the square, and a line of
meal with four foot-marks extended from near the entrance of the lodge
to the painting. (See Pl. CXX.)

Hasjelti stands to the north end in the illustration, holding the emblem
of the concentrated winds. The square is ornamented at the corners with
eagle plumes, tied on with cotton cord; an eagle plume is attached to
the head of Hasjelti with cotton cord. The upper horizontal lines on the
face denote clouds; the perpendicular lines denote rain; the lower
horizontal and perpendicular lines denote the first vegetation used by
man. Hasjelti’s chin is covered with corn pollen, the head is surrounded
with red sunlight, the red cross lines on the blue denote larynx; he
wears ear rings of turquoise, fringed leggings of white buckskin, and
beaded moccasins tied on with cotton cord. The figure to the south end
is Hostjoghon; he too has the eagle plume on the head, which is
encircled with red sunshine. His earrings are of turquoise; he has
fox-skin ribbons attached to the wrists; these are highly ornamented at
the loose ends with beaded pendants attached by cotton strings; he
carries wild turkey and eagle feather wands, brightened with red, blue,
and yellow sunbeams. The center figure is one of the Hostjobokon, and
upon this figure the invalid for whom the ceremonial is held sits. The
four footprints are made of meal. These the invalid steps upon as he
advances and takes his seat, with knees drawn up, upon the central
figure. After dark the invalid walked over the line of meal, being
careful to step upon the footprints in order that his mental and moral
qualities might be strengthened. The invalid removed his clothing
immediately after entering the lodge; he had downy breast feathers of
the eagle attached to the scalp lock with white cotton cord; he advanced
to the painting and took his seat upon the central figure. An attendant
followed him, and with his right hand swept the line of meal after the
invalid, removing all traces of it. The entrance of the invalid into the
lodge was a signal for the song-priest to open the chant with the
rattle. Hasjelti and Hostjoghon bounded into the lodge hooting wildly.
The former carried the square (the concentrated winds), which he placed
over the sick man’s head. Hostjoghon carried a turkey wand in each hand,
and these he waved over the invalid’s head and hooted; this was repeated
four times, and each time the gods ran out of the lodge. Hasjelti wore a
velvet dress, but Hostjoghon’s body was nude, painted white. This wild,
weird ceremony over, the sick man arose and the song-priest gathered the
turkey wands from around the painting, while an attendant erased it by
rubbing his hands over the sand to the center. The sands were gathered
into a blanket and carried out of the lodge and deposited some distance
away from the lodge, where the sun could not generate the germ of the
disease. The sand is never touched by any one when once carried out,
though before the paintings are erased the people clamor to touch them,
and then rub their hands over their own bodies that they may be cured of
any malady. The invalid, after putting on his clothes, returned to his
family lodge. A group then gathered around the spot where the paintings
had been and joined in a weird chant, which closed the fifth day’s
ceremony.

[Illustration: Plate CXX. FIRST SAND PAINTING.]

SIXTH DAY.

Preparations for a great sand painting began at daylight. Sand for the
ground work was carried in in blankets; the fire which had burned
through the previous ceremonies was first removed and all traces of it
covered with sand. As the artists were to begin the painting with the
center of the picture only a portion of the ground color was laid at
first, in order to enable them to work with greater facility. While the
ground color was being laid a man sat on one side of the lodge grinding
with a metate and mixing the colors. A quantity of coals were taken from
the exhausted fire from which to prepare black paint. A small quantity
of red sand was mixed with the charcoal to give it body or weight. The
colors used in this sand painting have all been referred to in the
description of the rainbow over the sweat house. After the central
portion of the ground work for the painting was smoothed off a Jerusalem
cross was drawn in black. The eye usually was the only guide for drawing
lines, though on two occasions a weaving stick was used. As a rule four
artists were employed, one beginning at each point of the cross. Each
arm of the cross was completed by the artist who began the work. For
illustration of painting see Pl. CXXI.

The black cross-bars in the illustration denote pine logs; the white
lines the froth of the water; the yellow, vegetable debris gathered by
the logs; the blue and red lines, sunbeams. The blue spot in center of
cross denotes water. There are four Hostjobokon with their wives the
Hostjoboard; each couple sit upon one of the cross arms of the logs.
These gods carry in their right hands a rattle, and in their left sprigs
of piñon; the wives or goddesses carry piñon sprigs in both hands; the
rattle brings male rains, and the piñon, carried by the women, female
rains; these rains meet upon the earth, conceive and bring forth all
vegetation. Their heads are ornamented with eagle plumes tied on with
cotton cord. (Note: In all cases the round head denotes male and
octangular head female.) The gods have also a bunch of night-owl
feathers and eagle plumes on the left side of the head; both male and
female wear turquois earrings and necklaces of the same. The larynx is
represented by the parallel lines across the blue. A line of sunlight
encircles the head of both males and females. The white spots on the
side of the females’ heads represent the ears. The arms of the goddesses
are covered with corn pollen, and long ribbons of fox skins are attached
to the wrists, as shown on painting number one. All wear beaded
moccasins tied on with cotton cord. Their chins are covered with corn
pollen and red sunlight surrounds the body. The skirts only have an
additional line of blue sunlight. Hasjelti is to the east of the
painting. He carries a squirrel skin filled with tobacco. His shirt is
white cotton and very elastic. The leggings are of white deer skin
fringed, and the moccasins are similar to the others. His head is
ornamented with an eagle’s tail, and to the tip of each plume there is a
fluffy feather from the breast of the eagle. A bunch of night-owl
feathers is on either side of the eagle tail where it is attached to the
head. The horizontal and perpendicular lines on the face were referred
to in the description of the first sand painting. The projection on the
right of the throat is a fox skin. Hostjoghon’s headdress is similar to
that of Hasjelti’s. Two strips of beaver skin tipped with six quills of
the porcupine are attached to the right of the throat. The four colored
stars on the body are ornaments of beads. The shirt of this god is
invisible; the dark is the dark of the body. Hostjoghon carries a staff
colored black from a charred plant. The Navajo paint their bodies with
the same plant. The top of the staff is ornamented with a turkey’s tail
tied to the staff with white cotton cord; eagle and turkey plumes are
alternately attached to the staff with a cord.

The Naaskiddi are to the north and south of the painting; they carry
staffs of lightning ornamented with eagle plumes and sunbeams. Their
bodies are nude except the loin skirt; their leggings and moccasins are
the same as the others. The hunch upon the back is a black cloud, and
the three groups of white lines denote corn and other seeds of
vegetation. Five eagle plumes are attached to the cloud backs (eagles
live with the clouds); the body is surrounded with sunlight; the lines
of red and blue which border the bunch upon the back denote sunbeams
penetrating storm clouds. The black circle zigzagged with white around
the head is a cloud basket filled with corn and seeds of grass. On
either side of the head are five feathers of the red shafted flicker
(_Colaptes cafer_); a fox skin is attached to the right side of the
throat; the mountain sheep horns are tipped with the under tail feathers
of the eagle, tied on with cotton cord. The horns are filled with
clouds. The rainbow goddess, upon which these gods often travel,
completes the picture.

[Illustration: Plate CXXI. SECOND SAND PAINTING.]

Upon completion of the painting the song-priest, who stood to the east
of it holding in his hand a bag of sacred meal, stepped carefully
between the figures, sprinkling pollen upon the feet and heart of each.
He then sprinkled a thread of pollen up each cheek and down the middle
of the face of the figures, afterwards extending his right hand toward
the east. The face of the encircling rainbow goddess was also sprinkled.
The song-priest placed the sacred wands around the rainbow, commencing
on the west side of the painting, and repeated a prayer, pointing his
finger to the head of each figure. He also placed a small gourd of
medicine water in the hands of the rainbow goddess and laid a small
cedar twig on the gourd. The invalid upon entering the lodge was handed
an Apache basket containing sacred meal, which he sprinkled over the
painting and placed the basket near the feet of the rainbow goddesses;
the song-priest and choir sang to the accompaniment of the rattle. A
short time after the entrance of the invalid Hasjelti appeared, and
taking the evergreen from the gourd dipped it into the medicine water
and sprinkled the feet, heart, and heads of the sand figures, after
which the invalid sat in the center of the cross. Hasjelti gave him a
sip of the sacred water from the gourd and returned the gourd to its
place; then he touched the feet, heart, and head of each figure
successively with his right hand, each time touching the corresponding
parts of the body of the invalid. Every time Hasjelti touched the
invalid he gave a weird hoot. After he had been touched with sands from
all the paintings the theurgist, selecting a few live coals from a small
fire which had been kept burning near the door, threw them in front of
the invalid, who still retained his seat in the center of the painting.
The theurgist placed herbs, which he took from a buckskin bag, on the
coals from which a very pleasant aroma arose. An attendant sprinkled
water on the coals and a moment after threw them out of the fire
opening. The song-priest gathered the wands from around the edge of the
painting and four attendants began to erase it by scraping the sands
from the cardinal points to the center. Again the people hurried to take
sand from the hearts, heads, and limbs of the figures to rub upon
themselves. The sands were gathered into a blanket and deposited at the
base of a piñon tree about one hundred yards north of the lodge. A chant
closed the ceremony.

SEVENTH DAY.

The first business of the day was the preparation of an elaborate sand
picture, and though the artists worked industriously from dawn, it was
not completed until after 3 o’clock. The paint grinder was kept busy to
supply the artists. It was observed that in drawing some of the lines
the artists used a string of stretched yarn instead of the weaving
stick. When five of the figures had been completed, six young men came
into the lodge, removed their clothes, and whitened their bodies and
limbs with kaolin; they then left the lodge to solicit food from the
people, who were now quite thickly gathered over the mesa to witness the
closing ceremonies. The mesa top for a mile around was crowded with
Indians, horses, sheep, and hogans (lodges); groups of 3 to 20 Indians
could be seen here and there gambling, while foot and horse racing were
features of special interest. Indeed, the people generally were enjoying
themselves at the expense of the invalid. The rainbow goddess,
Nattsilit, surrounding the painting, was about 25 feet in length. Upon
the completion of the painting the song-priest sprinkled the figures
with pollen as before described and planted the feather wands around the
pictures.

In the illustration of this painting, Pl. CXXIII, Hasjelti will be
recognized as the leader. He carries a fawn skin filled with sacred
meal; the spots on the skin are seven and in the form of a great bear.
The fawn skin indicates him as the chief of all game. It was Hasjelti
who created game. The first six figures following Hasjelti are the
Ethsethle. The next six figures are their wives. Toneennili, the water
sprinkler (_to_, water, and _yonily_, to sprinkle), follows carrying a
water jug, from which he sprinkles the earth. The Ethsethle wear
leggings of corn pollen and the forearms of the gods are covered with
pollen. Their wives have their arms and bodies covered with the same.
The skirts of the Ethsethle are elaborately ornamented and their pouches
at their sides are decorated with many beads, feathers, and fringes. The
gods are walking upon black clouds and mist (the yellow denoting mist),
the women upon blue clouds and mist.

During the ceremony an Apache basket containing meal was brought in and
placed at the feet of the rainbow goddess. The invalid entered the
lodge, which had become quite filled with privileged spectators, and
receiving the basket of meal, sprinkled the figures from left to right;
he then removed all his clothing except his breech cloth and stood east
of the painting. Hostjoghon stepped to the head of the rainbow goddess
and taking the small gourd of medicine water dipped the cedar twig into
the water and sprinkled the figures, then touched the twig to the feet,
heart, and head of each figure, commencing at the male figure to the
north and passing south, then beginning with the female figures to the
north and passing south. The invalid took his seat in the center of the
painting with his knees drawn to his chin. Hostjoghon held the medicine
gourd over each figure and passed it to the invalid, who took four sips,
Hostjoghon hooting each time he passed the gourd to the invalid. After
returning the gourd and twig to their former position he placed the
palms of his hands to the feet and head of each figure and then placed
his palms on the corresponding parts of the invalid’s body, and pressed
his head several times between his hands. After touching any part of the
invalid, Hostjoghon threw his hands upward and gave one of his
characteristic hoots. The song-priest placed coals in front of the
invalid and herbs upon them, as he had done the day before, and then
retired. The coals were afterwards thrown out of the fire opening and
the crowd rushed to the painting to rub their bodies with the sand. The
painting was obliterated in the usual manner and the sand carried out
and deposited at the base of a piñon tree some 200 yards from the lodge.

[Illustration: Plate CXXII. THIRD SAND PAINTING.]

EIGHTH DAY.

The grinding of the paint began at daylight, and just at sunrise the
artists commenced their work. When any mistake occurred, which was very
seldom, it was obliterated by sifting the ground color over it. Each
artist endeavored to finish his special design first, and there was
considerable betting as to who would succeed. The rapidity with which
these paints are handled is quite remarkable, particularly as most of
the lines are drawn entirely by the eye. After the completion of the
painting, each figure being three and a half feet long, corn pollen was
sprinkled over the whole by the song priest. (See illustration, Pl.
CXXIII.)

The corn stalk in the picture signifies the main subsistence of life;
the square base and triangle are clouds, and the three white lines at
the base of the corn stalk denote the roots of the corn. The figures of
this picture are each 3½ feet in length. These are the Zenichi (people
of the white rock with a red streak through it) and their wives. Their
homes are high in the canyon wall. The black parallelogram to the west
of the painting designates a red streak in the rock in which are their
homes. The delicate white lines indicate their houses, which are in the
interior or depths of the rock, and can not be seen from the surface.
This canyon wall is located north of the Ute Mountain. These people of
the rocks move in the air like birds. The red portion of the bodies of
the Zenichi denote red corn; the black portion black clouds. The red
half of the face represents also the red corn; the blue of the bodies of
the others denote vegetation in general, and the yellow, pollen of all
vegetation. The zigzag lines of the bodies is lightning; the black lines
around the head, zigzagged with white, are cloud baskets that hold red
corn, which is stacked in pyramidal form and capped with three eagle
plumes. There are five feathers of the red and black shafted flicker
(_Colapteo cafer_) on either side of the head. A lightning bow is held
in the left hand, the right holds a rattle ornamented with feathers. The
females carry in their hands decorated baskets and sprigs of piñon, and
they wear white leggings and beaded moccasins. The Zenichi never dance.
These gods are also called Zaadoljaii, meaning rough mouth, or anything
that protrudes roughly from the mouth. (The mouth and eyes of these gods
protrude.) The rainbow goddess is represented at the north and south end
of the painting. The corn stalk has two ears of corn, while the original
stalk had 12 ears. Two of these ears the gods gave to the younger
brother of the Tolchini when they commanded him to return to the Navajo
and instruct them how to represent the gods in sand painting and in
masks. The four corner figures will be recognized as the Naashiddi
(hunchback, or mountain sheep).

[Illustration: Plate CXXIII. FOURTH SAND PAINTING.]

During the ceremony Hasjelti, dressed in black velvet ornamented with
silver, and Hostjoboard, with her nude body painted white and with silk
scarf around the loins caught on with silver belt, left the lodge to
gather the children upon the mesa for the purpose of initiating them;
but the children had already been summoned by men who rode over the mesa
on horseback, visiting every hogan to see that all the children were
brought for initiation. A buffalo robe was spread at the end of the
avenue which extended from the medicine lodge some three hundred yards.
The head of the robe was to the east; at the end of the robe blankets
were spread in a kind of semicircle. Most of the children were
accompanied by their mothers. The boys were stripped of their clothing
and sat upon the buffalo robe. The head of the line being to the north,
they all faced east with their feet stretched out. Their arms hung by
their sides and their heads were bent forward. The girls sat in line
upon the blanket in company with their mothers and the mothers of the
boys. It is entirely a matter of choice whether or not a mother
accompanies her child or takes any part in the ceremony. The girls also
sat like the boys, their heads bent forward. Their heads were bent down
that they might not look upon the gods until they had been initiated. Up
to this time they were supposed never to have had a close view of the
masks or to have inspected anything pertaining to their religious
ceremonies. The children ranged from five to ten years of age. At this
particular ceremony nine boys and six girls were initiated. When the
children were all in position, Hasjelti, carrying a fawn skin containing
sacred meal, and Hostjoboard, carrying two needles of the Spanish
bayonet, stood in front of the children. The boy at the head of the line
was led out and stood facing the east. Hasjelti, with the sacred meal,
formed a cross on his breast, at the same time giving his peculiar hoot.
Hostjoboard struck him upon the breast, first with the needles held in
her right hand and then with those held in the left. Hasjelti then
turned the boy toward the right until he faced west and made a cross
with meal upon his back, when Hostjoboard struck him twice on the back
with the needles. He was again turned to face the east, when both arms
were extended and brought together. Hasjelti made a cross over the arms
and then over the knees. Each time the boy was crossed with the meal
Hostjoboard struck the spot first with the needles in the right hand and
then with those in the left, after which the boy returned to his seat.
The cross denotes the scalp knot. Most of the boys advanced quite
bravely to receive the chastisement. I noticed but one who seemed very
nervous, and with great difficulty he kept back the tears. The boys’
ceremony over, the gods approached the girls, beginning at the end of
the line next to the boys. Hasjelti marked a line of meal on each side
of the foot of the girl, when Hostjoboard, now holding two ears of
yellow corn wrapped with piñon twigs, placed them to the soles of the
girl’s feet and Hasjelti drew a line of meal on each hand; after which
Hostjoboard placed the ears of corn to the palms of the hands, she
holding the corn in her palms and pressing it to the palms of the girl’s
hands. Hasjelti formed a cross on the breast with the meal and
Hostjoboard pressed the two ears of corn to the breast; a cross was made
on the back and the two ears of corn pressed to the back. Hasjelti, with
his right hand, then drew a line on the girl’s left shoulder, and with
his left hand a line on the girl’s right shoulder, the corn being
pressed to the shoulders in the manner described. Two lines of meal were
run over the forehead back to the top of the head, and the two ears of
corn pressed to the top of head. The boys were nude but the girls were
gayly dressed in blankets, jewelry, etc. At the close of this ceremony
the representatives of the gods removed their masks and called upon the
children to raise their heads. The amazement depicted upon the faces of
the children when they discovered their own people and not gods afforded
much amusement to the spectators. The masks were laid upon a blanket and
the girls and boys were commanded to look upon them. Hostjoboard placed
her mask upon the face of each boy and girl and woman in the line,
beginning at the north end of the line, giving a hoot each time the mask
was placed upon anyone. Great care was taken that the mask should be so
arranged upon the face that the eyes might look directly through the
eyeholes, for should any blunder occur the sight of at least one eye
would be lost. It is scarcely on before it is removed. After the masks
had been placed on all the faces it was laid beside Hasjelti’s. The man
personating Hasjelti sprinkled his mask and then Hostjoboard’s with
pollen, and the man personating Hostjoboard sprinkled Hasjelti’s mask
and then his own with pollen. The boy to the north end of the line was
called out and from the pollen bag took a pinch of pollen and sprinkled
first the mask of Hasjelti and then Hostioboard’s. This was repeated by
each boy, girl, and woman in the line. In approaching the masks they
always pass back of the line around to the north side and then step in
front of the masks. The mask is sprinkled in this wise: A line of pollen
is run from the top of the head down to the mouth; passing around to the
right the line is drawn upward over the left cheek; the hand continues
to move outside of the mask to a point below the right cheek, then up
the right cheek. The younger children’s hands were guided by the
representatives of the gods. It would be a great fatality to sprinkle a
drop of meal over the eye holes; the individual committing such an error
would become blind at least in one eye. Great care is also taken that
the line is run up the cheek, for if it was run down not only would
vegetation be stunted, but the lives of the people would become so, as
all people and things should aim upward not downward. The line running
down through the center of the face calls upon the gods above to send
down rain upon the earth and health to all people. Two or three children
started through ignorance to run the meal down one of the cheeks; they
were instantly stopped by Hasjelti, but not until the people looking on
had expressed great horror. All in the line having gone through this
ceremony the crowd of spectators sprinkled the masks in the same manner.
I was requested to sprinkle them, and at the same time was specially
instructed to run the lines up the cheeks. This closed the ceremony of
initiation. The boys were then permitted to go around at will and look
at the masks and enter the lodge and view the sand painting. Hasjelti
and Hostjoboard returned to the lodge, carrying their masks in their
hands.

About an hour after the ceremony of the initiation of the children a
large buffalo robe was spread on the avenue with his head to the east,
around which a circle of some hundred feet in diameter was formed by
horsemen and pedestrians who gathered, eager to witness the outdoot
ceremony. The theurgist and invalid were seated outside of the lodge,
south of the entrance. The dieties personated in this occasion were the
gods Hasjelti and Taadotjaii, and the goddess Tebahdi. Haskjelti wore
black velvet and silver ornaments, with red silk scarf around the waist.
Taadotjaii was nude, his body being painted a reddish color. The limbs
and body were zigzagged with white, representing lightning and downy
breast feathers of the eagle, and in his right hand a gourd rattle
devoid of ornamentation. Yebahdi wore the ordinary squaw’s dress and
moccasins, with many silver ornaments, and a large blanket around her
shoulders touching the ground. Hasjelti approached dancing, and
sprinkled meal over the buffalo robe, and the invalid stood upon the
robe. Hasjelti, followed by Zaadoltjaii, again entered the circle and
sprinkled meal upon the robe. The goddess Yebahdi following, stood
within the circle some 20 feet from the robe on the east side and facing
west. Hasjelti, amidst hoots and anties, sprinkled meal upon the
invalid, throwing both his hands upward. Immediately Zaadoltjaii, with
arrow in the left hand and rattle int he right, threw both hands up over
the invalid amidst hoots and antics. They then passed to Yebahdi, who
holds with both hands a basket containing the two yellow ears of corn
wrapped with pine twigs that were used in the children’s ceremony, and
indulged in similar antics over the goddess. As each representative of
the gods threw up his hands she raised her basket high above and in
front of her head. Hasjelti, together with Zaadoltjaii and Yebahdi, then
passed around within the circle to the other three points of the
compass. At each point Yebahdi took her position about 20 feet from the
buffalo robe, when Hasjelti and Zaadoltjhaii repeated their performance
over the invalid and then over Yebahdi each time she elevated the
basket. The invalid then entered the lodge, followed by the
representatives of the gods, who were careful to remove their masks
before going in. The invalid sat on the cornstalk in the center of the
sand painting, facing east. Zaadoltjaii stepped upon the painting, and
taking the little medicine gourd from the hands of the rainbow goddess,
dipped the cedar twig into the medicine water and sprinkled the
painting, beginning at the south side. Zaadoltjaii gave the invalid a
draft from the gourd, and waving the gourd from left to right formed a
circle, amidst the wildest cries. He gave three more drafts to the
invalid, each time waving the gourd around the invalid with a wave
toward the east. He then placed the palm of his hand over the feet of
all the figures, beginning with the figure at the south end, west side;
running up that line he began with the figure on the north end east
side, running down that line; he then placed his hands to the soles of
the feet of the invalid, hooting twice; then the heart of the invalid
was touched in the same manner with the palm of the right hand, the left
hand being placed to his back. The body was pressed in this way four
times amid loud cries. This was repeated upon the invalid. After
touching each figure of the painting, the right hand was placed to the
forehead of the invalid and the left hand to the back of the head, and
the head pressed in this way on all sides. The song-priest put live
coals before the invalid and upon them sprinkled tobacco and water, the
fumes of which the invalid inhaled. An attendant then threw the coals
out of the fire opening, and the song-priest gathered the twelve turkey
wands from around the painting while the inmates of the lodge hastened
forward to press their hands upon what remained of the figures, then
drawing a breath from their hands, they pressed them upon their bodies
that they might be cured of any infirmities, moral or physical, after
which four men gathered at the points of the compass and swept the sand
to the center of the painting, and placing it in a blanket deposited it
a short distance from the lodge.

NINTH DAY.

FIRST CEREMONY.

The final decoration of masks with ribbons, plumes, etc., began at
sunrise and consumed most of the morning. About noon two sticks 1 inch
in diameter and 6 inches long were colored; one, of piñon, was painted
black, the other, of cedar, was colored red. Three medicine tubes were
made, one black, one red, and one blue. These were placed in a basket
half filled with meal; the basket stood in the niche behind the
song-priest. Two men personated Naiyenesgony and Tobaidischinni.
Naiyenesgony’s body was painted black (from the embers of a burnt weed
of which specimens were procured) and on the outside of his legs below
the knee, on the upper arms, breast and scapula were bows in white but
without arrows. Tobaidischinni had his body painted with the scalp knot
in white in relative positions to the bows on Naiyenesgony. A third man,
personating the turquois hermaphrodite Ahsonnutli, wore the usual
squaw’s dress with a blanket fastened over the shoulders reaching to the
ground. Her mask was blue. The three left the lodge carrying their masks
in their hands. Passing some distance down the avenue to the east they
put on their masks and returned to the lodge. A buffalo robe had been
spread in front of the lodge. Just as the maskers returned, the invalid,
wrapped in a fine red Navajo blanket and bearing a basket of sacred
meal, stepped upon the robe; he had before stood in front of the lodge
by the side of the song-priest. The many spectators on foot and
horseback clad in their rich blankets formed a brilliant surrounding for
this ceremony, which took place just at the setting of the son.
Naiyenesgony carried in his right hand a large lava celt which was
painted white. Tobaidischinni followed next carrying in his right hand
the black wood stick which had been prepared in the morning, and in his
left hand the red stick. Ahsonnutli followed with bow and arrow in the
left hand and an arrow in the right with a quiver thrown over the
shoulder.

Naiyenesgony drew so close to the invalid that their faces almost
touched and pointed his celt toward the invalid. Tobaidischinni then
approached and in the same manner pointed the sticks toward him, after
which he was approached by Ahsonnutli with her bow and arrows. This was
repeated on the south, west, and north sides of the invalid; each time
the invalid partially turned his arm, shoulder, and back to sprinkle
meal upon the gods. The gods then rushed to the entrance of the medicine
lodge repeating the ceremony there, when they hurried to the south side
of the lodge (the invalid having returned to the lodge; the buffalo robe
was carried in by an attendant). The gods went from the south side of
the lodge to the west and then to the north performing the same
ceremony. As the invalid had spent many days in the lodge and the
disease at each day’s ceremony exuded from his body, it was deemed
necessary that these gods should go to the four points of the compass
and draw the disease from the lodge. When they entered the lodge the
buffalo robe had been spread in front of the song-priest with its head
north. Upon this robe each god knelt on his left knee, Naiyenesgony on
the north end of the robe, Ahsonnutli on the south end, and
Tobaidischinni between them, all facing east. The song-priest, followed
by the invalid, advanced to the front of the line carrying the basket
containing the medicine tubes. He sprinkled Naiyenesgony with corn
pollen, passing it up the right arm over the head and down the left arm
to the hand. He placed the black tube in the palm, of the left hand of
the god, the priest chanting all the while a prayer. The red tube was
given with the same ceremony to Tobaidischinni, and the blue tube with
the same ceremony to Ahsonnutli. The quiver was removed from Ahsonnutli
before she knelt. The song-priest, kneeling in front of Naiyenesgony,
repeated a long litany with responses by the invalid, when the gods left
the lodge led by Naiyenesgony who deposited his tube and stick in a
piñon tree, Tobaidischinni depositing his in a cedar tree, and
Ahsonnutli hers in the heart of a shrub.

SECOND CEREMONY.

The scene was a brilliant one. Long before the time for the dance a line
of four immense fires burned on each side of the avenue where the dance
was to take place, and Navajo men and women clad in their bright colored
blankets and all their rare beads and silver encircled each fire. Logs
were piled 5 or 6 feet high. In addition to these eight fires there were
many others near and far, around which groups of gamblers gathered, all
gay and happy. Until this night no women but those who carried food to
the lodge had been present at any of the ceremonies except at the
initiation of the children. To say that there were 1,200 Navajo would be
a moderate calculation. This indeed was a picture never to be forgotten.
Many had been the objections to our sketching and writing, but
throughout the nine days the song-priest stood steadfastly by us. One
chief in particular denounced the theurgist for allowing the medicine to
be put on paper and carried to Washington. But his words availed
nothing. We were treated with every consideration. We were allowed to
handle the masks and examine them closely, and at times the artists
working at the sand painting really inconvenienced themselves and
allowed us to crowd them that we might observe closely the many minute
details which otherwise could not have been perceived, as many of their
color lines in the skirt and sash decorations were like threads. The
accompanying sketches show every detail.

The green or dressing room was a circular inclosure of pine boughs at
the end of the avenue. It was about 10 feet high by 20 feet in diameter
made of piñon branches with their butts planted in the ground, their
tops forming a brush or hedge. Within this inclosure the masks were
arranged in a row on the west side. A large fire burned in the center
affording both heat and light. The different sets, when a change of
dress from one set of men to another was to be made, repaired to this
green room for that purpose. This inclosure was also the resort during
the night for many Indians who assisted the dancers in their toilets.

At 10 o’clock the ceremonies opened by the entrance upon the avenue of
the song-priest who came from the green room. He wore a rich red blanket
and over this a mountain lion skin; immediately after him followed
Hasjelti, leading the four Etsethle (the first ones). These represented
first, natan (corn); second, natin (rain); third, nanase (vegetation);
fourth, jadetin (corn pollen). Their masks were blue ornamented with
feathers and were similar to the masks worn by the dancers; their bodies
were painted white with many rare beads around their necks, and they
wore loin skirts with silver belts; a gray fox skin was attached pendant
to the back of the belt, and blue stockings, tied with red garters, and
moccasins completed their dress. They carried in their right hands gourd
rattles painted white. The handles of these may be of any kind of wood,
but it must be selected from some tree near which lightning has struck,
but not of the wood of the tree struck by lightning. Corn pollen was in
the palms of their left hands and in the same hand they carried also a
piñon bough. Hasjelti wore a suit of velvet ornamented with silver
buttons; he never speaks except by signs. They advanced single file with
a slow regular step and when within 20 feet of the lodge the priest
turned and faced Hasjelti and repeated a short prayer, when the Etsethle
sang.

SONG OF THE ETSETHLE.

From below (the earth) my corn comes
I walk with you.
From above water young (comes)
I walk with you.
From above vegetation (comes to the earth)
I walk with you.
From below the earth corn pollen comes
I walk with you.

These lines are repeated four times. The first line indicates that corn
is the chief subsistence; the second, that it is necessary to pray to
Hasjelti that the earth may be watered; the third, that the earth must
be embraced by the sun in order to have vegetation; the fourth, that
pollen is essential in all religious ceremonies. The Etsethle signify
doubling the essential things by which names they are known, corn,
grain, etc., they are the mystic people who dwell in canyon sides
unseen. After the song the invalid with meal basket in hand passed
hurriedly down the line of gods and sprinkled each one with meal,
passing it from the right hand up to the right arm, to the head then
down the left arm to the hand, placing a pinch in the palm of the left
hand. The invalid then returned and stood to the north side of Hasjelti
who was to the left of the song-priest. The theurgist stood facing natan
(corn) and offered a prayer which was repeated by the invalid.
Continency must be observed by the invalid during the nine days
ceremonial and for four days thereafter.

PRAYER TO THE ETSETHLE.

“People, you come to see us; you have a house in the heart of the rocks;
you are the chief of them; you are beautiful. Come inside of our houses.
Your feet are white; come into our house! Your legs are white; come into
our house! Your bodies are white; come into our house! Your face is
white; come into our house! Old man, this world is beautiful; the people
look upon you and they are happy. This day let all things be beautiful.”

This prayer is repeated many times, merely substituting for old man old
woman, then youth, young girl, boy, then all children. The old man and
woman spoken of are not the first old man and woman in the myth of the
old man and woman of the first world. After the prayer the song-priest
and invalid took seats by the entrance of the lodge. Hasjelti took his
position to the west end and to the north of the line of the Etsethle.
He remained standing while the four slowly raised the right foot
squarely from the ground, then on the toe of the left foot, which motion
shook the rattle. In a short time Hasjelti passed down the line hooting.
He passed around the east end, then returned up the north side to his
former position, and again hooting, resumed the leadership of the
Etsethle, who gave a long shake of the rattle as soon as Hasjelti stood
in front of them. They then followed their leader to the dressing room.

CONCLUSION--THE DANCE.

The song-priest having returned to the green room, emerged therefrom,
followed by Hasjelti, who carried a fawn skin partially filled with
meal, and by twelve dancers and Hostjoghon, holding in each hand a
feather wand. The twelve dancers represented the old man and woman six
times duplicated. Hasjelti led the dancers and Hostjoghon followed in
the rear. When they came near the lodge the song-priest turned and faced
the dancers, and being joined by the invalid, he led him down the line
of dancers on the north side, the invalid carrying a sacred meal basket,
and sprinkled the right side of each dancer. The song-priest and invalid
then returned to their seats in front of the lodge. Hasjelti passed down
the line on the north side and joined Hostjoghon at the east end of the
line, both then passing to the west end, where each one endeavored to be
the first to stamp twice upon the ground immediately in front of the
leading dancer. This double stamp is given with hoots, and they then
returned down the line to the center, when Hasjelti dashes back to the
west end, clasping the throat of the fawn skin with his right hand and
holding the legs with his left, with both his arms extended to the
front. Hostjoghon extending his hands with the feather wands in them,
they point the head of the skin and tops of the wands directly in front
of them as they stand facing each other, hooting at the same time.
Reversing sides by dashing past each other, Hasjelti points his fawn
skin to the east while Hostjoghon points his wands to the west. They
then return to their respective positions as leader and follower.

After the dance begins Hasjelti passes down the north side and joins
Hostjoghon at the east end of the dancers, Hasjelti keeping to the north
side of Hostjoghon. Three of the men, representing women, were dressed
in Navajo squaw dresses and three of them in Tusayan squaw dresses; they
held their arms horizontally to the elbow and the lower arm vertically,
and, keeping their feet close together, raised themselves simultaneously
on their toes. The dance was begun in single file, the men raising only
their right feet to any height and balancing on the left. After a minute
or two the line broke, the women passing over to the north side and the
men to the south side; almost instantaneously, however, they grouped
into a promiscuous crowd, women carrying a pine twig in each hand and
the men a gourd rattle in the right hand and a pine twig in the left.
The men’s bodies were painted white and were nude, excepting the silk
scarfs and mountain lion and other skins worn around the loins. Just
before the stamping of the feet in the beginning of the dance, a rattle
was shaken by all the male dancers, which was the signal for a peculiar
back motion of the right arm and body and one which preceded the actual
dancing. The six males lean their bodies to the right side extending the
right hand backward, and then bringing it forward in a circular under
sweep around to the mouth with a hoot. They then turn and face the east,
and bending their bodies toward the south perform the same motion as
before, when they turn to the west and repeat it in that direction. At
the same time the leader and follower repeat their peculiar performance
with the fawn skin and wands to the east and west. Dancing promiscuously
for a few moments to song and rattle, the men representing women singing
in feminine tones, they form again in two lines, the women as before on
the north side. The man at the west end of the male line and the woman
at the same end of the female line, meeting each other midway between
the lines she passes her right arm through the arm of her partner, his
arm being bent to receive it; they pass between the line and are met a
short distance from the other end of the line by Hasjelti and
Hostjoghon, who dance up to meet them, the movement resembling closely
the old-fashioned Virginia reel. The couple then dance backward between
the lines to their starting point, then down again, when they separate,
the man taking his place in the rear of the male line and the woman hers
in the rear of the female line. This couple starting down the second
time, the man and woman immediately next in line lock arms and pass down
in the same manner, Hasjelti and Hostjoghon scarcely waiting for the
first couple to separate before dancing up to meet the second couple;
the remaining couples following in like order until the first couple
find themselves in their former position at the head of the line. Now a
group dance is indulged in for a minute or two when lines are again
formed, and a second figure exactly like the first is danced. This
figure was again repeated without variation, after which the men and
women fell into single file, and, led by Hasjelti and followed by
Hostjoghon, left the dancing ground. They did not go to the green,
however, but moved off a short distance to rest for a moment and
returned. Upon each return the invalid passed down the line on the north
side sprinkling each dancer with meal, Hasjelti and Hostjoghon
performing with the fawn skin and wands. This dance of four figures was
repeated twelve times, each time the dancers resting but a moment. After
the twelve dances the dancers passed to the green room, where they were
relieved by a second set of men. The second series of dances were
exactly like the first. There were twenty-one dances, four figures in
each dance, and each time the dancers appeared they were sprinkled with
meal by the invalid, while Hasjelti and Hostjoghon performed their
antics with fawn skin and wands. The third series embraced all the
dances exactly like the above. The fourth series embraced nineteen
dances. The only variation in this was that the leaders were often more
clownish in their performances, and upon several occasions only four men
representing women appeared. In this case two men danced together. Some
of the dancers dropped out from weariness, which caused diminution in
some of the sets. The last dance closed at the first light of day. The
song-priest had preceded the last dancers to the green room and awaited
their arrival to obtain the masks, which were his special property.

MYTHS OF THE NAVAJO.

CREATION OF THE SUN.

The first three worlds were neither good nor healthful. They moved all
the time and made the people dizzy. Upon ascending into this world the
Navajo found only darkness and they said “We must have light.”

In the Ute Mountain lived two women, Ahsonnutli, the turquoise
hermaphrodite, and Yolaikaiason, the white-shell woman. These two women
were sent for by the Navajo, who told them they wished light. The Navajo
had already partially separated light into its several colors. Next to
the floor was white indicating dawn, upon the white blue was spread for
morning, and on the blue yellow for sunset, and next was black
representing night. They had prayed long and continuously over these,
but their prayers had availed nothing. The two women on arriving told
the people to have patience and their prayers would eventually be
answered.

Night had a familiar, who was always at his ear. This person said, “Send
for the youth at the great falls.” Night sent as his messenger a
shooting star. The youth soon appeared and said, “Ahsonnutli, the
ahstjeohltoi (hermaphrodite), has white beads in her right breast and
turquoise in her left. We will tell her to lay them on darkness and see
what she can do with her prayers.” This she did.[6] The youth from the
great falls said to Ahsonnutli, “You have carried the white-shell beads
and turquoise a long time; you should know what to say.” Then with a
crystal dipped in pollen she marked eyes and mouth on the turquoise and
on the white-shell beads, and forming a circle around these with the
crystal she produced a slight light from the white-shell bead and a
greater light from the turquoise, but the light was insufficient.

[Footnote 6: The old priest relating this myth now produced a pouch
containing corn pollen and a crystal, which he dipped in the pollen
and said, “Now we must all eat of this pollen and place some on our
heads, for we are to talk about it.”]

Twelve men lived at each of the cardinal points. The forty-eight men
were sent for. After their arrival Ahsonnutli sang a song, the men
sitting opposite to her; yet even with their presence the song failed to
secure the needed light. Two eagle plumes were placed upon each cheek of
the turquoise and two on the cheeks of the white-shell beads and one at
each of the cardinal points. The twelve men of the east placed twelve
turquoises at the east of the faces. The twelve men of the south placed
twelve white-shell beads at the south. The twelve men of the west placed
twelve turquoises at the west. Those of the north placed twelve
white-shell beads at that point. Then with the crystal dipped in corn
pollen they made a circle embracing the whole. The wish still remained
unrealized. Then Ahsonnutli held the crystal over the turquoise face,
whereupon it lighted into a blaze. The people retreated far back on
account of the great heat, which continued increasing. The men from the
four points found the heat so intense that they arose, but they could
hardly stand, as the heavens were so close to them. They looked up and
saw two rainbows, one across the other from east to west, and from north
to south. The heads and feet of the rainbows almost touched the men’s
heads. The men tried to raise the great light, but each time they
failed. Finally a man and woman appeared, whence they knew not. The
man’s name was Atseatsine and the woman’s name was Atseatsan. They were
asked “How can this sun be got up.” They replied, “We know; we heard the
people down here trying to raise it, and this is why we came.”
“Chanteen” (sun’s rays), exclaimed the man, “I have the chanteen; I have
a crystal from which I can light the chanteen, and I have the rainbow;
with these three I can raise the sun.” The people said, “Go ahead and
raise it.” When he had elevated the sun a short distance it tipped a
little and burned vegetation and scorched the people, for it was still
too near. Then the people said to Atseatsine and Atseatsan, “Raise the
sun higher,” and they continued to elevate it, and yet it continued to
burn everything. They were then called upon to “lift it higher still, as
high as possible,” but after at certain height was reached their power
failed; it would go no farther.

The couple then made four poles, two of turquoise and two of white-shell
beads, and each was put under the sun, and with these poles the twelve
men at each of the cardinal points raised it. They could not get it high
enough to prevent the people and grass from burning. The people then
said, “Let us stretch the world;” so the twelve men at each point
expanded the world. The sun continued to rise as the world expanded, and
began to shine with less heat, but when it reached the meridian the heat
became great and the people suffered much. They crawled everywhere to
find shade. Then the voice of Darkness went four times around the world
telling the men at the cardinal points to go on expanding the world.
“I want all this trouble stopped,” said Darkness; “the people are
suffering and all is burning; you must continue stretching.” And the men
blew and stretched, and after a time they saw the sun rise beautifully,
and when the sun again reached the meridian it was only tropical. It was
then just right, and as far as the eye could reach the earth was
encircled first with the white dawn of day, then with the blue of early
morning, and all things were perfect. And Ahsonnutli commanded the
twelve men to go to the east, south, west, and north, to hold up the
heavens (Yiyanitsinni, the holders up of the heavens), which office they
are supposed to perform to this day.

HASJELTI AND HOSTJOGHON.

Hasjelti and Hostjoghon were the children of Ahsonnutli, the turquoise,
and Yolaikaiason (white-shell woman, wife of the sun). Ahsonnutli placed
an ear of white corn and Yolaikaiason an ear of yellow corn on the
mountain where the fogs meet. The corn conceived, the white corn giving
birth to Hasjelti and the yellow corn to Hostjoghon. These two became
the great song-makers of the world. They gave to the mountain of their
nativity (Henry Mountain in Utah) two songs and two prayers; they then
went to Sierra Blanca (Colorado) and made two songs and prayers and
dressed the mountain in clothing of white shell with two eagle plumes
placed upright upon the head. From here they visited San Mateo Mountain
(New Mexico) and gave to it two songs and prayers, and dressed it in
turquoise, even to the leggings and moccasins, and placed two eagle
plumes on the head. Hence they went to San Francisco Mountain (Arizona)
and made two songs and prayers and dressed that mountain in abalone
shells with two eagle plumes upon the head. They then visited Ute
Mountain and gave to it two songs and prayers and dressed it in black
beads. This mountain also had two eagle plumes on its head. They then
returned to the mountain of their nativity to meditate, “We two have
made all these songs.”

Upon inquiring of their mothers how they came into existence, and being
informed, they said, “Well, let our number be increased; we can not get
along with only two of us.” The woman placed more yellow and white corn
on the mountain and children were conceived as before. A sufficient
number were born so that two brothers were placed on each of the four
mountains, and to these genii of the mountains the clouds come first.
All the brothers consulted together as to what they should live upon and
they concluded to make game, and so all game was created.

Navajo prayers for rain and snow are addressed to Hasjelti and
Hostjoghon. These gods stand upon the mountain tops and call the clouds
to gather around them. Hasjelti is the mediator between the Navajo and
the sun. He prays to the sun, “Father, give me the light of your mind,
that my mind may be strong; give me some of your strength, that my arm
may be strong, and give me your rays that corn and other vegetation may
grow.” It is to this deity that the most important prayers of the Navajo
are addressed. The lesser deities have shorter prayers and less valuable
offerings made to them. Hasjelti communicates with the Navajo through
the feathered kingdom, and for this reason the choicest feathers and
plumes are placed in the cigarettes and attached to the prayer sticks
offered to him.

THE FLOATING LOGS.

A man sat thinking, “Let me see; my songs are too short; I want more
songs; where shall I go to find them?” Hasjelti appeared and, perceiving
his thoughts, said, “I know where you can go to get more songs.” “Well,
I much want to get more, and I will follow you.” When they reached a
certain point in a box canyon in the Big Colorado River they found four
gods (the Hostjobokon) at work hewing logs of cottonwood. Hasjelti said,
“This will not do; cottonwood becomes water-soaked; you must use pine
instead of cottonwood.” The Hostjobokon then began boring the pine with
flint, when Hasjelti said, “That is slow work,” and he commanded the
whirlwind to hollow the log. A Jerusalem cross was formed with one solid
log and a hollow one. The song-hunter entered the hollow log and
Hasjelti closed the end with a cloud, that the water of the river might
not enter when the logs were launched upon the great waters. The
Hostjobokon, accompanied by their wives, rode upon the logs, a couple
sitting on the end of each cross arm. These were accompanied by
Hasjelti, Hostjoghon, and two Naaskiddi, who walked on the banks to ward
the logs off from the shore. Hasjelti carried a squirrel skin filled
with tobacco from which to supply the gods on their journey. Hostjoghon
carried a staff ornamented with eagle and turkey plumes and a gaming
ring with two humming birds tied to it with white cotton cord. The two
Naaskiddi carried staffs of lightning.[7] After floating a long distance
down the river they came to waters that had a shore on one side only,
and they landed. Here they found people like themselves. These people,
on learning of the song-hunter’s wish, gave to him many songs and they
painted pictures on a cotton blanket and said, “These pictures must go
with the songs. If we give this blanket to you you will lose it. We will
give you white earth and black coals which you will grind together to
make black paint, and we will give you white sand, yellow sand, and red
sand, and for the blue paint you will take white sand and black coals
with a very little red and yellow sand. These together will give you
blue.[8]”

[Footnote 7: The Naaskiddi are hunchbacks; they have clouds upon
their backs, in which seeds of all vegetation are held.]

[Footnote 8: The Navajo will not use real blue coloring in their sand
painting, but adhere strictly to the instructions of the gods. They
do, however, use a bit of vermilion, when it can be obtained, to
heighten the red coloring in the pouches.]

The song-hunter remained with these people until the corn was ripe.
There he learned to eat corn and he carried some back with him to the
Navajo, who had not seen corn before, and he taught them how to raise it
and how to eat it.

As the logs would not float upstream the song-hunter was conveyed by
four sunbeams, one attached to each end of the cross-logs, to the box
canyon whence he emerged. Upon his return he separated the logs, placing
an end of the solid log into the hollow end of the other and planted
this great pole in the river, whereto this day it is to be seen by those
so venturesome as to visit this point.

The old song priest who related this myth to me regretted that so few of
his people now visited the sacred spot.

“When I was young,” he said, “many went there to pray and make
offerings.”

NAIYENESGONY AND TOBAIDISCHINNI.

This world was destroyed five times. The first time by a whirlwind; the
second, by immense hail stones; the third, by smallpox, when each
pustule covered a whole cheek; the fourth, all was destroyed by
coughing; the fifth time Naiyenesgony and Tobaidischinni went over the
earth slaying all enemies.

These two boys were born at Tohatkle (where the waters are mated), near
Ute Mountain, in Utah; they were the children of Ahsonnutli. Ahsonnutli
and Yolaikaiason (the white-shell woman) were the creators of shells.
Ahsonnutli had a beard under her right arm and Yolaikaiason had a small
ball of flesh under her left arm from which they made all shells. The
eyes of Naiyenesgony and Tobaidischinni were shells placed on their
faces by Ahsonnutli; the shells immediately becoming brilliant the boys
could look upon all things and see any distance without their eyes
becoming weary. A stick colored black was placed to the forehead of
Naiyenesgony and one colored blue to that of Tobaidischinni. When
Naiyenesgony shook his head the stick remained firm on the forehead, but
he felt something in the palm of his hand, which proved to be three
kinds of seeds, and he said, “We must go by this.” When Tobaidischinni
shook his head the stick dropped off the forehead and they thought a
long time and said, “We must go by this.” This is why the deer sheds his
horns. In ceremonials the breath is drawn from sticks which are made to
represent the originals; the sticks are also held to wounds as a
curative.

These two boys grew from infancy to manhood in four days and on the
fourth day they made bows and arrows; on the fifth day they began using
them. Although they were the children of Ahsonnutli they did not know
her as their mother, but supposed her to be their aunt. Frequently they
inquired of her where they could find their father. She always told them
to stop their inquiries, for they had no father. Finally they said to
her, “We know we have a father and we intend to go and look for him.”
She again denied that they had a father, but they were determined and
they journeyed far to the east and came to the house of the sun. The
house was of white shell, and the wife of the sun (Yolaikaiason) was
also of white shell. The wife inquired of the youths where they were
from, and, said she, “What do you want here?” They replied, “We came to
hunt our father.” When the sun returned to his home in the evening he
discovered the youths as soon as he entered his house and he asked,
“Where are those two boys from?” The wife replied, “You say you never do
anything wrong when you travel; these two boys call you father and I
know they are your children.” The wife was very angry. The sun sent the
boys off a distance and threw a great roll of black clouds at them
intending to kill them, but they were not injured, and they returned to
the house. He then pushed them against a sharp stone knife, but they
slipped by uninjured. Four times they were thrust against the knife, but
without injury. The sun finding his attempts unsuccessful said, “It is
so, you are my sons.” The sun then ordered Hasjelti and Toneennili
(these two were special attendants upon the sun) to build a sweat house
and put the boys in, that they might die from the heat. Toneennili made
an excavation inside of the sweat house, put the boys into the hole, and
placed a rock over the hole and built a fire over the rock. When the
rock became very hot the sun ordered Toneennili to sprinkle it four
times with water, being careful to keep the entrance to the sweat house
closely covered. After a time he uncovered the entrance and removing the
rock the sun commanded the boys to come out. He did not expect to be
obeyed, as he thought and hoped the boys were dead, but they came out
unharmed. The sun then said, “You are indeed my own children; I have
tried in vain to destroy you.” The boys wished to return to the woman
whom they supposed to be their aunt. Before departing the sun asked them
what they wished; they said, “We want bows and arrows, knives, and good
leggings. There are people around the world eating our people (the
Navajo). Some of these people are great giants and some are as small as
flies; we wish to kill them with lightning.” The sun gave the youths
clothing that was invulnerable, and he gave them lightning with which to
destroy all enemies, and a great stone knife. They then went over the
world. Naiyenesgony killed with the lightning arrows and Tobaidischinni
scalped with his knife. After all enemies had been destroyed
Naiyenesgony and Tobaidischinni said to the Navajo, “Now we will leave
you and return to our home in the Ute Mountains, where the waters are
mated, but before leaving you we will give to you the ten songs and
prayers that will bring health and good fortune to your people.
Tobaidischinni is the parent of all waters.”

THE BROTHERS.

The Tolchini (a Navajo clan) lived at Wind Mountain. One of the brothers
became crazy and he went off a long way, and on his return brought with
him a pine bough; a second time he returned with corn, and from each
trip he brought something new and had a story to tell about it. His
brothers would not believe him, and said, “He is crazy; he does not know
what he is talking about.” The brothers, however, became very jealous of
him, and constantly taunted him with being a crazy liar. The Tolchini
left the Wind Mountain and went to a rocky foothill east of San Mateo
Mountain. They had nothing to eat but a kind of seed grass. The eldest
brother said, “Let us go hunt,” and told the crazy brother not to leave
the camp. But after five days and nights and no word coming from the
brothers he determined to follow them and help them, bring home the
game; he thought they had killed more deer than they could carry. After
a day’s travel he camped near a canyon, selecting a cavelike place in
which to sleep, for he was tired and thirsty. There was much snow, but
no water, so he made a fire and heated a rock and made a hole in the
ground, and placing the rock in the cavity put in some snow, which
melted and furnished him a draft to quench his thirst. Just then he
heard a tumult over his head like people passing and he went out to see
who made the noise, and he discovered many crows crossing back and forth
over the canyon. This was the home of the crow. There were other
feathered people also (the chaparral cock was among them). He saw also
many fires which had been made by the crows on either side of the
canyon. Two other crows arrived and stood near him and he listened hard
to hear all that was being said. These two crows cried out, “Somebody
says, somebody says.” The youth did not know what to make of this. Then,
a crow from the opposite side of the canyon called, “What is the matter;
tell us, tell us; what is wrong?” The two first criers then said, “Two
of us got killed; we met two men who told us. They said the two men, who
were all the time traveling around (referring to the two brothers of the
crazy youth), killed twelve deer and a party of our people went to the
deer after they were killed. Two of us who went after the blood of the
deer were shot.” The crows on the other side of the canyon, called,
“Which men got killed?” The first crier replied, “The chaparral cock,
who sat on the horn of the deer, and the crow, who sat on its backbone.”
The other called out, “We are not surprised that they were killed; that
is what we tell you all the time. If you will go after the dead deer you
must expect to be killed.” “We will not think of them longer; they are
dead and gone. We are talking of things of long ago.” The younger
brother sat quietly below and listened to everything that was being
said.

After a time the crows on the other side of the canyon made a great
noise and began to dance. They had many songs at that time. The youth
could not see what they were doing, but he listened all the time. After
the dance began a great fire was made, and then he could see black
objects moving, but he could not distinguish any people. He recognized
the voice of Hasjelti. Though the youth was crazy, he remembered
everything in his heart. He even remembered the words of the songs that
continued all the night; he remembered every word of every song. He said
to himself, “I will listen until daylight.” These people did not remain
on one side of the canyon where the first fires were built, but they
crossed and recrossed in their dance and had fires on both sides of the
canyon. They danced back and forth until daylight (on the ninth night of
the Hasjelti Dailjis was a repetition of this dance), when all the crows
and the other birds flew away to the west. All that he saw after they
left was the fires and smoke. The crazy youth then started off in a run
to his brothers’ camp to tell what he had seen and heard. His brothers
were up early and saw the boy approaching. They said, “I bet he will
have lots of stories to tell. He will say he saw something no one ever
saw, or somebody jumped on him.” And the brother-in-law who was with
them said, “Let him alone; when he comes into camp he will tell us all,
and I believe these things do happen, for he could not make up these
things all the time.”

The camp was surrounded by piñon brush and a large fire burned in the
center of the inclosure; there was much meat roasting over the fire. As
soon as the youth reached the camp he raked over the coals and said,
“I feel cold.” The brother-in-law replied, “It is cold. When people camp
together they tell stories to one another in the mornings; we have told
ours and we must now hear yours.” The youth related his experiences of
the past night. He said, “Where I stopped last night was the worst camp
I ever had.” The brothers kept their backs to the youth and pretended
not to pay any attention, but the brother-in-law listened and questioned
him. He continued, “I never heard such a noise.” The brothers then
remarked, “I thought he would say something like that” (they were
jealous of this crazy brother, he saw so much they could not see). The
brother-in-law was inclined to believe the youth’s story and asked what
kind of people made the noise. “I do not know. They were strange people
to me, but I do know they danced all night back and forth across the
canyon, and I know my brothers killed twelve deer, and afterwards killed
two of their people who went for the blood of the deer. I heard them
say, ’That is what must be expected if you will go to such places you
must expect to be killed.’” The elder brother began thinking and without
turning toward the youth asked, “How many deer did you say were killed?”
and he answered “twelve.” Then the older brother said, “Well, sir, you
have told me many stories and I never believed you, but this story I do
believe. What is the matter with you that you know all these things? How
do you know these things and find out these things?” The youth replied,
“I do not know how, but all these things come to my mind and my eyes.”
The elder brother said, “I will now give more thought to you and study
how you find out all about these things. We have a lot of meat and we
did not know how to get it home; now that you have come let us return;
you shall carry the meat.” When halfway home they were about to descend
a mesa, and when on the edge they sat down to rest; then they saw far
down the mesa four mountain sheep, and the brothers commanded the youth
to kill one for them. They said, “Our meat is dry; your legs are fresh,
so you will kill the sheep.” The youth succeeded in heading off the
sheep by hiding in a bush (_Bigelovia Douglasii_[9]) sometimes called
sage brush but it is not the true sage brush. The sheep came directly
toward him; he aimed his arrow at them, but before he could pull the bow
his arm stiffened and became dead and the sheep passed by. All the sheep
passed him, but he again headed them off by hiding in the stalks of a
large yucca.[10] The sheep passed within five steps of him, and again
when the time to pull the bow came his arm stiffened. The crow people
were watching him all the time. He again followed the sheep and got
ahead of them and hid behind a birch tree in bloom; he had his bow
ready, but as the sheep approached him they became gods. The first one
was Hasjelti, the second was Hostjoghon, the third was Naaskiddi, the
fourth one was Hadatchishi. At this strange metamorphosis the youth was
greatly alarmed, he dropped his bow and fell to the ground senseless.
Hasjelti stood at the east side of the youth, Hostjoghon to the south,
Naaskiddi to the west, and Hadatchishi to the north of him. Each had a
rattle, which was used to accompany the songs for the recovery of the
youth. They also traced with their rattle in the sand this emblem
[Illustration], meaning a figure of a man, and drew parallel lines at
the head and feet with the rattle. When this was done the youth
recovered and the gods had again assumed the form of sheep. They asked
the youth why he had tried to shoot them. “You see you are one of us,”
they said. The youth had become transformed into a sheep. “There is to
be a dance far off to the north beyond Ute Mountain; we want you to go
with us to the dance. We will dress you like ourselves and teach you to
dance; we will then go over the world.” The brothers who watched from
the mesa top wondered what the trouble could be. They could not see the
gods. They saw the youth lying on the ground and said, “We must go and
see what is the matter.” On reaching the place they found that their
young brother had gone. They saw where he had lain and where the people
had worked over him. They began crying and said, “For a long time we
would not believe him, and now he has gone off with the sheep.” They
made many efforts to head off the sheep, but without success, and they
cried all the more, saying, as they returned to the mesa, “Our brother
told us the truth and we would not believe him; had we believed him he
would not have gone off with the sheep; perhaps some day we will see
him.”

[Footnote 9: The _Bigelovia Douglasii_ is made into rings and used
in the ceremonial Hasjelti Dailjis with direct reference to this
occurrence.]

[Footnote 10: Ceremonial rings are also made of the Spanish bayonet
(yucca).]

At the dance the sheep found seven others like themselves. This made
their number twelve. The seven joined the others in their journey around
the world. All people let them see their dances and learn their songs.
Then all the number excepting the youth talked together and they said,
“There is no use keeping him with us longer (referring to the youth); he
has learned everything; he may as well go now and tell his people and
have them do as we do.” The youth was instructed to have twelve in the
dance, six gods and six goddesses, with Hasjelti to lead them. He was
told to have his people make masks to represent them. It would not do to
have twelve Naaskiddi represented among the Navajo, for they would not
believe it and there would be trouble. They could not learn all of their
songs. The youth returned to his brothers, carrying with him all songs,
all medicine, and clothing.

THE OLD MAN AND WOMAN OF THE FIRST WORLD.

In the lower world four gods were created by Etseastin and Etseasun.
These gods were so annoyed by ants that they said, “Let us go to the
four points of the world.” A spring was found at each of the cardinal
points, and each god took possession of a spring, which he jealously
guarded.

Etseastin and Etseasun were jealous because they had no water and they
needed some to produce nourishment. The old man finally obtained a
little water from each of the gods and planted it, and from it he raised
a spring such as the gods had. From this spring came corn and other
vegetation. Etseastin and Etseasun sat on opposite sides of the spring
facing each other, and sang and prayed and talked to somebody about
themselves, and thus they originated worship. One day the old man saw
some kind of fruit in the middle of the spring. He tried to reach it but
he could not, and asked the spider woman (a member of his family) to get
it for him. She spun a web across the water and by its use procured the
fruit, which proved to be a large white shell, quite as large as a
Tusayan basket. The following day Etseastin discovered another kind of
fruit in the spring which the spider woman also brought him; this fruit
was the turquoise. The third day still another kind of fruit was
discovered by him and obtained by the spider woman; this was the abalone
shell. The fourth day produced the black stone bead, which was also
procured.

After ascending into the upper world Etseastin visited the four corners
to see what he could find. (They had brought a bit of everything from
the lower world with them). From the east he brought eagle feathers;
from the south feathers from the bluejay; in the west he found hawk
feathers, and in the north speckled night bird (whippoorwill) feathers.
Etseastin and Etseasun carried these to a spring, placing them toward
the cardinal points. The eagle plumes were laid to the east and near by
them white corn and white shell; the blue feathers were laid to the
south with blue corn and turquoise; the hawk feathers were laid to the
west with yellow corn and abalone shell; and to the north were laid the
whippoorwill feathers with black beads and corn of all the several
colors. The old man and woman sang and prayed as they had done at the
spring in the lower world. They prayed to the east, and the white wolf
was created; to the south, and the otter appeared; to the west, and the
mountain lion came; and to the north, the beaver. Etseastin made these
animals rulers over the several points from which they came.

When the white of daylight met the yellow of sunset in mid-heavens they
embraced, and white gave birth to the coyote; yellow to the yellow fox.
Blue of the south and black of the north similarly met, giving birth,
blue to blue fox and north to badger.

Blue and yellow foxes were given to the Pueblos; coyote and badger
remain with the Navajo; but Great Wolf is ruler over them all. Great
Wolf was the chief who counseled separation of the sexes.

Errors and Anomalies for “Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis”:

Unusual letters:

Tab’aestch’lŏnni
Tab’aestch’l[)o]nni (short “o”)
Tanā’shkiji
Nänesk’ādi
Tkāditin
Tan[-a]’shkiji ... Nänesk’[-a]di ... Tk[-a]ditin (long “a”)
Tsēste’lttsoi
Ts[-e]ste’lttsoi (long “e”)

turquois : turquoise
_the spelling without final “e” is standard for Bureau of Ethnology
publications; in this article the forms are used interchangeably_

Bunches of pine boughs, which during the forenoon had been made into
wreaths by joining pieces together with yucca in this fashion were
[Illustration], laid across each end of the rug.
_probably an error for “in this fashion [Illustration], were laid”_

* * * * *

INDEX.
Page.
A.

Acoma, arrival of the Asanyumu at 30
direction of kivas of 116
kiva trap-doors at 207
Adobe, use in Tusayan 54, 78
use in Zuñi attributed to foreign influence 139
necessity for protecting against rain 156
used in Spanish churches 224
Adobe balls used in garden walls 146
Adobe bricks, In Hawikut church 81
use modern in Zuñi 138
Adobe mortar, in Tâaaiyalana structures 90
Cibola and Tusayan use of, compared 137
Adobe walls on stone foundation at Moenkopi 78
Áikoka. See Acoma 30
Aiyáhokwi, the descendants of the Asa at Zuñi 30
Alleyway, Hawikuh 81
Altar, conformity of, to direction of kiva 116
Andiron, Shumopavi 176
Annular doorway 192, 193
Apache, inroads upon Tusayan by the 25, 26, 35
exposure of southern Cibola to the 96
Appropriations and expenditures for 1886-’87 XXXVI
Architectural nomenclature 220, 223
Architecture, comparison of constructional details
of Tusayan and Cibola 100-223
adaption to defense 226, 227
adaption to environment 225, 226, 227, 228
Art, textile and fictile,
degree of Pueblo advancement in 227
Arts of Cibola and Tusayan closely related 224
Asa, migrations of the 30, 31
language of the 37
houses of, Hano 61
Asanyumu. See Asa.
Awatubi, survey of 14
Spanish mission established at 22
when and by whom built 29
settlement of the Asa at 30
attacked by the Walpi 34
description of ruins of 49, 50
possession of sheep by the 50
clay tubes used as roof drains at 155
fragments of passage wall at 181
Aztecs, ruined structures attributed to the 225

Badger people leave Walpi 31
Baho, use of, in kiva consecratory
ceremonies 119-120, 129, 130
Balcony, notched and terraced 187
Banded masonry 145
Bandelier, A. F., description of chimney 173
explorations of 197
on ancient stone inclosures 216
Bat house, description of ruin of 52
Bátni, the first pueblo of the Snake people of Tusayan 18
Bedsteads not used by Pueblos 214
Beams, Tusayan kivas, taken from Spanish church
at Shumopavi 76
for supporting upper walls 144
modern finish of 149
construction of steps upon 162
for supporting passageway wall 181
Chaco pueblos, how squared 184
Bear people, settlement in Tusayan of the 20, 26
removal to Walpi of the 21, 27
movements of 27, 30, 31, 38
Bear-skin-rope people,
settlement in Tusayan of the 26, 27
Benches or ledges of masonry, Zuñi rooms 110
Tusayan kivas 121, 123, 125
Mashongnavi mungkiva 127
around rooms of pueblo houses 213
Bigelovia Douglasii (sage brush) used as thatch
to Navajo sweat-house 239
used to produce smoke in sweat house 240, 244
Biloxi Indians, linguistic researches among XX
Bins for storage in Tusayan rooms 109, 209, 210
Blankets formerly used to cover doorways 182, 188, 189, 194
Blue Jay people, settlement in Tusayan of the 26, 27
Bond stones used in pueblo walls 144, 198
Boss, or andiron, Shumopavi 176
Bourke, Capt. J. G., Pueblo vases, etc., presented by XXV
Boundary line, Hano and Sichumovi 36
Boundary mark, Shumopavi and Oraibi 28
Boxes for plumes 210
Bricks of adobe modern in Zuñi 138
Brothers (The), Navajo myth 280-284
Brush, use of, in roof construction 150
Brush shelters 217-219
Burial custom of K’iakima natives 86
Burial inclosures at K’iakima 147
Burial place of Zuñi 148
Burrowing Owl people, settlement in Tusayan of the 26
Bushotter, Geo., work of XXIX
Buttress, formerly of Halona, existing in Zuñi 88, 89
Buttress projections, Zuñi 111
Tusayan rooms 109, 110
girders supported by 144
chimney supported by 172, 173
support of passageway roofs by 181

Cages for eagles at Zuñi 214
Canyon de Chelly, proposed study of ruins of 14
Tusayan, tradition concerning villages of 19
early occupancy of, by the Bear people at Tusayan 20
occupied by the Asa 30
use of whitewash in cliff houses of 74, 145
circular kivas of 117, 133
finish of roofs of houses of 150, 151
doorway described and figured 190
cliff dwellings of 217
Casa Blanca, traces of whitewashing at 145
Castañeda’s account of Cibolan milling 211, 212
Cattle introduced into Tusayan 22
Cave lodges occupied in historic times 225
Cave used by inhabitants of Kwaituki 57
Ceiling plan of Shupaulovi kiva 123, 125, 126
Ceilings, retention of original appearance
of rooms through nonrenovation of 89
Cellars not used in Tusayan and Cibola 143
Ceremonial chamber. See Kiva.
Ceremonial paraphernalia of Tusayan
taken by the Navajo 50
Ceremonies connected with Tusayan house-building 100-104, 168
Ceremonies accompanying kiva construction 115, 118
Ceremonies performed at placing of Zuñi ladders 160
Chaco ruins, character of 14, 70
compared with Kin-tiel 92
finish of masonry of 140, 226
upper story partitions of, supported by beams 144
finish of woodwork of 149, 184
symmetry of arrangement of outer openings of 195
loop-holes in walls of 198
Chairs, lack of in Pueblo houses 212
Chair of modern form in Zuñi 213
Chalowe, description of 83
Chants in Navajo ceremonial 245, 246
Charred roof timbers of Tusayan kiva 120
Children, initiation of, in Navajo ceremonial 266, 267
Chimney. See Fireplace.
Chimney-hoods, how constructed 169-175
Chimneys, traces of in K’iakima 85
remains of, at Matsaki 86
Tusayan 102
Zuñi 111
described and figured 167-180
Chukubi pueblo, built by the Squash people 25
description 58, 59
fragments of passage wall at 181
Church, Shumopavi, established by Spanish monks 75, 76
Hawikuh 81, 138
Ketchipauan, remains of 81, 82
in court of Zuñi 98, 138, 148
See Mission.
Churches established in Zuñi and Tusayan 224
Cibola, ruins and inhabited villages of 80-99
architecture of compared with that of Tusayan 100-223
See Zuñi.
Circular doorway of Kin-tiel described 192
Circular kivas, antiquity of 116
traditional references to 135
absent in Cibolan pueblos 224
Circular room at Oraibi Wash 54-55
Circular rooms at Kin-tiel 93
Circular wall of kiva near Sikyatki 117
Clay surface of pueblo roofs 151
Clay tubes used as roof drains 155
Cliff dwellings, Moen-kopi 54
use of whitewash in 74
absence of chimneys in 168
developed from temporary shelters 217
occupied in historic times 225
Climatic conditions, effect of,
upon pueblo architecture 140, 227
Clustering of Tâaaiyalana ruins 89-90
Cochití claimed to be a former Tewa pueblo 37
Comecrudo Indians, linguistic researches among XXI
Communal village, development of pueblo architecture
from conical lodge to 226
Consecration of kivas 129
Contours represented on plans, interval of 45
Cooking, pueblo method of 164
Cooking pits and ovens described 162-166, 176-177
Cooking stones of Tusayan, flames of 104
Copings of walls described 151-152
Coping of hatchways 203
Coping. See Roof-coping.
Cords, used for suspending chimney 170
Corner stones of Tusayan kivas 119
Corrals, Payupki 59
Sichumovi 62-63
Hawikuh 81
Ketchipauan 81
modern, at K’iakima 85
how constructed 146
described in detail 214-217
Cotton cultivated by the Tusayan 33
Courts, Mishiptonga 52
Kwaituki 56
Courts, Chukubi 59
Sichumovi 62
Walpi 63
Mashongnavi 68
Shupaulovi 71
Shumopavi 74
Hawikuh 81
Ketchipauan 81
Matsaki 86
Tâaaiyalana 90
Kin-tiel 92
Pescado 95
Zuñi 98
Covered way, how developed 76
Covered passages and gateways described 180-182
Coyote people, settlement in Tusayan of the 26
Coyote kiva, direction of the 116
Crossbars used in fastening wooden doors 183
Crosspieces of ladders 159
Crows, Navajo myth concerning 281
Cruzate, visit to Awatubi of 49
Culture of pueblo tribes, degree of 227
Curtin, Jeremiah, work of XXI, XXIX
Curtis, Wm. E., pottery, etc.,
from Peru presented by XXVI
Cushing, Frank H., work of XXIV, XXV
identifies K’iakima as scene of death of Estevanico 86
excavations at Halona 88, 193
opinion concerning western wall of Halona 89
opinion concerning distribution of Tâaaiyalana ruins 89-90
on the former occupancy of Kin-tiel 92
Halona identified as one of the Seven Cities of Cibola 97
on Zuñi tradition concerning stone-close 192

Dais of kivas 121, 122, 123
Dance, in the ceremony of Hasjelti Dailjis 273-275
Dance ceremony in kiva consecration 130
Dance rock, Tusayan, reference to snake dance of 65
Débris, how indicated in plans of ruins 45
an indication of original height of walls 90
Decoration, house openings 145-146
Kiva roof timbers 119, 120
ladder crosspieces 159
roof beams 123, 124
wall of Mashongnavi house 146
wooden chair 213
Zuñi window sashes 196
Deer horns used as pegs in Zuñi 111
Deerskins, for sweat houses and masks in Navajo
ceremonial must be from smothered animals 242
over the entrance of a Navajo sweat-house,
signification of 242
Defense, wall for, at Bat House 52
a motive for selection of dwelling site 56
architecture relied upon for 58
method of, of Payupki 59, 60
not a factor in selection of Mashongnavi site 67
features of, at Ojo Caliente 69
wall for, at Pueblo Bonito 70
features of, at Tusayan and Zuñi compared 76
sites chosen for, inconvenient to sources
of subsistence 77
use of Ketchipauan church for, by natives 82
the motive of occupation of Tâaaiyalana mesa 90
provision for, at Kin-tiel 92, 93
provisions for, in Ketchipauan church 96
motive for, dying out in Zuñi 96-97
efficiency of, at Zuñi 97
not a motive in selection of site of Zuñi 97
gateways arranged for 180, 182
loopholes for 198
adaptation of architecture to 225
Doors to ground floor rooms of Zuñi 143
Doors of various lands described 183-194
Doorway, Walpi kiva, closed with cottonwood slab 64
Kin-tiel 93
position of, in Tusayan 103
stepped form in Tusayan 109
how sealed against intrusion 110
window and chimney in one 121
annular 193
Doorways, closed with masonry 183, 187, 188, 189
why made small 197
Dorsey, J. Owen, work of XXVIII-XXIX
Drainage of roof, relations of certain roof
openings to 203-204
Drains of roofs described 153-156
Drains. See roof drains.

Eagle cages of Zuñi 214
Eagle people, migration legend of the 28
Earth used in pueblo roof construction 150
Eaves, lack of, in Tusayan houses 102
Echo Cave fireplace described 168
Emmert, J. W., work of XIX
Entrances, uniformity of direction of,
in Zuñi kivas 116
Environment, adaptation of architecture to 225, 226, 227, 228
Eskimo, work on XXVII, XXVIII
Estevanico’s death, at K’iakima 86
Esthetle, the first ones, Navajo ceremonial 264, 271, 272
song of 272
prayer to 272
Estufa. See Kiva.
Etseastin and Etseasun, Navajo myth 284-285
Expenditures of Bureau of Ethnology for 1886-’87 XXXVI

Families occupying Oraibi 105-108
Farming outlook, Matsaki used as 86
near Kin-tiel 93
Farming pueblos, Cibola 14
Moen-kopi 77
Nutria 94, 95
Pescado 95-96
Ojo Caliente 96
Zuñi 198
Fastenings of doors 186
Feathers, use of, in house-building ceremonies 101, 102
Feather wand or baho used in
kiva-building ceremonials 119, 120, 129, 130
Fences of corrals and gardens 215, 217
Fetiches, where placed during kiva ceremonial 122
Tusayan kivas 130, 131
Field work XVIII, XXIII
Financial statement XXXVI
Fire gens, Tebugkihu constructed by the 57
Fire-house or Tebugkihu, Tusayan 20, 57, 100, 142, 224
Fire people of Tusayan,
migration of the 20
Fireplaces 102, 109, 121, 125, 163, 167-180
Floor, Mashongnavi house 109
stone flags, Tusayan kiva 121
sandstone slabs, Shupaulovi kiva 123
Floors in pueblo buildings,
various kinds described 121, 135, 148-151
Folk-tale of the Zuñi, describing stone-close 193
Food sacrifices in Tusayan house building 101, 102
Foods used during Navajo medicine ceremonial 236, 257
Fortress houses the highest type of
Pueblo construction 77
Fowke, Gerard, work of XX, XXIV
Frames of trap-doors, method of making 206
Framing of windows, method of 196-198
Fuel, how stored in Tusayan 103
Fuel used in kivas 121
Fuel of kivas, where stored 124
Furniture of the Pueblos described 208-214

Gaming ring of Navajo ceremonial 238
Gardens and corrals of the Pueblos 214-217
Gardens and garden walls 215-217
Garden walls, how constructed 146
Gateway at Awatubi 49
Gateway jambs at Kin-tiel, finish of 181
Gateways, probable existence in Kin-tiel of 93
Gateways and covered passages described 180-182
Gateways of corrals 214
Gatschet, A. S., work of XX, XXI, XXVIII
Genesis myth of the Tusayan 16
Gentes of Tusayan, grouping of houses by 24
land apportionment by 29
list of traditionary 38
localization of 104-108
Georgia, archeologic work in XIX
Girders supporting upper walls 144
Tusayan houses supported by piers 151
Glass used in modern Pueblo windows 193
Glazing of Pueblo windows 196, 197
Goat kiva of Walpi, height of 119
Gourd used as roof drain 154, 155
Grass, use of, in roof construction 150
Graves, probable existence of, in Kin-tiel 93
Gravestones at K’iakima 85, 86, 147
Greasewood, the ordinary kiva fuel 121
Grinding stones. See Metate; Milling.
Ground plan, Mashongnavi room 108
Shupaulovi kiva 125
Ground plans of Zuñi and Tusayan compared 76
of mesa villages influenced by prevailing winds 182
Guyave or piki oven 173, 175
Gyarzobi or Paroguet kiva, roof timbers of 120
Gypsum used as whitewash 73, 74, 172

Hairdressing among the Tusayan 37
Halona, description of 88, 89
remains of the nucleus of Zuñi 97, 98
walls of the nucleus of modern Zuñi 138
stone-close at, described 193
“Halving” of timbers in kiva trap-frames 206
Hampassawan, description of 83-85
Hand-holds cut in faces of cliffs 191
Hand-holds in frames of trap-doors 192
Hano, Asa group occupy site of 30
description of 61, 62
direction of kivas of 115
kiva, ownership of 134
kivas, list of 136
rude transom over roof beam in 187
sealed openings in 199
Hano people, length of time spent in Tusayan by the 35
received by the Tusayan 36
trouble between the Walpi and 37
Hanomuh, the inhabitants of Hano 17
definition of 36
Hano traditions regarding settlement in Tusayan 35
Harvest time, how determined in Zuñi 148
Hasjelti and Hostjoghon, mythical history of 277
Hasjelti Dailjis and Navajo sand painting,
notice of paper by James Stevenson on XXXIV-XXXVI
paper by James Stevenson on 229-285
Hatchways to pueblo houses 110, 120, 121, 124, 127
Hawikuh, description of 80, 81
Hawikuh church, durability of masonry of 138
Hemenway Southwestern Archeological Expedition,
excavations at Halona 193
Henshaw, Henry W., work of XXVIII
Hewitt, John N. B., work of XXVIII
High-house people, a Navajo clan 30
Hinged sashes not in use in Zuñi 196
Hinges of Pueblo doors 184
Hodge, F. Webb, on stone-close of Halona 193
Hoffman, W. J., work of XXI-XXIII, XXIX
Holmes, William H., work XXV, XXVI
on ruins of the San Juan 147
Homólobi, the early home of the Sun and Water peoples 29
legend of Water people concerning 31
Hopituh, the native name of the Tusayan 17
Hopituh marriage within phratries and gentes 24
Horn House, description of ruin of 50, 51
Horn people migration legend 18
early settlement in Tusayan of the 19
House-building rites of Tusayan 100-104
House clusters in Zuñi, arrangement of 98
Hungo Pavie, finish of roofs in 150

Indian synonymy, work on XXVIII
Interior arrangement of pueblos 108-111
Interior of Zuñi house described 110
Irrigation of gardens near Walpi 217

Jackson, W. H., on ruins of the San Juan 147
photographs of pueblo ruins by 147
describes fireplace of Echo Cave 168
Jar of large size used for storage 210
Jars used in chimney construction 180
Jeditoh group of ruins 52, 53
Jemez oven-opening described 165

Kaékibi, an ancient pueblo 30
Kaiwáika. See Laguna 30
Kápung. See Santa Clara 37
Katchina kiva of Oraibi 135
Katchina people depart from Oraibi for eastern
Tusayan villages 26, 27
Katchinkihu, occurrence of,
in ruined kiva near Sikyatki 117
described 121, 123
Shupaulovi kiva 126
Mashongnavi mungkiva 127
Kentucky, archeologic work in XX
Ketchipauan church built of stone 224
Ketchipauan, description of 81-83
Kiáini. See High-house people 30
K’iakima, description of 85, 86
upright stone slabs at 147
Kikoli rooms occupied in winter 103, 104, 131
Kin-tiel, description of 91-94
compared with Nutria 94
compared with Pescado 96
plan of, prearranged 100
compared with Oraibi 114
occurrence of upright stone slab at 147-148
beams of ruins of 149
upper room of, paved with stone 151
fireplace in room of 163, 168
defensive gateway at 181
finish of gateway jambs at 181
circular doorway at, described 192, 193
openings at, of uniform height 194
site of 224
Kisákobi, description of pueblo of 21
Kishoni, or uncovered shade 217-218
“Kisi” construction 217-219
Kitdauwi--the house song of Tusayan 118-119
Kiva, study of construction of 14
remains of, at Payupki 60
Mashongnavi 66
of Moen-kopi 78
origin of the name 111
ancient form of 116, 117
native explanation of position of 118
duties of mungwi, or chief of the 133
ownership of 133-134
motive for building 134-135
significance of structural plan of 135
measurements of 136
hatchways of 201-202, 205-207
openings of, at Acoma 207
See Mungkiva.
Kivas, excavated, at Awatubi 50
Hano 61
Sichumovi 62
Walpi 63, 64, 65
Shupaulovi 72
Shumopavi 74
Kin-tiel and Cibola compared 93
Zuñi, where located during Spanish occupancy 99
in Tusayan 111-137
typical plans of 118-129
dimensions of 118, 136
of, measurements of 118, 136
annually repaired by women 129
uses of 130
nomenclature of 130, 223-223
Tusayan, list of 136
nonuse of chimneys in 178
Zuñi, stone window-frames of 197
circular, absent in Cibolan pueblos 224
Kótite. See Cochití.
Kwaituki, description of ruin of 56-57
Kwálakwai, Hano tradition related by 35
Kwetcap tutwi, the second pueblo of the snake people
of Tusayan 18

Ladders, arrangement in Tusayan kiva 121
withdrawal of rungs to prevent use of 113
significance of position of, in kivas 135
described 156-162
second-story terrace of Tusayan
reached principally by 182
openings for, in roofs 205
Laguna, arrival of the Asanyumu at 30
Lalénkobáki, a female society of Tusayan 134
Land apportionment by gentes in Tusayan 29
Language of the Asa and Hano of Tusayan 37
Languages of Tusayan, tradition regarding difference in 36
Las Animas ruins, trap-door frames in 206
Latches of doors 186-187
Latch strings used on Zuñi doors 183
Lathing or wattling of kiva walls 126
Ledges of masonry in kivas 121
Ledges or benches around rooms 213
Lenbaki, society of Tusayan 18
Light, method of introducing, in inner rooms 207
Lighting, method of, in crowded portions of Zuñi 99
Lintels of old windows embedded in masonry 200
Lizard people move from Walpi 31, 38
Lock and key of wood, how made 187
Logs (the floating), Navajo myth 278
Loom appurtenances 212
Loom posts of kivas 128-129, 132
Loophole-like openings in pueblo buildings 127, 198
Louisiana, linguistic work in XX

Macomb, J. N., earthenware from North Carolina
presented by XXVI
Mallery, Garrick, work of XXVIII
Mamzrántiki, an Oraibi society of women 134
Mandan ladder described and figured 158
Maricopa, myth of the Water people of Tusayan
concerning the 32
Marriage of the Hopituh within phratries and gentes 24
Mashongnavi, origin of name of 26
settlement of Paroquet and Katchina peoples in 27
settlement of the Water people at 32
description of ruins of 48
age of masonry at 66
description of 66-70
ground plan of room of 108
direction of kivas of 115
description of dais of kiva at 122
list of kivas at 136
wall decoration at 146
notched ladder of 157-158
pi-gummi ovens at 163-164
shrines of 167
chimney hoods of 170-171
second-story fireplace at 174
doorway with transom at 190
corrals of rude stonework at 214
See Old Mashongnavi.
Masks representing various Navajo gods,
Indian uses of 248, 249, 253
Masonry, ancient, at Nutria 94
Ojo Caliente carelessly constructed 96
exterior, of kivas 114
Masonry of Pueblo Bonito, skill shown in 195
Mat close for kiva hatchways 127, 128
Matsaki, description of 86
sun symbol at 148
Meal, sacred, preparation of 256
votive, used in pueblo house-building 101
Mealing trough. See Milling.
Medicine cigarette, in Navajo ceremonial, preparation of 258
disposition of, after use 259
Medicine lodge, Navajo, construction of 237
Medicine tubes in Navajo ceremonial 241, 244, 246,
250, 257, 258, 264
Medicine water used in Navajo ceremonial 255, 263, 269
Metate used as roof-drain 154, 155
Metates, or grinding stones,
how arranged in pueblo houses 109, 110, 210, 211
Mexico, linguistic work in XX, XXI
Middleton, James D., work of XX, XXIV
Migration, effect of, upon pueblo architecture 15
Migration of the Tusayan 17
Migration of Tusayan Water people 31, 32
Migration of the Horn people 18, 19
Migration of the Bear people of Tusayan 20
Migration of the Asanyumu of Tusayan 30
Milling troughs of Pueblo households 109, 210, 212
Mindeleff, Cosmos, work of XXVI, XXVII
acknowledgments to 14, 15
on traditional history of Tusayan 16-41
Mindeleff, Victor, work of XXVI, XXX
notice of paper on pueblo architecture by XXIV
paper on pueblo architecture 3-228
Mishiptonga, description of ruin of 52-53
Mission buildings of Shumopavi 27, 75-76
Mission house at Walpi, timbers of,
used in Walpi kiva 119
Missions of Tusayan 22, 49
Mississippi, archeologic work in XIX
Moen-kopi surveyed and studied 14
description of ruins of 53-54
description of village of 77
Mole people, settlement in Tusayan of the 27
Montezuma Canyon ruins, use of large stone blocks in 147
Monument marking boundary of Oraibi and Shumopavi 28
Mooney, James, work of XXVIII
Morgan, L. H., Mandan ladder described by 158
on trap-door frames in Las Animas ruins 205
Mormon and Pueblo building compared 148
Mormons, effect of the, upon development of Moen-kopi 77
establishment of woolen mill at Moen-kopi by the 78
fort built by, at Moen-kopi 184
lock and key contrivance of 187
Mortar of adobe mud 137
Mortars used in Pueblo households 212
Mortised door in Zuñi house 110,186
Mummy cave, Arizona, ruin in 64
finish of roofs in ruins of 150
Mungkiva, Mashongnavi 127
of Shupaulovi 113, 122
Tusayan 134

Naiyenesgony and Tobaidischinni, mythical history of 279-280
Nambé, Tewa pueblo 37
Navajo, Asa of Tusayan live among 30
huts of, closed with blankets 189
method of sheep-herding compared with Pueblo 214
paper on Hasjelti Dailjis ceremonial
and sand painting of 229-285
Nelson, E. W., work of XXVII
graves unearthed by 86
collection of stone-closes by 193
New York, archeologic work in XIX
ethnologic work in XXI
Niches, use of, in kivas 121, 122
Niches formed in old window openings 110, 200, 208-209
Nomenclature of Tusayan structural details 220-223
North Carolina, work in XXI-XXII
Notched logs used as ladders 157-158
Númi. See Nambé.
Nutria, compared with Kin-tiel 91
description of 91-95
Nuvayauma, old Mashongnavi tradition related by 47-48
Nuvwatikyuobi kiva 120

Oak mound kiva, Tusayan, decadence of membership of 135
Office work XXIII-XXIX
Ohio, archeologic work in XIX, XX
Ohke. See San Juan.
Ojo Caliente, a modern village 54, 96-97
chinked walls of 142
Old man and woman of the first world, Navajo myth 284-285
Old Mashongnavi, tradition concerning occupation of 47-48
Openings, splayed, in Ketchipauan church 82
walls of Tâaaiyalana structures 90
Kin-tiel walls 92, 93
oblique Zuñi 98, 207-208
to kivas 113-114
in wall of Zuñi kiva 114
in lee walls 182
Openings of Pueblo houses banded with whitewash 145-146
Oraibi, retirement of Sikyátki inhabitants to 24
departure of Ketchina and Paroquet peoples from 27
settlement by the Bears of 27
traditions regarding first settlement of 27
settlement of the Water people at 33
affray between the Walpi and 35
description of 76-77
families occupying 105-108
direction of kivas of 115-116
rare use of plastering on outer walls of 144
notched ladders described and figured 157-158
stone steps at, figured 161
corral walls at, laid without mortar 147
distribution of gentes of 104-105
kiva for women 134
list of kivas of 137
kiva, hatchway of 201
corrals at, large size of 214
Oraibi-Shumopavi boundary stone 28
Oraibi wash, ruins on the 54-56
Orientation of kivas 115-116
Ovens at Pescado 95
upon roofs 151
various kinds described 162-166
in Zuñi 164-165
Oven-shaped structures described and figured 167
Oven-surface imbedded with pottery scales 139

Paintings on kiva walls 131
Palát Kivabi, the pristine habitat of the Squash
and Sun people of Tusayan 25, 29
Palmer, Dr. E., Mexican clay vessels presented by XXVI
Paneled doors in modern pueblos 184-186
Parallelogramic form of Tusayan buildings 102-118
Paroquet people, settlement in Shumopavi of the 37
Partitions in Ketchipauan church 82
Partitions of upper story supported by beams 144
Passageways, Shupaulovi 72
Shumopavi 74
rarity of, at Oraibi 76
description of 180-182
Paving Shupaulovi kiva 126
Paving stones of kiva floor, how finished 125
Payupki, tradition concerning pueblo of 40
migration legend 40
description of 59-60
finish of masonry of 143
fragments of passage wall at 181
Peaches planted by the Asa people 30
Pegs, deer horns used as, in Zuñi 111
Pegs for suspending kiva fuel 121
Peña Blanca formerly inhabited by the Hano 35
Peñasco Blanco, occurrence of upright stone slab at 148
method of roof construction at 150
Pescado compared with Kin-tiel 91
description of 95-96
corral walls at, how constructed 147
outside steps at 160
ovens at, described and figured 165-166
fragment of stone close in steps of 193
stone inclosure in court of 214
Pennsylvania, work in XXII-XXIII
Pestles or crushers used with Pueblo mortars 212
Petroglyph, or sun-symbol at Matsaki 86
Ketchipauan church 82
legend of the Tusayan concerning 32
Phratries, Tusayan 24, 38
Pictograph on Oraibi-Shumopavi boundary monument 28
Piers of masonry for supporting girders 151
Piers. See Buttresses.
Pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi 163
Piki or guyave oven 173-175
Piki stone, process of making 175
Pilling, J. C., work of XXIV
Pima, myth of the Water people of Tusayan concerning the 32
opinion of the, as to ancient stone inclosures 216
Pinawa, description of 86, 88
Pine invariably used for kiva ladders 135
Pine boughs, application for removing disease
in Navajo ceremonials 247, 250
disposition of, after ceremony 248, 251
Pink clay used in house decorations 146
Pits for cooking 163
Plan of villages, traditional mention of 104
Plans and descriptions, Tusayan ruins 45-60
inhabited villages 61-79
Cibolan ruins 80
Zuñi villages 94-99
Plan of pueblo houses not usually prearranged 100-162
Planting time, how determined in Zuñi 148
Plaster, frequent renewal of, at Shumopavi 73
Plastering, renovation of rooms by frequent 89
on outer walls in Ojo Caliente 96
custom formerly observed in 102
on floor in Mashongnavi 109
kiva walls 115
Shupaulovi kiva, condition of 124-125
Shupaulovi kiva 126
on walls 140
on masonry 144
chimney hoods 169, 172
side hole of door for fastening 183-184
Platform in floor of Tusayan kiva 121
Platform at head of steps 161-162
Plaza. See Court.
Plume boxes 210
Plume stick, baho, or feather wand, used in
Kiva consecratory ceremonials 119-120, 129, 130
Plume-stick shrines at Mashongnavi 167
Pojoaque, a Tewa pueblo 37
Pokwádi. See Pojoaque 37
Polaka, Hano tradition given by 35
Poles for suspension of blankets, etc. 110, 189, 208, 214
Ponobi kiva of Oraibi, wall lathing of 126
Population, enlargement of pueblos necessitated
by increase of 70
Porch posts 81, 82
Posówe, a former Tewa pueblo 37
Posts of porch, remains of, at Hawikuh and Ketchipauan 81, 82
Posts sunk in floor forming part of loom 212
Pots used in chimney construction 179-180
Pottery fragments, Horn House ruin 51
Kwaituki 57
ruin on Oraibi wash 55
used in mud-plastered walls 139
Pottery of Payupki, character of 60
Poultry house of Sichumovi 167
Powell, J. W., work of XXIII
Prayer, on offering medicine tubes to Navajo gods 244
to the Esthetle 272
Prayer plume, or baho, used in kiva
consecratory ceremonials 119, 120, 129, 130
Prayer sticks, how prepared for
Navajo ceremonial 242-243, 264
Props used for fastening wooden doors 183
Publication during year XVIII
Pueblo architecture,
notice of Mr. Victor Mindeleff’s paper on XXX, XXXIV
study of, by Victor Mindeleff 8-228
Pueblo Bonito, additions to 70
the largest yet examined 92
finish of roof of 150
stairway described 160
symmetry of arrangement of outer openings of 195
skill shown in masonry of 195
Pueblo buildings,
mode of additions to 70, 97, 98, 102, 148-149
Pueblo construction in Tusayan
and Cibola, details of 137-223
Pueblo Grande. See Kin-tiel.
Pueblo models constructed XXVII
Pueblo openings, carelessness in placing 196
Pueblo remains, area occupied by 13
Pueblo revolt of 1680 89
Pueblos of Tusayan and Cibola compared 80
Pueblos, inhabited 61-79, 94-99
Pyramidal form of pueblo house rows 61

Rabbit-skin robes used to cover doorways 182, 194
Racks for suspending clothes 208, 214
Rawhide thong used in pueblo construction
to fasten lock 186, 187, 214
Rectangular kivas, antiquity of 116
Rectangular rooms, how developed 226
Rectangular type of architecture 72
Reeds, sacred, for Navajo ceremonial, preparation of 242, 243
Reeds used for kiva lathing 126
Repair of houses infrequent in Tusayan 73
Reservoirs, pueblo 82-83, 91, 92, 97
Reservoir site as affecting selection
of dwelling site 51-52
Revolt of the Pueblos in 1680 23
Reynolds, H. L., work of XXIV
Rites and methods of Tusayan kiva building 118-137
Rites of house-building at Tusayan 100-104
Rito de los Frijoles, chimney of, described 173
Roof construction, pueblo buildings 120, 149
Roof-coping of Tusayan houses 102
Roof-drains, pueblo buildings 102, 153-156
Roof-openings, pueblo buildings 61, 63, 77, 98,
169, 178, 201-208
Roofs, pueblo buildings 63, 102, 119, 148-151
Roof timbers of kivas 119
Rogan, J. P., work of XIX
Rooms, arrangement of, into rows in Tusayan 49
confused arrangement of, in Walpi 63
Tâaaiyalana ruins, arrangement of 90
circular, at Kin-tiel 93
Tusayan, smaller than in Zuñi 108
names of, in Tusayan 223
Rows of houses forming Shumopavi 74
Royce, Chas. O., work of XXV
Ruins, method of survey of 45
Ruins, Tusayan 45-60
between Horn House and Bat House 51
Oraibi wash 54-56
Cibola 80
Tâaaiyalana 89
Rungs of ladders, how attached 158, 159

Sacrifices of food in Tusayan house-building 101, 102
Sandals of yucca found in Canyon de Chelly 133
Sand bed used in Navajo ceremonial to absorb disease 250, 251
Sand painting, Navajo ceremonial,
learned by the Navajos from the Pueblos 236
colors used in 237
manner of laying on colors 239-248
disposition of sand after ceremony 241, 261, 264
description of 260, 261, 262, 264, 265
Sandstone used in pueblo construction,
how quarried 225
San Felipe, return of Payupki to 41
San Juan, a Tewa pueblo 37
Santa Clara doubtfully identified with Kápung 37
Santo Domingo, settlement of the Asanyumu 30
Sash of rude construction
in window openings 196
Sealing of doorways of pueblo buildings 110, 183-184, 198-201
Seats of stone in Tusayan kivas 132
Selenite used in pueblo windows 196, 197
Semisubterranean kivas of Tusayan 113
Seven cities of Cibola. See Cibola.
Sheep, introduced into Tusayan 22
possessed by the Awatubi 50
introduction of, among the Pueblos 214
mountain, Navajo myth concerning 282-284
Shitáimu pueblo 28, 48, 49
Shelters in pueblo fields 60, 198, 217-219
Shelves, pueblo buildings 109, 173, 209
Shrine, Matsaki 86
court of Shupaulovi 71
court of Shumopavi 75
Tâaaiyalana 90
Shrines, pueblo 72, 148, 167
Shumopavi, Spanish mission established at 22
by whom built 27
removal of portion of Bear people from 27
description of 73-76
kivas of 113, 114, 137
primitive andiron at 176
piki stone at 176
fireplace and chimney of 176, 177
ground cooking-pit of 178
Shumopavi-Oraibi boundary stone 28
Shumopavi people, removal of, to mesa site 23
Shupaulovi, settlement of Paroquet and Ketchina peoples in 27
when established 29
settlement of Bear people at 30
settlement of the water people at 32
description of 71-73
mungkiva of, described 113
direction of kivas of 115
description of dais of kiva of 123
ground and ceiling plans of kiva of 125
list of kivas of 136
description of chimney-hood at 171, 172
passageway at, described 181
Sichumovi, settled by peoples from Walpi 31
derivation of term 38
description of 62, 63
direction of kivas of 115
ownership of kiva of 134
list of kivas of 136
poultry-house of 167
fireplace and mantel of 173
piki stone at 175
Sikyatki, ruin of 20, 21
pueblo of 24
ancient kiva near 117
Sikyátki people dispute with the Walpi 24
slaughtered by the Walpi 25
Sills of doors 110, 186, 194
Sióki. See Zuñi 30
Sipapuh, Tusayan kivas 117, 121, 122, 123,
126, 130, 131, 135
Sites of pueblo buildings,
why selected 63, 66, 90, 97, 112, 223
Slabs of stone in pueblo architecture 147
Slavery among the Tusayan 41
Smallpox prevalent in Tusayan 38, 134
Smoke escape through roof-opening
and transoms 189, 204, 206, 207
Snake dance, relation of dance-rock to 65
Snake people, the first occupants of the Tusayan region 17
construction of modern Walpi by the 23
Snow, use of, as water supply by the Zuñi 91
Spaniards, early visit of, to Tusayan 21, 22
Spanish authority, effect of,
upon purity of Zuñi kiva type 112
Spanish beams in Tusayan kivas 119, 123, 124, 125, 126
Spanish churches at pueblos, Hawikuk 81, 82, 138
Spanish influence in Zuñi and Tusayan 169, 180, 196, 213, 224
Spanish missions established in Tusayan 22
Spider people, settlement in Tusayan of the 27
Spider woman, the, Navajo myth 284
Splash-stones described and figured 155, 156
Splayed openings in Ketchipauan church 82
Squash people, settlement in Tusayan of the 25
Stakes used in construction of stone walls 147
Stearns, J. B., relics from Chiriqui presented by XXVI
Stephen, A. M., material on traditional history
of Tusayan collected by 16-41
opinion on Walpi architectural features 72
acknowledgments to 100
on distribution of Oraibi gentes 104, 105
on orientation of Tusayan kivas 115
discovery of ancient kiva type near Sikyatki 117
typical kiva measurements by 122
on wattling or lathing of kiva walls 126
on significance of structural plan of kiva 135
collection of primitive andirons or bosses by 176
Steps and ladders described 156-162
Steps cut in faces of cliffs 191
Steps or foot-holes of Walpi trail 65
Steps to kivas 114
Stevenson, James, notice of paper on
Hasjelti Dailjis and Navajo sand painting by XXXIV-XXXVI
paper on ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis
and mythical sand-painting of 229-285
Sticks, painted, bundles of, used in Navajo
medicine ceremonial 252, 254
Stone, size, character, and finish of,
in pueblo ruins 55, 58, 60, 138
means of obtaining, in Zuñi 139
effect of use of, in chimney hoods 172
corrals 214
flags used to floor Tusayan kiva 121
inclosures in Southern Arizona 216
roof drains, curious forms of 154
shelters, possible remains of, at Payupki 60
slabs formerly used to close doorways 188
Stone-close anciently used 192, 193
Stone wedges used in pueblo wall finish 140, 142
Stonework, Shumopavi 75
at Oraibi 144
Mormon and Pueblos compared 148
Stone steps, Pescado 95
Tusayan 157
Stools used by the Pueblos 212, 213
Storage facilities of pueblo dwellings 57, 62, 103, 109,
143, 144, 182, 209
Straw adobe made by Spaniards 138, 224
Structural features of kivas similar 129
Subterranean character of kivas 63, 72, 112, 113
Suds of yucca used in Navajo
medicine ceremonial 251, 257, 258
Sullivan, Jeremiah, Payupki tradition obtained by 40
Sun, Navajo myth concerning creation of 275, 277
Sunflower stalks used in chimney construction 170
Sun people of Tusayan 29
Supplies, how taken to Walpi mesa 65
Survey of Tusayan and Cibola, methods of 44-45
Sweat-houses in Navajo ceremonial, description of 239
Synonymy of Indian tribes, work on XXVIII

Tâaaiyalana, relation of K’iakima to 85
stone inclosures at base of 85
description of ruins of 89-91
flight of Zuñis to, during Pueblo revolt 89
mesa of, temporarily occupied 223
Tables not used in Pueblo houses 212, 214
Talla Hogan. See Awatubi 49-50
Taos formerly partly inhabited by the Tewa 37
Tceewáge. See Peña Blanca.
Tcosobi or Jay kiva, roof timbers of 120
Tebowúki, an early pueblo of the fire people of Tusayan 20
Tebugkihu or fire-house, description of 57
fragments of passage-wall at 181
Tennessee, archeologic work in XIX
Terraced doorways 190-191
Terraced gardens 217
Terraced roofs of Tusayan, names of 104
Terrace cooking-pits and fireplaces 174-177
Terrace rooms, half open, not seen in ancient pueblos 187
Terraces, Sichumovi form of 62
Oraibi, formed by natural causes 76
Zuñi 97, 98, 144
ancient pueblos, how reached 156
Tusayan names of 223
Tesuque, a Tewa pueblo 37
Tetsógi. See Tesuque.
Tewa conflict with the Ute 36
Tewa, language of the 37
Tewa. See Hano.
Texas, linguistic work in XX
Thomas, Cyrus, work of XIX, XXIII
Timbers for roof, kind used in kiva-building 19
Time for planting and harvesting, how determined in Zuñi 148
Tiponi of Tusayan explained 131
Tlaskaltec Indians, linguistic researches among XXI
Toneennili, the water-sprinkler, song addressed to,
in Navajo ceremonial 259
Topography, houses of Walpi constructed to conform to 64
of Shupaulovi 71
Tradition, historical value of 15
Tradition, Tusayan 16-41
Hano 35
regarding Hano and Tusayan languages 36
concerning Payupki pueblo 40
concerning occupancy of Old Mashongnavi 47-48
of foundation of Walpi 63
concerning circular kivas 135
Zuñi concerning stone-close 92-193
concerning early occupancy of former pueblos
by existing tribes 225
Traditionary gentes of Tusayan, list of 38
Trails, Walpi 65, 66
Tâaaiyalana 89
Transoms over pueblo doorways 187-189
Transportation to Walpi mesa, Indian method 66
Trapdoors, Sichumovi 63
kivas, no means of fastening 113
frames furnished with hand-holds 192
Tunika Indians, linguistic work among XXI
Tupubi defined 176
Túpkabi. See Canyon de Chelly.
Turner, Lucien M., work of XXVIII
Tusayan, survey of 15
traditional history of 16-41
ruins and inhabited villages of 42-79
house-building rites 100-104
houses of, owned by women 101
kivas in 111-137
list of kivas of 136
order of settlement of, by various peoples 29
Tusayan and Cibola architecture, study of,
by Victor Mindeleff 3-228
compared by constructional details 100-223
details of 137-223
Tusayan. See Hopituh.
Tuscarora-English dictionary, work on XXVIII
Tuwahlki, or watch-house 217
Tuwii. See Santo Domingo 30
Twigs, use of, in roof construction 150

Ute, conflict with, by the Tewa of Hano 36
inroads of, upon Tusayan 25, 26, 35

Vargas, Don Diego, visit to Tusayan of 35
Virginia, work in XXII
Vocabulary of Tusayan architectural terms 220-223

Walls, how indicated on plans of ruins 45
defensive, at Bat House 52
construction of, in Moen-kopi ruins 53
curved, instances of 54
showing precision of workmanship 54
dimensions in Tâaaiyalana mesa 90
original height of, indicated by débris 90
thickness of, in modern Tusayan 102
paintings on, in Tusayan kiva 131
pueblo, mode of construction of 137-148
copings of 139, 151, 152
strength of 144
weakness of, in Zuñi 182
of gardens 215
Walpi, settlement of Bear people at 21, 27
Spanish mission established at 22
construction of, by the Snake people 23
dispute of, with the Sikyatki 24
settlement of the Asa at 30, 31
abandoned by Bear, Lizard, Asa, and Badger peoples 31
description of 63-66
court-surrounded kiva of 114
kivas of 119, 136
upper story partitions of, supported by beams 144
use of large stone blocks in garden walls of 47
cooking pit at 176, 177
south passageway of, described 181
Walpi people, attack of Awatubi by the 34
affray between the Oraibi and 35
trouble between the Hano and 37
various pueblos formerly occupied by the 46, 47
Warp-sticks, mode of supporting 133
Water, method of carrying, at Walpi 65
Water family, last to settle at Tusayan 29
migration legend of 31
Water jars used in chimney construction 180
Water supply, Cibola 80
Ketchipauan 82, 83
Tâaaiyalana dwellings 90, 91
Kin-tiel 92
Zuñi 97
Water vessels, forms of 109
Wattling or lathing of kiva walls 126
Weaving appliances 212
Wejegi pueblo, loop-holes in 198
Well or reservoir of Zuñi 97
West Virginia, archeologic work in XX
Whitewash on outer walls of Shumopavi 73-74
on Mashongnavi room 109
how made and applied in Zuñi 145
on house walls 145
used for coating doors 186
Wíksrun people, settlement in Tusayan of the 27
Willow wands used in roof construction 150
Window, doorway and chimney in one 121
Windows of various kinds described 194, 201
Wings constructed in court of Pueblo Bonito 70
Women, house owners at Tusayan 101
work of, in Tusayan house-building 101, 102
roof-building performed by 102
work of, in kiva-building 129
when admitted to kivas 134
societies of, and kivas for, in Tusayan 134
Wood, kinds of, used in Tusayan construction 102
Wood rack of pueblos described 103
Wood-working, how performed 184
Wooden doors not found in pre-Columbian ruins 184
Wooden features of pueblo windows 196
Woolen mill established by Mormons at Moen-kopi 78
Workshop, use of the kiva, as a 129, 133

Yebitchai, meaning of the term 235, 236
Yeso used for interior whitewash 74
Yucca, use of, in lathing 127
Yucca fiber sandals from Canyon de Chelly 133

Zenichi, Navajo gods 265
Zuñi, survey of pueblo of 14
arrival of the Asanyumu at 30
portion of site of, formerly occupied by Halona 88
tradition as to occupancy of Kin-tiel by the 92
plans and descriptions of villages of 94-99
description of pueblo of 97-99
See Cibola.

Errata for Index:

Defense ... features of, at Ojo Caliente
_text reads “Ojo Calient”_
Defense ... use of Ketchipauan church for
_text reads “Kelchipauan”_
Kótite
_printed between entries “Katchinkihu” and “Ketchipauan”_
Migration of the Asanyumu of Tusayan
_text reads “Asanynmu”_
Númi
_printed before entry “Notched logs”_
Parallelogramic form of Tusayan buildings
_spelling unchanged_
Stevenson, James ... Navajo sand painting
_text reads “sands painting”
Stonework ... Oraibi
_text reads “Oraib”_
Tâaaiyalana, relation of K’iakima to
_text reads “Tâaaialana”_
Tusayan, order of settlement of
_printed between entries “Terraces” and “Tesuque”_
_(note that last sub-entry under “Terraces” is “Tusayan names of”)_

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Eighth Annual Report - of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the - Smithsonian Institution, 1886-1887, Government Printing - Office, Washington, 1891" ***

Home