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Title: New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 3, June, 1915 - April-September, 1915
Author: Various
Language: English
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THE EUROPEAN WAR, VOL 2, NO. 3, JUNE, 1915***
The New York Times
CURRENT HISTORY
A Monthly Magazine
THE EUROPEAN WAR, VOLUME II
April, 1915-September, 1915
With Index
Number III, June, 1915
[Illustration: (logo) THE N.Y. TIMES]
New York
The New York Times Company
1915
CONTENTS
NUMBER III. JUNE, 1915.
THE LUSITANIA CASE (With Map)
PRESIDENT WILSON'S SPEECHES AND NOTE TO GERMANY
History of a Series of Attacks on American Lives in the German War Zone
Page
AMERICAN NOTE TO GERMANY 409
GERMAN EMBASSY'S WARNING AND THE CONSEQUENCE 413
German Official Report 413
British Coroner's Verdict 414
German Note of Regret 415
England Answers Germany 415
Captain Turner Testifies 417
Lusitania's First Cabin List 418
DESCRIPTIONS BY SURVIVORS
Submarine Crew Observed 420
Ernest Cowper's Account 420
Charles Frohman's Death 422
Alfred Vanderbilt's Heroic End 423
Klein and Hubbard Lost 423
GERMANY JUSTIFIES THE DEED
German Official Report 424
Britain's Denial 424
Collector Malone's Denial 424
German Foreign Office Note on Neutrals 425
Dr. Dernburg's Defense 426
GERMAN PRESS OPINION
Comment in Germany and Austria 427
German-American Press Comment 430
FALABA, CUSHING, GULFLIGHT
Case of the Falaba 433
Case of the Cushing 434
Case of the Gulflight 435
AIM OF GERMAN SUBMARINE WARFARE 436
By Professor Flamm of Charlottenburg
THREE SPEECHES BY PRESIDENT WILSON
"AMERICA FIRST"--Address to the Associated Press 438
"HUMANITY FIRST"--Address at Philadelphia 441
"AMERICA FOR HUMANITY"--Address at the Fleet Review in New York 443
TWO EX-PRESIDENT'S VIEWS
Mr. Roosevelt Speaks 444
Mr. Taft Speaks 446
PRESIDENT WILSON'S NOTE 447
By Ex-President William H. Taft
ANOTHER VIEW (Poem) 447
By Beatrice Barry
IN THE SUBMARINE WAR ZONE 447
By The Associated Press
AMERICAN SHIPMENTS OF ARMS 448
By Count von Bernstorff
AMERICAN REPLY TO COUNT VON BERNSTORFF 449
MUNITIONS FROM NEUTRALS 451
Colloquy in the House of Commons
GERMANY AND THE LUSITANIA 452
By Dr. Charles W. Eliot
APPEALS FOR AMERICAN DEFENSE 455
THE DROWNED SAILOR (Poem) 457
By Maurice Hewlett
WAR WITH POISONOUS GASES (With Maps)
THE GAP AT YPRES MADE BY GERMAN CHLORINE VAPOR BOMBS
Reports by the Official "Eyewitness" and Dr. J.S. Haldane, F.R.S.
DR. HALDANE'S REPORT 458
THE "EYEWITNESS" STORY 459
WHAT THE GERMANS SAY 462
THE CANADIANS AT YPRES 463
VAPOR WARFARE RESUMED 471
TO CERTAIN GERMAN PROFESSORS OF CHEMICS (Poem) 478
By Sir Owen Seaman in Punch
SEVEN DAYS OF WAR EAST AND WEST (With Map) 479
By a Military Expert of The New York Times
AUSTRO-GERMAN SUCCESS 484
By Major E. Moraht
THE CAMPAIGN IN THE CARPATHIANS (With Map) 486
Russian Victory Succeeded by Reverses
ITALY IN THE WAR (With Maps)
HER MOVE AGAINST AUSTRO-HUNGARY
Last Phase of Italian Neutrality and Causes of the Struggle
DECLARATION OF WAR 490
FRANCIS JOSEPH'S DEFIANCE 490
ITALY'S CABINET EMPOWERED 491
ITALY'S JUSTIFICATION 494
By Foreign Minister Sonnino
GERMAN HATRED OF ITALY 497
ITALY'S NEUTRALITY--THE LAST PHASE 499
German, Serbian, and Italian Press Opinion
ANNUNCIATION (Poem) 503
By Ernst Lissauer
THE DARDANELLES (With Map) 504
ALLIES' SECOND CAMPAIGN WITH FLEETS AND LAND FORCES
"WAR BABIES" 516
From The Suffragette of London
THE EUROPEAN WAR AS SEEN BY CARTOONISTS 517
(With a Selection of American Cartoons on the Lusitania Case)
WHAT IS OUR DUTY? 533
By Emmeline Pankhurst
THE SOLDIER'S PASS (Poem) 536
By Maurice Hewlett
THE GREAT END 537
By Arnold Bennett
GERMAN WOMEN NOT YET FOR PEACE 540
By Gertrude Baumer
DIAGNOSIS OF THE ENGLISHMAN 541
By John Galsworthy
MY TERMS OF PEACE 545
By George Bernard Shaw
A POLICY OF MURDER 546
By Sir Arthur Conan Doyle
THE SOLDIER'S EPITAPH (Poem) 548
From Truth
THE WILL TO POWER 549
By Eden Phillpotts
ALLEGED GERMAN ATROCITIES
REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE APPOINTED BY THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT
And Presided Over by The Right Hon. Viscount Bryce
Formerly British Ambassador at Washington
WARRANT OF BRYCE COMMITTEE'S APPOINTMENT 551
PART I 555
PART II 580
SCRIABIN'S LAST WORDS 591
CHRONOLOGY OF THE WAR 592
THE DRINK QUESTION (Poem) 612
From _Truth_
[Illustration: H.M. QUEEN ELIZABETH
Queen of the Belgians. Though Born a Bavarian Duchess, She Has Equaled
Her Husband in Devotion to Belgium
(Photo from Bain News Service.)]
[Illustration: KRONPRINZ WILHELM AND HIS FAMILY
The Kronprinzessin Cecilie and the Little Princes Wilhelm, Ludwig
Ferdinand, Hubertus, and Friedrich
(Photo by American Press Assoc.)]
The New York Times
CURRENT HISTORY
A MONTHLY MAGAZINE
THE EUROPEAN WAR
JUNE, 1915
THE LUSITANIA CASE
President Wilson's Speeches and Note to Germany
History of a Series of Attacks on American Lives in the German War Zone
President Wilson's note to Germany, written consequent on the
torpedoing by a German submarine on May 7, 1915, of the
British passenger steamship Lusitania, off Kinsale Head,
Ireland, by which over 100 American citizens lost their lives,
is dated six days later, showing that time for careful
deliberation was duly taken. The President's Secretary, Joseph
P. Tumulty, on May 8 made this statement:
"Of course, the President feels the distress and the gravity
of the situation to the utmost, and is considering very
earnestly, but very calmly, the right course of action to
pursue. He knows that the people of the country wish and
expect him to act with deliberation as well as with firmness."
Although signed by Mr. Bryan, as Secretary of State, the note
was written originally by the President in shorthand--a
favorite method of Mr. Wilson in making memoranda--and
transcribed by him on his own typewriter. The document was
then presented to the members of the President's Cabinet, a
draft of it was sent to Counselor Lansing of the State
Department, and, after a few minor changes, it was transmitted
by cable to Ambassador Gerard in Berlin.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
WASHINGTON, May 13, 1915.
The Secretary of State to the American Ambassador at Berlin:
Please call on the Minister of Foreign Affairs and after reading to him
this communication leave with him a copy.
In view of recent acts of the German authorities in violation of
American rights on the high seas, which culminated in the torpedoing and
sinking of the British steamship Lusitania on May 7, 1915, by which over
100 American citizens lost their lives, it is clearly wise and desirable
that the Government of the United States and the Imperial German
Government should come to a clear and full understanding as to the grave
situation which has resulted.
The sinking of the British passenger steamer Falaba by a German
submarine on March 28, through which Leon C. Thrasher, an American
citizen, was drowned; the attack on April 28 on the American vessel
Cushing by a German aeroplane; the torpedoing on May 1 of the American
vessel Gulflight by a German submarine, as a result of which two or more
American citizens met their death; and, finally, the torpedoing and
sinking of the steamship Lusitania, constitute a series of events which
the Government of the United States has observed with growing concern,
distress, and amazement.
Recalling the humane and enlightened attitude hitherto assumed by the
Imperial German Government in matters of international right, and
particularly with regard to the freedom of the seas; having learned to
recognize the German views and the German influence in the field of
international obligation as always engaged upon the side of justice and
humanity; and having understood the instructions of the Imperial German
Government to its naval commanders to be upon the same plane of humane
action prescribed by the naval codes of other nations, the Government of
the United States was loath to believe--it cannot now bring itself to
believe--that these acts, so absolutely contrary to the rules, the
practices, and the spirit of modern warfare, could have the countenance
or sanction of that great Government. It feels it to be its duty,
therefore, to address the Imperial German Government concerning them
with the utmost frankness and in the earnest hope that it is not
mistaken in expecting action on the part of the Imperial German
Government which will correct the unfortunate impressions which have
been created, and vindicate once more the position of that Government
with regard to the sacred freedom of the seas.
The Government of the United States has been apprised that the Imperial
German Government considered themselves to be obliged by the
extraordinary circumstances of the present war and the measures adopted
by their adversaries in seeking to cut Germany off from all commerce, to
adopt methods of retaliation which go much beyond the ordinary methods
of warfare at sea, in the proclamation of a war zone from which they
have warned neutral ships to keep away. This Government has already
taken occasion to inform the Imperial German Government that it cannot
admit the adoption of such measures or such a warning of danger to
operate as in any degree an abbreviation of the rights of American
shipmasters or of American citizens bound on lawful errands as
passengers on merchant ships of belligerent nationality, and that it
must hold the Imperial German Government to a strict accountability for
any infringement of those rights, intentional or incidental. It does not
understand the Imperial German Government to question those rights. It
assumes, on the contrary, that the Imperial Government accept, as of
course, the rule that the lives of noncombatants, whether they be of
neutral citizenship or citizens of one of the nations at war, cannot
lawfully or rightfully be put in jeopardy by the capture or destruction
of an unarmed merchantman, and recognize also, as all other nations do,
the obligation to take the usual precaution of visit and search to
ascertain whether a suspected merchantman is in fact of belligerent
nationality or is in fact carrying contraband of war under a neutral
flag.
The Government of the United States, therefore, desires to call the
attention of the Imperial German Government with the utmost earnestness
to the fact that the objection to their present method of attack against
the trade of their enemies lies in the practical impossibility of
employing submarines in the destruction of commerce without disregarding
those rules of fairness, reason, justice, and humanity which all modern
opinion regards as imperative. It is practically impossible for the
officers of a submarine to visit a merchantman at sea and examine her
papers and cargo. It is practically impossible for them to make a prize
of her; and, if they cannot put a prize crew on board of her, they
cannot sink her without leaving her crew and all on board of her to the
mercy of the sea in her small boats. These facts it is understood the
Imperial German Government frankly admit. We are informed that in the
instances of which we have spoken time enough for even that poor measure
of safety was not given, and in at least two of the cases cited not so
much as a warning was received. Manifestly, submarines cannot be used
against merchantmen, as the last few weeks have shown, without an
inevitable violation of many sacred principles of justice and humanity.
American citizens act within their indisputable rights in taking their
ships and in traveling wherever their legitimate business calls them
upon the high seas, and exercise those rights in what should be the
well-justified confidence that their lives will not be endangered by
acts done in clear violation of universally acknowledged international
obligations, and certainly in the confidence that their own Government
will sustain them in the exercise of their rights.
There was recently published in the newspapers of the United States, I
regret to inform the Imperial German Government, a formal warning,
purporting to come from the Imperial German Embassy at Washington,
addressed to the people of the United States, and stating, in effect,
that any citizen of the United States who exercised his right of free
travel upon the seas would do so at his peril if his journey should take
him within the zone of waters within which the Imperial German Navy was
using submarines against the commerce of Great Britain and France,
notwithstanding the respectful but very earnest protest of his
Government, the Government of the United States. I do not refer to this
for the purpose of calling the attention of the Imperial German
Government at this time to the surprising irregularity of a
communication from the Imperial German Embassy at Washington addressed
to the people of the United States through the newspapers, but only for
the purpose of pointing out that no warning that an unlawful and
inhumane act will be committed can possibly be accepted as an excuse or
palliation for that act or as an abatement of the responsibility for its
commission.
Long acquainted as this Government has been with the character of the
Imperial Government, and with the high principles of equity by which
they have in the past been actuated and guided, the Government of the
United States cannot believe that the commanders of the vessels which
committed these acts of lawlessness did so except under a
misapprehension of the orders issued by the Imperial German naval
authorities. It takes it for granted that, at least within the practical
possibilities of every such case, the commanders even of submarines were
expected to do nothing that would involve the lives of noncombatants or
the safety of neutral ships, even at the cost of failing of their object
of capture or destruction. It confidently expects, therefore, that the
Imperial German Government will disavow the acts of which the Government
of the United States complains; that they will make reparation so far as
reparation is possible for injuries which are without measure, and that
they will take immediate steps to prevent the recurrence of anything so
obviously subversive of the principles of warfare for which the Imperial
German Government have in the past so wisely and so firmly contended.
The Government and people of the United States look to the Imperial
German Government for just, prompt, and enlightened action in this vital
matter with the greater confidence, because the United States and
Germany are bound together not only by special ties of friendship, but
also by the explicit stipulations of the Treaty of 1828, between the
United States and the Kingdom of Prussia.
Expressions of regret and offers of reparation in case of the
destruction of neutral ships sunk by mistake, while they may satisfy
international obligations, if no loss of life results, cannot justify or
excuse a practice the natural and necessary effect of which is to
subject neutral nations and neutral persons to new and immeasurable
risks.
The Imperial German Government will not expect the Government of the
United States to omit any word or any act necessary to the performance
of its sacred duty of maintaining the rights of the United States and
its citizens and of safeguarding their free exercise and enjoyment.
BRYAN.
THE WARNING AND THE CONSEQUENCE--
THE GERMAN WARNING.
[On Saturday, May 1, the day that the Lusitania left New York on her
last voyage, the following advertisement bearing the authentication of
the German Embassy at Washington appeared in the chief newspapers of the
United States, placed next the advertisement of the Cunard Line:
NOTICE!
TRAVELLERS intending to embark on the Atlantic voyage are
reminded that a state of war exists between Germany and her
allies and Great Britain and her allies; that the zone of war
includes the waters adjacent to the British Isles; that, in
accordance with formal notice given by the Imperial German
Government vessels flying the flag of Great Britain, or of any
of her allies, are liable to destruction in those waters and
that travellers sailing in the war zone on ships of Great
Britain or her allies do so at their own risk.
IMPERIAL GERMAN EMBASSY
WASHINGTON, D.C., APRIL 22, 1915.
Despite this warning, relying on President Wilson's note to Germany of
Feb. 10, 1915, which declared that the United States would "hold the
Imperial Government of Germany to a strict accountability" for such an
act within the submarine zone; relying, also, on the speed of the ship,
and hardly conceiving that the threat would be carried out, over two
thousand men, women, and children embarked. The total toll of the dead
was 1,150, of whom 114 were known to be American citizens.
The German Embassy's warning advertisement was repeated on May 8, the
day following the loss of the Lusitania. On May 12 the German Embassy
notified the newspapers to discontinue publication of the advertisement,
which had been scheduled to appear for the third time on the following
Saturday.]
GERMAN OFFICIAL REPORT.
[By The Associated Press.]
_BERLIN, May 14, (via Amsterdam to London, May 15.)--From the report
received from the submarine which sank the Cunard Line steamer Lusitania
last Friday the following official version of the incident is published
by the Admiralty Staff over the signature of Admiral Behncke:_
The submarine sighted the steamer, which showed no flag, May 7 at 2:20
o'clock, Central European time, afternoon, on the southeast coast of
Ireland, in fine, clear weather.
At 3:10 o'clock one torpedo was fired at the Lusitania, which hit her
starboard side below the Captain's bridge. The detonation of the torpedo
was followed immediately by a further explosion of extremely strong
effect. The ship quickly listed to starboard and began to sink.
The second explosion must be traced back to the ignition of quantities
of ammunition inside the ship.
_It appears from this report that the submarine sighted the Lusitania at
1:20 o'clock, London time, and fired the torpedo at 2:10 o'clock, London
time. The Lusitania, according to all reports, was traveling at the rate
of eighteen knots an hour. As fifty minutes elapsed between the sighting
and the torpedoing, the Lusitania when first seen from the submarine
must have been distant nearly fifteen knots, or about seventeen land
miles. The Lusitania must have been recognized at the first appearance
of the tops of her funnels above the horizon. To the Captain on the
bridge of the Lusitania the submarine would have been at that time
invisible, being below the horizon._
[Illustration: Map Showing Locations of Ships Attacked in Submarine War
Zone with American Citizens Aboard.]
BRITISH CORONER'S VERDICT.
[By The Associated Press.]
_KINSALE, Ireland, May 10.--The verdict, rendered here today by the
coroner's jury, which investigated five deaths resulting from the
torpedoing of the Lusitania, is as follows:_
We find that the deceased met death from prolonged immersion and
exhaustion in the sea eight miles south-southeast of Old Head of
Kinsale, Friday, May 7, 1915, owing to the sinking of the Lusitania by
torpedoes fired by a German, submarine.
We find that the appalling crime was committed contrary to international
law and the conventions of all civilized nations.
We also charge the officers of said submarine and the Emperor and the
Government of Germany, under whose orders they acted, with the crime of
wholesale murder before the tribunal of the civilized world.
We desire to express sincere condolences and sympathy with the relatives
of the deceased, the Cunard Company, and the United States, many of
whose citizens perished in this murderous attack on an unarmed liner.
GERMAN NOTE OF REGRET.
_BERLIN, (via London,) May 10.--The following dispatch has been sent by
the German Foreign Office to the German Embassy at Washington:_
Please communicate the following to the State Department: The German
Government desires to express its deepest sympathy at the loss of lives
on board the Lusitania. The responsibility rests, however, with the
British Government, which, through its plan of starving the civilian
population of Germany, has forced Germany to resort to retaliatory
measures.
In spite of the German offer to stop the submarine war in case the
starvation plan was given up, British merchant vessels are being
generally armed with guns and have repeatedly tried to ram submarines,
so that a previous search was impossible.
They cannot, therefore, be treated as ordinary merchant vessels. A
recent declaration made to the British Parliament by the Parliamentary
Secretary in answer to a question by Lord Charles Beresford said that at
the present practically all British merchant vessels were armed and
provided with hand grenades.
Besides, it has been openly admitted by the English press that the
Lusitania on previous voyages repeatedly carried large quantities of war
material. On the present voyage the Lusitania carried 5,400 cases of
ammunition, while the rest of her cargo also consisted chiefly of
contraband.
If England, after repeated official and unofficial warnings, considered
herself able to declare that that boat ran no risk and thus
light-heartedly assumed responsibility for the human life on board a
steamer which, owing to its armament and cargo, was liable to
destruction, the German Government, in spite of its heartfelt sympathy
for the loss of American lives, cannot but regret that Americans felt
more inclined to trust to English promises rather than to pay attention
to the warnings from the German side.
FOREIGN OFFICE.
ENGLAND ANSWERS GERMANY.[A]
[By The Associated Press.]
[Footnote A: In Germany's reply to the American protest against certain
features of the "war zone" order, which was received in Washington on
Feb. 14, occurred this expression:
If the United States ... should succeed at the last moment in
removing the grounds which make that procedure [submarine
warfare on merchant vessels] an obligatory duty for Germany
... and thereby make possible for Germany legitimate
importation of the necessaries of life and industrial raw
material, then the German Government ... would gladly draw
conclusions from the new situation.
In the German note to the American Government justifying the sinking of
the Lusitania presented above, appears this clause:
In spite of the German offer to stop the submarine war in case
the starvation plan was given up....
These two expressions are referred to in the British official statement,
published herewith, in these words:
It was not understood from the reply of the German Government
[of Feb. 14] that they were prepared to abandon the principle
of sinking British vessels by submarine.
Whether this may regarded as an opening for the renewal of the German
offer in explicit terms, with the implication that England might accept
it, is not explained.]
_LONDON, Wednesday, May 12.--Inquiry in official circles elicited last
night the following statement, representing the official British view of
Germany's justification for torpedoing the Lusitania which Berlin
transmitted to the State Department at Washington:_
The German Government states that responsibility for the loss of the
Lusitania rests with the British Government, which through their plan of
starving the civil population of Germany has forced Germany to resort to
retaliatory measures The reply to this is as follows:
As far back as last December Admiral von Tirpitz, (the German Marine
Minister,) in an interview, foreshadowed a submarine blockade of Great
Britain, and a merchant ship and a hospital ship were torpedoed Jan. 30
and Feb. 1, respectively.
The German Government on Feb. 4 declared their intention of instituting
a general submarine blockade of Great Britain and Ireland, with the
avowed purpose of cutting off supplies for these islands. This blockade
was put into effect Feb. 18.
As already stated, merchant vessels had, as a matter of fact, been sunk
by a German submarine at the end of January. Before Feb. 4 no vessel
carrying food supplies for Germany had been held up by his Majesty's
Government except on the ground that there was reason to believe the
foodstuffs were intended for use of the armed forces of the enemy or the
enemy Government.
His Majesty's Government had, however informed the State Department on
Jan. 29 that they felt bound to place in a prize court the foodstuffs of
the steamer Wilhelmina, which was going to a German port, in view of the
Government control of foodstuffs in Germany, as being destined for the
enemy Government and, therefore, liable to capture.
The decision of his Majesty's Government to carry out the measures laid
down by the Order in Council was due to the action of the German
Government in insisting on their submarine blockade.
This, added to other infractions of international law by Germany, led to
British reprisals, which differ from the German action in that his
Majesty's Government scrupulously respect the lives of noncombatants
traveling in merchant vessels, and do not even enforce the recognized
penalty of confiscation for a breach of the blockade, whereas the German
policy is to sink enemy or neutral vessels at sight, with total
disregard for the lives of noncombatants and the property of neutrals.
The Germans state that, in spite of their offer to stop their submarine
war in case the starvation plan was given up, Great Britain has taken
even more stringent blockade measures. The answer to this is as follows:
It was not understood from the reply of the German Government that they
were prepared to abandon the principle of sinking British vessels by
submarine.
They have refused to abandon the use of mines for offensive purposes on
the high seas on any condition. They have committed various other
infractions of international law, such as strewing the high seas and
trade routes with mines, and British and neutral vessels will continue
to run danger from this course, whether Germany abandons her submarine
blockade or not.
It should be noted that since the employment of submarines, contrary to
international law, the Germans also have been guilty of the use of
asphyxiating gas. They have even proceeded to the poisoning of water in
South Africa.
The Germans represent British merchant vessels generally as armed with
guns and say that they repeatedly ram submarines. The answer to this is
as follows:
It is not to be wondered at that merchant vessels, knowing they are
liable to be sunk without warning and without any chance being given
those on board to save their lives, should take measures for
self-defense.
With regard to the Lusitania: The vessel was not armed on her last
voyage, and had not been armed during the whole war.
The Germans attempt to justify the sinking of the Lusitania by the fact
that she had arms and ammunition on board. The presence of contraband on
board a neutral vessel does render her liable to capture, but certainly
not to destruction, with the loss of a large portion of her crew and
passengers. Every enemy vessel is a fair prize, but there is no legal
provision, not to speak of the principles of humanity, which would
justify what can only be described as murder because a vessel carries
contraband.
The Germans maintain that after repeated official and unofficial
warnings his Majesty's Government were responsible for the loss of life,
as they considered themselves able to declare that the boat ran no risk,
and thus "light-heartedly assume the responsibility for the human lives
on board a steamer which, owing to its armament and cargo, is liable to
destruction." The reply thereto is:
First--His Majesty's Government never declared the boat ran no risk.
Second--The fact that the Germans issued their warning shows that the
crime was premeditated. They had no more right to murder passengers
after warning them than before.
Third--In spite of their attempts to put the blame on Great Britain, it
will tax the ingenuity even of the Germans to explain away the fact that
it was a German torpedo, fired by a German seaman from a German
submarine, that sank the vessel and caused over 1,000 deaths.
CAPTAIN TURNER TESTIFIES.
[By The Associated Press.]
_KINSALE, Ireland, May 10.--The inquest which began here Saturday over
five victims of the Lusitania was concluded today. A vital feature of
the hearing was the testimony of Captain W.T. Turner of the lost
steamship. Coroner Horga questioned him:_
"You were aware threats had been made that the ship would be torpedoed?"
"We were," the Captain replied.
"Was she armed?"
"No, Sir."
"What precautions did you take?"
"We had all the boats swung when we came within the danger zone, between
the passing of Fastnet and the time of the accident."
The Coroner asked him whether he had received a message concerning the
sinking of a ship off Kinsale by a submarine. Captain Turner replied
that he had not.
"Did you receive any special instructions as to the voyage?"
"Yes, Sir."
"Are you at liberty to tell us what they were?"
"No, Sir."
"Did you carry them out?"
"Yes, to the best of my ability."
"Tell us in your own words what happened after passing Fastnet."
"The weather was clear," Captain Turner answered. "We were going at a
speed of eighteen knots. I was on the port side and heard Second
Officer Hefford call out:
"'Here's a torpedo.'
"I ran to the other side and saw clearly the wake of a torpedo. Smoke
and steam came up between the last two funnels. There was a slight
shock. Immediately after the first explosion there was another report,
but that may possibly have been internal.
"I at once gave the order to lower the boats down to the rails, and I
directed that women and children should get into them. I also had all
the bulkheads closed.
"Between the time of passing Fastnet, about 11 o'clock, and of the
torpedoing I saw no sign whatever of any submarines. There was some haze
along the Irish coast, and when we were near Fastnet I slowed down to
fifteen knots. I was in wireless communication with shore all the way
across."
Captain Turner was asked whether he had received any messages in regard
to the presence of submarines off the Irish coast. He replied in the
affirmative. Questioned regarding the nature of the message, he replied:
"I respectfully refer you to the Admiralty for an answer."
"I also gave orders to stop the ship," Captain Turner continued, "but we
could not stop. We found that the engines were out of commission. It was
not safe to lower boats until the speed was off the vessel. As a matter
of fact, there was a perceptible headway on her up to the time she went
down.
"When she was struck she listed to starboard. I stood on the bridge when
she sank, and the Lusitania went down under me. She floated about
eighteen minutes after the torpedo struck her. My watch stopped at 2:36.
I was picked up from among the wreckage and afterward was brought aboard
a trawler.
"No warship was convoying us. I saw no warship, and none was reported to
me as having been seen. At the time I was picked up I noticed bodies
floating on the surface, but saw no living persons."
"Eighteen knots was not the normal speed of the Lusitania, was it?"
"At ordinary times," answered Captain Turner, "she could make 25 knots,
but in war times her speed was reduced to 21 knots. My reason for going
18 knots was that I wanted to arrive at Liverpool bar without stopping,
and within two or three hours of high water."
"Was there a lookout kept for submarines having regard to previous
warnings?"
"Yes, we had double lookouts."
"Were you going a zigzag course at the moment the torpedoing took
place?"
"No. It was bright weather, and land was clearly visible."
"Was it possible for a submarine to approach without being seen?"
"Oh, yes; quite possible."
"Something has been said regarding the impossibility of launching the
boats on the port side?"
"Yes," said Captain Turner, "owing to the listing of the ship."
"How many boats were launched safely?"
"I cannot say."
"Were any launched safely?"
"Yes, and one or two on the port side."
"Were your orders promptly carried out?"
"Yes."
"Was there any panic on board?"
"No, there was no panic at all. It was all most calm."
"How many persons were on board?"
"There were 1,500 passengers and about 600 crew."
By the foreman of the jury--In the face of the warnings at New York that
the Lusitania would be torpedoed, did you make any application to the
Admiralty for an escort?
"No, I left that to them. It is their business, not mine. I simply had
to carry out my orders to go, and I would do it again."
Captain Turner uttered the last words of this reply with great emphasis.
By the Coroner--I am very glad to hear you say so, Captain.
By a juryman--Did you get a wireless to steer your vessel in a northern
direction?
"No," replied Captain Turner.
"Was the course of the vessel altered after the torpedoes struck her?"
"I headed straight for land, but it was useless. Previous to this the
watertight bulkheads were closed. I suppose the explosion forced them
open. I don't know the exact extent to which the Lusitania was damaged."
"There must have been serious damage done to the watertight bulkheads?"
"There certainly was, without doubt."
"Were the passengers supplied with lifebelts?"
"Yes."
"Were any special orders given that morning that lifebelts be put on?"
"No."
"Was any warning given before you were torpedoed?"
"None whatever. It was suddenly done and finished."
"If there had been a patrol boat about might it have been of
assistance?"
"It might, but it is one of those things one never knows."
With regard to the threats against his ship Captain Turner said he saw
nothing except what appeared in the New York papers the day before the
Lusitania sailed. He had never heard the passengers talking about the
threats, he said.
"Was a warning given to the lower decks after the ship had been struck?"
Captain Turner was asked.
"All the passengers must have heard the explosion," Captain Turner
replied.
Captain Turner, in answer to another question, said he received no
report from the lookout before the torpedo struck the Lusitania.
Ship's Bugler Livermore testified that the watertight compartments were
closed, but that the explosion and the force of the water must have
burst them open. He said that all the officers were at their posts and
that earlier arrivals of the rescue craft would not have saved the
situation.
After physicians had testified that the victims had met death through
prolonged immersion and exhaustion the Coroner summed up the case.
He said that the first torpedo fired by the German submarine did serious
damage to the Lusitania, but that, not satisfied with this, the
Germans had discharged another torpedo. The second torpedo, he said,
must have been more deadly, because it went right through the ship,
hastening the work of destruction.
[Illustration: "Lusitania's" First Cabin List
May 22, 1915.
List of
SALOON PASSENGERS
BY THE QUADRUPLE-SCREW TURBINE
R.M.S. "Lusitania"
Captain
* W.T. Turner, R.N.R.
Staff-Captain
@ J.C. ANDERSON
@ CHIEF ENGINEER--A. BRYCE
@ SURGEON--J.F. McDERMOTT
@ ASST SURGEON--J. GARRY
@ CHIEF OFFICER--J.T. PIPER
@ PURSER--J.A. McCUBBIN
* 2ND PURSER--P. DRAPER
* CHIEF STEWARD--J.V. JONES
From New York to Liverpool, May 1st 1915.
Mr. Henry Adams England.
Mrs. Adams England.
Mr. A.H. Adams London, Eng.
* Mr. William McM. Adams London, Eng.
* Lady Allan Montreal, Can.
* and maid (_Emily Davies_)
Miss Anna Allan Montreal, Can.
@ Miss Gwen Allan Montreal, Can.
* and maid (_Annie Walker_)
* Mr. N.N. Alles New York, N.Y.
* Mr. Julian de Ayala Liverpool, Eng.
(_Consul General for Cuba at Liverpool_)
* Mr. James Baker England.
Miss Margaret A. Baker New York, N.Y.
* Mr. Allan Barnes Toronto, Ont.
* Mr. G.W.B. Bartlett London, Eng.
Mrs. Bartlett London, Eng.
Mr. Lindon Bates Jr. New York, N.Y.
* Mr. J.J. Battersby Stockport, Eng.
* Mr. Oliver Bernard Boston, Mass.
* Mr. Charles P. Bernard New York, N.Y.
@ Mr. Albert C. Bilicke Los Angeles, Cal.
* Mrs. Bilicke Los Angeles, Cal.
Mr. Harry B. Baldwin New York, N.Y.
Mrs. Baldwin New York, N.Y.
Mr. Leonidas Bistis Greece.
Mr. James J. Black Liverpool, Eng.
Mr. Thomas Bloomfield New York, N.Y.
* Mr. James Bohan Toronto, Canada.
* Mr. Harold Boulton Jr. Chicago, Ill.
* Mr. Charles W. Bowring New York, N.Y.
Miss Dorothy Braithwaite Montreal, Can.
* Miss Josephine Brandell New York, N.Y.
@ Mr. C.T. Brodrick Boston, Mass.
* Mr. J.H. Brooks Bridgeport, Conn.
Mrs. Mary C. Brown New York, N.Y.
@ Mr. H.A. Bruno Montclair, N.J.
Mrs. Bruno Montclair, N.J.
* Mrs. J.S. Burnside Toronto, Ont.
* and maid (_Martha Waites_) Toronto, Ont.
Miss Iris Burnside Toronto, Ont.
* Mr. A.J. Byington London, Eng.
* Mr. Michael G. Byrne New York, N.Y.
* Mr. Peter Buswell England.
@ Mr. William H.H. Brown Buffalo, N.Y.
* Mr. Hy. G. Burgess England.
* Mr. Robert W. Cairns Booked on Board
Mr. Conway S. Campbell-Johnston Los Angeles, Cal.
@ Mrs. Campbell-Johnston Los Angeles, Cal.
Mr. Alexander Campbell London, Eng.
@ Mr. David L. Chabot Montreal, Can.
* Mrs. W. Chapman Toronto, Canada.
* Mr. John H. Charles Toronto, Canada.
* Miss Doris Charles Toronto, Canada.
* Rev. Cowley Clarke London, Eng.
* Mr. A.R. Clarke Toronto, Canada.
@ Mr. W. Broderick Cloete San Antonio, Tex.
* Mr. H.G. Colebrook Toronto, Canada.
* Miss Dorothy Conner New York, N.Y.
@ Mr. George R. Copping Toronto, Canada.
Mrs. Copping Toronto, Canada.
@ Mrs. William Crichton New York, N.Y.
Mr. Paul Crompton Philadelphia, Pa.
Mrs. Crompton Philadelphia, Pa.
Master Peter Crompton (_8 months_)
and nurse (_Dorothy D. Allen_)
@ Master Steven Crompton Philadelphia, Pa.
(_17 years_)
Master John David Crompton Philadelphia. Pa.
(_6 years_)
Master Paul Romelly Crompton Philadelphia, Pa.
(_9 years_)
Miss Alberta Crompton Philadelphia, Pa.
(_12 years_)
Miss Catherine Crompton Philadelphia, Pa.
(_10 Years_)
@ Mr. Robert W. Crooks Toronto, Canada.
* Mr. A.B. Cross F. Malay States.
* Mr. Harold M. Daly Ottawa, Ont.
@ Mr. Robert E. Dearbergh New York, N.Y.
@ Mrs. A. Depage Belgium.
Mr. C.A. Dingwall London, Eng.
Miss C. Dougall Guelph, Ont.
Mr. Audley Drake Detroit, Mich.
Mr. Alan Dredge British Honduras.
Mrs. Dredge British Honduras.
Mr. James Dunsmuir Toronto, Canada.
Mr. W.A. Emond Quebec, Can.
Mr. John Fenwick Switzerland
* Dr. Howard Fisher New York, N.Y.
Mr. Justin M. Forman New York, N.Y.
Mr. Chas. F. Fowles New York, N.Y.
@ Mrs. Fowles New York, N.Y.
Mr. Richard R. Freeman Jr. Boston, Mass.
Mr. J. Friedenstein London, Eng.
Mr. Edwin W. Friend Farmington, Ct.
@ Mr. Charles Frohman New York, N.Y.
@ and valet (_Wm. Stainton_)
* Mr. Fred. J. Gauntlett New York, N.Y.
Mr. Mathew Gibson Glasgow, Scot.
Mr. George A. Gilpin England.
Mr. Edgar Gorer London, Eng.
* Mr. Oscar F. Grab New York, N.Y.
Mr. Montagu T. Grant Chicago, Ill.
Mrs. Grant Chicago, Ill.
Mr. Frederick S. Hammond Toronto, Canada.
* Mrs. F.S. Hammond Toronto, Canada.
* Mr. O.H. Hammond New York, N.Y.
Mrs. O.H. Hammond New York, N.Y.
* Mr. C.C. Hardwick New York, N.Y.
Mr. John H. Harper New York, N.Y.
* Mr. Dwight C. Harris New York, N.Y.
Mr. F.W. Hawkins Winnipeg, Man.
@ Miss Katheryn Hickson New York, N.Y.
* Mr. Charles T. Hill London, Eng.
Mr. William S. Hodges Philadelphia, Pa.
Mrs. Hodges Philadelphia, Pa.
@ Master W.S. Hodges Jr. Philadelphia, Pa.
Master Dean W. Hodges Philadelphia, Pa.
* Master W.R.G. Holt Montreal, Can.
* Mr. Thomas Home Toronto, Canada.
@ Mr. Albert L. Hopkins New York, N.Y.
* Dr. J.T. Houghton Saratoga Springs, N.Y.
Mr. Elbert Hubbard E. Aurora, N.Y.
Mrs. Hubbard E. Aurora, N.Y.
Miss P. Hutchinson England.
* Mr. C.T. Jeffery Chicago, Ill.
* Mr. Francis B. Jenkins New York, N.Y.
* Miss Rita Jolivet Paris, France.
@ Miss Margaret D. Jones Honolulu, Hawaii.
* Mr. W. Keeble Toronto, Canada.
* Mrs. Keeble Toronto, Canada.
Mr. Francis C. Kellett Tuckahoe, N.Y.
* Mr. Maitland Kempson Toronto, Canada.
* Dr. Owen Kenan New York, N.Y.
Mrs. C. Hickson Kennedy New York, N.Y.
Mr. Harry J. Keser Philadelphia, Pa.
@ Mrs. Keser Philadelphia, Pa.
* Mr. Geo. A. Kessler New York, N.Y.
@ Mr. Thos. B. King New York, N.Y.
Mr. Charles Klein London, Eng.
Mr. C. Harwood Knight Baltimore, Md.
Miss Elaine H. Knight Baltimore, Md.
* Mr. S.M. Knox Philadelphia, Pa.
Sir Hugh Lane England.
* Mrs. H.H. Lassetter London, Eng.
* Mr. F. Lassetter London, Eng.
* Mr. Charles E. Lauriat Jr. Boston, Mass.
Mr. C.A. Learoyd Sidney, Aus.
* Mrs. Learoyd Sidney, Aus.
* and maid (_Marg't Hurley_)
* Mr. James Leary New York, N.Y.
Mr. Evan A. Leigh Liverpool, Eng.
* Mr. Isaac Lehmann New York, N.Y.
* Miss Dilane Lehmann Booked on Board
* Mr. Martin Lehmann Booked on Board
Mr. Joseph Levinson Jr. Canada.
Mr. Gerald A. Letts New York, N.Y.
Mr. F. Guy Lewin England.
* Mrs. Popham Lobb New York, N.Y.
* Mr. R.R. Lockhart Toronto, Canada.
Mr. Allen D. Loney New York, N.Y.
Mrs. Loney New York, N.Y.
and maid (_Elise Boutellier_)
* Miss Virginia Loney New York, N.Y.
Mrs. A.C. Luck Worcester, Mass.
Master Eldridge C. Luck Worcester, Mass.
Master Kenneth T. Luck Worcester, Mass.
* Mr. John W. McConnel Manchester, Eng.
Mr. William McLean France.
Mr. F.E. MacLennan Glasgow, Scot.
* Mr. Louis McMurray Toronto, Canada.
Mr. Fred. A. McMurtry New York, N.Y.
@ Mrs. Henry D. Macdona New York, N.Y.
* Lady Mackworth Cardiff, Wales.
Mr. Stewart S. Mason Boston, Mass.
@ Mrs. Mason Boston, Mass.
* Mr. Arthur T. Mathews Montreal, Can.
@ Rev. Basil W. Maturin Oxford, Eng.
Mr. George Maurice London, Eng.
Mr. Maurice B. Medbury New York, N.Y.
Capt. J.B. Miller Washington, D.C.
Mr. Charles V. Mills New York, N.Y.
Mr. James D. Mitchell England.
Mr. R.T. Moodie Gainesville, Tex.
* Mrs. M.S. Morell Toronto, Canada.
Mr. K.J. Morrison Canada.
* Mr. G.G. Mosley England.
Mrs. C. Munro Liverpool, Eng.
Mr. Herman A. Myers New York, N.Y.
* Mr. Joseph L. Myers New York, N.Y.
@ Mr. F.G. Naumann England.
@ Mr. Gustaf Adolf Nyblom Canada.
* Mr. F. Orr-Lewis Montreal, Can.
* and manservant (_Geo. Slingsby_)
* Mrs. A.B. Osborne Hamilton, Ont.
Mrs. T.O. Osbourne Glasgow, Scot.
* Mrs. F. Padley Liverpool, Eng.
@ Mr. Frederico G. Padila Liverpool, Eng.
(_Consul Gen'l for Mexico at Liverpool_)
Mr. J.H. Page New York, N.Y.
@ Mr. M.N. Pappadopoulo Greece.
* Mrs. Pappadopoulo Greece.
* Mr. Frank Partridge New York, N.Y.
@ Mr. Charles E. Paynter Liverpool, Eng.
* Miss Irene Paynter Liverpool, Eng.
Mr. F.A. Peardon Toronto, Can.
@ Dr. F.S. Pearson New York, N.Y.
@ Mrs. Pearson New York, N.Y.
* Major F. Warren Pearl New York, N.Y.
* Mrs. Pearl New York, N.Y.
* infant
and maid (_Greta Lorenson_)
Miss Amy W.W. Pearl New York, N.Y.
Miss Susan W. Pearl New York, N.Y.
* and maid (_Alice Lines_)
* Master Stuart Duncan D. Pearl New York, N.Y.
Mr. Edwin Perkins England.
* Mr. Frederick J. Perry Buffalo, N.Y.
@ Mr. Albert Norris Perry Buffalo, N.Y.
* Mr. Wallace B. Phillips New York, N.Y.
* Mr. Robinson Pirie Hamilton, Ont.
* Mr. William J. Pierpoint Liverpool, Eng.
@ Mr. Charles A. Plamondon Chicago, Ill.
@ Mrs. Plamondon Chicago, Ill.
Mr. Henry Pollard Washington, D.C.
* Miss Theodate Pope Farmington, Ct.
and maid (_Emily Robinson_) London, Eng.
* Mr. Eugene H. Posen New York, N.Y.
Mr. George A. Powell Toronto, Ont.
* Mr. Norman A. Ratcliff England.
* Mr. Robert Rankin New York, N.Y.
* Mr. A.L. Rhys-Evans Cardiff, Wales.
Mr. Chas. E. Robinson Philadelphia, Pa.
Mrs. Robinson Philadelphia, Pa.
Mr. Frank A. Rogers Toronto, Canada.
@ Mrs. Rogers Toronto, Canada.
* Mr. Percy W. Rogers Toronto, Can.
Mr. Thos. W. Rumble Toronto, Canada.
Mrs. G. Sterling Ryerson Toronto, Canada.
* Miss Laura Ryerson Toronto, Canada.
Mr. Leo M. Schwabacher Baltimore, Md.
* Mr. August W. Schwarte New York, N.Y.
Mr. Max M. Schwarcz New York, N.Y.
Mr. A.J. Scott Manila, P.I.
@ Mr Percy W. Seccombe Peterboro, N.H.
Miss Elizabeth Seccombe Peterboro, N.H.
Mr. Victor E. Shields Cincinnati, Ohio.
Mrs. Shields Cincinnati, Ohio.
@ Mrs. R.D. Shymer New York, N.Y.
Mr. Jacobus Sigurd Sweden.
Mr. Thomas J. Silva Temple, Texas.
* Mr. Thomas Slidell New York, N.Y.
* Mrs. Jessie Taft Smith Braceville, O.
Mr. Henry B. Sonneborn Baltimore, Md.
@ Comd'r. J. Foster Stackhouse London, Eng.
@ Mrs. George W. Stephens Montreal, Can.
and maid (_Elise Oberlin_)
Master John H.C. Stephens Montreal, Can.
and nurse (_Carolina Milten_)
Mr. Duncan Stewart Montreal, Can.
Mr. Herbert S. Stone New York, N.Y.
@ Mr. Martin van Straaten London, Eng.
Mr. Julius Strauss Hamilton, Ont.
Mr. Alex. Stuart Glasgow, Scot.
* Mr. Charles F. Sturdy Montreal, Can.
* Mr. R.L. Taylor Montreal, Can.
Mr. F.B. Tesson Philadelphia, Pa.
Mrs. Tesson Philadelphia, Pa.
* Mr. D.A. Thomas Cardiff, Wales.
Mr. E. Blish Thompson Seymour, Indiana.
* Mrs. Thompson Seymour, Indiana.
@ Mr. Georges Tiberghien France.
* Mr. R.J. Timmis Gainesville, Texas.
* Mr. F.E.O. Tootal London, Eng.
* Mr. Ernest Townley Toronto, Canada.
@ Mr. Isaac F. Trumbull Bridgeport, Conn.
* Mr. Scott Turner Lansing, Mich.
* Mr. G.H. Turton Melbourne, Australia.
Mr. Alfred G. Vanderbilt New York, N.Y.
and valet (_Ronald Denyer_)
* Mr. W.A.F. Vassar London, Eng.
@ Mr. G.L.P. Vernon London, Eng.
* Mrs A.T. Wakefield Honolulu, Hawaii.
Mr. David Walker New York, N.Y.
Mrs. Wallace Watson Montreal, Can.
Mrs. Anthony Watson England.
@ Mrs. Catherine E. Willey Lake Forest, Ill.
Mr. Thomas H. Williams Liverpool, Eng.
Mr. Charles F. Williamson New York, N.Y.
Mr. Winter Liverpool, Eng.
* Mrs. A.S. Witherbee New York, N.Y.
Master A.S. Witherbee Jr. (_3 yrs._) New York, N.Y.
Mr. Lothrop Withington Boston, Mass.
Mr. Walter Wright Scotland.
@ Mr. Arthur John Wood England.
* Mr. Robt. C. Wright Cleveland, Ohio.
Mr. J.M. Young Hamilton, Ont.
Mrs. Young Hamilton, Ont.
* Mr. Philip J. Yung Antwerp, Belgium
Total number of Saloon Passengers 293
Survivors marked *
Identified Dead marked @
(This list, as corrected to May 22, 1915--the final revision--is a
facsimile of the broadside issued by the Cunard Company. It will be
noted that all of Paul Crompton's family perished, including himself,
his wife, and six children.)]
The characteristic courage of the Irish and British people was
manifested at the time of this terrible disaster, the Coroner continued,
and there was no panic. He charged that the responsibility "lay on the
German Government and the whole people of Germany, who collaborated in
the terrible crime."
"I propose to ask the jury," he continued, "to return the only verdict
possible for a self-respecting jury, that the men in charge of the
German submarine were guilty of willful murder."
The jury then retired and prepared their verdict.
Descriptions by Survivors
SUBMARINE CREW OBSERVED.
[By The Associated Press.]
LONDON, May 10.--The Fishguard correspondent of The Daily News quotes
the Rev. Mr. Guvier of the Church of England's Canadian Railway Mission,
a Lusitania survivor, as saying that when the ship sank a submarine rose
to the surface and came within 300 yards of the scene.
"The crew stood stolidly on the deck," he said, "and surveyed their
handiwork. I could distinguish the German flag, but it was impossible to
see the number of the submarine, which disappeared after a few minutes."
ERNEST COWPER'S ACCOUNT.
_QUEENSTOWN, Saturday, May 8, 3:18 A.M.--A sharp lookout for submarines
was kept aboard the Lusitania as she approached the Irish coast,
according to Ernest Cowper, a Toronto newspaper man, who was among the
survivors landed at Queenstown._
_He said that after the ship was torpedoed there was no panic among the
crew, but that they went about the work of getting passengers into the
boats in a prompt and efficient manner._
"As we neared the coast of Ireland," said Mr. Cowper, "we all joined in
the lookout, for a possible attack by a submarine was the sole topic of
conversation.
"I was chatting with a friend at the rail about 2 o'clock, when suddenly
I caught a glimpse of the conning tower of a submarine about a thousand
yards distant. I immediately called my friend's attention to it.
Immediately we both saw the track of a torpedo, followed almost
instantly by an explosion. Portions of splintered hull were sent flying
into the air, and then another torpedo struck. The ship began to list to
starboard.
"The crew at once proceeded to get the passengers into boats in an
orderly, prompt, and efficient manner. Miss Helen Smith appealed to me
to save her. I placed her in a boat and saw her safely away. I got into
one of the last boats to leave.
"Some of the boats could not be launched, as the vessel was sinking.
There was a large number of women and children in the second cabin.
Forty of the children were less than a year old."
From interviews with passengers it appears that when the torpedoes burst
they sent forth suffocating fumes, which had their effect on the
passengers, causing some of them to lose consciousness.
Two stokers, Byrne and Hussey of Liverpool, gave a few details. They
said the submarine gave no notice and fired two torpedoes, one hitting
No. 1 stoke hole and the second the engine room. The first torpedo was
discharged at 2 o'clock. In twenty-five minutes the great liner
disappeared.
The Cunard Line agent states that the total number of persons aboard the
Lusitania was 2,160.
MR. KESSLER'S DESCRIPTION.
[Special Cable to THE NEW YORK TIMES.]
_LONDON, Monday, May 10.--Survivors of the Lusitania arriving in London
yesterday from Queenstown told some of their tragic experiences to_ THE
NEW YORK TIMES _correspondent._
_They forcibly expressed the opinion that the Lusitania was badly
handled in being run into waters where it was known submarines were
waiting. Although not for a moment attempting to shift the blame from
the "murderous Germans" for the sinking of a ship full of innocent
passengers, they insisted that the officers of the steamship, knowing
that submarines were lurking off the Irish coast, ought to have taken a
different path to avoid all danger...._
_George A. Kessler of New York, in an interview, gave the following
description of the Lusitania sinking and of preliminary incidents
aboard:_
"On Wednesday I saw the crew taking tarpaulins from the boats, and I
went up to the Purser and said:
"'It's all right drilling your crew, but why don't you drill your
passengers?'
"The Purser said he thought it was a good idea, and added, 'Why not tell
Captain Turner, Sir?'
"The next day I had a conversation with the Captain, and to him
suggested that the passengers should receive tickets, each with a number
denoting the number of the boat he should make for in case anything
untoward happened. I added that this detail would minimize difficulties
in the event of trouble.
"The Captain replied that this suggestion was made after the disaster to
the Titanic. The Cunard people had thought it over and considered it
impracticable. He added that, of course, he could not act on the advice
given, because he should first have the authority of the Board of Trade.
"I talked with the Captain generally about the torpedo scare, which
neither of us regarded as of any moment. The Captain (you understand, of
course, that we were smoking and chatting) explained his plans to me. He
said that they were then slowing down, (in fact, we were going only
about eighteen knots,) and that the ship would be slowed down until they
got somewhere further on the voyage, and then they would go at all speed
and get over the war zone.
"I asked him what the war zone was, and he said 500 miles from
Liverpool.
"According to the next day's run, ending about two hours before the
mishap occurred, we were about 380 or 390 miles from Liverpool. So we
were in the war zone, and we were going only at a speed of eighteen
knots at the critical moment.
"For the two days previous, as well as I remember, the mileage was 506
and 501, and on Thursday the mileage was 488. On Friday I was playing
bridge when the pool was put up on the day's run and I heard twenty
numbers go from 480 to 499. I thought it would be a grand speculation to
buy the lowest number, as we were going so slow. I did buy it, and paid
$100. The amount in the pool was between $300 and $350, and when the
pool was declared, I was the winner.
"The steward offered to hand over the money if I would go to his cabin,
but I said that he could pay me later.
"Shortly after the steward had left me I was on the upper deck and
looking out to sea. I saw all at once the wash of a torpedo, indicated
by a snake-like churn of the surface of the water. It may have been
about thirty feet away. And then came a thud."
_Mr. Kessler told of the general rush for the deck and the second
explosion. Then he continued:_
"Mr. Berth and his wife, from New York, first-class passengers, were the
last ones I spoke to. I should say that all the passengers in the dining
saloon had come up on deck. The upper deck was crowded, and, of course,
the passengers were wondering what was the matter, few really believing
what it proved to be. Still they began to lower boats, and then things
began to happen very quickly.
"Mr. Berth was trying to persuade his wife to get into a boat. She said
she would not do so without him. He said, 'Oh, come along, my darling; I
will be all right,' and I added to his persuasions.
"I saw him help her into the boat with the ropes of the davits. I fell
into the same boat, and we were slipped down into the water over the
side of the liner, which was bulging out, the list being the other way.
The boat struck the water, and after some seconds (it may have been a
minute) I looked up and cried out, 'My God, the Lusitania is gone!'
"We saw the entire bulk, which had been almost upright just a few
seconds before, suddenly lurch over away from us. Then she seemed to
stand upright in the water, and the next instant the keel of the vessel
caught the keel of the boat in which we were floating, and we were
thrown into the water. There were only about thirty people in the boat,
and I should say that all were stokers or third-class passengers. There
may have been one or two first class; I cannot recall who they were.
"When the boat was overturned I sank fifteen or twenty feet. I thought I
was gone. However, I had my lifebelt around me, and managed to rise
again to the surface. There I floated for possibly ten or fifteen
minutes, when I saw and made a grab at a collapsible lifeboat at which
other passengers were also grabbing. We managed to get it shipshape and
clamber in. There were eight or nine in the boat, all stokers except one
or two third-class passengers.
"It was partly filled with water and in the scramble which occurred the
boat was overturned, and once more we were pitched into the water. This
occurred, I should say, eight times, the boat usually righting itself.
Before we were picked up by the Bluebell six of the party of eight or
nine were lying drowned in the bilge water which was in the bottom."
_When asked what he thought the effect of the sinking would be on the
United States, Mr. Kessler answered:_
"My God! what can America do? Nothing will bring back these people to
life.
"It was cold-blooded, deliberate murder, and nothing else--the greatest
murder the world has ever known. How will going to war mend that?"
_To the question whether the loss of the liner could have been avoided,
Mr. Kessler said slowly:_
"That is a very serious question, and I hesitate to give an opinion on
matters which are purely technical.
"Still, it seems to me as a landsman, and one who has crossed the ocean
a great many times, that the safety of the Lusitania lay in speed. We
were in the war zone by 140 or 150 miles, and every moment that we
dawdled at fifteen or eighteen knots was an increase of our risk of
being torpedoed.
"Again, (and of course I merely make the comment,) I cannot understand
why there were no destroyers or patrol boats about, as we certainly had
been led to expect there would be when we reached the war zone.
"The ship was torpedoed at 2:05 P.M. My watch stopped at 2:30. It was 5
o'clock when I was picked up by the Bluebell, and it was 10 o'clock
before we were landed in Queenstown."
CHARLES FROHMAN'S DEATH.
[Special Cable to THE NEW YORK TIMES.]
_LONDON, May 10.--A highly interesting story was told tonight by Rita
Jolivet, the actress, who stood calmly chatting with Charles Frohman and
Alfred G. Vanderbilt during the last tense moments before the Lusitania
sank. The three of them, together with G.L.S. Vernon, Miss Jolivet's
brother-in-law, and Mr. Scott, who had come all the way from Japan to
enlist, joined hands and stood waiting to face death together. Miss
Jolivet said:_
We stood talking about the Germans and the rumor which had gained
currency that a man, obviously of German origin, had been arrested for
tampering with the wireless. The story was that the man had been
discovered at 1 o'clock in the morning a day or two before doing
something to the wireless apparatus and had been immediately imprisoned.
I did not see the man arrested, so I am not sure about the story's
truth, but there were good grounds for believing it.
We determined not to enter the boats, and just a minute or two before
the end Mr. Frohman said with a smile: "Why fear death? It is the most
beautiful adventure that life gives us."
Mr. Scott fetched three lifebelts, one for Mr. Vanderbilt, one for Mr.
Frohman, and one for my brother-in-law. He said he was not going to wear
one himself, and my brother-in-law also refused to put his on. I hear
that Mr. Vanderbilt gave his to a lady, Mrs. Scott. I helped to put a
lifebelt on Mr. Frohman. My brother-in-law took hold of my hand and I
grasped the hand of Mr. Frohman, who, as you know, was lame. Mr. Scott
took hold of his other hand, and Mr. Vanderbilt joined the row, too. We
had made up our minds to die together.
Then Mr. Frohman, in a perfectly calm voice, said: "They've done for us;
we had better get out." He knew that his beautiful adventure was about
to begin. He had hardly spoken when, with a tremendous roar, a great
wave swept along the deck and we were all divided in a moment. I have
not seen any of those brave men alive since. Mr. Frohman, Mr.
Vanderbilt, and my brother-in-law were drowned. When Mr. Frohman's body
was recovered there was the most beautiful and peaceful smile upon his
lips.
VANDERBILT'S HEROIC END.
[Special Cable to THE NEW YORK TIMES.]
_LONDON, May 9.--Two survivors of the Lusitania disaster have given
testimony that Alfred G. Vanderbilt died heroically; that he went to
death to save the life of a woman._
_Thomas Slidell, a friend of Mr. Vanderbilt, who lives at the
Knickerbocker Club in New York, and was traveling with him, told of the
sacrifice first. Then tonight Norman Ratcliffe, who lives in Gillingham,
Kent, and was returning from Japan, offered verification. Mr. Ratcliffe
was rescued, after clinging to a box in the sea for three hours. With
him was a steward of the Lusitania. He said:_
This steward told me he had seen Mr. Vanderbilt on the Lusitania's deck,
shortly after the ship was struck, with a lifebelt about his body. When
the ship gave every indication that it would sink within a few minutes,
the steward said, Mr. Vanderbilt took off his lifebelt and gave it to a
woman who passed him on the deck, trembling with fear of the fate she
expected to meet. The steward said Mr. Vanderbilt turned back, as though
to look for another belt, and he saw him no more.
_Telling of his last moments on the ship and his last sight of Mr.
Vanderbilt, Mr. Slidell said:_
I saw Alfred G. Vanderbilt only a few minutes before I left the ship. He
was standing with a lifebelt in his hand. A woman came up to him, and I
saw him place the belt around the woman. He had none for himself, and I
know that he could not swim.
Only the day before we had been talking of a day and a dawn some years
ago when we went down the bay at New York in his yacht and waited to
welcome and dip our flag to the Lusitania on her maiden voyage. We saw
the first and last of her. Vanderbilt, who had given largely to the Red
Cross, was returning to England in order to offer a fleet of wagons and
himself as driver to the Red Cross Society, for he said he felt every
day that he was not doing enough.
KLEIN AND HUBBARD LOST.
_Oliver O. Bernard, scenic artist of Covent Garden, said:_
Only one or two of the shining marks which disasters at sea seem
invariably to involve have lived to tell the Lusitania's tale.
Vanderbilt, the sportsman, is gone. Genial Charles Klein, the
playwright, is gone. That erratic American literary genius, Elbert
Hubbard, is gone, and with him a wife to whom he seemed particularly
devoted. And Charles Frohman is gone.
Frohman's was the only body I could recognize in the Queenstown
mortuary, and perhaps it will interest his many friends in London and
New York to know that the famous manager's face in death gives
uncommonly convincing evidence that he died without a struggle. It wears
a serenely peaceful look.
Frohman must have found it more difficult for him to take his place in a
lifeboat than any other man on the ship. He was quite lame, and hobbled
about on deck laboriously with a heavy cane. He seldom came to the
general dining saloon, either out of sensitiveness or because of
distress caused by his leg.
I last saw Alfred G. Vanderbilt standing at the port entrance to the
grand saloon. He stood there the personification of sportsmanlike
coolness. In his right hand was grasped what looked to me like a large
purple leather jewel case. It may have belonged to Lady Mackworth, as
Mr. Vanderbilt had been much in company of the Thomas party during the
trip, and evidently had volunteered to do Lady Mackworth the service of
saving her gems for her. Mr. Vanderbilt was absolutely unperturbed. In
my eyes, he was the figure of a gentleman waiting unconcernedly for a
train. He had on a dark striped suit, and was without cap or other head
covering.
Germany Justifies the Deed
[It should be borne in mind that the subjoined official and
semi-official out-givings on behalf of Germany, announcing the
destruction of the Lusitania, justifying it, striving to implicate the
British Government, and to some extent modifying the original war zone
proclamation of Feb. 18, 1915, were published prior to the receipt by
the German Imperial Government of President Wilson's note of May 13.
British official rejoinders and a statement by the Collector of the Port
of New York are included under this head.--Editor.]
GERMAN OFFICIAL REPORT.
_BERLIN, May 8, (via wireless to London Sunday, May 9.)--The following
official communication was issued tonight:_
The Cunard liner Lusitania was yesterday torpedoed by a German submarine
and sank.
The Lusitania was naturally armed with guns, as were recently most of
the English mercantile steamers. Moreover, as is well known here, she
had large quantities of war material in her cargo.
Her owners, therefore, knew to what danger the passengers were exposed.
They alone bear all the responsibility for what has happened.
Germany, on her part, left nothing undone to repeatedly and strongly
warn them. The Imperial Ambassador in Washington even went so far as to
make a public warning, so as to draw attention to this danger. The
English press sneered at the warning and relied on the protection of the
British fleet to safeguard Atlantic traffic.
BRITAIN'S DENIAL.
_LONDON, May 8.--The British Government today made the following
announcement:_
The statement appearing in some newspapers that the Lusitania was armed
is wholly false.
COLLECTOR MALONE'S DENIAL.
_In_ THE NEW YORK TIMES _of May 9, 1915, the following report appeared:_
Dudley Field Malone, Collector of the Port, gave an official denial
yesterday to the German charge that the Lusitania had guns mounted when
the left this port on Saturday, May 1. He said:
"This report is not correct. The Lusitania was inspected before sailing,
as is customary.
"No guns were found, mounted or unmounted, and the vessel sailed without
any armament. No merchant ship would be allowed to arm in this port and
leave the harbor."
This statement was given out by the Collector yesterday morning at his
home, 270 Riverside Drive.
Herman Winter, Assistant Manager of the Cunard Line, 22 State Street,
who was on the Lusitania for three hours before she sailed for
Liverpool, denied the report that she ever carried any guns.
"It is true," Mr. Winter said, "that she had aboard 4,200 cases of
cartridges, but they were cartridges for small arms, packed in separate
cases, and could not have injured the vessel by exploding. They
certainly do not come under the classification of ammunition. The United
States authorities would not permit us to carry ammunition, classified
as such by the military authorities, on a passenger liner. For years we
have been sending small-arms cartridges abroad on the Lusitania."
[Illustration: SIR ROBERT BORDEN, K.C.M.G.
Prime Minister of Canada]
[Illustration: H.R.H. FIELD MARSHAL THE DUKE OF CONNAUGHT
Uncle of George V. and Governor General of Canada
_(Photo from P.S. Rogers.)_]
"The Lusitania had 1,250 steel shrapnel cases, but they were empty.
There was no explosive of any sort aboard. As to the report that the
Lusitania had guns aboard, I cannot assert too strongly that it is
positively untrue. There were no guns whatever aboard. The Lusitania was
an unarmed passenger steamer. Furthermore she never has been armed, and
never carried an unmounted gun or rifle out of port in times of war or
peace."
"Then you unqualifiedly declare that the Lusitania was not armed against
submarines?" he was asked.
"The ship," Mr Winter replied, "was as defenseless against undersea and
underhanded attack as a Hoboken ferryboat in the North River would be
against one of the United States battleships."
Captain D.J. Roberts, Marine Superintendent of the Cunard Line, said
yesterday that he was prepared to testify under oath in any court and
from his personal knowledge that the Lusitania did not carry any guns
when she sailed from New York at 12:28 P.M. on May 1 for Liverpool.
"It is my invariable custom to go through the passenger ships every day
they are in port," he said, "and I made my last inspection of the
Lusitania on sailing day at 7 A.M. There were no guns or plates or
mountings where guns could be fitted on the Lusitania, nor have there
been since she has been in the service. The ship has never carried
troops or been chartered by the British Government for any purpose
whatsoever.
"In order that there should be no mistake about the ensigns flown by
British merchant vessels, the Admiralty ordered after war had been
declared that only the red ensign, a square red flag with the union jack
in the corner, should be shown at the stern of a merchantman, and the
white St. George's ensign by all war vessels, whether armored or
unarmored. These are the only two flags that are hoisted on British
ships today, with the exception of the company's house flag, when they
are entering port or passing at sea, and the mail flag on the foremast,
which every steamship flies coming in to denote that she has mails on
board.
"Before the war both the Lusitania and the Mauretania flew the blue
ensign of the Royal Naval Reserve, which any British merchant vessel is
allowed to do if her commander and officers and two-thirds of the crew
belong to the reserve."
NEUTRALS IN THE WAR ZONE.
[German Foreign Office Note.]
[Special to The New York Times.]
_WASHINGTON, May 11.--Secretary Bryan received from Ambassador Gerard at
Berlin today the text of an official declaration by the German
Government of its policy with respect to American and other neutral
ships meeting German submarines in the naval war zone around the British
Isles and in the North Sea. This declaration was handed to Mr. Gerard by
the German Foreign Office which explained that it was being issued as a
"circular statement" in regard to "mistaken attacks by German submarines
on commerce vessels of neutral nations."_
First--The Imperial German Government has naturally no intention of
causing to be attacked by submarines or aircraft such neutral ships of
commerce in the zone of naval warfare, more definitely described in the
notice of the German Admiralty staff of Feb. 4 last, as have been guilty
of no hostile act. On the contrary, the most definite instructions have
repeatedly been issued to German war vessels to avoid attacks on such
ships under all circumstances. Even when such ships have contraband of
war on board they are dealt with by submarines solely according to the
rules of international law applying to prize warfare.
Second--Should a neutral ship nevertheless come to harm through German
submarines or aircraft on account of an unfortunate (X) [mistake?] in
the above-mentioned zone of naval warfare, the German Government will
unreservedly recognize its responsibility therefor. In such a case it
will express its regrets and afford damages without first instituting a
prize court action.
Third--It is the custom of the German Government as soon as the sinking
of a neutral ship in the above-mentioned zone of naval warfare is
ascribed to German war vessels to institute an immediate investigation
into the cause. If grounds appear thereby to be given for association of
such a hypothesis the German Navy places itself in communication with
the interested neutral Government so that the latter may also institute
an investigation. If the German Government is thereby convinced that the
ship has been destroyed by Germany's war vessels, it will not delay in
carrying out the provisions of Paragraph 2 above. In case the German
Government, contrary to the viewpoint of the neutral Government is not
convinced by the result of the investigation, the German Government has
already on several occasions declared itself ready to allow the question
to be decided by an international investigation commission, according to
Chapter 3 of The Hague Convention of Oct. 18, 1907, for the peaceful
solution of international disputes.
_This circular is understood to have been rather reassuring to high
officials of the United States Government, although it does not cover
the attitude of the German Government toward the treatment to be
accorded to Americans and other neutral noncombatants, men, women, and
children, on board vessels flying the flag of England, France, or
Russia. The absence of any allusion to the principle involved in the
Lusitania case is believed here to mean that the statement was prepared
and was ready for promulgation before the destruction of the Lusitania
on Friday. Several days usually have been required for messages to come
to Washington from Ambassador Gerard, by roundabout cable relay route,
and it is believed that this dispatch is no exception in this respect._
DR. DERNBURG'S DEFENSE.
_The sinking of the Lusitania as a man-of-war was justified by Dr.
Bernhard Dernburg, late German Colonial Secretary and recognized as
quasi-official spokesman of the German Imperial Government in the United
States, in a statement issued in Cleveland, Ohio, on May 8, 1915. The
statement reads:_
Great Britain declared the North Sea a war zone in the Winter. No
protest was made by the United States or any neutral. Great Britain held
up all neutral ships carrying non-contraband goods, detaining them,
buying or confiscating their cargoes.
Great Britain constantly changed the contraband lists, so no foodstuffs
of any kind have actually reached Germany since the war began.
International law says foodstuffs destined for the civil population must
pass. It does not recognize any right to starve out a whole people.
As a consequence, and in retaliation, Germany declared the waters around
England a war zone, and started a submarine warfare. It became known in
February that British ships were flying the American flag as a
protection.
Great Britain replied by officially declaring its purpose to starve
120,000,000 Germans and Austrians. The United States very thoughtfully
tried to mediate, proposing that foodstuffs should be passed and
submarine warfare be stopped.
Germany agreed; England turned the proposal down. Then, in order to
protect American passengers, they were warned by public advertisement of
the danger of sailing under the flag of a belligerent.
Vessels carrying contraband of war are liable to destruction unless they
can be taken to a port of the country that captures them. The right of
search need not be exercised if it is certain such ships carry
contraband.
Oil is contraband, like war ammunition and all metals. The master of the
Gulflight (an American oil tank steamer sunk recently) swore before
customs officials to his cargo of oil for France.
The master of the Lusitania similarly swore to his manifest of cargo of
metals and ammunition. Both the Gulflight and the Lusitania carried
contraband when attacked, it is obvious.
The Lusitania's manifest showed she carried for Liverpool 260,000 pounds
of brass; 60,000 pounds of copper; 189 cases of military goods; 1,271
cases of ammunition, and for London, 4,200 cases of cartridges.
Vessels of that kind can be seized and be destroyed under The Hague
rules without any respect to a war zone. The Lusitania was a British
auxiliary cruiser, a man-of-war. On the same day she sailed the
Cameronia, another Cunarder, was commandeered in New York Harbor for
military service.
The fact is that the Lusitania was a British war vessel under orders of
the Admiralty to carry a cargo of contraband of war. The passengers had
had full warning, first by the German note to England in February,
second by advertisement.
Germany wants to do anything reasonable so as not to make the United
States or its citizens suffer in any way. But she cannot do so unless
Americans will take necessary precautions to protect themselves from
dangers of which they are cognizant.
What Germany has done, she has done by way of retaliation after her
offer through President Wilson, regarding submarine warfare, was turned
down and after Britain declared the war was directed toward the
120,000,000 innocent noncombatants, women and children.
Americans can do their own thinking when the facts are laid before them.
I have really no authority to speak. But my mission in the United
States is to inform your people of the German attitude. The German
Ambassador, Count von Bernstorff, can speak only in official phrases. I
talk straight out, bluntly.
_Dr. Dernburg put much stress on the fact that the Cunard Line officials
did not warn American passengers that the ship carried a large store of
ammunition and other contraband of war. He continued:_
Did they issue a warning? I would like an answer. If that warning was
not given, American passengers were being used as a cloak for England's
war shipments.
It is not reasonable that such a vessel could not be sunk because there
were American passengers on board. They had been warned by Germany of
the danger.
England could hire one American to travel to and fro on each of her
ships, carry on shipments of arms, and place her men-of-war anywhere, if
American passengers can be used as shields.
_Asked whether he expected action by the United States because of the
Lusitania's sinking, Dr. Dernburg said:_
That is a question I cannot discuss. I can only say that any ship flying
the American flag and not carrying contraband of war is and will be as
safe as a cradle. But any other ship, not so exempt, is as unsafe as a
volcano--or as was the Lusitania.
_When he was told that the Transylvania, another Cunard liner, sailed
from New York on May 7, to cover the same route as the Lusitania, Dr.
Dernburg said:_
I can only say that the German warnings will reappear henceforth by
advertisement. That is significant.
German Press Opinion
_Contrasting with the attitude of the German-American press since the
issuance of President Wilson's note of May 13 to the German Imperial
Government, the comment of the press in Germany has been in accordance
with the German official statements put forth prior to the receipt of
the American note. Under date of May 9, 1915, the following dispatch by
The Associated Press was received from Berlin:_
_Commenting on the destruction Lusitania, the Berliner Tageblatt says:_
With deep emotion we learn of the destruction of the Lusitania, in
which countless men lost their lives. We lament with sincere hearts
their hard fate, but we know we are completely devoid of blame.
We may be sure that through the English telegrams communicated to the
world indignation will again be raised against Germany, but we must hope
that calm reflection will later pronounce the verdict of condemnation
against the British Admiralty.
The many who are now sorrowing may raise complaint against Winston
Spencer Churchill, First Lord of the British Admiralty, who, by
conscienceless instructions which must bring him the curse of mankind,
conjured up this cruel warfare....
The Lusitania was a warship on the list of English auxiliary cruisers
and carried armament of twelve strongly mounted guns. She was more
strongly mounted with guns than any German armored cruiser. As an
auxiliary cruiser she must have been prepared for attack.
_Count von Reventlow, the naval expert, says, in the Tages Zeitung:_
The American Government probably will make the case the basis for
diplomatic action, but it could have prevented the loss of American
lives by appropriate instructions. It is the American Government's
fault, therefore, if it did not take Germany's war zone declarations
seriously enough.
_The writer declares, further, that Germany had full and trustworthy
information that the Lusitania carried a cargo of war material, as she
had on previous trips._
_The Lokal Anzeiger also assumes that the steamship was carrying
munitions of war, and maintains that this and "the fact that she was a
fully armed cruiser completely justifies her destruction under the laws
of warfare."_
_The Kreuz Zeitung, after referring to the warning issued by Ambassador
von Bernstorff, adds:_
If citizens of neutral States were lost with the sunken ship they must
bear the full blame.
_Some papers further testify the sinking of the steamer because on a
previous occasion she had resorted to the expedient of flying the
American flag. Germania, the clerical organ, deprecates probable
attempts by Germany's antagonists to make moral capital against her out
of the sinking of the Lusitania and the loss of life. The paper says:_
We can look forward to such efforts with a clear conscience, for we have
proceeded correctly. We can only answer to those who place their
sympathies above justice, that war is war.
_An editorial article in the Frankfurter Zeitung was quoted in an
Amsterdam dispatch to The London Times of May 10, as follows:_
The Lusitania has been sent to the bottom. That is the announcement
which must arouse measureless horror among many thousands.
A giant ship of the British merchant fleet, a vessel of over 31,000
tons, one of the most famous of the fast steamers of the
British-American passenger service, a ship full of people, who had
little or nothing to do with the war, has been attacked and sunk by a
German torpedo. This is the announcement which in a few words indicates
a mighty catastrophe to a ship with 2,000 people aboard.
We always feel that it is tragic and all too hard when war inflicts
wounds on those who do not carry its weapons.
We lament similarly the fate of the unfortunate villages and towns where
war rages and the innocent victims of bombs who, far behind the
trenches, and often without our being able to estimate the meaning of
this murder, are snatched from the ranks of the unarmed.
Much more terrible is the fate of those who on the high sea, many
hundreds in number, suddenly see death before their eyes.
A German war vessel has sunk the ship. It has done its duty.
For the German Navy the sinking of the Lusitania means an extraordinary
success. Its destruction demolished the last fable with which the people
of England consoled themselves; on which hostile shipping relied when it
dared to defy the German warnings.
We do not need to seek grounds to justify the destruction of a British
ship. She belonged to the enemy and brought us harm. She has fallen to
our shots.
The enemy and the whole world were warned that he who ventured to trust
himself within her staked his life.
_The London Daily Mail of May 16 quotes from Der Tag the following
article by Herr von Rath, who is described as a favorite spokesman in
the Wilhelmstrasse:_
President Wilson is very much troubled by the drowning of so many
American citizens, and we Germans sincerely share his feelings, but we
see in the Lusitania affair one of the many cruel necessities which the
struggle for existence brings with it.
If, as English reports try to make us believe, Mr. Wilson is now
meditating revenge, we will not disturb him in this occupation, but
would only hope that his demands will be addressed to the right and not
the wrong quarters.
The right address is England. On the German side, everything was done to
warn American travelers from the impending peril, while British
irresponsibility and arrogance nullified the effect of the German
admonition.
Mr. Wilson is certainly in a precarious position. After showing himself
so weak in the face of the long and ruthless British provocations, he
has to play the strong man with Germany. Otherwise he will lose what
prestige he has left, and he knows that in the background the pretender
to the throne, Mr. Roosevelt, is lurking.
But what are the gallant shouters in the United States thinking about?
Should the United States send troops to take part in the fighting in
Flanders? The gigantic losses of their Canadian neighbors should not
exactly encourage them, from a military standpoint. Moreover the United
States are so weak that they have never even been able to impose their
will on Mexico or to do anything to the still more unpleasant Japanese
than to clench their fists in their pockets.
Should their superdreadnoughts cross the Atlantic Ocean? England has
not even useful work for her own ironclads in this war. What would
American warships do?
How about our Germanic brethren in the United States--the half million
German and Austro-Hungarian reservists who are not permitted to take
part in the defense of their home lands? Will they stand with folded
arms and see their fatherlands attacked?
What the United States has already done to support our enemies is, apart
from interference with private property, the worst which she could do to
us. We have nothing more to expect or to fear. Therefore, the threats of
our erstwhile friend Roosevelt leave us quite cold.
Let the United States also preserve up from warmed-up humanitarian
platitudes, for her craven submission to England's will is promoting an
outrageous scheme to deliver Germany's women and children to death by
starvation.
_A wireless dispatch from Berlin to Sayville, L.I., on May 16 reported
this outgiving by the Overseas News Agency:_
The whole German press, particularly the Cologne Gazette, the Frankfort
Gazette and the Berliner Tageblatt, deeply regret the loss of American
lives caused by the sinking of the Lusitania.
The Tages Zeitung and other newspapers state that the responsibility
rests with the British Government, which, attempting to starve the
peaceful civilian population of a big country, forced Germany in
self-defense to declare British waters a war zone; with shipowners, who
allowed passengers to embark on an armed steamer carrying war material,
and neglected German warnings against entering the war zone, and,
finally, with the English press.
Heartfelt sympathy is expressed by the German press and public for the
victims of the catastrophe and their relatives.
_From The Hague, via London, on May 19 a special cable to_ THE NEW YORK
TIMES _reported that, acting apparently under official instructions,
several leading German newspapers had on that day joined in a fierce
attack on the United States, making a concerted demand that Germany
refuse to yield to the American protest._
_Practically all these newspapers repeat the same arguments, declaring
that neutrals entering the war zone do so at their own risk, and that
the Americans aboard the Lusitania "were shielding contraband goods with
their persons." The Berliner Tageblatt said:_
The demand of the Washington Government must be rejected. Indeed, the
whole note hardly merits serious consideration. Its "firm tone" is only
a cloak to hide America's consciousness of her own culpability. If
American citizens, in spite of the warnings of the German Admiralty,
intrusted themselves on the Lusitania, the blame for the consequences
falls on themselves and their Government.
Can the United States affirm that there were no munitions aboard? If
not, it has not the shadow of a right to protest.
GERMAN-AMERICAN PRESS COMMENTS.
_Under the heading "The President's Note," Herman Ridder, editor of the
New Yorker Staats-Zeitung, one of the leading German-American
newspapers, said in that publication on May 15:_
The attitude assumed by the President, in the note delivered yesterday
to the German Government, toward the infringement of our rights on the
seas is diplomatically correct and must compel the support of the entire
American people.
We have suffered grievously at the hands of more than one of the
belligerent nations, but for the moment we are dealing only with
Germany. The note recites a series of events which the Government of the
United States could not silently pass by, and demands reparation for
American lives lost and American property already destroyed and a
guarantee that the rights of the United States and its citizens shall be
observed in the future. All this the German Government may well grant,
frankly and unreservedly and without loss of honor or prestige. It
would be incomprehensible if it did not do so.
The note admits, as most diplomatic documents do, of two
interpretations. They will be applied to it variously, as the reader is
inclined to pessimism or to optimism. It is a document in which lies the
choice of war or peace evenly balanced. I prefer to read into it all the
optimism which can be derived from the knowledge that two nations,
historically like-minded and bound to one another by strong ties of
friendship, seldom go to war over matters which can be settled without
resort to the arbitrament of arms. There is no question outstanding
today between the United States and Germany which cannot be settled
through diplomatic channels. I am inclined all the more to this optimism
by the temperament and character of the President of the United for the
time being.
I see in the note great possibilities for good. The undersea activities
of the German Navy in their effect upon the rights of the United States
and its citizens form, properly, the burden of its argument. We are
addressing Germany, and it is only over her submarine policy that our
interests have clashed with hers. The note takes cognizance, however, of
the inter-relation of Germany's submarine policy and the British policy
of "starving out Germany." The President has opened an avenue to the
full discussion of the rights and obligations of submarines in naval
warfare, and when Germany has stated her case it is not only not
impossible but it is highly probable that he will be asked to suggest a
modus vivendi by which the objectionable features of both these policies
may be removed.
The situation is basically triangular and it is difficult to see how the
settlement of our difficulties with Germany can escape involving at the
same time the rectification of Great Britain's methods of dealing with
the trade between neutral countries and her adversaries. It is but a
step from the position of mediator in a question of this sort to that of
mediator in the larger questions which make for war or peace. I believe
that the note contains the hopeful sign that these things may come to
pass.
The possibilities are there and the President, I am confident, will
overlook no possibility of advancing the cause of an early return of
peace to Europe nor leave any unturned stone to free this country of the
dangers and inconveniences which have become the concomitants of the
European struggle. Out of the troubled waters of our present relations
with Germany may thus come a great and, we may hope, a lasting good.
Should this happily be the case, the wisdom of the President will have
been confirmed and the thankfulness of the nation secured to him. On the
other hand, should his pacific hand be forced by those who wax fat and
wealthy on strife and the end should be disaster untold to the country,
he will still have the consolation of having fought a good battle and of
knowing that he was worsted only by the irresistible force of demagogy
in this country or abroad.
The subject with which the note deals is one of the same paramount
importance to Germany as it is to this country, and we must wait in
patience for Germany's reply; and I, for one, shall wait in the
confidence that when it is received it will be found to offer a basis
for a friendly solution of the questions which exist between Germany and
the United States and, not unlikely, for those further steps which I
have intimated.
_Under the caption "A Word of Earnest Advice," the evening edition of
the New Yorker Staats-Zeitung on May 14 issued the following warning to
Germans and German-Americans:_
The times are grave--even very grave.... A conflict between America and
the old Fatherland is threatening. Such a conflict must rend the heart
of every German-American who has acquired the rights of citizenship
here, who has founded a new career for himself and brought up his
children.
It is probably unnecessary to give any advice to the American citizens
among our readers in regard to their conduct in this grave time. A
series of years must pass before an immigrant can obtain his
citizenship papers; nobody is forced to become a citizen. Of the man who
has voluntarily become a citizen of the United States we may therefore
expect that he knows the conditions here obtaining the institutions of
the country of his adoption, as well as his rights and duties. But there
are thousands upon thousands of our readers who are not citizens, and to
them a serious word of advice shall now be addressed. In the grave time
of the conflict let efforts be made to avoid every personal conflict. It
is not necessarily cowardly to deny one's descent, but it is not
necessary, either, to make demonstrations.
Where there is life there is hope. The hope still is entertained that
the conflict will be eliminated, that the bond of friendship between
Germany and America will not be torn. Through thoughtless Hotspurs, who
allow themselves to be carried away by excitement and do not dam up the
flood of their eloquence, much mischief can be done. Keeping away from
the public places where the excited groups congregate and discuss the
burning questions of the day must be urgently recommended. It was for
many a sport to participate in these discussions, and with more or less
skill, but always energetically to champion the German cause.
The American is in general very liberal in regard to expression of
opinion. He likes to hear also the "other side," but it must not be
forgotten that in times of conflict the "other side" may be regarded as
the "enemy side." What has heretofore sounded harmless may now be
interpreted as a criticism made against the United States. But the
American as a rule repels a criticism made by strangers against the
affairs of his own country. Through heated discussions and unwise
demonstrations nothing is at present to be achieved but much can be
spoiled.
Grave times!
Calmness is now the first duty of citizenship--for all non-citizens.
But whoever is a citizen--he would be doing well in any event to stay
away from the streets and squares where the noisy ones congregate.
There are very many Germans whose motto here, too, is: "We Germans fear
God and nothing else in the world." But whoever bellows that into the
ears of hundreds of persons of hostile mind in the public market place
is either a fool or--weary of life.
In submarine warfare the Germans may be superior to the British, but in
undermining the latter are superior to the former. They have now
succeeded in undermining the friendship between Uncle Sam and the
Deutsche Michel. Let us hope that the fuse can be extinguished before
the explosion follows.
_Charles Neumeyer, editor of The Louisville (Ky.) Anzeiger, in a
dispatch on May 14 to_ THE NEW YORK TIMES, _said of President Wilson's
note:_
The American note to Berlin evidences the desire of the President to
hold Germany to strict accountability for the loss of American lives in
the Lusitania disaster. This proceeding on the part of the American
Government is eminently just and proper. If the President had failed to
hold Germany to strict accountability he would have failed of his
official duty. The President's forceful action cannot be but of salutary
effect in this country also. It gives the American people the assurance
that the Government at Washington is prepared and ready for the
protection of American citizens wherever they may chance to be.
There was a time when the Government did not resort to very vigorous
measures in this respect. American citizens while traveling abroad were
frequently subject to insult and violence, and the authorities at
Washington seemingly paid little heed to complaints. The result was that
the American citizen abroad was not held in that respect which emanates
from the knowledge that his home Government is prepared to go to the
length of its ability, if necessary, to accord him protection.
One or two of the demands formulated against Germany do not meet with
our approval. The President demands a cessation of German submarine
warfare on merchant vessels, but while the interruption of the
starvation plan adopted by England against the civil population is urged
upon the latter it will continue. The starvation plan is primarily being
waged against the weak and helpless, and is, therefore, responsible. It
is also in violation of the spirit if not the letter of international
law. If the President can force a demand for the cessation of the
submarine warfare, he ought also to have the right to demand the lifting
of the starvation blockade. The tragedy was chiefly due to either
stupidity or design on the part of the British Admiralty in failing to
afford proper protection to the ship. While we do not agree with the
President on some points in his note, we repose the fullest confidence
in his patriotism as well as his deliberate judgment as giving assurance
that, whatever the outcome, the case of the American people rests in
trustworthy hands.
The people should by their action spare him unnecessary embarrassment
and rely for a satisfactory solution of the grave questions confronting
us on his patriotism and honesty.
_A dispatch on May 14 to_ THE NEW YORK TIMES _from Max Burgheim, editor
of the Freie Presse of Cincinnati, Ohio, reads:_
The part of the note referring to the Lusitania catastrophe had better
been directed to London. England, not Germany, is responsible for the
destruction of the Lusitania. England, through the violation of the
rights of nations and the brutal threat to starve 70,000,000 Germans,
has forced Germany to a policy against English commerce of which the
Lusitania was a victim. Germany declared to our President her
willingness to stop submarine warfare if England would allow the
importation of food for the German civil population. England
contemptuously cast aside the President's mediation.
It has not yet been proved that submarine warfare is not in keeping with
international law. Distinguished authorities on international law have
declared that Germany was not only justified but bound to adopt this
method in the hour of need, because it is the only effective defense
against England's warfare. Germany cannot cease this warfare unless she
wishes to surrender with tied hands to a ruthless enemy. All we can
justly ask of Germany is that neutral ships be not attacked, and that
damages be paid in case of loss through mistakes. Germany has already
agreed to this.
Falaba, Cushing, Gulflight
CASE OF THE FALABA.
_A Washington dispatch to_ THE NEW YORK TIMES _on March 31, 1915,
reported that the records of the State Department's Passport Bureau show
that a passport was issued on June 1, 1911, to Leon Chester Thrasher, a
passenger aboard the British African steamship Falaba, which was
torpedoed by a German submarine in the "zone of naval warfare" on March
28. The American citizenship of Thrasher, who was drowned, has been
established._
[Special Cable to THE NEW YORK TIMES.]
LONDON, Wednesday, March 31.--An American citizen, Leon Chester
Thrasher, an engineer, was among the victims of the German submarine
that sank the British steamer Falaba in St. George's Channel last Sunday
with a loss of 111 lives. Mr. Thrasher's name is included in the
official list of the missing. For the last year he had been employed on
the Gold Coast, British West Africa, and it is presumed he was returning
to his post when he met his death at the hands of the German sea
raiders.
The Daily Mail says Mr. Thrasher was bound for Secondee, West Africa.
Reference to the form which has to be filled out to satisfy the Board of
Trade and customs requirements by every passenger embarking at a British
port before tickets will be issued shows that Mr. Thrasher was a citizen
of the United States. Here are the particulars:
Name, Leon Chester Thrasher; age, last birthday, 31; single; sex, male;
profession, engineer; country of residence for last twelve months, Gold
Coast Colony, West Africa; country of intended residence for next twelve
months, the same; country of which citizen or subject, United States of
America; present address, 29 Cartwright Gardens, St. Pancras, W.C.
When Mr. Thrasher went on board the Falaba he produced an American
passport.
_The British Official Press Bureau on April 8 issued the following
report on the destruction of the Falaba:_
It is not true that sufficient time was given the passengers and the
crew of this vessel to escape. The German submarine closed in on the
Falaba, ascertained her name, signaled her to stop, and gave those on
board five minutes to take to the boats. It would have been nothing
short of a miracle if all the passengers and crew of a big liner had
been able to take to their boats within the time allotted.
While some of the boats were still on their davits the submarine fired a
torpedo at short range. This action made it absolutely certain that
there must be great loss of life and it must have been committed
knowingly with the intention of producing that result.
The conduct of all on board the Falaba appears to have been excellent.
There was no avoidable delay in getting out the boats. To accuse the
Falaba's crew of negligence under the circumstances could not easily be
paralleled.
THE GERMAN DEFENSE.
[By The Associated Press.]
_BERLIN, April 13, (via Amsterdam to London, April 14.)--A semi-official
account of the sinking of the British steamer Falaba by a German
submarine on March 28 was made public here today. It follows:_
On receiving the signal "Stop, or I fire," the Falaba steamed off and
sent up rocket signals to summon help, and was only brought to a
standstill after a chase of a quarter of an hour.
Despite the danger of an attack from the steamer or from other vessels
hurrying up, the submarine did not immediately fire, but signaled that
the steamer must be abandoned within ten minutes. The men of the Falaba
quickly entered the boats, although the launching took place in an
unseamanlike manner. They failed to give assistance, which was possible,
to passengers struggling in the water.
From the time of the order to leave the ship until the torpedo was
discharged not ten but twenty-three minutes elapsed, prior to which
occurred the chase of the steamer, during which period time might have
been used to get the boats ready.
The torpedo was fired only when the approach of suspicious-looking
vessels, from which an attack was to be expected, compelled the
commander of the submarine to take quick action. When the torpedo was
discharged nobody was seen on board the ship except the Captain, who
bravely stuck to his post.
Afterward some persons became visible who were busy about a boat.
Of the crew of the submarine, the only ones on deck were those serving
the cannon or those necessary for signaling. It was impossible for them
to engage in rescue work, because the submarine could not take on
passengers.
Every word is superfluous in defending our men against malignant
accusations. At the judicial proceedings in England no witness dared
raise accusations. It is untrue that at any time the submarine displayed
the English flag. The submarine throughout the affair showed as much
consideration for the Falaba as was compatible with safety.
COMMANDER SCHMITZ'S STORY.
[From The New York Times, May 6, 1915.]
_J.J. Ryan, the American cotton broker who went to Germany on March 30
and sold 28,000 bales of cotton he had shipped to Bremen and Hamburg,
returned yesterday on the Cunard liner Carpathia very well satisfied
with the results of his trip. He said:_
While I was in Bremen I met Commander Schmitz of the German submarine
U-28, which sank the British African liner Falaba off the English coast
on March 28. He told me that he regretted having been compelled to
torpedo the vessel, as she had passengers on board. In explanation, he
said:
"I warned the Captain of the Falaba to dismantle his wireless apparatus
and gave him ten minutes in which to do it and get his passengers off.
Instead of acting upon my demand he continued to send messages out to
torpedo destroyers that were less than twenty miles away, to come as
quickly as possible to his assistance.
"At the expiration of the ten minutes I gave him a second warning about
dismantling his wireless apparatus and waited twenty minutes, and then I
torpedoed the ship, as the destroyers were getting close up and I knew
they would go to the rescue of the passengers and crew."
I mentioned the fact to the commander that it had been reported by some
of the survivors of the liner that while the men and women were
struggling for their lives in the icy water his crew were standing on
the deck of the submarine laughing. He looked very gravely at me and
replied, "That is not true, and is most cruelly unjust to my men. They
were crying, not laughing, when the boats were capsized and threw the
people into the water."
CASE OF THE CUSHING.
[Special to THE NEW YORK TIMES.]
_WASHINGTON, May 1.--Secretary Bryan today received from American
Minister Henry van Dyke at The Hague a report on the attack by German
aviators on the American steamship Cushing and said tonight that this
report would be immediately cabled to Ambassador Gerard at Berlin for
his information. Ambassador Gerard will bring the matter to the
attention of the German Government. The report from Minister van Dyke
was very brief, and read as follows:_
The American Consul at Rotterdam reports that the American steamship
Cushing, Captain Herland, with petroleum from New York to Rotterdam,
flying the American flag, was attacked by German aeroplanes near the
North Hinder Lightship, afternoon April 29. Three bombs dropped, one
struck ship, causing damage, but no life lost.
_The report of Captain Lars Larsen Herland, master of the American tank
steamer Cushing, made upon his arrival in Philadelphia, Penn., on May
19, 1915, is as follows:_
The airmen swept in narrow circles over the tanker, trying to get
directly over the funnel, with the idea, apparently, of dropping a bomb
into it and wrecking the engine room.
When attacked the Cushing was about twenty-five miles from Antwerp and
eight miles from the North Hinder Lightship. It was near 7 o'clock in
the evening, but the sun had barely touched the horizon, and there was
ample light for the pilot of the biplane to see the words, "Cushing, New
York, United States of America," painted on each side of the vessel in
letters eight feet high, and to note the Stars and Stripes at the
masthead and the taffrail.
When the airship was first noted it was several thousand feet in the
air, but dropped as it approached the ship, and soon was only about 500
feet up. Suddenly it swooped down to about 300 feet above the Cushing.
Then there was a tremendous explosion, and a wave flooded the stern
deck. A second bomb missed the port quarter by a foot or so, and sent
another wave over the lower deck.
The biplane swung up into the wind, hung motionless for a second or so,
then came the third bomb, which just grazed the starboard rail and shot
into the sea.
The airship hung around for a few minutes, then headed toward the Dutch
coast. She was flying a white flag, with a black cross in the centre,
the pennant of the German air fleet.
CASE OF THE GULFLIGHT.
_Official confirmation of the attack on May 1, 1915, by a German
submarine on the American oil tank steamer Gulflight off the Scilly
Islands came to the State Department at Washington on May 3 in
dispatches from Joseph G. Stephens, the United States Consul at
Plymouth, England. Two members of the crew were drowned, the Captain
died of heart failure, and thirty-four members of the crew were saved.
Following is the sworn statement of Ralph E. Smith, late chief officer
and now master of the Gulflight, received from Ambassador Page and
published by the State Department at Washington on May 11:_
I am Ralph E. Smith, now master of the steamship Gulflight. At the
commencement of the voyage I was chief officer. The ship left port at
Port Arthur on the 10th day of April, 1915, about 4 P.M., laden with a
tank cargo of gasoline and wooden barrels of lubricating oil. The voyage
was uneventful.
When about half way across the Atlantic the wireless operator told me
there was a British cruiser in our vicinity and that he had heard
messages from this ship the whole time since leaving Port Arthur, but
she made no direct communication with or to our ship. From the sound of
the wireless messages given out by the British ship, she seemed to
maintain the same distance from us until about three days before we
reached the mouth of the English Channel.
On the first day of May, about 11 o'clock in the forenoon, we spoke two
British patrol vessels named Iago and Filey. We were then about
twenty-two miles west of the Bishop Lighthouse. The patrol vessels asked
where we were bound. After informing them we were bound for Rouen, they
ordered us to follow them to the Bishop. The Filey took up a position a
half mile distant on our port bow, the Iago off our starboard quarter
close to us. We steered as directed, and at about 12:22, the second
officer, being on watch, sighted a submarine on our port bow--slightly
on the port bow--steaming at right angles to our course. The submarine
was in sight for about five minutes, when she submerged about right
ahead of us. I saw her, but could not distinguish or see any flag flying
on her.
The Gulflight was then steering about true east, steaming about eight
miles an hour, flying a large American ensign, six feet by ten feet.
The wind was about south, about eight miles an hour in force. I
personally observed our flag was standing out well to the breeze.
Immediately after seeing the submarine I went aft and notified the crew
and came back and went on the bridge and heard the Captain make the
remark that that must be a British submarine, as the patrol boats took
no notice of it.
About 12:50 an explosion took place in the Gulflight on the bluff of the
starboard bow, sending vast quantities of water high in the air, coming
down on the bridge and shutting everything off from our view. After the
water cleared away our ship had sunk by the head so that the sea was
washing over the foredeck, and the ship appeared to be sinking.
Immediately after I went aft to see to the boats. On my way I saw one
man overboard on the starboard side. The water at that time was black
with oil. The boats were lowered and the crew got into them without
delay or damage. After ascertaining there was no one left on board the
ship I got in my boat and we were picked up by the patrol vessel Iago
and were advised by her crew to leave the scene. We proceeded toward St.
Mary's, but the dense fog which then came on prevented us getting into
the harbor that night.
About 2:30 in the morning following I saw Captain Gunter, master of the
Gulflight, who had been sleeping in the room of the skipper of the Iago,
standing in the room with a queer look in his face. I asked him what his
trouble was, and he made no reply. Then he reached for the side of the
berth with his hands, but did not take hold. I went in the room, but he
fell before I reached him.
He was taken on deck, as the cabin was small and hot. After reaching the
deck he seemed to revive and said: "I am cold." After that he had
apparently two fainting attacks and then expired in a third one--this
being about 3:40.
We arrived at St. Mary's, Scilly, about 10 o'clock on the morning of May
2. The Gulflight was towed to Crow Sound, Scilly, on May 2 by British
patrol vessels, and Commander Oliver, senior naval officer of the Port
of Scilly, sent for some one to come on board the Gulflight, and I went,
and the ship was anchored about 6 P.M.
I again left the ship that evening--she being then in charge of the
Admiralty. I visited the ship on Monday. I went out again on Tuesday,
but it was too rough to get on board. To the best of my knowledge there
was no examination of the vessel made by divers until Wednesday about 3
P.M., when members from the American Embassy were present. The divers at
this time made an external examination only of the ship's bottom and
left the ship with me at 5:40 P.M.
Aim of Submarine Warfare
[From The London Times, April 30, 1915.]
Dr. Flamm, Professor of Ship Construction at the Technical High School
at Charlottenburg, publishes in the Vossische Zeitung an extraordinary
article on the impending destruction of the British Empire by German
submarines. Whatever Professor Flamm's professional opinion may be
worth, he is evidently attacking his task with a passionate hatred of
England that leaves nothing to be desired.
Professor Flamm begins by explaining how England has been protected for
centuries by her insularity. He writes:
This country, whose dishonorable Government produced this
terrible world war by the most contemptible means, and solely
in selfish greed of gain, has always been able to enjoy the
fruits of its unscrupulousness because it was reckoned as
unassailable. But everything is subject to change, and that
applies today to the security of England's position. Thank
God, the time has now come when precisely its complete
encirclement by the sea has become the greatest danger for the
existence of the British Nation.
The writer explains that England cannot be self-supporting, and,
strangely enough, admits that recognition of this fact justifies British
naval policy. He proceeds:
The time, however, has passed in which even the strongest
squadron of battleships or cruisers can protect England's
frontiers and secure imports from oversea. Technical progress,
in the shape of submarines, has put into the hands of all
England's enemies the means at last to sever the vital nerve
of the much-hated enemy, and to pull him down from his
position of ruler of the world, which he has occupied for
centuries with ever-increasing ruthlessness and selfishness.
What science has once begun she continues, and for every
shipbuilder in the whole world there is now no sphere which
offers a stronger stimulus to progressive activity than the
sphere of the submarines. Here an endless amount of work is
being, and will be, done, because the reward which beckons on
the horizon is an extraordinarily high one, an extraordinarily
profitable one, a reward containing the most ideal blessings
for humanity--the destruction of English world supremacy, the
liberation of the seas. This exalted and noble aim has today
come within reach, and it is German intellect and German work
that have paved the way.
It will be noted that Professor Flamm, as other contemporary German
writers, believes that submarines, like Shakespeare, are a German
invention. He is also, notwithstanding the experience of two and a half
months, confident that the German "submarine blockade" will both be
successful and become popular with neutrals. Building upon the German
myth that Captain Weddigen's submarine, U-29, was destroyed while saving
life, Professor Flamm "expects" that the neutrals will stop all traffic
with England, "in view of the cowardly and cunning method of fighting of
the English."
Professor Flamm then discusses Germany's prospects, as follows:
Anybody who wants to fight England must not attempt it by
striving to bring against England larger and more numerous
battleships and cruisers. That would be not only unwise but
also very costly. He must try another method, which makes
England's great sea power completely illusory, and gives it
practically no opportunity for activity. This method is the
cutting-off of imports by submarine fleets. Let it not be
said that the attainment of this end requires a very great
deal of material. England, as can easily be seen from the map,
possesses a fairly limited number of river mouths and ports
for rapid development of her great oversea trade. Beginning in
the northeast, those on the east coast are mainly the Firth of
Forth, the mouths of the Tyne and Humber, and then the Thames;
in the south, Portsmouth, Southampton, and Plymouth, with some
neighboring harbors; in the west, the Bristol Channel, the
Mersey, the Solway, and the Clyde. These are the entries that
have to be blocked in order to cut off imports in a way that
will produce the full impression. For this purpose 150 of the
submarines of today fully suffice, so that the goal is within
reach. Moreover, the development of this arm will enormously
increase its value, and so, come what may, England must reckon
with the fact that her world supremacy cannot much longer
exist, and that the strongest navy can make no difference.
When once the invisible necktie is round John Bull's neck, his
breathing will soon cease, and the task of successfully
putting this necktie on him is solely a question of technical
progress and of time, which now moves so fast.
Professor Flamm ends with a passage about German submarine bases. It
would be more intelligible if he had made up his mind whether Germany is
going to take Calais or whether, according to another popular German
theory, England is going to annex the north coast of France. He writes:
"The eyes of France also will one day be opened when, having been
sufficiently weakened, she is compelled to leave the north coast of
France, including Calais, to her friend of today. Precisely this coast
which England has seized may be expected now to remain in English
possession for the purpose of better and surer control of the Channel,
for there can be no doubt that this control renders, and will render,
difficult for the German submarines effective activity in the Irish
Sea--an activity which will become all the easier as soon as Calais has
been freed of the enemy, or is even in German possession.
"Thus before very long a world fate should befall England. The trees do
not grow up to heaven. England, through her criminal Government, has
stretched the bow too tight, and so it will snap."
THREE SPEECHES BY PRESIDENT WILSON
In New York at the annual luncheon of The Associated Press on
April 20, 1915; at Philadelphia in Convention Hall on May 10,
in an address to 4,000 newly naturalized citizens, and again
at New York in his speech on the navy, May 17, delivered at
the luncheon given for the President by the Mayor's Committee
formed for the naval review, Mr. Wilson set forth the
principles on which he would meet the crises of the European
war as they affect the United States. The texts of the three
speeches appear below.
I.
"AMERICA FIRST."
[_President Wilson's address on April 20, 1915, to the members of The
Associated Press at their annual luncheon in New York:_]
I am deeply gratified by the generous reception you have accorded me. It
makes me look back with a touch of regret to former occasions when I
have stood in this place and enjoyed a greater liberty than is granted
me today. There have been times when I stood in this spot and said what
I really thought, and I pray God that those days of indulgence may be
accorded me again. But I have come here today, of course, somewhat
restrained by a sense of responsibility that I cannot escape.
For I take The Associated Press very seriously. I know the enormous part
that you play in the affairs not only of this country, but the world.
You deal in the raw material of opinion and, if my convictions have any
validity, opinion ultimately governs the world.
It is, therefore, of very serious things that I think as I face this
body of men. I do not think of you, however, as members of The
Associated Press. I do not think of you as men of different parties or
of different racial derivations or of different religious denominations,
I want to talk to you as to my fellow-citizens of the United States. For
there are serious things which as fellow-citizens we ought to consider.
The times behind us, gentlemen, have been difficult enough, the times
before us are likely to be more difficult because, whatever may be said
about the present condition of the world's affairs, it is clear that
they are drawing rapidly to a climax, and at the climax the test will
come, not only of the nations engaged in the present colossal struggle,
it will come for them of course, but the test will come to us
particularly.
Do you realize that, roughly speaking, we are the only great nation at
present disengaged? I am not speaking, of course, with disparagement of
the greater of those nations in Europe which are not parties to the
present war, but I am thinking of their close neighborhood to it. I am
thinking how their lives much more than ours touch the very heart and
stuff of the business; whereas, we have rolling between us and those
bitter days across the water three thousand miles of cool and silent
ocean.
Our atmosphere is not yet charged with those disturbing elements which
must be felt and must permeate every nation of Europe. Therefore, is it
not likely that the nations of the world will some day turn to us for
the cooler assessment of the elements engaged?
I am not now thinking so preposterous a thought as that we should sit in
judgment upon them. No nation is fit to sit in judgment upon any other
nation, but that we shall some day have to assist in reconstructing the
processes of peace. Our resources are untouched; we are more and more
becoming by the force of circumstances the mediating nation of the world
in respect to its finances. We must make up our minds what are the best
things to do and what are the best ways to do them.
We must put our money, our energy, our enthusiasm, our sympathy into
these things; and we must have our judgments prepared and our spirits
chastened against the coming of that day. So that I am not speaking in a
selfish spirit when I say that our whole duty for the present, at any
rate, is summed up in this motto, "America first." Let us think of
America before we think of Europe, in order that America may be fit to
be Europe's friend when the day of tested friendship comes. The test of
friendship is not now sympathy with the one side or the other, but
getting ready to help both sides when the struggle is over.
The basis of neutrality, gentlemen, is not indifference; it is not
self-interest. The basis of neutrality is sympathy for mankind. It is
fairness, it is good-will at bottom. It is impartiality of spirit and of
judgment. I wish that all of our fellow-citizens could realize that.
There is in some quarters a disposition to create distempers in this
body politic. Men are even uttering slanders against the United States
as if to excite her. Men are saying that if we should go to war upon
either side there will be a divided America--an abominable libel of
ignorance. America is not all of it vocal just now. It is vocal in
spots.
But I for one have a complete and abiding faith in that great silent
body of Americans who are not standing up and shouting and expressing
their opinions just now, but are waiting to find out and support the
duty of America. I am just as sure of their solidity and of their
loyalty and of their unanimity, if we act justly, as I am that the
history of this country has at every crisis and turning point
illustrated this great lesson.
We are the mediating nation of the world. I do not mean that we
undertake not to mind our own business and to mediate where other people
are quarreling. I mean the word in a broader sense. We are compounded of
the nations of the world. We mediate their blood, we mediate their
traditions, we mediate their sentiments, their tastes, their passions;
we are ourselves compounded of those things.
We are, therefore, able to understand all nations; we are able to
understand them in the compound, not separately, as partisans, but
unitedly, as knowing and comprehending and embodying them all. It is in
that sense that I mean that America is a mediating nation. The opinion
of America, the action of America, is ready to turn and free to turn in
any direction.
Did you ever reflect upon how almost all other nations, almost every
other nation has through long centuries been headed in one direction?
That is not true of the United States. The United States has no racial
momentum. It has no history back of it which makes it run all its
energies and all its ambitions in one particular direction; and America
is particularly free in this, that she has no hampering ambitions as a
world power.
If we have been obliged by circumstances or have considered ourselves to
be obliged by circumstances, in the past to take territory which we
otherwise would not have thought of taking, I believe I am right in
saying that we have considered it our duty to administer that territory,
not for ourselves, but for the people living in it, and to put this
burden upon our consciences not to think that this thing is ours for our
use, but to regard ourselves as trustees of the great business for those
to whom it does really belong, trustees ready to hand over the cosmic
trust at any time when the business seems to make that possible and
feasible. That is what I mean by saying we have no hampering ambitions.
We do not want anything that does not belong to us. Isn't a nation in
that position free to serve other nations, and isn't a nation like that
ready to form some part of the assessing opinion of the world?
My interest in the neutrality of the United States is not the petty
desire to keep out of trouble. To judge by my experience I have never
been able to keep out of trouble. I have never looked for it, but I have
always found it. I do not want to walk around trouble. If any man wants
a scrap--that is, an interesting scrap and worth while--I am his man. I
warn him that he is not going to draw me into the scrap for his
advertisement, but if he is looking for trouble--that is, the trouble of
men in general--and I can help a little, why, then, I am in for it. But
I am interested in neutrality because there is something so much
greater to do than fight, because there is something, there is a
distinction waiting for this nation that no nation has ever yet got.
That is the distinction of absolute self-control and self-mastery.
Whom do you admire most among your friends? The irritable man? The man
out of whom you can get a "rise" without trying? The man who will fight
at the drop of the hat, whether he knows what the hat is dropped for or
not?
Don't you admire and don't you fear, if you have to contest with him,
the self-mastered man who watches you with calm eye and comes in only
when you have carried the thing so far that you must be disposed of?
That is the man you respect. That is the man who you know has at bottom
a much more fundamental and terrible courage than the irritable,
fighting man.
Now, I covet for America this splendid courage of reserve moral force,
and I wanted to point out to you gentlemen simply this: There is news
and news. There is what is called news from Turtle Bay, that turns out
to be falsehood, at any rate in what it is said to signify, and which if
you could get the nation to believe it true might disturb our
equilibrium and our self-possession. We ought not to deal in stuff of
that kind. We ought not to permit things of that sort to use up the
electrical energy of the wires, because its energy is malign, its energy
is not of the truth, its energy is of mischief.
It is possible to sift truth. I have known some things to go out on the
wires as true when there was only one man or one group of men who could
have told the originators of the report whether it was true or not, and
they were not asked whether it was true or not for fear it might not be
true. That sort of report ought not to go out over the wires.
There is generally, if not always, somebody who knows whether that thing
is so or not, and in these days above all other days we ought to take
particular pains to resort to the one small group of men or to the one
man, if there be but one, who knows whether those things are true or
not.
The world ought to know the truth, but the world ought not at this
period of unstable equilibrium to be disturbed by rumor, ought not to be
disturbed by imaginative combinations of circumstances or, rather, by
circumstances stated in combination which do not belong in combination.
For we are holding--not I, but you and gentlemen engaged like you--the
balances in your hand. This unstable equilibrium rests upon scales that
are in your hands. For the food of opinion, as I began by saying, is the
news of the day. I have known many a man go off at a tangent on
information that was not reliable. Indeed, that describes the majority
of men. The world is held stable by the man who waits for the next day
to find out whether the report was true or not.
We cannot afford, therefore, to let the rumors of irresponsible persons
and origins get into the atmosphere of the United States. We are
trustees for what I venture to say is the greatest heritage that any
nation ever had, the love of justice and righteousness and human
liberty. For fundamentally those are the things to which America is
addicted and to which she is devoted.
There are groups of selfish men in the United States, there are coteries
where sinister things are purposed, but the great heart of the American
people is just as sound and true as it ever was. And it is a single
heart; it is the heart of America. It is not a heart made up of sections
selected out of other countries.
So that what I try to remind myself of every day when I am almost
overcome by perplexities, what I try to remember, is what the people at
home are thinking about. I try to put myself in the place of the man who
does not know all the things that I know and ask myself what he would
like the policy of this country to be. Not the talkative man, not the
partisan man, not the man that remembers first that he is a Republican
or Democrat, or that his parents were Germans or English, but who
remembers first that the whole destiny of modern affairs centres largely
upon his being an American first of all.
If I permitted myself to be a partisan in this present struggle I would
be unworthy to represent you. If I permitted myself to forget the
people who are not partisans I would be unworthy to represent you. I am
not saying that I am worthy to represent you, but I do claim this degree
of worthiness--that before everything else I love America.
[Illustration: THE LATE ARCHDUKE FERDINAND
Whose Assassination at Serajevo Precipitated the European War]
[Illustration: H.M. NICHOLAS I.
King of Montenegro, the Smallest of the Allied Powers
_(Photo © American Press Assn.)_]
II.
"HUMANITY FIRST."
[_President Wilson's speech in Convention Hall, Philadelphia, Penn., May
10, 1915, before 4,000 newly naturalized citizens:_]
It warms my heart that you should give me such a reception, but it is
not of myself that I wish to think tonight, but of those who have just
become citizens of the United States. This is the only country in the
world which experiences this constant and repeated rebirth. Other
countries depend upon the multiplication of their own native people.
This country is constantly drinking strength out of new sources by the
voluntary association with it of great bodies of strong men and
forward-looking women. And so by the gift of the free will of
independent people it is constantly being renewed from generation to
generation by the same process by which it was originally created. It is
as if humanity had determined to see to it that this great nation,
founded for the benefit of humanity, should not lack for the allegiance
of the people of the world.
You have just taken an oath of allegiance to the United States. Of
allegiance to whom? Of allegiance to no one, unless it be God. Certainly
not of allegiance to those who temporarily represent this great
Government. You have taken an oath of allegiance to a great ideal, to a
great body of principles, to a great hope of the human race. You have
said, "We are going to America," not only to earn a living, not only to
seek the things which it was more difficult to obtain where you were
born, but to help forward the great enterprises of the human spirit--to
let men know that everywhere in the world there are men who will cross
strange oceans and go where a speech is spoken which is alien to them,
knowing that, whatever the speech, there is but one longing and
utterance of the human heart, and that is for liberty and justice.
And while you bring all countries with you, you come with a purpose of
leaving all other countries behind you--bringing what is best of their
spirit, but not looking over your shoulders and seeking to perpetuate
what you intended to leave in them. I certainly would not be one even to
suggest that a man cease to love the home of his birth and the nation of
his origin--these things are very sacred and ought not to be put out of
our hearts--but it is one thing to love the place where you were born
and it is another thing to dedicate yourself to the place to which you
go. You cannot dedicate yourself to America unless you become in every
respect and with every purpose of your will thorough Americans. You
cannot become thorough Americans if you think of yourselves in groups.
American does not consist of groups. A man who thinks himself as
belonging to a particular national group in America has not yet become
an American, and the man who goes among you to trade upon your
nationality is no worthy son to live under the Stars and Stripes.
My urgent advice to you would be not only always to think first of
America, but always, also, to think first of humanity. You do not love
humanity if you seek to divide humanity into jealous camps. Humanity can
be welded together only by love, by sympathy, by justice, not by
jealousy and hatred. I am sorry for the man who seeks to make personal
capital out of the passions of his fellow-men. He has lost the touch and
ideal of America, for America was created to unite mankind by those
passions which lift and not by the passions which separate and debase.
We came to America, either ourselves or in persons of our ancestors, to
better the ideals of men, to make them see finer things than they had
seen before, to get rid of things that divide, and to make sure of the
things that unite. It was but a historical accident no doubt that this
great country was called the "United States," and yet I am very
thankful that it has the word "united" in its title; and the man who
seeks to divide man from man, group from group, interest from interest,
in the United States is striking at its very heart.
It is a very interesting circumstance to me, in thinking of those of you
who have just sworn allegiance to this great Government, that you were
drawn across the ocean by some beckoning finger of hope, by some belief,
by some vision of a new kind of justice, by some expectation of a better
kind of life.
No doubt you have been disappointed in some of us; some of us are very
disappointing. No doubt you have found that justice in the United States
goes only with a pure heart and a right purpose as it does everywhere
else in the world. No doubt what you found here didn't seem touched for
you, after all, with the complete beauty of the ideal which you had
conceived beforehand.
But remember this, if we had grown at all poor in the ideal, you brought
some of it with you. A man does not go out to seek the thing that is not
in him. A man does not hope for the thing that he does not believe in,
and if some of us have forgotten what America believed in, you, at any
rate, imported in your own hearts a renewal of the belief. That is the
reason that I, for one, make you welcome.
If I have in any degree forgotten what America was intended for, I will
thank God if you will remind me.
I was born in America. You dreamed dreams of what America was to be, and
I hope you brought the dreams with you. No man that does not see visions
will ever realize any high hope or undertake any high enterprise.
Just because you brought dreams with you, America is more likely to
realize the dreams such as you brought. You are enriching us if you came
expecting us to be better than we are.
See, my friends, what that means. It means that Americans must have a
consciousness different from the consciousness of every other nation in
the world. I am not saying this with even the slightest thought of
criticism of other nations. You know how it is with a family. A family
gets centred on itself if it is not careful and is less interested in
the neighbors than it is in its own members.
So a nation that is not constantly renewed out of new sources is apt to
have the narrowness and prejudice of a family. Whereas, America must
have this consciousness, that on all sides it touches elbows and touches
hearts with all the nations of mankind.
The example of America must be a special example. The example of America
must be the example not merely of peace because it will not fight, but
of peace because peace is the healing and elevating influence of the
world and strife is not.
There is such a thing as a man being too proud to fight. There is such a
thing as a nation being so right that it does not need to convince
others by force that it is right.
So, if you come into this great nation as you have come, voluntarily
seeking something that we have to give, all that we have to give is
this: We cannot exempt you from work. No man is exempt from work
anywhere in the world. I sometimes think he is fortunate if he has to
work only with his hands and not with his head. It is very easy to do
what other people give you to do, but it is very difficult to give other
people things to do. We cannot exempt you from work; we cannot exempt
you from the strife and the heart-breaking burden of the struggle of the
day--that is common to mankind everywhere. We cannot exempt you from the
loads that you must carry; we can only make them light by the spirit in
which they are carried. That is the spirit of hope, it is the spirit of
liberty, it is the spirit of justice.
When I was asked, therefore, by the Mayor and the committee that
accompanied him to come up from Washington to meet this great company of
newly admitted citizens I could not decline the invitation. I ought not
to be away from Washington, and yet I feel that it has renewed my spirit
as an American.
In Washington men tell you so many things every day that are not so,
and I like to come and stand in the presence of a great body of my
fellow-citizens, whether they have been my fellow-citizens a long time
or a short time, and drink, as it were, out of the common fountains with
them and go back feeling that you have so generously given me the sense
of your support and of the living vitality in your hearts, of its great
ideals which made America the hope of the world.
III.
AMERICA FOR HUMANITY.
[_President Wilson's address to the Mayor's Committee in New York, May
17, 1915, on the occasion of the naval parade and review in the
Hudson:_]
Mr. Mayor, Mr. Secretary, Admiral Fletcher, and Gentlemen of the Fleet:
This is not an occasion upon which it seems to me that it would be wise
for me to make many remarks, but I would deprive myself of a great
gratification if I did not express my pleasure in being here, my
gratitude for the splendid reception which has been accorded me as the
representative of the nation, and my profound interest in the navy of
the United States. That is an interest with which I was apparently born,
for it began when I was a youngster and has ripened with my knowledge of
the affairs and policies of the United States.
I think it is a natural, instinctive judgment of the people of the
United States that they express their power appropriately in an
efficient navy, and their interest is partly, I believe, because that
navy somehow is expected to express their character, not within our own
borders where that character is understood, but outside our borders,
where it is hoped we may occasionally touch others with some slight
vision of what America stands for.
But before I speak of the navy of the United States I want to take
advantage of the first public opportunity I have had to speak of the
Secretary of the Navy, to express my confidence and my admiration, and
to say that he has my unqualified support, for I have counseled with
him in intimate fashion. I know how sincerely he has it at heart that
everything that the navy does and handles should be done and handled as
the people of the United States wish them handled--because efficiency is
something more than organization. Efficiency runs into every
well-considered detail of personnel and method. Efficiency runs to the
extent of lifting the ideals of a service above every personal interest.
So that when I speak my support of the Secretary of the Navy I am merely
speaking my support of what I know every true lover of the navy to
desire and to purpose, for the navy of the United States is a body
specially trusted with the ideal of America.
I like to image in my thought this ideal. These quiet ships lying in the
river have no suggestion of bluster about them--no intimation of
aggression. They are commanded by men thoughtful of the duty of citizens
as well as the duty of officers--men acquainted with the traditions of
the great service to which they belong--men who know by touch with the
people of the United States what sort of purposes they ought to
entertain and what sort of discretion they ought to exercise in order to
use those engines of force as engines to promote the interests of
humanity.
For the interesting and inspiring thing about America, gentlemen, is
that she asks nothing for herself except what she has a right to ask for
humanity itself. We want no nation's property; we wish to question no
nation's honor; we wish to stand selfishly in the way of the development
of no nation; we want nothing that we cannot get by our own legitimate
enterprise and by the inspiration of our own example, and, standing for
these things, it is not pretention on our part to say that we are
privileged to stand for what every nation would wish to stand for, and
speak for those things which all humanity must desire.
When I think of the flag that those ships carry, the only touch of color
about them, the only thing that moves as if it had a settled spirit in
it, in their solid structure, it seems to me I see alternate strips of
parchment upon which are written the rights of liberty and justice and
strips of blood spilt to vindicate those rights, and then, in the
corner, a prediction of the blue serene into which every nation may swim
which stands for these great things.
The mission of America is the only thing that a sailor or soldier should
think about; he has nothing to do with the formulation of her policy; he
is to support her policy, whatever it is--but he is to support her
policy in the spirit of herself, and the strength of our policy is that
we, who for the time being administer the affairs of this nation, do not
originate her spirit; we attempt to embody it; we attempt to realize it
in action we are dominated by it, we do not dictate it.
And so with every man in arms who serves the nation--he stands and waits
to do the thing which the nation desires. America sometimes seems
perhaps to forget her programs, or, rather, I would say that sometimes
those who represent her seem to forget her programs, but the people
never forget them. It is as startling as it is touching to see how
whenever you touch a principle you touch the hearts of the people of the
United States. They listen to your debates of policy, they determine
which party they will prefer to power, they choose and prefer as
ordinary men; but their real affection, their real force, their real
irresistible momentum, is for the ideas which men embody.
I never go on the streets of a great city without feeling that somehow I
do not confer elsewhere than on the streets with the great spirit of the
people themselves, going about their business, attending to the things
which concern them, and yet carrying a treasure at their hearts all the
while, ready to be stirred not only as individuals, but as members of a
great union of hearts that constitutes a patriotic people.
And so this sight in the river touches me merely as a symbol of that,
and it quickens the pulse of every man who realizes these things to have
anything to do with them. When a crisis occurs in this country,
gentlemen, it is as if you put your hand on the pulse of a dynamo, it is
as if the things which you were in connection with were spiritually
bred. You had nothing to do with them except, if you listen truly, to
speak the things that you hear. These things now brood over the river,
this spirit now moves with the men who represent the nation in the navy,
these things will move upon the waters in the manoeuvres; no threat
lifted against any man, against any nation, against any interest, but
just a great, solemn evidence that the force of America is the force of
moral principle, that there is not anything else that she loves and that
there is not anything else for which she will contend.
Two Ex-Presidents' Views
MR. ROOSEVELT SPEAKS.
[Special to THE NEW YORK TIMES.]
_SYRACUSE, N.Y., May 7.--Ex-President Roosevelt, after learning details
of the sinking of the Lusitania, made this statement late tonight:_
This represents not merely piracy, but piracy on a vaster scale of
murder than old-time pirates ever practiced. This is the warfare which
destroyed Louvain and Dinant and hundreds of men, women, and children in
Belgium. It is a warfare against innocent men, women, and children
traveling on the ocean, and our own fellow-countrymen and countrywomen,
who are among the sufferers.
It seems inconceivable that we can refrain from taking action in this
matter, for we owe it not only to humanity, but to our own national
self-respect.
_On May 9 a Syracuse dispatch to_ THE NEW YORK TIMES _conveyed this
statement from Mr. Roosevelt:_
On the night of the day that the disaster occurred I called the
attention of our people to the fact that the sinking of the Lusitania
was not only an act of simple piracy, but that it represented piracy
accompanied by murder on a vaster scale than any old-time pirate had
ever practiced before being hanged for his misdeeds.
I called attention to the fact that this was merely the application on
the high seas, and at our expense, of the principles which when applied
on land had produced the innumerable hideous tragedies that have
occurred in Belgium and in Northern France.
I said that not only our duty to humanity at large but our duty to
preserve our own national self-respect demanded instant action on our
part and forbade all delay.
I can do little more than reiterate what I then said.
When the German decree establishing the war zone was issued, and of
course plainly threatened exactly the type of tragedy which has
occurred, our Government notified Germany that in the event of any such
wrongdoing at the expense of our citizens we would hold the German
Government to "a strict accountability."
The use of this phrase, "strict accountability," of course, must mean,
and can only mean, that action will be taken by us without an hour's
unnecessary delay. It was eminently proper to use the exact phrase that
was used, and, having used it, our own self-respect demands that we
forthwith abide by it.
_On May 11, following the report of President Wilson's speech at
Philadelphia, Mr. Roosevelt stated the course which he considered that
this country should adopt, reported as follows in a Syracuse dispatch
to_ THE NEW YORK TIMES:
Colonel Roosevelt announced today what action, in his opinion, this
country should take toward Germany because of the sinking of the
Lusitania. Colonel Roosevelt earnestly said that the time for
deliberation was past and that within twenty-four hours this country
could, and should, take effective action by declaring that all commerce
with Germany forthwith be forbidden and that all commerce of every kind
permitted and encouraged with France, England, and "the rest of the
civilized world."
Colonel Roosevelt said that for America to take this step would not mean
war, as the firm assertion of our rights could not be so construed, but
he added that we would do well to remember that there were things worse
than war.
The Colonel has been reading President Wilson's speech carefully, and
what seemed to impress him more than anything else was this passage from
it:
"There is such a thing as a man being too proud to fight. There is such
a thing as a nation being so right that it does not need to convince
others by force that it is right."
Asked if he cared to make any comment upon the speech of the President,
Mr. Roosevelt said:
"I think that China is entitled to draw all the comfort she can from
this statement and it would be well for the United States to ponder
seriously what the effect upon China has been of managing her foreign
affairs during the last fifteen years on the theory thus enunciated.
"If the United States is satisfied with occupying some time in the
future the precise international position that China now occupies, then
the United States can afford to act on this theory. But it cannot act on
this theory if it desires to retain or regain the position won for it by
the men who fought under Washington and by the men who, in the days of
Abraham Lincoln, wore the blue under Grant and the gray under Lee.
"I very earnestly hope that we will act promptly. The proper time for
deliberation was prior to sending the message that our Government would
hold Germany to a strict accountability if it did the things it has now
actually done. The 150 babies drowned on the Lusitania the hundreds of
women drowned with them, scores of these women and children being
Americans, and the American ship, the Gulflight, which was torpedoed,
offer an eloquent commentary on the actual working of the theory that
force is not necessary to assert, and that a policy of blood and iron
can with efficacy be met by a policy of milk and water.
"I see it stated in the press dispatches from Washington that Germany
now offers to stop the practice on the high seas, committed in violation
of the neutral rights that she is pledged to observe, if we will abandon
further neutral rights, which by her treaty she has solemnly pledged
herself to see that we exercise without molestation. Such a proposal is
not even entitled to an answer. The manufacturing and shipment of arms
and ammunition to any belligerent is moral or immoral according to the
use to which the arms and munitions are to be put. If they are to be
used to prevent the redress of the hideous wrongs inflicted on Belgium,
then it is immoral to ship them. If they are to be used for the redress
of those wrongs and the restoration of Belgium to her deeply wronged and
unoffending people, then it is eminently moral to send them.
"Without twenty-four hours' delay this country could, and should, take
effective action by declaring that in view of Germany's murderous
offenses against the rights of neutrals, all commerce with Germany shall
be forthwith forbidden, and all commerce of every kind permitted and
encouraged with France, England, and the rest of the civilized world.
This would not be a declaration of war. It would merely prevent
munitions of war being sent to a power which by its conduct has shown
willingness to use munitions to slaughter American men and women and
children. I do not believe the assertion of our rights means war, but we
will do well to remember there are things worse than war.
"Let us, as a nation, understand that peace is worthy only when it is
the handmaiden of international righteousness and of national
self-respect."
MR. TAFT SPEAKS.
[By The Associated Press.]
MILWAUKEE, May 8.--"The news of the sinking of the Lusitania as it comes
this morning is most distressing," said former President Taft on his
arrival from Madison today. "It presents a situation of the most
difficult character, properly awakening great national concern.
"I do not wish to embarrass the President of the Administration by a
discussion of the subject at this stage of the information, except to
express confidence that the President will follow a wise and patriotic
course."
_That it is possible for the United States to hold Germany "strictly
accountable" for the destruction of American lives on the Lusitania
without resort to war is Mr. Taft's opinion, reported in the following
dispatch from Philadelphia to_ THE NEW YORK TIMES _on May 11:_
"We must bear in mind that if we have a war it is the people, the men
and women, fathers and mothers, brothers and sisters, who must pay with
lives and money the cost of it, and therefore they should not be hurried
into the sacrifices until it is made clear that they wish it and know
what they are doing when they wish it."
This was the keynote of a speech by ex-President Taft at the celebration
of the fiftieth anniversary of the Union League's occupancy of the
historic home which it occupies in this city.
"Is war the only method of making a nation accountable? Let us look into
our own history. England connived at the fitting out of armed vessels,
to prey on our commerce, to attack our navy, and to kill our sailors. We
protested, and what did we do then? We held her strictly accountable in
the Geneva Conference. Was not our honor as much preserved by this
method as it would have been had we declared war?
"I agree that the inhumanity of the circumstances in the case now
presses us on, but in the heat of even just indignation is this the best
time to act, when action involves such momentous consequences and means
untold loss of life and treasure? There are things worse than war, but
delay, due to calm deliberation, cannot change the situation or minimize
the effect of what we finally conclude to do.
"With the present condition of the war in Europe, our action, if it is
to be extreme, will not lose efficiency by giving time to the people,
whose war it will be, to know what they are facing.
"A demand for war that cannot survive the passion of the first days of
public indignation and will not endure the test of delay and
deliberation by all the people is not one that should be yielded to."
President Wilson's Note
By Ex-President William H. Taft.
_At the dinner of Methodist laymen in New York on May 14, 1915,
following the publication of President Wilson's note to Germany,
ex-President Taft said:_
"Admirable in tone, moderate in the judicial spirit that runs through
the entire communication, dignified in the level that the writer takes
with respect to international obligations, accurate in its statement of
international law, he puts the case of the United States in a way that
may well call for our earnest concurrence and confirmation."
Another View
By Beatrice Barry.
"When the torch is near the powder"--when a boat, f'r instance, sinks,
And the "hyphens" raise a loud hurrah and blow themselves to drinks;
When 'bout a hundred neutral lives are snuffed out like a torch,
An' "hyphens" read the news an' smoke, a-settin' on the porch--
Well, it's then the native's kind o' apt to see a little red,
An' it's hardly fair to criticise the burning things he sed.
For since the eagle's not a bird that thrives within a cage,
One kind o' hears with sympathy his screams of baffled rage.
There's something sort o' horrible, that catches at the breath,
To visualize some two score babes most foully done to death;
To see their fright, their struggles--to watch their lips turn blue--
There ain't no use denyin', it will raise the deuce with you.
O yes, God bless the President--he's an awful row to hoe,
An' God grant, too, that peace with honor hand in hand may go,
But let's not call men "rotters," 'cause, while we are standing pat,
They lose their calm serenity, an' can't see things like that!
In the Submarine War Zone
[By The Associated Press.]
LIVERPOOL, May 16.--The passengers on board the American Line steamer
Philadelphia, which arrived here today from New York, the steamer
docking at 1 P.M., experienced during the voyage much anxiety. On Friday
afternoon, out in the Atlantic off the west coast of Ireland, a cruiser
appeared and approached the liner. The chief topic of conversation
during the voyage had been about the German submarine activities, and
the sight of the warship caused some alarm. The cruiser approached near
enough to the steamer to exchange signals with her.
A number of passengers spent last night on deck in their chairs with
lifebelts beside them in case of danger. The boats of the Philadelphia
were ready for use. The steamer kept a course much further out from the
Irish coast than the Lusitania was traversing when she was torpedoed.
The port officials subjected the passengers of the Philadelphia to a
careful examination to discover if there were any spies on board, but
nobody was detained. By reason of this precaution it was more than an
hour after the steamer arrived before her passengers began to debark.
American Shipments of Arms
By Count von Bernstorff, German Ambassador at Washington
Count von Bernstorff, the German Ambassador, made public on
April 11, 1915, a memorandum addressed to the United States
Government on April 4, complaining of its attitude toward the
shipment of war munitions to the Allies and the non-shipment
of foodstuffs to Germany. After picturing the foreign policy
of the United States Government as one of futility, Count von
Bernstorff's memorandum says it must be "assumed that the
United States Government has accepted England's violations of
international law." Its full text appears below, followed by
that of the American State Department's reply.
The different British Orders in Council have altered the universally
recognized rules of international law in such a one-sided manner that
they arbitrarily suppress the trade of neutral countries with Germany.
Already, prior to the last Order in Council, the shipment of conditional
contraband, especially foodstuffs, to Germany was practically
impossible. In fact, prior to the protest which the American Government
made in London on Dec. 28, 1914, not a single shipment of such goods for
Germany has been effected from the United States.
Also, after the lodging of the protest, and as far as is known to the
German Embassy, only one such shipment has been attempted by an American
skipper. Ship and cargo were immediately seized by the British, and are
still detained at a British port. As a pretext for this unwarranted
action the British Government referred to a decree of the German Federal
Council concerning the wheat trade, although this decree only covered
wheat and flour and no other foodstuffs, although imported foodstuffs
were especially exempt from this decree, and although the German
Government had given all necessary guarantees to the United States
Government, and had even proposed a special organization in order to
secure these foodstuffs for the exclusive consumption of the civilian
population.
The seizure of an American ship under these circumstances was in
contradiction with the recognized principles of international law.
Nevertheless the United States Government has not yet obtained the
release of the ship, nor has it after eight months of war succeeded in
safeguarding the legitimate American trade with Germany. Such a delay,
especially when the supply of foodstuffs is concerned, seems equivalent
to complete failure. It is therefore to be assumed that the United
States Government has accepted England's violations of international
law.
Furthermore has to be considered the attitude of the Government of the
United States concerning the question of the exportation of war
material. The Imperial Embassy hopes to agree with the Government of the
United States in assuming that, with regard to the question of
neutrality, there is not only the formal side to be considered, but also
the spirit in which neutrality is enforced.
Conditions in the present war are different from those in any former
wars. For this reason it is not justified to point at the fact that
perhaps in former wars Germany furnished belligerents with war material,
because in those former cases the question was not whether any war
material was to be furnished to the belligerents but merely which one of
the competing countries would furnish it. In the present war, with the
exception of the United States, all the countries capable of a
noteworthy production of war material are either at war themselves or
completing their armaments, and have accordingly prohibited the
exportation of war material. Therefore the United States of America is
the only country in a position to export war material. This fact ought
to give a new meaning to the idea of neutrality, independent of the
formal law.
Instead of that, and in contradiction with the real spirit of
neutrality, an enormous new industry of war materials of every kind is
being built up in the United States, inasmuch as not only the existing
plants are kept busy and enlarged, but also new ones are continually
founded.
The international agreements for the protection of the right of neutrals
originate in the necessity of protecting the existing industries of the
neutral countries. They were never intended to encourage the creation of
entirely new industries in neutral States, as, for instance, the new war
industry in the United States, which supplies only one party of the
belligerents.
In reality the American industry is supplying only Germany's enemies. A
fact which is in no way modified by the purely theoretical willingness
to furnish Germany as well, if it were possible.
If the American people desire to observe true neutrality, they will find
means to stop the exclusive exportation of arms to one side, or at
least to use this export trade as a means to uphold the legitimate trade
with Germany, especially the trade in foodstuffs. This spirit of
neutrality should appear the more justified to the United States as it
has been maintained toward Mexico.
According to the declaration of a Congressman, made in the House
Committee for Foreign Relations Dec. 30, 1914, President Wilson is
quoted as having said on Feb. 4, 1914, when the embargo on arms for
Mexico was lifted:
"We should stand for genuine neutrality, considering the
surrounding facts of the case." He then held in that case,
because Carranza had no ports, while Huerta had them and was
able to import these materials, that "it was our duty as a
nation to treat them (Carranza and Huerta) upon an equality if
we wished to observe the true spirit of neutrality as compared
with a mere paper neutrality."
This conception of "the true spirit of neutrality," if applied to the
present case, would lead to an embargo on arms.
The American Reply
_The following note, which contains a vigorous rebuke to the German
Ambassador for the freedom of his remarks on the course taken by the
United States toward the belligerent powers, was made public at
Washington on April 21, 1916. It was then reported that the note was
finally drafted by President Wilson himself and written by him on his
own typewriter at the White House, although it is signed by Mr. Bryan as
Secretary of State:_
I have given thoughtful consideration to your Excellency's note of the
4th of April, 1915, inclosing a memorandum of the same date, in which
your Excellency discusses the action of this Government with regard to
trade between the United States and Germany, and the attitude of this
Government with regard to the exportation of arms from the United States
to the nations now at war with Germany.
I must admit that I am somewhat at a loss how to interpret your
Excellency's treatment of these matters. There are many circumstances
connected with these important subjects to which I would have expected
your Excellency to advert but of which you make no mention, and there
are other circumstances to which you do refer which I would have
supposed to be hardly appropriate for discussion between the Government
of the United States and the Government of Germany.
I shall take the liberty, therefore, of regarding your Excellency's
references to the course, pursued by the Government of the United
States, with regard to interferences with trade from this country such
as the Government of Great Britain have attempted, as intended merely to
illustrate more fully the situation to which you desire to call our
attention, and not as an invitation to discuss that course.
Your Excellency's long experience in international affairs will have
suggested to you that these relations of the two Governments with one
another cannot wisely be made a subject of discussion with a third
Government, which cannot be fully informed as to the facts, and which
cannot be fully cognizant of the reasons for the course pursued.
I believe, however, that I am justified in assuming that what you desire
to call forth is a frank statement of the position of this Government in
regard to its obligations as a neutral power.
The general attitude and course of policy of this Government in the
maintenance of its neutrality I am particularly anxious that your
Excellency should see in their true light. I had hoped that this
Government's position in these respects had been made abundantly clear,
but I am, of course, perfectly willing to state it again.
This seems to me the more necessary and desirable because, I regret to
say, the language, which your Excellency employs in your memorandum, is
susceptible of being construed as impugning the good faith of the United
States in the performance of its duties as a neutral.
I take it for granted that no such implication was intended, but it is
so evident that your Excellency is laboring under certain false
impressions that I cannot be too explicit in setting forth the facts as
they are, when fully reviewed and comprehended.
In the first place, this Government has at no time and in no manner
yielded any one of its rights as a neutral to any one of the present
belligerents.
It has acknowledged, as a matter of course, the right of visit and
search and the right to apply the rules of contraband of war to articles
of commerce. It has, indeed, insisted upon the use of visit and search
as an absolutely necessary safeguard against mistaking neutral vessels
for vessels owned by any enemy and against mistaking legal cargoes for
illegal. It has admitted also the right of blockade if actually
exercised and effectively maintained.
These are merely the well-known limitations which war places upon
neutral commerce on the high seas. But nothing beyond these has it
conceded.
I call your Excellency's attention to this, notwithstanding it is
already known to all the world as a consequence of the publication of
our correspondence in regard to these matters with several of the
belligerent nations, because I cannot assume that you have official
cognizance of it.
In the second place, this Government attempted to secure from the German
and British Governments mutual concessions with regard to the measures
those Governments respectively adopted for the interruption of trade on
the high seas. This it did, not of right, but merely as exercising the
privileges of a sincere friend of both parties and as indicating its
impartial good-will.
The attempt was unsuccessful, but I regret that your Excellency did not
deem it worthy of mention in modification of the impressions you
expressed. We had hoped that this act on our part had shown our spirit
in these times of distressing war, as our diplomatic correspondence had
shown our steadfast refusal to acknowledge the right of any belligerent
to alter the accepted rules of war at sea in so far as they affect the
rights and interests of neutrals.
In the third place, I note with sincere regret that in discussing the
sale and exportation of arms by citizens of the United States to the
enemies of Germany, your Excellency seems to be under the impression
that it was within the choice of the Government of the United States,
notwithstanding its professed neutrality and its diligent efforts to
maintain it in other particulars, to inhibit this trade, and that its
failure to do so manifested an unfair attitude toward Germany.
This Government holds, as I believe your Excellency is aware and as it
is constrained to hold in view of the present indisputable doctrines of
accepted international law, that any change in its own laws of
neutrality during the progress of a war, which would affect unequally
the relations of the United States with the nations at war, would be an
unjustifiable departure from the principle of strict neutrality, by
which it has consistently sought to direct its actions, and I
respectfully submit that none of the circumstances, urged in your
Excellency's memorandum, alters the principle involved.
The placing of an embargo on the trade in arms at the present time would
constitute such a change and be a direct violation of the neutrality of
the United States. It will, I feel assured, be clear to your Excellency
that holding this view and considering itself in honor bound by it, it
is out of the question for this Government to consider such a course.
I hope that your Excellency will realize the spirit in which I am
drafting this reply. The friendship between the people of the United
States and the people of Germany is so warm and of such long standing,
the ties which bind them to one another in amity are so many and so
strong, that this Government feels under a special compulsion to speak
with perfect frankness, when any occasion arises which seems likely to
create any misunderstanding, however slight or temporary, between those
who represent the Governments of the two countries.
It will be a matter of gratification to me if I have removed from your
Excellency's mind any misapprehension you may have been under regarding
either the policy or the spirit and purposes of the Government of the
United States.
Its neutrality is founded upon the firm basis of conscience and
good-will.
Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of my highest consideration.
W.J. BRYAN.
Munitions From Neutrals
[Colloquy in the House of Commons, May 4, 1915.]
Sir E. Grey, in reply to Sir A. Markham, (L., Mansfield,) said: The
United States Government have not at any time during the present war
supplied any war material of any kind to his Majesty's Government, and I
do not suppose that they have supplied any of the belligerents. It has
always been a recognized legitimate practice, and wholly consistent with
international law, for manufacturers in a neutral country to sell
munitions of war to belligerents. They were supplied in this way from
Germany to Russia during the Russo-Japanese war, and from Germany to
Great Britain during the Boer war, and are no doubt being supplied in
the same way from manufacturers in neutral countries to belligerents
now.
Mr. MacNeill (N., South Donegal)--Has not the rule always been, before
The Hague Conferences at all, that subjects of neutral nations are
allowed to supply munitions of war at their own risk?
Sir E. Grey--It is wholly consistent with international law that that
practice should go forward, and if there be any question of departure
from neutrality I think it will be, not in permitting that practice, but
in interfering with it. [Cheers.]
Germany and the Lusitania
By Charles W. Eliot
_President Emeritus of Harvard University._
That the sinking of the Lusitania was an act which outraged
not only the existing conventions of the civilized world but
the moral feelings of present civilized society is the view
put forth in his letter to THE NEW YORK TIMES, appearing May
15, 1915, by one of the most distinguished commentators on the
war. Dr. Eliot counsels that America's part is to resist such
a no-faith policy while keeping its neutral status.
Cambridge, Mass., May 13, 1915.
_To the Editor of The New York Times:_
The sinking of a great merchant vessel, carrying 2,500 noncombatant men,
women, and children, without giving them any chance to save their lives,
was in violation of long-standing conventions among civilized nations,
concerning the conduct of naval warfare. The pre-existing conventions
gave to a German vessel of war the right to destroy the Lusitania and
her cargo, if it were impossible to carry her into port as a prize; but
not to drown her passengers and crew. The pre-existing conventions or
agreements were, however, entered into by the civilized nations when
captures at sea were made by war vessels competent to take a prize into
some port, or to take off the passengers and crew of the captured
vessel.
The German Government now alleges that submarines are today the only
vessels it can employ effectively for attack on British commerce in the
declared war zone about the British Isles, since the rest of the German
Navy cannot keep the seas in face of the superior British Navy. Germany
further alleges that the present British blockade of German ports is
conducted in a new way--that is, by vessels which patrol the German
coast at a greater distance from the actual harbors than was formerly
the international practice; and hence, that Germany is justified in
conducting her attack on British commerce in a novel way also. In short,
Germany argues that her military necessities compel her to sink enemy
commercial vessels without regard to the lives of passengers and crews,
in spite of the fact that she was party to international agreements that
no such act should be committed.
The lesson which the sinking of the Lusitania teaches is, therefore,
this: Germany thinks it right to disregard on grounds of military
necessity existing international conventions with regard to naval
warfare, precisely as she disregarded the agreed-upon neutrality of
Belgium on the ground of military necessity. As in the case of Belgium
she had decided many years beforehand to violate the international
neutrality agreement, and had made all her plans for reaching Paris in a
few weeks by passing through Belgium, so on the sea she had decided
months ago that the necessity of interfering as much as possible with
British commerce and industries warrants her total disregard of the
existing rules of naval warfare, and has deliberately contrived the
sinking of merchant vessels without regard to the lives of the people on
board.
Again, when Germany thought it necessary on her quick march toward Paris
not only to crush the Belgian Army but to terrify the noncombatant
population of Belgium into complete submission by bombarding and burning
cities, towns, and villages, by plundering and shooting noncombatants,
by imposing heavy fines and ransoms, and by holding noncombatants as
hostages for the peaceable behavior of all Belgian citizens, she
disregarded all the conventions made by the civilized nations within
seventy years for mitigating the horrors of war, and justified her
action on the ground that it was a military necessity, since in no other
way could she immediately secure the safety of her communications as
she rushed on Paris. The civilized world had supposed that each nation
would make war only on the public forces and resources of its
antagonist; but last August Germany made ferocious war on noncombatants
and private property.
The sinking of the Lusitania is another demonstration that the present
German Government will not abide by any international contracts,
treaties, or agreements, if they, at a given moment, would interfere
with any military or naval course of action which the Government deems
necessary.
These demonstrated policies and purposes of the German Empire raise the
fundamental question--how is the civilization of the white race to be
carried forward? How are the real welfare of that race and the happiness
of the individuals that compose it to be hereafter furthered? Since the
revolutions in England, America, and France, it has been supposed that
civilization was to be advanced by international agreements or treaties,
by the co-operation of the civilized nations in the gradual improvement
of these agreements, and by the increasing practical effect given to
them by nations acting in co-operation; but now comes the German Empire
with its military force, immense in numbers and efficient beyond all
former experience through the intelligent use for destructive purposes
of the new powers attained by applied science, saying not only in words,
but in terrible acts: "We shall not abide by any international contracts
or agreements into which we may have previously entered, if at the
passing moment they interfere or conflict with the most advantageous
immediate use of our military and naval force." If this doctrine shall
now prevail in Europe, the foundations of modern civilization and of all
friendly and beneficial commerce the world over will be undermined.
The sinking of the Lusitania, therefore, makes perfectly clear the
nature of the problem with which the three Allies in Europe are now
struggling. They are resisting with all the weapons of war a nation
which declares that its promises are good only till it is, in its own
judgment, under the military necessity of breaking them.
The neutral nations are looking on at this tremendous conflict between
good-faith nations and no-faith nations with intense anxiety and sorrow,
but no longer in any doubt as to the nature of the issue. The sinking of
the Lusitania has removed every doubt; because that was a deliberate act
in full sight of the world, and of a nature not to be obscured or
confused by conflicting testimonies or questions about possible
exaggeration of outrages or about official responsibility for them. The
sinking of the Lusitania was an act which outraged not only the existing
conventions of the civilized world in regard to naval warfare, but the
moral feelings of present civilized society.
The neutral nations and some of the belligerent nations feel another
strong objection to the present German way of conducting war on land and
sea, namely that it brutalizes the soldier and the sailor to an
unprecedented degree. English French, and Russian soldiers on the one
side can contend with German, Austrian and Turkish soldiers on the other
with the utmost fierceness from trenches or in the open, use new and old
weapons of destruction, and kill and wound each other with equal ardor
and resolution, and yet not be brutalized or degraded in their moral
nature, if they fight from love of country or with self-sacrificing
loyalty to its spiritual ideals; but neither soldiers nor sailors can
attack defenseless noncombatants, systematically destroy towns and
villages, and put to death captured men, women, and children without
falling in their moral nature before the brutes. That he obeyed orders
will not save from moral ruin the soldier or sailor who does such deeds.
He should have refused to obey such orders and taken the consequences.
This is true even of the privates, but more emphatically of the
officers. The white race has often been proud of the way in which its
soldiers and sailors have fought in many causes--good, bad, and
indifferent; because they fought bravely took defeat resolutely, and
showed humanity after victory. The German method of conducting war
omits chivalry, mercy, and humanity, and thereby degrades the German
Nation and any other nation which sympathizes with it or supports its
methods. It is no answer to the world's objection to the sinking of the
Lusitania that Great Britain uses its navy to cut off from Germany food
and needed supplies for its industries, for that is a recognized and
effective method of warfare; whereas the sinking of an occasional
merchant ship with its passengers and crew is a method of warfare
nowhere effective, and almost universally condemned. If war, with its
inevitable stratagems, ambuscades, and lies must continue to be the
arbiter in international disputes, it is certainly desirable that such
magnanimity in war as the conventions of the last century made possible
should not be lost because of Germany's behavior in the present European
convulsion. It is also desirable to reaffirm with all possible emphasis
that fidelity to international agreements is the taproot of human
progress.
On the supposition that the people of the United States have learned the
lesson of the Lusitania, so far as an understanding of the issues at
stake in this gigantic war is concerned, can they also get from it any
guidance in regard to their own relation to the fateful struggle?
Apparently, not yet. With practical unanimity the American people will
henceforth heartily desire the success of the Allies, and the decisive
defeat of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Turkey. With practical unanimity
they will support whatever action the Administration at Washington shall
decide to take in the immediate emergency; but at present they do not
feel that they know whether they can best promote the defeat of the
Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Turkey by remaining
neutral or by taking active part in the conflict. Unless a dismemberment
of Austria-Hungary is brought about by Italy and Rumania or some other
Balkan State entering the war on the side of the Allies, it now seems as
if neither party would acknowledge defeat until exhausted or brought to
a sudden moral collapse. Exhaustion in war can best be prevented by
maintaining in activity the domestic industries and general
productiveness of the nation involved in war and those of the neutral
nations which are in position to feed it, and manufacture for it
munitions, clothing, and the other supplies that war demands. While
remaining strictly neutral, North and South America can be of great
service to the Allies. To be sure, as a neutral the United States will
be obliged to give some aid to Germany and her allies, such, for
example, as harboring the interned commercial fleet of Germany; but this
aid will be comparatively insignificant. The services which the American
republics can thus render to the cause of liberty and civilization are
probably more considerable than any they could render by direct
contributions of military or naval force. Kept free from the drain of
war, the republics will be better able to supply food, clothing,
munitions, and money to the Allies both during the war and after the
conclusion of peace.
On the whole, the wisest thing the neutral nations can do, which are
remote from the theatres of war, and have no territorial advantages to
seek at the coming of peace, is probably to defend vigorously and with
the utmost sincerity and frankness all the existing rights of neutrals.
By acting thus in the present case they will promote national
righteousness and hinder national depravity, discourage, for the future,
domination by any single great power in any part of the world, and help
the cause of civilization by strengthening the just liberty and
independence of many nations--large and small, and of different
capacities and experiences--which may reasonably hope, if the Prussian
terror can be abolished, to live together in peaceful co-operation for
the common good.
Appeals for American Defense
Need of Further Protecting Neutral Rights Set Forth.
By GEORGE W. WICKERSHAM.
_Formerly United States Attorney General._
_To the Editor of The New York Times:_
The destruction of the Lusitania by the Germans, and the wanton killing
of American men, women, and children, without warning, brings sharply
before the American people the question of how long the present sexless
policy of the conduct of our affairs is to be continued. Germany has
apparently decided to run amuck with civilization. It is now for the
American people to decide whether this nation has any virility left, or
if it is content to sink to the level of China.
A very clear course, it seems to me, is open for us to pursue: We should
cancel all diplomatic relations with a country which has declared war
upon civilization, recall our Ambassador from Berlin, and hand Count
Bernstorff his passports. Congress should be summoned in extra session,
and an appropriation of at least $250,000,000 asked to put us in a
condition to protect our rights as a neutral civilized power. At the
same time we should invite all neutral nations of the world to join us
in a council of civilization to agree upon the steps to be taken to
protect the interests of all neutral powers and their citizens from such
wanton acts of destruction of life and property as those which Germany
has been committing and which have culminated in the destruction of the
Lusitania and of so many of her passengers.
Until now the National Administration has been proceeding not only on
the basis of "safety first," but of safety first, last, and all the
time. The time has arrived when we must remember the truth of what
Lowell so well expressed, that
'Tis man's perdition to be safe, when for the truth he ought
to die.
GEORGE W. WICKERSHAM.
BY THE NATIONAL SECURITY LEAGUE.
[From THE NEW YORK TIMES, May 11, 1915.]
_The army, navy, and coast defenses of the United States are declared to
be inadequate in an open letter signed by Joseph H. Choate, Alton B.
Parker, Henry L. Stimson, and S. Stanwood Menken, which was given out
yesterday in support of the plans of the National Security League. This
organization, which maintains offices at 31 Pine Street, has embarked on
a national campaign for better war defenses, and its appeal for members
and supporters is expressed by the catch-phrase, "a first defense army
of 1,000,000 workers."_
_The letter of Messrs. Choate, Parker, Stimson, and Menken contains most
of the arguments put forth by the league in asking public support and
enrollment. Its text follows:_
Careful investigation by our committees who have looked into the
question of national defense brings to light the following conditions of
affairs:
According to official Government reports, there are barely 30,000 mobile
troops in continental United States. These are distributed among
fifty-two widely scattered posts, which would make it impossible to
mobilize quickly at any given point. Even this small force is short of
officers, ammunition, and equipment. Furthermore, it has no organized
reserve.
Our National Guard, with negligible exceptions, is far below its paper
strength in men, equipment, and efficiency.
Our coast defenses are inadequate, our fortifications insufficiently
manned and without adequate organized reserves.
Our navy is neither adequate nor prepared for war. This, our first line
of defense, is inadequately manned, short of ammunition, and has no
organized reserve of trained men. Our submarine flotilla exists chiefly
upon paper. Fast scout cruisers, battle cruisers, aeroplanes, mine
layers, supply ships, and transports are lacking. Target practice has
been neglected or altogether omitted.
In view of this condition of affairs, and since there is no assurance
that the United States will not again become involved in war, "and since
a peaceful policy even when supported by treaties, is not a sufficient
guarantee against war, of which the subjugation of Belgium and the
present coercion of China by a foreign power are noteworthy examples;
and the United States cannot safely intrust the maintenance of its
institutions and nationality to the mere negations of peace, and since
we are not adequately prepared to maintain our national policies, and
since the present defenseless condition of the nation is due to the
failure of Congress not only to follow the carefully considered plans of
our naval and military advisers, but also to provide any reasonable
measure for gradually putting such plans into practice, it is manifest
that until a workable plan for a world alliance has been evolved and
agreed to by the principal nations, with proper guarantee of good faith,
the United States must undertake adequate military preparations for its
defense."
In the meantime the National Security League feels impelled to call
public attention to our deplorable condition of unpreparedness. At the
same time the league issues an appeal for public support in behalf of
the following program for better national defense:
1. Legislation correcting present wasteful methods of military
appropriations and disbursement.
2. Adoption of a definite military policy.
3. A stronger, better balanced navy.
4. An effective mobile army.
5. Larger and better equipped National Guard.
6. The creation of an organized reserve for each branch of our military
service.
All those interested in the work of the league are invited to send their
names and contributions to the National Security League, 31 Pine
Street, New York City.
[The letter is addressed to "present and former members of the Cabinet,
to members of Congress, to Governors of our States and Territories, to
Mayors of all American cities, to Chambers of Commerce and Boards of
Trade, to merchants' associations, to colleges and universities, to
university clubs and alumni associations, to all patriotic
organizations, to all women's clubs, and to all American citizens."
"Until a satisfactory plan of disarmament has been worked out and agreed
upon by the nations of the world," says a statement, "the United States
must be adequately prepared to defend itself against invasion. A
military equipment sufficient for this purpose can be had without
recourse to militarism. The league was formed as a preparation not for
war, but against war."]
BY THE NAVY LEAGUE.
[From THE NEW YORK TIMES, May 12, 1915.]
The Navy League of the United States, of which General Horace Porter is
President and which includes in its membership Herbert L. Satterlee,
George von L. Meyer, Beekman Winthrop, J. Pierpont Morgan, Governor
Emmet O'Neal of Alabama, Senator James D. Phelan of California, Cardinal
Gibbons, Theodore Roosevelt, Elihu Root, Edward T. Stotesbury, Benjamin
Ide Wheeler, Joseph H. Choate, George B. Cortelyou, C. Oliver Iselin,
Seth Low, Myron T. Herrick, Alton B. Parker, and scores of other men
prominent in the public and business life of the country, through its
Executive Committee adopted a resolution yesterday calling upon
President Wilson to call Congress in extra session to authorize a bond
issue of $500,000,000, which sum, it is stated, is "needed to provide
this country with adequate means of naval defense."
[Illustration: RAYMOND POINCARÉ
President of the French Republic Since Feb. 18, 1913
_(Photo from P.S. Rogers.)_]
[Illustration: THE RIGHT HON. H.H. ASQUITH
Prime Minister of Great Britain and Ireland
_(Photo from Brown Bros.)_]
The resolution, which was adopted at a session at which members of the
Executive Committee consulted by long-distance telephone, some of them
being in Washington and others in New York at the Union League Club,
read:
"In view of the crisis in our foreign relations, we, as
representatives of the Navy League of the United States, express our
emphatic belief that Congress should be immediately assembled and that
measures should be taken at once to strengthen our national defense. Our
most pacific country should, because of its supreme love of peace,
possess preponderant naval strength and adequate military strength. A
large bond issue of, if necessary, $500,000,000 should be authorized at
once. These bonds would be rapidly absorbed by the American people for
such a purpose. Equipped with a mighty fleet, American life and
American rights would be scrupulously respected by all belligerents. In
such case there would be no thought of our entering into war.
"GENERAL HORACE PORTER,
President;
"ROBERT M. THOMPSON,
Chairman Executive Committee;
"CHARLES A. FOWLER,
"PERRY BELMONT,
"JOHN C. O'LAUGHLIN,
"FRANK J. SYMES."
The Drowned Sailor
By MAURICE HEWLETT.
[From "Sing Songs of the War."]
Last night I saw my true love stand
All shadowy by my bed.
He had my locket in his hand;
I knew that he was dead.
"Sweetheart, why stand you there so fast,
Why stand you there so grave?"
"I think," said he, "this hour's the last
That you and I can have.
"You gave me this from your fair breast,
It's never left me yet;
And now it dares not seek the nest
Because it is so wet.
"The cold gray sea has covered it,
Deep in the sand it lies;
While over me the long weeds flit
And veil my staring eyes.
"And there are German sailors laid
Beside me in the deep;
We have no need of gun nor blade,
United in our sleep."
"Dear heart, dear heart, come to my bed,
My arms are warm and sweet!"
"Alack for you, my love," he said,
"My limbs would wet the sheet.
"Cold is the bed that I lie on
And deep beneath the swell;
No voice is left to make my moan
And bid my love farewell."
Now I am widow that was wife--
Would God that they could prove
What law should rule, without the strife
That's robbed me of my love!
War With Poisonous Gases
The Gap at Ypres Made by German Chlorine Vapor Bombs
Reports by the Official "Eyewitness"
and
Dr. J.S. Haldane, F.R.S.
_Dr. John Scott Haldane, F.R.S., who has conducted the investigation for
the British War Office, is a brother of Lord Haldane. He is a graduate
in medicine of Edinburgh University and an M.A. of Oxford and an LL.D.
of Birmingham. For many years he has been engaged in scientific
investigation, and has contributed largely to the elucidation of the
causes of death in colliery and mine explosions He is the author of a
work on the physiology of respiration and air analysis._
_Professor Baker, F.R.S., who is carrying out chemical investigations
into the nature of the gases, is Professor of Chemistry in the Imperial
College of Science and Technology, London. He was a Scholar in Natural
Science at Balliol. He has conducted important experiments into the
nature of gases._
_Sir Wilmot Herringham, M.D. Oxon., is a physician to St. Bartholomew's
Hospital and Vice Chancellor of the London University._
_Lieutenant McNee, M.B., M. Ch. Glasgow, a Carnegie Research Fellow, is
assistant to the Professor of Pathology in Glasgow University and has
conducted many investigations of an important character in pathology and
chemical pathology._
General Headquarters,
British Expeditionary Force,
April 27, 1915.
To Earl Kitchener, Secretary of State for War.
My Lord: I have the honor to report that, as requested by you yesterday
morning, I proceeded to France to investigate the nature and effects of
the asphyxiating gas employed in the recent fighting by the German
troops. After reporting myself at General Headquarters I proceeded to
Bailleul with Sir Wilmot Herringham, Consulting Physician to the British
Force, and examined with him several men from Canadian battalions who
were at the No. 2 Casualty Clearing Station suffering from the effects
of the gas.
These men were lying struggling for breath and blue in the face. On
examining the blood with the spectroscope and by other means, I
ascertained that the blueness was not due to the presence of any
abnormal pigment. There was nothing to account for the blueness
(cyanosis) and struggle for air but the one fact that they were
suffering from acute bronchitis, such as is caused by inhalation of an
irritant gas. Their statements were that when in the trenches they had
been overwhelmed by an irritant gas produced in front of the German
trenches and carried toward them by a gentle breeze.
One of them died shortly after our arrival. A post-mortem examination
was conducted in our presence by Lieutenant McNee, a pathologist by
profession, of Glasgow University. The examination showed that death was
due to acute bronchitis and its secondary effects. There was no doubt
that the bronchitis and accompanying slow asphyxiation were due to the
irritant gas.
Lieutenant McNee had also examined yesterday the body of a Canadian
Sergeant who had died in the clearing station from the effects of the
gas. In this case, also, very acute bronchitis and oedema of the lungs
caused death by asphyxiation.
A deposition by Captain Bertram, Eighth Canadian Battalion, was
carefully taken down by Lieutenant McNee. Captain Bertram was then in
the clearing station, suffering from the effects of the gas and from a
wound. From a support trench, about 600 yards from the German lines, he
had observed the gas. He saw, first of all, a white smoke arising from
the German trenches to a height of about three feet. Then in front of
the white smoke appeared a greenish cloud, which drifted along the
ground to our trenches, not rising more than about seven feet from the
ground when it reached our first trenches. Men in these trenches were
obliged to leave, and a number of them were killed by the effects of the
gas. We made a counter-attack about fifteen minutes after the gas came
over, and saw twenty-four men lying dead from the effects of the gas on
a small stretch of road leading from the advanced trenches to the
supports. He was himself much affected by the gas still present, and
felt as if he could not breathe.
The symptoms and the other facts so far ascertained point to the use by
the German troops of chlorine or bromine for purposes of asphyxiation.
There are also facts pointing to the use in German shells of other
irritant substances, though in some cases at least these agents are not
of the same brutally barbarous character as the gas used in the attack
on the Canadians. The effects are not those of any of the ordinary
products of combustion of explosives. On this point the symptoms
described left not the slightest doubt in my mind.
Professor H.B. Baker, F.R.S., who accompanied me, is making further
inquiries from the chemical side.
I am, my Lord, your obedient servant,
J.S. HALDANE.
_The following announcement was issued by the British War Office on
April 29, 1915:_
Thanks to the magnificent response already made to the appeal in the
press for respirators for the troops, the War Office is in a position to
announce that no further respirators need be made.
THE "EYEWITNESS" STORY.
_The following descriptive account was communicated by the British
Official Eyewitness present with General Headquarters, supplementing his
continuous narrative of the movements of the British force and the
French armies in immediate touch with it:_
April 27, 1915.
Since the last summary there has been a sudden development in the
situation on our front, and very heavy fighting has taken place to the
north and northeast of Ypres, which can be said to have assumed the
importance of a second battle for that town. With the aid of a method of
warfare up to now never employed by nations sufficiently civilized to
consider themselves bound by international agreements solemnly ratified
by themselves, and favored by the atmospheric conditions, the Germans
have put into effect an attack which they had evidently contemplated and
prepared for some time.
Before the battle began our line in this quarter ran from the
cross-roads at Broodseinde, east of Zonnebeke on the Ypres-Moorslede
Road to the cross-roads half a mile north of St. Julien, on the
Ypres-Poelcapelle Road, roughly following the crest of what is known as
the Grafenstafel Ridge. The French prolonged the line west of the
Ypres-Poelcapelle Road, whence their trenches ran around the north of
Langemarck to Steenstraate on the Yperlee Canal. The area covered by the
initial attack is that between the canal and the Ypres-Poelcapelle Road,
though it was afterward extended to the west of the canal and to the
east of the road.
An effort on the part of the Germans in this direction was not
unexpected, since movements of troops and transport behind their front
line had been detected for some days. Its peculiar and novel nature,
however, was a surprise which was largely responsible for the measure of
success achieved. Taking advantage of the fact that at this season of
the year the wind not infrequently blows from the north, they secretly
brought up apparatus for emitting asphyxiating vapor or gas, and
distributed it along the section of their front line opposite that of
our allies, west of Langemarck, which faced almost due north. Their plan
was to make a sudden onslaught southwestward, which, if successful,
might enable them to gain the crossings on the canal south of Bixschoote
and place them well behind the British left in a position to threaten
Ypres.
The attack was originally fixed for Tuesday, the 20th, but since all
chances of success depended on the action of the asphyxiating vapor it
was postponed, the weather being unfavorable. On Thursday, the 22d, the
wind blew steadily from the north, and that afternoon, all being ready,
the Germans put their plan into execution. Since then events have moved
so rapidly and the situation has moved so frequently that it is
difficult to give a consecutive and clear story of what happened, but
the following account represents as nearly as can be the general course
of events. The details of the gas apparatus employed by them are given
separately, as also those of the asphyxiating grenades, bombs, and
shells of which they have been throwing hundreds.
At some time between 4 and 5 P.M. the Germans started operations by
releasing gases with the result that a cloud of poisonous vapor rolled
swiftly before the wind from their trenches toward those of the French
west of Langemarck, held by a portion of the French Colonial Division.
Allowing sufficient time for the fumes to take full effect on the troops
facing them, the Germans charged forward over the practically
unresisting enemy in their immediate front, and, penetrating through the
gap thus created, pressed on silently and swiftly to the south and west.
By their sudden irruption they were able to overrun and surprise a large
proportion of the French troops billeted behind the front line in this
area and to bring some of the French guns as well as our own under a hot
rifle fire at close range.
The first intimation that all was not well to the north was conveyed to
our troops holding the left of the British line between 5 and 6 P.M. by
the withdrawal of some of the French Colonials and the sight of the wall
of vapor following them. Our flank being thus exposed the troops were
ordered to retire on St. Julien, with their left parallel to but to the
west of the highroad. The splendid resistance of these troops, who saved
the situation, has already been mentioned by the Commander in Chief.
Meanwhile, apparently waiting till their infantry had penetrated well
behind the Allies' line, the Germans had opened a hot artillery fire
upon the various tactical points to the north of Ypres, the bombardment
being carried out with ordinary high-explosive shell and shrapnel of
various calibres and also with projectiles containing asphyxiating gas.
About this period our men in reserve near Ypres, seeing the shells
bursting, had gathered in groups, discussing the situation and
questioning some scattered bodies of Turcos who had appeared; suddenly a
staff officer rode up shouting "Stand to your arms," and in a few
minutes the troops had fallen in and were marching northward to the
scene of the fight.
Nothing more impressive can be imagined than the sight of our men
falling in quietly in perfect order on their alarm posts amid the scene
of wild confusion caused by the panic-stricken refugees who swarmed
along the roads.
In the meantime, to the north and northeast of the town, a confused
fight was taking place, which gave proof not only of great gallantry and
steadiness on the part of the troops referred to above, but of
remarkable presence of mind on the part of their leaders. Behind the
wall of vapor, which had swept across fields, through woods, and over
hedgerows, came the German firing line, the men's mouths and noses, it
is stated, protected by pads soaked in a solution of bicarbonate of
soda. Closely following them again came the supports. These troops,
hurrying forward with their formation somewhat broken up by the
obstacles encountered in their path, looked like a huge mob bearing down
upon the town. A battery of 4.7-inch guns a little beyond the left of
our line was surprised and overwhelmed by them in a moment. Further to
the rear and in a more easterly direction were several field batteries,
and before they could come into action the Germans were within a few
hundred yards. Not a gun, however, was lost.
One battery, taken in flank, swung around, fired on the enemy at
point-blank range, and checked the rush. Another opened fire with the
guns pointing in almost opposite directions, the enemy being on three
sides of them. It was under the very heavy cannonade opened about this
time by the Germans, and threatened by the advance of vastly superior
numbers, that our infantry on our left steadily, and without any sign of
confusion, slowly retired to St. Julien, fighting every step.
Help was not long in arriving, for some of our reserves near Ypres had
stood to arms as soon as they were aware of the fact that the French
line had been forced, and the officers on their own initiative, without
waiting for orders, led them forward to meet the advancing enemy, who,
by this time, were barely two miles from the town. These battalions
attacked the Germans with the bayonet, and then ensued a mêlée, in which
our men more than held their own, both sides losing very heavily.
One German battalion seems to have been especially severely handled, the
Colonel being captured among several other prisoners. Other
reinforcements were thrown in as they came up, and, when night fell, the
fighting continued by moonlight, our troops driving back the enemy by
repeated bayonet charges, in the course of which our heavy guns were
recaptured.
By then the situation was somewhat restored in the area immediately
north of Ypres. Further to the west, however, the enemy had forced their
way over the canal, occupying Steenstraate and the crossing at Het
Sast, about three-quarters of a mile south of the former place, and had
established themselves at various points on the west bank. All night
long the shelling continued, and about 1:30 A.M. two heavy attacks were
made on our line in the neighborhood of Broodseinde, east of Zonnebeke.
These were both repulsed. The bombardment of Ypres itself and its
neighborhood had by now redoubled in intensity and a part of the town
was in flames.
In the early morning of Friday, the 23d, we delivered a strong
counter-attack northward in co-operation with the French. Our advance
progressed for some little distance, reaching the edge of the wood about
half a mile west of St. Julien and penetrating it. Here our men got into
the Germans with the bayonet, and the latter suffered heavily. The
losses were also severe on our side, for the advance had to be carried
out across the open. But in spite of this nothing could exceed the dash
with which it was conducted. One man--and his case is typical of the
spirit shown by the troops--who had had his rifle smashed by a bullet,
continued to fight with an intrenching tool. Even many of the wounded
made their way out of the fight with some article of German equipment as
a memento.
About 11 A.M., not being able to progress further, our troops dug
themselves in, the line then running from St. Julien practically due
west for about a mile, whence it curved southwestward before turning
north to the canal near Boesinghe. Broadly speaking, on the section of
the front then occupied by us the result of the operations had been to
remove to some extent the wedge which the Germans had driven into the
allied line, and the immediate danger was over. During the afternoon our
counter-attack made further progress south of Pilkem, thus straightening
the line still more. Along the canal the fighting raged fiercely, our
allies making some progress here and there. During the night, however,
the Germans captured Lizerne, a village on the main road from Ypres to
Steenstraate.
When the morning of the 24th came the situation remained much the same,
but the enemy, who had thrown several bridges across the canal,
continued to gain ground to the west. On our front the Germans, under
cover of their gas, made a further attack between 3 and 4 A.M. to the
east of St. Julien and forced back a portion of our line. Nothing else
in particular occurred until about mid-day, when large bodies of the
enemy were seen advancing down the Ypres-Poelcapelle road toward St.
Julien. Soon after a very strong attack developed against that village
and the section of the line east of it. Under the pressure of these
fresh masses our troops were compelled to fall back, contesting every
inch of ground and making repeated counter-attacks; but until late at
night a gallant handful, some 200 to 300 strong, held out in St. Julien.
During the night the line was re-established north of the hamlet of
Fortuin, about 700 yards further to the rear. All this time the fighting
along the canal continued, the enemy forcing their way across near
Boesinghe, and holding Het Sast, Steenstraate, and Lizerne strongly. The
French counter-attacked in the afternoon, captured fifty prisoners, and
made some further progress toward Pilkem. The Germans, however, were
still holding the west bank firmly, although the Belgian artillery had
broken the bridge behind them at Steenstraate.
On the morning of Sunday, the fourth day of the battle, we made a strong
counter-attack on St. Julien, which gained some ground but was checked
in front of the village. To the west of it we reached a point a few
hundred yards south of the wood which had been the objective on the 23d
and which we had had to relinquish subsequently. In the afternoon the
Germans made repeated assaults in great strength on our line near
Broodseinde. These were backed up by a tremendous artillery bombardment
and the throwing of asphyxiating bombs; but all were beaten off with
great slaughter to the enemy, and forty-five prisoners fell into our
hands. When night came the situation remained unchanged.
This determined offensive on the part of the enemy, although it has
menaced Ypres itself, has not so far the appearance of a great effort to
break through the line and capture the Channel ports, such as that made
in October. Its initial success was gained by the surprise rendered
possible by the use of a device which Germany pledged herself not to
employ. The only result upon our troops has been to fill them with an
even greater determination to punish the enemy and to make him pay
tenfold for every act of "frightfulness" he has perpetrated.
Along the rest of the British front nothing of special importance has
occurred.
WHAT THE GERMANS SAY.
_The comments of the German newspapers on the advance of the imperial
army north of Ypres readily admitted and justified the use of
asphyxiating gases. The leading Prussian military organ, the Kreuz
Zeitung, said:_
The moral success of our victory is quite upon a level with its
strategic value. It has again been proved that in the west also we are
at any time in a position to take the offensive, and that,
notwithstanding their most violent efforts, it is impossible for the
English and the French to throw back or to break through our battle
line.
_In another article the Kreuz Zeitung said:_
When the French report says that we used a large number of asphyxiating
bombs, our enemies may infer from this that they always are making a
mistake when by their behavior they cause us to have recourse to new
technical weapons.
_Dealing with the same subject in a leading article, the Frankfurter
Zeitung declared:_
It is quite possible that our bombs and shells made it impossible for
the enemy to remain in his trenches and artillery positions, and it is
even probable that missiles which emit poisonous gases have actually
been used by us, since the German leaders have made it plain that, as
an answer to the treacherous missiles which have been used by the
English and the French for many weeks past, we, too, shall employ gas
bombs or whatever they are called. The German leaders pointed out that
considerably more effective materials were to be expected from German
chemistry, and they were right.
But, however destructive these bombs and shells may have been, do the
English and the other people think that it makes a serious difference
whether hundreds of guns and howitzers throw hundreds of thousands of
shells on a single tiny spot in order to destroy and break to atoms
everything living there, and to make the German trenches into a terrible
hell as was the case at Neuve Chapelle, or whether we throw a few shells
which spread death in the air? These shells are not more deadly than the
poison of English explosives, but they take effect over a wider area,
produce a rapid end, and spare the torn bodies the tortures and pains of
death.
_The Frankfurter Zeitung then compared the results achieved as
follows:_
The shells of Neuve Chapelle cost the Germans a trench and a village,
but on the edge of the ruin the German ring remained firm and strong.
How was it at Ypres? The enemy was thrown back on a front of more than
five and a half miles. Along this whole front we gained two miles. These
figures would signify little in comparison with the distance to the sea,
but our next goal is Ypres, and on the north we are now only a few
kilometers from this stronghold.
_The Cologne Gazette referred to Sir John French's reports as follows:_
It is delightful to read the complaints about the use of shells
containing asphyxiating gases. This sounds particularly well out of the
mouth of the Commander in Chief of a nation which for centuries past has
trodden every provision of international law under foot.
The Canadians at Ypres
[From the Canadian Record Officer.]
_The full narrative of the part played by the Canadians at Ypres is
given in a communication from the Record Officer now serving with the
Canadian Division at the front and published in the British press on May
1, 1915. The division was commanded by a distinguished English General,
but these "amateur soldiers of Canada," as the narrator describes them,
were officered largely by lawyers, college professors, and business men
who before the war were neither disciplined nor trained. Many striking
deeds of heroism and self-sacrifice were performed in the course of
their brilliant charge and dogged resistance, which, in the words of Sir
John French, "saved the situation" in the face of overwhelming odds._
On April 22 the Canadian Division held a line of, roughly, 5,000 yards,
extending in a northwesterly direction from the Ypres-Roulers Railway to
the Ypres-Poelcapelle road, and connecting at its terminus with the
French troops. The division consisted of three infantry brigades in
addition to the artillery brigades. Of the infantry brigades the First
was in reserve, the Second was on the right, and the Third established
contact with the Allies at the point indicated above.
The day was a peaceful one, warm and sunny, and except that the previous
day had witnessed a further bombardment of the stricken town of Ypres,
everything seemed quiet in front of the Canadian line. At 5 o'clock in
the afternoon a plan, carefully prepared, was put into execution against
our French allies on the left. Asphyxiating gas of great intensity was
projected into their trenches, probably by means of force pumps and
pipes laid out under the parapets. The fumes, aided by a favorable wind,
floated backward, poisoning and disabling over an extended area those
who fell under their effect.
The result was that the French were compelled to give ground for a
considerable distance. The glory which the French Army has won in this
war would make it impertinent to labor the compelling nature of the
poisonous discharges under which the trenches were lost. The French did,
as every one knew they would do, all that stout soldiers could do, and
the Canadian Division, officers and men, look forward to many occasions
in the future in which they will stand side by side with the brave
armies of France.
[Illustration: POSITION BEFORE DISCHARGE OF GAS
Contrast this with:
POSITION AFTER DISCHARGE OF GAS]
The immediate consequences of this enforced withdrawal were, of course,
extremely grave. The Third Brigade of the Canadian Division was without
any left, or, in other words, its left was in the air. Rough diagrams
may make the position clear.
It became imperatively necessary greatly to extend the Canadian lines to
the left rear. It was not, of course, practicable to move the First
Brigade from reserve at a moment's notice, and the line, extending from
5,000 to 9,000 yards, was naturally not the line that had been held by
the Allies at 5 o'clock, and a gap still existed on its left. The new
line, of which our recent point of contact with the French formed the
apex, ran quite roughly as follows:
[Illustration: POSITION ON FRIDAY MORNING]
As shown above, it became necessary for Brig. Gen. Turner, commanding
the Third Brigade, to throw back his left flank southward to protect his
rear. In the course of the confusion which followed upon the
readjustments of position, the enemy, who had advanced rapidly after his
initial successes, took four British 4.7 guns in a small wood to the
west of the village of St. Julien, two miles in the rear of the original
French trenches.
The story of the second battle of Ypres is the story of how the Canadian
Division, enormously outnumbered--for they had in front of them at least
four divisions supported by immensely heavy artillery--with a gap still
existing, though reduced, in their lines, and with dispositions made
hurriedly under the stimulus of critical danger, fought through the day
and through the night, and then through another day and night; fought
under their officers until, as happened to so many, those perished
gloriously, and then fought from the impulsion of sheer valor because
they came from fighting stock.
The enemy, of course, was aware--whether fully or not may perhaps be
doubted--of the advantage his breach in the line had given him, and
immediately began to push a formidable series of attacks upon the whole
of the newly-formed Canadian salient. If it is possible to distinguish
when the attack was everywhere so fierce, it developed with particular
intensity at this moment upon the apex of the newly formed line, running
in the direction of St. Julien.
It has already been stated that four British guns were taken in a wood
comparatively early in the evening of the 22d. In the course of that
night, and under the heaviest machine-gun fire, this wood was assaulted
by the Canadian Scottish, Sixteenth Battalion of the Third Brigade, and
the Tenth Battalion of the Second Brigade, which was intercepted for
this purpose on its way to a reserve trench. The battalions were
respectively commanded by Lieut. Col. Leckie and Lieut. Col. Boyle, and
after a most fierce struggle in the light of a misty moon they took the
position at the point of the bayonet. At midnight the Second Battalion,
under Colonel Watson, and the Toronto Regiment, Queen's Own, Third
Battalion, under Lieut. Col. Rennie, both of the First Brigade, brought
up much-needed reinforcement, and though not actually engaged in the
assault were in reserve.
All through the following days and nights these battalions shared the
fortunes and misfortunes of the Third Brigade. An officer who took part
in the attack describes how the men about him fell under the fire of the
machine guns, which, in his phrase, played upon them "like a watering
pot." He added quite simply, "I wrote my own life off." But the line
never wavered. When one man fell another took his place, and with a
final shout the survivors of the two battalions flung themselves into
the wood. The German garrison was completely demoralized, and the
impetuous advance of the Canadians did not cease until they reached the
far side of the wood and intrenched themselves there in the position so
dearly gained. They had, however, the disappointment of finding that the
guns had been blown up by the enemy, and later on in the same night a
most formidable concentration of artillery fire, sweeping the wood as a
tropical storm sweeps the leaves from a forest, made it impossible for
them to hold the position for which they had sacrificed so much.
The fighting continued without intermission all through the night, and,
to those who observed the indications that the attack was being pushed
with ever-growing strength, it hardly seemed possible that the
Canadians, fighting in positions so difficult to defend and so little
the subject of deliberate choice, could maintain their resistance for
any long period. At 6 A.M. on Friday it became apparent that the left
was becoming more and more involved, and a powerful German attempt to
outflank it developed rapidly. The consequences, if it had been broken
or outflanked, need not be insisted upon. They were not merely local.
It was therefore decided, formidable as the attempt undoubtedly was, to
try and give relief by a counter-attack upon the first line of German
trenches, now far, far advanced from those originally occupied by the
French. This was carried out by the Ontario First and Fourth Battalions
of the First Brigade, under Brig. Gen. Mercer, acting in combination
with a British brigade.
It is safe to say that the youngest private in the rank, as he set his
teeth for the advance, knew the task in front of him, and the youngest
subaltern knew all that rested upon its success. It did not seem that
any human being could live in the shower of shot and shell which began
to play upon the advancing troops. They suffered terrible casualties.
For a short time every other man seemed to fall, but the attack was
pressed ever closer and closer.
The Fourth Canadian Battalion at one moment came under a particularly
withering fire. For a moment--not more--it wavered. Its most gallant
commanding officer, Lieut. Col. Burchill, carrying, after an old
fashion, a light cane, coolly and cheerfully rallied his men and, at the
very moment when his example had infected them, fell dead at the head of
his battalion. With a hoarse cry of anger they sprang forward, (for,
indeed, they loved him,) as if to avenge his death. The astonishing
attack which followed--pushed home in the face of direct frontal fire
made in broad daylight by battalions whose names should live for ever in
the memories of soldiers--was carried to the first line of German
trenches. After a hand-to-hand struggle the last German who resisted was
bayoneted, and the trench was won.
The measure of this success may be taken when it is pointed out that
this trench represented in the German advance the apex in the breach
which the enemy had made in the original line of the Allies, and that it
was two and a half miles south of that line. This charge, made by men
who looked death indifferently in the face, (for no man who took part in
it could think that he was likely to live,) saved, and that was much,
the Canadian left. But it did more. Up to the point where the assailants
conquered, or died, it secured and maintained during the most critical
moment of all the integrity of the allied line. For the trench was not
only taken, it was held thereafter against all comers, and in the teeth
of every conceivable projectile, until the night of Sunday, the 25th,
when all that remained of the war-broken but victorious battalions was
relieved by fresh troops.
It is necessary now to return to the fortunes of the Third Brigade,
commanded by Brig. Gen. Turner, which, as we have seen, at 5 o'clock on
Thursday was holding the Canadian left, and after the first attack
assumed the defense of the new Canadian salient, at the same time
sparing all the men it could to form an extemporized line between the
wood and St. Julien. This brigade also was at the first moment of the
German offensive, made the object of an attack by the discharge of
poisonous gas. The discharge was followed by two enemy assaults.
Although the fumes were extremely poisonous, they were not, perhaps
having regard to the wind, so disabling as on the French lines, (which
ran almost east to west,) and the brigade, though affected by the fumes,
stoutly beat back the two German assaults.
Encouraged by this success, it rose to the supreme effort required by
the assault on the wood, which has already been described. At 4 o'clock
on the morning of Friday, the 23d, a fresh emission of gas was made both
upon the Second Brigade, which held the line running northeast, and upon
the Third Brigade, which, as has been fully explained, had continued the
line up to the pivotal point, as defined above, and had then spread down
in a southeasterly direction. It is, perhaps, worth mentioning that two
privates of the Forty-eighth Highlanders who found their way into the
trenches commanded by Colonel Lipsett, Ninetieth Winnipeg Rifles, Eighth
Battalion, perished in the fumes, and it was noticed that their faces
became blue immediately after dissolution.
The Royal Highlanders of Montreal, Thirteenth Battalion, and the
Forty-eighth Highlanders, Fifteenth Battalion, were more especially
affected by the discharge. The Royal Highlanders, though considerably
shaken, remained immovable upon their ground. The Forty-eighth
Highlanders, which, no doubt, received a more poisonous discharge, was
for the moment dismayed, and, indeed, their trench, according to the
testimony of very hardened soldiers, became intolerable. The battalion
retired from the trench, but for a very short distance, and for an
equally short time. In a few moments they were again their own men. They
advanced upon and occupied the trenches which they had momentarily
abandoned.
In the course of the same night the Third Brigade, which had already
displayed a resource, a gallantry, and a tenacity for which no eulogy
could be excessive, was exposed (and with it the whole allied case) to a
peril still more formidable.
[Illustration: The German rush across the Yser-Ypres Canal was checked
at Lizerne and opposite Boesinghe. The shaded area on the map marks the
scene of the battle. Within this area are Steenstraate, Het Sast,
Pilkem, St. Julien, and Langemarck, all of which the Germans claimed to
have captured.]
It has been explained, and, indeed, the fundamental situation made the
peril clear, that several German divisions were attempting to crush or
drive back this devoted brigade, and in any event to use their enormous
numerical superiority to sweep around and overwhelm its left wing. At
some point in the line which cannot be precisely determined the last
attempt partially succeeded, and in the course of this critical struggle
German troops in considerable though not in overwhelming numbers swung
past the unsupported left of the brigade, and, slipping in between the
wood and St. Julien, added to the torturing anxieties of the long-drawn
struggle by the appearance, and indeed for the moment the reality, of
isolation from the brigade base.
In the exertions made by the Third Brigade during this supreme crisis it
is almost impossible to single out one battalion without injustice to
others, but though the efforts of the Royal Highlanders of Montreal,
Thirteenth Battalion, were only equal to those of the other battalions
who did such heroic service, it so happened by chance that the fate of
some of its officers attracted special attention.
Major Norsworth, already almost disabled by a bullet wound, was
bayoneted and killed while he was rallying his men with easy
cheerfulness. The case of Captain McCuaig, of the same battalion, was
not less glorious, although his death can claim no witness. This most
gallant officer was seriously wounded, in a hurriedly constructed
trench, at a moment when it would have been possible to remove him to
safety. He absolutely refused to move and continued in the discharge of
his duty.
But the situation grew constantly worse, and peremptory orders were
received for an immediate withdrawal. Those who were compelled to obey
them were most insistent to carry with them, at whatever risk to their
own mobility and safety, an officer to whom they were devotedly
attached. But he, knowing, it may be, better than they, the exertions
which still lay in front of them, and unwilling to inflict upon them the
disabilities of a maimed man, very resolutely refused, and asked of them
one thing only, that there should be given to him, as he lay alone in
the trench, two loaded Colt revolvers to add to his own, which lay in
his right hand as he made his last request. And so, with three revolvers
ready to his hand for use, a very brave officer waited to sell his life,
wounded and racked with pain, in an abandoned trench.
On Friday afternoon the left of the Canadian line was strengthened by
important reinforcements of British troops amounting to seven
battalions. From this time forward the Canadians also continued to
receive further assistance on the left from a series of French
counter-attacks pushed in a northeasterly direction from the canal bank.
But the artillery fire of the enemy continually grew in intensity, and
it became more and more evident that the Canadian salient could no
longer be maintained against the overwhelming superiority of numbers by
which it was assailed. Slowly, stubbornly, and contesting every yard,
the defenders gave ground until the salient gradually receded from the
apex, near the point where it had originally aligned with the French,
and fell back upon St. Julien.
Soon it became evident that even St. Julien, exposed to fire from right
and left, was no longer tenable in the face of overwhelming numerical
superiority. The Third Brigade was therefore ordered to retreat further
south, selling every yard of ground as dearly as it had done since 5
o'clock on Thursday. But it was found impossible, without hazarding far
larger forces, to disentangle the detachment of the Royal Highlanders of
Montreal, Thirteenth Battalion, and of the Royal Montreal Regiment,
Fourteenth Battalion. The brigade was ordered, and not a moment too
soon, to move back. It left these units with hearts as heavy as those
with which his comrades had said farewell to Captain McCuaig. The
German tide rolled, indeed, over the deserted village, but for several
hours after the enemy had become master of the village the sullen and
persistent rifle fire which survived showed that they were not yet
master of the Canadian rearguard. If they died, they died worthily of
Canada.
The enforced retirement of the Third Brigade (and to have stayed longer
would have been madness) reproduced for the Second Brigade, commanded by
Brig. Gen. Curry, in a singularly exact fashion, the position of the
Third Brigade itself at the moment of the withdrawal of the French. The
Second Brigade, it must be remembered, had retained the whole line of
trenches, roughly 2,500 yards, which it was holding at 5 o'clock on
Thursday afternoon, supported by the incomparable exertions of the Third
Brigade, and by the highly hazardous deployment in which necessity had
involved that brigade. The Second Brigade had maintained its lines.
It now devolved upon General Curry, commanding this brigade, to
reproduce the tactical maneuvres with which, earlier in the fight, the
Third Brigade had adapted itself to the flank movement of overwhelming
numerical superiority. He flung his left flank around south, and his
record is, that in the very crisis of this immense struggle he held his
line of trenches from Thursday at 5 o'clock till Sunday afternoon. And
on Sunday afternoon he had not abandoned his trenches. There were none
left. They had been obliterated by artillery. He withdrew his undefeated
troops from the fragments of his field fortifications, and the hearts of
his men were as completely unbroken as the parapets of his trenches were
completely broken. In such a brigade it is invidious to single out any
battalion for special praise, but it is, perhaps, necessary to the story
to point out that Lieut. Col. Lipsett, commanding the Ninetieth Winnipeg
Rifles, Eighth Battalion of the Second Brigade, held the extreme left of
the brigade position at the most critical moment.
The battalion was expelled from the trenches early on Friday morning by
an emission of poisonous gas, but, recovering in three-quarters of an
hour, it counter-attacked, retook the trenches it had abandoned, and
bayoneted the enemy. And after the Third Brigade had been forced to
retire Lieut. Col. Lipsett held his position, though his left was in the
air, until two British regiments filled up the gap on Saturday night.
The individual fortunes of these two brigades have brought us to the
events of Sunday afternoon, but it is necessary, to make the story
complete, to recur for a moment to the events of the morning. After a
very formidable attack the enemy succeeded in capturing the village of
St. Julien, which has so often been referred to in describing the
fortunes of the Canadian left. This success opened up a new and
formidable line of advance, but by this time further reinforcements had
arrived. Here, again, it became evident that the tactical necessities of
the situation dictated an offensive movement as the surest method of
arresting further progress.
General Alderson, who was in command of the reinforcements, accordingly
directed that an advance should be made by a British brigade which had
been brought up in support. The attack was thrust through the Canadian
left and centre, and as the troops making it swept on, many of them
going to certain death, they paused an instant, and, with deep-throated
cheers for Canada, gave the first indication to the division of the warm
admiration which their exertions had excited in the British Army.
The advance was indeed costly, but it could not be gainsaid. The story
is one of which the brigade may be proud, but it does not belong to the
special account of the fortunes of the Canadian contingent. It is
sufficient for our purpose to notice that the attack succeeded in its
object, and the German advance along the line, momentarily threatened,
was arrested.
We had reached, in describing the events of the afternoon, the points at
which the trenches of the Second Brigade had been completely destroyed.
This brigade, the Third Brigade, and the considerable reinforcements
which this time filled the gap between the two brigades, were gradually
driven fighting every yard upon a line running, roughly, from Fortuin,
south of St. Julien, in a northeasterly direction toward Passchendaele.
Here the two brigades were relieved by two British brigades, after
exertions as glorious, as fruitful, and, alas! as costly as soldiers
have ever been called upon to make.
Monday morning broke bright and clear and found the Canadians behind the
firing line. This day, too, was to bring its anxieties. The attack was
still pressed, and it became necessary to ask Brig. Gen. Curry whether
he could once more call upon his shrunken brigade. "The men are tired,"
this indomitable soldier replied, "but they are ready and glad to go
again to the trenches." And so once more, a hero leading heroes, the
General marched back the men of the Second Brigade, reduced to a quarter
of its original strength, to the very apex of the line as it existed at
that moment.
This position he held all day Monday; on Tuesday he was still occupying
the reserve trenches, and on Wednesday was relieved and retired to
billets in the rear.
Such, in the most general outline, is the story of a great and glorious
feat of arms. A story told so soon after the event, while rendering bare
justice to units whose doings fell under the eyes of particular
observers, must do less than justice to others who played their
part--and all did--as gloriously as those whose special activities it is
possible, even at this stage, to describe. But the friends of men who
fought in other battalions may be content in the knowledge that they,
too, shall learn, when time allows the complete correlation of diaries,
the exact part which each unit played in these unforgettable days. It is
rather accident than special distinction which had made it possible to
select individual battalions for mention.
It would not be right to close even this account without a word of
tribute to the auxiliary services. The signalers were always cool and
resourceful. The telegraph and telephone wires being constantly cut,
many belonging to this service rendered up their lives in the discharge
of their duty, carrying out repairs with the most complete calmness in
exposed positions. The dispatch carriers, as usual, behaved with the
greatest bravery. Theirs is a lonely life, and very often a lonely
death. One cycle messenger lay upon the ground, badly wounded. He
stopped a passing officer and delivered his message, together with some
verbal instructions. These were coherently given, but he swooned almost
before the words were out of his mouth.
The artillery never flagged in the sleepless struggle in which so much
depended upon its exertions. Not a Canadian gun was lost in the long
battle of retreat. And the nature of the position renders such a record
very remarkable. One battery of four guns found itself in such a
situation that it was compelled to turn two of its guns directly about
and fire upon the enemy in positions almost diametrically opposite.
It is not possible in this account to attempt a description of the
services rendered by the Canadian Engineers or the Medical Corps. Their
members rivaled in coolness, endurance, and valor the Canadian infantry,
whose comrades they were, and it is hoped in separate communications to
do justice to both these brilliant services.
No attempt has been made in this description to explain the recent
operations except in so far as they spring from, or are connected with,
the fortunes of the Canadian Division. It is certain that the exertions
of the troops who reinforced and later relieved the Canadians were not
less glorious, but the long, drawn-out struggle is a lesson to the whole
empire. "Arise, O Israel!" The empire is engaged in a struggle, without
quarter and without compromise, against an enemy still superbly
organized, still immensely powerful, still confident that its strength
is the mate of its necessities. To arms, then, and still to arms! In
Great Britain, in Canada, in Australia there is need, and there is need
now, of a community organized alike in military and industrial
co-operation.
That our countrymen in Canada, even while their hearts are still
bleeding, will answer every call which is made upon them, we well know.
The graveyard of Canada in Flanders is large; it is very large. Those
who lie there have left their mortal remains on alien soil. To Canada
they have bequeathed their memories and their glory.
On Fame's eternal camping ground
Their silent tents are spread,
And Glory guards with solemn round
The bivouac of the dead.
Vapor Warfare Resumed
SIR JOHN FRENCH'S REPORT.
_The British Press Bureau authorized the publication of the following
report, dated May 3, by Field Marshal Sir John French on the employment
by the Germans of poisonous gases as weapons of warfare:_
The gases employed have been ejected from pipes laid into the trenches,
and also produced by the explosion of shells specially manufactured for
the purpose. The German troops who attacked under cover of these gases
were provided with specially designed respirators which were issued in
sealed patent covers.
This all points to long and methodical preparation on a large scale. A
week before the Germans first used this method they announced in their
official _communiqué_ that we were making use of asphyxiating gases. At
the time there appeared to be no reason for this astounding falsehood,
but now, of course, it is obvious that it was part of the scheme. It is
a further proof of the deliberate nature of the introduction by the
Germans of a new and illegal weapon, and shows that they recognized its
illegality, and were anxious to forestall neutral and possibly domestic
criticism.
Since the enemy has made use of this method of covering his advance with
a cloud of poisoned air, he has repeated it both in offense and defense
whenever the wind has been favorable. The effect of this poison is not
merely disabling or even painlessly fatal as suggested in the German
press. Those of its victims who do not succumb on the field and who can
be brought into hospital suffer acutely, and in a large proportion of
cases die a painful and lingering death. Those who survive are in little
better case, as the injury to their lungs appears to be of a permanent
character, and reduces them to a condition which points to their being
invalids for life.
These facts must be well known to the German scientists who devised this
new weapon and to the military authorities who have sanctioned its use.
I am of opinion that the enemy has definitely decided to use these gases
as a normal procedure, and that protests will be useless.
THE "EYEWITNESS" STORY.
_The following descriptive account, communicated by the British
Eyewitness present with General Headquarters, continues and supplements
the narrative published on April 29 of the movements of the British
force and the French armies in immediate touch with it:_
April 30, 1915.
As will have been gathered from the last summary, assaults accompanied
with gas were not made on every position of the front held by the
British to the north of Ypres at the same time. At one point it was not
until the early morning of Saturday, April 24, that the Germans brought
this method into operation against a section of our line not far from
our left flank.
Late on Thursday afternoon the men here saw portions of the French
retiring some distance to the west, and observed the cloud of vapor
rolling along the ground southward behind them. Our position was then
shelled with high explosives until 8 P.M. On Friday also it was
bombarded for some hours, the Germans firing poison shells for one hour.
Their infantry, who were intrenched about 120 yards away, evidently
expected some result from their use of the latter, for they put their
heads above the parapets, as if to see what the effect had been on our
men, and at intervals opened rapid rifle fire. The wind, however, was
strong and dissipated the fumes quickly, our troops did not suffer
seriously from their noxious effect, and the enemy did not attempt any
advance.
On Saturday morning, just about dawn, an airship appeared in the sky to
the east of our line at this point, and dropped four red stars, which
floated downward slowly for some distance before they died out. When our
men, whose eyes had not unnaturally been fixed on this display of
pyrotechnics, again turned to their front it was to find the German
trenches rendered invisible by a wall of greenish-yellow vapor, similar
to that observed on the Thursday afternoon, which was bearing down on
them on the breeze. Through this the Germans started shooting. During
Saturday they employed stupefying gas on several occasions in this
quarter, but did not press on very quickly. One reason for this, given
by a German prisoner, is that many of the enemy's infantry were so
affected by the fumes that they could not advance.
To continue the narrative from the night of Sunday, April 25. At 12:30
A.M., in face of repeated attacks, our infantry fell back from a part of
the Grafenstafel Ridge, northwest of Zonnebeke, and the line then ran
for some distance along the south bank of the little Haanebeek stream.
The situation along the Yperlee Canal remained practically unchanged.
When the morning of the 26th dawned the Germans, who had been seen
massing in St. Julien, and to the east of the village on the previous
evening, made several assaults, which grew more and more fierce as the
hours passed, but reinforcements were sent up and the position was
secured. Further east, however, our line was pierced near Broodseinde,
and a small body of the enemy established themselves in a portion of our
trenches. In the afternoon a strong, combined counter-attack was
delivered by the French and British along the whole front from
Steenstraate to the east of St. Julien, accompanied by a violent
bombardment. This moment, so far as can be judged at present, marked the
turning point of the battle, for, although it effected no great change
in the situation, it caused a definite check to the enemy's offensive,
relieved the pressure, and gained a certain amount of ground.
During this counter-attack the guns concentrated by both sides on this
comparatively narrow front poured in a great volume of fire. From the
right came the roar of the British batteries, from the left the rolling
thunder of the _soixante-quinze_, and every now and then above the
turmoil rose a dull boom as a huge howitzer shell burst in the vicinity
of Ypres. On the right our infantry stormed the German trenches close to
St. Julien, and in the evening gained the southern outskirts of the
village. In the centre they captured the trenches a little to the south
of the Bois des Cuisinirs, west of St. Julien, and still further west
more trenches were taken. This represented an advance of some 600 or 700
yards, but the gain in ground could not at all points be maintained.
Opposite St. Julien we fell back from the village to a position just
south of the place, and in front of the Bois des Cuisinirs and on the
left of the line a similar retirement took place, the enemy making
extensive use of his gas cylinders and of machine guns placed in farms
at or other points of vantage. None the less, the situation at nightfall
was more satisfactory than it had been. We were holding our own well all
along the line and had made progress at some points. On the right the
enemy's attacks on the front of the Grafenstafel Ridge had all been
repulsed.
In the meantime the French had achieved some success, having retaken
Lizerne and also the trenches round Het Sast, captured some 250
prisoners, and made progress all along the west bank of the canal. Heavy
as our losses were during the day, there is little doubt that the enemy
suffered terribly. Both sides were attacking at different points, the
fighting was conducted very largely in the open, and the close
formations of the Germans on several occasions presented excellent
targets to our artillery, which did not fail to seize its opportunities.
[Illustration: GENERAL SIR IAN HAMILTON
Commanding the Allied Expeditionary Forces Operating Against the
Dardanelles
_(Photo from P.S. Rogers.)_]
[Illustration: ANDREW BONAR LAW
The Canadian-born Leader of the Opposition in the British House of
Commons
_(Photo by Bassano.)_]
Nothing in particular occurred during the night.
The morning of the 27th found our troops occupying the following
positions: North of Zonnebeke the right of the line still held the
eastern end of the Grafenstafel Ridge, but from here it bent
southwestward behind the Haanebeek stream, which it followed to a point
about half a mile east of St. Julien. Thence it curved back again to the
Vamheule Farm, on the Ypres-Poelcappelle road, running from here in a
slight southerly curve to a point a little west of the Ypres-Langemarck
road, where it joined the French. In the last mentioned quarter of the
field it followed generally the line of a low ridge running from west to
east. On the French front the Germans had been cleared from the west
bank of the canal, except at one point, Steenstraate, where they
continued to hold the bridgehead.
About 1 P.M. a counter-attack was made by us all along the line between
the canal and the Ypres-Poelcappelle road, and for about an hour we
continued to make progress. Then the right and centre were checked. A
little later the left was also held up, and the situation remained very
much as it had been on the previous day. The Germans were doubtless much
encouraged by their initial success, and their previous boldness in
attack was now matched by the stubborn manner in which they clung on to
their positions. In the evening the French stormed some trenches east of
the canal, but were again checked by the enemy's gas cylinders.
The night passed quietly, and was spent by us in reorganizing and
consolidating our positions. The enemy did not interfere. This is not
surprising, in view of the fact that by Tuesday evening they had been
fighting for over five days. Their state of exhaustion is confirmed by
the statements of the prisoners captured by the French, who also
reported that the German losses had been very heavy.
On Wednesday, the 28th, there was a complete lull on this sector of our
line, and the shelling was less severe. Some fighting, however, occurred
along the canal, the French taking over 100 prisoners.
Nothing of any importance has occurred on other parts of the front. On
the 27th, at the Railway Triangle opposite Guinchy, the south side of
the embankment held by the Germans was blown up by our miners. On the
28th a hostile aeroplane was forced to descend by our anti-aircraft
guns. On coming down in rear of the German lines, it was at once fired
upon and destroyed by our field artillery. Another hostile machine was
brought down by rifle fire near Zonnebeke.
Splendid work has been done during the past few days by our airmen, who
have kept all the area behind the hostile lines under close observation.
On the 26th they bombed the stations of Staden, Thielt, Courtrai,
Roubaix, and other places, and located an armored train near Langemarck,
which was subsequently shelled and forced to retire. There have been
several successful conflicts in the air, on one occasion a pilot in a
single seater chasing a German machine to Roulers, and forcing it to
land.
The raid on Courtrai unfortunately cost the nation a very gallant life,
but it will live as one of the most heroic episodes of the war. The
airman started on the enterprise alone in a biplane. On arrival at
Courtrai he glided down to a height of 300 feet and dropped a large bomb
on the railway junction. While he did this he was the target of hundreds
of rifles, of machine guns, and of anti-aircraft armament, and was
severely wounded in the thigh. Though he might have saved his life by at
once coming down in the enemy's lines, he decided to save his machine at
all costs, and made for the British lines. Descending to a height of
only 100 feet in order to increase his speed, he continued to fly and
was again wounded, this time mortally. He still flew on, however, and
without coming down at the nearest of our aerodromes went all the way
back to his own base, where he executed a perfect landing and made his
report. He died in hospital not long afterward.[A]
[Footnote A: The obituary columns of The Times of April 30 contained the
following notice under "Died of Wounds":
RHODES-MOORHOUSE.--On Tuesday, the 27th April, of wounds
received while dropping bombs on Courtrai the day before,
WILLIAM BARNARD RHODES RHODES-MOORHOUSE, Second Lieutenant,
Royal Flying Corps, aged 27, dear elder son of Mr. and Mrs.
Edward Moorhouse of Parnham House, Dorset, and most loved
husband of Linda Rhodes-Moorhouse.]
The outstanding feature of the action of the past week has been the
steadiness of our troops on the extreme left; but of the deeds of
individual gallantry and devotion which have been performed it would be
impossible to narrate one-hundredth part. At one place in this quarter a
machine gun was stationed in the angle of a trench when the German rush
took place. One man after another of the detachment was shot, but the
gun still continued in action, though five bodies lay around it. When
the sixth man took the place of his fallen comrades, of whom one was his
brother, the Germans were still pressing on. He waited until they were
only a few yards away, and then poured a stream of bullets on to the
advancing ranks, which broke and fell back, leaving rows of dead. He was
then wounded himself.
Under the hot fire to which our batteries were subjected in the early
part of the engagement telephone wires were repeatedly cut. The wire
connecting one battery with its observing officer was severed on nine
separate occasions, and on each occasion repaired by a Sergeant, who did
the work out in the open under a perfect hail of shells.
_On May 5 the following account of the British Official Eyewitness,
continuing the report of April 30, was published:_
About 5 P.M. a dense cloud of suffocating vapors was launched from their
trenches along the whole front held by the French right and by our left
from the Ypres-Langemarck road to a considerable distance east of St.
Julien. The fumes did not carry much beyond our front trenches. But
these were to a great extent rendered untenable, and a retirement from
them was ordered.
No sooner had this started than the enemy opened a violent bombardment
with asphyxiating shells and shrapnel on our trenches and on our
infantry as they were withdrawing. Meanwhile our guns had not been idle.
From a distance, perhaps owing to some peculiarity of the light, the gas
on this occasion looked like a great reddish cloud, and the moment it
was seen our batteries poured a concentrated fire on the German
trenches.
Curious situations then arose between us and the enemy. The poison belt,
the upper part shredding into thick wreaths of vapor as it was shaken by
the wind, and the lower and denser part sinking into all inequalities of
the ground, rolled slowly down the trenches. Shells would rend it for a
moment, but it only settled down again as thickly as before.
Nevertheless, the German infantry faced it, and they faced a hail of
shrapnel as well. In some cases where the gas had not reached our lines
our troops held firm and shot through the cloud at the advancing
Germans. In other cases the men holding the front line managed to move
to the flank, where they were more or less beyond the affected area.
Here they waited until the enemy came on and then bayoneted them when
they reached our trenches.
On the extreme left our supports waited until the wall of vapor reached
our trenches, when they charged through it and met the advancing Germans
with the bayonet as they swarmed over the parapets.
South of St. Julien the denseness of the vapor compelled us to evacuate
trenches, but reinforcements arrived who charged the enemy before they
could establish themselves in position. In every case the assaults
failed completely. Large numbers were mown down by our artillery. Men
were seen falling and others scattering and running back to their own
lines. Many who reached the gas cloud could not make their way through
it, and in all probability a great number of the wounded perished from
the fumes.
It is to that extent, from a military standpoint, a sign of weakness.
Another sign of weakness is the adoption of illegal methods of fighting,
such as spreading poisonous gas. It is a confession by the Germans that
they have lost their former great superiority in artillery and are, in
any cost, seeking another technical advantage over their enemy as a
substitute.
Nevertheless, this spirit, this determination on the part of our enemies
to stick at nothing must not be underestimated. Though it may not pay
the Germans in the long run, it renders it all the more obvious that
they are a foe that can be overcome only by the force of overwhelming
numbers of men and guns.
Further to the east a similar attack was made about 7 P.M. which seems
to have been attended with even less success, and the assaulting
infantry was at once beaten back by our artillery fire.
It was not long before all our trenches were reoccupied and the whole
line re-established in its original position. The attack on the French
met with the same result.
_The Eyewitness then relates incidents showing the steadiness of the
Indian troops, who, he says, "advanced under a murderous fire, their war
cry swelling louder and louder above the din."_
Prisoners captured in the recent fighting, the narrative continues,
stated that one German corps lost 80 per cent. of its men in the first
week; that the losses from our artillery fire, even during days when no
attacks were taking place, had been very heavy and that many of their
own men had suffered from the effects of the gas.
_The writer concludes as follows:_
In regard to the recent fighting on our left, the German offensive,
effected in the first instance by surprise, resulted in a considerable
gain of ground for the enemy. Between all the earlier German efforts,
the only difference was that on this latest occasion the attempt was
carried out with the aid of poisonous gases.
There is no reason why we should not expect similar tactics in the
future. They do not mean that the Allies have lost the initiative in the
Western theatre, nor that they are likely to lose it. They do mean,
however, and the fact has been repeatedly pointed out, that the enemy's
defensive is an active one, that his confidence is still unshaken and
that he still is able to strike in some strength where he sees the
chance or where mere local advantage can be secured.
The true idea of the meaning of the operations of the Allies can be
gained only by bearing in mind that it is their primary object to bring
about the exhaustion of the enemy's resources in men.
In the form now assumed by this struggle--a war of attrition--the
Germans are bound ultimately to lose, and it is the consciousness of
this fact that inspires their present policy. This is to achieve as
early as possible some success of sufficient magnitude to influence the
neutrals, to discourage the Allies, to make them weary of the struggle
and to induce the belief among the people ignorant of war that nothing
has been gained by the past efforts of the Allies because the Germans
have not yet been driven back. It is being undertaken with a political
rather than a strategical object.
_The official British Eyewitness, under date of May 11, 1915, gives an
account of the German attempts on the previous Saturday and Sunday to
break the British lines around Ypres, and of the beginning of the
Anglo-French offensive north of Arras. He said:_
The calm that prevailed Thursday and Friday proved to be only the lull
before the storm. Early Saturday morning it became apparent that the
Germans were preparing an attack in strength against our line running
east and northeast from Ypres, for they were concentrating under cover
of a violent artillery fire, and at about 10 o'clock the battle began in
earnest.
At that hour the Germans attacked our line from the Ypres-Poelcappelle
road to within a short distance of the Menin highroad, it being
evidently their intention while engaging us closely on the whole of this
sector to break our front in the vicinity of the Ypres-Roulers Railway,
to the north and to the south of which their strongest and most
determined assaults were delivered.
Under this pressure our front was penetrated at some points around
Frezenberg, and at 4:30 o'clock in the afternoon we made a
counter-attack between the Zonnebeke road and the railway in order to
recover the lost ground. Our offensive was conducted most gallantly, but
was checked before long by the fire of machine guns.
Meanwhile, the enemy launched another attack through the woods south of
the Menin road, and at the same time threatened our left to the north of
Ypres with fresh masses. Most desperate fighting ensued, the German
infantry coming on again and again and gradually forcing our troops
back, though only for a short distance, in spite of repeated
counter-attacks.
During the night the fighting continued to rage with ever-increasing
fury. It is impossible to say at exactly what hour our line was broken
at different points, but it is certain that at one time the enemy's
infantry poured through along the Poelcappelle road, and even got as far
as Wieltje at 9 P.M.
There was also a considerable gap in our front about Frezenberg, where
hostile detachments had penetrated. At both points counter-attacks were
organized without delay. To the east of the salient the Germans first
were driven back to Frezenberg, but there they made a firm stand, and
under pressure of fresh reinforcements we fell back again toward
Verlorenhoek.
Northeast of the salient a counter-attack carried out by us about 1 A.M.
was more successful. Our troops swept the enemy out of Wieltje at the
bayonet's point, leaving the village strewn with German dead and,
pushing on, regained most of the ground to the north of that point. And
so the fight surged to and fro throughout the night. All around the
scene of the conflict the sky was lit up by the flashes of the guns and
the light of blazing villages and farms, while against this background
of smoke and flame, looking out in the murky light over the crumbling
ruins of the old town, rose the battered wreck of the cathedral town
and the spires of Cloth Hall.
When Sunday dawned there came a short respite, and the firing for a time
died down. The comparative lull enabled us to reorganize and consolidate
our position on the new line we had taken up and to obtain some rest
after the fatigue and strain of the night. It did not last long,
however, and in the afternoon the climax of the battle was reached, for,
under the cover of intense artillery fire, the Germans launched no less
than five separate assaults against the east of the salient.
To the north and northeast their attacks were not at first pressed so
hard as on the south of the Menin road, where the fighting was
especially fierce. In the latter direction masses of infantry were
hurled on with absolute desperation and were beaten off with
corresponding slaughter.
At one point, north of the town, 500 of the enemy advanced from the
wood, and it is affirmed by those present that not a single man of them
escaped.
On the eastern face, at 6:30 P.M., an endeavor was made to storm the
grounds of the Château Hooge, a little north of the Menin road, but the
force attempting it broke and fell back under the hail of shrapnel
poured upon them by our guns. It was on this side, where they had to
face the concentrated fire of guns, Maxims and rifles again and again in
their efforts to break their way through, that the Germans incurred
their heaviest losses, and the ground was literally heaped with dead.
They evidently, for the time being at least, were unable to renew their
efforts, and as night came on the fury of their offensive gradually
slackened, the hours of darkness passing in quietness.
During the day our troops saw some of the enemy busily employed in
stripping the British dead in our abandoned trenches, east of the Hooge
Château, and several Germans afterward were noticed dressed in khaki.
So far as the Ypres region is concerned, this for us was a most
successful day. Our line, which on the northeast of the salient had,
after the previous day's fighting, been reconstituted a short distance
behind the original front, remained intact. Our losses were
comparatively slight, and, owing to the targets presented by the enemy,
the action resolved itself on our part into pure killing.
The reason for this very determined effort to crush our left on the part
of the Germans is not far to seek. It is probable that for some days
previously they had been in possession of information which led them to
suppose that we intended to apply pressure on the right of our line, and
that their great attack upon Ypres on the 7th, 8th, and 9th was
undertaken with a view to diverting us from our purpose.
In this the Germans were true to their principles, for they rightly hold
that the best manner of meeting an expected hostile offensive is to
forestall it by attacking in some other quarter. In this instance their
leaders acted with the utmost determination and energy and their
soldiers fought with the greatest courage.
The failure of their effort was due to the splendid endurance of our
troops, who held the line around the salient under a fire which again
and again blotted out whole lengths of the defenses and killed the
defenders by scores. Time after time along those parts of the front
selected for assault were parapets destroyed, and time after time did
the thinning band of survivors build them up again and await the next
onset as steadily as before.
Here, in May, in defense of the same historic town, have our
incomparable infantry repeated the great deeds their comrades performed
half a year ago and beaten back most desperate onslaughts of hostile
hordes backed by terrific artillery support.
The services rendered by our troops in this quarter cannot at present be
estimated, for their full significance will only be realized in the
light of future events. But so far their devotion has indirectly
contributed in no small measure to the striking success already achieved
by our allies.
Further south, in the meantime, on Sunday another struggle had been in
progress on that portion of the front covered by the right of our line
and the left of the French, for when the firing around Ypres was
temporarily subsiding during the early hours of the morning another and
even more tremendous cannonade was suddenly started by the artillery of
the Allies some twenty miles to the south.
The morning was calm, bright, and clear, and opposite our right, as the
sun rose, the scene in front of our line was the most peaceful
imaginable. Away to the right were Guinchy, with its brickfields and the
ruins of Givenchy. To the north of them lay low ground, where, hidden by
trees and hedgerows, ran the opposing lines that were about to become
the scene of the conflict, and beyond, in the distance, rose the long
ridge of Aubers, the villages crowning it standing out clear cut against
the sky.
At 5 o'clock the bombardment began, slowly at first and then growing in
volume until the whole air quivered with the rush of the larger shells
and the earth shook with the concussion of guns. In a few minutes the
whole distant landscape disappeared in smoke and dust, which hung for a
while in the still air and then drifted slowly across the line of
battle.
Shortly before 6 o'clock our infantry advanced along our front between
the Bois Grenier and Festubert. On the left, north of Fromelles, we
stormed the German first line trenches. Hand-to-hand fighting went on
for some time with bayonet, rifle, and hand grenade, but we continued to
hold on to this position throughout the day and caused the enemy very
heavy loss, for not only were many Germans killed in the bombardment,
but their repeated efforts to drive us from the captured positions
proved most costly.
On the right, to the north of Festubert, our advance met with
considerable opposition and was not pressed.
Meanwhile, the French, after a prolonged bombardment, had taken the
German positions north of Arras on a front of nearly five miles, and had
pushed forward from two to three miles, capturing 2,000 prisoners and
six guns. This remarkable success was gained by our allies in the course
of a few hours.
As may be supposed from the nature of the fighting which has been in
progress, our losses have been heavy. On other parts of the front our
action was confined to that of the artillery, but this proved most
effective later, all the communications of the enemy being subjected to
so heavy and accurate a fire that in some quarters all movement by
daylight within range of our lines was rendered impracticable. At one
place opposite our centre a convoy of ammunition was hit by a shell,
which knocked out six motor lorries and caused two to blow up. Opposite
our centre we fired two mines, which did considerable damage to the
enemy's defenses.
During the day also our aeroplanes attacked several points of
importance. One of our airmen, who was sent to bomb the canal bridge
near Don, was wounded on his way there, but continued and fulfilled his
mission. Near Wytschaete, one of our aviators pursued a German aeroplane
and fired a whole belt from his machine gun at it. The Taube suddenly
swerved, righted itself for a second, and then descended from a height
of several thousand feet straight to the ground.
On the other hand, a British machine unfortunately was brought down over
Lille by the enemy's anti-aircraft guns, but it is hoped that the
aviator escaped.
_In regard to the German allegation, that the British used gas in their
attacks on Hill 60, the Eyewitness says:_
No asphyxiating gases have been employed by us at any time, nor have
they yet been brought into play by us.
To Certain German Professors of Chemics
[From Punch, May 5, 1915.]
When you observed how brightly other tutors
Inspired the yearning heart of Youth;
How from their lips, like Pilsen's foaming pewters,
It sucked the fount of German Truth;
There, in your Kaiserlich laboratory,
"We, too," you said, "will find a task to do,
And so contribute something to the glory
Of God and William Two.
"Bring forth the stink-pots. Such a foul aroma
By arts divine shall be evoked
As will to leeward cause a state of coma
And leave the enemy blind and choked;
By gifts of culture we will work such ravages
With our superbly patriotic smells
As would confound with shame those half-baked savages,
The poisoners of wells."
Good! You have more than matched the rival pastors
That tute a credulous Fatherland;
And we admit that you are proved our masters
When there is dirty work in hand;
But in your lore I notice one hiatus:
Your Kaiser's scutcheon with its hideous blot--
You've no corrosive in your apparatus
Can out that damnéd spot!
O.S.
Seven Days of War East and West
Fighting of the Second Week in May on French and Russian Fronts.
[By a Military Expert of THE NEW YORK TIMES.]
The sinking of the Lusitania has, for the week ended May 15, so
completely absorbed the attention of the press and the interest of the
public that the military operations themselves have not received the
notice that otherwise would have been awarded them. The sinking of this
ship, with the delicate diplomatic situation between Germany and the
United States which the act brought about, is not a military or naval
operation as such, and comments on it have no place in this column. At
the same time there is an indirect effect of the drowning of hundreds of
British citizens which will have a very direct bearing on Britain's
military strength and policy.
The British public is notably hard to stir, are slow to act, and almost
always underrate their adversary. In almost every war, from 1775 down to
and including the South African war, England, with a self-assurance that
could only be based on ignorance of true conditions, has started with
only a small force, and it has been only when this force has been
defeated and used up that the realization of the true needs of the
situation has dawned. Then, and then only, has recruiting been possible
at a pace commensurate with the necessity.
In the Boer war, for example, every one in England, official and
civilian, believed that 30,000 men would be more than enough to defeat
the South African burghers. Yet ten times 30,000 British soldiers were
operating in the Transvaal and Orange Free State before the war ended.
In the present conflict Lord Kitchener himself admits that there are
many times the number of British soldiers in France than was thought
would be necessary when war was declared. And even up to May 6 the
British public was not thoroughly aroused. Many of the peasants in the
back counties hardly believed the war was a reality. Recruiting was
slow, there was but little enthusiasm, and Lord Haldane's thinly veiled
hint that a draft might soon become necessary was almost unnoticed.
But the sinking of the Lusitania has brought the war home to England as
nothing else has or could have done, and all England is aflame with a
bitterness against Germany which is already increasing the flow of
recruits and cannot but add to the fighting efficiency of the men now at
the front. The effect will be far-reaching throughout the British
Empire, and will do much to solve the problem which faced the organizers
of Great Britain's forces of how to get sufficient volunteers to swell
the volume of the French expeditionary force and to replace the
casualties.
To turn to the direct military operations in the various theatres of
war, no week since last Fall has witnessed more important activities or
offensive movements conducted on such a scale. On both western and
eastern fronts truly momentous actions involving great numbers of men
have been under way, and though not yet concluded, have advanced so far
as to give a reasonable basis for estimating the results.
ON THE WESTERN FRONT.
On the western front the principal scenes of action have been the front
from Nieuport to Arras, the Champagne district, and the southern side of
the German wedge from its apex at St. Mihiel to Pont-à-Mousson. On the
northern part of the Allies' line from Ypres to Nieuport the Germans
have been the aggressors. They have selected as the principal points of
attack the Belgian line back of the Yser just south of Nieuport and the
point of juncture of the British with the Belgian lines.
Both attacks have the same general object--the bending back of the line
between these two points with a vision, for the future, of Dunkirk and
Calais. The attack along the Yser has not been pushed to any extent, and
what advantage there is rests with the Belgians. In fact, the Belgians
have advanced somewhat and have been able to throw a bridge across the
Yser near St. George, just east of Nieuport, on the Nieuport-Bruges
road.
Around Ypres the fighting has been more than usually fierce and
desperate. Blow after blow has been struck, first by one side, then by
the other. Both German and British have admittedly suffered enormous
losses, but the positions of their respective lines are almost unchanged
from those occupied a week ago. The German gains of last week in the
vicinity of Steenstraate produced in the British lines around Ypres a
sharp salient, and it is against the sides of this salient that the
Germans have been hurling their forces.
The town of Ypres is now in complete ruins, and, although it would
normally be of importance because of the fact that it is the point of
crossing of a number of roads, this importance is destroyed by the fact
that it is entirely dominated by the German artillery. As long as this
state of affairs exists the town has practically no strategic value. All
that the Germans can accomplish if they take Ypres will have been a
flattening out of the British salient.
Germany cannot be content with occasional bending of the Allies' line.
The process is too slow and too costly. Germany has almost, if not
quite, reached her maximum strength, and the losses she now suffers will
be difficult to replace. Viewing the situation entirely from the German
standpoint, success can only mean breaking through and attacking the two
exposed flanks at the point pierced. This would force a retreat as in
the case of the Russian lines along the Dunajec, which will be taken up
later on. No other form of action can be decisive, though it might
permit a little more of Belgian or French territory to change hands.
This would, of course, in case the war were declared a draw, give
Germany an additional advantage in the discussion of terms of peace,
especially if the rule of uti posseditis were applied as a basis from
which to begin negotiations. But this contingency is too remote for
present consideration.
As to the probability of German success around Ypres, it seems to grow
less as time passes. After the first rush was over and the British lines
had time to re-form Germany has accomplished nothing. Moreover, it is
certain that in back of the short twenty-five miles of line held by the
British troops there is a reserve of almost a half million men. No other
portion of the battle line in either theatre has such great latent
strength ready to be thrown in when the critical moment comes. Just why
it has not been used so far is a mystery, the solution of which can be
found only in the brain of Sir John French. But it is known to be in
France and is there for a purpose.
From Loos to Arras the French have undertaken the most ambitious and the
most successful offensive movement made in the west since Winter set in.
The entire French line along this front of twenty-five miles, taking the
Germans by surprise, has gone forward a distance varying from one-half
to two and a half miles. The attack was launched at an extremely
opportune moment. The Germans were, in the first place, extremely busy
in the north at Ypres, and were making every effort to drive that attack
home. The probabilities were, therefore, that the line in front of the
Arras-Loos position was none too strong, and that such reserves as could
be spared had been sent north. Then, again, it would tend to divert
attention from the Ypres line, and so relieve somewhat the pressure on
the British lines at that point.
The objective of the French attack seems to have been the town of Lens,
which is the centre of the coal district of France. Loos, which is
about three miles north of Lens, has been one of the centres of
fighting. This indicates how close the French are to their objective.
Lens is an important railroad centre, and is the point of junction of
many roads which radiate in all directions. As yet the French advance is
not sufficient to denote anything, but another step in the "nibbling"
process by means of which the French have kept the Germans occupied for
some months.
In the German angle, from Etain to St. Mihiel to Pont-à-Mousson, the
French achieved what will probably prove to be the greatest local
success of the past week. That is, the complete occupation of the Le
Prêtre woods. Sooner or later the continual French encroachments on the
German area of occupation must cause the straightening out of this line
and the retirement of the Germans to the supporting forts of Metz. The
object of all the French moves against this angle has been the town of
Thiancourt, on the German supply line from Metz. The capture of the last
German line of trenches in the Prêtre Forest brings the French within
six miles of this town. When the French reach the northern edge of this
forest, and they must be very close to it now, it will be a simple
matter to drop shells into Thiancourt and seriously endanger every train
that comes in.
On the rest of the western front there have been a number of isolated
actions, notably in the Champagne district, in the Argonne Forest and
north of Flirey, between St. Mihiel and Pont-à-Mousson. They have been
of no particular advantage however, and seem to have had no definite
purpose beyond making additions to the casualty lists.
Considering the results of the week's operations in the west, therefore,
it is safe to say that the advantage lies with the Allies. That part of
the line which has been thrown on the defensive has more than held its
own, while the French offense has resulted in a considerable advance
over a wide front. If we may draw any comparison at all from this, it
must be that the German line is not nearly so impenetrable as the
British, and that when the Allies think the attempt will justify the
losses that will be inevitably sustained, the German line can be broken
even though the rupture may be quickly healed.
IN THE EASTERN THEATRE.
In the eastern theatre interest still centres in the battles in Galicia.
In Western Galicia, between the Dunajec and the San, the Russian forces
are steadily giving way before the attacks of the Germanic allies. Their
retreat, which, during the past week, has been rapid, has been well
protected by heavy rear guard actions, which have temporarily delayed
the pursuing Austrians at various points. At the same time, however, but
little respite was given to the Russians.
German and Austrian reports as to the number of prisoners and amount of
booty will bear scrutiny, and, taken into consideration with recent
disturbances in Italy, may safely be discounted. The surrender of such
large bodies of troops, even in the Russian Army, cannot be forced when
the lines of retreat are open or when sufficient notice is given that
such lines are dangerously menaced. It is only when troops are
surrounded or when a large hostile force is thrust in between units, as
happened some months ago with the Tenth Russian Army in the Masurian
Lakes district, that such surrenders occur.
This does not apply, of course, to the wounded, and in the present case
the Russians, through the enforced rapidity of their retreat, must
necessarily in many instances have left their wounded on the field of
battle to fall into the hands of the pursuing enemy. Certainly the
Russian losses were heavy. Equally certain is it that the battle for the
Carpathian passes is now history.
This is evident from a brief review of the Russian position on the
Carpathian front, with particular reference to the necessary lines of
communications and an outline of the present Russian position as
accurately as it can at present be determined. It must be stated at this
point, however, that this position is a matter of doubt, as reports
from Vienna and from Petrograd are greatly at variance as to what has
been accomplished.
It was noted last week that the Russian line formed a huge crescent, the
longer arc of which (and this was the Carpathian front) extended from
Bartfeld north, then east along the Carpathian crests, north of Uzsok to
a point on the Stryi River. This line is over 100 miles long. It was
dependent for supplies on five roads, three of which were fairly good
dirt roads, the other two railroads; of the latter one runs through
Uzsok, and is so far east that only a small section of the line was
reached by it.
The main line, however, has been supplied from the remaining four, all
of which turn off either from the one lateral railroad from Przemysl to
Jaslo or from the dirt road between Jaslo and Sanok, and run south to
the various passes. As this latter road simply loops the railroad
between these two points, the entire Russian Carpathian line may be
considered to have been supplied by the lateral railroad from Sanok to
Jaslo. In proportion to the number of troops that had to be fed and
supplied, these lines were only too few, and the marvel is that Russia
was able to keep up the necessary flow of food and ammunition throughout
her effort against the Carpathian passes. The possession of all of these
roads was the sine qua non of Russian success. The loss of any one of
them would affect so many miles of her line that the whole line would
have felt the influence.
The Austrian troops are said to have reached the lower San, but no
particular point is mentioned. Nothing is said about the upper San or
the stretch of Galicia between the two. It may, therefore, be assumed
that the Russian left is on the Vistula, near the confluence of the San,
and that the general line runs from there south, probably through
Rzeszow along the valley of the Wistok River, occupying the wooded hills
east of that river, and bending eastward slightly toward the upper San.
This means that all of the lines of communication that supplied the
Carpathian front except the line through Uzsok Pass are now in Austrian
hands.
Russia still clings tenaciously to Uzsok, however, doubtless having
under consideration the possibility that Italy may enter the war, and
that another advance against the Carpathians may then be made. In such a
contingency the Russian losses in the various engagements around Uzsok
would not have been in vain.
Russia has answered the Austrian drive from the west by a vigorous
offense against the defenses of Bukowina Province. The Austrian forces
east of the San River are divided--one part which has been extremely
active against the Russians being on the east bank of the Stryi, and the
other, which has been quiescently defensive, along the Bistritza, the
latter line running almost due east and west. This latter force the
Russians struck, using large bodies of Cossack cavalry in a flanking
movement from the north. The Austrian retreat has been more precipitate,
and the losses greater in proportion than in the Russian retreat from
the Dunajec.
If in addition the Rumanians came across Transylvania and caught the
Austrians in the rear the defeat would almost offset that of the
Russians in the west. Rumania's advent into the war is, however, still a
matter of doubt, and any conclusions predicated on that assumption are
entirely speculative.
The two known facts in regard to the Galician situation are that in
Western Galicia the Russian Dunajec line is retreating, uncovering and
therefore involving in its retreat the troops in the Carpathians, and in
Eastern Galicia the Russians seem to have the greater measure of
success. Of the two, however, the operations in Western Galicia are of
infinitely greater importance. Eventually the Russian retreat will
probably reach the general line of the San River north of Jaroslau,
where there will be an opportunity to re-form on a much shorter line,
and after recuperation of men and supplies preparations for a new
offense may be begun.
[Illustration: Operation on the Russian Front
This map records the action for the week ended May 15. In the extreme
north, in the Russian Baltic Province of Courland, the Germans still
held the port of Libau, (1,) and a fierce battle was in progress south
of Shavli, (2,) where the Russians stopped the raid toward Mitau.
In South Poland and West Galicia the changes brought about by the great
Austro-German drive of 1,500,000 men from Cracow are shown by the heavy
dotted and solid lines. The dotted line shows the approximate position
of the German battle front when the drive began and the solid line its
approximate position according to latest advices from Berlin and Vienna,
Jaroslau (3) being the latest important position reported captured.
In extreme Eastern Galicia the situation was reversed, the dotted line
showing roughly the position of the Russian line when the counter-drive
by the Czar's forces was launched and the solid line its position, so
far as was ascertainable, on May 15.]
Their defeat, however, has been a severe blow, and has cost Russia a
terrible price in men and in guns, the latter of which she could less
afford to lose. On the other hand, they have inflicted terrible
punishment on the victors, so that the victory partakes of a Pyrrhian
character.
In the meantime operations in the Dardanelles are being pressed, but are
not reported with sufficient definiteness to give an idea as to the
probable result.
Austro-German Success
By Major E. Moraht.
_Major E. Moraht, the military expert of the Berliner Tageblatt,
discussed the operations on the eastern war front as follows in the
Tageblatt of April 30:_
Austria-Hungary, through its latest decision to create a supplementary
Landsturm service law, has given notice that it desires under any
circumstances to be able to wage the war for a longer time, if
conditions should compel it to do so. Thus are contradicted all the
reports spread by ill-informed correspondents of foreign newspapers, who
sought to create the impression that Austria-Hungary was tired and had
not the energy to face the situation such as it is. Furthermore, the
acceptance of the supplementary Landsturm service gave testimony, in the
Hungarian Parliament, of the unanimity in which the Hungarian Nation
unites as soon as it is a question of furthering the armed preparedness
of the army.
The Landsturm law heretofore had two defects--it included in its scope
only the once-trained men liable to Landsturm service up to the age of
42 years, and restricted the use of certain Landsturm troops to certain
areas. Hereafter it will be possible to use the men capable of bearing
arms up to the fiftieth year, though, to be sure, only in case the
younger classes have in general already been exhausted. It will also be
possible to draw Hungarian formations and Austrian Landsturm troops in
such a manner that the area available will offer no more difficulties.
Even though the new law will presumably hold good only during the
present war, the impression created by the decision of the
Austro-Hungarian Government on the enemy and on neutrals cannot be a
slight one. We in Germany can only congratulate the peoples of our ally,
so willing to make sacrifices, upon this resolve, and no one among us
will be able to deny recognition thereof, the less because we ourselves,
according to human calculations will not have to adopt such an extension
of Landsturm service.
Our northeastern army has again been heard of. After a considerable time
the situation has again changed, and that, too, in our favor. The
battles northeast and east of Suwalki have again revived and have given
into our hands the Russian trenches along a front of twenty kilometers.
Between Kovno and Grodno, both situated on the Niemen, we must note in
our battle line the towns of Mariampol, Kalwarya, and the territory east
of Suwalki. This front has opposed to it the two Russian fortresses
mentioned and between them the bridgeheads at Olita and Sereje. Owing to
the brevity of the latest report, it cannot be told whether our attack
found an end in the Russian positions. It may be that the attack went
further and won territory at least twenty kilometers wide toward the
Niemen. Moreover, we have learned that the Russians still held on north
of Prasznysz, where on April 27 they lost prisoners and machine guns.
No answer is given by the sparse reports from the eastern army to the
question of the entire foreign press: "Where has Hindenburg been keeping
himself?" Wishes and speculations may thus busy themselves as much as
they like with the answering of that question. In the Russian version
of the war situation there is reference to advance guard skirmishes in
the territory of Memel, a brief interruption of the quiet southeast of
Augustowa and before Ossowicz. The Russians are clearly worried by the
possibility of an undertaking of the navy against the Russian Baltic
coast.
The territory of the fighting in the Carpathians still claims the chief
interest--especially because everywhere where the general position and
the weather conditions and topographical conditions permitted the
Austro-Hungarian-German offensive has begun. As has been emphasized on
previous occasions, the eagerness for undertaking actions on the part of
our allies had never subsided at any point, in spite of the strenuous
rigors of a stationary warfare. As early as April 14 an advance
enlivened the territory northwest of the Uzsok Pass. The position on the
heights of Tucholka has been won. The heights west and east of the
Laborez valley are in the hands of the Austro-German allies, and each
day furnishes new proofs of the forward pressure. Of especial importance
is the capture of Russian points of support southeast of Koziouwa, east
of the Orawa valley. The advance takes its course against the Galician
town of Stryi. The progress which the Austro-German southern army made
has so far been moving in the same direction, and one can understand why
the Russians instituted the fiercest counter-attacks in order to force
the allied troops to halt in this territory. The counter-attacks,
however, ended with a collapse of the Russians, and the resultant
pursuit was so vigorous that twenty-six more trenches were wrested from
the foe. Daily our front is being advanced in a northeasterly direction,
and there is little prospect for the Russians of being able to oppose
successful resistance to our pressure. For it is not a matter of the
success of a single fighting group that has been shoving forward like a
wedge from the great line of attack, but of a strategic offensive led as
a unit, and everywhere winning territory, the time for which seems to
have arrived.
It is an important fact that the eastern group of the Austro-Hungarian
army will clearly not be shattered. At Zaleszcyki a stand is being
maintained, and at Boyan on the Pruth the Austrian mortars have driven
the Russians out of their next-to-the-last positions before the
Bessarabian frontier.
The speech of the Hungarian Minister of Defense of the Realm, Baron
Hazai, who a few days ago discussed the military situation of the recent
past in exhaustive fashion, is very interesting in many respects. It
doubtless aimed to set in the right light the bravery of the
Austro-Hungarian Army, for there have been persons who took little or no
note of the achievements of that army. The Minister selected examples
from the warfare of the eighteenth century, the time of the lukewarm
campaigns, and the warfare of the nineteenth century, the era of logical
and energetical battles. From this period of mobile wars, that were
carried on under the principle of energy, he came to the preparations
for the present war and estimated the number of soldiers which the
belligerent parties had drawn to the colors at between 25,000,000 and
26,000,000 men. More than half of these are to be regarded as warriors,
while the rest are doing service as reserves for the army or in the
lines of support and communication outside the fighting zone. The
highest number of fighters on a single theatre of the war included from
six to seven million fighters on both sides. The long trench warfare,
the Minister rightly pointed out, demands greater energy than was ever
demanded at any time of the troops, and a loss of from 10 per cent. to
15 per cent. of the fighting force today no longer keeps back the
leaders from executing far-going decisions. Today the fronts clash, not
in one-day or several day battles, but for weeks and months at a time,
so that many of the fighters even now have already taken part in 100
battles. These instructive and appreciative words from an authoritative
station throw a bright light upon the strength of the nations which are
sacrificing their forces in a sense of duty to their fatherland. But
the lesson which the homeland should draw from such unprecedented
self-sacrifice consists of this--always to stand as a firm protective
wall behind the army, never to deny it recognition and encouraging
approval, and to dissipate its cares for the present and for the future.
The Campaign in the Carpathians
Russian Victory Succeeded by Reverses and Defeat.
THE VICTORY IN APRIL.
[By the Correspondent of The London Times.]
Petrograd, April 18.
_A dispatch from the Headquarters Staff of the Commander in Chief says:_
At the beginning of March, (Old Style,) in the principal chain of the
Carpathians, we only held the region of the Dukla Pass, where our lines
formed an exterior angle. All the other passes--Lupkow and further
east--were in the hands of the enemy.
In view of this situation, our armies were assigned the further task of
developing, before the season of bad roads due to melting snows began,
our positions in the Carpathians which dominated the outlets into the
Hungarian plain. About the period indicated great Austrian forces, which
had been concentrated for the purpose of relieving Przemysl, were in
position between the Lupkow and Uzsok Passes.
It was for this sector that our grand attack was planned. Our troops had
to carry out a frontal attack under very difficult conditions of
terrain. To facilitate their attack, therefore, an auxiliary attack was
decided upon on a front in the direction of Bartfeld as far as the
Lupkow. This secondary attack was opened on March 19 and was completely
developed.
On the 23rd and 28th of March our troops had already begun their
principal attack in the direction of Baligrod, enveloping the enemy
positions from the west of the Lupkow Pass and on the east near the
source of the San.
The enemy opposed the most desperate resistance to the offensive of our
troops. They had brought up every available man on the front from the
direction of Bartfeld as far as the Uzsok Pass, including even German
troops and numerous cavalrymen fighting on foot. His effectives on this
front exceeded 300 battalions. Moreover, our troops had to overcome
great natural difficulties at every step.
Nevertheless, from April 5--that is, eighteen days after the beginning
of our offensive--the valor of our troops enabled us to accomplish the
task that had been set, and we captured the principal chain of the
Carpathians on the front Reghetoff-Volosate, 110 versts (about 70 miles)
long. The fighting latterly was in the nature of actions in detail with
the object of consolidating the successes we had won.
To sum up: On the whole Carpathian front, between March 19 and April 12,
the enemy, having suffered enormous losses, left in our hands, in
prisoners only, at least 70,000 men, including about 900 officers.
Further, we captured more than thirty guns and 200 machine guns.
On April 16 the actions in the Carpathians were concentrated in the
direction of Rostoki. The enemy, notwithstanding the enormous losses he
had suffered, delivered, in the course of that day, no fewer than
sixteen attacks in great strength. These attacks, all of which were
absolutely barren of result, were made against the heights which we had
occupied further to the east of Telepovce.
Our troops, during the night of the 16th-17th, after a desperate fight,
stormed and captured a height to the southeast of the village of Polen,
where we took many prisoners. Three enemy counter-attacks on this
height were repulsed.
[Illustration: [map]]
In other sectors all along our front there is no change.
THE GRAND DUKE'S STRATEGY.
Petrograd, April 19.
Today's record of the brilliant feats of the Russian Army in the
Carpathians during the past month, contained in the survey of the Grand
Duke, presents only one aspect--the discomfiture of the Austro-German
forces. The Neue Freie Presse gives some indication of the other aspect.
In a recent issue it stated that "the fortnight's battle around the
Lupkow and Uzsok Passes has been one of the most obstinate in history.
The Russians succeeded in forcing the Austrians out of their positions.
The difficulties of the Austro-Hungarian Army are complicated by the
weather and the lack of ammunition and food." The question naturally
suggests itself, why did these difficulties not equally disturb the
Russian operations? On our side the difficulties of transport were, if
anything, greater. The enemy was backed by numerous railways, with
supplies close at hand, and was fighting on his native soil, and these
advantages undoubtedly compensated for the greater difficulties of
commissariat for the larger numbers of Austro-Germans. But from the
avowal of the Neue Freie Presse it is suggested here that the Austrians
were disorganized. The causes of this disorganization are attributed by
military observers to the mixing up of German with Austrian units,
rendering the task of command and supply very difficult.
The Grand Duke is fully prepared to take the field as soon as the allied
commanders decide that the time for a general action has come. Never has
the spirit of the Russian Army been firmer.
The critics this morning comment on the official communiqué detailing a
gigantic task brilliantly fulfilled by the Carpathian army during March.
Our position in the region of the Dukla Pass early last month exposed us
to pressure from two sides, and might have involved the necessity of
evacuating the main range. Our army thus required to extend its
positions commanding the outlets to the Hungarian plain, before the
Spring thaws, in face of a large hostile concentration between Lupkow
and Uzsok. The chief attack was directed against the latter section, and
an auxiliary attack against the Bartfeld-Lupkow section. The auxiliary
attack began on March 19 against the Austro-German left flank and
reached its full development four days later. Mistaking the auxiliary
for the principal attack, the enemy began an advance from the Bukowina,
hoping to divert us from Uzsok, but, instead, the larger portion of our
army assailed the enemy's flanks while a smaller body advanced against
Rostoki, surmounting the immense difficulties of mountain warfare in
Springtime.
By means of the envelopment of both his flanks the enemy was, by April
5, dislodged from the main range on the entire seventy-mile front from
Regetow to Wolosate. Convinced that we were directing our chief efforts
against his flanks, the enemy now strove to break our resistance in the
Rostoki direction, but, after sixteen futile attacks, he was obliged to
cede the commanding height of Telepovce, our occupation of which will
probably compel him to evacuate his positions at Polen and Smolnik and
withdraw to the valley of the Cziroka, a tributary of the Laborez.
DEFEAT IN EARLY MAY.
[By The Associated Press.]
_VIENNA, May 13, (via Amsterdam to London, May 14.)--An official
statement issued here tonight after recalling that in November and
December at Lodz and Limanowa the Austro-Germans compelled the Russians
to draw back on a front to the extent of 400 kilometers, (about 249
miles,) thereby stopping the Russian advance into Germany, continues:_
From January to the middle of April the Russians vainly exerted
themselves to break through to Hungary, but they completely failed with
heavy losses. Thereupon the time had come to crush the enemy in a common
attack with a full force of the combined troops of both empires.
[Illustration: VICE ADMIRAL JOHN M. DE ROBECK
Commanding the Allied Fleet Operating Against the Dardanelles
_(Photo © American Press Assn.)_]
[Illustration: FIELD MARSHAL BARON VON DER GOLTZ
Commander of the First Turkish Army, Formerly Military Governor of
Belgium
_(Photo from Paul Thompson.)_]
A victory at Tarnow and Gorlice freed West Galicia from the enemy and
caused the Russian fronts on the Nida and in the Carpathians to give
way. In a ten days' battle the victorious troops beat the Russian Third
and Eighth Armies to annihilation, and quickly covered the ground from
the Dunajec and Beskids to the San River--130 kilometers (nearly 81
miles) of territory.
From May 2 to 12 the prisoners taken numbered 143,500, while 100 guns
and 350 machine guns were captured, besides the booty already mentioned.
We suppressed small detachments of the enemy scattered in the woods in
the Carpathians.
Near Odvzechowa the entire staff of the Russian Forty-eighth Division of
Infantry including General Korniloff, surrendered. The best indication
of the confusion of the Russian Army is the fact that our Ninth Corps
captured in the last few days Russians of fifty-one various regiments.
The quantity of captured Russian war material is piled up and has not
yet been enumerated.
North of the Vistula the Austro-Hungarian troops are advancing across
Stopnica. The German troops have captured Kielce.
East of Uzsok Pass the German and Hungarian troops took several Russian
positions on the heights and advanced to the south of Turka, capturing
4,000 prisoners. An attack is proceeding here and in the direction of
Skole.
In Southeast Galicia strong hostile troops are attacking across
Horodenka.
_BERLIN, (via London,) May 13.--The German War Office announced today
that in the recent fighting in Galicia and Russian Poland 143,500
Russians had been captured. It also stated that 69 cannon and 255
machine guns had been taken from the Russians, and that the victorious
Austrian and German forces, continuing their advance eastward in
Galicia, were approaching the fortress of Przemysl. The statement
follows:_
The army under General von Mackensen in the course of its pursuit of the
Russians reached yesterday the neighborhood of Subiecko, on the lower
Wisloka, and Kolbuezowa, northeast of Debica. Under the pressure of this
advance the Russians also retreated from their positions north of the
Vistula. In this section the troops under General von Woyrech, closely
following the enemy, penetrated as far as the region northwest of
Kielce.
In the Carpathians Austro-Hungarian and German troops under General von
Linsingen conquered the hills east of the upper Stryi and took 3,650 men
prisoners, as well as capturing six machine guns.
At the present moment, while the armies under General von Mackensen are
approaching the Przemysl fortress and the lower San, it is possible to
form an approximate idea of the booty taken. In the battles of Tarnow
and Gorlice, and in the battles during the pursuit of these armies, we
have so far taken 103,500 Russian prisoners, 69 cannon, and 255 machine
guns. In these figures the booty taken by the allied troops fighting in
the Carpathians and north of the Vistula is not included. This amounts
to a further 40,000 prisoners.
Mr. Rockefeller and Serbia
[Special Cable to THE NEW YORK TIMES.]
LONDON, Thursday, May 13.--A Paris dispatch to the Exchange Telegraph
Company, quoting the Cri de Paris, says:
"John D. Rockefeller has just sent 35,000,000 francs ($5,000,000) to
Prince Alexis of Serbia, President of the Serbian Red Cross Society.
"Prince Alexis married last year an American woman, Mrs. Hugo Pratt,
whose father loaned years ago £2,000 to Rockefeller when the oil king
started in business."
Italy in the War
Her Move Against Austro-Hungary
Last Phase of Italian Neutrality and Causes of the Struggle
DECLARATION OF WAR.
[By The Associated Press.]
_VIENNA, May 23, (via Amsterdam and London, May 24.)--The Duke of
Avarna, Italian Ambassador to Austria, presented this afternoon to Baron
von Burian, the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister, the following
declaration of war:_
Vienna, May 23, 1915.
Conformably with the order of his Majesty the King, his august
sovereign, the undersigned Ambassador of Italy has the honor to deliver
to his Excellency, the Foreign Minister of Austria-Hungary, the
following communication:
"Declaration has been made, as from the fourth of this month, to the
Imperial and Royal Government of the grave motives for which Italy,
confident in her good right, proclaimed annulled and henceforth without
effect her treaty of alliance with Austria-Hungary, which was violated
by the Imperial and Royal Government, and resumed her liberty of action
in this respect.
"The Government of the King, firmly resolved to provide by all means at
its disposal for safeguarding Italian rights and interests, cannot fail
in its duty to take against every existing and future menace measures
which events impose upon it for the fulfillment of national aspirations.
"His Majesty the King declares that he considers himself from tomorrow
in a state of war with Austria-Hungary."
The undersigned has the honor to make known at the same time to his
Excellency the Foreign Minister, that passports will be placed this very
day at the disposal of the Imperial and Royal Ambassador at Rome, and he
will be obliged to his Excellency if he will kindly have his passports
handed to him.
Avarna.
FRANCIS JOSEPH'S DEFIANCE.
[By The Associated Press.]
_LONDON, May 24, 5:45 A.M.--A Reuter dispatch from Amsterdam says the
Vienna Zeitung publishes the following autograph letter from Emperor
Francis Joseph to Count Karl Stuergkh:_
Dear Count Stuergkh: I request you to make public the attached manifesto
to my troops:
"VIENNA, May 23.--Francis Joseph to his troops:
"The King of Italy has declared war on me. Perfidy whose like history
does not know was committed by the Kingdom of Italy against both allies.
After an alliance of more than thirty years' duration, during which it
was able to increase its territorial possessions and develop itself to
an unthought of flourishing condition, Italy abandoned us in our hour of
danger and went over with flying colors into the camp of our enemies.
"We did not menace Italy; did not curtail her authority; did not attack
her honor or interests. We always responded loyally to the duties of our
alliance and afforded her our protection when she took the field. We
have done more. When Italy directed covetous glances across our frontier
we, in order to maintain peace and our alliance relation, were resolved
on great and painful sacrifices which particularly grieved our paternal
heart. But the covetousness of Italy, which believed the moment should
be used, was not to be appeased, so fate must be accommodated.
"My armies have victoriously withstood mighty armies in the north in
ten months of this gigantic conflict in most loyal comradeship of arms
with our illustrious ally. A new and treacherous enemy in the south is
to you no new enemy. Great memories of Novara, Mortaro, and Lissa, which
constituted the pride of my youth; the spirit of Radetzky, Archduke
Albrecht, and Tegetthoff, which continues to live in my land and sea
forces, guarantee that in the south also we shall successfully defend
the frontiers of the monarchy.
"I salute my battle-tried troops, who are inured to victory. I rely on
them and their leaders. I rely on my people for whose unexampled spirit
of sacrifice my most paternal thanks are due. I pray the Almighty to
bless our colors and take under His gracious protection our just cause."
ITALY'S CABINET EMPOWERED.
[By The Associated Press.]
Rome, May 20.--Amid tremendous enthusiasm the Chamber of Deputies late
today adopted, by a vote of 407 to 74, the bill conferring upon the
Government full power to make war.
The bill is composed of a single article and reads as follows:
The Government is authorized in case of war and during the
duration of war to make decisions with due authority of law,
in every respect required, for the defense of the State, the
guarantee of public order, and urgent economic national
necessities. The provisions contained in Articles 243 to 251
of the Military Code continue in force. The Government is
authorized also to have recourse until Dec. 31, 1915, to
monthly provisional appropriations for balancing the budget.
This law shall come into force the day it is passed.
All members of the Cabinet maintain absolute silence regarding what step
will follow the action of the Chamber. Former Ministers and other men
prominent in public affairs declare, however, that the action of
Parliament virtually was a declaration of war.
When the Chamber reassembled this afternoon after its long recess there
were present 482 Deputies out of 500, the absentees remaining away on
account of illness. The Deputies especially applauded were those who
wore military uniforms and who had asked permission for leave from their
military duties to be present at the sitting.
All the tribunes were filled to overflowing. No representatives of
Germany, Austria, or Turkey were to be seen in the diplomatic tribune.
The first envoy to arrive was Thomas Nelson Page, the American
Ambassador, who was accompanied by his staff. M. Barrère, Sir J. Bennell
Rodd, and Michel de Giers, the French, British, and Russian Ambassadors,
respectively, appeared a few minutes later and all were greeted with
applause, which was shared by the Belgian, Greek, and Rumanian
Ministers. George B. McClellan, former Mayor of New York, occupied a
seat in the President's tribune.
A few minutes before the session began the poet, Gabriele d'Annunzio,
one of the strongest advocates of war, appeared in the rear of the
public tribune, which was so crowded that it seemed impossible to
squeeze in anybody else. But the moment the people saw him they lifted
him shoulder high and passed him over their heads to the first row. The
entire Chamber and all those occupying the other tribunes rose and
applauded for five minutes, crying, "Viva d'Annunzio!" Later thousands
sent him their cards, and in return received his autograph, bearing the
date of this eventful day.
Signor Marcora, President of the Chamber, took his place at 3 o'clock.
All the members of the House and everybody in the galleries stood up to
acclaim the old follower of Garibaldi.
Premier Salandra, followed by all the members of the Cabinet, entered
shortly afterward. It was a solemn moment. Then a delirium of cries
broke out. "Viva Salandra!" roared the Deputies, and the cheering lasted
for five minutes. Premier Salandra appeared to be much moved by the
demonstration.
After the formalities of the opening Premier Salandra arose and said:
"Gentlemen: I have the honor to present to you a bill to meet the
eventual expenditures of a national war"--an announcement that was
greeted by further prolonged applause.
The Premier began an exposition of the situation of Italy before the
opening of hostilities in Europe. He declared that Italy had submitted
to every humiliation from Austria-Hungary for the love of peace. By her
ultimatum to Serbia Austria had annulled the equilibrium of the Balkans
and prejudiced Italian interests there.
Notwithstanding this evident violation of the treaty of the Triple
Alliance, Italy endeavored during long months to avoid a conflict, but
these efforts were bound to have a limit in time and dignity. "This is
why the Government felt itself forced to present its denunciation of the
Triple Alliance on May 4," said Premier Salandra, who had difficulty in
quieting the wild cheering that ensued. When he had succeeded in so
doing he continued, amid frequent enthusiastic interruptions:
Italy must be united at this moment, when her destinies are
being decided. We have confidence in our august chief, who is
preparing to lead the army toward a glorious future. Let us
gather around this well-beloved sovereign.
Since Italy's resurrection as a State she has asserted herself
in the world of nations as a factor of moderation, concord,
and peace, and she can proudly proclaim that she has
accomplished this mission with a firmness which has not
wavered before even the most painful sacrifices.
In the last period, extending over thirty years, she
maintained her system of alliances and friendships chiefly
with the object of thus assuring the European equilibrium,
and, at the same time, peace. In view of the nobility of this
aim Italy not only subordinated her most sacred aspiration,
but has also been forced to look on, with sorrow, at the
methodical attempts to suppress specifically the Italian
characteristics which nature and history imprinted on those
regions.
The ultimatum which the Austro-Hungarian Empire addressed last
July to Serbia annulled at one blow the effects of a
long-sustained effort by violating the pact which bound us to
that State, violated the pact, in form, for it omitted to
conclude a preliminary agreement with us or even give us
notification, and violated it also in substance, for it sought
to disturb, to our detriment, the delicate system of
territorial possessions and spheres of influence which had
been set up in the Balkan Peninsula.
But, more than any particular point, it was the whole spirit
of the treaty which was wronged, and even suppressed, for by
unloosing in the world a most terrible war, in direct
contravention of our interests and sentiments, the balance
which the Triple Alliance should have helped to assure was
destroyed and the problem of Italy's national integrity was
virtually and irresistibly revived.
Nevertheless, for long months, the Government has patiently
striven to find a compromise, with the object of restoring to
the agreement the reason for being which it had lost. These
negotiations were, however, limited not only by time, but by
our national dignity. Beyond these limits the interests both
of our honor and of our country would have been compromised.
Signor Salandra was interrupted time and time again by rounds of
applause from all sides, and the climax was reached when he made a
reference to the army and navy. Then the cries seemed interminable, and
those on the floor of the House and in the galleries turned to the
Military Tribune, from which the officers answered by waving their hands
and handkerchiefs. At the end of the Premier's speech there were
deafening "vivas" for the King, war, and Italy.
Only thirty-four Intransigent Socialists refused to join in the cheers,
even in the cry "Viva Italia!" and they were hooted and hissed.
After the presentation of the bill conferring full powers upon the
Government the President of the Chamber submitted the question whether a
committee of eighteen members should be elected. Out of the 421 Deputies
who voted 367 cast their ballot in the affirmative. The other 54 were
against. The opposition was composed of Socialists and some adherents of
ex-Premier Giolitti.
Foreign Minister Sonnino then rose, and, taking a copy of the "Green
Book" from his pocket, said: "I have the honor to present to the Chamber
a book containing an account of all the pourparlers with Austria from
the 9th of September to the 4th of May." He handed the book to Signor
Marcora.
The Chamber then adjourned until 5 o'clock, when the committee reported
in favor of the bill, and it was adopted.
[Illustration: Italy and the Austrian Frontier
The shaded portions on the Austrian frontier represent the provinces of
"Italia Irredenta," which Italy would win back.]
ITALY'S JUSTIFICATION.
_The first complete official statement of the difficulties between Italy
and Austria-Hungary, which forced the Italian declaration of war against
the Dual Monarchy, was made public in Washington on May 25 by Count V.
Macchi di Cellere, the Italian Ambassador. It took the form of a
carefully prepared telegraphic statement to the Ambassador from Signor
Sonnino, the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, with instructions that
it be delivered in the form of a note to the Government of the United
States. After presenting the communication to Secretary Bryan, Count
Cellere made public the following translation of its full text:_
The Triple Alliance was essentially defensive and designed solely to
preserve the status quo, or, in other words, the equilibrium, in Europe.
That these were its only objects and purposes is established by the
letter and spirit of the treaty as well as by the intentions clearly
described and set forth in official acts of the Ministers who created
the alliance and confirmed and renewed it in the interest of peace,
which always has inspired Italian policy.
The treaty, as long as its intents and purposes had been loyally
interpreted and regarded and as long as it had not been used as a
pretext for aggression against others, greatly contributed to the
elimination and settlement of causes of conflict, and for many years
assured to Europe the inestimable benefits of peace.
But Austria-Hungary severed the treaty by her own hands. She rejected
the response of Serbia, which gave to her all the satisfaction she could
legitimately claim. She refused to listen to the conciliatory proposals
presented by Italy in conjunction with other powers in the effort to
spare Europe from a vast conflict certain to drench the Continent with
blood and to reduce it to ruin beyond the conception of human
imagination, and finally she provoked that conflict.
Article I. of the treaty embodied the usual and necessary obligation of
such pacts--the pledge to exchange views upon any fact and economic
questions of a general nature that might arise pursuant to its terms.
None of the contracting parties had the right to undertake, without a
previous agreement, any step the consequence of which might impose a
duty upon the other signatories arising out of the Alliance, or which
would in any way whatsoever encroach upon their vital interests. This
article was violated by Austria-Hungary when she sent to Serbia her note
dated July 23, 1914, an action taken without the previous assent of
Italy.
Thus, Austria-Hungary violated beyond doubt one of the fundamental
provisions of the treaty. The obligation of Austria-Hungary to come to a
previous understanding with Italy was the greater because her obstinate
policy against Serbia gave rise to a situation which directly tended to
the provocation of a European war.
As far back as the beginning of July, 1914, the Italian Government,
preoccupied by the prevailing feeling in Vienna, caused to be laid
before the Austro-Hungarian Government a number of suggestions advising
moderation, and warning it of the impending danger of a European
outbreak. The course adopted by Austria-Hungary against Serbia
constituted, moreover, a direct encroachment upon the general interests
of Italy, both political and economical, in the Balkan Peninsula.
Austria-Hungary could not for a moment imagine that Italy could remain
indifferent while Serbian independence was being trodden upon.
On a number of occasions theretofore Italy gave Austria to understand,
in friendly but clear terms, that the independence of Serbia was
considered by Italy as essential to Balkan equilibrium. Austria-Hungary
was further advised that Italy could never permit that equilibrium to be
disturbed to her prejudice. This warning had been conveyed not only by
her diplomats in private conversations with responsible Austro-Hungarian
officials but was proclaimed publicly by Italian statesmen on the floors
of Parliament.
Therefore when Austria-Hungary ignored the usual practices and menaced
Serbia by sending her an ultimatum without in any way notifying the
Italian Government of what she proposed to do, indeed leaving that
Government to learn of her action through the press rather than through
the usual channels of diplomacy, when Austria-Hungary took this
unprecedented course she not only severed her alliance with Italy but
committed an act inimical to Italy's interests.
The Italian Government had obtained trustworthy information that the
complete program laid down by Austria-Hungary with reference to the
Balkans was prompted by a desire to decrease Italy's economical and
political influence in that section, and tended directly and indirectly
to the subservience of Serbia to Austria-Hungary, the political and
territorial isolation of Montenegro, and the isolation and political
decadence of Rumania.
This attempted diminution of the influence of Italy in the Balkans would
have been brought about by the Austro-Hungarian program, even though
Austria-Hungary had no intention of making further territorial
acquisitions. Furthermore attention should be called to the fact that
the Austro-Hungarian Government had assumed the solemn obligation of
prior consultation of Italy as required by the special provisions of
Article VII. of the treaty of the Triple Alliance, which, in addition to
the obligation of previous agreements, recognized the right of
compensation to the other contracting parties in case one should occupy
temporarily or permanently any section of the Balkans.
To this end, the Italian Government approached the Austro-Hungarian
Government immediately upon the inauguration of Austro-Hungarian
hostilities against Serbia, and succeeded in obtaining reluctant
acquiescence in the Italian representations. Conversations were
initiated immediately after July 23, for the purpose of giving a new
lease of life to the treaty which had been violated and thereby annulled
by the act of Austria-Hungary.
This object could be attained only by the conclusion of new agreements.
The conversations were renewed, with additional propositions as the
basis, in December 1914. The Italian Ambassador at Vienna at that time
received instructions to inform Count Berchtold, the Austro-Hungarian
Minister for Foreign Affairs, that the Italian Government considered it
necessary to proceed without delay to an exchange of views and
consequently to concrete negotiations with the Austro-Hungarian
Government concerning the complex situation arising out of the conflict
which that Government had provoked.
Count Berchtold at first refused. He declared that the time had not
arrived for negotiations. Subsequently, upon our rejoinder, in which the
German Government united, Count Berchtold agreed to exchange views as
suggested. We promptly declared, as one of our fundamental objects, that
the compensation on which the agreement should be based should relate to
territories at the time under the dominion of Austria-Hungary.
The discussion continued for months, from the first days of December to
March, and it was not until the end of March that Baron Burian offered a
zone of territory comprised within a line extending from the existing
boundary to a point just north of the City of Trent.
In exchange for this proposed cession the Austro-Hungarian Government
demanded a number of pledges, including among them an assurance of
entire liberty of action in the Balkans. Note should be made of the fact
that the cession of the territory around Trent was not intended to be
immediately effective as we demanded, but was to be made only upon the
termination of the European war. We replied that the offer was not
acceptable, and then presented the minimum concessions which could meet
in part our national aspirations and strengthen in an equitable manner
our strategic position in the Adriatic.
These demands comprised: The extension of the boundary in Trentino, a
new boundary on the Isonzo, special provision for Trieste, the cession
of certain islands of the Curzolari Archipelago, the abandonment of
Austrian claims in Albania, and the recognition of our possession of
Avlona and the islands of the Aegean Sea, which we occupied during our
war with Turkey.
At first our demands were categorically rejected. It was not until
another month of conversation that Austria-Hungary was induced to
increase the zone of territory she was prepared to cede in the Trentino
and then only as far as Mezzo Lombardo, thereby excluding the territory
inhabited by people of the Italian race, such as the Valle del Noce, Val
di Fasso, and Val di Ampezzo. Such a proposal would have given to Italy
a boundary of no strategical value. In addition the Austro-Hungarian
Government maintained its determination not to make the cession
effective before the end of the war.
The repeated refusals of Austria-Hungary were expressly confirmed in a
conversation between Baron Burian and the Italian Ambassador at Vienna
on April 29. While admitting the possibility of recognizing some of our
interests in Avlona and granting the above-mentioned territorial cession
in the Trentino, the Austro-Hungarian Government persisted in its
opposition to all our other demands, especially those regarding the
boundary of the Isonzo, Trieste, and the islands.
The attitude assumed by Austria-Hungary from the beginning of December
until the end of April made it evident that she was attempting to
temporize without coming to a conclusion. Under such circumstances Italy
was confronted by the danger of losing forever the opportunity of
realizing her aspirations based upon tradition, nationality, and her
desire for a safe position in the Adriatic, while other contingencies in
the European conflict menaced her principal interests in other seas.
Hence Italy faced the necessity and duty of recovering that liberty of
action to which she was entitled and of seeking protection for her
interests, apart from the negotiations which had been dragging uselessly
along for five months and without reference to the Treaty of Alliance
which had virtually failed as a result of its annullment by the action
of Austria-Hungary in July, 1914.
It would not be out of place to observe that the alliance having
terminated and there existing no longer any reason for the Italian
people to be bound by it, though they had loyally stood by it for so
many years because of their desire for peace, there naturally revived in
the public mind the grievances against Austria-Hungary which for so many
years had been voluntarily repressed.
While the Treaty of Alliance contained no formal agreement for the use
of the Italian language or the maintenance of Italian tradition and
Italian civilization in the Italian provinces of Austria, nevertheless
if the alliance was to be effective in preserving peace and harmony it
was indisputably clear that Austria-Hungary, as our ally, should have
taken into account the moral obligation of respecting what constituted
some of the most vital interests of Italy.
Instead, the constant policy of the Austro-Hungarian Government was to
destroy Italian nationality and Italian civilization all along the coast
of the Adriatic. A brief statement of the facts and of the tendencies
well known to all will suffice.
Substitution of officials of the Italian race by officials of other
nationalities; artificial immigration of hundreds of families of a
different nationality; replacement of Italian by other labor; exclusion
from Trieste by the decree of Prince Hohenlohe of employes who were
subjects of Italy; denationalization of the judicial administration;
refusal of Austria to permit an Italian university in Trieste, which
formed the subject of diplomatic negotiations; denationalization of
navigation companies; encouragement of other nationalities to the
detriment of the Italian, and, finally, the methodical and unjustifiable
expulsion of Italians in ever-increasing numbers.
This deliberate and persistent policy of the Austro-Hungarian Government
with reference to the Italian population was not only due to internal
conditions brought about by the competition of the different
nationalities within its territory, but was inspired in great part by a
deep sentiment of hostility and aversion toward Italy, which prevailed
particularly in the quarters closest to the Austro-Hungarian Government
and influenced decisively its course of action.
Of the many instances which could be cited it is enough to say that in
1911, while Italy was engaged in war with Turkey, the Austro-Hungarian
General Staff prepared a campaign against us, and the military party
prosecuted energetically a political intrigue designed to drag in other
responsible elements of Austria. The mobilization of an army upon our
frontier left us in no doubt of our neighbor's sentiment and intentions.
The crisis was settled pacifically through the influence, so far as
known, of outside factors; but since that time we have been constantly
under apprehension of a sudden attack whenever the party opposed to us
should get the upper hand in Vienna. All of this was known in Italy, and
it was only the sincere desire for peace prevailing among the Italian
people which prevented a rupture.
After the European war broke out, Italy sought to come to an
understanding with Austria-Hungary with a view to a settlement
satisfactory to both parties which might avert existing and future
trouble. Her efforts were in vain, notwithstanding the efforts of
Germany, which for months endeavored to induce Austria-Hungary to comply
with Italy's suggestions, thereby recognizing the propriety and
legitimacy of the Italian attitude. Therefore Italy found herself
compelled by the force of events to seek other solutions.
Inasmuch as the Treaty of Alliance with Austria-Hungary had ceased
virtually to exist and served only to prolong a state of continual
friction and mutual suspicion, the Italian Ambassador at Vienna was
instructed to declare to the Austro-Hungarian Government that the
Italian Government considered itself free from the ties arising out of
the Treaty of the Triple Alliance in so far as Austria-Hungary was
concerned. This communication was delivered in Vienna on May 4.
Subsequently to this declaration, and after we had been obliged to take
steps for the protection of our interests, the Austro-Hungarian
Government submitted new concessions, which, however, were deemed
insufficient and by no means met our minimum demands. These offers could
not be considered under the circumstances.
The Italian Government, taking into consideration what has been stated
above, and supported by the vote of Parliament and the solemn
manifestation of the country, came to the decision that any further
delay would be inadvisable. Therefore, on this day (May 23) it was
declared in the name of the King to the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador at
Rome that, beginning tomorrow, May 24, it will consider itself in a
state of war with Austria-Hungary. Orders to this effect were also
telegraphed yesterday to the Italian Ambassador at Vienna.
German Hatred of Italy
[By The Associated Press.]
AMSTERDAM, May 23.--The Frankfurter Zeitung today prints a telegram
received from Vienna saying:
"The exasperation and contempt which Italy's treacherous surprise attack
and her hypocritical justification arouse here (Vienna) are quite
indescribable.
"Neither Serbia nor Russia, despite a long and costly war, is hated.
Italy, however, or rather those Italian would-be politicians and
business men who offer violence to the majority of peaceful Italian
people, are so unutterably hated with the most profound honesty that
this war can be terrible."
[Illustration: Detail map of the frontier between Italy and Austria.
The shaded portion shows territory demanded by Italy.]
ITALY'S NEUTRALITY--THE LAST PHASE
The attitude of the Italian press since the character of its
papers were defined in the May number of THE CURRENT HISTORY
is here recorded. Since May 17, when the King, on account of
the heated pro-intervention demonstrations held all over
Italy, declined to accept the resignation of the Salandra
Ministry, the Giolittian organ, the Stampa, of Turin, has
dropped something of its feverish neutralistic propaganda, the
Giolittian color has gradually faded from the Giornale
d'Italia and the Tribuna, while ex-Premier Giolitti himself
has left Rome, declaring that he had been misunderstood in
having his declaration that Italy could obtain what she
desired without fighting construed into meaning that he
desired peace at all costs.
It is understood that in the middle of April Austria-Hungary
became convinced that neutralistic sentiments might prevail in
the peninsula, and consequently became less active in her
negotiations with the Salandra Government. Thereupon Italy
resumed negotiations with the Entente powers, and on April 14
acknowledged that Serbia should have an opening on the
Adriatic Sea. This caused the Austro-Italian negotiations to
be heatedly resumed, and on May 18 the German Imperial
Chancellor read to the Reichstag the eleven Austro-Hungarian
proposals. The text of these proposals, together with the
Italian counter-proposals and the Italian exchange of claims
in the Adriatic with the Entente powers, will be found
outlined in the Italian official statement cabled by Minister
Sonnino to the Italian Ambassador at Washington, presented on
Page 494.
It must be borne in mind that the press comments are based
upon an imperfect knowledge of the ultimate proposals and
claims, and that the Italian attitude for rejecting the
Austro-Hungarian proposals obviously rests on these grounds:
1. They are inadequate and might be rendered nought in case of
the victory of the Entente powers.
2. They do not give Italy a defensive frontier in the north
and east.
3. They do not materially improve Italy's commercial and
military condition in the Adriatic.
4. They make no mention of Dalmatia and the Dalmatian
Archipelago, with their deep harbors and natural
fortifications--a curious contrast to the lowland harbors of
the Italian coast opposite.
The Italian demands take into account the possible victory of
the Entente powers.
In the circumstances, it is best to begin with an extract from
a German paper, as there seems to be an impression abroad that
Germany has not appreciated Italy's reasons for not joining
with her allies at the beginning of the war and has conducted
a propaganda discrediting her willingness to remain neutral
provided the Austro-Hungarian concessions proved sufficient
and were sufficiently guaranteed.
THE GERMAN VIEW.
_From the Frankfurter Zeitung of March 3._
Article VII. of the Austro-German-Italian Treaty, the terms of which
have never before been made public, not only provides for the right of
compensation in case one party to the contract enriches itself
territorially in the Balkans, but also forbids either Austria or Italy
to undertake anything in the Balkans without the consent of the
other....
In the Tripoli war, when the energetic Duca degli Abruzzi made his
advance in the Adriatic against Prevesa and wished to force the Porte to
yield through a serious action in the Dardanelles, and when Italy
wished to extend her occupation of the Aegean Islands, which lie as
advance posts before the Dardanelles, she was obliged to forego her
aims, and did loyally forego them, because Austria at that time did not
yet desire a movement on the then still quiescent Balkan Peninsula.
According to the Italian view, Austria, in determining to liquidate her
matured account with Serbia without coming to an agreement in the matter
with Italy, canceled the treaty in an important and essential part,
irrespective of the assurance that she contemplated merely punishment of
Serbia and not the acquisition of territory in the Balkans. The Italian
policy considered itself from that moment free from every obligation,
even if the speech of Premier Salandra in December could not be
interpreted as a formal denunciation of the Dreibund....
We have today good grounds for assuming that much as we must reckon with
the fact that the country is determined to go to war if nothing is
granted to it, just so little would it support a Government bent on
making war because it does not receive anything.
It will be as impossible to solve the Trentino question from the point
of view of abstract right as to solve any other iridescent question in
that way. The Trentino question, which was long a question of national,
historical, and ethnological idealism, has now become a real question of
power. The European war and its developments have placed Italy in a
position to use her power in order to expand. This is not unusual in
history....
But it should be carefully noted that only to an Italy remaining within
the Triple Alliance can compensation be given, and, of course, only on
the basis of complete reciprocity--(zug um zugleistung gegen leistung).
To demand anything whatsoever Italy has no right. On the other hand, the
ignoble exploitation of the needs of an ally fighting for her existence
would correspond neither with the generosity of the Italian nature nor
with her real interests.
The honest path for Italy, who finds herself unable to enter the war on
the side of her allies in accordance with the spirit of the Alliance, is
to preserve unconditional neutrality. A simple discussion between the
leading statesmen of all the three powers will banish every shade of
misunderstanding and clear the situation. Italy will spare her strength
for the great task on the other side of the Mediterranean and for her
correct and sensible attitude will receive, under the guarantee of her
friend, (Germany,) the promise of the fulfillment of her comprehensible
desire. Any other policy would be foolish and criminal.
ITALY AND ENGLAND.
_From the Giornale d'Italia, March 26._
It is known in London, we believe, that Italy is firmly resolved to
assure her own future in whatever manner seems best. A seafaring,
agricultural, industrial, mercantile, emigrant people like the Italian
must for its very existence conquer its own place in the sun, cannot
endure hegemonies of any kind, cannot suggest exclusions, oppressions,
or prohibitions of any kind, but must defend at any cost its own
liberty, not only political, but economic and maritime. Italy is
resolved to defend à outrance that sum total of her rights in which the
whole future is inclosed. A people does not spend for nothing in a few
months $300,000,000 to complete its military preparations and does not
intrust for nothing, with a great example of concord, the most ample
powers to the Government.
_From the Messaggero, April 1._
As Prince von Bülow's negotiations have apparently failed, Italy
naturally addresses herself to England. There is, however, this
difficulty: England has already made arrangements with France and Russia
for the solution of the questions of the Dardanelles and Asia Minor,
whereas Italy wishes to have her say in these questions before giving
her assistance to the Triple Entente. Moreover, there are Greek
aspirations in the Levant and Serbian in the Adriatic to be reconciled
with those of Italy. Consequently the situation is not easy.
_From the Stampa, April 11._
Not only must Italy have her natural frontiers on the east restored, not
only must she have her legitimate supremacy in the Adriatic assured, not
only must she safeguard her interests in the Eastern Mediterranean and
in the eventual partition of the Turkish Empire, but she must also see
assured in the Western Mediterranean a greater guarantee for the safety
of herself and her possessions and wider liberty of action than that of
which she has recently had painful experience. These things must be
guaranteed by an alliance with either Russia or with England....
Before having solved this difficulty any decision in favor of war would
be a leap in the dark, an act of inconceivable political blindness. It
would be, to adopt a rough, but inevitable, term, a veritable betrayal.
_From the Giornale d'Italia of April 12, in criticising the foregoing._
We absolutely fail to understand the motive which induced the
Piedmontese journal to print matter so calculated to confuse public
opinion. Indeed, the care with which our contemporary seeks to embarrass
Italian diplomatic action seems somewhat strange and cannot escape the
blame of all those who think it necessary not to hamper the liberty of
action conceded to the Government almost unanimously by Parliament and
by the people....
It seems almost as though the Piedmontese journal had no thought but to
put insoluble problems to the Government, in the face of public opinion,
so as to try to prejudice its action in advance. The Stampa's program
practically means that to the diplomatic rupture with the Central
Empires would be added another diplomatic rupture with the Triple
Entente, thus insuring the isolation which the Stampa professes to fear
so much.
_From the Corriere della Sera, April 12._
The article in the Stampa, which appears ultra-nationalist, is in
reality purely neutralist. Italian aspirations must be kept within
reasonable bounds. What would happen to Italy if demands were put
forward which the Entente could not entertain? Quite apart from
questions of direct interest and gain, other factors must be taken into
account. There is the danger to Italy in case of the success of her late
allies, which would mean the prostration of France, the annexation of
Belgium to Germany, the arrival of Austria at Saloniki, British naval
hegemony replaced by German, the revival of Turkey, and the consequent
ambition to resume possession of lost territories.
ADRIATIC PROBLEM.
_From the Politika of Belgrade, March 30._
Italy is claiming not only Italian territories which are under
Austro-Hungarian domination, but also a very considerable part of the
most purely southern Slav regions. Italy will have to realize one simple
fact. Until this war Serbia was closed in on all sides by
Austria-Hungary. She therefore asked that Europe should secure for her
from Austria-Hungary at least a free outlet to the Adriatic, the price
of which she had already paid in blood.
The two Balkan wars were waged primarily for the same thing, since they
were wars of liberation. Today it is no longer a question of the
economic independence of Serbia, since Austria-Hungary is passing from
the scene, but it is a matter of the liberation and of the union into a
single State of our race as a whole. This is the idea which at this
moment governs the masses of our people, and the numberless graves of
our fallen heroes testify to the sacrifice which we have made for the
sake of this idea. Whoever, therefore, opposes our national union is an
enemy of our race.
Deeply as it would pain Serbia to uproot out of her heart the sympathy
which she feels for Italy, she will none the less do so without fail if
ever it should become manifest that Italy's present policy signifies
that she desires not only to consolidate her legitimate interests, but
also to encroach upon the Balkans by attacking Serbia.
_From the Giornale d'Italia, April 4._
No one in Italy has ever said or thought that in the event of a
bouleversement in the Adriatic and the Balkans there should be denied to
Serbia or any Slav State which might arise from the ruins of
Austria-Hungary a wide outlet to the Adriatic. But, on the other hand,
no one in Italy could ever permit that the reversion of Austria's
strategic maritime position should fall into any hands but ours.
There are political and military considerations which are above any
question of nationality whatever. It should be enough to cite the
example of an England which holds a Spanish Gibraltar and an Italian
Malta, besides a Greek Cyprus and the Egyptian Suez Canal. It should be
enough to recall the claim made by all the press of Petrograd to
establish Russia at Constantinople and on the banks of the Bosporus and
the Dardanelles, in spite of all the principles of nationality, Balkan
or Turk.
Let the Serbians, in case of an Adriatic and Balkan upset, have an ample
outlet to the Adriatic, but do not let them aspire to conquer a
predominance in that sea. The Italian people is not, and can not be at
this moment, either phil or phobe regarding any other people. The
existence, or at least the future, of all the nations is at stake today,
and whoever desires the friendship of Italy must begin by loyally
recognizing her rights and interests.
_From the Giornale d'Italia of April 19._
We reject altogether the idea that Italy would be satisfied with the
western portion of Istria, leaving the rest of the Eastern Adriatic
shore to the Croatians and Serbians. While Italy would certainly gain by
the possession of Trieste and Pola, the strategic position in the
Adriatic would still be exceedingly disadvantageous, especially as the
Slav claim advanced by certain Russian newspapers, (that Croatia become
an autonomous State and divide Dalmatia with Serbia,) includes the right
to maintain fortified naval bases on the eastern shore.
This would merely mean exchanging Austrian strategical predominance for
Slavonic, and, consequently, Russian predominance nearly as threatening
to Italian interests.
The principal objective of Italy in the Adriatic is the solution once
for all of the politico-strategic question of a sea which is commanded
in the military sense from the eastern shore, and such a problem can be
solved only by one method--by eliminating from the Adriatic every other
war fleet. Otherwise the existing most difficult situation in the
Adriatic will be perpetuated and in time inevitably aggravated.
_From the Messaggero of April 21._
We understand that an Italian-Russian accord has been practically
concluded. This accord refers both to the war, on which Italy will
shortly embark, as well as to the peace which will be finally signed.
The French and British Governments have taken an active part in
facilitating this accord, as it deals with other questions besides that
of the Adriatic.
_From Idea Nazionale, May 10._
Italy desires war:
1. In order to obtain Trent, Trieste, and Dalmatia. The country desires
it. A nation which has the opportunity to free its land should do so as
a matter of imperative necessity. If the Government and the institutions
will not make war, they render themselves guilty of high treason toward
the country.
2. We desire war in order to conquer for ourselves a good strategic
frontier in the north and east in place of the treacherous one which we
now have. When a nation can assure the protection of its domain it ought
to do so, otherwise its future will have less. It is a necessary duty.
There is no other alternative but this--either complete the work or
betray what has already been done.
3. We desire war because today in the Adriatic, the Balkan Peninsula,
the Mediterranean, and Asia Italy should have all the advantages it is
possible for her to have and without which her political, economic, and
moral power would diminish in proportion as that of others augmented. To
this has the Hon. Salandra borne witness. If we should avoid war we
desire less than his words most sacredly proclaimed to the nation in
Parliament. If we would be a great power we must accept certain
obligations; one of them is war in order to keep us a great power. If we
do not want to be a great power any longer, we deliberately and vilely
betray ourselves.
The foregoing are the three reasons for entering the war--reasons which
are tangible, material, and comprehensive.
_From the Giornale d'Italia, May 12._
Italy is determined to realize her national aspirations, cost what it
may. For this reason the Government has hastened its preparations for
war which, when completed, caused Austria to offer compensations, thus
tacitly acknowledging the claims of Italy.
When the Austro-Italian negotiations were begun Signor Giolitti most
unfortunately obstructed their successful issue by his inopportune
letter declaring that war was unnecessary. Nevertheless, owing to the
firmness of the Government and the determination to resort to war, the
conversations were resumed. However, Austria, aside from offering
insufficient concessions, assumed a waiting policy and sought secretly
to conclude a secret peace with Russia. Thereupon the Italian
Government opened negotiations with the Allies, which had the effect of
increasing the offers of Austria.
During the ultimate, delicate phase of the conversations, when those who
advocate neutrality are causing great injury to the interests of the
country and also helping its enemies, the Government, reposing in the
support of the people, is determined to expose the intrigues and
conspiracies intended to favor the Austrians and Germans.
Hence the Government will, if necessary, make an appeal to Parliament.
Meanwhile, it will conserve its power and righteously defend the
interests of the country.
ANNUNCIATION
By Ernst Lissauer.
_Ernst Lissauer, the author of the famous "Song of Hate Against England"
has written a second poem entitled "Bread," and directed against the
British policy of cutting off Germany's food supply. The poem was
published in the Bonner Zeitung and reprinted in the Frankfurter Zeitung
of March 26, 1915. Following is a translation:_
With arms they cannot overpower us,
With hunger they would fain devour us;
Foe beside foe in an iron ring.
Has want crossed our borders, or hunger, or dearth?
Listen: I chant the tidings of Spring:
Our soil is our ally in this great thing;
Already new bread is growing in the earth.
ADMONITION:
Save the food and guard and hoard!
Bread is a sword.
PRAYER:
The peasants have sown the seed again.
Now gather and pray the prayer of the grain:
Earth of our land,
With arms they cannot overpower us,
With hunger they would fain devour us,
Arise thou in thy harvest wrath!
Thick grow thy grass, rich the reaper's path!
Dearest soil of earth
Our prayer hear:
Show them of little worth,
Shame them with blade and ear.
[Illustration: [map of the Dardanelles]]
THE DARDANELLES
ALLIES' SECOND CAMPAIGN WITH FLEETS AND LAND FORCES.
The first campaign to force the passage of the Dardanelles by
fleet operations alone was suddenly halted on March 19, 1915,
when floating mines carried by the swift currents destroyed
and sank three battleships. An appraisal of the real
difficulties attendant upon reducing the forts and batteries
lining the European and Asiatic shores, which determined the
Allies upon their present joint operations by land and sea, is
found in the subjoined dispatch, presented in part from E.
Ashmead-Bartlett, appearing in The London Daily Telegraph of
April 26. It is followed by full press reports from the
Dardanelles describing the difficult landing and establishment
of the Allied troops on the Gallipoli Peninsula.
Eastern Mediterranean, April 12.
The days of the Turk in Europe are numbered, but no one will deny that
he is dying hard and game. It came as a disagreeable shock to many to
read on the morning of March 19 that two British battleships and one
French had been sunk in the Dardanelles, while several others had been
hit and damaged.
We were told that the outer forts had been completely destroyed and that
the work of mine sweeping had made excellent progress. This news was
given in perfect good faith and was also quite true, but we built up on
it too great a structure of hope, but few realizing the immense
difficulties the fleet has had to face--obstacles which do not really
commence until the Narrows are approached. The combined advance of the
allied fleet up the Dardanelles on March 18 was not an attempt to pass
the Narrows. It was merely intended as a great demonstration against the
forts, in order that the destroyers and sweepers might clear the
minefield under cover of the guns of the ships.
This work was carried out in the most gallant manner and was perfectly
successful, but unfortunately the further advance had to be abandoned,
owing to the sudden and unexpected disasters to three vessels inflicted
by drifting mines. But the price paid cannot be considered too high when
one remembers the issues at stake and the vast bearing they may have on
the future of the war. The Turks have always believed the Dardanelles to
be impregnable, and this belief has been accepted as the truth by most
lay minds until the navy started to put the issue to the test. Then, for
some unknown reason, here came a quite unjustifiable wave of optimism,
which swept over the country until the eyes of the public were opened by
the events of March 18.
In the old days of sailing ships the Dardanelles were a most formidable
obstacle which no Admiral would have faced with confidence.
It was almost impossible to overcome the obstacles in the early days of
the nineteenth century. The difficulties and dangers of the passage have
been increased tenfold now by long-range weapons, torpedoes, and mines.
Nevertheless, the navy is of opinion that the Narrows can be forced, in
spite of these obstacles, and this opinion has been strengthened and
confirmed by the great trial of March 18. It might mean the loss of
ships, but if the occasion justified the sacrifice the fleet would not
hesitate to make the attempt.
But, unless there is a powerful army ready to occupy the Gallipoli
Peninsula the moment the fleet passed into the Sea of Marmora or made
its way to Constantinople, the strait would immediately be closed behind
it, and, supposing the Turks, backed up by German officers and German
intrigues, decided to continue the war, it would have to fight its way
out and again clear the minefield. It has long been an accepted axiom of
naval warfare that ships are of no use against forts, or that they fight
at such a disadvantage that it is not worth while employing them for
such a purpose.
This axiom must now be modified, after the experience which the fleet
has gained in the present operations against the Dardanelles. Any fort
built of stone or concrete, however strong, can be put out of action by
direct fire from guns, if only a clear view of it can be obtained, or
provided aeroplanes are available to "spot" for the gunners, to signal
back results, and correct the fire.
The Landing at Gallipoli
_The following series of dispatches sent by a special correspondent of
The London Times at the Dardanelles describes the first phase of the
operations resulting in the landing of the allied troops on the
Gallipoli Peninsula:_
Dardanelles, April 24.
The great venture has at last been launched, and the entire fleet of
warships and transports is now steaming toward the shores of Gallipoli.
Yesterday the weather showed signs of moderating, and about 5 o'clock in
the afternoon the first of the transports slowly made its way through
the maze of shipping toward the entrance of Mudros Bay. Immediately the
patent apathy which has gradually overwhelmed every one changed to the
utmost enthusiasm, and as the huge liners steamed through the fleet,
their decks yellow with khaki, the crews of the warships cheered them on
to victory, while the bands played them out with an unending variety of
popular airs. The soldiers in the transports answered this last
salutation from the navy with deafening cheers, and no more inspiring
spectacle has ever been seen than this great expedition setting forth
for better or for worse.
It required splendid organization and skilled leadership to get this
huge fleet clear of the bay without confusion or accidents, but not one
has occurred, and the majority are now safely on the high seas steaming
toward their respective destinations.
The whole of the fleet and the transports have been divided up into five
divisions and there will be three main landings. The Twenty-ninth
Division will disembark off the point of the Gallipoli Peninsula near
Sedd-el-Bahr, where its operations can be covered both from the Gulf of
Saros and from the Dardanelles by the fire of the covering warships. The
Australian and New Zealand contingent will disembark north of Gaba Tepe.
Further north the Naval Division will make a demonstration.
The difficulties and dangers of the enterprise are enormous and are
recognized by all.
Never before has the attempt been made to land so large a force in the
face of an enemy who has innumerable guns, many thousands of trained
infantry, and who has had months of warning in which to prepare his
positions. Nevertheless, there is a great feeling of confidence
throughout all ranks, and the men are delighted that at length the
delays are over and the real work is about to begin.
Last night the transports were merely taking up their positions, and the
real exit of the armada from Mudros commenced this afternoon at about 2
o'clock. The weather, which was threatening at an early hour, has now
become perfectly calm, and if it only lasts the conditions will be ideal
for a rapid disembarkation.
Throughout the morning transports steamed out to take up their
respective positions in the open sea. The same enthusiastic scenes were
witnessed as yesterday. The covering forces will be put ashore from
certain battleships, while others will sweep the enemy's positions with
their guns and endeavor to prevent them from shelling the troops while
disembarking. It is generally considered that the critical period of
the operations will be the first twenty-four hours, and the success or
failure of the whole enterprise will depend on whether these covering
parties are able to obtain a firm foothold and seize the positions which
have been assigned to them. Every detail has been worked out and
rehearsed, and every officer and man should now know the peculiar rôle
which has been assigned to him.
The navy will have entire charge of the landing of these thousands of
men. Beach parties will go ashore with the first of the troops, and
officers from the ships will direct the movements of all the boats as
they bring the troops ashore.
This battleship belongs to a division which will consist of the
Australians, who are to land near Gaba Tepe. We are one of the landing
ships, and this afternoon received on board 500 officers and men of the
Australian contingent who are to form part of the covering force. They
are a magnificent body of men, and full of enthusiasm for the honorable
and dangerous rôle given to them.
At 2 o'clock the flagship of this division took up her position at the
head of the line. We passed down through the long line of slowly moving
transports amid tremendous cheering, and were played out of the bay by
the French warships. No sight could have been finer than this spectacle
of long lines of warships and transports, each making for its special
rendezvous without any delay or confusion.
At 4 o'clock this afternoon the ship's company and the troops were
assembled on the quarterdeck to hear the Captain read out Admiral de
Robeck's proclamation to the combined forces. This was followed by a
last service before battle, in which the chaplain uttered a prayer for
victory and called for the Divine blessing on the expedition, while the
whole of the ship's company and troops on board stood with uncovered and
bowed heads. We are steaming slowly through this momentous night toward
the coast and are due at our rendezvous at 3 A.M. tomorrow, (Sunday,) a
day which has so often brought victory to the British flag.
THE SECOND DISPATCH.
Dardanelles, April 25.
Slowly through the night of April 24 our squadron, which was to land the
covering force of the Australian contingent just north of Gaba Tepe,
steamed toward its destination. The troops on board were the guests of
the crews, and our generous sailors entertained them royally. At dusk
all lights were extinguished, and very shortly afterward the troops
retired for a last rest before their ordeal at dawn.
At 1 A.M. the ships arrived off their appointed rendezvous, five miles
from the landing place, and stopped. The soldiers were aroused from
their slumbers and were served with a last hot meal. A visit to the mess
decks showed these Australians, the majority of whom were about to go
into action for the first time under the most trying circumstances,
possessed at 1 o'clock in the morning courage to be cheerful, quiet, and
confident. There was no sign of nerves or undue excitement such as one
might very reasonably have expected.
At 1:20 A.M. the signal was given from the flagship to lower the boats,
which had been left swinging from the davits throughout the night. Our
steam pinnaces were also lowered to take them in tow. The troops fell in
in their assigned places on the quarterdeck, and the last rays of the
waning moon lit up a scene which will ever be memorable in our history.
On the quarterdeck, backed by the great 12-inch guns, this splendid body
of colonial troops were drawn up in serried ranks, fully equipped, and
receiving their last instructions from their officers who, six months
ago, like their men, were leading a peaceful civilian life in Australia
and New Zealand 5,000 miles away. Now at the call of the empire they
were about to disembark on a strange unknown shore, in a strange land,
and attack an enemy of a different race. By the side of the soldiers the
beach parties of our splendid bluejackets and marines were marshaled,
arrayed in old white uniforms dyed khaki color and carrying the old
rifle and old equipment.
These men were to take charge of the boats, steer them ashore, and row
them to the beach when they were finally cast off by the towing
pinnaces. Each boat was in charge of a young midshipman, many of whom
have come straight from Dartmouth after a couple of terms and now found
themselves called upon to play a most difficult and dangerous rôle like
men. Commanders, Lieutenants, and special beach officers had charge of
the whole of the towing parties and went ashore with the troops.
At 2:05 A.M. the signal was given for the troops to embark in the boats
which were lying alongside, and this was carried out with great
rapidity, in absolute silence, and without a hitch or an accident of any
kind. Each one of the three ships which had embarked troops transferred
them to four small boats apiece towed by a steam pinnace, and in this
manner the men of the covering force were conveyed to the shore. More of
the Australian Brigade were carried in destroyers, which were to go
close in shore and land them from boats as soon as those towed by the
pinnaces had reached the beach.
At 3 A.M. it was quite dark and all was ready for the start. The tows
were cast off by the battleships and the ladders taken in and the decks
cleared for action, the crews going to general quarters. Then we steamed
slowly toward the shore, each of the battleships being closely followed
by her tows, which looked exactly like huge snakes gliding relentlessly
after their prey. I do not suppose the suppressed excitement of this
last half hour will ever be forgotten by those who were present. No one
could tell at the last minute what would happen. Would the enemy be
surprised or would he be ready on the alert to pour a terrible fire on
the boats as they approached the beach?
The whole operation had been timed to allow the pinnaces and boats to
reach the beach just before daybreak so that the Turks, if they had been
forewarned, would not be able to see to fire before the Australians had
obtained a firm footing and, it was hoped, good cover on the foreshore.
Exactly at 4:10 A.M. the three battleships in line abreast four cables
apart arrived about 2,500 yards from the shore, which was just
discernible in the gloom. The engines were stopped, guns were manned,
and the powerful searchlights made ready for use if required. The tows,
which up to this time had followed astern, were ordered to advance to
the shore. The battleships took up positions somewhat further out on
either flank, for to them was assigned the duty of supporting the attack
with their guns as soon as light allowed.
Very slowly the snakes of boats steamed past the battleships, the
gunwales almost flush with the water, so crowded were they with khaki
figures. Then each lot edged in toward one another so as to reach the
beach four cables apart. So anxious were we on board the battleships
that it seemed as if the loads were too heavy for the pinnaces, or that
some mysterious power was holding them back, and that they would never
reach the shore before daybreak and thus lose the chance of a surprise.
The distance between the battleships and the boats did not seem to
diminish, but only for the reason that we steamed very slowly in after
them until the water gradually shallowed. Every eye and every glass was
fixed on that grim-looking line of hills in our front, so shapeless, yet
so menacing, in the gloom.
At 4:50 A.M. the enemy suddenly showed an alarm light, which flashed for
ten minutes and then disappeared. The next three minutes after its first
appearance passed in breathless anxiety. We could just discern the dull
outline of the boats which appeared to be almost on the beach. Just
previously to this seven destroyers conveying the other men of the
brigade glided noiselessly through the intervals between the battleships
and followed the boats in shore.
At 4:53 A.M. there suddenly came a very sharp burst of rifle fire from
the beach, and we knew our men were at last at grips with the enemy.
This fire lasted only for a few minutes and then was drowned by a faint
British cheer wafted to us over the waters. How comforting and inspiring
was the sound at such a moment! It seemed like a message sent to tell us
that the first position had been won and a firm hold obtained on the
beach.
At 5:03 A.M. the fire intensified, and we could tell from the sound that
our men were firing. It lasted until 5:28 and then died down somewhat.
No one on board knew what was happening, although dawn was gradually
breaking, because we were looking due east into the sun slowly rising
behind the hills, which are almost flush with the foreshore, and there
was also a haze. Astern at 5:26 we saw the outline of some of the
transports, gradually growing bigger and bigger as they approached the
coast. They were bringing up the remainder of the Austrians and New
Zealanders.
The first authentic news we received came with the return of our boats.
A steam pinnace came alongside with two recumbent forms on her deck and
a small figure, pale but cheerful, and waving his hand astern. They were
one of our midshipmen, just 16 years of age, shot through the stomach,
but regarding his injury more as a fitting consummation to a glorious
holiday ashore than a wound, and a chief stoker and petty officer, all
three wounded by that first burst of musketry which caused many
casualties in the boats just as they reached the beach.
From them we learned what had happened in those first wild moments. All
the tows had almost reached the beach, when a party of Turks intrenched
almost on the shore opened up a terrible fusillade from rifles and also
from a Maxim. Fortunately most of the bullets went high, but,
nevertheless, many men were hit as they sat huddled together 40 or 50 in
a boat.
It was a trying moment, but the Australian volunteers rose as a man to
the occasion. They waited neither for orders nor for the boats to reach
the beach, but, springing out into the sea, they waded ashore and,
forming some sort of a rough line, rushed straight on the flashes of
the enemy's rifles. Their magazines were not even charged. So they just
went in with cold steel, and I believe I am right in saying that the
first Ottoman Turk since the last Crusade received an Anglo-Saxon
bayonet in him at five minutes after 5 A.M. on April 25. It was over in
a minute. The Turks in this first trench were bayoneted or ran away, and
a Maxim gun was captured.
Then the Australians found themselves facing an almost perpendicular
cliff of loose sandstone, covered with thick shrubbery, and somewhere
half way up the enemy had a second trench strongly held, from which they
poured a terrible fire on the troops below and the boats pulling back to
the destroyers for the second landing party.
Here was a tough proposition to tackle in the darkness, but these
colonials are practical above all else, and they went about it in a
practical way. They stopped a few moments to pull themselves together
and to get rid of their packs, which no troops should carry in an
attack, and then charged their magazines. Then this race of athletes
proceeded to scale the cliffs without responding to the enemy's fire.
They lost some men, but did not worry, and in less than a quarter of an
hour the Turks were out of their second position, either bayoneted or in
full flight.
THE THIRD DISPATCH.
Dardanelles, April 26.
After the events I have previously described, the light gradually became
better and we could see from the London what was happening on the beach.
It was then discovered that the boats had landed rather further north of
Gaba Tepe than was originally intended, at a point where the sandstone
cliffs rise very sharply from the water's edge. As a matter of fact,
this error probably turned out a blessing in disguise, because there was
no glacis down which the enemy's infantry could fire, and the numerous
bluffs, ridges, and broken ground afford good cover to troops once they
have passed the forty or fifty yards of flat, sandy beach.
This ridge, under which the landing was made, stretches due north from
Gaba Tepe and culminates in the height of Coja Chemen, which rises 950
feet above the sea level. The whole forms part of a confused triangle of
hills, valleys, ridges, and bluffs which stretches right across the
Gallipoli Peninsula to the Bay of Bassi Liman above the Narrows. The
triangle is cut in two by the valley through which flows the stream
known as Bokali Deresi.
It is indeed a formidable and forbidding land. To the sea it presents a
steep front, broken up into innumerable ridges, bluffs, valleys, and
sand pits, which rise to a height of several hundred feet. The surface
is either a kind of bare and very soft yellow sandstone, which crumbles
when you tread on it, or else it is covered with very thick shrubbery
about six feet in height.
It is, in fact, an ideal country for irregular warfare, such as the
Australians and New Zealanders were soon to find to their cost. You
cannot see a yard in front of you, and so broken is the ground that the
enemy's snipers were able to lie concealed within a few yards of the
lines of infantry without it being possible to locate them. On the other
hand, the Australians and New Zealanders have proved themselves adepts
at this form of warfare, which requires the display of great endurance
in climbing over the cliffs and offers scope for a display of that
individuality which you find highly developed in these colonial
volunteers. To organize anything like a regular attack on such ground is
almost impossible, as the officers cannot see their men, who, the moment
they move forward in open order, are lost among the thick scrub.
In the early part of the day very heavy casualties were suffered in the
boats which conveyed the troops from the destroyers, tugs, and
transports to the beach. As soon as it became light, the enemy's
sharpshooters, hidden everywhere, simply concentrated their fire on the
boats. Then they got close in. At least three boats, having broken away
from their tows, drifted down the coast, under no control, and were
sniped at the whole way, steadily losing men.
All praise is due to the splendid conduct of the officers, midshipmen,
and men who formed the beach parties and whose duty it was to pass
backward and forward under a terrible fusillade which it was impossible
to check in the early part of the day.
The work of disembarking went on mechanically under this fire at almost
point-blank range. You saw the crowded boats cast off from the pinnaces,
tugs, and destroyers, and laboriously pulled ashore by six or eight
seamen. The moment it reached the beach the troops jumped out and
doubled for cover to the foot of the bluffs, over some forty yards of
beach. But the gallant crews of the boats had then to pull them out
under a dropping fire from a hundred points where the enemy's marksmen
lay hidden amid the sand and shrubs.
Throughout the whole of April 25 the landing of troops, stores, and
munitions had to be carried out under these conditions, but the gallant
sailors never failed their equally gallant comrades ashore. Every one,
from the youngest midshipman, straight from Dartmouth and under fire for
the first time, to the senior officers in charge, did their duty nobly.
When it became light the covering warships endeavored to support the
troops on shore by a heavy fire from their secondary armament, but at
this time, the positions of the enemy being unknown, the support was
necessarily more moral than real. When the sun was fully risen and the
haze had disappeared we could see that the Australians had actually
established themselves on the top of the ridge and were evidently trying
to work their way northward along it. At 8:45 the fire from the hills
became intense and lasted for about half an hour, when it gradually died
down, but only for a short time. Then it reopened and lasted without
cessation throughout the remainder of the day. The fighting was so
confused and took place among such broken ground that it is extremely
difficult to follow exactly what did happen throughout the morning and
afternoon of April 25. The rôle assigned to the covering force was
splendidly carried out up to a certain point, and a firm footing was
obtained on the crest of the ridge which allowed the disembarkation of
the remainder of the force to go on uninterruptedly, except for the
never-ceasing sniping.
But then the Australians, whose blood was up, instead of intrenching
themselves and waiting developments, pushed northward and eastward
inland in search of fresh enemies to tackle with the bayonet. The ground
is so broken and ill-defined that it was very difficult to select a
position to intrench, especially as, after the troops imagined they had
cleared a section, they were continually being sniped from all sides.
Therefore, they preferred to continue the advance.
It is impossible for any army to defend a long beach in any force,
especially when you do not know exactly where an attack will be made,
and when your troops will come under the fire of the guns of warships.
The Turks, therefore, only had a comparatively weak force actually
holding the beach, and they seemed to have relied on the difficult
nature of the ground and their scattered snipers to delay the advance
until they would bring up reinforcements from the interior. Some of the
Australians who had pushed inland were counter-attacked and almost
outflanked by these on-coming reserves and had to fall back after
suffering very heavy casualties.
It was then the turn of the Turks to counter-attack, and this they
continued to do throughout the afternoon, but the Australians never
yielded a foot of ground on the main ridge, and reinforcements were
continually poured up from the beach as fresh troops were disembarked
from the transports. The enemy's artillery fire, however, presented a
very difficult problem. As soon as the light became good the Turks
enfiladed the beach with two field guns from Gaba Tepe and with two
others from the north. This shrapnel fire was incessant and deadly. In
vain did the warships endeavor to put them out of action with their
secondary armament. For some hours they could not be accurately
located, or else were so well protected that our shells failed to do
them any harm. The majority of the heavy casualties suffered during the
day were from shrapnel, which swept the beach and the ridge on which the
Australians and New Zealanders had established themselves.
Later in the day the two guns to the north were silenced or forced to
withdraw to a fresh position, from which they could no longer enfilade
the beach, and a cruiser, moving in close to the shore, so plastered
Gaba Tepe with a hail of shell that the guns there were also silenced
and have not attempted to reply since.
As the enemy brought up reinforcements toward dusk his attacks became
more and more vigorous, and he was supported by a powerful artillery
inland which the ships' guns were powerless to deal with. The pressure
on the Australians and New Zealanders became heavier, and the line they
were occupying had to be contracted for the night. General Birwood and
his staff went ashore in the afternoon and devoted all their energies to
securing the position, so as to hold firmly to it until the following
morning, when it was hoped to get some field guns in position to deal
with the enemy's artillery.
Some idea of the difficulty to be faced may be gathered when it is
remembered that every round of ammunition, all water, and all supplies
had to be landed on a narrow beach and then carried up pathless hills,
valleys, and bluffs, several hundred feet high, to the firing line. The
whole of this mass of troops, concentrated on a very small area, and
unable to reply, were exposed to a relentless and incessant shrapnel
fire, which swept every yard of the ground, although fortunately a great
deal of it was badly aimed or burst too high. The reserves were engaged
in road making and carrying supplies to the crests and in answering the
calls for more ammunition.
A serious problem was getting away the wounded from the shore, where it
was impossible to keep them. All those who were unable to hobble to the
beach had to be carried down from the hills on stretchers, then hastily
dressed, and carried to the boats. The boat and beach parties never
stopped working throughout the entire day and night.
The courage displayed by these wounded Australians will never be
forgotten. Hastily dressed and placed in trawlers, lighters, and ships'
boats, they were towed to the ships. I saw some lighters full of bad
cases. As they passed the battleship, some of those on board recognized
her as the ship they had left that morning, whereupon, in spite of their
sufferings and discomforts, they set up a cheer, which was answered by a
deafening shout of encouragement from our crew.
I have, in fact, never seen the like of these wounded Australians in war
before, for as they were towed among the ships, while accommodation was
being found for them, although many were shot to bits and without hope
of recovery, their cheers resounded through the night, and you could
just see, amid a mass of suffering humanity, arms being waved in
greeting to the crews of the warships. They were happy, because they
knew they had been tried for the first time in the war and had not been
found wanting. They had been told to occupy the heights and hold on, and
this they had done for fifteen mortal hours under an incessant shell
fire, without the moral and material support of a single gun ashore, and
subjected the whole time to the violent counter-attacks of a brave
enemy, led by skilled leaders, while his snipers, hidden in caves and
thickets and among the dense scrub, made a deliberate practice of
picking off every officer who endeavored to give a word of command or to
lead his men forward.
No finer feat of arms has been performed during the war than this sudden
landing in the dark, this storming of the heights, and, above all, the
holding on to the position thus won while reinforcements were being
poured from the transports. These raw colonial troops, in those
desperate hours, proved themselves worthy to fight side by side with
the heroes of Mons and the Aisne, Ypres, and Neuve Chapelle.
THE FOURTH DISPATCH.
Dardanelles, April 27.
Throughout the night of the 25th and the early morning of the 26th there
was continual fighting, as the Turks made repeated attacks to endeavor
to drive the Australians and New Zealanders from their positions. On
several occasions parties of the colonials made local counter-attacks
and drove the enemy off with the bayonet, which the Turks will never
face.
On the morning of the 26th it became known that the enemy had been very
largely reinforced during the night and was preparing for a big assault
from the northeast. This movement began about 9:30 A.M. From the ships
we could see large numbers of the enemy creeping along the top of the
hills endeavoring to approach our positions under cover and then to
annoy our troops with their incessant sniping. He had also brought up
more guns during the night, and plastered the whole position once again
with shrapnel.
The rifle and machine-gun fire became heavy and unceasing. But the enemy
were not going to be allowed to have matters all their own way with
their artillery. Seven warships had moved in close to the shore, while
the Queen Elizabeth, further out, acted as a kind of chaperone to the
lot. Each covered a section of the line, and when the signal was given
opened up a bombardment of the heights and valleys beyond which can only
be described as terrific.
Turkish infantry moved forward to the attack. They were met by every
kind of shell which our warships carry, from 15-inch shrapnel from the
Queen Elizabeth, each one of which contains 20,000 bullets, to 12-inch,
6-inch, and 12-pounders.
The noise, smoke, and concussion produced was unlike anything you can
even imagine until you have seen it. The hills in front looked as if
they had suddenly been transformed into smoking volcanoes, the common
shell throwing up great chunks of ground and masses of black smoke,
while the shrapnel formed a white canopy above. Sections of ground were
covered by each ship all around our front trenches, and, the ranges
being known, the shooting was excellent. Nevertheless, a great deal of
the fire was, of necessity, indirect, and the ground affords such
splendid cover that the Turks continued their advance in a most gallant
manner, while their artillery not only plastered our positions on shore
with shrapnel, but actually tried to drive the ships off the coast by
firing at them, and their desperate snipers, in place of a better
target, tried to pick off officers and men on the decks and bridges. We
picked up many bullets on the deck afterward.
Some Turkish warship started to fire over the peninsula. The Triumph
dropped two 10-inch shells within a few yards of her, whereupon she
retired up the strait to a safer position, from which she occasionally
dropped a few shells into space, but so far has done no damage.
The scene at the height of this engagement was sombre, magnificent, and
unique. The day was perfectly clear, and you could see right down the
coast as far as Sedd-ul-Bahr. There the warships of the first division
were blazing away at Aki Baba and the hills around it, covering their
summits with a great white cloud of bursting shells. Further out the
giant forms of the transports which accompanied that division loomed up
through the slight mist. Almost opposite Gaba Tepe a cruiser close in
shore was covering the low ground with her guns and occasionally
dropping shells right over into the straight on the far side. Opposite
the hills in possession of the Australian and New Zealand troops an
incessant fire was kept up from the ships. Beyond lay our transports
which had moved further out to avoid the Turkish warships' shells and
those of some battery which fires persistently.
Beyond all, the Queen Elizabeth, with her eight huge, monstrous 15-inch
guns, all pointed shoreward, seemed to threaten immediate annihilation
to any enemy who dared even to aim at the squadron under her charge.
On shore the rifle and machine-gun fire was incessant, and at times rose
into a perfect storm as the Turks pressed forward their attack. The
hills were ablaze with shells from the ships and the enemy's shrapnel,
while on the beach masses of troops were waiting to take their places in
the trenches, and the beach parties worked incessantly at landing
stores, material, and ammunition.
This great attack lasted some two hours, and during this time we
received encouraging messages from the beach. "Thanks for your
assistance. Your guns are inflicting awful losses on the enemy." The
Turks must, in fact, have suffered terribly from this concentrated fire
from so many guns and from the infantry in the trenches.
The end came amid a flash of bayonets and a sudden charge of the
colonials, before which the Turks broke and fled amid a perfect tornado
of shells from the ships. They fell back sullen and checked, but not yet
defeated, but for the remainder of the day no big attack was pressed
home, and the colonials gained some ground by local counter-attacks,
which enlarged and consolidated the position they were holding.
The Turks kept up their incessant shrapnel fire throughout the day, but
the colonials were now dug in and could not be shaken by it in their
trenches, while the reserves had also prepared shelter trenches and
dug-outs on the slopes.
Some prisoners were captured, including an officer, who said that the
Turks were becoming demoralized by the fire of the guns, and that the
Germans now had difficulty in getting them forward to the attack. We are
well intrenched and they will probably do likewise, and we shall see a
repetition of the siege warfare out here.
THE FIFTH DISPATCH.
Dardanelles, April 30.
While Australians and New Zealanders were fighting so gallantly against
heavy odds north of Gaba Tepe, British troops crowned themselves with
equal laurels at the southern end of the Gallipoli Peninsula. A firm
footing now has been obtained. The line stretches across the southern
end of the entire peninsula, with both flanks secured by the fire of
warships. The army holds many convenient landing places immune from the
enemy's guns.
The problems British landing parties faced differed from those the
Australians solved further north. Here the cliffs are not high and
irregular, but rise about fifty feet from the water's edge, with
stretches of beach at intervals. Five of these beaches were selected for
disembarkation under the cover of warships. It was hoped the Turkish
trenches would be rendered untenable and the barbed wire entanglements
cut by the fire of the ships, but these expectations were not realized.
For example, the landing place between Gaba Tepe and Cape Helles was the
scene of a desperate struggle which raged all day. The Turks held barbed
wire protected trenches in force and their snipers covered the
foreshore. After hours of bombardment the troops were taken ashore at
daybreak. Part of the force scaled the cliffs and obtained a precarious
footing on the edge of the cliffs, but boats which landed along the
beach were confronted with a solid hedge of barbed wire and exposed to a
terrible cross-fire. Every effort was made to cut the wire, but almost
all those who landed here were shot down. Later the troops on the cliffs
succeeded in driving back the Turks and clearing the beach.
The most terrible of all landings, however, was on the beach between
Cape Helles and the Seddul Bahr. Here the broken valley runs inland
enfiladed by hills on either flank, on which were built strong forts,
which defended the entrance to the strait until they were knocked out by
our guns. Although the guns and emplacements were shattered the
bombproofs and ammunition chambers remained intact, and, running back,
formed a perfect network of trenches and entanglements right around the
semicircular valley. The Turks had mounted pompoms on the Cape Helles
side and had the usual snipers concealed everywhere. The foreshore and
valley also were protected by trenches and wire, rendering the position
most formidable.
One novel expedient was running a liner full of troops deliberately
ashore, thus allowing them to approach close in under cover without
being exposed in open boats. Great doors had been cut in her sides to
permit rapid disembarkation, and she was well provided with Maxims to
sweep the shore while the troops were landing. Owing to her going ashore
further east than was intended, however, it became necessary to bring up
a lighter to facilitate the landing. The Turks directed a perfect
tornado of rifle, Maxim, and pompom fire on 200 men who made a dash down
the gangway. Only a few survived to gain shelter. All the others were
killed on the gangway. Disembarkation, therefore, which meant almost
certain death, was postponed until later in the morning, when another
attempt also failed.
Then, while the liner, carrying 2,000 men, packed in like sardines, with
the officers huddled on the protected bridge, lay all day on shore, with
a hail of bullets rattling against her protected sides, the battleships
Albion, Cornwallis, and Queen Elizabeth furiously bombarded Seddul Bahr
and the encircling hills. Meanwhile the Turks on the Asiatic side tried
to destroy the liner by howitzer fire, which was kept under only by the
bombardment from covering ships in the strait. In spite of this covering
fire, the vessel was pierced by four big shells, and it was decided to
postpone any further movement until night, when the troops got ashore
almost without the Turks firing a shot, as a result, perhaps, of troops
landed on other beaches having pushed along and destroyed some Turkish
positions.
END OF THE THIRD WEEK.
[Special Cable to THE NEW YORK TIMES.]
IMBROS, (via Dedeaghatch, Turkey,) May 15, (Dispatch to The London Daily
Chronicle.)--Operations in the Dardanelles have now been in full swing
for just three weeks, and a glance from the mountaintop here at the
far-spread region over which the war has been and is being waged shows
instantly the material progress which has been made in that time.
When I first looked down on the fascinating and unique vision presented
to my eyes from this point of vantage it was a sight truly marvelous. A
fleet of transports stood at the entrance to the strait, and to the
north of Gaba Tepe the warships were hammering away at the mouth of the
Dardanelles, and at several points along the western coast of the
peninsula one could see at different points on the land that severe
battles were being fought. The heavy clouds of war hung over all, lit up
grimly by the vivid flashes of the guns. At times the din was tremendous
and went on night and day without cessation. Column after column of
dense smoke betokened the falling of forts, and gradually the white
puffs from our guns like long rollers on a broken coast advanced up the
peninsula from the south and inland from the Gaba Tepe region.
Aeroplanes and dirigibles were always busy. Destroyers and huge
transports churned up foam, and submarines left their faint trace on the
wide extent of bluest ocean. The scene was one of war in all its
picturesqueness and horror, for one could easily imagine awful scenes
taking place under the far cloud of smoke and dust. It was war in all
its force seen so for the first time.
Today the scene is strangely altered. Nearly all the transports have
gone up the western coast of the peninsula, but a few battleships stand
on sentry-go, as it were. All resistance in the region directly opposite
has been fought down. The smoke coming from over the ridge in front
shows that our warships have advanced far up to Kilid Bahr, while
comparatively few ships stand at the entrance of the strait. From the
inside the Asiatic coast is being bombarded, but the picturesque
features of the scene have gone. It is a change which marks triumphant
progress. The Turk is being slowly but surely pushed back, dying gamely.
Two days of thick mist were followed by a forty-eight hours' armistice
granted to the Turks on Tuesday and Wednesday. It was impossible to see
anything of the operations. Behind the veil of mist the fighting went
sternly on and the big guns boomed incessantly. Wednesday night they
were particularly active. Seldom in the past three weeks has the night
sky been so brilliantly illuminated by the flashes of cannon. Serious
work is evidently being done or completed. It was not until Thursday
afternoon that the weather conditions made it possible to see the result
of the warfare behind the screen of mist, and, as I have said, the whole
aspect of the now familiar scene appears greatly changed when the coast
of the peninsula is deserted by vessels, save for the few transports
standing further out to sea than usual and half a dozen ships of war.
The peninsula beyond Gaba Tepe had apparently been cleared of the enemy.
The tide of the struggle had passed away. On Thursday, too, I could see
our guns flashing from a hill, firing probably at points northward or
across the strait. Further north our artillery also appeared to be
placed on a high ridge this side of Maidos. What a magic sight the
southern part of the peninsula must present, where even at this distance
the evidence of the havoc of three weeks' daily shell and lead is not
hidden!
The point of the peninsula has become brown under the trampling of men
and guns. Krithia lies a complete and pathetic ruin, and Tree Hill is
scarred with trench and shell holes as far as I can see.
On Thursday the point of greatest activity was in the strait opposite
the conquered portion of the peninsula. It stood out somewhat dim in the
haze of battle, but the smoke and flash of the Allies' guns and the
Turks' answering could be picked out without great difficulty. Added to
this the air was still; the dull thud of the field guns at work there
was different from the resounding boom of the naval guns, and the whirr
of the machine guns could be plainly heard.
Hard work by land and water is going on along the front stretching away
to the left from Erenkeui on the Asiatic side, and the difficulties of
obtaining a substantial footing in that mountainous region had evidently
been overcome. It was apparent that the enemy was putting up a stiff
fight, and at times he must have run his batteries close to the water's
edge.
Early in the afternoon the Turkish gunners managed to explode several
shells on the land near Morto Bay on the European side. A little later
they made the earth and stones of Tree Hill fly up in the air by a few
well-placed shells, but such advances on the part of the enemy were
brief. The warships in the strait instantly turned their guns on the
daring batteries, and such diversions by the enemy were only of brief
duration. Toward sunset a battleship was seen to send two shells against
the cliff edge south of Suvla Bay.
Yesterday the thick smoke of battle still hung over all activities on
the Asiatic side of the waterway. Nearly all the transports had gone,
and most of the warships were engaged in the entrance and further up to
near Kilid Bahr. Only one battleship that I could see was firing from
off the western coast of the peninsula, standing well out off shore near
Krithia. It was evidently firing long-range shells against the foe on
the further side of the Dardanelles.
The land actions had another point of interest yesterday. In the
afternoon very heavy fighting could be noticed far along the Sari Bair,
(about sixteen miles north of the tip of the peninsula,) where the
Australians are. Every now and again waves of smoke blotted out that
part of the landscape. It would clear occasionally to show the hillsides
dotted over with puffs of white. Often against the gray background
spurts of flame would herald the thunder of heavily engaged artillery.
Rifle fire at times, too, could be heard.
The supposition is that our forces in that region, who are forcing their
way across the peninsula, must be near the completion of their task.
From what I have said it will be gathered, I think, that very
substantial progress has been made since operations began three weeks
ago. As one looks at the mountainous and rugged nature of the country
beyond the strait it is evident that the enemy has there favorable
ground for defensive fighting. That region now appears to be the main
point of his struggle.
I learn that the Turkish losses amount to over 80,000 and that 50,000
wounded have been sent to Constantinople.
"War Babies"
[From The Suffragette of London, edited by Christabel Pankhurst, in its
issue of May 7, 1915.]
"The children who are coming into the world must be welcomed
and must be provided with greater, not smaller, advantages,
because they are legally fatherless.
"Why should not these children be brought up under model
conditions, so that they may be the equal in knowledge and
general cultivation of any in the land?
"Every one of them must become a valuable asset to the nation.
But that can only be if they are reared in a generous way.
They are everybody's children, and have a claim on the
community as a whole. The problem of the illegitimate child
has been shirked since the beginning of time. Now it has to be
faced!"
_--From The Suffragette of April 23._
The Women's Social and Political Union, in order to help in solving this
problem, has in view the adoption of a number of "war babies," who will
be reared under model conditions, and provided with a good general
education followed by a training adapted to the natural ability and
special gifts of each individual child.
The children will be brought up together in a home in which they will
receive that loving care which is necessary for their happiness and full
development.
Fuller details of the scheme will be given at a meeting to be addressed
by Mrs. Pankhurst on Thursday afternoon, June 3, at the London
Palladium. In the meantime those wishing to give their financial or
other support are asked to write to Mrs. Pankhurst at Lincoln's Inn
House, Kingsway, London, W.C.
THE EUROPEAN WAR AS SEEN BY CARTOONISTS
[American Cartoon]
[Illustration: Another Scrap of Paper
_--From The Post, Boston._]
[American Cartoon]
[Illustration: The Challenge
_--From The Evening Sun, New York._
UNCLE SAM: "You'll have to start it, William!"]
[American Cartoon]
The Flight of the Eagle
[_--From The World, New York._
Personally Conducted.]
[American Cartoon]
[Illustration: All Flags Look Alike to Him
_--From The Evening Sun, New York._
Strictly Neutral--In Destruction.]
[American Cartoon]
[Illustration: Nearing the Brink
_--From The Republic, St. Louis._
Hold Fast!]
[American Cartoon]
[Illustration: The Announcer
_--From The Herald, New York._
(The Notice on the Bulletin Board is the German Embassy's advertisement
giving warning that travellers who sailed on ships of Great Britain or
her Allies entering the War Zone did so at their own risk.)]
[American Cartoon]
[Illustration: The Sacrifice of Cain
_--From The Sun, New York._
What have you done with your brother Abel?]
[American Cartoon]
[Illustration: Removing the Hyphen
_--From The Times, New York._
Now it must be either one or the other.]
[American Cartoon]
[Illustration: A Misunderstanding
_--From The Evening Sun, New York._
THE ALLIES: "Ouch! Don't you know we've taken the offensive?"]
[English Cartoon]
[Illustration: The Elixir of Hate
_--From Punch, London._
KAISER: "'Fair is foul, and foul is fair;
Hover through the fog and filthy air.'"]
[German Cartoon]
[Illustration: It's a Long Way to Constantinople
_--From Simplicissimus, Munich._
The English soldiers have a war song "It's a Long Way to Tipperary."
This has been changed; they now sing "It's a Long Way to
Constantinople."]
[English Cartoon]
[Illustration: Canada!
_--From Punch, London._
Ypres: April 22-24, 1915.]
[French Cartoon]
[Illustration: Our Colors Advance!
_--From La Vie Parisienne, Paris._
War is teaching geography to the women of France. Alas! it is _by heart_
they are learning their lessons.]
[German Cartoon]
[Illustration: The English Chameleon
_--From Lustige Blaetter, Berlin._
When the Beast sees the enemy coming it changes its British colors and
appears in neutral hues.
The Merchant Flag of Norway
The Merchant Flag of Great Britain
(Although this cartoon depends on color for its full value, the effect
of the blending of the two flags is preserved in the black and white
reproduction.)]
[English Cartoon]
[Illustration: A Great Naval Triumph
_--From Punch, London._
GERMAN SUBMARINE OFFICER: "This ought to make them jealous in the sister
service. Belgium saw nothing better than this."
(Although Punch did not disclose the artist's allusion to Revelations,
xiii., 18, contained in the number of the submarine "U-666," it may not
be amiss to quote the passage: "Let him that hath understanding count
the number of the beast: for it is the number of a man; and his number
is six hundred three score and six.")]
[German Cartoon]
[Illustration: Opening of the Bathing Season--Feb. 18
_--From Kladderadatsch, Berlin._
The German stickle-backs worry the "Ruler of the Seas."]
What Is Our Duty?
By Mrs. Emmeline Pankhurst
The position of the British suffragettes, who suspended their
militant program and are zealously supporting the cause of the
Allies, is stated in this speech by Mrs. Pankhurst, delivered
in the Sun Hall, Liverpool, and reported in The Suffragette of
April 23, 1915.
I think that throughout our agitation for the franchise for political
emancipation, on platforms and on other places--even in prisons--we have
talked about rights, and fought for rights; at the same time we have
always coupled with the claim for rights clear statements as to duty. We
have never lost sight of the fact that to possess rights puts upon human
beings grave responsibilities and serious duties. We have fought for
rights because, in order to perform your duty and fulfill your
responsibilities properly, in time of peace, you must have certain
citizen rights. When the State is in danger, when the very liberties in
your possession are imperiled, is, above all, the time to think of duty.
And so, when the war broke out, some of us who, convalescing after our
fights, decided that one of the duties of the Women's Social and
Political Union in war time was to talk to men about their duty to the
nation--the duty of fighting to preserve the independence of our
country, to preserve what our forefathers had won for us, and to protect
the nation from foreign invasion.
There are people who say, "What right have women to talk to men about
fighting for their country, since women are not, according to the custom
of civilization, called upon to fight?" That used to be said to us in
times of peace. Certainly women have the right to say to men, "Are you
going to fight to defend your country and redeem your promise to women?"
Men have said to women, not only that they fight to defend their
country, but that they protect women from all the dangers and
difficulties of life, and they are proud to be in the position to do it.
Why, then, we say to those men, "You are indeed now put to the test.
The men of Belgium, the men of France, the men of Serbia, however
willing they were to protect women from the things that are most
horrible--and more horrible to women than death itself--have not been
able to do it."
It is only by an accident, or a series of accidents, for which no man
here has the right to take credit, that British women on British soil
are not now enduring the horrors endured by the women of France, the
women of Belgium, and the women of Serbia. The least that men can do is
that every man of fighting age should prepare himself to redeem his word
to women, and to make ready to do his best, to save the mothers, the
wives, and the daughters of Great Britain from outrage too horrible even
to think of.
We have the right to say to the men, "Fight for your country, defend the
shores of this land of ours. Fight for your homes, for the women, and
for the children." We have the right if that was the only reason, but in
these days, when women are taking larger views of their duty to the
State, we go further than that; we claim the right to hold recruiting
meetings and ask men to fight for bigger reasons than are advanced
ordinarily. We say to men, "In this war there are issues at stake bigger
even than the safety of your homes and your own country. Your honor as a
nation is at stake."
We have our duties in this war. First of all, this duty begins at
home--this duty to our home, because I always feel that if we are not
ready to do our duty to those nearest to us we are not fit to do our
duty far away. And so the first duty is to ourselves and to our homes.
Then there is the duty to protect those who, having made a gallant
fight for self-defense--and by that I mean the country of Belgium--what
we owe to Belgium we can never repay, because now the whole German plan
of campaign is perfectly plain to all those who are not prejudiced, and
who are not affected by pan-Germanism; and, unfortunately, in their
methods of warfare--and their methods of warfare are many--they not only
fight physically, but they fight mentally and morally as well, and in
this country and in France, and in every country in Europe, long before
the war broke out, in fact, ever since the year 1870, they have been
preparing by subtle means to take possession of Europe, and I believe
their ambitions are not limited by that, they want to rule the whole
world. The whole thing is clear to any unprejudiced observer.
It is very difficult for your attacking bully to imagine that a small
State--I mean small numerically, and weak physically--will ever have
the courage to stand up and resist the bully when he prepares to attack.
The Germans did not expect Belgium to keep them at bay while the other
countries involved prepared, but there is absolutely no doubt that the
plan was to press through Belgium, to take possession of Paris, and
then, having humiliated and crippled France, to cross the Channel and
defeat us. There is no doubt that was the plan; it is perfectly clear.
And that being so, we owe--civilization owes--to Belgium a debt which it
can never repay.
Then we have our duty to our ally, France. How much democracy owes to
France! France is the mother of European democracy. There is no doubt
about her claim to that. If there had been nothing else worth fighting
for in this war, in my opinion that alone would have been worth fighting
for, to preserve that spirit and that democracy--which France has given
to the world, and which would perish if France were destroyed. The
people of France are a people who never have been, and I believe never
will be, corrupted in the sense of thinking that material things are of
more value than spiritual things. The people of France have always been
ready to sacrifice themselves for ideals. They have been ready to
sacrifice life, they have been ready to sacrifice money, they have been
ready to sacrifice everything for an ideal.
You know the old saying, that men should work and women should weep?
That is not true, for it is for all of us to work and for all of us to
weep when there is occasion to do so. Therefore, it is because in the
French Nation you have splendid qualities combined in both sexes,
because the history of the French Nation is so magnificent, because the
French Nation has contributed so much to civilization, and so much in
art, beauty, and in great qualities, it is our duty to stand by France,
and to prevent her being crushed by the oversexed, that is to say,
overmasculine, country of Germany.
It is our duty as women to do what we can to help our country in this
war, because if the unthinkable thing happened, and Germany were to win,
the women's movement, as we know it in Europe, would be put back fifty
years at least; there is no doubt about it. Whether it ever could rise
again is to my mind extremely doubtful. The ideal of women in Germany is
the lowest in Europe. Infantile mortality is very high, immorality is
widespread, and, in consequence, venereal disease is rampant. Notice,
too, the miserable and niggardly pittance that is being paid to the
wives and families of German soldiers, while nothing whatever is being
paid to unmarried wives and their children. True security for women and
children is for women to have control over their own destiny. And so it
is a duty, a supreme duty, of women, first of all as human beings and as
lovers of their country, to co-operate with men in this terrible crisis
in which we find ourselves.
If all were trained to contribute something to the community, both in
time of peace and in time of war, how much better it would be.
What bitterness there was in the hearts of many women when they saw work
and business going on as usual, carried on by men who ought to be in the
fighting line. There were thousands upon thousands of women willing,
even if they were not trained, to do that work and release men, and we
have urged the authorities to take into account the great reserve force
of the nation, the women who are or might be quite capable to step into
the shoes of the men when they were called up to fight.
The Board of Trade issued its appeal to women just before Easter to
register their names as willing to do national service in any capacity
during the course of the war. I want to tell you tonight that I am very
proud of the women of the country. When the first recruiting appeals
were made to men, the hoardings were covered with placards and appeals
and they were making efforts by recruiting bands, in places of
pleasure--everywhere in the columns of the newspapers there were
recruiting appeals to men. Then the time came when the Board of Trade
wished to know to what extent it could depend upon the services of the
women of the country, and what was done in the case of women? There were
no posters for us; there were no recruiting meetings for us; there were
no appeals from great names to us; no attractive pictures, "Your King
and Country Want You"--nothing of that kind. And yet, in spite of that,
in one week 34,000 women sent in their names as volunteers for a
national service. [Loud applause.]
And now, something about this talk of peace, and the terms of peace.
Well, I consider it very sinister and very dangerous. Very dangerous,
indeed, because nothing heartens the Kaiser and his advisers so much as
weakness in any of the allied nations. It is no use expecting Germany to
understand that the people who are talking about peace are animated by a
genuine love for peace. I go further as regards peace movements. I think
that in this country, and in America, and in all the neutral countries,
there are a great many very well-meaning people who are genuine lovers
of peace. What woman does not dread the effects of war? Germans are
encouraging the call for peace. The Kaiser knows he is going to be
beaten, and he wants to get out of it on as easy terms as possible, and
so it is worth while for German-Americans to run a peace movement in
America. They want America, which is a great neutral country, to
intervene to try to force peace and to let the Germans down easily
without having to pay for all that they have done in Belgium and in
France. Similar tactics are being pursued in this country.
Only those who have been in close touch with people who know what goes
on, and what has gone on, since the year 1870, after the Franco-German
war, can realize how insidious this German influence is, and so I say to
you who love peace (and who does not love peace?) if you take part in
any of these peace movements you are playing the German game and helping
Germany. [Loud applause.] They talk of peace, but consider the position
of our allies. The Germans in possession of the North of France,
devastating the country, even today driving thousands of innocent,
helpless people at the point of the bayonet, outraging women, and
burning homes! And people in this country--an allied nation--allowing
themselves to talk about terms of peace.
It is for Germany to talk of peace, not for us. [Loud applause.] It is
for us to show a strong and determined front, because if we do anything
else we are misunderstood, and advantage is taken of the situation.
Since some women have responded to an invitation to take part in a peace
conference at The Hague, I feel bound to say that they do not represent
the mass of Englishwomen. [Loud applause.] The mass of Englishwomen are
whole-hearted in our support of our own Government in this matter and in
the support of our allies--[loud applause]--and we are prepared to face
all the necessary sacrifices to bring this war to a successful issue
from our point of view, because we know, because we feel, that this
terrible business, forced upon us, has to be properly finished to save
us from the danger of another war perhaps in ten years' time.
[Applause.]
We have clear consciences on this matter. We did not want this war.
France did not want this war. Belgium did not want this war. I do not
believe that Russia wanted this war. It has been forced upon us, and
since Germany took up the sword, the sword must be held in the hands of
the Allies until Germany has had enough of war and does not want any
more of it. [Loud applause.] For us to talk about peace now, for us to
weaken our side now, is to make the condition of those men who are
laying down their lives for us in France more terrible than it already
is. We have to support them, and to stand loyally by them, and to make
our sacrifices and show our patriotism to them.
And, speaking of sacrifices, let us consider this drink question. What
is our duty in that matter? Well, I think our duty is this, that, if the
Government of this country seriously think it is necessary for our
success in this war to stop drink altogether until the war is ended, it
is our duty loyally to support and accept that decision. [Loud
applause.]
At any rate, in time of war we should be ready to say, "Let us
sacrifice a personal pleasure in order to get a great national good."
Would not that be a something to lift up a nation and make it a
wonderful and a great nation?
I believe that in this war we are fighting for things undying and great;
we are fighting for liberty; we are fighting for honor; we are fighting
to preserve the great inheritance won for us by our forefathers, and it
is worth while to fight for those things, and it is worth while to die
for them--to die a glorious death in defense of all that makes life
worth having is better than to live unending years of inglorious life.
And so, out of this great trial that has come upon us, I believe a
wonderful transformation will come to the people of this country and we
shall emerge from it stronger and better and nobler and more worthy of
our great traditions than ever we should perhaps have been without it.
[Loud and continued applause.]
The Soldiers Pass
By MAURICE HEWLETT.
[From "Sing Songs of the War."]
The soldiers pass at nightfall,
A girl within each arm,
And kisses quick and light fall
On lips that take no harm.
Lip language serves them better
Who have no parts of speech:
No syntax there to fetter
The lore they love to teach.
What waist would shun th' indenture
Of such a gallant squeeze?
What girl's heart not dare venture
The hot-and-cold disease?
Nay, let them do their service
Before the lads depart!
That hand goes where the curve is
That billows o'er the heart.
Who deems not how 'tis given,
What knows he of its worth?
'Tis either fire of heaven
Or earthiness of earth.
And if the lips are fickle
That kiss, they'll never know
If tears begin to trickle
Where they saw roses blow.
"The girl I left behind me,"
He'll sing, nor hear her moan,
"The tears they come to blind me
As I sit here alone."
What else had you to offer,
Poor spendthrift of the town?
Lay out your unlockt coffer--
The Lord will know His own.
The Great End
By Arnold Bennett.
Fear that the British Government in its discussion of peace
terms with Germany might defer to the policy of France and
Russia of keeping important negotiations secret inspired the
writing of this article, which appeared in The London Daily
News of April 1, 1915, and is here published by the author's
permission. Mr. Bennett points out that despite her alliance
Great Britain is essentially a democracy subject to the
mandates of her people.
The well-meant but ingenuous efforts of the Government to produce
pessimism among the citizens have failed. The object of these efforts
was clear; it has, I think, been attained by more direct and wiser
means. Munitions of war are now being more satisfactorily manufactured,
though the country still refuses to be gloomy. "Eyewitness" pretended to
quake, but Przemysl fell. He tried again, but Sir John French announced
that he did not believe in a protracted war. Since Sir John French said
also that he believed in victory, it follows that he believes in a
victory not long delayed. The incomparable and candid reports of the
French War Office about the first stages of the war increased our
confidence, and at the same time showed to us the inferiority of our own
reports. Only victors could publish such revelations, and Britain, with
her passion for forgetting mistakes and her hatred of the confessional,
could never bring herself to publish them. These reports were confirmed
and capped by the remarkable communications of General Joffre to a
journalistic friend. The New York Stock Exchange began to gamble about
the date of victory. The London Stock Exchange took on a new firmness.
Not even the sinister losses at Neuve Chapelle, nor the rumors
concerning the same, could disturb our confidence. Peace, therefore, in
the general view, and certainty in the view of those who knew most, is
decidedly nearer than when I wrote last about peace.
A short while ago Mr. Asquith referred with sarcasm and reproof to those
who talk of peace. But, for once, his meaning was not clear. If he meant
that to suggest peace to the enemy at this stage is both dangerous and
ridiculous, he will be approved by the nation. But if he meant that
terms of peace must not even be mentioned among ourselves, he will find
people ready to disagree with him, and to support the weight of his
sarcasm and his reproof. I am one of those people. Bellicose by
disposition, I nevertheless like to know what I am fighting for. This is
perhaps an idiosyncrasy, but many persons share it, and they are not to
be ignored. It may be argued that Mr. Asquith has defined what we are
fighting for. He has not. He has only defined part of what we are
fighting for. His reference to the overthrow of Prussian militarism is
futile, because it gives no indication of the method to be employed. The
method of liberating and compensating Belgium and other small
communities is clear; but how are you to overthrow an ideal? Prussian
militarism will not be destroyed by a defeat in the field. Militarism
cannot overthrow militarism; it can only breed militarism. The point is
of the highest importance.
I do not assume that Mr. Asquith's notions about the right way to
overthrow militarism are not sound notions. I assume that they are
sound. I think that his common sense is massive. Though it is evident
that he lets his Ministerial colleagues do practically what they choose
in their own spheres, and though there are militarists in the Cabinet, I
do not, like The Morning Post, consider that the Prime Minister exists
in a stupor of negligence. On the contrary, I assume that at the end of
the war, as at the beginning, Mr. Asquith will control the foolish, and
that common sense will prevail in the Cabinet when a treaty is the
subject of converse. Still further, I will assume that, contrary to
nearly all precedent, the collective sagacity of the Ministry has not
been impaired, and its self-conceit perilously tickled, by the long
exercise of absolute power in face of a Parliament of poltroons. And,
lastly, I will abandon my old argument that the discussion of peace
terms might shorten the war, without any risk of prolonging it. And
still I very strongly hold that peace terms ought to be discussed.
It appears to me that there is a desire--I will not say a conspiracy--on
the part of the Government to bring this war to an end in the same
manner as it will be brought to an end in Germany--that is to say,
autocratically, without either the knowledge or the consent of the
nation. The projected scheme, I imagine, is to sit tight and quiet, and
in due course inform the nation of a fact accomplished. It can be done,
and I think it will be done, unless the House of Commons administers to
itself a tonic and acquires courage. Already colonial statesmen have
been politely but firmly informed that they are not wanted in England
this year! The specious excuse for keeping the nation in the dark is
that we are allied to Russia, where the people are never under any
circumstances consulted, and to France, where for the duration of the
war the Government is as absolute in spirit and in conduct, as that of
Russia; and that we must not pain those allied Governments by any
exhibition of democracy in being. Secrecy and a complete autocratic
control of the people are the watchwords of the allied Governments, and
therefore they must be the watchwords of our Government.
This is very convenient for British autocrats, but the argument is not
convincing. The surrender of ideals ought not to be so one-sided. We do
not dream of suggesting to the Russian and the French Governments how
they ought to conduct themselves toward their peoples; and similarly we
should not allow them to influence the relations between our Government
and ourselves.
The basis of peace negotiations must necessarily be settled in advance
by representatives of all the allied Governments in conclave. The
mandate of each Government in regard to the conclave is the affair of
that Government, and it is the affair of no other Government. The
mandate of our Government is, therefore, the affair of our Government,
and the allied Governments are just as much entitled to criticise or
object to it as we, for example, are entitled to suggest to the Czar how
he ought to behave in Finland. Our Government, being a democratic
Government, has no right to go into conclave without a mandate from the
people who elected it. It possesses no mandate of the kind. It has a
mandate, and a mighty one, to prosecute the war, and it is prosecuting
the war to the satisfaction of the majority of the electorate. But a
peace treaty is a different and an incomparably more important thing. Up
to the present the mind of the nation has found no expression, and it
probably will not find any expression unless the Government recognizes
fairly that it is a representative Government and behaves with the
deference which is due from a representative Government. As matters
stand, the mandate of the British Government will come, not from
Britain, but from Russia and France.
The great argument drawn from the Government's alleged duty to the
allied Governments is, no doubt, reinforced, in the minds of Ministers
and at Cabinet meetings, by two subsidiary arguments. The first of these
rests in the traditional assumption that all international politics must
be committed, perpetrated, and accomplished in secret. This strange
traditional notion will die hard, but some time it will have to die, and
at the moment of its death excellent and sincere persons will be
convinced that the knell of the British Empire has sounded. The knell of
the British Empire has frequently sounded. It sounded when capital
punishment was abolished for sheep-stealing, when the great reform bill
was passed, when purchase was abolished in the army, when the deceased
wife's sister bill was passed, when the Parliament act became law; and
it will positively sound again when the mediaeval Chinese traditions of
the Diplomatic Service are cast aside. There are many important people
alive today who are so obsessed by those traditions as to believe
religiously that if the British people, and by consequence the German
Government, were made aware of the peace terms, the German Army would in
some mysterious way be strengthened and encouraged, and our own ultimate
success imperiled. Such is the power of the dead hand, and against this
power the new conviction that in a democratic and candid foreign policy
lies the future safety of the world will have to fight hard.
The other subsidiary argument for ignoring the nation is that Ministers
are wiser than the nation, and therefore that Ministers must save the
nation from itself by making it impotent and acting over its head. This
has always been the argument of autocrats, and even of tyrants. It is a
ridiculous argument, and it was never more ridiculous than when applied
to the British Government and the British Nation today. Throughout the
war the Government has underestimated the qualities of the
nation--courage, discipline, fortitude, and wisdom. It is still
underestimating them. For myself, I have no doubt that in the making of
peace the sagacity of the nation as a whole would be greater than the
sagacity of the Government. But even if it were not, the right of the
nation to govern itself in the gravest hour of its career remains
unchallengeable. All arguments in favor of depriving the nation of that
right amount to the argument of Germany in favor of taking Belgium--"We
do it in your true interests, and in our own."
If the Government does not on its own initiative declare that it will
consult--and effectively consult--Parliament concerning the peace terms,
then it is the duty of Parliament, and especially of the House of
Commons, to make itself unpleasant and to produce that appearance of
internal discord which (we are told by all individuals who dislike being
disturbed) is so enheartening to Germany. There have always been, and
there still are, ample opportunities for raising questions of foreign
policy in the House of Commons. If foreign policy has seldom or never
been adequately handled by the House of Commons, the reason simply is
that the House has not been interested in it. Not to the tyranny of
Ministries, but to the supineness and the ignorance of the people's
representatives, is the present state of affairs due. Hence the rank and
file of Radicals should organize themselves. They would unquestionably
receive adequate support in the press and at public meetings. And none
but they can do anything worth doing. And among the rank and file of
Radicals the plain common-sense men should make themselves heard.
Foreign policy debates in the House are usually the playground of cranks
of all varieties, and the plain common-sense man seems to shrink from
being vocal in such company. It is a pity. The plain common-sense man
should believe in himself a little more. The result would perhaps
startle his modesty. And he should begin instantly on the resumption of
Parliament. He will of course be told that he is premature. But no
matter. When he gets up and makes a row he will be told that he is
premature, until Sir Edward Grey is in a position to announce in the icy
cold and impressive tones of omniscience and omnipotence and perfect
wisdom that the deed is irrevocably done and only the formal
ratification of the people is required. We have been through all that
before, and we shall go through it again unless we start out immediately
to be unpleasant.
I hope nobody will get the impression that I think we are a nation of
angels under a Government of earthy and primeval creatures. I do not. We
are not in a Christian mood, and we don't want to be in a Christian
mood. When last week a foolish schoolmaster took advantage of his august
position to advocate Christianity at the end of the war, we frightened
the life out of him, and he had to say that he had been "woefully
misunderstood." In spite of this, the nation, being cut off from direct
communication with foreign autocracy and reaction, is in my view very
likely to be less unwise than the Government at the supreme crisis. And
even if it isn't, even at the worst, it is and should be the master and
not the slave of the Government.
German Women Not Yet For Peace
By Gertrude Baumer, President of the Bund Deutscher Frauen.
_An emphatic refusal of German women to take part in the recent Women's
Peace Conference at The Hague was issued by the Bund Deutscher Frauen
(League of German Women) signed by Gertrude Baumer as President, and
published by the Frankfurter Zeitung in its issue of April 29, 1915. The
manifesto reads:_
On April 28 begins the Peace Congress to which women of Holland have
invited the women of neutral and belligerent nations. The German woman's
movement has declined to attend the congress, by unanimous resolution of
its Executive Committee. If individual German women visit the congress
it can be only such as have no responsible position in the organization
of the German woman's movement and for whom the organization is,
therefore, not responsible.
This decimation must not be understood to mean that the German women do
not feel as keenly as the women of other countries the enormous
sacrifices and sorrows which this war has caused, or that they refuse to
recognize the good intentions that figure in the institution of this
congress. None can yearn more eagerly than we for an end of these
sacrifices and sorrows. But we realize that in our consciousness of the
weight of these sacrifices we are one with our whole people and
Government; we know that the blood of those who fall out there on the
field cannot be dearer to us women than to the men who are responsible
for the decisions of Germany. Because we know that, we must decline to
represent special desires in an international congress. We have no other
desires than those of our entire people: a peace consonant with the
honor of our State and guaranteeing its safety in the future.
The resolutions that are to be laid before the women's congress at The
Hague are of two kinds. One kind denounces war as such, and recommends
peaceful settlement of international quarrels. The other offers
suggestions for hastening the concluding of peace.
As concerns the first group of suggestions, there are in the German
woman's movement women who are in principle very much in sympathy with
the aims of the peace movement. But they, too, are convinced that
negotiations about the means of avoiding future wars and conquering the
mutual distrust of nations can be considered only after peace has again
been concluded. But we must most vigorously reject the proposition of
voting approval to a resolution in which the war is declared to be an
"insanity" that was made possible only through a "mass psychosis." Shall
the German women deny the moral force that is impelling their husbands
and sons into death, that has led home countless German men, amid a
thousand dangers, from foreign lands, to battle for their threatened
Fatherland, by declaring in common with the women of hostile States that
the national spirit of self-sacrifice of our men is insanity and a
psychosis? Shall we psychologically attack in the rear the men who are
defending our safety by scoffing at and deprecating the internal forces
that are keeping them up? Whoever asks us to do that cannot have
experienced what thousands of wives and mothers have experienced, who
have seen their husbands and sons march away.
Just as in these fundamental questions the women of the belligerent
States must feel differently from those of neutral States, so, too,
there is naturally a difference of opinion among the women of the
different belligerent States concerning the time of the conclusion of
peace. Inasmuch as the prospects of the belligerent States depend upon
the time of the conclusion of peace and therewith the future fate of the
nations involved in the war, there can likewise be no international
conformity of opinion on this question either.
Dear to us German women as well, are the relations that bind us to the
women of foreign lands, and we sincerely desire that they may survive
this time of hatred and enmity. But precisely for that reason
international negotiations seem fraught with fate to us at a time when
we belong exclusively to our people and when strict limits are set to
the value of international exchange of views in the fact that we are
citizens of our own country, to strengthen whose national power of
resistance is our highest task.
Diagnosis of the Englishman
By John Galsworthy
This article originally appeared in the Amsterdaemer Revue,
having been written during the lull of the war while England
fitted her volunteer armies for the Spring campaign, and is
here published by special permission of the author.
After six months of war search for the cause thereof borders on the
academic. Comment on the physical facts of the situation does not come
within the scope of one who, by disposition and training, is concerned
with states of mind. Speculation on what the future may bring forth may
be left to those with an aptitude for prophecy.
But there is one thought which rises supreme at this particular moment
of these tremendous times: The period of surprise is over; the forces
known; the issue fully joined. It is now a case of "Pull devil, pull
baker," and a question of the fibre of the combatants. For this reason
it may not be amiss to try to present to any whom it may concern as
detached a picture as one can of the real nature of that combatant who
is called the Englishman, especially since ignorance in Central Europe
of his character was the chief cause of this war, and speculation as to
the future is useless without right comprehension of this curious
creature.
The Englishman is taken advisedly because he represents four-fifths of
the population of the British Isles and eight-ninths of the character
and sentiment therein.
And, first, let it be said that there is no more deceptive,
unconsciously deceptive person on the face of the globe. The Englishman
certainly does not know himself, and outside England he is but guessed
at. Only a pure Englishman--and he must be an odd one--really knows the
Englishman, just as, for inspired judgment of art, one must go to the
inspired artist.
Racially, the Englishman is so complex and so old a blend that no one
can say what he is. In character he is just as complex. Physically,
there are two main types--one inclining to length of limb, narrowness of
face and head, (you will see nowhere such long and narrow heads as in
our islands,) and bony jaws; the other approximating more to the
ordinary "John Bull." The first type is gaining on the second. There is
little or no difference in the main character behind.
In attempting to understand the real nature of the Englishman certain
salient facts must be borne in mind:
THE SEA.--To be surrounded generation after generation by the sea has
developed in him a suppressed idealism, a peculiar impermeability, a
turn for adventure, a faculty for wandering, and for being sufficient
unto himself in far surroundings.
THE CLIMATE.--Whoso weathers for centuries a climate that, though
healthy and never extreme, is perhaps the least reliable and one of the
wettest in the world, must needs grow in himself a counterbalance of dry
philosophy, a defiant humor, an enforced medium temperature of soul. The
Englishman is no more given to extremes than is his climate; against its
damp and perpetual changes he has become coated with a sort of
bluntness.
THE POLITICAL AGE OF HIS COUNTRY.--This is by far the oldest settled
Western power, politically speaking. For eight hundred and fifty years
England has known no serious military disturbance from without; for over
one hundred and fifty she has known no military disturbance, and no
serious political turmoil within. This is partly the outcome of her
isolation, partly the happy accident of her political constitution,
partly the result of the Englishman's habit of looking before he leaps,
which comes, no doubt, from the mixture in his blood and the mixture in
his climate.
THE GREAT PREPONDERANCE FOR SEVERAL GENERATIONS OF TOWN OVER COUNTRY
LIFE.--Taken in conjunction with centuries of political stability this
is the main cause of a certain deeply ingrained humaneness of which,
speaking generally, the Englishman appears to be rather ashamed than
otherwise.
THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS.--This potent element in the formation of the modern
Englishman, not only of the upper but of all classes, is something that
one rather despairs of making understood--in countries that have no
similar institution. But, imagine one hundred thousand youths of the
wealthiest, healthiest, and most influential classes passed during each
generation at the most impressionable age, into a sort of ethical mold,
emerging therefrom stamped to the core with the impress of a uniform
morality, uniform manners, uniform way of looking at life; remembering
always that these youths fill seven-eighths of the important positions
in the professional administration of their country and the conduct of
its commercial enterprise; remembering, too, that through perpetual
contact with every other class their standard of morality and way of
looking at life filters down into the very toes of the land. This great
character-forming machine is remarkable for an unself-consciousness
which gives it enormous strength and elasticity. Not inspired by the
State, it inspires the State. The characteristics of the philosophy it
enjoins are mainly negative and, for that, the stronger. "Never show
your feelings--to do so is not manly and bores your fellows. Don't cry
out when you're hurt, making yourself a nuisance to other people. Tell
no tales about your companions, and no lies about yourself. Avoid all
'swank,' 'side,' 'swagger,' braggadocio of speech or manner, on pain of
being laughed at." (This maxim is carried to such a pitch that the
Englishman, except in his press, habitually understates everything.)
"Think little of money, and speak less of it. Play games hard, and keep
the rules of them even when your blood is hot and you are tempted to
disregard them. In three words, 'play the game,'" a little phrase which
may be taken as the characteristic understatement of the modern
Englishman's creed of honor in all classes. This great, unconscious
machine has considerable defects. It tends to the formation of "caste";
it is a poor teacher of sheer learning, and, aesthetically, with its
universal suppression of all interesting and queer individual traits of
personality, it is almost horrid. But it imparts a remarkable
incorruptibility to English life; it conserves vitality by suppressing
all extremes, and it implants everywhere a kind of unassuming stoicism
and respect for the rules of the great game--Life. Through its
unconscious example and through its cult of games it has vastly
influenced even the classes not directly under its control.
Three more main facts must be borne in mind:
THE ESSENTIAL DEMOCRACY OF THE GOVERNMENT.
FREEDOM OF SPEECH AND THE PRESS.
ABSENCE OF COMPULSORY MILITARY SERVICE.
These, the outcome of the quiet and stable home life of an island
people, have done more than anything to make the Englishman a deceptive
personality to the outside eye. He has for centuries been permitted to
grumble. There is no such confirmed grumbler--until he really has
something to grumble at, and then no one who grumbles less. There is no
such confirmed carper at the condition of his country, yet no one really
so profoundly convinced of its perfection. A stranger might well think
from his utterances that he was spoiled by the freedom of his life,
unprepared to sacrifice anything for a land in such a condition.
Threaten that country, and with it his liberty, and you will find that
his grumbles have meant less than nothing. You will find, too, that
behind the apparent slackness of every arrangement and every individual
are powers of adaptability to facts, elasticity, practical genius, a
latent spirit of competition and a determination that are staggering.
Before this war began it was the fashion among a number of English to
lament the decadence of the race. These very grumblers are now foremost
in praising, and quite rightly, the spirit shown in every part of their
country. Their lamentations, which plentifully deceived the outside ear,
were just English grumbles, for if in truth England had been decadent
there could have been no such universal display for them to be praising
now. But all this democratic grumbling and habit of "going as you
please" serve a deep purpose. Autocracy, censorship, compulsion destroy
humor in a nation's blood and elasticity in its fibre; they cut at the
very mainsprings of national vitality. Only free from these baneful
controls can each man arrive in his own way at realization of what is or
is not national necessity; only free from them will each man truly
identify himself with a national ideal--not through deliberate
instruction or by command of others, but by simple, natural conviction
from within.
Two cautions are here given to the stranger trying to form an estimate
of the Englishman: The creature must not be judged from his press,
which, manned (with certain exceptions) by those who are not typically
English, is too highly colored altogether to illustrate the true English
spirit; nor can he be judged by such of his literature as is best known
on the Continent. The Englishman proper is inexpressive, unexpressed.
Further, he must be judged by the evidences of his wealth. England may
be the richest country in the world per head of population, but not 5
per cent. of that population have any wealth to speak of, certainly not
enough to have affected their hardihood, and, with inconsiderable
exceptions, those who have enough are brought up to worship hardihood.
For the vast proportion of young Englishmen active military service is
merely a change from work as hard, and more monotonous.
From these main premises, then, we come to what the Englishman really
is.
When, after months of travel, one returns to England one can taste,
smell, feel the difference in the atmosphere, physical and moral--the
curious, damp, blunt, good-humored, happy-go-lucky, old-established,
slow-seeming formlessness of everything. You hail a porter, you tell him
you have plenty of time; he muddles your things amiably, with an air of
"It'll be all right," till you have only just time. But suppose you tell
him you have no time; he will set himself to catch that train for you,
and he will catch it faster than a porter of any other country. Let no
stranger, however, experiment to prove the truth of this, for that
porter--and a porter is very like any other Englishman--is incapable of
taking the foreigner seriously and, quite friendly but a little pitying,
will lose him the train, assuring the unfortunate gentleman that he
really doesn't know what train he wants to catch--how should he?
The Englishman must have a thing brought under his nose before he will
act; bring it there and he will go on acting after everybody else has
stopped. He lives very much in the moment, because he is essentially a
man of facts and not a man of imagination. Want of imagination makes
him, philosophically speaking, rather ludicrous; in practical affairs it
handicaps him at the start, but once he has "got going," as we say, it
is of incalculable assistance to his stamina. The Englishman, partly
through this lack of imagination and nervous sensibility, partly through
his inbred dislike of extremes and habit of minimizing the expression of
everything, is a perfect example of the conservation of energy. It is
very difficult to come to the end of him. Add to this unimaginative,
practical, tenacious moderation an inherent spirit of competition--not
to say pugnacity--so strong that it will often show through the coating
of his "Live and let live," half-surly, half-good-humored manner; add a
peculiar, ironic, "don't care" sort of humor; an underground but
inveterate humaneness, and an ashamed idealism--and you get some notion
of the pudding of English character. Its main feature is a kind of
terrible coolness, a rather awful level-headedness. The Englishman makes
constant small blunders; but few, almost no, deep mistakes. He is a slow
starter, but there is no stronger finisher because he has by temperament
and training the faculty of getting through any job that he gives his
mind to with a minimum expenditure of vital energy; nothing is wasted in
expression, style, spread-eagleism; everything is instinctively kept as
near to the practical heart of the matter as possible. He is--to the eye
of an artist--distressingly matter-of-fact, a tempting mark for satire.
And yet he is in truth an idealist, though it is his nature to snub,
disguise, and mock his own inherent optimism. To admit enthusiasms is
"bad form" if he is a "gentleman"; "swank" or mere waste of good heat if
he is not a "gentleman." England produces more than its proper
percentage of cranks and poets; it may be taken that this is Nature's
way of redressing the balance in a country where feelings are not shown,
sentiments not expressed, and extremes laughed at. Not that the
Englishman lacks heart; he is not cold, as is generally supposed--on the
contrary he is warm-hearted and feels very strongly; but just as
peasants, for lack of words to express their feelings, become stolid, so
it is with the Englishman from sheer lack of the habit of
self-expression. Nor is the Englishman deliberately hypocritical; but
his tenacity, combined with his powerlessness to express his feelings,
often gives him the appearance of a hypocrite. He is inarticulate, has
not the clear and fluent cynicism of expansive natures wherewith to
confess exactly how he stands. It is the habit of men of all nations to
want to have things both ways; the Englishman is unfortunately so unable
to express himself, _even to himself_, that he has never realized this
truth, much less confessed it--hence his appearance of hypocrisy.
He is quite wrongly credited with being attached to money. His island
position, his early discoveries of coal, iron, and processes of
manufacture have made him, of course, into a confirmed industrialist
and trader; but he is more of an adventurer in wealth than a heaper-up
of it. He is far from sitting on his money-bags--has absolutely no vein
of proper avarice, and for national ends will spill out his money like
water, when he is convinced of the necessity.
In everything it comes to that with the Englishman--he must be
convinced, and he takes a lot of convincing. He absorbs ideas slowly,
reluctantly; he would rather not imagine anything unless he is obliged,
but in proportion to the slowness with which he can be moved is the
slowness with which he can be removed! Hence the symbol of the bulldog.
When he does see and seize a thing he seizes it with the whole of his
weight, and wastes no breath in telling you that he has got hold. That
is why his press is so untypical; it gives the impression that he does
waste breath. And, while he has hold, he gets in more mischief in a
shorter time than any other dog because of his capacity for
concentrating on the present, without speculating on the past or future.
For the particular situation which the Englishman has now to face he is
terribly well adapted. Because he has so little imagination, so little
power of expression, he is saving nerve all the time. Because he never
goes to extremes, he is saving energy of body and spirit. That the men
of all nations are about equally endowed with courage and self-sacrifice
has been proved in these last six months; it is to other qualities that
one must look for final victory in a war of exhaustion. The Englishman
does not look into himself; he does not brood; he sees no further
forward than is necessary, and he must have his joke. These are fearful
and wonderful advantages. Examine the letters and diaries of the various
combatants and you will see how far less imaginative and reflecting,
(though shrewd, practical, and humorous,) the English are than any
others; you will gain, too, a profound, a deadly conviction that behind
them is a fibre like rubber, that may be frayed, and bent a little this
way and that, but can neither be permeated nor broken.
When this war began the Englishman rubbed his eyes steeped in peace; he
is still rubbing them just a little, but less and less every day. A
profound lover of peace by habit and tradition, he has actually realized
by now that he is in for it up to the neck. To any one who really knows
him--_c'est quelque chose_!
It shall be freely confessed that, from an aesthetic point of view, the
Englishman, devoid of high lights and shadows, coated with drab, and
super-humanly steady on his feet, is not too attractive. But for the
wearing, tearing, slow, and dreadful business of this war, the
Englishman--fighting of his own free will, unimaginative, humorous,
competitive, practical, never in extremes, a dumb, inveterate optimist,
and terribly tenacious--is undoubtedly equipped with Victory.
Bernard Shaw's Terms of Peace
_A letter written by G. Bernard Shaw to a friend in Vienna is published
in the Münchener Neueste Nachrichten and in the Frankfurter Zeitung of
April 21, 1915. Mr. Shaw says:_
We are already on the way out of the first and worst phase. When reason
began to bestir itself, I appeared each week in great open meetings in
London; and when the newspapers discovered that I was not only not being
torn to pieces, but that I was growing better and better liked, then the
feeling that patriotism consists of insane lies began to give place to
the discovery that the presentation of the truth is not so dangerous as
every one had believed.
At that time scarcely one of the leading newspapers took heed of my
insistence that this war was an imperialistic war and popular only in so
far as all wars are for a time popular. But I need hardly assure you
that if Grey had announced: "We have concluded a treaty of alliance with
Germany and Austria and must wage war upon France and Russia," he would
have evoked precisely the same patriotic fervor and exactly the same
democratic anti-Prussianism, (with the omission of the P.) Then the
German Kaiser would have been cheered as the cousin of our King and our
old and faithful friend.
As concerns myself, I am not unqualifiedly what is called a pan-German;
the Germans, besides, would not have a spark of respect left for me if
now, when all questions of civilization are buried, I did not hold to my
people. But neither am I an anti-German.
Militarism has just compelled me to pay about £1,000 as war tax, in
order to help some "brave little Serbian" or other to cut your throat,
or some Russian mujik to blow out your brains, although I would rather
pay twice as much to save your life or to buy in Vienna some good
picture for our National Gallery, and although I should mourn far less
about the death of a hundred Serbs or mujiks than for your death.
I am, even aside from myself, sorry for your sake that my plays
are no longer produced. Why does not the Burgtheater play the
"Schlachtenlenker"? Napoleon's speech about English "Realpolitik" would
prove an unprecedented success. If the English win, I shall call upon
Sir Edward Grey to add to the treaty of peace a clause in which Berlin
and Vienna shall be obliged each year to produce at least 100
performances of my plays for the next twenty-five years.
In London during August the usual cheap evening orchestra concerts,
so-called promenade concerts, were announced in a patriotic manner, with
the comment that no German musician would be represented on the program.
Everybody applauded this announcement, but nobody attended the concerts.
A week later a program of Beethoven, Wagner, and Richard Strauss was
announced. Everybody was indignant, and everybody went to hear it. It
was a complete and decisive German victory, without a single man being
killed.
A Policy of Murder
By Sir Arthur Conan Doyle
This article is taken from Conan Doyle's book "The German
War," and is reproduced by permission of the author.
When one writes with a hot heart upon events which are still recent one
is apt to lose one's sense of proportion. At every step one should check
one's self by the reflection as to how this may appear ten years hence,
and how far events which seem shocking and abnormal may prove themselves
to be a necessary accompaniment of every condition of war. But a time
has now come when in cold blood, with every possible restraint, one is
justified in saying that since the most barbarous campaigns of Alva in
the Lowlands, or the excesses of the Thirty Years' War, there has been
no such deliberate policy of murder as has been adopted in this struggle
by the German forces. This is the more terrible since these forces are
not, like those of Alva, Parma, or Tilly, bands of turbulent and
mercenary soldiers, but they are the nation itself, and their deeds are
condoned or even applauded by the entire national press. It is not on
the chiefs of the army that the whole guilt of this terrible crime must
rest, but it is upon the whole German Nation, which for generations to
come must stand condemned before the civilized world for this reversion
to those barbarous practices from which Christianity, civilization, and
chivalry had gradually rescued the human race. They may, and do, plead
the excuse that they are "earnest" in war, but all nations are earnest
in war, which is the most desperately earnest thing of which we have any
knowledge. How earnest we are will be shown when the question of
endurance begins to tell. But no earnestness can condone the crime of
the nation which deliberately breaks those laws which have been indorsed
by the common consent of humanity.
War may have a beautiful as well as a terrible side, and be full of
touches of human sympathy and restraint which mitigate its unavoidable
horror. Such have been the characteristics always of the secular wars
between the British and the French. From the old glittering days of
knighthood, with their high and gallant courtesy, through the eighteenth
century campaigns where the debonair guards of France and England
exchanged salutations before their volleys, down to the last great
Napoleonic struggle, the tradition of chivalry has always survived. We
read how in the Peninsula the pickets of the two armies, each of them as
earnest as any Germans, would exchange courtesies, how they would shout
warnings to each other to fall back when an advance in force was taking
place, and how to prevent the destruction of an ancient bridge, the
British promised not to use it on condition that the French would forgo
its destruction--an agreement faithfully kept upon either side. Could
one imagine Germans making war in such a spirit as this? Think of that
old French bridge, and then think of the University of Louvain and the
Cathedral of Rheims. What a gap between them--the gap that separates
civilization from the savage!
Let us take a few of the points which, when focused together, show how
the Germans have degraded warfare--a degradation which affects not only
the Allies at present, but the whole future of the world, since if such
examples were followed the entire human race would, each in turn, become
the sufferers. Take the very first incident of the war, the mine laying
by the Königin Luise. Here was a vessel, which was obviously made ready
with freshly charged mines some time before there was any question of a
general European war, which was sent forth in time of peace, and which,
on receipt of a wireless message, began to spawn its hellish cargo
across the North Sea at points fifty miles from land in the track of all
neutral merchant shipping. There was the keynote of German tactics
struck at the first possible instant. So promiscuous was the effect that
it was a mere chance which prevented the vessel which bore the German
Ambassador from being destroyed by a German mine. From first to last
some hundreds of people have lost their lives on this tract of sea, some
of them harmless British trawlers, but the greater number sailors of
Danish and Dutch vessels pursuing their commerce as they had every right
to do. It was the first move in a consistent policy of murder.
Leaving the sea, let us turn to the air. Can any possible term save a
policy of murder be applied to the use of aircraft by the Germans? It
has always been a principle of warfare that unfortified towns should not
be bombarded. So closely has it been followed by the British that one of
our aviators, flying over Cologne in search of a Zeppelin shed,
refrained from dropping a bomb in an uncertain light, even though
Cologne is a fortress, lest the innocent should suffer. What is to be
said, then, for the continual use of bombs by the Germans which have
usually been wasted in the destruction of cats or dogs, but which have
occasionally torn to pieces some woman or child? If bombs were dropped
on the forts of Paris as part of a scheme for reducing the place, then
nothing could be said in objection, but how are we to describe the
action of men who fly over a crowded city dropping bombs promiscuously
which can have no military effect whatever, and are entirely aimed at
the destruction of innocent civilians? These men have been obliging
enough to drop their cards as well as their bombs on several occasions.
I see no reason why these should not be used in evidence against them,
or why they should not be hanged as murderers when they fall into the
hands of the Allies. The policy is idiotic from a military point of
view; one could conceive nothing which would stimulate and harden
national resistance more surely than such petty irritations. But it is
a murderous innovation in the laws of war, and unless it is sternly
repressed it will establish a most sinister precedent for the future.
As to the treatment of Belgium, what has it been but murder, murder all
the way? From the first days of Visé, when it was officially stated that
an example of "frightfulness" was desired, until the present moment,
when the terrified population has rushed from the country and thrown
itself upon the charity and protection of its neighbors, there has been
no break in the record. Compare the story with that of the occupation of
the South of France by Wellington in 1813, when no one was injured,
nothing was taken without full payment, and the villagers fraternized
with the troops. What a relapse of civilization is here! From Visé to
Louvain, Louvain to Aerschot, Aerschot to Malines and Termonde, the
policy of murder never fails.
It is said that more civilians than soldiers have fallen in Belgium.
Peruse the horrible accounts taken by the Belgian Commission, who took
evidence in the most careful and conscientious fashion. Study the
accounts of that dreadful night in Louvain which can only be equaled by
the Spanish Fury of Antwerp. Read the account of the wife of the
Burgomaster of Aerschot, with its heartrending description of how her
lame son, aged sixteen, was kicked along to his death by an aide de
camp. It is all so vile, so brutally murderous that one can hardly
realize that one is reading the incidents of a modern campaign conducted
by one of the leading nations in Europe.
Do you imagine that the thing has been exaggerated? Far from it--the
volume of crime has not yet been appreciated. Have not many Germans
unwittingly testified to what they have seen and done? Only last week we
had the journal of one of them, an officer whose service had been almost
entirely in France and removed from the crime centres of Belgium. Yet
were ever such entries in the diary of a civilized soldier? "Our men
behaved like regular Vandals." "We shot the whole lot," (these were
villagers.) "They were drawn up in three ranks. The same shot did for
three at a time." "In the evening we set fire to the village. The priest
and some of the inhabitants were shot." "The villages all around were
burning." "The villages were burned and the inhabitants shot." "At Leppe
apparently two hundred men were shot. There must have been some innocent
men among them." "In future we shall have to hold an inquiry into their
guilt instead of merely shooting them." "The Vandals themselves could
not have done more damage. The place is a disgrace to our army." So the
journal runs on with its tale of infamy. It is an infamy so shameless
that even in the German record the story is perpetuated of how a French
lad was murdered because he refused to answer certain questions. To such
a depth of degradation has Prussia brought the standard of warfare.
And now, as the appetite for blood grows ever stronger--and nothing
waxes more fast--we have stories of the treatment of prisoners. Here is
a point where our attention should be most concentrated and our action
most prompt. It is the just duty which we owe to our own brave soldiers.
At present the instances are isolated, and we will hope that they do not
represent any general condition. But the stories come from sure sources.
There is the account of the brutality which culminated in the death of
the gallant motor cyclist Pearson, the son of Lord Cowdray. There is the
horrible story in a responsible Dutch paper, told by an eyewitness, of
the torture of three British wounded prisoners in Landen Station on Oct.
9.
The story carries conviction by its detail. Finally, there are the
disquieting remarks of German soldiers, repeated by this same witness,
as to the British prisoners whom they had shot. The whole lesson of
history is that when troops are allowed to start murder one can never
say how or when it will stop. It may no longer be part of a deliberate,
calculated policy of murder by the German Government. But it has
undoubtedly been so in the past, and we cannot say when it will end.
Such incidents will, I fear, make peace an impossibility in our
generation, for whatever statesmen may write upon paper can never affect
the deep and bitter resentment which a war so conducted must leave
behind it.
Other German characteristics we can ignore. The consistent, systematic
lying of the German press, or the grotesque blasphemies of the Kaiser,
can be met by us with contemptuous tolerance. After all, what is is, and
neither falsehood nor bombast will alter it. But this policy of murder
deeply affects not only ourselves but the whole framework of
civilization, so slowly and painfully built upward by the human race.
The Soldier's Epitaph
"HE DIED FOR ENGLAND."
[Inscription on the tombstone of a private soldier, recently killed in
action.]
These four short words his epitaph,
Sublimely simple, nobly plain;
Who adds to them but addeth chaff,
Obscures with husks the golden grain.
Not all the bards of other days,
Not Homer in his loftiest vein,
Not Milton's most majestic strain,
Not the whole wealth of Pindar's lays,
Could bring to that one simple phrase
What were not rather loss than gain;
That elegy so briefly fine,
That epic writ in half a line,
That little which so much conveys,
Whose silence is a hymn of praise
And throbs with harmonies divine.
The Will to Power
By Eden Phillpotts
A distinction between power as physical force and as expressed
in terms of spiritual value is drawn by Mr. Phillpotts in his
article, appearing in The Westminster Gazette of March 27,
1915, which is here reproduced.
It has not often happened in the world's history that any generation
can speak with such assured confidence of future events as at present.
When the living tongue is concerned with destiny it seldom does more
than indicate the trend of things to come, examine tendencies and
movements and predict, without any sure foreknowledge or conviction,
what generations unborn may expect to find and the conditions they will
create. Destiny for us, who speak of it, is an unknown sea whose waves,
indeed, drive steadily onward before strong winds, but whose shore is
still far distant. We know that we men of the hour can never see these
billows break upon the sands of future time.
But today we may look forward to stupendous events; today there are
mighty epiphanies quickening earth, not to be assigned to periods of
future time, but at hand, so near that our living selves shall see their
birth, and participate in their consequences. Nor can we stand as
spectators of this worldwide hope; we must not only hear the evangel
whose first mighty murmur is drifting to our ears from the future, we
must take it up with heart and voice and help to sound and resound it.
There is tremendous work lying ahead, not only for our children, but for
us. Weighty deeds will presently have to be performed by all adult
manhood and womanhood--deeds, perhaps, greater than any living man has
been called to do--deeds that exalt the doer and make sacred for all
history the hour in which they shall be done.
On Time's high canopy the years are as stars great and small, some of
lesser magnitude, some forever bright with the splendor of supreme
human achievements; and now there flashes out a year concerning which,
indeed, no man can say as yet how great it will be; but all men know
that it must be great. It is destined to drown all lesser years, even as
sunrise dims the morning stars with day; it is a year bright with
promise and bodeful with ill-tidings also; for in the world at this
moment there exist stupendous differences that this year will go far to
set at rest. This year must solve profound problems, determine the trend
of human affairs for centuries, and influence the whole future history
of civilization. This year may actually see the issue; at least it will
serve to light the near future when that issue shall be accomplished.
There has risen, then, a year that is great with no less a thing than
the future welfare of the whole earth. It must embrace the victory of
one ideal over another, and include a decision which shall determine
whether the sublime human hope of freedom and security for all mankind
is to guide human progress henceforth, or the spirit of domination and
slavery to win a new lease of life. On the one hand, this year of the
first magnitude will shine with the glory of such a victory for
democratic ideas as we have not seen, or expected to see, in our
generation; on the other, its bale-fire will blaze upon the overthrow of
all great ideals, the destruction of a weak nation by a powerful one,
and the triumph of that policy of "blood and iron" from which every
enlightened man of this age shrinks with horror. The situation cannot be
stated in simpler terms; no words can make it less than tremendous; and
it is demanded from us to make it personal--as personal to ourselves as
it is to the King of England, the Emperor of Germany, or the Czar of
all the Russias.
They live who, when this far-flung agony of war is ended, when the last
hero has fallen and lies in his grave, when the final cannon has sounded
its knell, must be called upon to make the great peace. They live who
will weave a shroud of death for the exhausted world, or plant the tree
of life upon her bosom; and since we, inspired by the splendor of our
cause, are assured that the day-spring will be ours, we already feel and
know that we shall see that tree of life planted. But do we also feel
and know that we must help to plant it, that the labor and toil of each
of us is vital, that none is so weak but that there is a part of that
planting for which he was born, a part consecrated to his individual
effort, a part that will go undone if he does not do it?
Look to yourself, man, woman, child, that with heart and soul and
strength you perform your part in the great world work lying ahead;
remember that not princes and rulers, not regiments of your kinsmen, not
the armed might of nations can do your appointed task for you. Fail of
it, and by so much will the life tree lack in her planting; succeed, and
by so much will she be the more splendid and secure. Her name is Freedom
and her fruits are for the weak and humble as well as the strong and
great, for the foolish as well as the wise, for all subjects as well as
for all States. Put out your power, then, for that most sacred tree;
deny yourself no pang that she may flourish; labor according to your
strength that her blossom shall win the worship of humanity and her
fruit be worthy of the blood of heroes that has poured for her planting.
Much we hear of the Will to Power, and because that great impulse has
lifted our enemies on the full flood tide of their might and manhood in
one overwhelming torrent, Germany has been condemned. But not for her
united effort and whole-hearted sacrifice should we condemn her--not for
her patriotism and response to the call. Her reply is wholly
magnificent, and it only stands condemned for the evil ends and ignoble
ambitions toward which it is directed. The spectacle of a great nation
at one, inspired by a single ideal and pouring its life, its wealth, its
energy, with a single impulse in the name of the Fatherland can only be
called sublime. The tragedy lies in the fact that this stupendous effort
is not worthy of the cause; that for false hopes, false ambitions and
mistaken sense of right and justice Germany has wasted her life and
given her soul.
Who blames the Will to Power? Power is the mightiest weapon fate can
forge for a nation--a treasure beyond the strength of commerce, or
armies, or navies, or intellect of man to produce. But it is necessary
that we define power in terms of spiritual value; and then, surely, it
appears that Power and Force can never be the same. A Frederick I., or a
Napoleon, may pretend to confound power with force, and believe that
their might must be right. They possessed a giant's strength and used it
like giants. But true Power is ever the attribute of Right and they who
strive for it must cleanse their souls, see that their ambition is
worthy of such a possession, and, before all else, strive to realize the
awful responsibility that goes with Power.
Never was a moment more golden than the present for this nation to Will
to Power. For once our hearts are single, our resolutions pure, our
patriotism, as well as the objects that we seek to attain, sure set upon
the line of human progress. In the sane and sacred name of Freedom,
therefore, and at her ancient inspiration it becomes us now to strive by
all that is highest and best in us to fulfill our noblest possibilities
and give soul and strength that the united Will to Power of our nation
may surmount that of her enemies, even as our goal and purpose surmount
theirs.
It is for the victory that must crown this victory we should labor, and
cease not while hand can toil, mind achieve, and heart sacrifice to make
the vital issue assured.
Alleged German Atrocities
Report of the Committee Appointed by the British Government
and Presided Over by
The Right Hon. Viscount Bryce
_Formerly British Ambassador at Washington_
Proofs of alleged atrocities committed by the German armies in
Belgium--proofs collected by men trained in the law and
presented with unemotional directness after a careful
inquiry--are presented in the report of the "Committee on
Alleged German Atrocities" headed by Viscount Bryce, the
English historian and formerly British Ambassador at
Washington. The document was made public simultaneously in
London and the United States on May 12, 1915, four days after
the sinking of the Lusitania. It was pointed out at the time
that this was a coincidence, as the report had been prepared
several weeks before and forwarded by mail from England for
publication on May 12.
WARRANT OF APPOINTMENT.
I hereby appoint--
The Right Hon. Viscount Bryce, O.M.;
The Right Hon. Sir Frederick Pollock, Bt., K.C.;
The Right Hon. Sir Edward Clarke, K.C.;
Sir Alfred Hopkinson, K.C.;
Mr. H.A.L. Fisher, Vice Chancellor of the University of Sheffield; and
Mr. Harold Cox;
to be a committee to consider and advise on the evidence collected on
behalf of his Majesty's Government as to outrages alleged to have been
committed by German troops during the present war, cases of alleged
maltreatment of civilians in the invaded territories, and breaches of
the laws and established usages of war; and to prepare a report for his
Majesty's Government showing the conclusion at which they arrive on the
evidence now available.
And I appoint Viscount Bryce to be Chairman, and Mr. E. Grimwood Mears
and Mr. W.J.H. Brodrick, barristers at law, to be Joint Secretaries to
the committee.
(Signed) H.H. ASQUITH.
15th December, 1914.
Sir Kenelm E. Digby, K.C., G.C.B., was appointed an additional member
of the committee on 22d January, 1915.
To the Right Hon. H.H. Asquith, &c., &c., First Lord of H.M. Treasury.
The committee have the honor to present and transmit to you a report
upon the evidence which has been submitted to them regarding outrages
alleged to have been committed by the German troops in the present war.
By the terms of their appointment the committee were directed
"to consider and advise on the evidence collected on behalf of
his Majesty's Government as to outrages alleged to have been
committed by German troops during the present war, cases of
alleged maltreatment of civilians in the invaded territories,
and breaches of the laws and established usages of war; and to
prepare a report for his Majesty's Government showing the
conclusion at which they arrive on the evidence now
available."
It may be convenient that before proceeding to state how we have dealt
with the materials, and what are the conclusions we have reached, we
should set out the manner in which the evidence came into being, and its
nature.
In the month of September, 1914, a minute was, at the instance of the
Prime Minister, drawn up and signed by the Home Secretary and the
Attorney General. It stated the need that had arisen for investigating
the accusations of inhumanity and outrage that had been brought against
the German soldiers, and indicated the precautions to be taken in
collecting evidence that would be needed to insure its accuracy.
Pursuant to this minute steps were taken under the direction of the Home
Office to collect evidence, and a great many persons who could give it
were seen and examined.
For some three or four months before the appointment of the committee,
the Home Office had been collecting a large body of evidence.[A] More
than 1,200 depositions made by these witnesses have been submitted to
and considered by the committee. Nearly all of these were obtained under
the supervision of Sir Charles Mathews, the Director of Public
Prosecutions, and of Mr. E. Grimwood Mears, barrister of the Inner
Temple, while in addition Professor J.H. Morgan has collected a number
of statements mainly from British soldiers, which have also been
submitted to the committee.
[Footnote A: Taken from Belgian witnesses, some soldiers, but most of
them civilians from those towns and villages through which the German
Army passed, and from British officers and soldiers.]
The labor involved in securing, in a comparatively short time, so large
a number of statements from witnesses scattered all over the United
Kingdom, made it necessary to employ a good many examiners. The
depositions were in all cases taken down in this country by gentlemen of
legal knowledge and experience, though, of course, they had no authority
to administer an oath. They were instructed not to "lead" the witnesses
or make any suggestions to them, and also to impress upon them the
necessity for care and precision in giving their evidence.
They were also directed to treat the evidence critically, and as far as
possible satisfy themselves, by putting questions which arose out of the
evidence, that the witnesses were speaking the truth. They were, in
fact, to cross-examine them, so far as the testimony given provided
materials for cross-examination.
We have seen and conversed with many of these gentlemen, and have been
greatly impressed by their ability and by what we have gathered as to
the fairness of spirit which they brought to their task. We feel certain
that the instructions given have been scrupulously observed.
In many cases those who took the evidence have added their comments upon
the intelligence and demeanor of the witnesses stating the impression
which each witness made, and indicating any cases in which the story
told appeared to them open to doubt or suspicion. In coming to a
conclusion upon the evidence the committee have been greatly assisted by
these expressions of opinion, and have uniformly rejected every
deposition on which an opinion adverse to the witness has been recorded.
This seems to be a fitting place at which to put on record the
invaluable help which we have received from our secretaries, Mr. E.
Grimwood Mears and Mr. W.J.H. Brodrick, whose careful diligence and
minute knowledge of the evidence have been of the utmost service.
Without their skill, judgment, and untiring industry the labor of
examining and appraising each part of so large a mass of testimony would
have occupied us for six months instead of three.
The marginal references in this report indicate the particular
deposition or depositions on which the statements made in the text are
based.[A]
[Footnote A: Marginal references are omitted in this
reproduction.--EDITOR.]
The depositions printed in the appendix themselves show that the stories
were tested in detail, and in none of these have we been able to detect
the trace of any desire to "make a case" against the German Army. Care
was taken to impress upon the witness that the giving of evidence was a
grave and serious matter, and every deposition submitted to us was
signed by the witness in the presence of the examiner.
A noteworthy feature of many of the depositions is that, though taken
at different places and on different dates, and by different lawyers
from different witnesses, they often corroborate each other in a
striking manner.
The evidence is all couched in the very words which the witnesses used,
and where they spoke, as the Belgian witnesses did, in Flemish or
French, pains were taken to have competent translators, and to make
certain that the translation was exact.
Seldom did these Belgian witnesses show a desire to describe what they
had seen or suffered. The lawyers who took the depositions were
surprised to find how little vindictiveness, or indeed passion they
showed, and how generally free from emotional excitement their
narratives were. Many hesitated to speak lest what they said, if it
should ever be published, might involve their friends or relatives at
home in danger, and it was found necessary to give an absolute promise
that names should not be disclosed.
For this reason names have been omitted.
A large number of depositions, and extracts from depositions, will be
found in Appendix A, and to these your attention is directed.
In all cases these are given as nearly as possible (for abbreviation was
sometimes inevitable) in the exact words of the witness, and wherever a
statement has been made by a witness tending to exculpate the German
troops, it has been given in full. Excisions have been made only where
it has been felt necessary to conceal the identity of the deponent or to
omit what are merely hearsay statements, or are palpably irrelevant. In
every case the name and description of the witnesses are given in the
original depositions and in copies which have been furnished to us by
H.M. Government. The originals remain in the custody of the Home
Department, where they will be available, in case of need, for reference
after the conclusion of the war.
The committee have also had before them a number of diaries taken from
the German dead.
It appears to be the custom in the German Army for soldiers to be
encouraged to keep diaries and to record in them the chief events of
each day. A good many of these diaries were collected on the field when
British troops were advancing over ground which had been held by the
enemy, were sent to headquarters in France, and dispatched thence to the
War Office in England. They passed into the possession of the Prisoners
of War Information Bureau, and were handed by it to our secretaries.
They have been translated with great care. We have inspected them and
are absolutely satisfied of their authenticity. They have thrown
important light upon the methods followed in the conduct of the war. In
one respect, indeed, they are the most weighty part of the evidence,
because they proceed from a hostile source and are not open to any such
criticism on the ground of bias as might be applied to Belgian
testimony. From time to time references to these diaries will be found
in the text of the report. In Appendix B they are set out at greater
length both in the German original and in an English translation,
together with a few photographs of the more important entries.
In Appendix C are set out a number of German proclamations. Most of
these are included in the Belgian Report No. VI., which has been
furnished to us. Actual specimens of original proclamations issued by or
at the bidding of the German military authorities, and posted in the
Belgian and French towns mentioned, have been produced to us, and copies
thereof are to be found in this appendix.
Appendix D contains the rules of The Hague Convention dealing with the
conduct of war on land as adopted in 1907, Germany being one of the
signatory powers.
In Appendix E will be found a selection of statements collected in
France by Professor Morgan.
These five appendices are contained in a separate volume.
In dealing with the evidence we have recognized the importance of
testing it severely, and so far as the conditions permit we have
followed the principles which are recognized in the courts of England,
the British overseas dominions, and the United States. We have also (as
already noted) set aside the testimony of any witnesses who did not
favorably impress the lawyers who took their depositions, and have
rejected hearsay evidence except in cases where hearsay furnished an
undersigned confirmation of facts with regard to which we already
possessed direct testimony from some other source, or explained in a
natural way facts imperfectly narrated or otherwise perplexing.[A]
[Footnote A: For instance, the dead body of a man is found lying on the
doorstep, or a woman is seen who has the appearance of having been
outraged. So far the facts are proved by the direct evidence of the
person by whom they have been seen. Information is sought for by him as
to the circumstances under which the death or outrages took place. The
bystanders who saw the circumstances but who are not now accessible,
relate what they saw, and this is reported by the witness to the
examiner and is placed on record in the depositions. We have had no
hesitation in taking such evidence into consideration.]
It is natural to ask whether much of the evidence given, especially by
the Belgian witnesses, may not be due to excitement and overstrained
emotions, and whether, apart from deliberate falsehood, persons who mean
to speak the truth may not in a more or less hysterical condition have
been imagining themselves to have seen the things which they say that
they saw. Both the lawyers who took the depositions, and we when we came
to examine them, fully recognized this possibility. The lawyers, as
already observed, took pains to test each witness and either rejected,
or appended a note of distrust to, the testimony of those who failed to
impress them favorably. We have carried the sifting still further by
also omitting from the depositions those in which we found something
that seemed too exceptional to be accepted on the faith of one witness
only, or too little supported by other evidence pointing to like facts.
Many depositions have thus been omitted on which, though they are
probably true, we think it safer not to place reliance.
Notwithstanding these precautions, we began the inquiry with doubts
whether a positive result would be attained. But the further we went and
the more evidence we examined so much the more was our skepticism
reduced. There might be some exaggeration in one witness, possible
delusion in another, inaccuracies in a third. When, however, we found
that things which had at first seemed improbable were testified to by
many witnesses coming from different places, having had no communication
with one another, and knowing nothing of one another's statements, the
points in which they all agreed became more and more evidently true. And
when this concurrence of testimony, this convergence upon what were
substantially the same broad facts, showed itself in hundreds of
depositions, the truth of those broad facts stood out beyond question.
The force of the evidence is cumulative. Its worth can be estimated only
by perusing the testimony as a whole. If any further confirmation had
been needed, we found it in the diaries in which German officers and
private soldiers have recorded incidents just such as those to which the
Belgian witnesses depose.
The experienced lawyers who took the depositions tell us that they
passed from the same stage of doubt into the same stage of conviction.
They also began their work in a skeptical spirit, expecting to find much
of the evidence colored by passion, or prompted by an excited fancy. But
they were impressed by the general moderation and matter-of-fact
level-headedness of the witnesses. We have interrogated them,
particularly regarding some of the most startling and shocking incidents
which appear in the evidence laid before us, and where they expressed a
doubt we have excluded the evidence, admitting it as regards the cases
in which they stated that the witnesses seemed to them to be speaking
the truth, and that they themselves believed the incidents referred to
have happened. It is for this reason that we have inserted among the
depositions printed in the appendix several cases which we might
otherwise have deemed scarcely credible.
The committee has conducted its investigations and come to its
conclusions independently of the reports issued by the French and
Belgian commissions, but it has no reason to doubt that those
conclusions are in substantial accord with the conclusions that have
been reached by these two commissions.
ARRANGEMENT OF THE REPORT.
As respects the framework and arrangement of the report, it has been
deemed desirable to present first of all what may be called a general
historical account of the events which happened, and the conditions
which prevailed in the parts of Belgium which lay along the line of the
German march, and thereafter to set forth the evidence which bears upon
particular classes of offenses against the usages of civilized warfare,
evidence which shows to what extent the provisions of The Hague
Convention have been disregarded.
This method, no doubt, involves a certain amount of overlapping, for
some of the offenses belonging to the latter part of the report will
have been already referred to in the earlier part which deals with the
invasion of Belgium. But the importance of presenting a connected
narrative of events seems to outweigh the disadvantage of occasional
repetition. The report will therefore be found to consist of two parts,
viz.:
(1) An analysis and summary of the evidence regarding the
conduct of the German troops in Belgium toward the civilian
population of that country during the first few weeks of the
invasion.
(2) An examination of the evidence relating to breaches of the
rules and usages of war and acts of inhumanity, committed by
German soldiers or groups of soldiers, during the first four
months of the war, whether in Belgium or in France.
This second part has again been subdivided into two sections:
a. Offenses committed against noncombatant civilians during
the conduct of the war generally.
b. Offenses committed against combatants, whether in Belgium
or in France.
PART I.
THE CONDUCT OF THE GERMAN TROOPS IN BELGIUM.
Although the neutrality of Belgium had been guaranteed by a treaty
signed in 1839 to which France, Prussia, and Great Britain were parties,
and although, apart altogether from any duties imposed by treaty, no
belligerent nation has any right to claim a passage for its army across
the territory of a neutral State, the position which Belgium held
between the German Empire and France had obliged her to consider the
possibility that in the event of a war between these two powers her
neutrality might not be respected. In 1911 the Belgian Minister at
Berlin had requested an assurance from Germany that she would observe
the Treaty of 1839; and the Chancellor of the empire had declared that
Germany had no intention of violating Belgian neutrality. Again in 1913
the German Secretary of State at a meeting of a Budget Committee of the
Reichstag had declared that "Belgian neutrality is provided for by
international conventions and Germany is determined to respect those
conventions." Finally, on July 31, 1914, when the danger of war between
Germany and France seemed imminent, Herr von Below, the German Minister
in Brussels, being interrogated by the Belgian Foreign Department,
replied that he knew of the assurances given by the German Chancellor in
1911, and that he "was certain that the sentiments expressed at that
time had not changed." Nevertheless on Aug. 2 the same Minister
presented a note to the Belgian Government demanding a passage through
Belgium for the German Army on pain of an instant declaration of war.
Startled as they were by the suddenness with which this terrific war
cloud had risen on the eastern horizon, the leaders of the nation
rallied around the King in his resolution to refuse the demand and to
prepare for resistance. They were aware of the danger which would
confront the civilian population of the country if it were tempted to
take part in the work of national defense. Orders were accordingly
issued by the Civil Governors of provinces, and by the Burgomasters of
towns, that the civilian inhabitants were to take no part in hostilities
and to offer no provocation to the invaders. That no excuse might be
furnished for severities, the populations of many important towns were
instructed to surrender all firearms into the hands of the local
officials.[1]
[Footnote 1: Copies of typical proclamations have been printed in
_L'Allemagne et la Belgique_, Documents Annexés, xxxvi.]
[Illustration: [map of Belgium]]
This happened on Aug. 2. On the evening of Aug. 3 the German troops
crossed the frontier. The storm burst so suddenly that neither party had
time to adjust its mind to the situation. The Germans seem to have
expected an easy passage. The Belgian population, never dreaming of an
attack, were startled and stupefied.
LIÈGE AND DISTRICT.
On Aug. 4 the roads converging upon Liège from northeast, east, and
south were covered with German Death's Head Hussars and Uhlans pressing
forward to seize the passage over the Meuse. From the very beginning of
the operations the civilian population of the villages lying upon the
line of the German advance were made to experience the extreme horrors
of war. "On the 4th of August," says one witness, "at Herve," (a village
not far from the frontier,) "I saw at about 2 o'clock in the afternoon,
near the station, five Uhlans; these were the first German troops I had
seen. They were followed by a German officer and some soldiers in a
motor car. The men in the car called out to a couple of young fellows
who were standing about thirty yards away. The young men, being afraid,
ran off and then the Germans fired and killed one of them named D." The
murder of this innocent fugitive civilian was a prelude to the burning
and pillage of Herve and of other villages in the neighborhood, to the
indiscriminate shooting of civilians of both sexes, and to the organized
military execution of batches of selected males. Thus at Herve some
fifty men escaping from the burning houses were seized, taken outside
the town and shot. At Melen, a hamlet west of Herve, forty men were
shot. In one household alone the father and mother (names given) were
shot, the daughter died after being repeatedly outraged, and the son was
wounded. Nor were children exempt. "About Aug. 4," says one witness,
"near Vottem, we were pursuing some Uhlans. I saw a man, woman, and a
girl about nine, who had been killed. They were on the threshold of a
house, one on the top of the other, as if they had been shot down, one
after the other, as they tried to escape."
The burning of the villages in this neighborhood and the wholesale
slaughter of civilians, such as occurred at Herve, Micheroux, and
Soumagne, appear to be connected with the exasperation caused by the
resistance of Fort Fléron, whose guns barred the main road from Aix la
Chapelle to Liège. Enraged by the losses which they had sustained,
suspicious of the temper of the civilian population, and probably
thinking that by exceptional severities at the outset they could cow the
spirit of the Belgian Nation, the German officers and men speedily
accustomed themselves to the slaughter of civilians. How rapidly the
process was effected is illustrated by an entry in the diary of Kurt
Hoffman, a one-year's man in the First Jägers, who on Aug. 5 was in
front of Fort Fléron. He illustrates his story by a sketch map. "The
position," he says, "was dangerous. As suspicious civilians were hanging
about--houses 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, were cleared, the owners arrested, (and
shot the following day.) Suddenly village A was fired at. Out of it
bursts our baggage train, and the Fourth Company of the Twenty-seventh
Regiment who had lost their way and been shelled by our own artillery.
From the point D.P., (shown in diary,) I shoot a civilian with rifle at
400 meters slap through the head, as we afterward ascertained." Within a
few hours, Hoffman, while in house 3, was himself under fire from his
own comrades and narrowly escaped being killed. A German, ignorant that
house 8 had been occupied, reported, as was the fact, that he had been
fired upon from that house. He had been challenged by the field patrol,
and failed to give the countersign. Hoffman continues:
"Ten minutes later, people approach who are talking
excitedly--apparently Germans. I call out 'Halt, who's there?'
Suddenly rapid fire is opened upon us, which I can only escape
by quickly jumping on one side--with bullets and fragments of
wall and pieces of glass flying around me. I call out 'Halt,
here Field Patrol.' Then it stops, and there appears
Lieutenant Römer with three platoons. A man has reported that
he had been shot at out of our house; no wonder, if he does
not give the countersign."
The entry, though dated Aug. 5, was evidently written on the 6th or
later, because the writer refers to the suspicious civilians as having
been shot on that day. Hoffman does not indicate of what offense these
civilians were guilty, and there is no positive evidence to connect
their slaughter with the report made by the German who had been fired on
by his comrades. They were "suspicious" and that was enough.
The systematic execution of civilians, which in some cases, as the diary
just cited shows, was founded on a genuine mistake, was given a wide
extension through the Province of Liège. In Soumagne and Micheroux very
many civilians were summarily shot. In a field belonging to a man named
E. fifty-six or fifty-seven were put to death. A German officer said:
"You have shot at us." One of the villagers asked to be allowed to
speak, and said: "If you think these people fired kill me, but let them
go." The answer was three volleys. The survivors were bayoneted. Their
corpses were seen in the field that night by another witness. One at
least had been mutilated. These were not the only victims in Soumagne.
The eyewitness of the massacre saw, on his way home, twenty bodies, one
that of a young girl of thirteen. Another witness saw nineteen corpses
in a meadow.
At Blegny Trembleur, on the 6th, some civilians were captured by German
soldiers, who took steps to put them to death forthwith, but were
restrained by the arrival of an officer. The prisoners subsequently were
taken off to Battice and five were shot in a field. No reason was
assigned for their murder.
In the meantime house burners were at work. On the 6th, Battice was
destroyed in part. From the 8th to the 10th over 300 houses were burned
at Herve, while mounted men shot into doors and windows to prevent the
escape of the inhabitants.
At Heure le Romain on or about the 15th of August all the male
inhabitants, including some bedridden old men, were imprisoned in the
church. The Burgomaster's brother and the priest were bayoneted.
On or about the 14th and 15th the village of Visé was completely
destroyed. Officers directed the incendiaries, who worked methodically
with benzine. Antiques and china were removed from the houses, before
their destruction, by officers who guarded the plunder, revolver in
hand. The house of a witness, which contained valuables of this kind,
was protected for a time by a notice posted on the door by officers.
This notice has been produced to the committee. After the removal of the
valuables this house also was burned.
German soldiers had arrived on the 15th at Blegny Trembleur and seized a
quantity of wine. On the 16th prisoners were taken; four, including the
priest and the Burgomaster, were shot. On the same day 200 (so-called)
hostages were seized at Flémalle and marched off. There they were told
that unless Fort Flémalle surrendered by noon they would be shot. It did
surrender and they were released.
Entries in a German diary show that on the 19th the German soldiers gave
themselves up to debauchery in the streets of Liège, and on the night
of the 20th (Thursday) a massacre took place in the streets, beginning
near the Café Carpentier, at which there is said to have been a dinner
attended by Russian and other students. A proclamation issued by General
Kolewe on the following day gave the German version of the affair, which
was that his troops had been fired on by Russian students. The diary
states that in the night the inhabitants of Liège became mutinous and
that fifty persons were shot. The Belgian witnesses vehemently deny that
there had been any provocation given, some stating that many German
soldiers were drunk, others giving evidence which indicates that the
affair was planned beforehand. It is stated that at 5 o'clock in the
evening, long before the shooting, a citizen was warned by a friendly
German soldier not to go out that night.
Though the cause of the massacre is in dispute, the results are known
with certainty. The Rue des Pitteurs and houses in the Place de
l'Université and the Quai des Pêcheurs were systematically fired with
benzine, and many inhabitants were burned alive in their houses, their
efforts to escape being prevented by rifle fire. Twenty people were
shot, while trying to escape, before the eyes of one of the witnesses.
The Liège Fire Brigade turned out but was not allowed to extinguish the
fire. Its carts, however, were usefully employed in removing heaps of
civilian corpses to the Town Hall. The fire burned on through the night
and the murders continued on the following day, the 21st. Thirty-two
civilians were killed on that day in the Place de l'Université alone,
and a witness states that this was followed by the rape in open day of
fifteen or twenty women on tables in the square itself.
No depositions are before us which deal with events in the City of Liège
after this date. Outrages, however, continued in various places in the
province.
For example, on or about the 21st of August, at Pepinster two witnesses
were seized as hostages and were threatened, together with five others,
that, unless they could discover a civilian who was alleged to have
shot a soldier in the leg, they would be shot themselves. They escaped
their fate because one of the hostages convinced the officer that the
alleged shooting, if it took place at all, took place in the Commune of
Cornesse and not that of Pepinster, whereupon the Burgomaster of
Cornesse, who was old and very deaf, was shot forthwith.
The outrages on the civilian population were not confined to the
villages mentioned above, but appear to have been general throughout
this district from the very outbreak of the war.
An entry in one of the diaries says:
"We crossed the Belgian frontier on 15th August, 1914, at
11:50 in the forenoon, and then we went steadily along the
main road till we got into Belgium. Hardly were we there when
we had a horrible sight. Houses were burned down, the
inhabitants chased away and some of them shot. Not one of the
hundreds of houses were spared. Everything was plundered and
burned. Hardly had we passed through this large village before
the next village was burned, and so it went on continuously.
On the 16th August, 1914, the large village of Barchon was
burned down. On the same day we crossed the bridge over the
Meuse at 11:50 in the morning. We then arrived at the town of
Wandre. Here the houses were spared, but everything was
examined. At last we were out of the town and everything went
in ruins. In one house a whole collection of weapons was
found. The inhabitants without exception were shot. This
shooting was heart-breaking, as they all knelt down and
prayed, but that was no ground for mercy. A few shots rang out
and they fell back into the green grass and slept for ever."
["Die Einwohner wurden samt und sonders herausgeholt und
erschossen: aber dieses Erschiessen war direkt herzzerreisend
wie sie alle knieben und beteten, aber dies half kein
Erbarmen. Ein paar Schüsse krackten und die fielen rücklings
in das grüne Gras und erschliefen für immer."]
VALLEYS OF MEUSE AND SAMBRE.
While the First Army, under the command of General Alexander von Kluck,
was mastering the passages of the Meuse between Visé and Namur, and
carrying out the scheme of devastation which has already been described,
detachments of the Second German Army, under General von Bülow, were
proceeding up the Meuse valley toward Namur. On Wednesday, Aug. 12, the
town of Huy, which stands half way between Namur and Liège, was seized.
On Aug. 20 German guns opened fire on Namur itself. Three days later the
city was evacuated by its defenders, and the Germans proceeded along the
valley of the Sambre through Tamines and Charleroi to Mons. Meanwhile a
force under General von Hausen had advanced upon Dinant, by Laroche,
Marche, and Achène, and on Aug. 15 made an unsuccessful assault upon
that town. A few days later the attack was renewed and with success,
and, Dinant captured, von Hausen's army streamed into France by Bouvines
and Rethel, firing and looting the villages and shooting the inhabitants
as they passed through.
The evidence with regard to the Province of Namur is less voluminous
than that relating to the north of Belgium. This is largely due to the
fact that the testimony of soldiers is seldom available, as the towns
and villages once occupied by the Germans were seldom reoccupied by the
opposing troops, and the number of refugees who have reached England
from the Namur district is comparatively small.
ANDENNE.
Andenne is a small town on the Meuse between Liège and Namur, lying
opposite the village of Seilles, (with which it is connected by a bridge
over the river,) and was one of the earlier places reached on the German
advance up the Meuse. In order to understand the story of the massacre
which occurred there on Thursday Aug. 20, the following facts should be
borne in mind: The German advance was hotly contested by Belgian and
French troops. From daybreak onward on the 19th of August the Eighth
Belgian Regiment of the Line were fighting with the German troops on the
left bank of the Meuse on the heights of Seilles. At 8 A.M. on the 19th
the Belgians found further resistance impossible in the district, and
retired under shelter of the forts of Namur. As they retired they blew
up Andenne Bridge. The first Germans arrived at Andenne at about 10
A.M., when ten or twelve Uhlans rode into the town. They went to the
bridge and found it was destroyed. They then retired, but returned about
half an hour afterward. Soon after that several thousand Germans entered
the town and made arrangements to spend the night there. Thus, on the
evening of the 19th of August, a large body of German troops were in
possession of the town, which they had entered without any resistance on
the part of the allied armies or of the civilian population.
About 4:30 on the next afternoon shots were fired from the left bank of
the Meuse and replied to by the Germans in Andenne. The village of
Andenne had been isolated from the district on the left bank of the
Meuse by the destruction of the bridge, and there is nothing to suggest
that the firing on the left came from the inhabitants of Andenne. Almost
immediately, however, the slaughter of these inhabitants began, and
continued for over two hours and intermittently during the night.
Machine guns were brought into play. The German troops were said to be
for the most part drunk, and they certainly murdered and ravaged
unchecked. A reference to the German diaries in the appendix will give
some idea of the extent to which the army gave itself up to drink
through the month of August.
When the fire slackened about 7 o'clock, many of the townspeople fled in
the direction of the quarries; others remained in their houses. At this
moment the whole of the district around the station was on fire and
houses were flaming over a distance of two kilometers in the direction
of the hamlet of Tramaka. The little farms which rise one above the
other on the high ground of the right bank were also burning.
At 6 o'clock on the following morning, the 21st, the Germans began to
drag the inhabitants from their houses. Men, women, and children were
driven into the square, where the sexes were separated. Three men were
then shot, and a fourth was bayoneted. A German Colonel was present
whose intention in the first place appeared to be to shoot all the men.
A young German girl who had been staying in the neighborhood interceded
with him, and after some parleying, some of the prisoners were picked
out, taken to the banks of the Meuse and there shot. The Colonel accused
the population of firing on the soldiers, but there is no reason to
think that any of them had done so, and no inquiry appears to have been
made.
About 400 people lost their lives in this massacre, some on the banks of
the Meuse, where they were shot according to orders given, and some in
the cellars of the houses where they had taken refuge. Eight men
belonging to one family were murdered. Another man was placed close to a
machine gun which was fired through him. His wife brought his body home
on a wheelbarrow. The Germans broke into her house and ransacked it, and
piled up all the eatables in a heap on the floor and relieved themselves
upon it.
A hairdresser was murdered in his kitchen where he was sitting with a
child on each knee. A paralytic was murdered in his garden. After this
came the general sack of the town. Many of the inhabitants who escaped
the massacre were kept as prisoners and compelled to clear the houses of
corpses and bury them in trenches. These prisoners were subsequently
used as a shelter and protection for a pontoon bridge which the Germans
had built across the river, and were so used to prevent the Belgian
forts from firing upon it.
A few days later the Germans celebrated a _Fête Nocturne_ in the square.
Hot wine, looted in the town, was drunk, and the women were compelled to
give three cheers for the Kaiser and to sing "Deutschland über Alles."
NAMUR DISTRICT.
The fight around Namur was accompanied by sporadic outrages. Near
Marchovelette wounded men were murdered in a farm by German soldiers.
The farm was set on fire. A German cavalryman rode away holding in front
of him one of the farmer's daughters crying and disheveled.
At Temploux, on the 23d of August, a professor of modern languages at
the College of Namur was shot at his front door by a German officer.
Before he died he asked the officer the reason for this brutality, and
the officer replied that he had lost his temper because some civilians
had fired upon the Germans as they entered the village. This allegation
was not proved. The Belgian Army was still operating in the district,
and it may well be that it was from them that the shots in question
proceeded. After the murder the house was burned.
On the 24th and 25th of August massacres were carried out at Surice, in
which many persons belonging to the professional classes, as well as
others, were killed.
Namur was entered on the 24th of August. The troops signalized their
entry by firing on a crowd of 150 unarmed unresisting civilians, ten
alone of whom escaped.
A witness of good standing who was in Namur describes how the town was
set on fire systematically in six different places. As the inhabitants
fled from the burning houses they were shot by the German troops. Not
less than 140 houses were burned.
On the 25th the hospital at Namur was set on fire with inflammable
pastilles, the pretext being that soldiers in the hospital had fired
upon the Germans.
At Denée, on the 28th of August, a Belgian soldier who had been taken
prisoner saw three civilian fellow-prisoners shot. One was a cripple and
another an old man of eighty who was paralyzed. It was alleged by two
German soldiers that these men had shot at them with rifles. Neither of
them had a rifle, nor had they anything in their pockets. The witness
actually saw the Germans search them and nothing was found.
CHARLEROI DISTRICT.
In Tamines, a large village on the Meuse between Namur and Charleroi,
the advance guard of the German Army appeared in the first fortnight in
August, and in this as well as in other villages in the district, it is
proved that a large number of civilians, among them aged people, women,
and children, were deliberately killed by the soldiers. One witness
describes how she saw a Belgian boy of fifteen shot on the village
green at Tamines, and a day or two later on the same green a little girl
and her two brothers, (name given,) who were looking at the German
soldiers, were killed before her eyes for no apparent reason.
The principal massacre at Tamines took place about Aug. 28. A witness
describes how he saw the public square littered with corpses, and after
a search found those of his wife and child, a little girl of seven.
Another witness, who lived near Tamines, went there on Aug. 27, and
says: "It is absolutely destroyed and a mass of ruins."
At Morlanwelz, about this time, the British Army, together with some
French cavalry, were compelled to retire before the German troops. The
latter took the Burgomaster and his man servant prisoner and shot them
both in front of the Hôtel de Ville at Péronne, (Belgium,) where the
bodies were left in the street for forty-eight hours. They burned the
Hôtel de Ville and sixty-two houses. The usual accusation of firing by
civilians was made. It is strenuously denied by the witness, who
declares that three or four days before the arrival of the Germans,
circulars had been distributed to every house and placards had been
posted in the town ordering the deposit of all firearms at the Hôtel de
Ville and that this order had been complied with.
At Monceau-sur-Sambre, on the 21st of August, a young man of eighteen
was shot in his garden. His father and brother were seized in their
house and shot in the courtyard of a neighboring country house. The son
was shot first. The father was compelled to stand close to the feet of
his son's corpse and to fix his eyes upon him while he himself was shot.
The corpse of the young man shot in the garden was carried into the
house and put on a bed. The next morning the Germans asked where the
corpse was. When they found it was in the house, they fetched straw,
packed it around the bed on which the corpse was lying, and set fire to
it and burned the house down. A great many houses were burned in
Monceau.
A vivid picture of the events at Montigny-sur-Sambre has been given by
a witness of high standing who had exceptional opportunities of
observation. In the early morning of Saturday, Aug. 22, Uhlans reached
Montigny. The French Army was about four kilometers away, but on a hill
near the village were a detachment of French, about 150 to 200 strong,
lying in ambush. At about 1:30 o'clock the main body of the German Army
began to arrive. Marching with them were two groups of so-called
hostages, about 400 in all. Of these, 300 were surrounded with a rope
held by the front, rear, and outside men. The French troops in ambush
opened fire, and immediately the Germans commenced to destroy the town.
Incendiaries with a distinctive badge on their arm went down the main
street throwing handfuls of inflammatory and explosive pastilles into
the houses. These pastilles were carried by them in bags, and in this
way about 130 houses were destroyed in the main street. By 10:30 P.M.
some 200 more hostages had been collected. These were drawn from
Montigny itself, and on that night about fifty men, women, and children
were placed on the bridge over the Sambre and kept there all night. The
bridge was similarly guarded for a day or two, apparently either from a
fear that it was mined or in the belief that these men, women, and
children would afford some protection to the Germans in the event of the
French attempting to storm the bridge. At one period of the German
occupation of Montigny, eight nuns of the Order of Ste. Marie were
captives on the bridge. House burning was accompanied by murder, and on
the Monday morning twenty-seven civilians from one parish alone were
seen lying dead in the hospital.
Other outrages committed at Jumet, Bouffioulx, Charleroi,
Marchiennes-au-Pont, Couillet, and Maubeuge are described in the
depositions given in the appendix.
DINANT.
A clear statement of the outrages at Dinant, which many travelers will
recall as a singularly picturesque town on the Meuse, is given by one
witness, who says that the Germans began burning houses in the Rue St.
Jacques on the 21st of August, and that every house in the street was
burned. On the following day an engagement took place between the French
and the Germans, and the witness spent the whole day in the cellar of a
bank with his wife and children. On the morning of the 23d, about 5
o'clock, firing ceased, and almost immediately afterward a party of
Germans came to the house. They rang the bell and began to batter at the
door and windows. The witness's wife went to the door and two or three
Germans came in. The family were ordered out into the street. There they
found another family, and the two families were driven with their hands
above their heads along the Rue Grande. All the houses in the street
were burning. The party was eventually put into a forge where there were
a number of other prisoners, about a hundred in all, and were kept there
from 11 A.M. till 2 P.M. They were then taken to the prison. There they
were assembled in a courtyard and searched. No arms were found. They
were then passed through into the prison itself and put into cells. The
witness and his wife were separated from each other. During the next
hour the witness heard rifle shots continually, and noticed in the
corner of a courtyard leading off the row of cells the body of a young
man with a mantle thrown over it. He recognized the mantle as having
belonged to his wife. The witness's daughter was allowed to go out to
see what had happened to her mother, and the witness himself was allowed
to go across the courtyard half an hour afterward for the same purpose.
He found his wife lying on the floor in a room. She had bullet wounds in
four places, but was alive and told her husband to return to the
children, and he did so. About 5 o'clock in the evening he saw the
Germans bringing out all the young and middle-aged men from the cells,
and ranging their prisoners, to the number of forty, in three rows in
the middle of the courtyard. About twenty Germans were drawn up
opposite, but before any thing was done there was a tremendous
fusillade from some point near the prison and the civilians were hurried
back to their cells. Half an hour later the same forty men were brought
back into the courtyard. Almost immediately there was a second fusillade
like the first and and they were driven back to the cells again. About 7
o'clock the witness and other prisoners were brought out of their cells
and marched out of the prison. They went between two lines of troops to
Roche Bayard, about a kilometer away. An hour later the women and
children were separated and the prisoners were brought back to Dinant,
passing the prison on their way. Just outside the prison the witness saw
three lines of bodies which he recognized as being those of neighbors.
They were nearly all dead, but he noticed movement in some of them.
There were about 120 bodies. The prisoners were then taken up to the top
of the hill outside Dinant and compelled to stay there till 8 o'clock in
the morning. On the following day they were put into cattle trucks and
taken thence to Coblenz. For three months they remained prisoners in
Germany.
Unarmed civilians were killed in masses at other places near the prison.
About ninety bodies were seen lying on the top of one another in a grass
square opposite the convent. They included many relatives of a witness
whose deposition will be found in the appendix. This witness asked a
German officer why her husband had been shot, and he told her that it
was because two of her sons had been in the civil guard and had shot at
the Germans. As a matter of fact one of her sons was at that time in
Liège and the other in Brussels. It is stated that, besides the ninety
corpses referred to above, sixty corpses of civilians were recovered
from a hole in the brewery yard and that forty-eight bodies of women and
children were found in a garden. The town was systematically set on fire
by hand grenades.
Another witness saw a little girl of seven, one of whose legs was broken
and the other injured by a bayonet.
We have no reason to believe that the civilian population of Dinant gave
any provocation, or that any other defense can be put forward to
justify the treatment inflicted upon its citizens.
As regards this town and the advance of the German Army from Dinant to
Rethel on the Aisne, a graphic account is given in the diary of a Saxon
officer.[1] This diary confirms what is clear from the evidence as a
whole, both as regards these and other districts, that civilians were
constantly taken as prisoners, often dragged from their homes, and shot
under the direction of the authorities without any charge being made
against them. An event of the kind is thus referred to in a diary entry:
"Apparently 200 men were shot. There must have been some
innocent men among them. In future we shall have to hold an
inquiry as to their guilt instead of shooting them."
[Footnote 1: A copy of this diary was given by the French military
authorities to the British Headquarters Staff in France, and the latter
have communicated it to the committee. It will be found in Appendix B
after the German diaries shown to us by the British War Office.]
The shooting of inhabitants, women and children as well as men, went on
after the Germans had passed Dinant on their way into France. The houses
and villages were pillaged and property wantonly destroyed.
AERSCHOT, MALINES, VILVORDE, AND LOUVAIN QUADRANGLE.
About Aug. 9 a powerful screen of cavalry masking the general advance of
the First and Second German Armies was thrown forward into the provinces
of Brabant and Limburg. The progress of the invaders was contested at
several points, probably near Tirlemont on the Louvain road, and at
Diest, Haelen, and Schaffen, on the Aerschot road, by detachments of the
main Belgian Army, which was drawn up upon the line of the Dyle. In
their preliminary skirmishes the Belgians more than once gained
advantages, but after the fall on Aug. 15 of the last of the Liège forts
the great line of railway which runs through Liège toward Brussels and
Antwerp in one direction and toward Namur and the French frontier in
another fell into the hands of the Germans. From this moment the advance
of the main army was swift and irresistible. On Aug. 19 Louvain and
Aerschot were occupied by the Germans, the former without resistance,
the latter after a struggle which resulted early in the day in the
retirement of the Belgian Army upon Antwerp. On Aug. 20 the invaders
made their entry into Brussels.
The quadrangle of territory bounded by the towns of Aerschot, Malines,
Vilvorde, and Louvain is a rich agricultural tract, studded with small
villages and comprising two considerable cities, Louvain and Malines.
This district on Aug. 19 passed into the hands of the Germans, and owing
perhaps to its proximity to Antwerp, then the seat of the Belgian
Government and headquarters of the Belgian Army, it became from that
date a scene of chronic outrage, with respect to which the committee has
received a great mass of evidence.
The witnesses to these occurrences are for the most part imperfectly
educated persons who cannot give accurate dates, so it is impossible in
some cases to fix the dates of particular crimes; and the total number
of outrages is so great that we cannot refer to all of them in the body
of the report or give all the depositions relating to them in the
appendix. The main events, however, are abundantly clear, and group
themselves naturally around three dates--Aug. 19, Aug. 25, and Sept. 11.
The arrival of the Germans in the district on Aug. 19 was marked by
systematic massacres and other outrages at Aerschot itself, Gelrode, and
some other villages.
On Aug. 25 the Belgians, sallying out of the defenses of Antwerp,
attacked the German positions at Malines, drove the enemy from the town,
and reoccupied many of the villages, such as Sempst, Hofstade, and
Eppeghem, in the neighborhood. And, just as numerous outrages against
the civilian population had been the immediate consequence of the
temporary repulse of the German vanguard from Fort Fléron, so a large
body of depositions testify to the fact that a sudden outburst of
cruelty was the response of the German Army to the Belgian victory at
Malines. The advance of the German Army to the Dyle had been accompanied
by reprehensible, and, indeed, (in certain cases,) terrible outrages,
but these had been, it would appear, isolated acts, some of which are
attributed by witnesses to indignation at the check at Haelen, while
others may have been the consequence of drunkenness. But the battle of
Malines had results of a different order. In the first place, it was the
occasion of numerous murders committed by the German Army in retreating
through the villages of Sempst, Hofstade, Eppeghem, Elewyt, and
elsewhere. In the second place, it led, as it will be shown later, to
the massacres, plunderings, and burnings at Louvain, the signal for
which was provided by shots exchanged between the German Army retreating
after its repulse at Malines and some members of the German garrison of
Louvain who mistook their fellow-countrymen for Belgians. Lastly, the
encounter at Malines seems to have stung the Germans into establishing a
reign of terror in so much of the district comprised in the quadrangle
as remained in their power. Many houses were destroyed and their
contents stolen. Hundreds of prisoners were locked up in various
churches and were in some instances marched about from one village to
another. Some of these were finally conducted to Louvain and linked up
with the bands of prisoners taken in Louvain itself, and sent to Germany
and elsewhere.
On Sept. 11, when the Germans were driven out of Aerschot across the
River Demer by a successful sortie from Antwerp, murders of civilians
were taking place in the villages which the Belgian Army then recaptured
from the Germans. These crimes bear a strong resemblance to those
committed in Hofstade and other villages after the battle of Malines.
AERSCHOT AND DISTRICT.
Period I., (Aug. 19 and following days.)
AERSCHOT.
The German Army entered Aerschot quite early in the morning. Workmen
going to their work were seized and taken as hostages.
The Germans, apparently already irritated, proceeded to make a search
for the priests and threatened to burn the convent if the priests should
happen to be found there. One priest was accused of inciting the
inhabitants to fire on the troops, and when he denied it the Burgomaster
was blamed by the officer. The priest then showed the officer the
notices on the walls, signed by the Burgomaster, warning the inhabitants
not to intervene in hostilities.
It appears that they accused the priest of having fired at the Germans
from the tower of the church. This is important because it is one of the
not infrequent cases in which the Germans ascribed firing from a church
to priests, whereas in fact this firing came from Belgian soldiers, and
also because it seems to show that the Germans from the moment of their
arrival in Aerschot were seeking to pick a quarrel with the inhabitants,
and this goes far to explain their subsequent conduct. Hostages were
collected until 200 men, some of whom were invalids, were gathered
together.
M. Tielmans, the Burgomaster, was then ordered by some German officers
to address the crowd and to tell them to hand in any weapons which they
might have in their possession at the Town Hall, and to warn them that
any one who was found with weapons would be killed. As a matter of fact,
the arms in the possession of civilians had already been collected at
the beginning of the war. The Burgomaster's speech resulted in the
delivery of one gun, which had been used for pigeon shooting. The
hostages were then released. Throughout the day the town was looted by
the soldiers. Many shop windows were broken, and the contents of the
shop fronts ransacked.
A shot was fired about 7 o'clock in the evening, by which time many of
the soldiers were drunk. The Germans were not of one mind as to the
direction from which the shot proceeded. Some said it came from a
jeweler's shop, and some said it came from other houses. No one was hit
by this shot, but thereafter German soldiers began to fire in various
directions at people in the streets.
It is said that a German General or Colonel was killed at the
Burgomaster's house. As far as the committee have been able to
ascertain, the identity of the officer has never been revealed. The
German version of the story is that he was killed by the 15-year-old son
of the Burgomaster. The committee, however, is satisfied by the evidence
of several independent witnesses that some German officers were standing
at the window of the Burgomaster's house, that a large body of German
troops was in the square, that some of these soldiers were drunk and let
off their rifles, that in the volley one of the officers standing at the
window of the Burgomaster's house fell, that at the time of the accident
the wife and son of the Burgomaster had gone to take refuge in the
cellar, and that neither the Burgomaster nor his son were in the least
degree responsible for the occurrence which served as the pretext for
their subsequent execution, and for the firing and sack of the town.[A]
[Footnote A: This account agrees substantially with that given in a
letter written by Mme. Tielmans, the Burgomaster's wife, which is
printed in the fifth report of the Belgian Commission. The letter is as
follows:
This is how it happened. About 4 in the afternoon my husband
was giving cigars to the sentinels stationed at the door. I
saw that the General and his aides de camp were looking at us
from the balcony and told him to come indoors. Just then I
looked toward the Grand Place, where more than 2,000 Germans
were encamped, and distinctly saw two columns of smoke
followed by a fusillade. The Germans were firing on the houses
and forcing their way into them. My husband, children,
servant, and myself had just time to dash into the staircase
leading to the cellar. The Germans were even firing into the
passages of the houses. After a few minutes of indescribable
horror, one of the General's aides de camp came down and said:
"The General is dead. Where is the Burgomaster?" My husband
said to me, "This will be serious for me." As he went forward
I said to the aide de camp: "You can see for yourself, Sir,
that my husband did not fire." "That makes no difference," he
said. "He is responsible." My husband was taken off. My son,
who was at my side, took us into another cellar. The same aide
de camp came and dragged him out and made him walk in front of
him, kicking him as he went. The poor boy could hardly walk.
That morning when they came to the town the Germans had fired
through the windows of the houses, and a bullet had come into
the room where my son was, and he had been wounded in the calf
by the ricochet. After my husband and son had gone I was
dragged all through the house by Germans, with their revolvers
leveled at my head. I was compelled to see their dead General.
Then my daughter and I were thrown into the street without
cloaks or anything. We were massed in the Grand Place,
surrounded by a cordon of soldiers, and compelled to witness
the destruction of our beloved town. And then, by the hideous
light of the fire, I saw them for the last time, about 1 in
the morning, my husband and my boy tied together. My
brother-in-law was behind them. They were being led out to
execution.]
The houses were set on fire with special apparatus, while people were
dragged from their houses, already burning, and some were shot in the
streets.
Many civilians were marched to a field on the road to Louvain and kept
there all night. Meanwhile many of the inhabitants were collected in the
square. By this time very many of the troops were drunk.
On the following day a number of the civilians were shot under the
orders of an officer, together with the Burgomaster, his brother, and
his son. Of this incident, which is spoken to by many witnesses, a clear
account is given:
"German soldiers came and took hold of me and every other man
they could see, and eventually there were about sixty of us,
including some of 80, (i.e., years of age,) and they made us
accompany them ... all the prisoners had to walk with their
hands above their heads. We were then stopped and made to
stand in a line, and an officer, a big fat man who had a
bluish uniform ... came along the line and picked out the
Burgomaster, his brother, and his son, and some men who had
been employed under the Red Cross. In all, ten men were picked
out ... the remainder were made to turn their backs upon the
ten. I then heard some shots fired, and I and the other men
turned around and we saw all the ten men, including the
Burgomaster, were lying on the ground."
This incident is spoken to by other witnesses also. Some of their
depositions appear in the appendix.
GELRODE.
On the same day at Gelrode, a small village close to Aerschot,
twenty-five civilians were imprisoned in the church. Seven were taken
out by fifteen German soldiers in charge of an officer just outside. One
of the seven tried to run away, whereupon all the six who remained
behind alive were shot. This was on the night of Aug. 19. No provocation
whatever had been given. The men in question had been searched, and no
arms had been found upon them. Here, as at Aerschot, precautions had
been taken previously to secure the delivery up of all arms in the hands
of civilians.
Some of the survivors were compelled to dig graves for the seven. At a
later date the corpses were disinterred and reburied in consecrated
ground. The marks of the bullets in the brick wall against which the six
were shot were then still plainly visible. On the same day a woman was
shot by some German soldiers as she was walking home. This was done at a
distance of 100 yards and for no apparent reason.
An account of a murder by an officer at Campenhout is given in a later
part of this report, and depositions relating to Rotselaer, Tremeloo,
and Wespelaer will be found in the appendix.
The committee is specially impressed by the character of the outrages
committed in the smaller villages. Many of these are exceptionally
shocking and cannot be regarded as contemplated or prescribed by the
responsible commanders of the troops by whom they were committed. The
inference, however, which we draw from these occurrences is that when
once troops have been encouraged in a career of terrorism the more
savage and brutal natures, of whom there are some in every large army,
are liable to run to wild excess, more particularly in those regions
where they are least subject to observation and control.
AERSCHOT AND DISTRICT.
Period II., (Aug. 25.)
Immediately after the battle of Malines, which resulted in the
evacuation by the Germans of the district of Malines, Sempst, Hofstade,
and Eppeghem, a long series of murders were committed either just before
or during the retreat of the army. Many of the inhabitants who were
unarmed, including women and young children, were killed--some of them
under revolting circumstances.
Evidence given goes to show that the death of these villagers was due
not to accident, but to deliberate purpose. The wounds were generally
stabs or cuts, and for the most part appear to have been inflicted with
the bayonet.
MALINES.
In Malines itself many bodies were seen. One witness saw a German
soldier cut a woman's breasts after he had murdered her, and saw many
other dead bodies of women in the streets.
HOFSTADE.
In Hofstade a number of houses had been set on fire and many corpses
were seen, some in houses, some in back yards, and some in the streets.
Several examples are given below.
Two witnesses speak to having seen the body of a young man pierced by
bayonet thrusts with the wrists cut also.
On a side road the corpse of a civilian was seen on his doorstep with a
bayonet wound in his stomach, and by his side the dead body of a boy of
5 or 6 with his hands nearly severed.
The corpses of a woman and boy were seen at the blacksmith's. They had
been killed with the bayonet.
In a café a young man, also killed with the bayonet, was holding his
hands together as if in the attitude of supplication.
Two young women were lying in the back yard of the house. One had her
breasts cut off, the other had been stabbed.
A young man had been hacked with the bayonet until his entrails
protruded. He also had his hands joined in the attitude of prayer.
In the garden of a house in the main street bodies of two women were
observed, and in another house the body of a boy of 16 with two bayonet
wounds in the chest.
SEMPST.
In Sempst a similar condition of affairs existed. Houses were burning
and in some of them were the charred remains of civilians.
In a bicycle shop a witness saw the burned corpse of a man. Other
witnesses speak to this incident.
Another civilian, unarmed, was shot as he was running away. As will be
remembered, all the arms had been given up some time before by order of
the Burgomaster.
The corpse of a man with his legs cut off, who was partly bound, was
seen by another witness, who also saw a girl of 17 dressed only in a
chemise, and in great distress. She alleged that she herself and other
girls had been dragged into a field, stripped naked, and violated, and
that some of them had been killed with the bayonet.
WEERDE.--At Weerde four corpses of civilians were lying in the road. It
was said that these men had fired upon the German soldiers; but this is
denied. The arms had been given up long before.
Two children were killed in a village, apparently Weerde, quite wantonly
as they were standing in the road with their mother. They were 3 or 4
years old and were killed with the bayonet.
A small farm burning close by formed a convenient means of getting rid
of the bodies. They were thrown into the flames from the bayonets. It is
right to add that no commissioned officer was present at the time.
EPPEGHEM.--At Eppeghem on Aug. 25 a pregnant woman who had been wounded
with a bayonet was discovered in the convent. She was dying. On the road
six dead bodies of laborers were seen.
ELEWYT.--At Elewyt a man's naked body was tied up to a ring in the wall
in the back yard of a house. He was dead, and his corpse was mutilated
in a manner too horrible to record. A woman's naked body was also found
in a stable abutting on the same back yard.
VILVORDE.--At Vilvorde corpses of civilians were also found. These
villages are all on the line from Malines to Brussels.
BOORT MEERBEEK.--At Boort Meerbeek a German soldier was seen to fire
three times at a little girl 5 years old. Having failed to hit her, he
subsequently bayoneted her. He was killed with the butt end of a rifle
by a Belgian soldier who had seen him commit this murder from a
distance.
HERENT.--At Herent the charred body of a civilian was found in a
butcher's shop, and in a handcart twenty yards away was the dead body of
a laborer.
Two eyewitnesses relate that a German soldier shot a civilian and
stabbed him with a bayonet as he lay. He then made one of these
witnesses, a civilian prisoner, smell the blood on the bayonet.
HAECHT.--At Haecht the bodies of ten civilians were seen lying in a row
by a brewery wall.
In a laborer's house, which had been broken up, the mutilated corpse of
a woman of 30 to 35 was discovered.
A child of 3 with its stomach cut open by a bayonet was lying near a
house.
WERCHTER.--At Werchter the corpses of a man and woman and four younger
persons were found in one house. It is stated that they had been
murdered because one of the latter, a girl, would not allow the Germans
to outrage her.
This catalogue of crimes does not by any means represent the sum total
of the depositions relating to this district laid before the committee.
The above are given merely as examples of acts which the evidence shows
to have taken place in numbers that might have seemed scarcely credible.
In the rest of the district, that is to say, Aerschot and the other
villages from which the Germans had not been driven, the effect of the
battle was to cause a recrudescence of murder, arson, pillage, and
cruelty, which had to some extent died down after Aug. 20 or 21.
In Aerschot itself fresh prisoners seem to have been taken and added to
those who were already in the church, since it would appear that
prisoners were kept to some extent in the church during the whole of
the German occupation of Aerschot. The second occasion on which large
numbers of prisoners were put there was shortly after the battle of
Malines, and it was then that the priest of Gelrode was brought to
Aerschot Church, treated abominably, and finally murdered.
[Illustration: GENERAL SIR WILLIAM ROBERTSON, K.C.B.
Chief of the British General Staff, Who Made a Remarkable Record as
Quartermaster General in France
_(Photo from Bain News Service.)_]
[Illustration: GENERAL FOCH
The Brilliant Strategist Who Commands the French Armies of the North
_(Photo from P.S. Rogers.)_]
One witness describes the scene graphically:
"The whole of the prisoners--men, women and children--were
placed in the church. Nobody was allowed to go outside the
church to obey the calls of nature; the church had to be used
for that purpose. We were afterward allowed to go outside the
church for this purpose, and then I saw the clergyman of
Gelrode standing by the wall of the church with his hands
above his head, being guarded by soldiers."
The actual details of the murder of the priest are as follows: The
priest was struck several times by the soldiers on the head. He was
pushed up against the wall of the church. He asked in Flemish to be
allowed to stand with his face to the wall, and tried to turn around.
The Germans stopped him and then turned him with his face to the wall,
with his hands above his head. An hour later the same witness saw the
priest still standing there. He was then led away by the Germans a
distance of about fifty yards. There, with his face against the wall of
a house, he was shot by five soldiers.
Other murders of which we have evidence appear in the appendix.
Some of the prisoners in the church at Aerschot were actually kept there
until the arrival of the Belgian Army on Sept. 11, when they were
released. Others were marched to Louvain and eventually merged with
other prisoners, both from Louvain itself and the surrounding districts,
and taken to Germany and elsewhere.
It is said by one witness that about 1,500 were marched to Louvain and
that the journey took six hours.
The journey to Louvain is thus described by a witness: We were all
marched off to Louvain, walking. There were some very old people, among
others a man 90 years of age. The very old people were drawn in carts
and barrows by the younger men. There was an officer with a bicycle,
who shouted, as people fell out by the side of the road, "Shoot them!"
AERSCHOT AND DISTRICT.
Period III., (September.)
It is unnecessary to describe with much particularity the events of the
period beginning about Sept. 10. The Belgian soldiers, who had
recaptured the place, found corpses of civilians who must have been
murdered in Aerschot itself just as they found them in Sempst and the
other villages on Aug. 25. Some of these bodies were found in wells and
some had been burned alive in their houses.
The prisoners released by the Belgian Army from the church were almost
starved.
HAECHT.--At Haecht several children had been murdered, one of 2 or 3
years of age was found nailed to the door of a farmhouse by its hands
and feet--a crime which seems almost incredible, but the evidence for
which we feel bound to accept. In the garden of this house was the body
of a girl who had been shot in the forehead.
CAPELLE-AU-BOIS.--At Capelle-au-Bois two children were murdered in a
cart and their corpses were seen by many witnesses at different stages
of the cart's journey.
EPPEGHEM.--At Eppeghem the dead body of a child of 2 was seen pinned to
the ground with a German lance. Same witness saw a mutilated woman alive
near Weerde on the same day.
TREMELOO.--Belgian soldiers on patrol duty found a young girl naked on
the ground, covered with scratches. She complained of having been
violated. On the same day an old woman was seen kneeling by the body of
her husband, and she told them that the Germans had shot him as he was
trying to escape from the house.
LOUVAIN AND DISTRICT.
The events spoken to as having occurred in and around Louvain between
the 19th and the 25th of August deserve close attention.
For six days the Germans were in peaceful occupation of the city. No
houses were set on fire--no citizens killed. There was a certain amount
of looting of empty houses, but otherwise discipline was effectively
maintained. The condition of Louvain during these days was one of
relative peace and quietude, presenting a striking contrast to the
previous and contemporaneous conduct of the German Army elsewhere.
On the evening of Aug. 25 a sudden change takes place. The Germans, on
that day repulsed by the Belgians, had retreated to and reoccupied
Louvain. Immediately the devastation of that city and the holocaust of
its population commences. The inference is irresistible that the army as
a whole wreaked its vengeance on the civil population and the buildings
of the city in revenge for the setback which the Belgian arms had
inflicted on them. A subsidiary cause alleged was the assertion, often
made before that civilians had fired upon the German Army.
The depositions which relate to Louvain are numerous, and are believed
by the committee to present a true and fairly complete picture of the
events of the 25th and 26th of August and subsequent days. We find no
grounds for thinking that the inhabitants fired upon the German Army on
the evening of the 25th of August. Eyewitnesses worthy of credence
detail exactly when, where, and how the firing commenced. Such firing
was by Germans on Germans. No impartial tribunal could, in our opinion,
come to any other conclusion.
On the evening of the 25th firing could be heard in the direction of
Herent, some three kilometers from Louvain. An alarm was sounded in the
city. There was disorder and confusion, and at 8 o'clock horses attached
to baggage wagons stampeded in the street and rifle fire commenced. This
was in the Rue de la Station and came from the German police guard, (21
in number,) who, seeing the troops arrive in disorder, thought it was
the enemy. Then the corps of incendiaries got to work. They had broad
belts with the words "Gott mit uns," and their equipment consisted of a
hatchet, a syringe, a small shovel, and a revolver. Fires blazed up in
the direction of the Law Courts, St. Martin's Barracks, and later in the
Place de la Station. Meanwhile an incessant fusillade was kept up on the
windows of the houses. In their efforts to escape the flames the
inhabitants climbed the walls.
"My mother and servants," says a witness, "had to do the same
and took refuge at Monsieur A.'s, whose cellars are vaulted
and afforded a better protection than mine. A little later we
withdrew to Monsieur A.'s stables, where about thirty people
who had got there by climbing the walls were to be found. Some
of these poor wretches had to climb twenty walls. A ring came
at the bell. We opened the door. Several civilians flung
themselves under the porch. The Germans were firing upon them
from the street. Every moment new fires were lighting up,
accompanied by explosions. In the middle of the night I heard
a knock at the outer door of the stable which led into a
little street, and heard a woman's voice crying for help. I
opened the door, and just as I was going to let her in a rifle
shot fired from the street by a German soldier rang out and
the woman fell dead at my feet. About 9 in the morning things
got quieter, and we took the opportunity of venturing into the
street. A German who was carrying a silver pyx and a number of
boxes of cigars told us we were to go to the station, where
trains would be waiting for us. When we got to the Place de la
Station we saw in the square seven or eight dead bodies of
murdered civilians. Not a single house in the place was
standing. A whole row of houses behind the station at Blauwput
was burned. After being driven hither and thither interminably
by officers, who treated us roughly and insulted us
throughout, we were divided."
The prisoners were then distributed between different bodies of troops
and marched in the direction of Herent. Seventy-seven inhabitants of
Louvain, including a number of people of good position, (the names of
several are given,) were thus taken to Herent.
"We found the village of Herent in flames, so much so that we
had to quicken up to prevent ourselves from being suffocated
and burned up by the flames in the middle of the road.
Half-burned corpses of civilians were lying in front of the
houses. During a halt soldiers stole cattle and slaughtered
them where they stood. Firing started on our left. We were
told it was the civilians firing, and that we were going to be
shot. The truth is that it was the Germans themselves who were
firing to frighten us. There was not a single civilian in the
neighborhood. Shortly afterward we proceeded on our march to
Malines. We were insulted and threatened.... The officers were
worse than the men. We got to Campenhout about 7 P.M., and
were locked into the church with all the male population of
the village. Some priests had joined our numbers. We had had
nothing to eat or drink since the evening of the day before. A
few compassionate soldiers gave us water to drink, but no
official took the trouble to see that we were fed."
Next day, Thursday, the 27th, a safe conduct to return to Louvain was
given, but the prisoners had hardly started, when they were stopped and
taken before a Brigade General and handed to another escort. Some were
grossly ill-treated. They were accused of being soldiers out of uniform,
and were told they could not go to Louvain, "as the town was going to be
razed to the ground." Other prisoners were added, even women and
children, until there were more than 200. They were then taken toward
Malines, released, and told to go to that town together, and that those
who separated would be fired on. Other witnesses corroborate the events
described by the witness.
A woman employed by an old gentleman living in the Rue de la Station
tells the story of her master's death:
"We had supper as usual about 8, but two German officers, (who
were staying in the house,) did not come in to supper that
evening. My master went to bed at 8:15, and so did his son.
The servants went to bed at 9:30. Soon after I got to my
bedroom I saw out of my room flames from some burning house
near by. I roused my master and his son. As they came down the
stairs they were seized by German soldiers and both were tied
up and led out, my master being tied with a rope and his son
with a chain. They were dragged outside. I did not actually
see what happened outside, but heard subsequently that my
master was bayoneted and shot, and that his son was shot. I
heard shots from the kitchen, where I was, and was present at
the burial of my master and his son thirteen days later.
German soldiers came back into the house and poured some
inflammable liquid over the floors and set fire to it. I
escaped by another staircase to that which my master and his
son had descended."
On the 26th, (Wednesday,) in the City of Louvain, massacre, fire, and
destruction went on. The university, with its library, the Church of St.
Peter, and many houses were set on fire and burned to the ground.
Citizens were shot and others taken prisoners and compelled to go with
the troops. Soldiers went through the streets saying "Man hat
geschossen."[A] One soldier was seen going along shooting in the air.
[Footnote A: "They have been shooting."]
Many of the people hid in cellars, but the soldiers shot down through
the gratings. Some citizens were shot on opening the doors, others in
endeavoring to escape. Among other persons whose houses were burned was
an old man of 90 lying dangerously ill, who was taken out on his
mattress and left lying in his garden all night. He died shortly after
in the hospital to which a friend took him the following morning.
On Thursday, the 27th, orders were given that every one should leave the
city, which was to be razed to the ground. Some citizens, including a
canon of the cathedral, with his aged mother, were ordered to go to the
station and afterward to take the road to Tirlemont. Among the number
were about twenty priests from Louvain. They were insulted and
threatened, but ultimately allowed to go free and make their way as best
they could, women and sick persons among them, to Tirlemont. Other
groups of prisoners from Louvain were on the same day taken by other
routes, some early in the morning, through various villages in the
direction of Malines, with hands tightly bound by a long cord. More
prisoners were afterward added, and all made to stay the night in the
church at Campenhout. Next day, the 28th, this group, then consisting of
about 1,000 men, women and children, was taken back to Louvain. The
houses along the road were burning and many dead bodies of civilians,
men and women, were seen on the way. Some of the principal streets in
Louvain had by that time been burned out. The prisoners were placed in a
large building on the cavalry exercise ground--"One woman went mad, some
children died, others were born." On the 29th the prisoners were marched
along the Malines road, and at Herent the women and children and men
over 40 were allowed to go; the others were taken to Boort Meerbeek, 15
kilometers from Malines, and told to march straight to Malines or be
shot. At 11 P.M. they reached the fort of Waelhem and were at first
fired on by the sentries, but on calling out they were Belgians were
allowed to pass. These prisoners were practically without food from
early morning on the 26th until midnight on the 29th. Of the corpses
seen on the road, some had their hands tied behind their backs, others
were burned, some had been killed by blows, and some corpses were those
of children who had been shot.
Another witness, a man of independent means, was arrested at noon by the
soldiers of the One Hundred and Sixty-fifth Regiment and taken to the
Place de la Station. He was grossly ill-treated on the way and robbed by
an officer of his purse and keys. His hands were tied behind his back.
His wife was kept a prisoner at the other side of the station. He was
then made to march with about 500 other prisoners until midnight, slept
in the rain that night, and next day, having had no food since leaving
Louvain, was taken to the church in Rotselaer, where there were then
about 1,500 prisoners confined, including some infants. No food was
given, only some water. Next day they were taken through Wespelaer and
back to Louvain. On the way from Rotselaer to Wespelaer fifty bodies
were seen, some naked and carbonized and unrecognizable. When they
arrived at Louvain the Fish Market, the Place Marguerite, the cathedral,
and many other buildings were on fire. In the evening about 100 men,
women, and children were put in horse trucks from which the dung had not
been removed, and at 6 the next morning left for Cologne.
The wife of this witness was also taken prisoner with her husband and
her maid, but was separated from him, and she saw other ladies made to
walk before the soldiers with their hands above their heads. One, an old
lady of 85, (name given,) was dragged from her cellar and taken with
them to the station. They were kept there all night, but set free in the
morning, Thursday, but shortly afterward sent to Tirlemont on foot. A
number of corpses were seen on the way. The prisoners, of whom there are
said to have been thousands, were not allowed even to have water to
drink, although there were streams on the way from which the soldiers
drank. Witness was given some milk at a farm, but as she raised it to
her lips it was taken away from her.
A priest was taken on Friday morning Aug. 28, and placed at the head of
a number of refugees from Wygmael. He was led through Louvain, abused
and ill-treated, and placed with some thousands of other people in the
riding school in the Rue du Manège. The glass roof broke in the night
from the heat of burning buildings around. Next day the prisoners were
marched through the country with an armed guard. Burned farms and burned
corpses were seen on the way. The prisoners were finally separated into
three groups, and the younger men marched through Herent and Bueken to
Campenhout, and ultimately reached the Belgian lines about midnight on
Saturday, Aug. 29. All the houses in Herent, a village of about 5,000
inhabitants, had been burned.
The massacre of civilians at Louvain was not confined to its citizens.
Large crowds of people were brought into Louvain from the surrounding
districts, not only from Aerschot and Gelrode as above mentioned, but
also from other places. For example, a witness describes how many women
and children were taken in carts to Louvain, and there placed in a
stable. Of the hundreds of people thus taken from the various villages
and brought to Louvain as prisoners, some were massacred there, others
were forced to march along with citizens of Louvain through various
places, some being ultimately sent on the 29th to the Belgian lines at
Malines, others were taken in trucks to Cologne as described below,
others were released. An account of the massacre of some of these
unfortunate civilian prisoners given by two witnesses may be quoted:
"We were all placed in Station Street, Louvain, and the German
soldiers fired upon us. I saw the corpses of some women in the
street. I fell down, and a woman who had been shot fell on top
of me. I did not dare to look at the dead bodies in the
street, there were so many of them. All of them had been shot
by the German soldiers. One woman whom I saw lying dead in the
street was a Miss J., about 35. I also saw the body of A.M.,
(a woman.) She had been shot. I saw an officer pull her corpse
underneath a wagon."
Another witness, who was taken from Aerschot, also describes the
occurrence:
"I was afterward taken with a large number of other civilians
and placed in the church at Louvain. Then we were taken to
Station Street, Louvain. There were about 1,500 civilians of
both sexes, and we had been marched from Aerschot to Louvain.
When we were in Station Street I felt that something was about
to happen, and I tried to shelter in a doorway. The German
soldiers then fired a mitrailleuse and their rifles upon the
people, and the people fell on all sides. Two men next to me
were killed. I afterward saw some one give a signal, and the
firing ceased. I then ran away with a married woman named B.,
(whose maiden name was A.M.,) aged 29, who belonged to
Aerschot, but we were again captured. She was shot by the side
of me, and I saw her fall. Several other people were shot at
the same time. I again ran away, and in my flight saw children
falling out of their mothers' arms. I cannot say whether they
were shot, or whether they fell from their mothers' arms in
the great panic which ensued. I, however, saw children
bleeding."
JOURNEY TO COLOGNE.
The greatest number of prisoners from Louvain, however, were assembled
at the station and taken by trains to Cologne. Several witnesses
describe their sufferings and the ill-treatment they received on the
journey. One of the first trains started in the afternoon. It consisted
of cattle trucks, about 100 being in each truck. It took three days to
get to Cologne. The prisoners had nothing to eat but a few biscuits
each, and they were not allowed to get out for water and none was given.
On a wagon the words "Civilians who shot at the soldiers at Louvain"
were written. Some were marched through Cologne afterward for the people
to see. Ropes were put about the necks of some and they were told they
would be hanged. An order then came that they were to be shot instead of
hanged. A firing squad was prepared and five or six prisoners were put
up, but were not shot. After being kept a week at Cologne some of these
prisoners were taken back--this time only thirty or forty in a
truck--and allowed to go free on arriving at Limburg. Several witnesses
who were taken in other trains to Cologne describe their experiences in
detail. Some of the trucks were abominably filthy. Prisoners were not
allowed to leave to obey the calls of nature; one man who quitted the
truck for the purpose was killed by a bayonet. Describing what happened
to another body of prisoners, a witness says that they were made to
cross Station Street, where the houses were burning, and taken to the
station, placed in horse trucks, crowded together, men, women, and
children, in each wagon. They were kept at the station during the night,
and the following day left for Cologne. For two days and a half they
were without food, and then they received a loaf of bread among ten
persons, and some water. The prisoners were afterward taken back to
Belgium. They were, in all, eight days in the train, crowded and almost
without food. Two of the men went mad. The women and children were
separated from the men at Brussels. The men were taken to a suburb and
then to the villages of Herent, Vilvorde, and Sempst, and afterward set
at liberty.
This taking of the inhabitants, including some of the influential
citizens, in groups and marching them to various places, and in
particular the sending of them to Malines and the dispatch of great
numbers to Cologne, must evidently have been done under the direction of
the higher military authorities. The ill-treatment of the prisoners was
under the eyes and often by the direction or with the sanction of
officers, and officers themselves took part in it.
The object of taking many hundreds of prisoners to Cologne and back into
Belgium is at first sight difficult to understand. Possibly it is to be
regarded as part of the policy of punishment for Belgian resistance and
general terrorization of the inhabitants--possibly as a desire to show
these people to the population of a German city and thus to confirm the
belief that the Belgians had shot at their troops.
Whatever may have been the case when the burning began on the evening of
the 25th, it appears clear that the subsequent destruction and outrages
were done with a set purpose. It was not until the 26th that the
library, and other university buildings, the Church of St. Peter and
many houses were set on fire. It is to be noticed that cases occur in
the depositions in which humane acts by individual officers and soldiers
are mentioned, or in which officers are said to have expressed regret at
being obliged to carry out orders for cruel action against the
civilians. Similarly, we find entries in diaries which reveal a genuine
pity for the population and disgust at the conduct of the army. It
appears that a German non-commissioned officer stated definitely that he
"was acting under orders and executing them with great unwillingness." A
commissioned officer on being asked at Louvain by a witness--a highly
educated man--about the horrible acts committed by the soldiers, said he
"was merely executing orders," and that he himself would be shot if he
did not execute them. Others gave less credible excuses, one stating
that the inhabitants of Louvain had burned the city themselves because
they did not wish to supply food and quarters for the German Army. It
was to the discipline rather than the want of discipline in the army
that these outrages, which we are obliged to describe as systematic,
were due, and the special official notices posted on certain houses that
they were not to be destroyed show the fate which had been decreed for
the others which were not so marked.
We are driven to the conclusion that the harrying of the villages in the
district, the burning of a large part of Louvain, the massacres there,
the marching out of the prisoners, and the transport to Cologne, (all
done without inquiry as to whether the particular persons seized or
killed had committed any wrongful act,) were due to a calculated policy
carried out scientifically and deliberately, not merely with the
sanction but under the direction of higher military authorities, and
were not due to any provocation or resistance by the civilian
population.
TERMONDE.
To understand the depositions describing what happened at Termonde it is
necessary to remember that the German Army occupied the town on two
occasions, the first, from Friday, Sept. 4, to Sunday, Sept. 6, and
again later in the month, about the 16th. The civilians had delivered up
their arms a fortnight before the arrival of the Germans.
Early in the month, probably about the 4th, a witness saw two civilians
murdered by Uhlans. Another witness saw their dead bodies, which
remained in the street for ten days. Two hundred civilians were utilized
as a screen by the German troops about this date.
On the 5th the town was partially burned. One witness was taken prisoner
in the street by some German soldiers, together with several other
civilians. At about 12 o'clock some of the tallest and strongest men
among the prisoners were picked out to go around the streets with
paraffin. Three or four carts containing paraffin tanks were brought up,
and a syringe was used to put paraffin on to the houses, which were then
fired. The process of destruction began with the houses of rich people,
and afterward the houses of the poorer classes were treated in the same
manner. German soldiers had previously told this witness that if the
Burgomaster of Termonde, who was out of town, did not return by 12
o'clock that day the town would be set on fire. The firing of the town
was in consequence of his failure to return. The prisoners were
afterward taken to a factory and searched for weapons. They were
subsequently provided with passports enabling them to go anywhere in the
town, but not outside. The witness in question managed to effect his
escape by swimming across the river.
Another witness describes how the tower of the Church of Termonde St.
Gilles was utilized by the Belgian troops for offensive purposes. They
had in fact mounted a machine gun there. This witness was subsequently
taken prisoner in a cellar in Termonde in which he had taken refuge with
other people. All the men were taken from the cellar and the women were
left behind. About seventy prisoners in all were taken; one, a brewer
who could not walk fast enough, was wounded with a bayonet. He fell down
and was compelled to get up and follow the soldiers. The prisoners had
to hold up their hands, and if they dropped their hands they were struck
on the back with the butt end of rifles. They were taken to Lebbeke,
where there were in all 300 prisoners, and there they were locked up in
the church for three days and with scarcely any food.
A witness living at Baesrode was taken prisoner with 250 others and kept
all night in a field. The prisoners were released on the following
morning. This witness saw three corpses of civilians, and says that the
Germans on Sunday, the 6th, plundered and destroyed the houses of those
who had fled. The Germans left on the following day, taking about thirty
men with them, one a man of 72 years of age.
Later in the month civilians were again used as a screen, and there is
evidence of other acts of outrage.
ALOST.
Alost was the scene of fighting between the Belgian and German Armies
during the whole of the latter part of the month of September. In
connection with the fighting numerous cruelties appear to have been
perpetrated by the German troops.
On Saturday, Sept. 11, a weaver was bayoneted in the street. Another
civilian was shot dead at his door on the same night. On the following
day the witness was taken prisoner together with thirty others. The
money of the prisoners was confiscated, and they were subsequently used
as a screen for the German troops who were at that moment engaged in a
conflict with the Belgian Army in the town itself. The Germans burned a
number of houses at this time. Corpses of 14 civilians were seen in the
streets on this occasion.
A well-educated witness, who visited the Wetteren Hospital shortly after
this date, saw the dead bodies of a number of civilians belonging to
Alost, and other civilians wounded. One of these stated that he took
refuge in the house of his sister-in-law; that the Germans dragged the
people out of the house, which was on fire, seized him, threw him on the
ground, and hit him on the head with the butt end of a rifle, and ran
him through the thigh with a bayonet. They then placed him with
seventeen or eighteen others in front of the German troops, threatening
them with revolvers. They said that they were going to make the people
of Alost pay for the losses sustained by the Germans. At this hospital
was an old woman of 80 completely transfixed by a bayonet.
Other crimes on noncombatants at Alost belong to the end of the month of
September. Many witnesses speak to the murder of harmless civilians.
In Binnenstraat the Germans broke open the windows of the houses and
threw fluid inside, and the houses burst into flames. Some of the
inhabitants were burned to death.
The civilians were utilized on Saturday, Sept. 26, as a screen. During
their retreat the Germans fired twelve houses in Rue des Trois Clefs,
and three civilians, whose names are given, were shot dead in that
street after the firing of the houses. On the following day a heap of
nine dead civilians were lying in the Rue de l'Argent.
Similar outrages occurred at Erpe, a village a few miles from Alost,
about the same date. The village was deliberately burned. The houses
were plundered and some civilians were murdered.
Civilians were apparently used as a screen at Erpe, but they were
prisoners taken from Alost and not dwellers in that village.
DIARIES OF GERMAN SOLDIERS.
This disregard for the lives of civilians is strikingly shown in
extracts from German soldiers' diaries, of which the following are
representative examples.
Barthel, who was a Sergeant and standard bearer of the Second Company of
the First Guards Regiment of Foot, and who during the campaign received
the Iron Cross, says, under date Aug. 10, 1914:
"A transport of 300 Belgians came through Duisburg in the
morning. Of these, eighty, including the Oberburgomaster, were
shot according to martial law."
Matbern of the Fourth Company of Jägers, No. 11, from Marburg, states
that at a village between Birnal and Dinant on Sunday, Aug. 23, the
Pioneers and Infantry Regiment One Hundred and Seventy-eight were fired
upon by the inhabitants. He gives no particulars beyond this. He
continues:
"About 220 inhabitants were shot, and the village was burned.
Artillery is continuously shooting--the village lies in a
large ravine. Just now, 6 o'clock in the afternoon, the
crossing of the Meuse begins near Dinant. All villages,
châteaux and houses are burned down during the night. It is a
beautiful sight to see the fires all around us in the
distance."
Bombardier Wetzel of the Second Mounted Battery, First Kurhessian Field
Artillery Regiment, No. 11, records an incident which happened in French
territory near Lille on Oct. 11: "We had no fight, but we caught about
twenty men and shot them." By this time killing not in a fight would
seem to have passed into a habit.
Diary No. 32 gives an accurate picture of what took place in Louvain:
"What a sad scene--all the houses surrounding the railway
station completely destroyed--only some foundation walls still
standing. On the station square captured guns. At the end of a
main street there is the Council Hall which has been
completely preserved with all its beautiful turrets; a sharp
contrast: 180 inhabitants are stated to have been shot after
they had dug their own graves."
The last and most important entry is that contained in Diary No. 19.
This is a blue book interleaved with blotting paper, and contains no
name and address; there is, however, one circumstance which makes it
possible to speak with certainty as to the regiment of the writer. He
gives the names of First Lieutenant von Oppen, Count Eulenburg, Captain
von Roeder, First Lieutenant von Bock und Polach, Second Lieutenant
Count Hardenberg, and Lieutenant Engelbrecht. A perusal of the Prussian
Army list of June, 1914, shows that all these officers, with the
exception of Lieutenant Engelbrecht, belonged to the First Regiment of
Foot Guards. On Aug. 24, 1914, the writer was in Ermeton. The exact
translation of the extract, grim in its brevity, is as follows:
"24.8.14. We took about 1,000 prisoners: at least 500 were
shot. The village was burned because inhabitants had also
shot. Two civilians were shot at once."
We may now sum up and endeavor to explain the character and significance
of the wrongful acts done by the German Army in Belgium.
If a line is drawn on a map from the Belgian frontier to Liège and
continued to Charleroi, and a second line drawn from Liège to Malines, a
sort of figure resembling an irregular Y will be formed. It is along
this Y that most of the systematic (as opposed to isolated) outrages
were committed. If the period from Aug. 4 to Aug. 30 is taken it will be
found to cover most of these organized outrages. Termonde and Alost
extend, it is true, beyond the Y lines, and they belong to the month of
September. Murder, rape, arson, and pillage began from the moment when
the German Army crossed the frontier. For the first fortnight of the war
the towns and villages near Liège were the chief sufferers. From Aug. 19
to the end of the month, outrages spread in the directions of Charleroi
and Malines and reach their period of greatest intensity. There is a
certain significance in the fact that the outrages around Liège
coincide with the unexpected resistance of the Belgian Army in that
district, and that the slaughter which reigned from Aug. 19 to the end
of the month is contemporaneous with the period when the German Army's
need for a quick passage through Belgium at all costs was deemed
imperative.
Here let a distinction be drawn between two classes of outrages.
Individual acts of brutality--ill-treatment of civilians, rape, plunder,
and the like--were very widely committed. These are more numerous and
more shocking than would be expected in warfare between civilized
powers, but they differ rather in extent than in kind from what has
happened in previous though not recent wars.
In all wars many shocking and outrageous acts must be expected, for in
every large army there must be a proportion of men of criminal instincts
whose worst passions are unloosed by the immunity which the conditions
of warfare afford. Drunkenness, moreover, may turn even a soldier who
has no criminal habits into a brute, who may commit outrages at which he
would himself be shocked in his sober moments, and there is evidence
that intoxication was extremely prevalent among the German Army, both in
Belgium and in France, for plenty of wine was to be found in the
villages and country houses which were pillaged. Many of the worst
outrages appear to have been perpetrated by men under the influence of
drink. Unfortunately, little seems to have been done to repress this
source of danger.
In the present war, however--and this is the gravest charge against the
German Army--the evidence shows that the killing of noncombatants was
carried out to an extent for which no previous war between nations
claiming to be civilized, (for such cases as the atrocities perpetrated
by the Turks on the Bulgarian Christians in 1876, and on the Armenian
Christians in 1895 and 1896, do not belong to that category,) furnishes
any precedent. That this killing was done as part of a deliberate plan
is clear from the facts hereinbefore set forth regarding Louvain,
Aerschot, Dinant, and other towns. The killing was done under orders in
each place. It began at a certain fixed date, and stopped, (with some
few exceptions,) at another fixed date. Some of the officers who carried
out the work did it reluctantly, and said they were obeying directions
from their chiefs. The same remarks apply to the destruction of
property. House burning was part of the program; and villages, even
large parts of a city, were given to the flames as part of the
terrorizing policy.
Citizens of neutral States who visited Belgium in December and January
report that the German authorities do not deny that noncombatants were
systematically killed in large numbers during the first weeks of the
invasion, and this, so far as we know, has never been officially denied.
If it were denied, the flight and continued voluntary exile of thousands
of Belgian refugees would go far to contradict a denial, for there is no
historical parallel in modern times for the flight of a large part of a
nation before an invader.
The German Government have, however, sought to justify their severities
on the grounds of military necessity, and have excused them as
retaliation for cases in which civilians fired on German troops. There
may have been cases in which such firing occurred, but no proof has ever
been given, or, to our knowledge, attempted to be given, of such cases,
nor of the stories of shocking outrages perpetrated by Belgian men and
women on German soldiers.
The inherent improbability of the German contention is shown by the fact
that after the first few days of the invasion every possible precaution
had been taken by the Belgian authorities, by way of placards and
handbills, to warn the civilian population not to intervene in
hostilities. Throughout Belgium steps had been taken to secure the
handing over of all firearms in the possession of civilians before the
German Army arrived. These steps were sometimes taken by the police and
sometimes by the military authorities.
The invaders appear to have proceeded upon the theory that any chance
shot coming from an unexpected place was fired by civilians. One
favorite form of this allegation was that priests had fired from the
church tower. In many instances the soldiers of the allied armies used
church towers and private houses as cover for their operations. At
Aerschot, where the Belgian soldiers were stationed in the church tower
and fired upon the Germans as they advanced, it was at once alleged by
the Germans when they entered the town, and with difficulty disproved,
that the firing had come from civilians. Thus one elementary error
creeps at once into the German argument, for they were likely to
confound, and did in some instances certainly confound, legitimate
military operations with the hostile intervention of civilians.
Troops belonging to the same army often fire by mistake upon each other.
That the German Army was no exception to this rule is proved not only by
many Belgian witnesses, but by the most irrefragable kind of
evidence--the admission of German soldiers themselves, recorded in their
war diaries. Thus Otto Clepp, Second Company of the Reserve, says, under
date of Aug. 22: "Three A.M. Two infantry regiments shot at each
other--9 dead and 50 wounded--fault not yet ascertained." In this
connection the diaries of Kurt Hoffman and a soldier of the 112th
Regiment, (Diary No. 14,) will repay study. In such cases the obvious
interest of the soldier is to conceal his mistake, and a convenient
method of doing so is to raise the cry of "francs-tireurs!"
Doubtless the German soldiers often believed that the civilian
population, naturally hostile, had, in fact, attacked them. This
attitude of mind may have been fostered by the German authorities
themselves before the troops passed the frontier, and thereafter stories
of alleged atrocities committed by Belgians upon Germans, such as the
myth referred to in one of the diaries relating to Liège, were
circulated among the troops and roused their anger.
The diary of Barthel, when still in Germany on Aug. 10, shows that he
believed that the Oberburgomaster of Liège had murdered a Surgeon
General. The fact is that no violence was inflicted on the inhabitants
at Liège until the 19th, and no one who studies these pages can have any
doubt that Liège would immediately have been given over to murder and
destruction if any such incident had occurred.
Letters written to their homes which have been found on the bodies of
dead Germans bear witness, in a way that now sounds pathetic, to the
kindness with which they were received by the civil population. Their
evident surprise at this reception was due to the stories which had been
dinned into their ears of soldiers with their eyes gouged out,
treacherous murders, and poisoned food--stories which may have been
encouraged by the higher military authorities in order to impress the
mind of the troops, as well as for the sake of justifying the measures
which they took to terrify the civil population. If there is any truth
in such stories, no attempt has been made to establish it. For instance,
the Chancellor of the German Empire, in a communication made to the
press on Sept. 2 and printed in the Nord Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung of
Sept. 21, said as follows:
"Belgian girls gouged out the eyes of the German wounded.
Officials of Belgian cities have invited our officers to
dinner and shot and killed them across the table. Contrary to
all international law, the whole civilian population of
Belgium was called out and, after having at first shown
friendliness, carried on in the rear of our troops terrible
warfare with concealed weapons. Belgian women cut the throats
of soldiers whom they had quartered in their homes while they
were sleeping."
No evidence whatever seems to have been adduced to prove these tales,
and though there may be cases in which individual Belgians fired on the
Germans, the statement that "the whole civilian population of Belgium
was called out" is utterly opposed to the fact.
An invading army may be entitled to shoot at sight a civilian caught
redhanded, or any one who, though not caught redhanded, is proved guilty
on inquiry. But this was not the practice followed by the German troops.
They do not seem to have made any inquiry. They seized the civilians of
the villages indiscriminately and killed them, or such as they selected
from among them, without the least regard to guilt or innocence. The
mere cry, "Civilisten haben geschossen!" was enough to hand over a whole
village or district, and even outlying places, to ruthless slaughter.
We gladly record the instances where the evidence shows that humanity
had not wholly disappeared from some members of the German Army, and
that they realized that the responsible heads of that organization were
employing them not in war, but in butchery: "I am merely executing
orders, and I should be shot if I did not execute them," said an officer
to a witness at Louvain. At Brussels another officer says: "I have not
done one-hundredth part of what we have been ordered to do by the high
German military authorities."
As we have already observed, it would be unjust to charge upon the
German Army generally acts of cruelty which, whether due to drunkenness
or not, were done by men of brutal instincts and unbridled passions.
Such crimes were sometimes punished by the officers. They were in some
cases offset by acts of humanity and kindliness. But when an army is
directed or permitted to kill noncombatants on a large scale the
ferocity of the worst natures springs into fuller life, and both lust
and the thirst of blood become more widespread and more formidable. Had
less license been allowed to the soldiers and had they not been set to
work to slaughter civilians there would have been fewer of those painful
cases in which a depraved and morbid cruelty appears.
Two classes of murders in particular require special mention because one
of them is almost new and the other altogether unprecedented. The former
is the seizure of peaceful citizens as so-called hostages, to be kept as
a pledge for the conduct of the civil population or as a means to
secure some military advantage or to compel the payment of a
contribution, the hostages being shot if the condition imposed by the
arbitrary will of the invader is not fulfilled. Such hostage-taking,
with the penalty of death attached, has now and then happened, the most
notable case being the shooting of the Archbishop of Paris and some of
his clergy by the Communards of Paris in 1871, but it is opposed both to
the rules of war and to every principle of justice and humanity. The
latter kind of murder is the killing of the innocent inhabitants of a
village because shots have been fired, or are alleged to have been
fired, on the troops by some one in the village. For this practice no
previous example and no justification have been or can be pleaded.
Soldiers suppressing an insurrection may have sometimes slain civilians
mingled with insurgents, and Napoleon's forces in Spain are said to have
now and then killed promiscuously when trying to clear guerrillas out of
a village. But in Belgium large bodies of men, sometimes including the
Burgomaster and the priest, were seized, marched by officers to a spot
chosen for the purpose, and there shot in cold blood, without any
attempt at trial or even inquiry, under the pretense of inflicting
punishment upon the village, though these unhappy victims were not even
charged with having themselves committed any wrongful act, and though,
in some cases at least, the village authorities had done all in their
power to prevent any molestation of the invading force. Such acts are no
part of war, for innocence is entitled to respect even in war. They are
mere murders, just as the drowning of the innocent passengers and crews
on a merchant ship is murder and not an act of war.
That these acts should have been perpetrated on the peaceful population
of an unoffending country which was not at war with its invaders, but
merely defending its own neutrality, guaranteed by the invading power,
may excite amazement and even incredulity. It was with amazement and
almost with incredulity that the committee first read the depositions
relating to such acts. But when the evidence regarding Liège was
followed by that regarding Aerschot, Louvain, Andenne, Dinant, and the
other towns and villages, the cumulative effect of such a mass of
concurrent testimony became irresistible, and we were driven to the
conclusion that the things described had really happened. The question
then arose, how they could have happened. Not from mere military
license, for the discipline of the German Army is proverbially
stringent, and its obedience implicit. Not from any special ferocity of
the troops, for whoever has traveled among the German peasantry knows
that they are as kindly and good-natured as any people in Europe, and
those who can recall the war of 1870 will remember that no charges
resembling those proved by these depositions were then established. The
excesses recently committed in Belgium were, moreover too widespread and
too uniform in their character to be mere sporadic outbursts of passion
or rapacity.
The explanation seems to be that these excesses were committed--in some
cases ordered, in others allowed--on a system and in pursuance of a set
purpose. That purpose was to strike terror into the civil population and
dishearten the Belgian troops, so as to crush down resistance and
extinguish the very spirit of self-defense. The pretext that civilians
had fired upon the invading troops was used to justify not merely the
shooting of individual francs-tireurs, but the murder of large numbers
of innocent civilians, an act absolutely forbidden by the rules of
civilized warfare.[A]
[Footnote A: As to this, see, in appendix, the Rules of The Hague
Convention of 1907, to which Germany was a signatory.]
In the minds of Prussian officers war seems to have become a sort of
sacred mission, one of the highest functions of the omnipotent State,
which is itself as much an army as a State. Ordinary morality and the
ordinary sentiment of pity vanish in its presence, superseded by a new
standard, which justifies to the soldier every means that can conduce to
success, however shocking to a natural sense of justice and humanity,
however revolting to his own feelings. The spirit of war is deified.
Obedience to the State and its war lord leaves no room for any other
duty or feeling. Cruelty becomes legitimate when it promises victory.
Proclaimed by the heads of the army, this doctrine would seem to have
permeated the officers and affected even the private soldiers, leading
them to justify the killing of noncombatants as an act of war, and so
accustoming them to slaughter that even women and children become at
last the victims. It cannot be supposed to be a national doctrine, for
it neither springs from nor reflects the mind and feelings of the German
people as they have heretofore been known to other nations. It is a
specifically military doctrine, the outcome of a theory held by a ruling
caste who have brooded and thought, written and talked, and dreamed
about war until they have fallen under its obsession and been hypnotized
by its spirit.
The doctrine is plainly set forth in the German Official Monograph on
the usages of war on land, issued under the direction of the German
Staff. This book is pervaded throughout by the view that whatever
military needs suggest becomes thereby lawful, and upon this principle,
as the diaries show, the German officers acted.[A]
[Footnote A: "Kriegsbrauch im Landkriege," Berlin, 1902, in Vol. VI., in
the series entitled "Kriegsgeschichtliche Einzelschriften," published in
1905. A translation of this monograph, by Professor J.H. Morgan, has
recently been published.]
If this explanation be the true one, the mystery is solved, and that
which seemed scarcely credible becomes more intelligible, though not
less pernicious. This is not the only case that history records in which
a false theory, disguising itself as loyalty to a State or to a Church,
has perverted the conception of duty and become a source of danger to
the world.
PART II.
Having thus narrated the offenses committed in Belgium, which it has
been proper to consider as a whole, we now turn to another branch of the
subject, the breaches of the usages of war which appear in the conduct
of the German Army generally.
This branch has been considered under the following heads:
First.--The treatment of noncombatants, whether in Belgium or
in France, including--
(a) The killing of noncombatants in France;
(b) The treatment of women and children;
(c) The using of innocent noncombatants as a screen or shield
in the conduct of military operations;
(d) Looting, burning, and the wanton destruction of property.
Second.--Offenses committed in the course of ordinary military
operations which violate the usages of war and the provisions
of The Hague Convention.
This division includes:
_(a) Killing of wounded or prisoners;_
_(b) Firing on hospitals or on the Red Cross ambulances and
stretcher bearers;_
_(c) Abuse of the Red Cross or of the white flag._
TREATMENT OF THE CIVILIAN POPULATION.
(a) Killing of Noncombatants.
The killing of civilians in Belgium has been already described
sufficiently. Outrages on the civilian population of the invaded
districts, the burning of villages, the shooting of innocent
inhabitants, and the taking of hostages, pillage, and destruction
continued as the German armies passed into France. The diary of the
Saxon officer above referred to describes acts of this kind committed by
the German soldiers in advancing to the Aisne at the end of August and
after they had passed the French frontier, as well as when they were in
Belgian territory.
A proclamation, (a specimen of which was produced to the committee,)
issued at Rheims and placarded over the town, affords a clear
illustration of the methods adopted by the German Higher Command. The
population of Rheims is warned that on the slightest disturbance part or
the whole of the city will be burned to the ground and all the hostages
taken from the city (a long list of whom is given in the proclamation)
immediately shot.
The evidence, however, submitted to the committee with regard to the
conduct of the German Army in France is not nearly so full as that with
regard to Belgium. There is no body of civilian refugees in England, and
the French witnesses have generally laid their evidence before their own
Government. The evidence forwarded to us consists principally of the
statements of British officers and soldiers who took part in the retreat
after the battle of Mons and in the subsequent advance, following the
Germans from the Marne. The area covered is relatively small, and it is
from French reports that any complete account of what occurred in the
invaded districts in France as a whole must be obtained.
Naturally, soldiers in a foreign country, with which they were
unacquainted, cannot be expected always to give accurately the names of
villages through which they passed on their marches, but this does not
prevent their evidence from being definite as to what they actually saw
in the farms and houses where the German troops had recently been. Many
shocking outrages are recorded. Three examples may here suffice; others
are given in the appendix. A Sergeant who had been through the retreat
from Mons and then taken part in the advance from the Marne, and who had
been engaged in driving out some German troops from a village, states
that his troop halted outside a bakery just inside the village. It was a
private house where baking was done, "not like our bakeries here." Two
or three women were standing at the door. The women motioned them to
come into the house, as did also three civilian Frenchmen who were
there. They took them into a garden at the back of the house. At the end
of the garden was the bakery. They saw two old men between 60 and 70
years of age and one old woman lying close to each other in the garden.
All three had the scalps cut right through and the brains were hanging
out. They were still bleeding. Apparently they had only just been
killed. The three French civilians belonged to this same house. One of
them spoke a few words of English. He gave them to understand that these
three had been killed by the Germans because they had refused to bake
bread for them.
Another witness states that two German soldiers took hold of a young
civilian named D. and bound his hands behind his back, and struck him in
the face with their fists. They then tied his hands in front and
fastened the cord to the tail of the horse. The horse dragged him for
about fifty yards, and then the Germans loosened his hands and left him.
The whole of his face was cut and torn, and his arms and legs were
bruised. On the following day one of his sisters, whose husband was a
soldier, came to their house with her four children. His brother, who
was also married and who lived in a village near Valenciennes, went to
fetch the bread for his sister. On the way back to their house he met a
patrol of Uhlans, who took him to the market place at Valenciennes, and
then shot him. About twelve other civilians were also shot in the market
place. The Uhlans then burned nineteen houses in the village, and
afterward burned the corpses of the civilians, including that of his
brother. His father and his uncle afterward went to see the dead body of
his brother, but the German soldiers refused to allow them to pass.
A lance corporal in the Rifles, who was on patrol duty with five
privates during the retirement of the Germans after the Marne, states
that they entered a house in a small village and took ten Uhlans
prisoners, and then searched the house and found two women and two
children. One was dead, but the body not yet cold. The left arm had been
cut off just below the elbow. The floor was covered with blood. The
woman's clothing was disarranged. The other woman was alive but
unconscious. Her right leg had been cut off above the knee. There were
two little children, a boy about 4 or 5 and a girl of about 6 or 7. The
boy's left hand was cut off at the wrist and the girl's right hand at
the same place. They were both quite dead. The same witness states that
he saw several women and children lying dead in various other places,
but says he could not say whether this might not have been accidentally
caused in legitimate fighting.
The evidence before us proves that in the parts of France referred to
murder of unoffending civilians and other acts of cruelty, including
aggravated cases of rape, carried out under threat of death, and
sometimes actually followed by murder of the victim, were committed by
some of the German troops.
(b) The Treatment of Women and Children.
The evidence shows that the German authorities, when carrying out a
policy of systematic arson and plunder in selected districts, usually
drew some distinction between the adult male population on the one hand
and the women and children on the other. It was a frequent practice to
set apart the adult males of the condemned district with a view to the
execution of a suitable number--preferably of the younger and more
vigorous--and to reserve the women and children for milder treatment.
The depositions, however, present many instances of calculated cruelty,
often going the length of murder, toward the women and children of the
condemned area. We have already referred to the case of Aerschot, where
the women and children were herded in a church which had recently been
used as a stable, detained for forty-eight hours with no food other than
coarse bread, and denied the common decencies of life. At Dinant sixty
women and children were confined in the cellar of a convent from Sunday
morning till the following Friday, (Aug. 28,) sleeping on the ground,
for there were no beds, with nothing to drink during the whole period,
and given no food until the Wednesday, "when somebody threw into the
cellar two sticks of macaroni and a carrot for each prisoner." In other
cases the women and children were marched for long distances along
roads, (e.g., march of women from Louvain to Tirlemont, Aug. 28,) the
laggards pricked on by the attendant Uhlans. A lady complains of having
been brutally kicked by privates. Others were struck with the butt end
of rifles. At Louvain, at Liège, at Aerschot, at Malines, at Montigny,
at Andenne, and elsewhere, there is evidence that the troops were not
restrained from drunkenness, and drunken soldiers cannot to be trusted
to observe the rules or decencies of war, least of all when they are
called upon to execute a preordained plan of arson and pillage. From the
very first women were not safe. At Liège women and children were chased
about the streets by soldiers. A witness gives a story, very
circumstantial in its details, of how women were publicly raped in the
market place of the city, five young German officers assisting. At
Aerschot men and women were deliberately shot when coming out of burning
houses. At Liège, Louvain, Sempst, and Malines women were burned to
death, either because they were surprised and stupefied by the fumes of
the conflagration or because they were prevented from escaping by German
soldiers. Witnesses recount how a great crowd of men, women, and
children from Aerschot were marched to Louvain, and then suddenly
exposed to a fire from a mitrailleuse and rifles. "We were all placed,"
recounts a sufferer, "in Station Street, Louvain, and the German
soldiers fired on us. I saw the corpses of some women in the street. I
fell down, and a woman who had been shot fell on top of me." Women and
children suddenly turned out into the streets, and, compelled to witness
the destruction by fire of their homes, provided a sad spectacle to such
as were sober enough to see. A humane German officer, witnessing the
ruin of Aerschot, exclaims in disgust: "I am a father myself, and I
cannot bear this. It is not war, but butchery." Officers as well as men
succumbed to the temptation of drink, with results which may be
illustrated by an incident which occurred at Campenhout. In this village
there was a certain well-to-do merchant (name given) who had a good
cellar of champagne. On the afternoon of the 14th or 15th of August
three German cavalry officers entered the house and demanded champagne.
Having drunk ten bottles and invited five or six officers and three or
four private soldiers to join them, they continued their carouse, and
then called for the master and mistress of the house.
"Immediately my mistress came in," says the valet de chambre,
"one of the officers who was sitting on the floor got up, and,
putting a revolver to my mistress temple, shot her dead. The
officer was obviously drunk. The other officers continued to
drink and sing, and they did not pay great attention to the
killing of my mistress. The officer who shot my mistress then
told my master to dig a grave and bury my mistress. My master
and the officer went into the garden, the officer threatening
my master with a pistol. My master was then forced to dig the
grave and to bury the body of my mistress in it. I cannot say
for what reason they killed my mistress. The officer who did
it was singing all the time."
In the evidence before us there are cases tending to show that
aggravated crimes against women were sometimes severely punished. One
witness reports that a young girl who was being pursued by a drunken
soldier at Louvain appealed to a German officer, and that the offender
was then and there shot. Another describes how an officer of the
Thirty-second Regiment of the Line was led out to execution for the
violation of two young girls, but reprieved at the request or with the
consent of the girls' mother. These instances are sufficient to show
that the maltreatment of women was no part of the military scheme of the
invaders, however much it may appear to have been the inevitable result
of the system of terror deliberately adopted in certain regions. Indeed,
so much is avowed. "I asked the commander why we had been spared," says
a lady in Louvain, who deposes to having suffered much brutal treatment
during the sack. He said: "We will not hurt you any more. Stay in
Louvain. All is finished." It was Saturday, Aug. 29, and the reign of
terror was over.
Apart from the crimes committed in special areas and belonging to a
scheme of systematic reprisals for the alleged shooting by civilians,
there is evidence of offenses committed against women and children by
individual soldiers, or by small groups of soldiers, both in the advance
through Belgium and France as in the retreat from the Marne. Indeed, the
discipline appears to have been loose during the retreat, and there is
evidence as to the burning of villages and the murder and violation of
their female inhabitants during this episode of the war.
In this tale of horrors hideous forms of mutilation occur with some
frequency in the depositions, two of which may be connected in some
instances with a perverted form of sexual instinct.
A third form of mutilation, the cutting of one or both hands, is
frequently said to have taken place. In some cases where this form of
mutilation is alleged to have occurred it may be the consequence of a
cavalry charge up a village street, hacking and slashing at everything
in the way; in others the victim may possibly have held a weapon; in
others the motive may have been the theft of rings.
We find many well-established cases of the slaughter (often accompanied
by mutilation) of whole families, including not infrequently that of
quite small children. In two cases it seems to be clear that
preparations were made to burn a family alive. These crimes were
committed over a period of many weeks and simultaneously in many places,
and the authorities must have known, or ought to have known, that
cruelties of this character were being perpetrated; nor can any one
doubt that they could have been stopped by swift and decisive action on
the part of the heads of the German Army.
The use of women and even children as a screen for the protection of the
German troops is referred to in a later part of this report. From the
number of troops concerned, it must have been commanded or acquiesced in
by officers, and in some cases the presence and connivance of officers
is proved.
The cases of violation, sometimes under threat of death, are numerous
and clearly proved. We referred here to comparatively few out of the
many that have been placed in the appendix, because the circumstances
are in most instances much the same. They were often accompanied with
cruelty, and the slaughter of women after violation is more than once
credibly attested.
It is quite possible that in some cases where the body of a Belgian or a
French woman is reported as lying on the roadside pierced with bayonet
wounds or hanging naked from a tree, or else as lying gashed and
mutilated in a cottage kitchen or bedroom, the woman in question gave
some provocation. She may by act or word have irritated her assailant
and in certain instances evidence has been supplied both as to the
provocation offered and as to the retribution inflicted.
(1) "Just before we got to Melen," says a witness who had
fallen into the hands of the Germans on Aug. 5, "I saw a woman
with a child in her arms standing on the side of the road on
our left-hand side watching the soldiers go by. Her name was
G., aged about 63, and a neighbor of mine. The officer asked
the woman for some water in good French. She went inside her
son's cottage to get some and brought it immediately he had
stopped. The officer went into the cottage garden and drank
the water. The woman then said, when she saw the prisoners,
'Instead of giving you water you deserve to be shot.' The
officer shouted to us, 'March.' We went on, and immediately I
saw the officer draw his revolver and shoot the woman and
child. One shot killed both."
Two old men and one old woman refused to bake bread for the
Germans. They were butchered.
Aug. 23--I went with two friends (names given) to see what we
could see. About three hours out of Malines we were taken
prisoners by a German patrol--an officer and six men--and
marched off into a little wood of saplings, where there was a
house. The officer spoke Flemish. He knocked at the door; the
peasant did not come. The officer ordered the soldiers to
break down the door, which two of them did. The peasant came
and asked what they were doing. The officer said he did not
come quickly enough and that they had "trained up" plenty of
others. His hands were tied behind his back, and he was
shot at once without a moment's delay. The wife came out
with a little sucking child. She put the child down and sprang
at the Germans like a lioness. She clawed their faces. One of
the Germans took a rifle and struck her a tremendous blow with
the butt on the head. Another took his bayonet and fixed it
and thrust it through the child. He then put his rifle on his
shoulder with the child upon it; its little arms stretched out
once or twice. The officers ordered the houses to be set on
fire, and straw was obtained and it was done. The man and his
wife and the child were thrown on the top of the straw. There
were about forty other peasant prisoners there also, and the
officer said: "I am doing this as a lesson and example to you.
When a German tells you to do something next time you must
move more quickly." The regiment of Germans was a regiment of
Hussars, with crossbones and a death's head on the cap.
[Illustration: BARON STEPHAN BURIAN VON RAJECZ
The Hungarian Who Succeeded Count Berchtold as Austro-Hungarian Foreign
Minister and President of the Common Ministerial Council]
[Illustration: H.M. FERDINAND I.
The New King of Rumania, in succession to his uncle the late King
Charles I.
_(Photo from P.S. Rogers.)_]
Can any one think that such acts as these, committed by women in the
circumstances created by the invasion of Belgium, were deserving of the
extreme form of vengeance attested by these and other depositions?
In considering the question of provocation it is pertinent to take into
account the numerous cases in which old women and very small children
have been shot, bayoneted, and even mutilated. Whatever excuse may be
offered by the Germans for the killing of grown-up women, there can be
no possible defense for the murder of children, and if it can be shown
that infants and small children were not infrequently bayoneted and shot
it is a fair inference that many of the offenses against women require
no explanation more recondite than the unbridled violence of brutal or
drunken criminals.
It is clearly shown that many offenses were committed against infants
and quite young children. On one occasion children were even roped
together and used as a military screen against the enemy; on another
three soldiers went into action carrying small children to protect
themselves from flank fire. A shocking case of the murder of a baby by a
drunken soldier at Malines is thus recorded by one eyewitness and
confirmed by another:
"One day when the Germans were not actually bombarding the
town I left my house to go to my mother's house in High
Street. My husband was with me. I saw eight German soldiers,
and they were drunk. They were singing and making a lot of
noise and dancing about. As the German soldiers came along the
street I saw a small child, whether boy or girl I could not
see, come out of a house. The child was about two years of
age. The child came into the middle of the street so as to be
in the way of the soldiers. The soldiers were walking in twos.
The first line of two passed the child. One of the second
line, the man on the left, stepped aside and drove his bayonet
with both hands into the child's stomach, lifting the child
into the air on his bayonet and carrying it away on his
bayonet, he and his comrades still singing. The child screamed
when the soldier struck it with his bayonet but not
afterward."
These, no doubt, were for the most part the acts of drunken soldiers,
but an incident has been recorded which discloses the fact that even
sober and highly placed officers were not always disposed to place a
high value on child life. Thus the General, wishing to be conducted to
the Town Hall at Lebbeke, remarked in French to his guide, who was
accompanied by a small boy: "If you do not show me the right way I will
shoot you and your boy." There was no need to carry the threat into
execution, but that the threat should have been made is significant.
We cannot tell whether these acts of cruelty to children were part of
the scheme for inducing submission by inspiring terror. In Louvain,
where the system of terrorizing was carried to the furthest limit,
outrages on children were uncommon. The same, however, cannot be said of
some of the smaller villages which were subjected to the system. In
Hofstade and Sempst, in Haecht, Rotselaer, and Wespelaer, many children
were murdered. Nor can it be said of the village of Tamines, where three
small children (whose names are given by an eye witness of the crime)
were slaughtered on the green for no apparent motive. It is difficult
to imagine the motives which may have prompted such acts. Whether or no
Belgian civilians fired on German soldiers, young children at any rate
did not fire. The number and character of these murders constitute the
most distressing feature connected with the conduct of the war so far as
it is revealed in the depositions submitted to the committee.
(c) The Use of Civilians as Screens.
We have before us a considerable body of evidence with reference to the
practice of the Germans of using civilians and sometimes military
prisoners as screens from behind which they could fire upon the Belgian
troops, in the hope that the Belgians would not return the fire for fear
of killing or wounding their own fellow-countrymen.
In some cases this evidence refers to places where fighting was actually
going on in the streets of a town or village, and to these cases we
attach little importance. It might well happen when terrified civilians
were rushing about to seek safety that groups of them might be used as a
screen by either side of the combatants without any intention of
inhumanity or of any breach of the rules of civilized warfare. But,
setting aside these doubtful cases, there remains evidence which
satisfies us that on so many occasions as to justify its being described
as a practice the German soldiers, under the eyes and by the direction
of their officers, were guilty of this act.
Thus, for instance, outside Fort Fléron, near Liège, men and children
were marched in front of the Germans to prevent the Belgian soldiers
from firing.
The progress of the Germans through Mons was marked by many incidents of
this character. Thus, on Aug. 22 half a dozen Belgian colliers returning
from work were marching in front of some German troops who were pursuing
the English, and in the opinion of the witnesses they must have been
placed there intentionally. An English officer describes how he caused a
barricade to be erected in a main thoroughfare leading out of Mons when
the Germans, in order to reach a crossroad in the rear, fetched
civilians out of the houses on each side of the main road and compelled
them to hold up white flags and act as cover.
Another British officer who saw this incident is convinced that the
Germans were acting deliberately for the purpose of protecting
themselves from the fire of the British troops. Apart from this
protection the Germans could not have advanced, as the street was
straight and commanded by the British rifle fire at a range of 700 or
800 yards. Several British soldiers also speak to this incident, and
their story is confirmed by a Flemish witness in a side street.
On Aug. 24 men, women, and children were actually pushed into the front
of the German position outside Mons. The witness speaks of 16 to 20
women, about a dozen children, and half a dozen men being there.
Seven or eight women and five or six very young children were utilized
in this way by some Uhlans between Landrécies and Guise.
A Belgian soldier saw an incident of this character during the retreat
from Namur.
At the battle of Malines 60 or 80 Belgian civilians, among whom were
some women, were driven before the German troops. Another witness saw a
similar incident near Malines, but a much larger number of civilians was
involved, and a priest was in front with a white flag.
In another instance, related by a Belgian soldier, the civilians were
tied by the wrists in groups.
At Eppeghem, where the Germans were driven back by the Belgian sortie
from Antwerp, civilians were used as a cover for the German retreat.
Near Malines, early in September, about 10 children, roped together,
were driven in front of a German force.
At Londerzeel 30 or 40 civilians, men, women, and children, were placed
at the head of a German column.
One witness from Termonde was made to stand in front of the Germans,
together with others, all with their hands above their heads. Those who
allowed their hands to drop were at once prodded with the bayonet.
Again, at Termonde, about Sept. 10, a number of civilians were shot by
the Belgian soldiers, who were compelled to fire at the Germans, taking
the risk of killing their own countrymen.
At Tournai 400 Belgian civilians, men, women, and children, were placed
in front of the Germans, who then engaged the French.
The operations outside Antwerp were not free from incidents of this
character. Near Willebroeck some civilians, including a number of
children, a woman, and one old man, were driven in front of the German
troops. German officers were present, and one woman who refused to
advance was stabbed twice with the bayonet, and a little child who ran
up to her as she fell had half its head blown away by a shot from a
rifle.
Other incidents of the same kind are reported from Nazareth and Ypres.
The British troops were compelled to fire, in some cases at the risk of
killing civilians.
At Ypres the Germans drove women in front of them by pricking them with
bayonets. The wounds were afterward seen by the witness.
(d) Looting, Burning, and Destruction of Property.
There is an overwhelming mass of evidence of the deliberate destruction
of private property by the German soldiers. The destruction in most
cases was effected by fire, and the German troops, as will be seen from
earlier passages in the report, had been provided beforehand with
appliances for rapidly setting fire to houses. Among the appliances
enumerated by witnesses are syringes for squirting petrol, guns for
throwing small inflammable bombs, and small pellets made of inflammable
material. Specimens of the last mentioned have been shown to members of
the committee. Besides burning houses, the Germans frequently smashed
furniture and pictures; they also broke in doors and windows.
Frequently, too, they defiled houses by relieving the wants of nature
upon the floor. They also appear to have perpetrated the same vileness
upon piled up heaps of provisions so as to destroy what they could not
themselves consume. They also on numerous occasions threw corpses into
wells, or left in them the bodies of persons murdered by drowning.
In addition to these acts of destruction the German troops, both in
Belgium and France, are proved to have been guilty of persistent
looting. In the majority of cases the looting took place from houses,
but there is also evidence that German soldiers and even officers robbed
their prisoners, both civil and military, of sums of money and other
portable possessions. It was apparently well known throughout the German
Army that towns and villages would be burned whenever it appeared that
any civilians had fired upon the German troops, and there is reason to
suspect that this known intention of the German military authorities in
some cases explains the sequence of events which led up to the burning
and sacking of a town or village. The soldiers, knowing that they would
have an opportunity of plunder if the place was condemned, had a motive
for arranging some incident which would provide the necessary excuse for
condemnation. More than one witness alleges that shots coming from the
window of a house were fired by German soldiers who had forced their way
into the house for the purpose of thus creating an alarm. It is also
alleged that German soldiers on some occasions merely fired their rifles
in the air in a side street and then reported to their officers that
they had been fired at. On the report that firing had taken place orders
were given for wholesale destruction, and houses were destroyed in
streets and districts where there was no allegation that firing had
taken place, as well as in those where the charge arose. That the
destruction could have been limited is proved by the care taken to
preserve particular houses whose occupants had made themselves in one
way or another agreeable to the conquerors. These houses were marked in
chalk, ordering them to be spared, and spared they were.
The above statements have reference to the burning of towns and
villages. In addition, the German troops in numerous instances have set
fire to farmhouses and farm buildings. Here, however, the plea of
military necessity can more safely be alleged. A farmhouse may afford
convenient shelter to an enemy, and where such use is probable it may be
urged that the destruction of the buildings is justifiable. It is
clearly, however, the duty of the soldiers who destroy the buildings to
give reasonable warning to the occupants so that they may escape.
Doubtless this was in many cases done by the German commanders, but
there is testimony that in some cases the burning of the farmhouse was
accompanied by the murder of the inhabitants.
The same fact stands out clearly in the more extensive burning of houses
in towns and villages. In some cases, indeed, as a prelude to the
burning, inhabitants were cleared out of their houses and driven along
the streets, often with much accompanying brutality--some to a place of
execution, others to prolonged detention in a church or other public
buildings. In other cases witnesses assert that they saw German soldiers
forcing back into the flames men, women, and children who were trying to
escape from the burning houses. There is also evidence that soldiers
deliberately shot down civilians as they fled from the fire.
The general conclusion is that the burning and destruction of property
which took place was only in a very small minority of cases justified by
military necessity, and that even then the destruction was seldom
accompanied by that care for the lives of noncombatants which has
hitherto been expected from a military commander belonging to a
civilized nation. On the contrary, it is plain that in many cases German
officers and soldiers deliberately added to the sufferings of the
unfortunate people whose property they were destroying.
OFFENSES AGAINST COMBATANTS.
_(a) The Killing of the Wounded and of Prisoners._
In dealing with the treatment of the wounded and of prisoners and the
cases in which the former appear to have been killed when helpless, and
the latter at, or after, the moment of capture, we are met by some
peculiar difficulties, because such acts may not in all cases be
deliberate and cold-blooded violations of the usages of war. Soldiers
who are advancing over a spot where the wounded have fallen may
conceivably think that some of these lying prostrate are shamming dead,
or, at any rate, are so slightly wounded as to be able to attack or to
fire from behind when the advancing force has passed, and thus they may
be led into killing those whom they would otherwise have spared. There
will also be instances in which men intoxicated with the frenzy of
battle slay even those whom on reflection they might have seen to be
incapable of further harming them. The same kind of fury may vent itself
on persons who are already surrendering, and even a soldier who is
usually self-controlled or humane may, in the heat of the moment, go on
killing, especially in a general mêlée, those who were offering to
surrender. This is most likely to happen when such a soldier has been
incensed by an act of treachery or is stirred to revenge by the death of
a comrade to whom he is attached. Some cases of this kind appear in the
evidence. Such things happen in a1l wars as isolated instances, and the
circumstances may be pleaded in extenuation of acts otherwise shocking.
We have made due allowance for these considerations and have rejected
those cases in which there is a reasonable doubt as to whether those who
killed the wounded knew that the latter were completely disabled.
Nevertheless, after making all allowances, there remain certain
instances in which it is clear that quarter was refused to persons
desiring to surrender when it ought to have been given, or that persons
already so wounded as to be incapable of fighting further were wantonly
shot or bayoneted.
The cases to which references are given all present features generally
similar, and in several of them men who had been left wounded in the
trenches when a trench was carried by the enemy were found, when their
comrades subsequently retook the trench, to have been slaughtered,
although evidently helpless, or else they would have escaped with the
rest of the retreating force. For instance, a witness says:
"About Sept. 20 our regiment took part in an engagement with
the Germans. After we had retired into our trenches, a few
minutes after we got back into them, the Germans retired into
their trenches. The distance between the trenches of the
opposing forces was about 400 yards. I should say about fifty
or sixty of our men had been left lying on the field from our
trenches. After we got back to them I distinctly saw German
soldiers come out of their trenches, go over the spots where
our men were lying, and bayonet them. Some of our men were
lying nearly half way between the trenches."
Another says:
"The Germans advanced over the trenches of the headquarters
trench, where I had been on guard for three days. When the
Germans reached our wounded I saw their officer using his
sword to cut them down."
Another witness says:
"Outside Ypres we were in trenches and were attacked, and had
to retire until reinforced by other companies of the Royal
Fusiliers. Then we took the trenches and found the wounded,
between twenty and thirty, lying in the trenches with bayonet
wounds, and some shot. Most of them, say three-quarters, had
their throats cut."
In one case, given very circumstantially, a witness tells how a party of
wounded British soldiers were left in a chalk pit, all very badly hurt,
and quite unable to make resistance. One of them, an officer, held up
his handkerchief as a white flag, and this
"attracted the attention of a party of about eight Germans.
The Germans came to the edge of the pit. It was getting dusk,
but the light was still good, and everything clearly
discernible. One of them, who appeared to be carrying no arms
and who, at any rate, had no rifle, came a few feet down the
slope into the chalk pit, within eight or ten yards of some of
the wounded men."
He looked at the men, laughed, and said something in German to the
Germans who were waiting on the edge of the pit. Immediately one of them
fired at the officer, then three or four of these ten soldiers were
shot, then another officer and the witness, and the rest of them.
"After an interval of some time I sat up and found that I was
the only man of the ten who were living when the Germans came
into the pit remaining alive and that all the rest were dead."
Another witness describes a painful case in which five soldiers, two
Belgians and three French, were tied to trees by German soldiers
apparently drunk, who stuck knives in their faces, pricked them with
their bayonets, and ultimately shot them.
We have no evidence to show whether and in what cases orders proceeded
from the officer in command to give no quarter, but there are some
instances in which persons obviously desiring to surrender were,
nevertheless, killed.
_(b) Firing on Hospitals or on the Red Cross Ambulances or Stretcher
Bearers._
This subject may conveniently be divided into three subdivisions,
namely, firing on--
(1) Hospital buildings and other Red Cross establishments.
(2) Ambulances.
(3) Stretcher bearers.
Under the first and second categories there is obvious difficulty in
proving intention, especially under the conditions of modern long-range
artillery fire. A commanding officer's duty is to give strict orders to
respect hospitals, ambulances, &c., and also to place Red Cross units as
far away as possible from any legitimate line of fire. But with all care
some accidents must happen, and many reported cases will be ambiguous.
At the same time, when military observers have formed a distinct opinion
that buildings and persons under the recognizable protection of the Red
Cross were willfully fired upon, such opinions cannot be disregarded.
Between thirty and forty of the depositions submitted related to this
offense. This number does not in itself seem so great as to be
inconsistent with the possibility of accident.
In one case a Red Cross depôt was shelled on most days throughout the
week. This is hardly reconcilable with the enemy's gunners having taken
any care to avoid it.
There are other cases of conspicuous hospitals being shelled, in the
witnesses' opinion, purposely.
In one of these the witness, a Sergeant Major, makes a suggestion which
appears plausible, namely, that the German gunners use any conspicuous
building as a mark to verify their ranges rather than for the purpose of
destruction. It would be quite according to the modern system of what
German writers call _Kriegsräson_ to hold that the convenience of
range-finding is a sufficient military necessity to justify disregarding
any immunity conferred on a building by the Red Cross or otherwise. In
any case, artillery fire on a hospital at such a moderate range as about
1,000 yards can hardly be thought accidental.
(2) As to firing on ambulances, the evidence is more explicit.
In one case the witness is quite clear that the ambulances were aimed
at.
In another case of firing at an ambulance train the range was quite
short.
In another a Belgian Red Cross party is stated to have been ambushed.
On the whole we do not find proof of a general or systematic firing on
hospitals or ambulances; but it is not possible to believe that much
care was taken to avoid this.
(3) As to firing on stretcher bearers in the course of trench warfare,
the testimony is abundant, and the facts do not seem explicable by
accident. It may be that sometimes the bearers were suspected of seeing
too much; and it is plain from the general military policy of the German
armies that very slight suspicion would be acted on in case of doubt.
_(c) Abuse of the Red Cross and of the White Flag._
THE RED CROSS.
Cases of the Red Cross being abused are much more definite.
There are several accounts of fire being opened, sometimes at very short
range, by machine guns which had been disguised in a German Red Cross
ambulance or car. This was aggravated in one case near Tirlemont by the
German soldiers wearing Belgian uniforms.
Witness speaks also of a stretcher party with the Red Cross being used
to cover an attack and of a German Red Cross man working a machine gun.
There is also a well-attested case of a Red Cross motor car being used
to carry ammunition under command of officers.
Unless all these statements are willfully false, which the committee
sees no reason to believe, these acts must have been deliberate, and it
does not seem possible that a Red Cross car could be equipped with a
machine gun by soldiers acting without orders. There is also one case of
firing from a cottage where the Red Cross flag was flying, and this
could not be accidental.
On the whole, there is distinct evidence of the Red Cross having been
deliberately misused for offensive purposes, and seemingly under orders,
on some, though not many, occasions.
ABUSE OF THE WHITE FLAG.
Cases of this kind are numerous. It is possible that a small group of
men may show a white flag without authority from any proper officer, in
which case their action is, of course, not binding on the rest of the
platoon or other unit. But this will not apply to the case of a whole
unit advancing as if to surrender, or letting the other side advance to
receive the pretended surrender and then opening fire. Under this head
we find many depositions by British soldiers and several by officers. In
some cases the firing was from a machine gun brought up under cover of
the white flag.
The depositions taken by Professor Morgan in France strongly corroborate
the evidence collected in this country.
The case numbered h 70 may be noted as very clearly stated. The Germans,
who had "put up a white flag on a lance and ceased fire," and thereby
induced a company to advance in order to take them prisoners, "dropped
the white flag and opened fire at a distance of 100 yards." This was
near Nesle, on Sept. 6, 1914. It seems clearly proved that in some
divisions at least of the German Army this practice is very common. The
incidents as reported cannot be explained by unauthorized surrenders of
small groups.
There is, in our opinion, sufficient evidence that these offenses have
been frequent, deliberate, and in many cases committed by whole units
under orders. All the acts mentioned in this part of the report are in
contravention of The Hague Convention, signed by the great powers,
including France, Germany, Great Britain, and the United States, in
1907, as may be seen by a reference to Appendix D, in which the
provisions of that convention relating to the conduct of war on land are
set forth.
CONCLUSIONS.
From the foregoing pages it will be seen that the committee have come to
a definite conclusion upon each of the heads under which the evidence
has been classified.
It is proved--
(i.) That there were in many parts of Belgium deliberate and
systematically organized massacres of the civil population,
accompanied by many isolated murders and other outrages.
(ii.) That in the conduct of the war generally innocent
civilians, both men and women, were murdered in large numbers,
women violated, and children murdered.
(iii.) That looting, house burning, and the wanton destruction
of property were ordered and countenanced by the officers of
the German Army, that elaborate provision had been made for
systematic incendiarism at the very outbreak of the war, and
that the burnings and destruction were frequent where no
military necessity could be alleged, being indeed part of a
system of general terrorization.
(iv.) That the rules and usages of war were frequently broken,
particularly by the using of civilians, including women and
children, as a shield for advancing forces exposed to fire, to
a less degree by killing the wounded and prisoners, and in the
frequent abuse of the Red Cross and the white flag.
Sensible as they are of the gravity of these conclusions the committee
conceive that they would be doing less than their duty if they failed to
record them as fully established by the evidence. Murder, lust, and
pillage prevailed over many parts of Belgium on a scale unparalleled in
any war between civilized nations during the last three centuries.
Our function is ended when we have stated what the evidence establishes,
but we may be permitted to express our belief that these disclosures
will not have been made in vain if they touch and rouse the conscience
of mankind, and we venture to hope that as soon as the present war is
over the nations of the world in council will consider what means can be
provided and sanctions devised to prevent the recurrence of such horrors
as our generation is now witnessing.
We are, &c.,
BRYCE,
F. POLLOCK,
EDWARD CLARKE,
KENELM E. DIGBY,
ALFRED HOPKINSON,
H.A.L. FISHER,
HAROLD COX.
SCRIABIN'S LAST WORDS.
[From The London Times, May 1, 1915.]
M. Briantchaninov, an intimate friend of Scriabin, telegraphed the news
of the composer's death to a friend in England. He stated that Scriabin
died of the disease of the lip from which he was suffering when in
England last year, and that he had just finished the "wonderful poetical
text" of the prologue to his "Mystery." When Scriabin was suffering
terrible pain just before his death he clenched his hands and his last
words were: "I must be self-possessed, like Englishmen."
M. Briantchaninov is collecting a fund for Scriabin's children, and he
suggests that possibly "some English friends and admirers" may care to
contribute.
Chronology of the War
Showing Progress of Campaigns on All Fronts and Collateral Events From
March 31, 1915, Up to and Including April 30, 1915
[Continued from the May number.]
CAMPAIGN IN EASTERN EUROPE
April 1--Russians take up lively offensive in Central Poland, seeking
to prevent reinforcements being sent to the Carpathians; they halt a
raid from Bukowina; Austrians drive back Russians near Inowlodz, on the
Pilica River; Germans check night attempt of Russians to cross the Rawka
River; German bombardment of Ossowetz has been abandoned; cold weather
is favoring German operations in East Prussia; German Headquarters Staff
reports that in March the German Eastern army took 55,800 Russian
prisoners, 9 cannon, and 61 machine guns.
April 2--Russians take the offensive along their whole front from the
Baltic Sea to Rumanian border; they are reported to be concentrating an
enormous force on the coast of Finland to prevent any attempt at a
German landing; Germans in Poland are being pushed back to the East
Prussian border; Russians capture another strongly fortified ridge in
the Carpathians, scaling ice-covered hills to do it; vast bodies of
Russian cavalry are held in readiness for a sweep across the plains of
Hungary; main Austrian Army in Bukowina is falling back; Russians now
stand upon last heights of the main chain of Beskid Mountains; Austrians
repulse Russian attacks east of Beskid Pass; Russians drive back Germans
to the east of Pilwiszka; Austrians repulse Russian attacks between the
Pruth and Dniester Rivers.
April 3--Fighting in the Carpathians continues night and day along a
forty-mile front; Russians are making gains and pressing Austrians hard;
Germans are pouring reinforcements into Hungary to support Austrians;
Austrians gain in Bukowina; Austrians are trying to cut off Montenegro
from all communication with the outside world and starve her into
submission.
April 4--Austrians retreat from the Beskid region after Russian success;
Austrians make progress in the Laborcza Valley; fighting has been going
on for twenty-four continuous hours on both sides of the Dukla Pass;
Germans repulse Russian attacks near Augustowo.
April 5--Russians continue to make steady progress in the Carpathians;
they are now on the Hungarian side of both the Dukla and Lupkow Passes
and are making advances on the heights which dominate Uzsok Pass;
Russians gain in Bukowina and in North Poland.
April 6--Russians continue their great offensive in the Carpathians;
Austrians are retreating at some points and burning their bridges behind
them; Russians make progress in direction of Rostok Pass; German
reinforcements are being rushed from Flanders to Austria via Munich;
Austrian and German troops take strong Russian positions east of
Laborcza Valley; Russians have been repulsed in an attempt to cross to
the left bank of the Dniester River southwest of Uscie-Diekupie;
Austrian artillery is bombarding Serbian towns on the Danube and the
Save.
April 7--Russians continue offensive between the River Toplia and the
Uzsok Pass region; Austrians take guns and war material on the heights
east of the Laborcza Valley; Austrians bombard Belgrade; Austrians win
ground along the River Pruth; Austrians are reported to have passed the
Dniester and to be advancing on Kamenitz Podolsky, in Russian territory.
April 8--Russian advance in the Carpathians cuts one Austrian army in
two; Russians capture Smolnik, east of Lupkow Pass; fierce fighting is
going on in the mountain passes.
April 9--The whole southern slope of the Carpathians has been strongly
fortified by the Austrians; twenty-four Austrian and six German army
corps are stated to be now facing the Russians.
April 10--Russians begin attack on German forces which hold the hills
from Uzsok Pass eastward to Beskid Pass; Russians make gains in the
direction of Rostok; the general Russian offensive continues on the
Niznia-Destuszica-Volestate-Bukowecz line; in places in the Carpathians
the Russians are progressing through seven feet of snow; Austro-German
forces repulse a strong Russian attack in the Opor Valley.
April 11--All the main ridges of the Carpathians are now in
the hands of the Russians, who hold the eighty-mile front
Uzsok-Mezo-Laborcza-Bartfeld, with the head sections of five main
railways; at some points the Russians are descending the southern slopes
and are approaching the Uzsok Valley.
April 12--Germans repulse Russian attack near Kaziouwka, Russians losing
heavily; artillery duels are in progress near Ossowetz and in the region
of Edvabno; German attack on village of Szafranki is repulsed;
Austro-Germans still hold the Uzsok Pass; they repulse Russian attacks
east of there.
April 13--Large German reinforcements are being sent to the Austrians;
280,000 Germans, comprising seven army corps, are co-operating with the
Austrians in a formidable attack on the left wing of the Russian army
which is invading Hungary; Austrian Embassy at Washington gives out an
official bulletin from Vienna saying the Russian advance in the
Carpathians is halted; heavy fighting is in progress in the
Bartfeld-Stryi region; Russians advance on both banks of the Ondawa, and
gain success in direction of Uzsok, capturing certain heights;
Austro-German forces strongly attack the heights south of Koziouwa, but
are repulsed; Russians repel German attacks on the front west of the
Niemen; Ossowetz is again bombarded by the Germans; fierce fighting is
on in Bukowina.
April 14--After a twelve-hour battle the Austrians retreat precipitately
from a strong position at Mezo Laborcz, on Hungarian side of the East
Beskid Mountains; the whole main front in this district is in Russian
hands; Austro-German forces are contesting stubbornly every foot of the
German advance along the front from Bartfeld to Stryi; Austrians are
trying to penetrate into Russian territory from Bukowina; Germans are
active in Poland; Germans attack the town of Chafranka, on the Skwa
River, near Ostrolenka; it is stated at Petrograd that 4,000,000
combatants, including both sides, are now engaged along the Carpathians.
April 15--Russians crush fierce counter-attack against their left wing
in the Carpathians made by picked Bavarian infantry; Russians repulse an
attack by Austrians on the extreme east; Austrians defeat Russians near
Oiezkowice, on the Biala.
April 16--War correspondents at Austrian headquarters, in summing up the
result of the fighting in the Carpathians, say that the Russian loss has
been 500,000, and that the backbone of the invading army is broken;
Germans prepare to attack along an 800-mile Russian front.
April 17--The melting of the snow in the Carpathians, resulting in
overflowing streams and rivers and in seas of mud, is stopping various
intended movements on both sides; artillery engagements are in progress
in Southeast Galicia and Bukowina; Russians repulse attacks in the
direction of Stryi; Russian Emperor leaves for the front.
April 18--In a review of the Carpathian campaign issued by Russian
General Headquarters it is stated that since the beginning of March
Russian troops have carried by storm 75 miles of the principal chain of
the Carpathians, have taken 70,000 prisoners, 30 field guns, and 200
machine guns; fighting in the Carpathians on main line of Russian
advance is now concentrated on the narrow section between the villages
of Telepoche and Zuella; Russians gain on the heights of Telepotch;
artillery duels continue in Southeast Galicia.
April 20--Russians repulse vigorous German attack east of Telepotch and
Polen; severe fighting for the height near Oravozil is in progress, the
Russians reoccupying it by a desperate assault after losing it earlier
in the day; 600,000 Austro-German troops are now engaged over an
irregular line between the Lupkow and Uzsok Passes.
April 21--Austrians repel, after several days' fighting, a strong
Russian attack on the extreme wings of the Austrian forces in the wooded
mountains near Laborcza and the Ung Valley; Austrians still hold Uzsok
Pass; Russians repulse Austrian attack in Western Galicia near Gorlitz;
Russians check an Austrian counter-attack against the heights of Polen;
the counter-attack of General Litzinger's Bavarian army against Russian
left wing in the Carpathian position has now been definitely halted;
nevertheless the Russian advance in the Carpathians has now apparently
come to a full stop; Russians reoccupy the hill village of Oravtchik.
April 22--Russians defeat Austrians in bayonet fighting on the Bukowina
front; artillery duels are in progress in Russian Poland and Western
Galicia; Austrians repulse Russian attacks on both sides of the Uzsok
Pass, taking 1,200 prisoners; Russians check attempted Austrian
outflanking movements on the central Carpathian front; in Galicia an
Austro-German army, defeated by Russians, is falling back.
April 23--Austrians have success in artillery duel in the sector of
Nagypolany; Russians gain in the direction of Lutovisk; a strong force
of Russian cavalry invades East Prussia near Memel, the seaport at the
northern extremity of the province, and is threatening the German left
flank; Russians make gains in the region of Telepotch and at Sianka;
Austrians repulse several day attacks at points near Uzsok Pass; heavy
artillery engagements are being fought in the region of this pass.
April 25--Austro-German troops take by storm Ostry Mountain, in the
Orava Valley, in the Carpathians, to the south of Koziouwa; the mountain
is 3,500 feet high, with precipitous sides, and the Russians believed
their fortifications had made it impregnable; this victory gives the
Austrians command of the Orava Valley and allows them to advance their
lines east of Uzsok Pass eleven miles into Galician territory; Russian
artillery repulses a German attack between Kalwaya and Ludwinow in
Prussian Poland; heavy fighting continues in the Carpathians in the
Uzsok Pass region, the Austrians having brought up fresh units of heavy
artillery.
April 26--Russian counter-attacks on the height of Ostry are beaten off;
Austrians capture twenty-six Russian trenches; Austrians gain ground
south of Koziouwa; artillery duel is being fought on the Dniester in
Bukowina.
April 27--Russians have begun another strong offensive around the
heights of Uzsok Pass; Austro-German casualties there in two days are
estimated by Russians at 20,000; Russians repel Austrian attacks on the
heights to the northeast of Oroszepatak; Russians are concentrating at
Bojan, Northern Bukowina.
April 28--Heavy fighting continues in the Uzsok Pass region; a battle
has been raging for five days in the vicinity of Stryi; Russians repulse
Germans at Jednorojetz; Germans take twelve miles of Russian trenches
east of Suwalki; Austrians occupy Novoselitsky, on border of Bessarabia,
and are advancing into Russian territory.
April 29--Germans begin an offensive along nearly the whole of the East
Prussian front, extending from north of the Niemen River to the sector
north of the Vistula; Russians are beaten back in an attack in the
Carpathians northeast of Loubnia; Russians repulse an attack on the
heights of the Opor Valley.
April 30--German cavalry is invading the Russian Baltic Provinces;
German attempt to advance on the left bank of the Vistula is checked: in
the region of Golovetzko the Russians take the offensive, capturing
trenches and prisoners; Russians check an attempted offensive north of
Nadvorna; Austrians repulse Russian night attacks in the Orawa and Opor
Valleys.
CAMPAIGN IN WESTERN EUROPE.
April 1--Artillery duels are in progress in the Woevre district; French
occupy the village of Fey-en-Haye to the west of the Forest of Le
Prêtre; outpost engagements take place near Lunéville.
April 2--Heavy artillery fighting is on between the Meuse and the
Moselle; night infantry fighting takes place in the Forest of Le Prêtre.
April 3--Germans repulse French in Forest of Le Prêtre; Germans repulse
French attack on heights west of Mülhausen; French make progress with
mining operations southwest of Péronne; French check a German attempt to
debouch near Lassigny; French repulse attacks in Upper Alsace.
April 4--Germans take from the Belgians the village of Drei Grachten on
the west side of the Yser, this being the first time the Germans have
gained a foothold on the west bank for weeks; French make progress in
the Woevre district; French take village of Regniéville, west of
Fey-en-Haye; Germans repulse French charges in Forest of Le Prêtre.
April 5--French capture three successive lines of trenches at the Forest
of Ailly, near St. Mihiel; Germans repulse Belgians near Drei Grachten;
Germans repulse French attempt to advance in the Argonne Forest and
Germans gain ground in the Forest of Le Prêtre; French are advancing in
Champagne; French gain ground in the Hurlus district and beyond the Camp
de Chalons, capturing some of the Germans' prepared positions;
bombardment of Rheims is being continued night and day, and it is
reported that one-third of the houses have been destroyed and another
one-third damaged.
April 6--French are conducting a sustained offensive between the Meuse
and Moselle in an effort to dislodge Germans from St. Mihiel; French
gain trenches in the Wood of Ailly; French make progress near Maizeray
and in the Forest of Le Prêtre; strong French attacks at points east of
Verdun are repulsed, but French occupy village of Gussainville.
April 7--French, continuing extensive operations, make gains in the
Woevre district and southward between St. Mihiel and Pont-à-Mousson;
east of Verdun the French take two lines of trenches, and repulse German
counter-attacks; Germans report that French offensive, as a whole, is
thus far a failure.
April 8--French official report states that since April 4 the French
offensive between the Meuse and the Moselle has resulted in important
gains on the heights of the Orne, on the heights of the Meuse at Les
Eparges, in the Ailly Wood, and in the Southern Woevre between the
Forest of Mortmare and the Forest of Le Prêtre, the Germans losing
heavily; the German report is at variance with French claims and states
that the French have failed; Belgians report that the western side of
the Yser Canal, in the direction of Drei Grachten, is completely free of
Germans.
April 9--Desperate fighting continues on the heights of the Meuse and
along the St. Mihiel-Pont-à-Mousson front; French announce complete
occupation of Les Eparges, one of their chief objectives; French say
Germans were repulsed fifteen times in the Forest of Mortmare; Berlin
report is at sharp variance with the French, stating that all French
attacks in the Meuse region have been repulsed with heavy loss; Germans
make gains in Champagne; Germans retake Drei Grachten from Belgians.
April 10--French extend their gains in the Woevre; French push forward
on St. Mihiel-Pont-à-Mousson front in attempt to cut German
communications; French hold Les Eparges firmly, where, according to the
official French report, the Germans have lost 30,000 men in two months;
Germans repulse French between the Orne and the heights of the Meuse,
and in the Forest of Le Prêtre; French attacks on the village of Bezange
la Grande fail.
April 11--French state that they maintain their gains of previous days
in the St. Mihiel region, though Germans recapture some of their own
lost trenches in Mortmare Wood; French repulse attacks in the Forest of
Le Prêtre, though the Germans capture some machine guns; a strong French
attack on German positions north of Combres results in failure; German
main army headquarters denies that the recent French attacks in the St.
Mihiel region have been successful; Germans take three villages from the
Belgians; Germans are vigorously attacking positions recently taken from
them by the French on Hartmanns-Weilerkopf; furious German attacks are
made near Albert, being a continuation of an attack begun yesterday;
Germans blow up some French trenches by mines; heavy German losses, due
to the pounding of six miles of French artillery, occur in an infantry
advance.
April 12--Lively fighting in the Woevre district; Germans attack Les
Eparges, but are repulsed; French make gains at Courie; Germans have
successes in close-quarter fighting in the Forests of Ailly and Le
Prêtre; German sappers throw letters into British trenches saying they
are tired of fighting and expressing hopes for peace.
April 13--French make slight gains east of Berry-au-Bac; Germans repulse
French attacks at several points; Germans gain ground in the Forest of
Le Prêtre; Germans are moving up reinforcements in the region of
Thionville and Metz.
April 14--French penetrate the German line at Marcheville, but are
driven out by counter-attacks; French extend their front in the Forest
of Ailly, and make progress in the Forest of Mortmare; French artillery
checks a German attack at Les Eparges; activity is renewed at
Berry-au-Bac; Germans are strengthening the forts at Istein, on the
Rhine.
April 15--The whole spur northeast of Notre Dame de Lorette has been
carried by the French with the bayonet; French gain at Bagatelle in the
Argonne; French repulse German counter-attacks at Les Eparges; Germans
repulse French attacks at Marcheville, at the Forest of Le Prêtre, and
elsewhere.
April 16--French repulse German attacks north of Arras and in the St.
Mihiel region.
April 17--French make progress in the Vosges on both sides of the Fecht
River; in Champagne, northeast of Perthes, the Germans explode mines
under French trenches; Germans repulse French near Flirey; French
repulse Germans at Notre Dame de Lorette; in the Valley of the Aisne
French heavy artillery bombards the caves of Pasly, used as German
shelters.
April 18--Germans repulse British attack in the hills southeast of
Ypres; Germans capture an advanced French position in the Vosges
southwest of Stossweier; French have successes in the Valley of the
Aisne, at the Bois de St. Mord, and in Champagne, to the northwest of
Perthes; French make progress in region of Schnepfen-Riethkopf in
Alsace.
April 19--British line south of Ypres has been pushed forward three
miles after much hard fighting; British take Hill 60, an important
strategic point, lying two miles south of Zillebeke; German
counter-attacks are repulsed; British attacks are repulsed between Ypres
and Comines; French make gains along the Fecht River, and capture a
division of mountain artillery; French gain the summit of Burgkorpfeld,
and are advancing on the north bank of the Fecht; French repulse
counter-attacks at Les Eparges; Germans repulse French attacks at
Combres.
April 20--Heavy artillery fighting in Champagne and the Argonne; French
infantry attack fails north of Four-de-Paris; French make slight
progress in the Forest of Mortmare; Germans storm and reoccupy the
village of Embermenil, west of Avrecourt.
April 21--Violent German counter-attacks are being made on Hill 60, but
all have been repulsed, "with great loss to the enemy," according to the
British; Germans capture a French battery near Rheims; French repulse
German attacks at several points between the Meuse and the Moselle;
French repulse attack in Alsace east of Hartmanns-Weilerkopf; Germans
repulse French attack north of Four-de-Paris; Germans repulse French
attack extending over a considerable front at Flirey; German gain in the
Forest of Le Prêtre.
April 22--A great new battle is being fought at Ypres, Germans taking a
strong offensive from the northeast; they drive the Allies back to the
Ypres Canal, taking 6,000 prisoners and 35 guns; at Steenstraete and
Het Sase the Germans force their way across the canal and establish
themselves on the west bank; Germans capture villages of Langemarck,
Steenstraete, Het Sase, and Pilken; Ypres is being heavily bombarded;
British and French official reports declare that at one point where the
French fell back they did so because of asphyxiating gas used by the
Germans; the Germans, on the contrary, have claimed several times
recently that the French have been using asphyxiating bombs at various
points; Germans continue tremendous attacks on Hill 60, with what is
declared to be one of the fiercest artillery bombardments in history,
but the British still hold it; German troops are pouring through Belgium
to the Ypres front; Germans gain ground south of La Bassée; Germans
repulse French attack in the western part of the Forest of Le Prêtre;
French repulse attack at Bagatelle, in the Argonne; French gain ground
near St. Mihiel; French continue to advance on both banks of the Fecht
River; official French report states that all the Ailly woods are now in
the hands of the French after several days' fighting in the early part
of April; infantry attacks were preceded by a concentrated artillery
fire, at one point the French firing 20,000 shells in 90 minutes.
April 23--French make progress at Forstat and near St. Mihiel; artillery
duels at Combres, St. Mihiel, Apremont, and northeast of Flirey; French
take advanced German trenches between Ailly and Apremont.
April 24--One of the most furious battles of the war is now raging north
of Ypres, where the Allies have regained some of the ground recently
lost; Germans are pouring more troops into Flanders to push the attack;
the Canadians make a brilliant counter-attack, regaining part of the
ground this division lost, and retake four Canadian 4.7-inch guns which
they had lost; the Canadians are highly praised in the British War
Office report; Germans make further gains at another point on the line
and they seize Lizerne on the west bank of the Ypres Canal; the French
report says the French and Belgians recaptured Lizerne later in the day;
the British have consolidated their position on Hill 60; fierce fighting
is in progress in the Ailly wood; French repulse another attack on Les
Eparges and an attack south of the Forest of Parroy; Germans repel a
number of French attacks between the Meuse and the Moselle; Germans make
progress in the Forest of Le Prêtre.
April 25--Germans gain more ground at Ypres and begin a terrific drive
near La Bassée; Germans capture villages of St. Julien and Kersselaere
and advance toward Grafenstafel, taking British prisoners and machine
guns; Allies repulse Germans at several other points; Germans repulse
French attack in the Argonne and win in the Meuse hills, southwest of
Combres, taking seventeen cannon and 1,000 prisoners; London reports
that clouds of chlorine were released from bottles by the Germans during
the recent fighting at Ypres, the gas being borne by the wind to the
French trenches, killing many men.
April 26--Allies rally and check the German drive near Ypres, fresh
German assaults north and northeast of the city being beaten off; Berlin
says that the Germans retain the west bank of the Yser, while London
reports that the Allies have retaken it; Germans still hold Lizerne, on
the west bank of the canal; Germans take from the French the summit of
Hartmanns-Weilerkopf, capturing 750 men and four machine guns; French
repulse German attack at Notre Dame de Lorette; fighting is in progress
on the heights of the Meuse; German attack on Les Eparges fails.
April 27--Allies repulse German attack northeast of Ypres; British make
progress near St. Julien; French retake Het Sase; Belgians repel three
attacks south of Dixmude, and charge Germans with again using
asphyxiating gases; Allies retake Lizerne; Germans still hold the
bridgehead on the left bank of the canal just east of Lizerne; French
state they have retaken the summit of Hartmanns-Weilerkopf, but the
Germans declare all French attacks failed; German attacks near Les
Eparges fail.
April 28--Allies are delivering counter-attacks in an attempt to regain
the ground lost north and northeast of Ypres; Germans are bringing up
reinforcements and hold firmly their present lines; scarcely a house is
left standing in Ypres; Germans take French trenches near Beauséjour in
Champagne; French repulse Germans in the Argonne, near Marie Thérèse;
both the Germans and French claim to be in possession of
Hartmanns-Weilerkopf; French gain ground on heights of the Meuse;
Germans repulse strong French night attack in the Forest of Le Prêtre.
April 29--Germans repulse Allies north of Ypres; German official report
states Germans have taken sixty-three guns in Ypres fighting; Germans
repulse French night attacks at Le Mesnil in Champagne; Germans gain
ground on heights of the Meuse; French repulse Germans at Les Eparges.
April 30--French gain ground north of Ypres, taking two lines of
trenches; Belgians have repulsed a German attack from Steenstraete;
Germans have fortified and hold bridgeheads on the west bank of Ypres
Canal near Steenstraete and Het Sase and on the east bank of the canal
north of Ypres; Germans repel a charge of Turcos and Zouaves; a huge
German gun shells Dunkirk from behind the German lines near Belgian
coast, about twenty-two miles away; twenty persons are killed and
forty-five wounded; British airmen locate the gun and bombard it, while
allied warships attack from the sea; French state that they hold the
summit of Hartmanns-Weilerkopf; 500 shells fall in Rheims; French fail
in an attempt in the Champagne district to win back their former
positions north of Le Mesnil; Germans repulse French charge north of
Flirey.
TURKISH AND EGYPTIAN CAMPAIGNS.
April 1--It is learned that the Turks lost 12,000 men and many guns in a
fight against the Russians at Atkutur, Persia, on March 25; preceding
the reoccupation by the Russians of Solmac Plains, northwest of Urumiah,
720 Christians were massacred by the Turks.
April 2--Turks are building new forts at San Stefano, near
Constantinople, and thousands of Turkish troops are employed as workmen
in the ammunition factories, which are being worked to their capacity.
April 3--Turks have repulsed an attempt to land troops from a British
cruiser at Mowilah, at the head of the Red Sea.
April 7--Russians enter Artvin, Russian Armenia; the entire province of
Batum has been cleared of Turks.
April 8--French War Office announces that the expeditionary corps to the
Orient, under command of General d'Amade, has been ready for three weeks
to aid the allied fleets and the British expeditionary force in
operations against Turkey; the French troops are now in camp at Ramleh,
Egypt, resting and perfecting their organization.
April 14--An official report is issued by the India Office of the
British Government which states that 23,000 Turks and Kurds attacked the
British positions at Kurna, Ahwaz, and Shaiba in Mesopotamia on March
12; they were driven off; Turks are daily massing troops on the
Gallipoli Peninsula, especially at Kiled Bahr; heavy guns formerly
around Constantinople, Principo, and Marmora seaports are being removed
to the Dardanelles; a large number of German aeroplanes are with the
Turkish troops.
April 15--The greater part of the garrisons at Adrianople, Demotika, and
Kirk Kilisseh have been withdrawn for the defense of Constantinople.
April 16--India Office of the British Government makes public an
official report stating that the British India troops have inflicted
another defeat on the Turks in the vicinity of Shaiba, Mesopotamia;
British casualties were 700; the Turkish forces numbered 15,000, their
loses being so heavy that they fled to Nakhailah.
April 19--Reports sent to London state that the Turks have massed
350,000 men on the Gallipoli Peninsula, and have 200,000 more around
Constantinople; 35,000 French and British troops are at Lemnos Island,
off the entrance to the Dardanelles; Field Marshal Baron von der Goltz
has been appointed Commander in Chief of the First Turkish Army.
April 21--Twenty thousand British and French troops have been landed
near Enos, European Turkey, on the Gulf of Saros; General Sir Ian
Hamilton, veteran of the Boer and other wars, is the Commander in Chief
of the Allies' expeditionary force for the Dardanelles.
April 23--Troops of Allies are being landed at three points--at Enos, at
Suol, a promontory on the west of the Gallipoli Peninsula, and at the
Bulair Isthmus.
April 24--Observations made by aviators of the Allies show 35,000
Turkish troops are concentrated for the defense of Smyrna; they occupy
trenches extending from Vourlah to Smyrna, and are posted on heights
commanding the city.
April 26--British War Office announces that in spite of serious
opposition troops have been landed at various points on the Gallipoli
Peninsula, and their advance continues; a general attack is now in
progress on the Dardanelles by both the allied army and fleet.
April 27--On the Gallipoli Peninsula the allied troops under General Sir
Ian Hamilton are trying to batter their way through large Turkish forces
led by German officers in an effort to force the Dardanelles and reach
Constantinople; the French state that they have occupied Kum Kale, the
Turkish fortress on the Asiatic side of the entrance to the Dardanelles,
but the official Turkish report says the French were repulsed here;
Turks repulse Allies at Teke Burum.
April 28--Allied troops have established a line across the southern tip
of the Gallipoli Peninsula, from Eske-Hissarlik to the mouth of a stream
on the opposite side; Allies beat off attacks at Sari-Bair and are
advancing; Turks are strongly intrenching, and have constructed many
wire entanglements; report from Berlin states that the left wing of the
allied army has been beaten back by the Turks and 12,000 men captured.
April 29--The landing of allied troops on the Gallipoli Peninsula is
still going on; forces disembarked at Enos have advanced twenty miles;
11,000 Turks have been captured, and many German officers; British
aerial fleet is co-operating with the troops; Turks drive back Allies
who landed near Gaba Tepeh, and sink twelve sloops bearing allied
troops; the landing of one detachment of allied troops on the Gallipoli
Peninsula was accomplished by a ruse, 1,000 decrepit donkeys with dummy
baggage being landed at one point while the troops landed elsewhere;
Russians have dislodged Turks from Kotur, 110 miles northwest of Tabriz.
April 30--After hard fighting the British have firmly established
themselves on the Gallipoli Peninsula and have advanced toward the
Narrows of the Dardanelles; the French have cleared Cape Kum Kalo of
Turks; activity is renewed on the Caucasus front; Russians are advancing
in direction of Olti, on border of Turkey, and have cleared the Kurds
out of the Alasehkert Valley.
CAMPAIGN IN AFRICA.
April 1--British troops occupy Aus, an important trading station in
German West Africa.
April 2--Madrid reports that Moorish rebels have occupied Fez and
Mekines, and that the French hold only Casablanca and Rabat.
April 6--It is announced officially at Cape Town that troops of the
Union of South Africa have captured Warmbad, twenty miles north of the
Orange River.
April 7--It is announced officially at Cape Town that troops of the
Union of South Africa have occupied without opposition the railway
stations at Kalkfontein and Kanus, German Southwest Africa.
April 21--German troops in Kamerun have been forced by allied forces to
retreat from the plateau in the centre of the colony; seat of Government
has been transferred to Jaúnde; allied troops have forced a passage
across the Kele River; British troops have taken possession of the Ngwas
Bridge; French native troops from Central Africa have attained in the
east the Lomis-Dume line; official news reaches Berlin of the defeat of
a British force in German East Africa on Jan. 18-19 near Jassini, the
total British loss being 700; Mafia Island, off the coast of German East
Africa, was occupied by the British on Jan. 10.
NAVAL RECORD.
April 1--German submarines sink British steamer Seven Seas and French
steamer Emma, thirty men going down with the vessels; British squadron
shells Zeebrugge where Germans have established a submarine base, by
moonlight; Hamburg-American liner Macedonia, which had been interned at
Las Palmas, Canary Islands, but recently escaped, has now eluded British
cruisers and sailed for South American waters.
April 2--It is learned that Chile has made representations to the
British Government regarding the sinking of the German cruiser Dresden;
Chile says she was blown up by her own crew in Chilean waters after
bombardment by British squadron, and when the Chilean Government was on
the point of interning her; three British trawlers are sunk by the
German submarine U-10, whose Captain, the fishermen state, told them he
has "orders to sink everything"; Norwegian sailing ship Nor is burned by
a German submarine, the submarine Captain giving the Nor's Captain a
document saying she was destroyed for carrying contraband; Dutch steamer
Schieland is blown up off the English coast, presumably by a mine;
British steamer Lockwood is sunk by a German submarine off Devonshire
coast, the crew escaping.
April 3--Forts at entrance to the Gulf of Smyrna are bombarded by allied
fleet; French fishing vessel is sunk by a German submarine, her crew
escaping; Berlin estimates state that from Aug. 1 to March 1 a tonnage
of 437,879 in British merchant ships and auxiliary cruisers has been
destroyed.
April 4--German submarine sinks British steamer City of Bremen in the
English Channel, four of the crew being drowned; German submarine sinks
a Russian bark in the English Channel; three German steamers are sunk by
mines in the Baltic, 25 men being drowned; Turkish armored cruiser
Medjidieh is sunk by a Russian mine; it is learned that an Austrian
steamer with 600 tons of ammunition aboard was blown up by a mine in the
Danube on March 30, 35 of the crew being drowned; it is learned that the
American steamer Greenbriar, lost in the North Sea a few days ago, was
sunk by a mine.
April 5--A Turkish squadron sinks two Russian ships; Turkish batteries
off Kum Kale sink an allied mine sweeper; an Athens report says that the
British battleship Lord Nelson, recently stranded in the Dardanelles,
has been destroyed by the fire of the Turkish shore guns; British
trawler Agantha is sunk by a German submarine off Longstone, the crew
being subjected to rifle fire from the submarine while taking to the
boats; German submarine U-31 sinks British steamer Olivine and Russian
bark Hermes, the crews being saved; German Baltic fleet, returning from
bombardment of Libau, is cut off from its base by German mines, which
have gone adrift in large numbers because of a storm.
April 6--A German submarine is entangled in at net off Dover specially
designed for the catching of submarines; Stockholm reports that the
Swedish steamer England has been seized by the Germans in the Baltic and
taken to a German port.
April 7--United States Government, at request of Commander Thierichens,
takes over for internment the German converted cruiser Prinz Eitel
Friedrich, to hold her until the end of the war; German Admiralty admits
loss of submarine U-9, already reported by the British as being sunk.
April 8--French sailing ship Chateaubriand is sunk by a German submarine
off the Isle of Wight, the crew being saved.
April 9--British and French cruisers have taken from Italian mail
steamers 2,300 bags of outgoing German mail, and it is planned to seize
bags from abroad intended for Germany.
April 10--British steamer Harpalyce, which made one voyage as a relief
ship with supplies for the Belgians donated by residents of New York
State, is sunk in the North Sea by a submarine; some of her crew are
missing.
April 11--German auxiliary cruiser Kronprinz Wilhelm anchors at Newport
News, needing coal and provisions; Captain Thierfelder reports that his
ship has sunk fourteen ships of the Allies and one Norwegian ship;
allied fleet is bombarding Dardanelles forts from the Gulf of Saros;
French steamer Frederic Franck, after being torpedoed by a German
submarine in the English Channel, is towed to Plymouth.
April 12--United States State Department is notified by Ambassador Page
that the British Government will settle the case of the American
steamship Wilhelmina in accordance with the contentions of the owners of
the cargo; the British state that they will requisition and pay for the
cargo, and the owners of both ship and cargo will be reimbursed for the
delay caused in sending the case before a prize court; Captains of the
American steamers Navajo, Joseph W. Fordney, and Llama appeal to
American Embassy at London to procure their release from British marine
authorities at Kirkwall; British collier Newlyn is damaged by an
unexplained explosion off the Scilly Islands, but makes port; a French
battleship, assisted by French aeroplanes, bombards the Turkish
encampment near Gaza.
April 13--British torpedo boat destroyer Renard dashes up the
Dardanelles over ten miles at high speed on a scouting expedition.
April 14--Allied patrol ships bombard Dardanelles forts; a cruiser and a
destroyer are struck by shells from the forts; Dutch steamer Katwyk,
from Baltimore to Rotterdam with a cargo of corn consigned to the
Netherlands Government, is blown up and sunk while at anchor seven miles
west of the North Hinder Lightship in the North Sea; crew is saved;
indignation expressed in Holland; Swedish steamer Folke is sunk by a
mine or torpedo off Peterhead; thirty-one new cases of beri-beri have
developed among the crew of the Kronprinz Wilhelm since her arrival at
Newport News.
April 15--"White Paper" made public in London shows that Great Britain
has made "a full and ample apology" to the Government of Chile for the
sinking in Chilean territorial waters last month of the German cruiser
Dresden, the internment of which had already been ordered by the
Maritime Governor of Cumberland Bay when the British squadron attacked
her; two allied battleships enter the bay at Enos and with shells
destroy the Turkish camp there; Russian squadron bombards Kara-Burum,
inside the Tchatalja lines; British steamer Ptarmigan is sunk by a
German submarine in the North Sea, eight of the crew being lost;
tabulation made in London of statistics of maritime losses shows that
England and her allies have sunk, captured, or detained 543 ships
belonging to Germany and her allies, while Germany and her allies have
sunk, captured, or detained 265 ships belonging to England, France,
Belgium, and Russia.
April 16--French cruiser bombards fortifications of El-Arish, near the
boundary of Egypt and Palestine, as well as detachments of Turkish
troops concentrated near that place; one cruiser bombards the
Dardanelles forts; Russian squadron bombards Eregli and Sunguldaik, in
Asia Minor, on the Black Sea.
April 17--Two British ships drive ashore and destroy a Turkish torpedo
boat which attacked a British transport in the Aegean Sea; it is
reported that 100 men on the transport were drowned; Greek steamer
Ellispontis, en route for Montevidio from Holland, is torpedoed in the
North Sea, the crew being saved.
April 18--British submarine E-15 runs ashore in the Dardanelles, the
crew being captured by Turks; two British picket boats, under a heavy
fire, then torpedo and destroy the stranded vessel to prevent her being
used by the Turks.
April 19--Russian Black Sea torpedo boat squadron bombards the coast of
Turkey in Asia, between Archav and Artaschin; provision stores and
barracks are destroyed; many Turkish coastwise vessels laden with
ammunition and supplies are sunk; six allied torpedo boats fail in an
attempt to penetrate the Dardanelles.
April 20--Two Turkish torpedo boat destroyers are blown up while passing
through a mine belt laid by the Russians across the entrance to the
Bosporus.
April 21--British freighter Ruth is sunk by a German submarine in the
North Sea, crew being rescued.
April 22--M. Augagneur, French Minister of Marine, and Winston Spencer
Churchill, First Lord of the British Admiralty, hold a conference in the
north of France as to the best means of forcing the Dardanelles; an
Anglo-French fleet is sighted off the lower coast of Norway; German
Admiralty gives out a statement that British submarines have been
repeatedly sighted lately in Heligoland Bay and that one of these
submarines was sunk on April 17; all steamship communication between the
British Isles and Holland is suspended; allied fleet bombards
Dardanelles forts and points on the west coast of Gallipoli; British
trawler St. Lawrence is sunk in the North Sea by a German submarine, two
of the crew being lost; a German submarine has taken the British steam
trawler Glancarse into a German port from a point off Aberdeen; British
trawler Fuschia brings into Aberdeen the crew of the trawler Envoy,
which was shelled by a German submarine.
April 23--German Admiralty announces that the German high seas fleet has
recently cruised repeated in the North Sea, advancing into English
waters without meeting British ships; the British Official Gazette
announces a blockade, beginning at midnight, of Kamerun, German West
Africa; Norwegian steamer Caprivi is sunk by a mine off the Irish coast.
April 24--Finnish steamer Frack is sunk in the Baltic by a German
submarine; Norwegian barks Oscar and Eva are sunk by a German submarine,
the crews being saved.
April 25--Russian Black Sea fleet bombards the Bosporus forts.
April 26--French armored cruiser Leon Gambetta is torpedoed by the
Austrian submarine U-5 in the Strait of Otranto; 552 of her men,
including Admiral Senes and all her commissioned officers, perish;
Italian vessels rescue 162 men; the cruiser was attacked while on patrol
duty in the waterway leading to the Adriatic Sea, and sank in ten
minutes after the torpedo hit; England stops all English Channel and
North Sea shipping, experts believing that the Admiralty order is
connected with the desperate fighting now going on at Ypres; German
converted cruiser Kronprinz Wilhelm, lying at Newport News, interns
until the end of the war.
April 27--Sixteen battleships and armored cruisers of the Allies attack
advance batteries at the Dardanelles, but do little damage; British
battleships Majestic and Triumph, damaged, have to withdraw from the
fighting line; the fleet is operating in conjunction with the land
forces.
April 28--Bombardment of the Dardanelles is continued by the Allies;
French armored cruiser Jeanne d'Arc is damaged by fort fire; Captain of
a Swedish steamer reports the presence in the North Sea of a German
fleet of sixty-eight vessels of all classes.
April 29--British steamer Mobile is sunk by a German submarine off the
north coast of Scotland, the crew being saved.
April 30--Allied fleet is co-operating with the troops in their advance
on the Gallipoli Peninsula; British battleship Queen Elizabeth directs
the fire of her fifteen-inch guns upon the Peninsula under guidance of
aviators; a Turkish troopship is sunk; Zeebrugge is bombarded from the
sea; British trawler Lily Dale is sunk by a German submarine in the
North Sea; British Admiralty announces that the German steamship
Macedonia, which escaped from Las Palmas, Canary Islands, a few weeks
ago, has been captured by a British cruiser.
AERIAL RECORD.
April 1--British airmen bombard German submarines which are being built
at Hoboken, near Antwerp.
April 2--French aeroplane squadron drops thirty-three bombs on barracks
and aeroplane hangars at Vigneulles, in the Woevre region; French and
Belgian aviators drop thirty bombs on aviation camp at Handezaema;
allied aviators drop bombs on Mühlheim and Neuenberg, doing slight
damage; Adolphe Pegoud, French aviator, attacks and brings down a German
Taube near Saint Menehould by shooting at it; he captures the pilot and
observer, unhurt.
April 3--French bring down a German aeroplane at Rheims, the aviators,
unhurt, being captured.
April 4--German Taube drops bombs on Newkerk church, near Ypres; twelve
women and Abbé Reynaert are killed; many persons injured; bombs are
dropped from a British aeroplane on the forts at the entrance to the
Gulf of Smyrna; the tenth Zeppelin to be constructed at Friedrichshafen
has its trial trip; the latest type is longer and faster than preceding
models.
April 5--French War Office announces that in the British raid on
Belgium, at the end of March, 40 German workmen were killed and 62
wounded; at Hoboken two German submarines were destroyed, a third
damaged, and the Antwerp Naval Construction Yards were gutted; French
aviators bombard Mühlheim, killing three women.
April 6--German seaplane is brought down by the Russians off Libau,
after dropping bombs on city, the aviators being captured.
April 7--Austrian aviators drop bombs in the market place of Porgoritza,
Montenegro, killing twelve women and children, and injuring forty-eight
other persons; many buildings are destroyed.
April 8--One Austrian aeroplane beats three Russian machines in mid-air,
all the Russian aeroplanes falling to earth.
April 9--It is reported from Furnes, Belgium, that Garros, French
aviator, recently won a duel in mid-air against a German aeroplane,
shooting down Germans.
April 11--Captain of British steamer Serula drives off two German
aeroplanes with a rifle; the aviators drop twenty-five bombs, all
missing; German aeroplane bombards an allied transport near the
Dardanelles.
April 12--German dirigible drops seven bombs on Nancy, doing slight
damage.
April 13--French aviators bombard military hangars at Vigneulles, and
disperse, near there, a German battalion on the march; according to a
report printed in a Swiss newspaper, Count Zeppelin's secretary told
this journal's correspondent that Germany is preparing for a great air
raid on London in August, with two squadrons of five dirigibles each.
April 14--A Zeppelin makes a night raid over the Tyne district of
England; inhabitants of the whole region from Newcastle to the coast,
warned by authorities, plunge the territory into darkness, which has the
effect of baffling the airship pilot; bombs, chiefly of the incendiary
kind, are dropped from time to time haphazard; a Zeppelin, while flying
over the Ypres district, is shot at and badly damaged, coming down some
hours afterward a complete wreck near Maria Aeletre; a Zeppelin drops
bombs on Bailleul, the objective being the aviation ground, but this is
not hit; three civilians are killed; two German aeroplanes are forced to
come to the ground within the French lines, one near Braine and the
other near Lunéville.
April 15--Fifteen French aeroplanes drop bombs on German military
buildings at Ostend; German aviator drops bombs on Mourmelow; French
aviator drops five bombs on the buildings occupied by the German General
Staff at Mazières; French aviators bombard Freiburg-in-Breisgau, killing
six children, two men, and one woman, and injuring fourteen other
persons, including several children; three allied aeroplanes make a
flight of 170 miles over the Sinai Peninsula, aiming bombs at the tents
of Turkish troops.
April 16--Two Zeppelins attack the east coast of England in the early
morning, dropping bombs at Lowestoft, at Malden, thirty miles from
London, while one of the raiders is seen near Dagenham, eleven and
one-half miles from London Mansion House; one woman is injured and
considerable property damage is done; a German biplane flies over Kent,
dropping bombs, which do little damage; at Sheerness the anti-aircraft
guns open fire, but the machine escapes; a single bomb, dropped by a
German Taube on Amiens, kills or wounds thirty persons, mostly
civilians, while twenty-two houses are destroyed outright and many
others seriously damaged; French aviators drop bombs at Leopoldshöhe,
Rothwell, and Mazières-les-Metz; two civilians are killed at Rothwell; a
combined attack is made by one British and five French aeroplanes on a
number of Rhine towns; two allied hydroplanes fall into the Dardanelles
as a result of Turkish fire; Garros kills two German aviators in their
aeroplane by shooting them from his aeroplane.
April 17--French airship bombards Strassburg, wounding civilians; two
German aeroplanes drop bombs on Amiens, killing seven persons and
wounding eight.
April 18--Garros brings down, between Ypres and Dixmude, another German
aeroplane, his third within a short period.
April 19--Two French aerial squadrons attack railway positions along the
Rhine, and bombard the Mühlheim and Habsheim stations; at Mannheim huge
forage stores are set on fire; Garros is captured by the Germans at
Ingelmunster, Belgium, after being forced to alight there; German
aeroplanes drop bombs in Belfort; Germans repulse French aeroplanes at
Combres.
April 20--German aeroplane squadron drops 100 bombs at Bialystok,
Russian Poland, killing and wounding civilians; a Zeppelin bombards the
town of Oicchanow, doing slight damage; the Rhine from Basle to
Mülhausen is the scene of a considerable engagement lasting two hours,
in which two French and two British aeroplanes attack a larger German
squadron and are driven off; returning with reinforcements and now
outnumbering the German squadron, they drive off the Germans; no report
as to losses; reports from Swiss towns around Lake Constance on which
the Zeppelin works are situated, state that Emperor William has ordered
much larger Zeppelins constructed; each of the new Zeppelins, it is
stated, will cost over $600,000, and will throw bombs double the size of
those now used.
April 21--French aeroplanes bombard headquarters of General von Etrantz
in the Woevre; French aeroplanes bombard German convoys in the Grand
Duchy of Baden and an electric power plant at Loerrach, at the latter
place injuring civilians; British aviators drop bombs on the German
aviation harbor and shed at Ghent; Russian aeroplanes bombard the
railroad station at Soldau.
April 23--Russian aeroplanes drop bombs on Mlawa and Plock, and bombard
the German aviation field near Sanniky; Germans bring down a Russian
aeroplane at Czernowitz, the pilot being killed.
April 24--French aviator drops two bombs on Fort Kastro, at Smyrna,
killing several soldiers; official German statement says a British
battleship was badly damaged in the recent Zeppelin attack on the Tyne
region.
April 25--Aviators of the Allies are making daily attacks on the Germans
between the Yser and Bruges; a Zeppelin throws bombs on the town of
Sialvstok.
April 26--A Zeppelin drops on Calais large bombs of a new type, with
greatly increased power; thirty civilians are injured; a Russian
aeroplane drops three bombs on Czernowitz, injuring children.
April 27--British airmen bombard eight towns in Belgium occupied by
Germans; Russians damage and capture two Austro-German aeroplanes;
Russian aviators drop bombs on German aeroplanes at the aviation field
near Sanniky; French aviators drop bombs at Bollweiler, Chambley, and
Arnaville; French airman throws six bombs on the Mauser rifle factory at
Oberdorf.
April 28--A German aeroplane throws three bombs at the American tanker
Cushing, owned by the Standard Oil Company, the attack taking place in
daylight in the North Sea; the ship was flying the American flag;
splinters from one bomb strike the vessel and tear the American ensign,
according to the report of the Cushing's Captain; Russian giant
aeroplane drops 1,200 pounds of explosives on the East Prussian town of
Neidenburg; allied airmen drop bombs on Haltingen, Southern Baden;
German aeroplane drops bombs on Nancy, three persons being killed and
several injured; allied airmen bombard Oberdorf, killing six civilians
and wounding seven; six allied aeroplanes bombard the hangars of
dirigibles at Friedrichshafen; French aviators drop bombs on the station
and a factory at Leopoldshöhe; French capture or destroy four German
aeroplanes.
April 29--Three German aeroplanes drop bombs on Belfort, four workmen
being wounded; German aeroplanes bombard Epernay.
April 30--A Zeppelin drops bombs on Ipswich and other places in Suffolk;
no lives are reported lost, but a number of dwellings are set on fire;
four Zeppelins are sighted off Wells, Norfolk; they change their course
and head out to sea; French airship bombards the railway in the region
of Valenciennes; a destroyed French aeroplane falls within the German
lines; British bring down a German aeroplane east of Ypres.
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY.
April 1--Report from Prague states that something akin to a reign of
terror prevails in certain parts of Austria, people being punished
severely for trivial offenses.
April 2--Czech regiment refuses to entrain for the front; most of the
Czech territorials have been sent to Istria; Government issues appeal to
cooks and housewives to exercise economy in foodstuffs.
April 3--It is officially denied at Vienna that Austria has opened
negotiations with Russia for a separate peace, as has been persistently
reported of late.
April 4--Budapest continues gay despite the war, and night life goes on
much as usual.
April 11--The Foreign Office publishes a second "Red Book," charging
atrocities and breaches of international law against Serbia, Russia,
France, and England; it is declared that there is not an article of
international law which has not been violated repeatedly by the troops
of the Allies.
April 12--A law court at Vienna, in the case of Dubois, a Belgian, holds
that despite the German occupation Dubois has not lost his Belgian
citizenship.
April 14--Wealthy Hungarians are preparing to flee before the Russian
invasion.
April 15--Some of the Hungarian newspapers are discussing peace.
April 17--War Office announces that men between 18 and 50 of the
untrained Landsturm will hereafter be liable for military service.
April 18--Bread riots occur in Vienna and at points in Bohemia; Vienna
is now protected by long lines of trenches on the left bank of the
Danube; $14,000,000 is said to have been spent in fortifications at
Budapest and Vienna.
April 19--The food situation in Trieste is critical.
April 21--All Austrian subjects in Switzerland are recalled by their
Government.
April 22--Riots in Trieste are assuming a revolutionary character; "Long
Live Italy!" is being shouted by the mobs; it is reported from Paris
that the Hungarian Chamber at its opening session refused to vote the
new military credits demanded by the General Staff.
April 25--Anti-war riots continue at Trieste; there are also serious
riots at Vienna, Goerz, Prague, and elsewhere; the Austrians have
fortified the entire Italian frontier, at places having built
intrenchments of concrete and cement.
April 28--Railway service on the Austrian side of the Austro-Italian
frontier has been virtually suspended for ordinary purposes; all lines
are being used to carry troops to the frontier.
BELGIUM.
April 1--The German Governor General has revived an old law which holds
each community responsible for damage done during public disturbances; a
Berlin newspaper charges that American passports have been used to
smuggle Belgian soldiers from the Yser to Holland and thence to the
Belgian Army; the Pope expresses his sympathy for Belgium's woes to the
new Belgian Minister to the Vatican.
April 3--Officials of the Belgian Public Works Department resign when
ordered by the German administration to direct construction of roads
designed for strategic purposes.
April 5--Gifford Pinchot, who has been superintending relief work for
Northern France, has been expelled from Belgium by order of the German
Governor General; the reason is that Mr. Pinchot's sister is the wife of
Sir Alan Johnstone, British Minister at The Hague, with whom Mr. Pinchot
stayed on his way to Belgium; Prince Leopold, elder son of King Albert,
13-1/2 years old, joins the line regiment famous for its defense of
Dixmude.
April 6--Cardinal Gasparri, Papal Secretary of State, sends a letter to
Cardinal Mercier inclosing $5,000 as a personal gift from Pope Benedict
to the Belgian sufferers from the war; the letter expresses the Pope's
love and pity.
April 8--President Wilson cables greetings to King Albert on his
birthday.
April 13--The German Governor General orders establishment of a credit
bank which will advance money on the requisition bills given in payment
for goods seized by the authorities.
April 15--It is reported from Rome that the German Embassy there has
asked the Belgian Government, through the Belgian Legation to the
Quirinal, whether, in event of the German armies evacuating Belgian
territory, Belgium would remain neutral during the remainder of the war.
April 17--The German Governor General has ordered the dissolution of the
Belgian Red Cross Society, because, it is stated, the managing committee
refused to participate in carrying out a systematic plan for overcoming
the present distress in Belgium.
April 24--A memorial addressed to President Wilson, signed by 40,000
Belgian refugees now in Holland, expressing gratitude for the aid which
the United States has extended to the Belgian war sufferers, is mailed
to Washington.
BULGARIA.
April 7--Travelers from Serbia and Saloniki are barred from Bulgaria
because typhus is epidemic in Serbia.
CANADA.
April 1--Canadians approve the anti-liquor stand taken by King George,
and prominent men declare themselves in favor of restricting the use of
alcohol in the Dominion.
April 10--Premier Borden tells Parliament that Lord Kitchener has called
on Canada for a second expeditionary force; the first contingent of the
first expeditionary force numbered 35,420, and the second contingent of
that force 22,272.
April 15--Parliament is prorogued, the Duke of Connaught, Governor
General, praising Canada's troops for "conspicuous bravery and
efficiency on the field of battle."
April 25--King George cables to the Duke of Connaught an expression of
his admiration of the gallant work done by the Canadian division near
Ypres; General Hughes, Canadian Minister of Militia, cables the
appreciation of the Dominion to General Alderson, commanding the
Canadian division.
April 28--About 200 Canadian officers were put out of action in the
fighting near Ypres, out of a total of 600.
April 29--Four prominent German residents of Vancouver are arrested on a
charge of celebrating German successes over the Canadians near Ypres,
indignation being aroused among Vancouver citizens.
EGYPT.
April 8--An attempt is made at Cairo to assassinate the Sultan of Egypt,
Hussien Kamel, a native firing at him, but missing.
FRANCE.
April 1--A delegation of foreign newspaper men who have visited the
prison camps say they found the German prisoners well treated and
contented.
April 3--General Joffre is quoted as predicting a speedy end of the war
in favor of the Allies.
April 4--The second report of the French commission appointed to
investigate the treatment of French citizens by the Germans charges many
acts of cruelty; 300 former captives of the Germans tell, under oath,
stories contained in the report of brutality, starvation, and death in
the German concentration camps.
April 5--There are insistent reports that the French have a new shell
which kills by concussion; it is officially stated in an army bulletin
that a new explosive recently put into use doubles the explosive force
of shells of three-inch guns.
April 9--The General commanding the Vosges army has forbidden, with
General Joffre's approval, the use of alcoholic drinks in the district
under his command; the general movement to restrict the sale of
intoxicants is growing; the municipal authorities of Paris are preparing
a decree prohibiting the tango.
April 10--A court-martial acquits Captain Herail of the Eleventh
Hussars, who shot and killed his wife in November because she persisted
in following the army to be near him, in direct violation of orders
issued by the military authorities; the President of the Touring Club of
France states that the French people want American tourists as usual
this Summer; the Almanach de Gotha is being boycotted by the allied
royalty and nobility and a new volume, to be called the Almanach de
Bruxelles, is being prepared for speedy publication in Paris.
April 11--Computation made by the Paris Matin shows that the total
length of the battle front of the Allies is 1,656 miles, the French
occupying 540 miles of trenches, the British 31, and the Belgians 17,
while in the east the Russians are facing a front of 851 miles, and the
Serbians and Montenegrins are fighting on a front of 217 miles.
April 12--General Pau, who has been on a mission in Russia, Italy, and
the Balkan States, gets a notable reception on arriving in Paris.
April 13--President Poincaré leaves Dunkirk for Paris after three days
with the French and Belgian troops; M. Poincaré had a long conference
with King Albert; the War Office is organizing an expedition of
cinematograph operators throughout the whole French line; it is planned
to multiply and circulate the films.
April 15--An official denial of reports from Berlin that public
buildings in Paris are being used as military observation posts is
cabled to the French Embassy at Washington by Foreign Minister Delcassé;
vital statistics for the first half of 1914, just published, show that
the net diminution in the population of France was 17,000, while the
population of Germany increased in the same period, nearly 500,000; the
Temps says that the problem of depopulation must receive serious
consideration after the war.
April 19--A regiment of women is being formed in Paris; it is planned
that they wear khaki uniforms, learn how to handle rifles, and undertake
various military duties in areas back of the firing line.
April 22--General Joffre retires twenty-nine more Generals to make way
for younger and more active men; the Cabinet decides that children made
orphans by the death in the war of their fathers should be cared for by
the State; it is decided to appoint a commission to study the question
and decide what steps should be taken; "Tout Paris," the social register
of the capital, contains the names of 1,500 Parisians killed in action
up to Feb. 25, including 20 Generals and 193 men of title.
April 24--The famous Chambord estate is sequestrated on the ground that
it is the property of Austrian subjects; the Bank of France releases
$1,000,000 gold to the Bank of England for transmission to New York to
assist in steadying exchange; French official circles and French
newspapers are pleased with the American note to Germany in reply to the
von Bernstorff memorandum on the sale of arms to the Allies, and with
the expressions of German annoyance resulting from the note.
April 30--President Poincaré receives a delegation of Irish Members of
the British Parliament, headed by T.P. O'Connor and Joseph Devlin,
bringing addresses to the President and Cardinal Amette, and assurance
of devotion to the Allies' cause.
GERMANY.
April 1--Circular of the Minister of Agriculture says that through
economical use of available grain the bread supply is assured until the
next harvest; it is decided to hold horse races this season, including
the German Derby; 812,808 prisoners of war are now held in Germany,
10,175 being officers.
April 3--It is reported from Königsberg, East Prussia, that along a line
of 150 miles, and for a distance varying from five to fifty miles from
the Russian border, there is nothing but ruins as the result of the
Russian invasion; thousands of women and children are stated to have
been carried off to Russia; it is learned that spotted fever has been
introduced into concentration camps by Russian prisoners, but spread to
the German civil population has thus far been prevented; skilled
artisans, urgently needed in various lines of industrial work, are being
granted furloughs from the front.
April 6--Postal officials suspend parcel post service to Argentina and
several other South American countries and to Spain, Portugal, Greece,
Italian colonies, and Dutch West Indies; Press Bureau of the French War
Office gives out figures, compiled from official German sources, showing
that the Germans have lost 31,726 officers in killed, wounded, and
missing since the beginning of the war, out of a total of 52,805 who
started in the war; General von Kluck is recovering from his wound and
has been decorated by Emperor William.
April 8--Germans are mourning Captain Otto Weddigen of submarines U-9
and U-29, it being now accepted as a fact that the U-29, his last
command, has been lost.
April 9--Official list shows that on March 1 there were in Germany 5,510
pieces of captured artillery.
April 12--The Government is making reprisals for the treatment of
captured German submarine crews in England, having imprisoned
thirty-nine British officers in the military detention barracks.
April 13--Germany is detaining freight cars belonging to Italian lines;
semi-official statement says the passengers and crew of the steamer
Falaba were given twenty-three minutes to leave the ship and were shown
as much consideration as was compatible with safety to the submarine;
according to a dispatch from Switzerland, there is an alarming increase
of madness in the German Army.
April 14--It is reported from Switzerland that Emperor William last
month paid a visit to Emperor Francis Joseph.
April 15--Several thousand parcel post packages mailed from Germany for
the United States have been returned to the senders by Swiss postal
authorities, because the French and British Governments have given
notice that parcels addressed to German citizens in the United States
will be seized whenever found on shipboard; the Reichsbank's statement
up to April 15 shows an increase in gold of $2,000,000.
April 17--Ten British officers have been placed in solitary confinement
in Magdeburg as a measure of reprisal for the treatment accorded
captured German submarine crews by Great Britain; a letter from Dr.
Bernhard Dernburg, former Colonial Secretary of Germany, who has for
some time been in the United States, is read at a pro-German mass
meeting in Portland, Me.; it suggests the neutralization of the high
seas in time of war and makes various other proposals, which are
regarded in some quarters as a possible indication that Germany is
willing to discuss terms of peace; because of a shortage of rubber, the
Government is arranging a special campaign to collect rubber in all
shapes throughout the empire.
April 19--The second officer and some of the crew of the German
converted cruiser Prinz Eitel Friedrich, now interned at Newport News,
reach Copenhagen on their way to Germany; it is stated in the Copenhagen
report that they are provided with false passports describing them as
Swedish subjects.
April 20--A conference of German and Austrian Socialists in Vienna has
agreed that after the war international treaties for limitation of
armaments must be agreed upon, with a view to disarmament.
April 21--All German subjects in Switzerland are recalled by their
Government; reports from The Hague declare that German Socialists are
trying to get a basis on which the war can be stopped; the soldiers at
the front are asking for flower seeds to plant on the graves of the
slain.
April 22--During the last few days Emperor William has been visiting the
German front in Alsace; he promoted Colonel Reuter of Zabern fame to the
rank of Major General; the Government has sent 2,203 more maimed French
officers and men to Constance, where they will be exchanged for German
wounded; university courses are being conducted by Belgian professors in
the prison camp at Soldau.
April 23--The Federal Council has extended until July 31 the operation
of the order which provides that claims held by foreign persons or
corporations which accrue before July 31, 1914, cannot be sued upon in
the German courts; many newspapers comment bitterly upon the American
note replying to the Bernstorff memorandum on the sale of arms to the
Allies by the United States; there is rejoicing in Berlin over German
gains near Ypres.
April 24--Dr. Dernburg, in address at Brooklyn, says that evacuation of
Belgium depends on England's agreeing to the neutralization of the sea,
free cable communications, revision of international law, and consent to
German colonial expansion; interview printed in Paris quotes M.
Zographos, Foreign Minister of Greece, as declaring that Greece is ready
to unite with the Allies in the operations at the Dardanelles if invited
to do so.
April 27--Copenhagen reports that systematic efforts are being made,
under instructions from Imperial Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg, to buy
sufficient foodstuffs in neutral countries to last Germany for four
years.
April 28--The Supreme Military Court has confirmed the sentence of death
imposed on Dec. 29 on William Lonsdale of Leeds, England, a private in
the British Army, for striking a German non-commissioned officer at a
military prison camp at Doeberitz.
April 30--The subscriptions for three-quarters of the latest war loan
have already been paid; the payments reach the total of $1,687,750,000,
more than twice the amount required at this time under the stipulated
conditions of the issue; German Embassy at Washington states that the
Emperor of Russia has ordered prisoners of war of Czech or other Slav
origin treated kindly, but prisoners of German or Magyar race treated
severely.
GREAT BRITAIN.
April 1--Lord Kitchener follows the lead of King George in announcing
his intention to abstain from liquor during the war; the nation is
stirred by the drink question, and prominent observers believe that
anti-alcohol legislation will not be necessary; 25,000 women volunteer
to aid in making munitions of war.
April 2--Text is made public of a protest by Germany, transmitted
through the American Ambassador in London, against treatment of captured
German submarine crews; Germany threatens reprisals in the form of harsh
treatment of captured British officers; Sir Edward Grey in reply says
the submarine crews have violated the laws of humanity and they are
segregated in naval barracks.
April 3--Government takes control of all motor manufacturing plants to
accelerate the supplying of war material.
April 4--The Archbishop of Canterbury in his Easter sermon dwells upon
the national necessity for prohibition during the war; a band of the
Irish Guards, arriving in Dublin on a recruiting tour, is
enthusiastically cheered; John E. Redmond reviews at Dublin 25,000 of
the Irish National Volunteers; Limerick welcomes recruiting officers;
every man in the British Navy has received a pencil case, the gift of
Queen Mary, formed of a cartridge which had been used "somewhere in
France," with silver mountings.
April 6--Official announcement states that "by the King's command no
wines or spirits will be consumed in any of his Majesty's houses after
today"; George M. Booth heads committee appointed by Kitchener to
provide such additional labor as is needed for making sufficient war
supplies.
April 8--Official report of the bombardment of Hartlepool, Scarborough,
and Whitby by a German naval squadron on Dec. 16 states that 86
civilians were killed and 424 wounded, of whom 26 have died; 7 soldiers
were killed and 14 wounded; nearly all industries are working at top
speed; unemployment has largely disappeared; King Albert's birthday is
celebrated in London by Belgian refugees, many thousands of English
joining in the observance.
April 9--A "White Paper" is published giving correspondence which passed
between the British and German Foreign Offices through the United States
Ambassador regarding treatment of British prisoners of war in Germany;
testimony which is included is to the effect that Germans treat British
prisoners brutally; John B. Jackson of the American Embassy at Berlin,
who, on behalf of the German Government, recently inspected German
prison camps in England, reports that prisoners are well cared for;
Captain and crew of the steamer Vosges, sunk in March by a German
submarine, are rewarded for persistent attempt to escape the submarine;
in party circles it is accepted as a fact that there will be no general
election this year, and that the terms of the present Members of
Parliament will be extended.
April 11--A great campaign to obtain recruits for Kitchener's new army
is begun in London, it being planned to hold 1,500 meetings.
April 12--Government is now transferring men from the working forces of
municipalities to factories, making munitions of war.
April 13--Official announcement states that 33,000 women had registered
themselves up to the end of March for war service, as being ready to
undertake various forms of labor in England usually done by men; the
Foreign Office cables the United States State Department, asking that an
investigation be started at once of Berlin reports that thirty-nine
British officers have been put in a military prison as a measure of
reprisal for England's declining to accord full privileges to German
submarine prisoners; a serious explosion occurs at Lerwick, Shetland, in
which many persons are killed; Lerwick is one of the chief stations in
Scotland for the Royal Naval Reserve.
April 14--Report from Field Marshal French on the Neuve Chapelle fight
is made public; the British losses were 12,811 in killed, wounded, and
missing; German losses are declared to have been several thousand more;
French says his orders were badly executed in some instances, resulting
in disorganization of infantry after victory was won; it is intimated
that British artillery fired on British troops; Government decides
against placing cotton on the contraband list; Government is making huge
purchases of wheat.
April 15--The total British casualties from the beginning of the war up
to April 11 were 139,347, according to an announcement in the House of
Commons by the Under Secretary for War; part of Kitchener's new army,
after six months of training, is going into camp at Salisbury Plain,
where it is stated that 100,000 men will soon be encamped.
April 16--The Foreign Office is advised by Ambassador Page that press
reports are correct which state that the Germans have put thirty-nine
British officers in military detention barracks as a measure of reprisal
for British action in refusing honors of war to crews of German
submarines; the London Times states that $9,500,000 in life insurance
claims has been paid to heirs of British officers thus far killed in
action.
April 17--Wages are rising and unemployment is decreasing.
April 18--Ten thousand Protestant churches observe "King's Pledge
Sunday," thousands of persons signing a pledge to abstain from
intoxicants for the rest of the war.
April 19--English Football Association announces that with closing of
present season on May 5 no more professional football games will be
played during the war.
April 20--Premier Asquith, in an appeal made at Newcastle to the workmen
of the northeast coast to hasten the output of munitions of war,
refrains from all mention of the drink question and declares that there
has been no slackness on the part of either employes or employers, this
statement being at variance with recent statements made by other Cabinet
members, who have blamed tippling on the part of workmen for slow
output; the Government has made an arrangement by which skilled workmen
now at the front can be recalled to England to work in munition
factories as needed; David Lloyd George, Chancellor of the Exchequer,
says in the House of Commons that the Government does not believe that
the war would be more successfully prosecuted by conscription, adding
that Kitchener is gratified with the response to his appeal for
volunteers; since the war began, 1,961 officers have been killed, 3,528
wounded, and 738 are missing.
April 21--Chancellor Lloyd George states in the House of Commons that
the expeditionary force in France now consists of more than thirty-six
divisions, or about 750,000 men; the Chancellor also states that as much
ammunition was expended at Neuve Chapelle as was used during the entire
Boer war, which lasted for two years and nine months.
April 22--F.T. Jane, a well-known British naval expert, in an address at
Liverpool declares that the Germans tried to land an expeditionary force
in England, but the vigilance of the British Navy caused the expedition
to turn back.
April 24--An official list received in London of the thirty-nine British
officers placed in detention barracks by the Germans in retaliation for
English treatment of German submarine crews shows the names of seven
Captains and thirty-two Lieutenants, included being the names of
Lieutenant Goschen, son of a former Ambassador to Berlin; Robin Grey, a
nephew of Sir Edward Grey, and many sons of peers.
April 25--Jamaica begins raising money to send a contingent to join
Kitchener's army.
April 26--The "war babies" question is to be investigated by a committee
headed by the Archbishop of York, and a report is to be made.
April 27--Lord Kitchener, speaking in the House of Commons, scores the
Germans for what he declares to be their barbarous methods of conducting
war; the importation of raw cotton from the United Kingdom is
specifically prohibited; Lord Derby, in an address at Manchester,
intimates that conscription is to come soon; British War Office states
that medical examination shows that Canadian soldiers died in the Ypres
fight from poisoning by gases employed by the Germans.
April 28--Clergy oppose prohibition, the lower house of the Convocation
at York going on record as believing it would be unwise and would lead
in the end to an excess of intemperance; opposition newspapers and
politicians are criticising the conduct of affairs by Winston Churchill,
First Lord of the Admiralty.
April 30--Large numbers of protests from all parts of the country are
being made against the proposal of Chancellor Lloyd George to increase
the duty on alcoholic drinks.
GREECE.
April 4--After being repulsed in their raid on Serbia, a detachment of
Bulgarian irregulars makes a raid on Dorian, Greece; the Greeks repulse
them with machine guns.
HOLLAND.
April 1--More reservists are called; traffic between Holland and Germany
has practically ceased.
April 10--Government has handed to Germany a note of protest on the
sinking in March of the Dutch steamship Medea by a German submarine.
April 16--Intense indignation and resentment are expressed by the
newspapers over the sinking of the Dutch steamer Katwyk by a German
submarine; some of them talk of war.
April 21--It is reported from Amsterdam that Emperor William has sent a
long personal message to Queen Wilhelmina about the sinking of the
Katwyk, declaring that full compensation would be made if it is proved
that the Katwyk was sunk by a German ship; arrangements have been made
between the Dutch and British Governments whereby not only conditional
contraband, but also goods on the contraband list of the British
Government, may be given safe passage to Holland through the blockade
lines.
April 27--The forty-two delegates from the United States to the
International Women's Peace Congress arrive at The Hague; the congress
is formally opened for a four days' session with delegates present from
many neutral nations and from most of the warring nations, including
England and Germany.
April 28--Miss Jane Addams presides over the Women's Peace Congress, the
first business session being held.
INDIA.
April 12--Lieutenant Seybold of the Philippine Constabulary, on arriving
in New York, says that the Fifth Native Light Infantry, composed of
Hindus, revolted in Singapore on Feb. 15, while en route to Hongkong,
and nearly 1,000 of them were killed before the mutiny was quelled; the
rebellion is stated to have been fomented by agents of the German
Government in Singapore; seven Germans are stated to have been executed
for connection with the uprising.
April 27--Reports from the Straits Settlements state that serious
disorders are taking place in various parts of India, the effect
beginning to be felt of the Turko-German alliance and of the German
propaganda; riots have occurred at Cawnpore and in the Central
Provinces; a mutiny by native troops has taken place at Rangoon; it is
reported from India that the Ameer of Afghanistan has been assassinated.
ITALY.
April 1--There is economic distress in Italy due to eight months of war;
budget of the Government, which for years has show a surplus, shows a
deficit of $13,800,000 since Aug. 1.
April 5--Many Italian troops are being assembled on the Austrian
frontier; great excitement prevails in Genoa in consequence of a report
that a German submarine has sunk the Italian steamer Luigi Parodi, and
strong measures are taken by the authorities to protect the German
colony.
April 6--Owner of the Luigi Parodi declares the steamer has not been
lost.
April 7--The fleet concentrates at Augusta, Sicily, and at Taranto,
within a few hours of the Adriatic.
April 11--Demonstrations at Rome in favor of Italian intervention in the
war cause riots and collisions with the police.
April 12--An order is printed in the Military Journal directing all army
officers to dull the metal on their uniforms and sword scabbards; it is
reported that the Pope is ready to espouse the Italian cause if the
nation enters the war.
April 14--Indignation is expressed at the Papal Court over an alleged
interview with Pope Benedict recently printed in the United States,
Germany, and other countries, some of the statements attributed to the
Pope being characterized as false; particular exception is taken to a
statement, credited to the Pope, urging President Wilson to stop
exportation of munitions of war to the Allies; many telegraphic protests
on the interview have reached the Vatican from Roman Catholic clergy and
laity in the United States, Britain, and France.
April 16--Italy now has 1,200,000 first-line soldiers under arms.
April 20--Reports from Rome state that Austria is rapidly gathering
troops on the Italian border; Austrians have fortified the whole line of
the Isonzo River with intrenchments; it is stated that the German and
Austrian Ambassadors are secretly preparing for departure; Papal Guards
are enlisting in the regular army.
April 21--Sailings of liners from Italy to the United States have been
canceled; Council of Ministers is held, a report on the international
situation being made by the Foreign Minister.
April 24--It is stated in high official circles that it is becoming
increasingly improbable that Italy will participate in the war, at least
for some time to come; the Austrian Ambassador and the Italian Foreign
Minister have a long conference; it is reported from Rome that Austria
has made further concessions in an attempt to preserve Italian
neutrality; nevertheless further military preparations are being made by
Italy; the exodus of German families from Italy continues; French
military experts estimate the full military strength of Italy at
2,000,000 men, of whom 800,000 form the active field army.
April 25--It is reported from Rome that Austria has offered to give
autonomy to Trieste; Italian opinion, as expressed in the newspapers, is
that Austria must yield all the territory occupied by Italians and must
yield not only the Province of Trent, but Pola, Fiume, and the greater
part of Dalmatia.
April 27--The Italian Ambassadors at Paris, London, Vienna, and Berlin
have been summoned to Rome to confer with the Foreign Minister.
April 29--It is reported from Rome that Italy and the Allies have
reached a definite agreement concerning terms on which Italy will enter
the war, if she ultimately decides to do so, and that she will become a
member of a quadruple entente after the war; Prince von Bülow, German
Ambassador to Italy, is stated to have failed in attempts to get Italy
and Austria to come to an understanding.
April 30--Belgian and French Cardinals, Archbishops, and Bishops have
united in an appeal to Pope Benedict for the Vatican to abandon the
attitude of neutrality it has maintained since the beginning of the war.
LUXEMBURG.
April 23--Grand Duchess Marie has sent an official protest to Berlin
against the methods of distributing food supplies, which is said to have
brought nearly half her subjects to the verge of starvation; she says
that gifts of food, money, and clothes have been sent to Luxemburg from
all parts of the world, but that only a small part of these reach the
civilian population.
PERSIA.
April 24--Confirmation has been received at Dilman, Persia, of the
flight of from 20,000 to 30,000 Armenian and Nestorian Christians from
Azerbaijan Province; of the massacre of over 1,500 who were unable to
escape; of the death of 2,000 in the compounds of the American Mission
at Urumiah.
POLAND.
April 22--It is stated in London that 7,000,000 Poles are in dire need
of food.
RUMANIA.
April 9--Artillery and supplies of ammunition are reaching Turkey
through Rumania.
April 14--The army, reported as splendidly equipped, is ready for
instant action.
RUSSIA.
April 1--Persistent rumors are current in Petrograd that Austria has
opened negotiations for a separate peace; General Ruzsky, who won praise
for his conduct of the Galician campaign, taking Lemberg, and also for
his success at Przasnysz, retires because of ill-health.
April 3--General Alexiev is appointed Commander in Chief of the army on
the northern front in place of General Ruzsky; it is officially
announced that Colonel Miassoydoff, attached as interpreter to the staff
of the Tenth Army, which was badly defeated in the Mazurian Lake
region, has been shot as a German spy.
April 4--Petrograd reports that the Russians have taken 260,000
prisoners on the Carpathian front since Jan. 21.
April 7--All towns in Russian Poland are given local municipal
self-government; Petrograd reports that during the celebration of
Easter, the greatest of Russian festivals, there has been an entire
absence of drunkenness.
April 14--Imperial order calls up for training throughout the empire all
men from twenty to thirty-five not summoned before; it is stated that
the call will ultimately almost double the Russian strength; the men
summoned are all untrained.
April 17--The General Anzeiger of Duisburg, Rhenish Prussia, says it
learns "from an absolutely unimpeachable source" that the reported
sickness of Grand Duke Nicholas, Commander in Chief of the Russian
forces, was due to a shot in the abdomen fired by the late General Baron
Sievers of the defeated Tenth Army, who is stated to have then committed
suicide.
April 20--Orders have been issued that Austrian officers who are
prisoners of war shall no longer be allowed to retain their swords, as a
penalty for the cutting out of the tongue of a captured Russian scout
who refused to betray the Russian position.
April 21--As a substitute for vodka shops there have been erected in
open places in communities throughout Russia "people's palaces," where
the public may gather for entertainment and instruction; in the
Government of Poltava alone 300 of these recreative centres have been
opened or are projected.
April 22--Details of an $83,000,000 order for shrapnel and howitzer
shell, placed early in April by the Russian Government with the Canadian
Car and Foundry Company, show that contracts for $21,724,400 of that
amount have been sublet by the Canadian company to American
manufacturers; it is also learned that the Russian Government recently
placed a $15,000,000 contract with American mills for miscellaneous
artillery; a letter from an American Red Cross nurse states that she and
other American Red Cross nurses were recently received by the Czar at
Kief, where he shook hands and chatted with each.
April 23--The Czar arrives at Lemberg and holds a council of war with
the Grand Duke Nicholas.
April 24--Copenhagen reports that the Czar has decided to re-establish
the Finnish army with the same constitution as previous to 1898; Grand
Duke Nicholas has been much impressed with the brilliant strategic work
done by Finnish officers serving with the Russian Army.
April 25--Army orders contain the promotion of a young woman, Alexandra
Lagerev, to a Lieutenancy; she has been fighting alongside male
relatives since the beginning of the war.
SERBIA.
April 2--American sanitary experts, who will work under the direction of
Dr. Richard P. Strong of Harvard, now in Europe, sail from New York on
their way to Serbia, where they will fight typhus and other diseases
devastating the nation.
April 3--Several thousand Bulgarian irregulars cross the Serbian
frontier near Vallandovo, surprising and killing the Serbian guards;
Serbian reinforcements, after an all-day fight, repulse and scatter the
invaders; Bulgarians lose heavily.
April 4--Serbia protests to Bulgaria because of the raid, which is said
to be the fifth of the kind since the beginning of the war; the
Bulgarian Minister to Rome says that the raid is the work of Macedonian
revolutionists in Serbia.
April 6--Bulgarian Government disclaims responsibility for the raid on
Serbia; it is stated that the invasion was initiated by Turks among the
inhabitants of that part of Macedonia included in Serbia; Serbians are
not satisfied and say that more attacks are being planned on Bulgarian
soil, with the object of cutting off supplies from the Serbian Army.
April 10--Disease conditions are growing worse and the percentage of
deaths from typhus is very high; 107 Serbian doctors out of 452 have
died of typhus; the municipality of Uskub decides to name its finest
street after Lady Ralph Paget, who has been working in Serbia with the
Red Cross and is now convalescing from a resultant illness.
April 16--Rockefeller Foundation War Relief Commission's first
installment of a report on Serbia states that disease is spreading all
over the country; there are more than 25,000 cases of typhus, while
other fevers are also epidemic; cholera is expected with the warm
weather; the nation is declared unable to aid itself.
April 17--The Government submits to Parliament a new army credit of
$40,000,000.
April 21--Two invasions into Serbian territory are made by Bulgarian
irregulars.
April 28--Serbia holds 60,000 Austrian prisoners.
SWEDEN.
April 7--Sweden makes a strong protest to Germany against seizure of the
Swedish steamer England.
SWITZERLAND.
April 13--German shells fall upon Swiss territory for the third time
since the war began, according to a Delemont newspaper; the shots were
intended for the French, but the aim was bad and they dropped near the
town of Beurnevesain.
TURKEY.
April 1--Troops are being concentrated at Adrianople as a precaution in
case war starts with Bulgaria.
April 2--Both the Turkish and Russian Ambassadors to Italy deny a report
that Turkey is seeking a separate peace.
April 7--Field Marshal von der Goltz, in an interview in Vienna, says
that Turkey is well prepared for war; she has 1,250,000 well-trained men
and several hundred thousand reserves; the Sultan gives an interview at
Constantinople to American newspaper men; he deplores "unjust" attack of
Allies on the Dardanelles, adding that he does not believe the strait
can be forced.
April 15--Pillage and murder are reported to be rife in villages and
smaller towns of the littoral near Smyrna; lives of Christians are in
danger.
April 18--Enver Pasha, War Minister and Generalissimo of the Turkish
Army, in a newspaper interview lays the blame for Turkey's participation
in the war on Russia and England; he says Turkey has a well-prepared
army of 2,000,000.
April 24--Refugees who have reached the Russian line near Tiflis,
Transcaucasia, report that widespread massacres of Armenians are being
carried out by Mohammedans; they state that all the inhabitants of ten
villages near Van, in Armenia, Asiatic Turkey, have been killed.
April 27--An appeal for relief of Armenian Christians in Turkey is made
to the Turkish Government by the United States; a plot is discovered to
blow up the council chamber in the Ministry of War at Constantinople
during a session of the War Council.
April 29--The War Minister has called all available men to arms; Kurds
are massacring Christians in Armenia.
UNITED STATES.
April 1--Secretary Bryan orders an inquiry into the circumstances of the
arrest by the authorities in Paris of Raymond Rolfe Swoboda, stated to
be an American citizen, held in connection with the recent fire on the
French liner La Touraine in mid-ocean; the State Department is
investigating the death of Leon Chester Thrasher of Hardwick, Mass., who
was lost when the British steamer Falaba was sunk by a German submarine;
information is being sought as to whether Thrasher was an American
citizen at the time of his death.
April 2--The Government is informed by the British Government, through
Ambassador Page, that no trade messages can be sent over British cables
if they refer to transactions in which the enemies of Britain are
interested.
April 5--Text is made public of the United States note to Germany,
recently presented by Ambassador Gerard, demanding payment by the
German Government of $228,059.54, with interest from Jan. 28, for the
destruction of the American sailing ship William P. Frye by the German
converted cruiser Prinz Eitel Friedrich; Secretary Bryan makes public
the text of the identic notes recently sent by the United States to the
British and French Governments protesting against invasion of neutral
rights involved in the recent British Order in Council, establishing a
long-range blockade of European waters; the note insists on the right of
innocent shipments "to be freely transported to and from the United
States through neutral countries to belligerent territory, without being
subjected to the penalties of contraband traffic or breach of blockade,
much less to detention, requisition, or confiscation"; it is reported
from Washington that the reason for the order, issued a few days ago,
for the recall of the five American Army officers who have been acting
as military observers in Germany, is due to the growing feeling of
hostility to Americans in Germany, and the belief that it is wise to
withdraw the officers before they become involved in any incident that
might cause embarrassment in American-German relations; Dudley Field
Malone, Collector of the Port of New York, announces that he has
evidence of a widespread conspiracy to violate President Wilson's
neutrality proclamation through the establishment here of an agency to
supply the British warships lying outside the three-mile zone with food
and fuel; he asks the Government for additional warships to protect the
harbor's neutrality.
April 6--An official message from Berlin is issued by the German Embassy
at Washington giving an intimation that Germany would not regard with
favor the idea of paying damages for the death of Leon Chester Thrasher;
the statement says that neutrals were warned not to cross the war zone;
the German Embassy gives out a statement on the stopping of the German
merchant ship Odenwald, halted by a shot across her bows when she was
attempting to leave San Juan, Porto Rico, without clearance papers, on
March 22; statement refers to the episode as an "attack," and says "a
sharp fire" was opened, but the American official report shows that only
warning shots were fired.
April 7--British Government denies Collector Malone's charge that
British warships have been receiving supplies from ports of the United
States in violation of neutrality; acting upon a request of the German
Ambassador, the Government is making a new investigation of the Odenwald
case.
April 8--Secretary Bryan makes public the reply of the German Government
to the American claim for compensation for the loss of the William P.
Frye; Germany is willing to pay both for ship and cargo, basing this
readiness wholly on treaties of 1799 and 1828 between the United States
and Prussia, but under international law justifying the destruction of
both ship and cargo; Collector Malone says investigation shows that
charges that supplies have been sent to British warships from New York
in violation of neutrality were part of a plot to involve this country
in trouble with England.
April 11--Count von Bernstorff, the German Ambassador, makes public a
memorandum addressed to the United States Government and delivered
several days ago, charging in effect that the United States is violating
the true spirit of neutrality by permitting vast quantities of arms to
be shipped to England, France, and Russia, and characterizing as a
failure the diplomatic efforts of the United States to effect shipment
of food supplies to Germany; the memorandum intimates that the United
States maintained a true spirit of neutrality to Mexico in placing an
embargo on arms exports to Huerta and Carranza, and quotes a statement
attributed to President Wilson on the Mexican situation.
April 13--The Government War Risk Insurance Bureau settles its first
claim for losses by paying $401,000 to the owners of the American
steamer Evelyn, sunk off the coast of Holland, supposedly by a mine, on
Feb. 21; London reports that negotiations are under way for a short-term
loan of $100,000,000 to England by American interests.
April 14--Secretary Bryan announces that arrangements have been
completed with the British Government by which two shiploads of
dyestuffs may be shipped from Germany to the United States without
interference from British warships.
April 15--The text is made public of a letter written by Theodore
Roosevelt to Mrs. George Rublee of Washington, in opposition to the
principles advanced by the Woman's Party for Constructive Peace, in
which he says the platform is "both silly and base"; at a meeting in New
York of the Central Federated Union a resolution is passed in favor of a
general strike in those industries employed in producing munitions of
war.
April 16--The American Locomotive Company has practically completed
arrangements with the Russian Government for the manufacture of
$65,000,000 worth of shrapnel shells.
April 17--The Hamburg-American steamship Georgia is transferred to
American registry and renamed the Housatonic.
April 20--French military authorities decide to abandon the charge of
setting fire to La Touraine preferred against Raymond Swoboda, because
of lack of evidence.
April 21--The Government replies to the recent memorandum from
Ambassador von Bernstorff on American neutrality; the American answer
regrets use of language that seems to impugn our good faith, and it
restates our position; it declares that we have at no time yielded any
of our rights as a neutral, and that we cannot prohibit exportation of
arms to belligerents, because to do so would be an unjustifiable breach
of our neutrality; the State Department has cabled the American Consul
at Warsaw to report fully on the present situation of Jews in Poland.
April 23--The Telefunken wireless plant at Sayville, L.I., through which
the German Government and its embassy at Washington chiefly communicate,
has been trebled in power for the purpose of overcoming climatic
conditions likely in Summer to be unfavorable for the handling of
messages; Secretary Bryan is refusing to issue passports to Americans
who wish to visit belligerent countries in Europe for sightseeing
purposes.
April 28--Secretary Bryan replies to the German note on the sinking of
the American ship William P. Frye; the answer declares that the
destruction of the vessel was "unquestionably" a violation of existing
treaties between the United States and Prussia; the answer states that
the American Government does not believe the matter should go before a
prize court, as suggested by the German note.
April 29--Samuel Pearson, who was a Boer General in the Boer war and is
an American citizen, begins an action in Wisconsin aimed at preventing
shipment of munitions of war from the United States to the enemies of
Germany; a complaint is filed on Pearson's behalf under the so-called
"Discovery" statute of Wisconsin, to obtain information whether the
Allis-Chalmers Company and others have entered into a conspiracy with
the Bethlehem Steel Company and others to manufacture and ship shrapnel
shells to European belligerents contrary to Wisconsin law.
April 30--Directions are given by President Wilson for an investigation
to be made of the Pearson bill of complaint; German Embassy at
Washington publishes an advertisement in the newspapers declaring that
"travelers sailing in the war zone on ships of Great Britain or her
allies do so at their own risk."
RELIEF.
April 1--American Red Cross sends 200,000 pounds of disinfectants to
Serbia for use in the fight against typhus.
April 2--Mme. Lalla Vandervelde, wife of the Belgian Minister of State,
sails from New York after collecting nearly $300,000 for relief in
Belgium.
April 3--Henryk Sienkiewicz, the Polish writer, appeals to the United
States for help for Poland; it is stated that an area seven times as
great as Belgium has been laid waste, 5,000 villages have been
destroyed, 1,000,000 horses and 2,000,000 cattle are dead or seized by
the enemy, and damage to the extent of $600,000,000 has been done;
Serbian Agricultural Relief Commission of America announces that Walter
Camp will take charge of Serbian relief in the colleges and universities
of the United States.
April 6--Australians have contributed $700,000 in four days for Belgian
relief, and measures are being taken to insure $500,000 a month from the
Australian States.
April 8--German Red Cross sends through Ambassador Gerard its thanks for
gifts from the United States.
April 9--Commission for Relief in Belgium announces the organization of
a New York State Belgian Committee which will work in co-operation with
the commission, Dr. John H. Finley being Chairman.
April 10--Major Gen. Gorgas, U.S.A., has been invited to go to Serbia
for the Rockefeller Commission to take charge of an attempt to stamp out
typhus.
April 12--The State of Oklahoma makes Belgian relief an official matter,
and the Governor has issued a proclamation calling upon the people to do
all in their power to aid.
April 15--Three hospital trains, each consisting of an automobile with
two trailers, have been presented to the Military Commander at
Frankfort-on-Main as a gift "from friends of Germany in the United
States"; Mme. Marcella Sembrich, President of the American Polish
Relief Committee, issues an appeal to "all America" for aid for Poland;
Paderewski arrives in New York to seek American help for Poland.
April 17--Donations to the American Red Cross total to date $1,415,000;
during the last week eight steamers have sailed from the United States
for Rotterdam carrying relief for Belgium; the cargoes totaled 55,000
tons, valued at $3,000,000.
April 21--Rockefeller Foundation gives out a report of its Relief
Commission concerning Belgian refugees in Holland; up to Feb. 22 cases
containing 1,386,572 articles of clothing, contributed by the neutral
world, principally the United States, have been delivered in Rotterdam
for the Belgians.
April 24--Report of the American Red Cross, covering the period from
Sept. 12 to April 17, shows that supplies valued at over $1,000,000 have
been sent to France, which got the largest individual share of the
shipments, and to Great Britain, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Russia,
Serbia, Turkey, and the Belgians; the supplies have included 600,000
pounds of absorbent cotton; surgical gauze that if stretched in a single
line would reach from the Battery, New York, to Niagara Falls; 32,600
pounds of chloroform and ether; 65,000 yards of bandages, and 1,123
cases of surgical instruments.
April 26--A new British committee, with many well-known Englishmen on
it, has been organized for Belgian relief, King George heading the
subscription list.
April 27--American Red Cross ships a large consignment of supplies to
the Russian Red Cross at Petrograd.
The Drink Question
[From Truth, April 7, 1915.]
Sir Topas Port, in angry sort,
A scowl upon his forehead,
Relieved his chest, of wrath possessed,
In words distinctly torrid;
His brows were raised, his eyes they blazed,
His nose inclined to florid.
"Disgraceful state! That we must wait
For guns and ammunition,
Because--Great Scott!--men play the sot
And ruin their condition.
Low, drunken swine! If power were mine,
I'd teach 'em their position!
"I'd close the pubs and workmen's clubs--
What says that Welshman feller?
All drink tabooed? Alike preclude
Mile-Ender and Pall-Maller?
Good-bye! Can't stay. I must away
Post haste to stock my cellar."
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 3, June, 1915 - April-September, 1915" ***
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