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Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 — Volume 5 of 55 - 1582-1583 - Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as Related in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century
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Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 — Volume 5 of 55 - 1582-1583 - Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as Related in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century" ***
The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
beginning of the nineteenth century
Volume V, 1582-1583
Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME V
Preface 9
Documents of 1582
Letter to Felipe II. Gonzalo Ronquillo de
Peñalosa; Manila, June 16
[1]Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas. Miguel
de Loarca; [Arevalo, June, 1582)
Letter to Felipe II. Fray Domingo de Salazar;
Manila, June 20
Letter to the viceroy. Juan Baptista Roman;
Cabite, June 25
Letter to Felipe II. Gonzalo Ronquillo de
Peñalosa; Manila, July 1
Papal decrees regarding the Dominicans. Gregory
XIII; Rome, September 15 and October 20
Report on the offices saleable in the
Philippines. [Unsigned; 1582?]
Documents of 1583
Complaints against Peñalosa. Gabriel de Ribera;
[1583?]
Affairs in the Philipinas Islands. Domingo
de Salazar; [Manila, 1583]
Instructions to commissary of the
Inquisition. Pedro de los Rios, and others;
Mexico, March 1
Foundation of the Audiencia of Manila (to be
concluded). Felipe II; Aranjuez, May 5
Bibliographical Data
ILLUSTRATIONS
Map of South America and Antilles, showing Strait of Magellan (original
in colors), in _Beschryvinghe van de gantsche Custe_, by Jan Huygen
van Linschoten (Amstelredam, M.D.XCVI); reduced photographic facsimile,
from copy in Boston Public Library
Autograph signature of Domingo de Salazar, O.P., first bishop of
Manila; photographic facsimile from MS. in Archivo general de Indias,
Sevilla
PREFACE
The period covered by this volume is short--only the years 1582-83,
which close the second decade of Spanish occupation of the Philippine
Islands; but in that time occur some events of great importance, and
certain influences which deeply affect early Philippine history are
revealed. The coming (in 1581) of the zealous and intrepid bishop,
Domingo de Salazar, was a red-letter day for the natives of the
islands. The Spanish conquerors are ruthlessly oppressing the Indians,
caring but little for the opposition made by the friars; but Salazar
exerts as far as possible his ecclesiastical authority, and, besides,
vigorously urges the king to shield those unfortunate victims of
Spanish rapacity. Various humane laws are accordingly enacted for the
protection of the natives; but of course this interference by the
bishop occasions a bitter hostility between the ecclesiastical and
the secular powers--perhaps never to be quieted. With Salazar come
Jesuit fathers, who establish in the islands the missionary work of
that order. In 1582 Japanese pirates begin to threaten Luzón, but are
defeated and held in check by the Spanish troops. In 1583 occur two
most notable events: one of these is the appointment for the islands
of a royal Audiencia, or high court of justice--especially ordered
by the king to watch over and shield the Indians; the other is the
opening there of a branch of the Inquisition or Holy Office. Fuller
details of all these matters are herewith given in the usual synopsis
of documents.
In a letter dated June 16, 1582, Governor Peñalosa reports that the
conversion of the natives is making good progress, but there are not
enough missionaries. He recommends that a convent be established in
every city and village; and that missionaries be sent directly from
the mother-country, rather than from New Spain, as in the latter case
they soon become discontented after coming to the Philippines. He
complains because the Franciscans have gone to China; he renews the
plea advanced by former officials for the conquest of that country, but
regards the present Spanish force in the Philippines as inadequate for
that purpose. Meanwhile, he is endeavoring to strengthen the colony,
and has founded the town of Arévalo in Panay. Another new town is being
established--Nueva Segovia, in Luzon. Peñalosa has sent an officer
to Maluco, and the Jesuit Sanchéz to Macao, to pacify the Portuguese
there when they shall learn of the change in their rulers--the dominion
over Portugal having passed to the crown of Spain. He criticizes the
administration of his predecessors, saying that they followed no plan
or system in disbursements from the royal exchequer.
The governor thinks that the customs duties heretofore levied in the
islands--three per cent on both imports and exports--are too small;
and he has decided to raise the rate to five per cent for merchants in
the Philippines, and seven for those in Mexico. He is endeavoring to
extend the commerce of the islands, and for this purpose is sending
ships with goods to Panama and Peru. He has sent one piece of heavy
artillery to the viceroy of Peru, who asks Peñalosa for more; this is
for the defense of the Strait of Magellan. The commerce between the
Philippines and New Spain is increasing. Peñalosa commends the Jesuit
missionaries who have come to the islands, and advises that more of
them be sent thither. He is building forts and ships for the defense
of the islands. He remonstrates against the recent royal decree which
ordered the liberation of all Indian slaves held by Spaniards in the
Philippines; and closes by asking some personal favors.
By the same mail which conveys the governor's letter is sent
an account of the islands and their people, written by a soldier
named Miguel de Loarca, Who was one of the earlier conquerors and
settlers there. Beginning at Cebú, as the first settlement was made
therein, he describes each island then known to the Spaniards in that
group--noting its size, contour, and population; and enumerating
the encomiendas assigned therein, the officials in the Spanish
settlements, the products of the island, etc. With this information
Loarca incorporates many interesting details regarding the social and
economic condition of the natives. After this preliminary survey,
he describes at some length the religious beliefs of the Pintados
or Visayan Indians; these vary, as held by the coast dwellers and
those of the mountains. He relates their notions about the creation
of the world and the origin of man, the condition of departed souls,
and the deities who control their destiny. Many of these beliefs are,
of course, childish, crude, and superstitious; yet some indicate
considerable imagination and poetic fancy. They have various deities,
and their priests are usually women; their religious traditions
are preserved in songs. Their mortuary and mourning customs are
described. A chapter is devoted to the institution of slavery among
these peoples--its nature and causes, and the value and status of
the slave. Their marriage customs are described at length, with the
status of women among them, the penalties for unfaithfulness, the
causes for divorce, etc. There is considerable curious information
regarding the fauna and flora of the islands. Loarca then proceeds
to relate similar particulars about the Moros of Luzon; they adore a
divinity called Bathala, "the lord of all," or Creator. His ministers,
who are deities of rain, harvest, trees, the sea, etc., are called
_anitos_, and worshiped and invoked accordingly; they intercede for the
people with the great Bathala. These Moros are governed by chiefs, who
enact and administer such laws as seem necessary for the preservation
of good order--adultery, murder, and theft being the chief crimes,
which are punished by a system of fines, or by the enslavement of
those who are without means to pay them.
The recently-arrived bishop, Domingo de Salazar, writes (June 20,
1582) to the king, imploring redress for the wrongs and sufferings
endured by the Indians, who are continually oppressed by the Spanish
officials placed over them. An affidavit made by some Indian chiefs
relates their grievances. As a result of this ill-treatment, the
native villages are rapidly being depopulated.
A letter from the royal factor in the Philippines, Juan Baptista Roman
(June 25, 1582), relates the encounter of the Spaniards with some
Japanese pirates who have raided the province of Cagayan in Luzón,
and implores speedy aid from Mexico against this enemy. A letter
evidently written by Peñalosa, although unsigned (July 1, 1582),
mentions the fight with the Japanese, and asks for reënforcements
of troops. More funds are also needed for extra expenses incurred,
and especially for emergencies which often arise in the islands.
Two papal decrees (September 15 and October 20, 1582) found the
Philippine province of the Dominican order, and grant indulgences
to those who go thither as missionaries. An unsigned document
(1582?) enumerates the "offices saleable" in the Philippine Islands;
and recommends some changes in the methods of filling them, in view of
the prevalent abuses. Captain Gabriel de Ribera addresses (1583?) to
some high official a letter complaining that Peñalosa's administration
is a bad one, and injurious to the welfare of the islands.
In the same year Bishop Salazar writes a memorial regarding affairs
in the islands, for the information of the king and his royal Council
of the Indias. He begins by describing the present scarcity of food
supplies in Luzón. This is the result of sending to work in the mines
the Indians of Pampanga, which province has hitherto been the granary
of the island. The Spaniards also compel the natives to work in the
galleys, and at many other tasks, so that they have no opportunity to
cultivate their fields, and are even deprived of suitable religious
instruction. Greedy Spanish officials have monopolized all local
traffic, and have set their own price on all provisions, from which
some have made great profits. Salazar--who has with good reason been
styled "the Las Casas of the Philippines"--enumerates a melancholy
list of injuries and opressions inflicted upon the hapless natives
by their conquerors, and urges in most forcible and eloquent language
that they be protected from injustice and treated as human beings. He
cites from the royal decrees the clauses which make such provisions in
behalf of the Indians, and claims that most of these are continually
disobeyed. The Indians held by the royal crown suffer even greater
oppression than do those in private encomiendas. As a result of all
these evil deeds on the part of the Spaniards, the Indians have come
to abhor the Christian faith, and many remain pagans; while those who
are nominally Christians are so through fear rather than choice. The
preachers who are sent to them ought to go without military escort,
and the ençomenderos should be compelled to fulfil their duties toward
the Indians in their charge.
The bishop then describes the status of the Chinese traders who come
to the Philippine Islands. Vexatious dues have been levied upon the
Chinese in Manila; they have been herded together in one dwelling,
apart from the other residents of the city; and a special warden,
with arbitrary power, has been placed over them. Besides, they have
been compelled to sell their goods at much below their value, and
have frequently been plundered; and reparation for their wrongs has
been denied. As a consequence, Chinese goods have almost disappeared
from the market, and the few articles seen are sold at exorbitant
prices. Other traders who come to Manila are also burdened with
numerous unjust and arbitrary exactions.
Salazar complains that the Spaniards enslave the Indians, and, despite
all remonstrances made by the priests and friars, refuse to liberate
their slaves. The natives are oppressed by the officials, and are
at the mercy of lawless, because unpaid, soldiers. The encomenderos
refuse to pay tithes, and the royal officials say that they have
no instructions to pay the bishop; he is thus greatly straitened in
means, and can do but little to aid the unfortunate natives or the
poor Spaniards. The governor proposes to levy an additional tribute
on the Indians; the clergy and the friars hold a conference regarding
this matter, and decide that it may reasonably be levied, in order
to support the expenses of protecting the natives from their enemies,
and of instructing them in the true religion. Nevertheless, the bishop
advises that no additional tribute be imposed until the king shall
have opportunity to examine the question, and order such action as
he deems best. The soldiers in the Philippines have left behind them
(in Spain, Mexico, and elsewhere) families whom they have practically
abandoned for many years. Salazar desires the king to order that these
men be sent back to their homes, or obliged to bring their families
to the islands. Again he recurs to the wretched condition of the
natives, and asks that suitable provision be made for an official
"protector of the Indians;" and that to this post, now temporarily
filled, the bishop may have the right of nomination. He also asks
that to the city of Manila be granted an encomienda, to provide means
for conducting municipal affairs and meeting necessary expenses. He
recommends a reward for Ensign Francisco de Dueñas, who has just
returned from an important mission to Ternate--whither he went with
official announcement of the transfer of the Portuguese settlement
there to the Spanish crown, which is peaceably accomplished. The
Franciscan missionaries who went to China have been brought back
to the islands by the governor, who forbids them to go away again
without his permission. The bishop intercedes for them with Peñalosa,
but in vain. This is but an instance of the frequent conflicts between
the bishop and the civil authorities, who hinder rather than aid his
efforts. Salazar closes his letter with advice to the king as to the
officials who ought to be sent to these islands.
A document of especial interest is that (dated March 1, 1583) which
gives instructions for the commissary of the Inquisition who is to
reside in the Philippines. Great care must be exercised in the choice
of that official; he must be very discreet in his actions, and observe
most strictly the rule of secrecy in all transactions connected with
his office and proceedings. All cases of heresy are to be referred
to the Holy Office; accordingly, no cognizance of such cases is to be
taken by bishops or other ecclesiastical dignitaries. The commissary
is warned to control his temper, to be careful and thorough in
his investigations, and to report to the Holy Office any cases of
disrespect or disobedience to his commands. Careful instructions
are given for procedure in receiving denunciations against suspected
persons, on which are placed various restrictions, as well as upon
arrests made in consequence of such accusations. The commissary is
expected to investigate various crimes, especially that of bigamy;
but he should, when possible, leave its punishment to the regular
courts. In case of any accusation for this or other crimes, he should
send to the Inquisition at Mexico all available information regarding
the accused; in certain cases the latter should be sent to Mexico. The
royal officials of justice are required to assist the commissary on his
demand, and the public prisons are at his disposal; but he may at his
own discretion select a special and secret place of imprisonment for
a person arrested by him. The prisoner is to be promptly despatched
to Mexico, to be tried by the Inquisition there. The commissary is
warned not to sequestrate the property of the accused, but to see
that it be administered by some capable person. Funds to provide for
the prisoner's journey and his food, clothing, and other necessary
expenses are, however, to be taken from his property--enough of it for
this purpose being sold at public auction. None of these procedures
shall apply to the Indians, who shall be left under the jurisdiction
of the ordinary ecclesiastical courts; but cases involving Spaniards,
mestizos, and mulattoes shall be tried by the Inquisition. Its
edicts against certain books shall be solemnly read in public, for
which procedure instructions are given. The commissary must visit the
ships arriving at the ports, and examine their officers according to
his instructions; but this applies only to Spanish ships which come
from Spanish possessions. The especial object of such visitation is
to confiscate any books condemned by the Inquisition which may be
conveyed by the ships. Doubtful cases are left to the commissary's
discretion, since he is at so great a distance from Mexico.
Another valuable document is the decree which provides (May 5, 1583)
for the establishment and conduct of a royal Audiencia (high court of
justice) in Manila. Provision is made for a house wherein this court
shall sit, and for its powers and the scope of its jurisdiction; and
instructions are given for its course of procedure in the various
matters which shall come before it. Certain duties outside their
judiciary functions are prescribed for its members; among these
are the oversight of the royal exchequer, and inspection of inns,
apothecary shops, and weights and measures. The Audiencia shall
despatch to the home government information regarding the resources
of the islands, the condition of the people, their attitude toward
idolatry, the instruction bestowed upon Indian slaves, etc. It shall
fix the prices to be asked by merchants for their wares; keep a list
of all the Spanish citizens, with record of the services and rewards
of each; audit the municipal accounts of the city where the court is
established; and allot lands to those who settle new towns. Its powers
in regard to ecclesiastical cases of various kinds are carefully
defined. Felipe orders that the papal bulls be proclaimed only in
those towns where Spaniards have settled, and then in the Spanish
language; and that the Indians shall not be compelled to hear the
preaching of them, or to receive them. Specific directions are given
for the manner in which the Audiencia shall audit the accounts of
the royal treasury, and it may not expend the moneys therein; it
shall also audit the accounts of estates in probate. Its members must
especially watch over the welfare of the conquered Indians--punishing
those who oppress them, and seeing that the natives receive religious
instruction, in which the Audiencia and the bishop shall cooperate;
and various specific directions are given for the protection of the
Indians and their interests. The duties of the officials subordinate to
the Audiencia--fiscal attorney, alguazils, clerks, jail-wardens, and
others--are carefully prescribed, as also are those of advocates. The
remainder of this document will be presented in _Vol_. VI.
_The Editors_
May, 1903.
DOCUMENTS OF 1582
Letter to Felipe II. Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa; June 16.
[2]Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas. Miguel de Loarca; [June].
Letter to Felipe II. Fray Domingo de Salazar; June 20.
Letter to viceroy. Juan Baptista Roman; June 25.
Letter to Felipe II. Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa; July 1.
Papal decrees regarding the Dominicans. Gregory XIII; September
15 and October 20.
Report on the offices saleable in the Philippines. [Unsigned;
1582?].
_Sources_: These documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo
general de Indias, Sevilla--excepting the papal decrees, which are
taken from Hernaez's _Colección de bulas_.
_Translations_: The first and third documents are translated by José
M. and Clara M. Asensio; the second, by Alfonso de Salvio, of Harvard
University, and Emma Helen Blair; the fourth, by Arthur B. Myrick,
of Harvard University; the fifth, by James A. Robertson; the sixth,
by Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A., of Villanova College; the seventh,
by Alfonso de Salvio.
LETTER FROM PEÑALOSA TO FELIPE II
Royal Catholic Majesty:
There has now returned one of the ships by which I wrote in the year
80. Until now no word has been received of the other ship to Nueva
España, in which I sent a duplicate report. Therefore in this letter I
shall refer to some of the most essential points which I had written,
and will give a report also of what is presented for the first time.
This country is advancing rapidly in the conversion of the natives,
and they are quick to embrace baptism and the knowledge of our
holy faith. If the harvest is not greater, it is for lack of
workers. However, the repartimientos held by the Spaniards contain
but few persons and yield small income; and thus they cannot assist
in supplying all the instruction necessary, because of the cost of
maintaining the religious. In this ship sail two religious of the
order of St. Augustine, in order to beseech your Majesty to grant them
grace in several necessary points. One is father Fray Juan Pimentel,
in whom are found many excellent qualities. Among the things that
they desire, I consider it very important that your Majesty order
convents to be built in all the villages and cities. There should be
a convent of six religious in each of the villages, and one of twelve
in the cities. May your Majesty see to it that these be provided,
from the alms which are customarily given to those who serve in the
instruction of your Majesty's towns. It is very inconvenient that for
lack of the means of support, the priests who are sent here and are
occupied in instructing the Indians, are not able to carry on their
work. If there were convents, none but the most approved persons
would be sent to occupy them, as is necessary for the result that
they strive to attain by their doctrine, lives, and examples.
It is very necessary that the friars who are sent to these islands come
directly from España, and that they have not remained any length of
time in Nueva España. As that land is so prosperous and wealthy, and
the affairs and teaching of the Indians have attained such progress,
they become much discouraged in this country, and try to return to
New Spain or go elsewhere.
As a result of this feeling, there set out in April of this year the
custodian of the order of St. Francis, with seven other friars of
this city. They sailed without my approbation in a fragata which had
been secretly made ready; and went to Macau, a town in China which is
inhabited by Portuguese. The ships from India belonging to Portugal
stop there for trade, as well as those going to Japan. It seemed to me
that God would not sanction their departure, nor would your Majesty be
pleased to have them leave this country, where there are so many native
Christians and where religious are so needed, since they had been sent
hither at your Majesty's expense, to discharge the obligations of the
royal conscience; but without my order, and at such a time, they set
out. We even yet do not know the attitude taken by your Majesty in
regard to the affairs of Portugal. I am determined to send after them,
stop them, and prevent their voyage, although there have been and
are now serious embarrassments in the way. If your Majesty does not
approve of my plans, may it be commanded that everything be carefully
weighed and considered. Three years ago four friars of the same order
made that identical voyage without permission of the governor then
here. It is not possible to check them if their superiors do not
remedy the affair. If your Majesty should order that no Portuguese
friars come hither, it would be best for your royal service.
The royal estate has advanced, and is now progressing by the means
which I have provided for its increase. Although the rents and profits
have been doubled since I came, their sum is but little, and does not
amount to thirty thousand pesos annually. This is not sufficient for
the salaries and expenses of the fleets and artillery, and therefore
the treasury remains in debt, although not to such an extent as
formerly. Everything possible is done to cut down expenses for your
Majesty, and thus a great reduction has been made therein. This has
been done with many supplies which are usually provided from Nueva
España, since I am informed that many articles which are brought
thence at great cost can be supplied here. It is a mistake for your
Majesty to think that these islands can serve the royal estate with
a considerable sum of money, for I can say that that will not be
for many years yet. But it is right that your Majesty should value
this land highly, on account of its proximity to China. Without doubt
that is the finest country in the world, since it has so many people
and so great wealth. This island of Luçon is not a hundred leagues
distant from China, and ought to profit much from the endeavors made
there by the vassals of your Majesty. It is considered just that war
should be made against them; and this and their conquest depends only
on the way in which God inclines the heart of your Majesty.
Until his divine Majesty is pleased to appoint that time, it would
be a serious error to undertake a war with the people who could be
sent from here. I have determined to occupy them in finishing the
settlement of these islands. Accordingly, the village of Arevalo--on
the island of Panay, fifty leagues from this district--has just been
settled. The land is very fertile and the inhabitants are rich. They
are almost all at peace, and the town is increasing in population
because of the good and healthful character of that country.
This year I have sent people to settle the city of Segovia in a
province called Cagayan, in this island, a hundred leagues from this
city. It is the frontier of China, and much benefit is expected from
its settlement--for it is the best-situated port, with a harbor of
greater depth, for the ships which sail in the line from Nueva España
and Peru; and it is so near to China that one can cross thence in
three days. For the sake of the future I consider it very important to
have that frontier settled. I sent for the settlement thereof Captain
Juan Pablos de Carrion, with about a hundred picked men. They go in
good order, well provided with artillery, vessels, ammunition, and
with the approbation and blessing of the church. God will be served
through them, and your Majesty as well.
In the years 80 and 81 there came to these islands some pirate ships
from Japan, which is located about four hundred leagues from here. They
did some injury to the natives. This year, as warning was received that
ten ships were being prepared to come to these islands, I have sent
a fleet to the place where they are accustomed to come. This fleet is
composed of six vessels, among them a ship and a galley well supplied
with guns. I will send later advices of the outcome. The Japanese are
the most warlike people in this part of the world. They have artillery
and many arquebuses and lances. They use defensive armor for the body,
made of iron, which they have owing to the subtlety of the Portuguese,
who have displayed that trait to the injury of their own souls.
Although I have had no letter or advices of the state of affairs
with Portugal, it seemed to me in the year 80, that we should live
with great care and circumspection on account of what might happen,
as the Portuguese are so quarrelsome, and especially if Don Antonio,
the Prior of Crato, [3] should come here. In order to try to ascertain
the state of affairs at Maluco and at Macau, the post held by the
Portuguese in China, I have sent for this purpose to the islands of
Maluco the sub-lieutenant Francisco de Dueñas with four companions. He
is well-instructed as to what course to pursue. Likewise I sent to
Macau Father Alonso Sanchez of the Society of the Name of Jesus, a
person in whom are combined many admirable traits. [4] They are going
to try to prepare and calm the people for the time when certain news
will be had of the occurrences in Portugal. They will bring back
a report of everything which has been learned there of affairs,
even to the defeat of the Infante Don Antonio. I realize that it
is necessary to be diligent in order to effect the desired ends,
or that at least I shall be informed of the conditions there, and
the forces with which the Portuguese are supplied.
The governors who have been here have used no system in making
disbursements from the royal exchequer. They have followed the plan
of spending as they saw fit and convenient to your Majesty's royal
service. I have continued in the same way because in no other manner
would it be possible to support it or make advancement. The expenses
here are for the most part extraordinary, and of small sums, as the
royal exchequer cannot allow more owing to its limited resources,
as I have already said. For expenses of considerable sums, as those
incurred in despatching fleets for our settlements, against pirates,
and in paying the salaries of corregidors and alcaldes-mayor,
the officials ask me to request an order from your Majesty. I
have no other way of complying with the obligations of your royal
service. Will your Majesty please to have an order sent me, in order
that when I consider it convenient for your royal service, I may
make payments from the royal treasury? It is not possible otherwise
to maintain your royal service. The total expenditure is but slight,
and is watched and regulated with all care.
There are several men, newly-arrived in this country, who are always
writing advices and opinions in respect to the aforesaid matter
and others. It would be best for the royal service that the decrees
despatched therefor be sent submitted to the consideration of the
governor. As we are so far away it is right, _ceteris paribus_,
in order to insure progress, that confidence be placed in the governor.
By other letters, I have already given advices of the imposition of
three per cent as duties on both importations and exportations of the
merchandise of both Spaniards and Chinese. A freight charge of twelve
pesos per tonelada is also imposed. Considering their large profits,
these duties are very moderate. For this reason, and because the
instructions brought by the adelantado Legaspi decreed the collection
of five per cent from the people of this country and seven from
the merchants of Mexico, and as the collection at that rate cannot,
in good conscience, be too long delayed, I have decided to enforce
it. Your Majesty will provide according to the royal pleasure. In my
opinion, the regulations made are moderate, just, and desirable for
the royal service.
I also gave information that I had sent a ship to Piru in the year
81. From all that I hear, it is important for the progress of this
kingdom that it trade and have commerce with the others; therefore
I am sending this year another ship, for private individuals,
to Panama. Consequently, I shall have ships sent to the principal
kingdoms held by your Majesty in the Indias and the Southern Sea. The
ship for Peru carried some artillery to be delivered to the viceroy,
among them a piece of eighty-five quintals. I decided to do this,
knowing the need there for heavy artillery, as the strait had to be
fortified. [5] I think that the artillery arrived at an opportune
season, for I have had a letter from the viceroy, Don Martin Enriques,
in which he begs me to let him know if I could supply him with heavy
artillery. I am only waiting for [the return of] the ship which
I sent a year ago, in order to furnish him with as much as I can,
for I consider that your Majesty will be thereby served.
The viceroy, Count de Coruña, [6] regrets that I despatched ships to
a point outside of Nueva España. I can well believe that he has been
persuaded to this view by the merchants interested in trade, as they
do not wish the gains to be divided. Those who consider the subject
without prejudice, however, will understand the great advantages which
might follow thereby to this country, in that people will come hither
and commerce be opened upon all sides.
The affairs of this country are improving to such an extent that
the cargo of this ship bound for Nueva España is worth four hundred
thousand pesos. It carries two thousand marcos of gold without taking
into account the large quantity of goods intended for Panama.
In the past year, 81, there came from Nueva España three Theatins;
and two priests, Father Antonio Sedeño [7] and Father Alonso Sanches,
zealous servants of God and having great erudition. They are doing
much good, and I consider them as excellent persons for this country,
and think that it would be advantageous to send more.
In some places which need defense I am having forts built, and for
them artillery is constantly being cast--although there is a lack
of competent workmen, nor are there any in Nueva España. It would be
well to have master-founders of cannon sent from España.
I am also having some galliots and fragatas built, so that I may be
supplied with vessels for both present and future emergencies.
This kingdom was thrown into great confusion by a decree in which
your Majesty ordered the liberation of all Indian slaves held by
Spaniards. This affair has caused me much anxiety; for, if it should
be immediately complied with, and put into execution without allowing
any term of grace, this kingdom would be placed in a sad state for
many good and very forcible reasons. Of these, and of the measures
which I took in regard to this, your Majesty will be informed at
greater length. Accordingly, I refer you to that report, and beseech
your Majesty that the decree be greatly amended, since this is a very
important matter.
By the death of Salvador de Aldave, who served as treasurer of your
royal estate, in place of the master-of-camp, Guido de Laveçares
(the proprietary holder, who died), I appointed to the said office
Don Antonio Jufre, my step-son. He came with me to serve your Majesty
in these islands, and I consider that he possesses the necessary
qualifications for the requirements of the office. He has fulfilled
its duties thus far; and now he has gone to the settlement of the city
of Segovia, as treasurer and purveyor of the fleet. I beseech your
Majesty to have the goodness to ratify his appointment to said office.
In my instructions your Majesty granted me the favor and permission to
obtain a repartimiento of Indians from each of the new settlements--to
be in all three repartimientos. As, to enjoy this favor, I must live
for a longer time than is assured by my poor state of health, I beg
your Majesty kindly to allow me to take one of the repartimientos
from one of the towns which is already discovered and settled, and
which is at present unoccupied; this is only that I may serve your
Majesty with more strength. May our Lord guard your Catholic royal
Majesty with increase of kingdoms and seignories, as we your servants
desire. Manila, June 16, 1582. Royal Catholic Majesty, the most humble
servant of your Majesty, who kisses the royal feet and hands.
_Don Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa_
RELACION DE LAS YSLAS FILIPINAS POR MIGUEL DE LOARCA
_Tratado de las yslas Philipinas en qe_ se Contiene todas las yslas y
poblaçones qe estan Reduçidas Al seruiçio de la magd Real del Rey Don
phelippe nro señor y las poblaçones qe están fundadas de españoles y
la manera del gouierno de Españoles y naturales con Algunas condiçiones
de los yndios y moros destas yslas.
Aunqe la prinçipal poblaçon de españoles, En estas yslas es la çiudad
de manila y la ysla de luçon donde ella esta es la mejor y mas Rica de
todo lo descubierto y por esta causa Ubieramos de tratar y començar a
escrivir della pero por aver sido la de çubu la primera qe se pobló
y que de Allí se a salido a conquistar todo lo demas y tambien por
auerme Va Sa dado tam breue tiempo para haçer esta Relaçion y tenerla
yo mas de la ysla de çubu y de las demas sus comarcanas que llaman de
los pintados, començare della pa que se Prosiga despues mas largamte
en lo que toca A esta ysla De luçon y sus comarcanas que por ser moros
difieren algo en las condiçiones y viuienda y lengua.--No se puede
negar a Ver faltado curiosidad en los que A esta tierra an pasado
pues eclesiastico, ni secular an tomado la mano para contar lo que
a acaeçido en la conquista desta tierra y Ansi aunque en mexico El
padre fray Alonso de Buyça Diçen tiene hecho vn gran Volumen sobre
ello tengolo por dudoso porqe yo e visto cartas suyas qe Vinieron el
Año pasado en este navio sanct martin, por las quales enbia a pedir
certidumbre de cosas acaeçidas de dies y seys Años a esta pte porqe
esta dudoso de las Relaçiones que de Aca le an enbiado y si hubiera
escrito alguno de los estantes en este Reyno, diera de todo Verdadera
notiçia para los tiempos venideros y agora con muçha dificultad se
podra poner en orden y sera menester muçho tiempo y por y esto y la
breuedad no tratare deste particular sino cumpliendo lo que su magd
mda a V. sa por su Real çedula añidiendo Algunas costumbres de los
naturales pa que Pues son basallos de su magd sepa de la barbaridad de
que los a sacado y la poliçia en qe agora Viuen con su buen gouierno.--
Capo Primo
_De la Ysla de Çubu y de las qe_ estan en su Juridiçion
_ysla de Çubu._ [8] La ysla De çubu ques la primera donde miguel
lopes de l[eg]azpi poblo tiene de box y çircuyto casi çien leguas,
y de longitud casi çinquenta porques muy angosta por las dos puntas
tendrá por lo mas ancho Veynte leguas la vna caveça della que se
llama burula qe esta a la uanda del norte la otra punta qe llamamos
las Cabeças; que los naturales llaman sanbuan esta a la vanda del sur
por que esta ysla corre casi norte sur esto se entiende, maren fuera
porqe costa à costa ay ensenadas qe corren en diferentes Rumbos esto es
por la banda, donde esta la poblaçon de çubu, por la otra vanda ques
la vanda del hueste corre casi les nordeste sur sudueste, tiene toda
esta ysla como tres mil y quinientos yndios en diferentes poblaçones
por la mayor parte pequeñas, que por eso no pongo sino algunas qe son
las principales qe las de mas son pequeñas de A oçho o a dies casas.
_Jaro_. Jaro es de un encomendero qe tiene encomienda en otra parte
tiene quios yndios--
_Daraguete_. Daraguete son demasias de encomienda tiene duçientos
yndios--
_Peñol_. el peñol es demasias de encomienda tiene duçientos yndios--
_Jaro_. Jaro es demasias de encomienda tiene duçientos yndios--
_temanduc_ temanduqe es demasia de encomienda, tiene quinientos
yndios,--
_temanduc_. En la mesma prouinçia de temanduqe tiene otro encomendero
setenta yndios, es demasia de encomiendas--
_barile_ El pueblo de barile es otra encomienda, tiene quatroçientos
yndios, es demasia de encomienda.--
_burungan_ El pueblo de burungan terna setenta yndios, es demasia
de encomienda--
_candaya_. La prouinçia de candaya tiene treçientos y çinquenta yndios,
son de dos encomenderos, es demasia de encomienda.--
No tiene ninguna encomienda prinçipal en toda ella ningun español
aunque son catorçe los que tienen parte en ella qe por ser veçinos
de la Villa de çubu se les dió a cada Uno dos o tres puebleçuelos
para seruiçio y gallinas y otras cosas de sustento, por tener las
encomiendas prinçipales lejos a treynta, y a quarenta leguas, mas y
menos tiene aliende de los diçhos naturales como dos tiros de Arcabuz
De la uilla de los españoles qe se llama la villa del ssantisimo nombre
de Jesus porqe alli se allo vn niño Jesus del tiempo de magallanes
qe los yndios tenian en beneraçion, vn pueblo de los naturales ques
de la Rel Corona qe tiene como oçhoçientos yndios los quales por
el adelantado miguel lopes de legazpi fueron Reseruados de tributo
por auer sido siempre en fauor de los españoles y auer ayudado a
ganar pte de las otras yslas. _notables de la ysla de çubu_ auia en
la poblaçon de los españoles treynta y tantos encomenderos. Ay de
ordinario çinquenta o sesenta españoles con los Vecinos y soldados
qe Acuden alli, _alld mayor en çubu_. Ay Vna leal de [ = Vn alcalde]
mayor proveido por los gouernadores destas yslas con treçientos
pesos de salario pagados de penas de Camara y no Alcançando en
la Real haçienda el Alcalde mayor asta agora no a proueydo ningun
theniente Ay seis Regidores los quales asta agora an sido cadañeros
y Vn alguaçil mayor proveydo por los gouernadores que an sido y esta
a beneplaçito del goueror quitarle y ponerle es ofiçio qe no tiene
prouechos ninguno y asi se dá a un encomendero hombre prinçipal, ay
dos Alcaldes hordinarios y Vn escriuano de cabildo y publico que si
no fuesen encomenderos de los derechos, no podrian sustentarse por
no auer en aquella villa ningun comerçio por estar a trasmano, tiene
El mejor puesto qe se a allado en estas yslas y por esso poblo alli
miguel lopes de legazpi el qual fundo la diçha villa año de sesenta
y quatro podria ser qe con el trato del maluco fuese a mas porqe no
siendo de aqui no tiene otra pte de donde le venga ninguna contrataçion
porque su comarca es pobre porqe en todo su destricto aunqe es mucho
no Ay minas de oro ni lauaderos sino es in la ysla de mindanao como
se dira Adelante y eso es poco en esta ysla de çubu se coje poco aRoZ
coje se Vorona y millo y tiene poco Algodon a casi ninguno porque la
Ropa que vsan para su vestir. es sacada de vnos platanos y dello haçen
vnas mantas como bocaçi de colores qe llaman los naturales medrinaqe
y en estas yslas la que tiene aRoz y Algodon, es tierra Rica por lo
que vale en la nueva españa el algodon y las mantas, la condiçion
de la gte dire despues de todos los pintados en general porqe todos
son de vna manera tienen tambien gallinas y puercos y algunas cabras
frisoles y vnas Rayçes como batatas de sancto domingo qe llaman camotes
en esta ysla y en todas las demas el prinçipal mantenimiento despues
del aRoz es pescado porqe en todas lo Ay en abundançia y bueno--[En
esta ysla de çubu aun qe en todas las yslas que se an descubierto en
estas partes ay benados en esta no ay ninguno y si lo traen de fuera
y lo hechan en ella se muere luego.] [9]--
_Ysla De matan_ Al sur de la poblaçon de çubu como dos tiros de
arcabuz esta la ysla de matan, ques donde mataron a magallanes ques
la que haçe el puerto de çubu, y tiene como quatro leguas de çircuyto
y media legua de Ançho, ay en ella como treçientos yndios en quatro
o çinco pueblos pequeños es proprios de la villa--
_ysla de Vohol_. dela Otra vanda desta ysla de matan mas al sur
esta la ysla de Vohol como ocho leguas apartada de la poblaçon de
çubu qe tiene como dos mil yndios es de encomienda los naturales
desta ysla. son muy aparentados, con los çebuanes y son casi todos
vnos, los naturales della, qe Viuen en las playas son por la mayor
parte grandes pescadores, son grandes bogadores y ansi solian andar
antes qe viniesen, los españoles a Robar en corço en sus nauios y
son contratantes, solia auer en esta ysla Vna gran poblaçon poco
tiempo antes qe viniesen a estas yslas los españoles--los malucos la
saquearon, y toda la mayor pte de la gente se repartio por las demas
yslas donde agora auitan las poblaçones de la sierra adentro son
pequeñas y pobres y aun no del todo sujetos, ay en esta ysla muçha
abundançia de caça de Venados y puercos, y en muchas ysletas qe tiene
alderredor de si despobladas a donde ay tambien grandes pesquerias
tendra de çircuyto como quarento leguas y oçho a diez de ançho--
_Yslas de negros_. Por la vanda del hueste de la ysla de çubu esta otra
ysla que los españoles llaman ysla de negros porqe en las serranias
ay algunos negros, los yndios la nombran por diferentes nombres como
es nayon y ma maylan y otros nombres conforme a los pueblos qe tiene
en cada pte della terna como seys o siete mil yndios. la cantidad de
los negros no se sabe porqe no estan de paz, por la pte que esta hacia
çubu es poco poblada, porqe solo tiene vna poblaçon, buena que es el
Rio de tanay y la mitad de los yndios de Aquel Rio son los yndios qe
fueron de bohol, por la vanda del sur qe confina con la ysla de panay
y villa de Areualo es bien poblada porqe estan alli los Rios de ylo
ynabagan bago y carobcop tecgaguan qe son fertiles de comida como es
aRoz puercos y gallinas y muçho medrinaque aunqe no tienen algodon
la pte qe confina con la ysla de çubu esta apartada de la diçha ysla
como dos leguas y media y por la pte que confina, qe confina con la
ysla de panay y villa de areualo tiene otro tanto porqe estas yslas
haçe dos estreçhos el vno haçe con la ysla de zubu y el otro con la
ysla de panay, la pte qe cae A la ysla de çubu ay tres encomenderos
por la parte de la ysla de panay y villa de areualo ay otros oçho
encomenderos que si no son los dos todos los demas tienen encomiendas
en otra pte terna esta ysla nouenta leguas de box y de Ançho como
doçe o treçe leguas no tiene su magd en esta ysla ningunos pueblos--
_ysla de fuegos_ Çerca del estreçho qe haçe la ysla de negros y la
ysla de çubu esta vna ysla qe llamamos nosotros ysla de fuegos qe
terna diez leguas de box terna como duçientos yndios esta es demasia
de vn encomendero cojese en ella cantidad de çera
_ysla de camotes_. Por la pte del leste de la ysla de çubu esten dos
ysletas pequeñas qe ternan de box cada vna çinco leguas que llaman
ysletas de camotes ternan entrambas como treçientos yndios son proprios
de la çiudad de çubu es gte pobre aunqe tienen alguna çera, y muçho
Pescado son las poblaçones pequeñas de siete y a ocho casas estan
apartadas de la ysla de çubu como tres leguas y siete de la çiudad--
_ysla de baybay_ Corriendo mas haçia la buelta del leste como otras
tres leguas esta la ysla qe llaman de baybay y por otro nombre
leyte ques ysla grande y muy abundante de comida aunqe la Ropa es
de medrinaqe es muy poblada terna como catorçe o quinçe mil yndios
y de los diez mil dellos se cobran tributos porqe a sido gte mala
de domeñar tiene doçe encomenderos no tiene su magd en ella ningunos
yndios, terna esta ysla como oçhenta leguas de box y de Ançho quinçe
o diez y seys, las Poblaçones y Rios prinçipales son los siguintes
Vaybay, yodmuc, leyte, cauigava, barugo, maraguincay palos, abuyo,
dulaque y longos, bito, cabalian, calamocan, Tugud no ay en esta ysla
minas ni lauaderos ni se coje otra Ropa sino de medriñaque que como
tengo diçho es como bocaçi qe se haçe de vnos platanos çimarrones--
_ysla de panaon_ Entre esta ysla y la ysla de mindanao qe corre la
vna con la otra norte sur esta la ysla de panaon, terna oçho leguas
De çircuyto y tres de ançho es gente pobre abra como çien hombres
son de vn encomendero--
_ysla de siargao_--Mas adelante como doçe leguas de la ysla de panaon
aRimada a la ysla de mindanao esta la ysla de siargao la qual terna
como quinçe leguas de box y seys de ançho terna como quatroçientros
hombres, las poblaçones están en vnas [10] [poblaçones: _crossed out
in MS_.] esteros asperos y de mala condicion es de un encomendero,
es gente pobre por ser aragana porqe tiene muçhas ysletas pequeñas
aldeRedor de si en las quales ay muchos labaderos, De oro y minas,
diçen qe no las labrauan porqe los cosarios qe sabiendo que estauan
alli benefiçiandolas le venian alli a cautiuar, pero tanpoco lo
haçen agora qe estan seguros por donde se puede ynferir que lo haçen
de flojedad--
_ysla de maçagua_ A la vanda del hueste de la ysla de baybay esta vna
ysleta pequeña que se llama maçagua de quien tantos milagros contaua
el padre fray Andres de Urbaneta qe terna como quatro leguas de box y
vna de ançho, tiene como sesenta hombres es demasia de vn encomendero
es gente pobre y miserable no tiene sino sal y pescado--
_ysla de maripipe_. A la otra vanda del nordeste de la ysla de baybay
esta la ysla que llaman de maripipe ques tierra muy alta y por ser
muy fragosa es esteril, terna como siete leguas de box y dos y media
de ançho terna como çien yndios.
_ysla de limancaguayan_ mas çerca del estreçho y cavo del espu
sancto esta otra ysla apartada desta como tres leguas que se llama
limancaguayan que terna otro tanto box como maripipe y otros çien
hombres es tierra qe se cojen en ella aRoz y medriñaque, son estas
dos yslas de vn encomendero y la yslas de fuegos que diximos Atrás.--
_ysla de masbate_ mas al nor nordeste desta ysla De leyte esta la
ysla de masbate qe terna como treynta leguas de box y seys de ançho,
tiene como quinientos yndios es de vn encomendero aqui ay minas de oro
de donde se sacaua cantidad porque los naturales de camarines venian a
labrar alli las minas anse absentado de Alli por causa de los españoles
y asi no se benefician, e tomado por çentro de todas estas yslas que
E diçho la ysla de leyte porque son todas ellas comarcanas a ella.--
_ysla de bantayan_ A la vanda del norte de a ysla de çubu apartada
della como dos leguas esta la ysla de bantayan que terna oçho leguas de
box y dos de ançho tiene çerca de mil yndios y son de vn encomendero
[y: _crossed out in MS._] ella y la ysla de Vohol aRiba diçho, la
gente della es buena gente tratante tienen grande pesquerias que es
ysla de heçha muçhos baxos tiene pesqueria de perlas aunqe poca cosa
no se coje en ella sino a Millo y borona y no se coje ningun arroz por
ques tierra toda de mal pais aunque llana algunos de los naturales
desta ysla haçen sus sementeras en la ysla de çubu, como digo esta
dos leguas de trauesia tiene muy buenos palmares y lo mismo se a
de entender de todas las yslas de los pintados porque todas lellas
abundan en gran cantidad de palmas--
_Ysla de capul_ Es la ysla que haçe estreçho con la ysla de luçon
por donde entran los nauios qe vienen de españa, tiene como doçe
leguas de box quatro de ançho tiene como quinientos yndios, es de vn
encomendero es gente pobre cogen aRoz y medriñaque--
_Ysla de viri_. mas al llegar haçia el cauo del espu santo esta [y:
_crossed out in MS._] la ysla De biri en el proprio estrecho, terna
como çinco leguas de box y dos de ançho, tiene como çien hombres,
esta y maçagua son de vn encomendero--
_ysla de ybabao_ Al sueste de la ysla de baybay esta la ysla de
ybabao qe por otro nombre llaman la ysla de candaya qe terna siento
y diez leguas de box no se a andado por ella por tierra y ansi no se
sabe lo que tiene de ançho diçen que los naturales que tiene tanta
gente como la ysla de baybay y que es fertil y abundante de comida,
los qe los españoles avran descubierto seran como çinco mil yndios
en las poblaçones siguientes
El pueblo de daguisan
El Rio de ylaga
El Rio de yba
El Rio de basey
los pueblos de hubun
los pueblos de balingigua
los pueblos de guiguan
El Rio de sicaualo
El Rio de bolongan
El Rio de sibato
El pueblo de tinagun
El Rio de caluiga
los esteros de vlaya
El Rio de paguntan
El Rio de napundan
El Rio de bolo
El Rio de pono
El Rio de gamay
los pueblos de panpan
El Rio de catubi
El Rio de Volonto
El Rio de yuatan
El Rio de pagaguahan
El Pueblo de baranas
El pueblo de arasan
_Yslas de bantac_. Junto a la ysla de ybabao por la vanda del leste
ques el golfo de nueua españa estan dos yslas qe llaman bantac qe
tienen poca gente a lo qe diçen los yndios no se a entrado en ellas--
_Ysla verde_ En esta misma costa frontera de los pueblos de guiguan qe
estan a la vanda del golfo esta la ysla verde terna como oçho leguas
de çircuyto y quatro de Ançho tiene como çiento y çinquenta yndios
_Ysla de canaguan_ De la otra vanda del hueste frontero del Rio de
tinahon esta la ysla de canaguan qe terna como quatro leguas de box
y vna de Ançho tiene como çien hombres--
_Ysla de Caguayan_ La ysla de caguayan esta casi aRimada a la ysla
de ybabao por la parte del hueste tiene tres leguas de box y vna de
ançho tiene duçientos hombres--
_Ysla de batac_. la ysla de batac questa junto à esta tierra, tiene
çien hombres, todas estas yslas qe E diçho son de los encomenderos
de çubu y juridiçion de la çiudad desuerte qe tiene de çircuyto la
çiudad de çubu de juridiçion contando cada ysla por si y lo qe esta
descubierto de la ysla de mindanao seysçientas y sesenta y siete
leguas.--
_Ysla de mindanao_ La ysla de mindanao es muy grande qe se entiende
ques la mas grande qe ay en todo lo qe esta descubierto asta àgora
aunqe en ella Ay poca gente de paz porqe no ay sino es alguna poca y
esa es en la playa esta descubierto della que los españoles an andado,
como çiento y çinquenta leguas, desde el Rio de catel asta el Rio
prinçipal que llaman mindanao, desde la çiudad de çubu a la tierra
mas çercana qe es dapitan, se corre el sueste y es dapitan puerto y
esta enmedic de lo desCubierto de la ysla solia estar poblado àgora
tiene poca gente cojese aRoz y oro porqe en toda la ysla ay labaderos y
minas Pero es tan poco qe no luçe, desde Alli a la punta de la canela
ay mas de treynta Rios poblados
_notables de la ysla de mindanao_ pero la gente de la playa es muy
Poca y esos son lutaos que es vn genero de homb es en esta tierra,
qe no tienen otra manera de viuir sino es Andar a pescar y en sus
nauios traen sus mugeres y perros y gatos y toda su hacienda, El
pescado que toman Rescatan en las serranias,
_casas en arboles de las serranias de mindanao_ tienen estas serranos
desta ysla sus casas en vnos arboles los quales son tan grandes qe
auitan en vna casa ençina de vn arbol quarenta y çinquenta hombres
Casados con sus familias y tienenlo como fuerte para defender se de
los enemigos por lo que se a Visto abundan en gran cantidad de cora,
es la tierra muy aspera y montuosa tienen mantas de medriñaqe--
EN la punta de cauite qe es en esta ysla es donde Ay la cantidad de
canela, estara quarenta leguas de dapitan, esta es la pte qe corre
hagia el maluco.--
_Isla de taguima_ Cerca desta punta de la canela esta la ysla de
taguima qe terna de box como catçore leguas y de Ançho quatro y tiene
como quios yndios es de dos enComenderos. ay en esta ysla gran cantidad
de gatos de Algalia por aqui pasan las naos de los portugueses qe Van
desde malaca a maluco por el clauo, y anles heçho los naturales desta
ysla muçho daño, y muçhas veçes pasando por alli contrayçiones. En
toda la ysla de mindanao ay gatos de algalia pero gente Pobre de
comida y mantas--
_Ysla de soloc_ La ysla de soloc esta desuiada desta punta de
la canela Veynte leguas qe son moros de burney los que la poseen,
descubriose quando El Rio de burney terna como veynte y quatro leguas
de çircuyto diçen qe tiene poco mas de mil hombres, diçen que ay en
ella elefantes y buena pesqueria de perlas. es un encomendero de los
de çubu es juridiçion de aquella ciudad.--
_Prosigue la ysla de mindanao_ desde dapitan Volviendo la buelta del
nordeste asta llegar al Rio de butuan es todo de vn encomendero sino
son los pueblos de gonpot y cagayan que por ser pueblos qe Ay canela
estan en cabeça de su magd y esta es poca gte qe no tiene duçientos
hombres Deste proprio encomendero es desde dapitan asta çerca de la
punta de la canela que tiene mas de sesenta leguas de encomienda
en esta ysla de mindanao y es suya la ysla de soloc aRiua diçha y
tiene otra encomienda en la ysla de çubu, y con todo esto es pobre
[y muere de la hámbre: _crossed out in MS_.] por lo qual no ay qe
heçar mano de todo lo que esta descubierto en la ysla de mindanao.--
_Rios. paniguian ydac matanda ytanda tago ono beslin. qe_ todo ello
terna como tres mil hombres pero esta la mayor pte de guerra. El Rio
de butuan ques de guido de la ueçaris terna como seysçientos yndios,
qe estan en esta ysla, y mas adelante estan los rrios de surigao y
parasao y otros qe todo es pobre cosa aunque ay labaderos en ellos
de oro como son los Rio, paniguian, ydac, matanda ytanda, tago, ono,
beslin qe todo ella terna como tres mil hombres pero esta la mayor
pte de guerra.--
El Rio prinçipal de mindanao ques el prinçipal de la ysla de donde
tomo nombre la ysla de mindanao se a ydo dos Veçes a descubrir y
ase traydo poca luz del anse Visto seys o siete Pueblos. El vno y
prinçipal a donde auita el Reyeçillo y otro qe se llaman tanpacan y
boayen y Valet y otros qe se aura Visto como poblaçon de tres mill
hombres poco mas aunqe se tiene notiçia de muçha gte--
_Ysla de camaniguin_. EN frente del Rio de butuan Viniendo haçia çubu
entre vohol y la ysla de mindanao esta la ysla de camaniguin terna
como diez leguas de box. tiene como çien yndios. esta desuiada la
vsla de mindanao dos leguas, es tierra muy alta y aspera cojese en
ella alguna çera es demasia de vn encomendero de la çiudad de çubu--
Capo 2
_qe_ Trata de la Ysla de Panay y de su Juridiçion--
_Ysla de panay_ La ysla de panay qe esta desuiada de la ysla de gubu
por lo mas çercano doçe leguas y de la ysla de negros dos leguas y
media la ysla mas fertil y abundante de todas las descubiertas sacado
la ysla de luçon porques muy fertil y abundante y de aRoz y puercos
y gallinas çera y miel, y gran cantidad de algodon y medriñaque las
poblaçones estan muy juntas y todas ellas paçificas y façiles a la
conversion es tierra sana y de buenos mantenimientos desuerte que los
españoles qe en otras partes de la ysla enferman Van alli a conualeçer
y cobrar salud los naturales della es gente muy sana y limpia porque
aunque la ysla de çubu es tanbien sana y de buena constelaçion, la
gente della por la mayor parte anda sienpre muy sarnosa, y con bubas,
y en esta ysla de panay, diçen los naturales qe jamás ningun natural
della tubo bubas, asta qe los boholanes como dixe aRiba qe a causa
de los malucos despoblaron a vohol vinieron a poblar a ella qe las
an pegado à algunos naturales. por estas causas El gouernador don
gonçalo Ronquillo fundo en ella la Villa de areualo a la vanda del
sur porqe esta ysla corre casi norte sur, y aquella Vanda ay la mayor
cantidad, de gente y juntas las poblaçones a la diçha Villa y la mayor
grosedad de la tierra, Ay en ella quinçe encomenderos que teman entre
todos çerca de Veynte mil yndios todos de paz que pagan su tributo,
y por estar çercana la vanda de ysla de negros qe Confina con ella
el diçno gouérnador le dio por juridiçion los Rios de ylo, ynabagan,
pago, ycarobcop ytecgaguan qe como aRiba queda diçho es lo mejor de
la ysla de negros y ansi aCuden a haçer alli sus casas y es El pueblo
mas basteçido que Ay en las yslas. desta ysla de panay se saca agora
para la çiudad de manila y otras partes gran cantidad de aRoz y carne,
_alld mayor de areualo con 300 po_s de salarjo. ay en la villa
desta ysla Vn alcalde mayor, quatro regidores, vn alguaçil mayor, dos
alcaldes hordinarios y Vn escriuano publico y del cauildo los Regidores
son perpetuos el alguaçil mayor por el tiempo qe lo fuere el alcalde
mayor el escriuano como es poblacon nueua y ay pocos pleytos no tiene
proueçhos sino es de los pleytos de los yndios porqe sale a visitar
fuera con el alcalde mayor y de otras comisiones qe se le cometen a
la justiçia tiene la villa de juridiçion tres leguas en çircuyto de
la diçha villa no tiene proprios.--las principales poblaçones desta
ysla son las siguientes
El pueblo de oton junto a la villa
El pueblo de ticbaguan--
El Rio de jaro.--
El Rio de yvahay--
El Rio de ajuy.--
El Rio de harahut
El Rio de panay
El Rio de aclan
El Pueblo de antiqe
El Pueblo de bugason
y otros de menos Cantidad, tiene El alcalde mayor de salario treçientos
pesos librados en las penas de camara y si no alcançare en la Real
caxa cobra por comission del goueror y de los ofiçiales Reales los
tributos qe perteneçen a su magd en aquella ysla. qe seran poco mas
de dos mil hombres, en el Rio de haraut y Rio de ajuy y Rio de panay
y los quintos del oro que se labra ques casi nada esta esta uilla,
apartada de la çiudad del ssmo nome de jhs. qe esta en la ysla de çubu
çerca de çinquenta leguas y por la abundançia de madera y comida a
auido aqui casi siempre astillero en esta ysla y lo ay àgora a donde
esta poblada agora la uilla de areualo de galeras y fragatas y aqui
se hiço tambien la nao visaya, tiene de box esta ysla çien, leguas.
_Ysla de ymaraes_ Desuida como dos tiros de arcabuz desta ysla de
panay esta la ysla de ymaraes qe terna de Box como doçe leguas,
terna quinientos yndios es de vn de los encomenderos de la ysla de
panay es abundante de aRoz algodon miel y çera y muçha caça y esta es
muy hordinario en todas las yslas auer abundançia dello tiene muçha
madera y della se saca para los astilleros y para labrar todas las
casas de la comarca, entra en la jurisdiçion de la villa de areualo
aunqe tiene tanto çircuyto.
_Ysla de cuyo_ frontero de antiqe ques en la ysla de panay a la
vanda del hueste al mesmo Rumbo desuiada como diez y seys leguas
esta la ysla de cuyo ques de vno de los encomenderos de la ysla de
panay, terna oçhoçientos hombres, tienen cantidad de aRoZ es el grano
colorado porque la tierra lo es Ansi Cria se gran cantidad de Cabras
ques la tierra aparejada Para ello, tienen grandes Pesquerias cojen
se algunas perlas, labranse alli muy buenas mantas de algodon aunque
El algodon no se coje alli solian acudir alli muçhos nauios de burney
al Rescate del bruscay que son vnos çiertos caracolillos que heçha
la mar ques moneda en sian como El cacao en la nueva españa es de
la juridiçion de areualo nunca a entrado en ella ninguna justa tiene
esta ysla doçe leguas de box.
_ysletas de lalutaya_ Cercanas a esta ysla estan çinco [_sic_]
ysletillas qe se llaman la lutaya, dehet bisucay, cadnuyan, tacaguayan,
lubit tinotoan, es gente muy pobre son esclauos de los prinçipales de
la ysla de Cuyo aura poco mas de çien hombres en todas estas ysletas
viuen de haçer sal y petates qe son estera por ser gte miserable y
en esto pagan su tributo--terna seys leguas de box esta ysla.
_Ysla de osigan_ Ala vanda del nordeste De la ysla de panay desbiada
como tres leguas de lo vltimo de la ysla esta la ysla de osigan qe
nosotros llamamos ysla de tablas qe terna diez y oçho leguas de box
ques tierra muy montuosa cojese en ella çera aura como duçientos y
çinquenta yndios en poblaçones pequeñas--
_Ysla de çibuyan_ Mas adelante como seys leguas desta ysla esta la
ysla de çibuyan terna como doçe leguas de box y seys de ançho terna
como treçientos yndios y estas dos son de vno de los encomenderos
de la ysla de panay en esta ysla ay muy buenas minas de oro pero
labranlas mal por ser todos los yndios pintados muy araganes son
dejuridiçion de areualo--_Ysla de buracay_ Como dos tiros de arcabuz
de la caueça De la ysla de panay qe esta a la Vanda del norte esta la
ysla de buracay. tiene como tres leguas de box y media de ançho tiene
çien yndios no se coje alli aRoz sino tienen granjeria de algunas
cabras--_ysla de anbil_ Media legua desta ysla esta otra qe se llama
Anbil tiene como tres leguas de box y Vna de ançho y tiene çinquenta
yndios son casi todos carpinteros de nauios--
_ysla de simara_ Desuiada como dos leguas de la ysla de tablas qe se
llaman osigan esta la ysla de simara qe terna quatro leguas de box
y dos de Ançho tiene çiento y çinquenta hombres es gente tratante
tiene cabras y por esto se llama ysla de cabras esta desuiada de la
ysla de panay como doçe leguas.--
_ysla de siVaay_ Desta punta de la ysla de panay qe esta a la Vanda
del norte corriendo al hueste a quatro leguas esta la ysla de siVaay
qe tiene çinco leguas de box y legua y media de Ançho tiene setente
yndios--_ysla de similara_. Mas adelante como tres leguas aRimada a la
ysla de mindoro esta la ysla De similara qe tiene nouenta yndios. tiene
de box quatro leguas y de Ançho vna legua, toda la gente destas ysletas
es gente qe tiene poca coseçha haçen muçha sal y son tratantes--
_ysla de batbatan_ Mas abajo desta punta de panay haçia El sur desuiada
como legua y media de la diçha ysla de panay esta la ysla de bacbatan
que tiene oçhenta yndios, tiene de box como tres leguas y Vna de
Ançho haçen sus sementeras y cojen la çera en la ysla de panay,
todas estas yslas Buracay, anbil, simara siuaay similara bacbatan
son de vn encomendero, de los de la ysla de panay--
_ysla de banton_ Como legua y media de la ysla de simara o de cabras
esta la ysla de banton qe terna como oçho leguas de box y tres de
Ançho tiene duçientos yndios es tierra muy aspera, ay muçhos palmares
y crianse muçhas batatas y ñames cojen çera son tratantes--
_ysla de donblon_ La ysla de donblon esta entre çibuyan E ysla de
tablas tiene siete leguas de çircuyto y tres de Ançho tiene como
duçientos y çinquenta yndios. es tierra de muçha çera esta ysla de
donblor y la de banton son de vno de los encomenderos de la ysla de
panay y su juridiçion de la villa de areualo, la ysla de ymaras y
la ysla de cuyo, la ysla de bacbatan, la ysla De sivahi, la ysla de
similara, la ysla de buracay, la de anbil, la de simara, la de osaygan,
la de banton, la de donblon, la de çibuyan y mas lo prinçipal de la
ysla de negros qe desde la punta de sita-rauaan asta siparay que son
mas de veynte leguas ques lo poblado de aquella ysla De negros. La ysla
de banton qe es lo mas apartado de la juridiçion estara como çinquenta
y çinco o çincuenta y seys leguas des-Viada de la villa de areualo--
_Ysla de Cagaian_ DE la villa de areualo corriendo la buelta del sur
sudueste qe es yr mas en fuera porqe para alli no ay otras yslas sino
son las que llaman de cagayan qe son dos ysletas bajas desuiadas de
la ysla de panay como quinçe leguas son çercadas De muçhos aRaçifes
bajos que si no se sabe bien la entrada ques angosta corren Riesgos
los nauios que van A Ellas. estas yslas estan Pobladas qe ternan como
quatro çientos hombres qe todos ellos son muy exçelentes offiçiales
de haçer nauios diçen los naturales dellos qe Algunos años a qe Por
temor de los cosarios poblaron aquellas yslas por estar fuertes con
los Arraçifes y qe despues aca se an querido Voluer a Viuir a la ysla
De panay y morianseles gran cantidad de las mugeres y Viendo esto como
son agoreros, voluieronse otra Vez a las yslas de cagayan y de Alli
salen cada Año y se Reparten por todas las a haçer nauios estos yndios
cagayanes an heçho las naos qe se an heçho en estas yslas de su magd y
las galeros y galeotas y fragatas estos Ayudan a Remendar los nauios y
adreçarlos y Ansi es la gente mas ymportante qe Ay en estas yslas por
este efecto el Adelantado miguel lopes de legazpi las dió por demasía
a los encomenderos de la ysla de negros despues Aca por pareçer cosa
conuiniente se an puesto en cabeça de su magd de suerte qe tiene de
juridiçion la villa de areualo cerca de duçientas y cinquentá leguas.
Capo 3o
_Qe_ Trata de la ysla de luçon
_ysla de luçon_ La ysla e luçon as la mas prinçipal ysla de todo lo
descubierto porques poblada de muçha gte es muy abasteçida de aRoz
y muçhas minas donde se a sacado gran cantidad de oro espeçial de
la prouinçia de los ylocos. esta Repartida EN tres prouinçias digo
la prinçipal della la prinçipal es donde esta fundada la çiudad de
manilla cabeça deste Reyno a donde Reside El gouernador, en ella
ay el mayor concurso de españoles qe Ay en todas las yslas, legua y
media de la çiudad esta El puerto de cauite donde Vienen las naos qe
vienen de nueua españa en el Rio desta çiudad entran los nauios qe
vienen de çhina qe de hordinario aCuden muçhos al Rescate tiene aqui
su magd vn fuerte con vn alcayde tres offiçiales Reales proueydos por
su magd vn sargento mayor y Vn alferez mayor proueydos por su magd vn
alguaçil mayor de corte vn Alguaçil mayor de la çiudad vn secretario de
gouernaçion, escriuano de Cauildo, quatro escriuanos publicos. Reside
En esta çiudad El obpo de todas las yslas qe tiene en ella su silla y
la yglesia catedral. Ay siete Regidores En esta çiudad los tres son
proprietarios proueydos por su magd qe son El Capitan Juan de Moron
don luis enrriquez, po de herrera, los quatro son Proueydos por El
goueror qe son El capitan grauiel de Ribera, El capitan Joan maldonado
el capitan Bergara El capitan Ro aluarez. Ay vn monasterio de frayles
augustinos y otro de frayles descalços, y vna casa de la compañia.
Esta esta çiudad fundada en medio de vna ensenada grande y terna
de Box çerca de Veynte leguas, toda esta ensenada es muy fertil y
Abundante, esta poblada de moros yndustriados de los de burney. El
Rio aRiua desta çiudad como çinco leguas tiene vna laguna de Agua
dulçe qe terna de box mas de Veynte leguas tierra abundante de aRoz
y algodon Ricos de oro digo qe lo tienen en sus joyas qe Por aqui no
ay minas desta generaçion de moros estan Poblados hasta los pueblos
de las batangas qe Adelante se dira la cantidad de gte qe son, destos
moros esta Poblada la ysla de mindoro y la de luban y no se Allan en
otra pte de las yslas porqe los de la prouja de Camarines qe es la
cabeça desta ysla qe esta a la Vanda deL leste que haçe estreçho por
donde entran las naos qe Vienen de nueua españa es gente qe son casi
Pintados y aun los de la otra caueça desta ysla cae A la vanda del
sueste haçia los japones tanbien son casi semejantes a los pintados
aunqe No se pintan como ellos y traen diferentemente oradadas las
orejas porqe La pintura destas dos prouinçias es poca, los pintados
pintan se todo El cuerpo muy galanamente y los moros no se pintan
ninguna cosa ni se oradan las orejas ni traen El cauello largo
sino cortado al contrario de los visayas qe lo traen largo aunqe
las mugeres de los moros se horadan las orejas pero muy feamente,
de suerte qe los moros poseen la tierra mas fertil desta ysla pero
no tienen sino esta ensenada de manilla y quinçe leguas de costa. Ay
en la comarca desta çiudad las encomiendas siguientes:--
La encomienda de Vatan qe tiene oçhoçientos hombres--
La encomienda de vitis qe terna como siete mill hombres--
La encomienda De macabebe qe tiene dos mill y seysçientos hombres--
La encomienda De calonpite qe terna tres mill hombres--
La encomienda de Candaua, tiene dos mill hombres--
Junto a esta encomienda esta vn pueblo qe De su Antiguedad le llaman
Castilla pequeño ques de su magd tiene setenta hombres--
La encomienda de Pale tiene treçientos hombres.--
La encomienda de binto que tiene quatroçientos hombres.--
La encomienda de malolos tiene oçhoçientos hombres--
La encomienda de guiguinto tiene quatroçientos hombres
La encomienda de malolos tiene oçhoçientos hombres
La encomienda de Caluya qe es de su magd tiene seysçientos hombres
en todas estas Encomiendas aRiba dhas solian auer vn alcalde mayor
y hagora despues qe Vino don gonçalo proueyo los siguientes.--
_Corregidor de batan_. En batan vn Corregidor qe
tiene de salario çiento y çinquenta pessos.--
_allde_ mayor de lubao. En lubao otro que tiene de salario trezios pos.
_allde_ myor de calonpite En calonpite y macaueue otro trezios pos.
_allde_ mayor de candaua. En candaua y en otras dos encomiendas,
otro dozientos pos
_allde_ myor de bulacan. En bulacan y su comarca otro con duçientos
Pesos de salario.
todas estas encomiendas hablan vna lengua y aca junta a la çiudad
por la costa hablan otra desde tondo qè es de la otra vanda del Rio
desta çiudad tiene Este Pueblo de tondo mil y treçientos y çinquenta
yndios son de su magd
El pueblo de quiapo qe es tambien de su magd
El pueblo de pandacan qe es de vn encomendero, tiene çiento y
çinquenta hombres--
El Pueblo de santa Maria qe es de vn encomendero qe tiene [_blank
space in MS_.]
El Pueblo de capaques ques de su magd tiene duçientos hombres
La encomienda de pasic ques de Vn encomendero qe tiene dos mil hombres
La encomienda de tagui ques de otro encomendero qe tiene seysçientos
y sesenta hombres--
La encomienda De taytay qe tiene quinientos Yndios. todas estas
encomiendas desde tondo están en el Rio de manilla asta llegar a
la laguna, y es juridiçion todo de vn Alcalde mayor el qual tiene
proueydo vn theniente en tondo, lleva El Alcalde mayor de salario
duçientos Pesos y El teniente çiento-- toda la laguna tiene otro
Alcalde mayor en las poblaçiones siguientes--
La encomienda de maribago tiene treçientos hombres.
La encomienda De tabuc tiene [_blank space in MS._]
La encomienda De Vahi tiene dos mill y quinientos hombres
La de pila mil y seysçientos hombres.--
La encomienda de mayay quatroçientos hombres.
La encomienda de lumban mili y quinientos hombres
La encomienda de maracta qe es de su magd seysçientos hombres.
La encomienda de balian; seysçientos hombres
La encomienda de sinoloan seteçientos hombres
La encomienda de moron mil y çien hombres
estas dos encomiendas postreras tienen muçha mas gte sino qe estan de
guerra en las serranias, todo esto es Dentro de la laguna Voluiendo
A la costa de manilla De la otra uanda de tondo estan los pueblos
siguientes.
La Playa en la mano laguo, malahat, longalo, palañac, Vacol minacaya,
cauite, todos estos estan en la comarca de cauite y son de su magd
tienen tributarios al prinçipio de la ensenada frontero de la otra
punta ques batan esta
_alde_ myor de la costa La encomienda de maragondon qe tiene
quatroçientos y çinquenta hombres todos estos pueblos de la playa
aRiua diçhos y qe son de su magd y esta encomienda de maragondon
tiene vn alcalde mayor qe tiene treçientos pesos de salario--
fuera de la ensenada de manilla Voluiendo a la vanda del leste
estan los pueblos de los vajos de tuley qe son de su magd qe tiene
tributarios--
_corregidor de balayan_ La encomienda de balayan qe es de vn
encomendero qe tiene seysçientos hombres en esto esta proueydo vn
corregidor que tiene de salario çiento y çinquenta pesos--
_alde_ myor de bonvon. Esta luego la laguna de bombon qe terna como
tres mil y quatroçientos hombres y luego los pueblos de las Batangas qe
tienen mill hombres qe es de vn encomendero, en estas dos encomiendas
Ay otro alcalde mayor, toda esta tierra Desde tuley Asta batangas son
moros como esta diçho es gente muy Rica De algodon y posseen muçho
oro de sus antePasados--
Pasado la poblaçon de las batangas qe aRiua tenemos diçho yendo la
costa en la mano la buelta de camarines como tres leguas esta El Rio
del lobo que tiene como çien yndios luego esta maribago a dos leguas
a donde Ay minas De oro ay aqui como çien yndios àdelante esta El
pueblo de biga que terna como çiento y çinquenta yndios. àdelante
esta galuan qe tiene otros çiento y çinquenta, todos estos pueblos
son de Vn encomendero, mas Adelante por la Costa esta el Rio de dayun
qe terna seysçientos yndios, y mas adelante esta el Rio de tubi que
tiene en los tingues como quinientos yndios,
luego esta el Rio de carilaya y otras poblaçiones pequeñas por alli
que ternan todas como quinientos yndios
Adelante esta el Rio de caguayan qe terna como Duçientos yndios todo
esto es de otros tres encomenderos y es todo juridiçion del alcalde
mayor de mindoro y agora comiença la prouja de camarines aunqe ay
algunos poblaçones en medio de poca ymportancia.
Capo 4o
_qe_ Trata de las proujas de Camarines
_Proujas_ de camarines y vicor. La costa àdelante, en el Rio depasacao
comiençan las prouinçias de vicor y camarines las quales como E diçho
aRiba esta A la vanda Del leste al entrar de las yslas philipinas
desembarcandose en el Rio de pasacao qe esta setenta leguas de la
çiudad de manilla por la mar y caminando tres leguas Por tierra se
va a dar al Rio de vicor que su Vertiente tiene en la contra costa
de la ysla de la vanda del norte
_alld myor de camarines_ a donde Esta Poblada la villa de caçeres
a donde reside Vn alcalde mayor qe tiene de salario trezientos pos,
ay Dos Alcaldes hordinarios y seys Regidores nombrados por el goueror
por el tiempo qe fuere su voluntad está esta villa de caçeres situada
en medio de toda la Prouja en el Rio de vicor en el qual Rio Ay oçho
encomenderos, los siete ternan a seteçientos yndios cada vno y El otro
tiene dos mill y su magd tiene en el mismo Rio dos mil yndios en los
pueblos de minalagua y nagua, por este Rio se Va a dar a Vna laguna
que llaman la laguna de libon qe tiene poca gte en la comarca della
esta vna encomienda qe tiene mil y quinientos yndios en el Pueblo
de libón y sus subjetos desta laguna por esteros qe tiene con estar
en medio de la sierra se puede yr a yguas y albay y a camarines y
a bicagua, y a otras partes, todos los encomenderos desta villa de
caçeres son veynte y quatro qe los catorçe entiendense Con los siete
qe diximos aRiua a Seteçientos yndios y el vno a dos mill y El otro
qe diximos de la laguna De libon ay mil y quinientos los demas ternan
a treçientos yndios cada vno, pagan En el Rio vicor el tributo en
oro y aRoz qe se coje muçho Porqe Ay en esta Provinçia las minas de
paracale qe estan diez y seys leguas de la villa qe son buenas minas
y tambien lo traen de catanduanes qe esta treynta leguas De la villa
la villa no tiene proprios ni juridiçion son juridiçion del alcalde
mayor de la prouinçia de laguna y qe terna mill y quios hombres. Esta
Repartida en tres encomenderos Albay y baquian ternan oçhoçientos
yndios esta Repartida en dos encomenderos, camarines esta en Vno,
terna quinientos hombres--
Libon en Vn encomendero myl y quinientos hombres La prouinçia
de Paracale y su costa asta mahuban terna dos mill hombres, esta
Repartida en tres encomenderos y El Rey tiene aqui pte
La vaya de yualon terna mil y quinientos hombres, esta Repartida
endos encomenderos--
_ysla de catanduanes_. La ysla de catanduanes terna quatro mil
hombres esta Repartida en quatro encomenderos. el salario que tiene
El alcalde mayor son treçientos pesos paganse de penas de camara
y si no de la Real Caxa no prouee theniente ninguno sino es en la
villa saliendo fuera tiene esta villa Vn escriuano proueydo por el
goueror qe por tener poco qe haçer en la villa acude tambien a los
negoçios del alcalde mayor y sale a visitar con el. valdrale todo
como quatroçientos pesos cada Año.
Ay en esta villa vn tesorero proueydo por El gouernador gana duçientos
pesos de salario. tiene quenta de cobrar los tributos de su magd Va
a dar cuento cada año a la ciudad de manilla.--
la calidad de la tierra es buena y sana y cojese cantidad de Arroz
ay cantidad de palmas qe sacan vino y haçen mucho aguardiente
los naturales desta prouinçia son casi como E diçho como los pintados
aunque estos son mas araganes porqe se ocupan casi todos los dias
en beuer y las mugeres acuden à las labranças estan en parçialidades
como los pintados y tienen las mesmas costumbres
Adorauan todos estos a un ydolo de palo mal agestado hablauan con el
de monio y ay muçhos Eçhiçeros, por no auer Residido en esta prouinçia
no se su manera de sacrifiçios ni E allado quien me lo diga.--
_minas_ Ay minas como e diçho en paracale y en la Vaya De caporaguay en
la ysla de catanduanes qe todo es en la comarca desta Villa de caçeres
_Distançias_ Dende pasacao yendo boxeando la ysla la buelta del lesto
haçia bu aygan veynte leguas y voluiendo la costa al norueste Ay asta
El Rio de vicor sesenta leguas qe todo esto se ataja con las tres
leguas qe ay dende pasacao al Rio de Vicor y desde el Rio de Vicor asta
la punta de los babuyanes ques en la otra caueça de la ysla qe como E
diçho es haçia los japones Ay çiento y veynte leguas qe es cosa costa
braua corre norueste sueste no esta poblada toda esta tierra, sino
en tres Partes. la vna es la prouinçia de valete qe terna ochoçientos
yndios, y mas adelante diez leguas, esta casiguran qe aura quinientos
yndios esta pte es como los ylocos porqe estan en su contra costa
aunqe no se conmunican por ser la tierra muy aspera, y mas adelante
esta vn Rio qe llaman alañao ques poblado que ay en el oro y algodon
son los proprios indios como los de valete y casiguran en toda esta
costa no ay otra poblaçon ninguna asta qe dende la punta de babuyanes
buelue la punta leste gueste asta dar en el Rio de cagayan qe es Rio
caudaloso y desde la punta esta la voca deste Rio ay doge leguas.--
_Rio de cagayan_ El Rio de cagayan es grande y caudaloso aunqe la
barra es baxa qe de pleamar tiene dos braças y de baxa mar Vna tiene
grandes poblacones qe se tiene notiçia que ay mas De treynta mill
hombres es gente qe cojen muçho aRoz. tienen muçhos puercos tienen
algun oro aunqe ellos no tienen minas tratan con los ylocos. es tierra
enferma especialmente en bentando El norte
_Yslas de mandato y buyon_. en esta contra costa çerca de la ysla
de luçon estan Des ysletas pobladas qe se llaman la vna mandato y la
otra buyon qe terna cada Vna como cinco leguas son pobladas de moros
porqe estan aRimadas a la mesma ysla de luçon frontero de la laguna
de manila. [_Marginal note:_ buelue la ysla de luçon desde la çiudad
de manilla donde començamos la buelta hasta El rio de cagayan.]
_ysla de marinduqe_. Entre la ysla de banton y la de luçon quatro
leguas de banton y çinco de la ysla de luçon esta la ysla de
marinduqe. que tiene como veynte y seys leguas de box, y oçho de ançho
aura en ella como mill hombres capul y ella son de Vn encomendero: son
yndios pintados aunqe no es juridiçion de çubu, areualo ni camarines.
Capo 5o
_qe_ Trata de la Prouja de ylocos
_buelue la ysla de luçon. çambales_. En saliendo la ensenada de manilla
a la Vanda del norte; ques yendo haçia la prouinçia de ylocos entra
luego la prouinçia de los çambales en la qual abra como mill hombres,
son como çhiçhimecos de la nueua españa sus costumbres son casi como
las de los moros, en el habito difieren porqe estos traen vnos pañetes
Cortes y vna Ropilla como salta en barca con medias mangas y escotaddo
[el cuello: _crossed out in MS_.] traen en medio del peçho vna ynsinia
como de cruz, heçha de diferentes colores y a las espaldas, otra traen
la caueça tresquilada la mitad, que es desde la frente a la coronilla,
las poblacones qe se saben dellos son, marayomo, pinahuyu manaban,
buanguin, tuguy, polo, bongalon, dalayap, cabatogan, bacol, sus
biçios destos es a los qe matan haçerles vn agujero en las coronillas,
y sorber les por alli los sesos.
_Prouinçia de bulinao_ Luego esta bulinao qe son las de mas çambales
los quales estan puestos en caueça de su magd aura como quatroçientos
hombres de Paz aunqe ay muçha gente en las serranias es gte belicosa
qe su deleyte y contente es tener guerra Vnos con otros y cortar las
cabeças y colgar las de baxo de sus cassas el qe mas Cabeças tiene
en su casa ese es mas tenido y temido son labradores aunque en poca
cantidad son casi como çhiçhimecos de la nueua españa, qe no se
an podido traer de Paz sino son los pueblos de bulinao como Diçho
tengo terna como quatroçientos yndios De Paz gente es que conoçen
qe ay dios en el çielo pero en sus trauajos y enfermedades ynuocan,
a sus difunctos, y antePasados, como los Visayas.--
_Vaya de pangasinan_ Mas adelante como çinco leguas esta la prouinçia
de pangasinan ques Vna Vaya que terna como seys leguas en torno,
salen a esta Vaya tres Rios caudales que deçienden de las sierras de
las minas aurá en esta Prouinçia quatro mill hombres de paz. Ay seys
encomenderos y su magd. Esta enterado en lo mejor della de mill hombres
es gente qe en el traje y lengua son semejantes a los çambales aRiua
dichos aun qe es gente de mas Raçon por ser contratante y asi tratan
con çhinos, japones, y burneyes, y con los naturales destas yslas. es
muy abundante esta prouinçia de vastimentos como es De aRoz, cabras,
y puercos. Ay muçha caça de bufanos porqe aunqe su prinçipal negoçio es
tratar, son grandes labradores, porqe Venden A los mineros la comida
y Ropa a trueqe de oro y este oro bueluen a Rescatar a los españoles,
es gente muy çelosa de sus mugeres y ansi si les cometen adulterio
las matan sin qe los parientes lo tengan a mal matan los hijos si
tienen muçhos porqe no Viuan en proueça de la suerte qe Diximos de
los pintados,
_alld myor de pangassinan_ de dos años a esta parte ay vn alcalde
mayor con çien pesos de salario, dende esta Prouinçia se Puede yr
a manilla por Camino muy llano y bueno y aura de camino, catorçe,
o quinçe leguas hasta dar en los Rios de la capanpanga.
_Puerto del Japon_ Quatro leguas adelante esta vn puerto qe llaman
el puerto del Japon qe Ay en el Vna poblaçon de [español: _crossed
out in MS_.] yndios ques vna misma gte qe la de pangasinan.
_Alinguey y baratao_ seys leguas mas adelante estan los pueblos de
alinguey y baratao en qe aura dos mill hombres era encomienda de
vn encomendero agora esta en la Rel corona toda es gente como la
de pangasinan.--
_purao_ quatro leguas mas adelante estan los Pueblos De purao en qe
aura dos mili hombres es de vn encomendero ques tambien de bitis
y lubao. la gente destos pueblos es Diferente en la lengua, a los
de atras, aunqe En los tratos y costumbres son semejantes y son
labradores, posseen muçho oro por ser veçinos de las minas estos no
matan los hijos como diximos de los de pangasinan--
_Pueblos de lumaquaqe_ tres leguas mas adelante, esta el valle qe
llaman de lumaquaqe en qe aura mill y quinientos hombres es la mitad
de un encomendero, y la otra mitad de su magd es gte semejante a la
de Purao--
_Pueblos de candon_ Dos leguas adelante estan los Pueblos de candon
tienen como mil y oçhoçientos hombres. estan encomendados en dos
encomenderos es vna gte como de la purao.--
_Prouja_ de maluacan tres leguas àdelante esta la prouinçja De
maluacan tiene como mil y oçhoçientos hombres estan encomendados en
el encomendero de bonbon--
_Valle de landan _ Dos leguas adelante, esta el valle De Landan qe
terna Como mill yndios, qe son del hospital De la çiudad De manilla
_Pueblo de Vigan_ EN frente deste Valle esta El pueblo de Vigan
qe terna como oçhoçientos hombres. es de su magd E junto a el esta
poblada la villa fernandina qe Poblo guido de laveçaris El Año de
setenta y çinco nombro en ella seys Regidores E dos alcaldes, E Vna
Justiçia mayor de todas las prouinçias de los ylocos,
_alld mayor de ylocos_. pero con la venida de limahon se desbarato
y ansi agora, solo ay alli vn alcalde mayor con veynte o treynta
españoles, qe Ay de hordinarío alli ques a manera de presidio tiene
de salario trezientos pos el nombra los escriuanos que le pareçen
_Valle de bantay_. Una legua de la villa esta el Valle de Bantay qe
terna mili y seysçientos hombres es de vn encomendero--
_Valle de sinay_ tres leguas Adelante esta El Valle de sinay ques
Del mismo encomendero de bantay terna como otros mili y seysçientos
hombres.
_El Valle de Vavo_. De Alli a dos deguas esta El valle de Vavo ques
de Vn encomendero qe terna como mill yndios
_Prouia_ De cacaguayan E luego mas adelante esta la prouinçia de
cacaguayan aura en ella como quatro mill hombres, los dos mill son
de dos encomenderos a cada mill y los dos mill son de su magd--
_Prouja_ de ylagua Adelante otras dos laguas esta la prouinia de
ylagua qe es de su magd en qe aura como çinco mill hombres pero no
estan todos de paz--
_Valle de dynglas_. La tierra a dentro desta Prouinçia esta Vn valle
qe se diçe de dinglas qe estará tres leguas de la mar qe terna dos
mill yndios es de vn encomendero.
_Valle de Vicagua_ La costa Adelante de ylagua esta El valle de vicagua
en qe aura otros dos mill hombres, ay en el Dos encomiendas Desde
Aqui al Rio de cagayan ay veynte leguas y en el camino ay algunos
Rios y poblaçones pero no estan de paz ni se sabe ques--
toda esta gente De los ylocos tienen casi su manera de viuir como
los pintados pero comen carne cruda de animales, y es gte quieta;
y paçifica, y enemiga de guerra, es gente muy baça, y de buena
condiçion. De suerte qe ay desde la çiudad De manilla hasta El Ryo de
Cagayan por esta parte çiento y Diez leguas poco mas, o menos como he
diçho atras, por la breuedad no se a podido sacar mas particularidades
desta ysla de lugon qe es la prinçipal Deste Reyno--
_Ysla de mindoro_ frontero destas encomiendas de bonbon y batangas
esta la ysla de mindoro qe la mayor pte de la gte della son moros,
tiene El pueblo de mindoro qe es buen puerto para naos, tres leguas
de trabesia de la ysla de luçon es aquel Puerto de su magd terna como
duçientos y çinquenta moros tiene de çircuyto la ysla oçhenta leguas
es poca poblada porqe en toda ella no se allan quinientos hombres
tiene algunos negros en las serranias qe cojen gran cantidad de çera
es muy pobre de bastimentos.--
_ysla de luban_ quatro leguas Desuiada desta ysla en la punta questa
al hueste que viene A caer frontero de la ensenada de manilla esta
la ysla de luban desuiada de la çiudad de manilla Veynte leguas,
frontero de la misma ensenada tiene esta ysla como diez leguas de
box tiene seys pueblos en qe aura como quinientos yndios--
Pegada esta ysla esta otra Pequeña qe tambien tiene el mesmo nombre,
tendra como çien hombres, toda es vna misma gte qe la de luban
_ysla de Elin_ Dos leguas deuiada de la ysla de mindoro a la vanda
del sur esta la ysla de Elin qe es de yndios visayas tiene de box
siete leguas ay en ella como duçientos yndios,
_alld mayor de vindoro_. estas yslas la de mindoro y elin y luban
son de Vn encomendero y tienen todas vn alcalde mayor el qual tiene
tambien de juridiçion en la ysla de luçon desde los batangas asta
que comiença la prouja De camarines a qe Volueremos hagora
_yslas de los babayanes_. frontero del Rio de Cagayan estan siete
yslas qe llaman de los babuyanes estas estan mar enfuera, la buelta
de la çhina llaman se babuyanes porqe dellas se traen gran cantidad
de puercos à la prouinçia de ylocos qe estos naturales llaman babuyes
y de alli les pusieron este nombre, tienese muy poca, notiçia dellos.
_ysla de calamianes_. la buelta de burney saliendo de la çiudad de
manilla Doçe leguas de la ysla de Elin estan las yslas qe diçen de
los calamianes qe por estar a tras mano se tiene poCa notiçia dellas,
digo de la gente qe tienen porqe solamente se an visto algunos pueblos
de las playas a donde se a ydo a cobrar tributo, los naturales qe
habitan en las playas son pintados los de las serranias son negros
cojen grandisima cantidad de çera, a cuyo Rescate aCuden casi de todas
las yslas, son faltos de Comida y de Ropa la prinçipal de las yslas se
llama paraguan qe tiene çiento y çinquenta leguas de box, las otras
son yslas pequeñas qe son las que ay pobladas. taniando binorboran
cabanga bangaan caramian y por otro nombre linapacan dipayan, coron
En todas estas yslas no se Cobra sino tributo de treçientos yndios
y ansi no se puede tener muçha notiçia dellos, estas yslas son todas
juridiçion del alCalde mayor de mindoro [y pagan tributos: _crossed
out in MS_.] y estan en la corona Real.
Capitulo 6o
_Qe_ trata de la gente de la yslas de los Pintados y sus condiçiones.
La gente de las yslas de los Pintados es gte qe no es muy morena
es gte bien heçha y bien agestada ansi hombres como mugeres las
quales algunas son blancas, traen hombres y mugeres el cauello
largo Rebuelto a la coronilla de la caueça qe les àgraçia muçho
pintanse los barones todo El cuerpo de vnas labores muy galanas
con Vnas herreçuelos pequeños mojados en tinta qe yncorporados con
la sangre queda la pintura perpetua, es gente qe Viue sana porqe
la consteraçion de la tierra es buena porqe casi no se alla ningun
hombre contreçho ni manco de naturaleça ni mudo ni sordo ni ningun
endemoniado ni loco y ansi Viuen sanos hasta muy Viejos, es gente
briosa y martista, andavan siempre en guerras por mar y por tierra,
ponense muy galanas joyas en las orejas qe las tienen oradadas por
dos partes y en la garganta y en los braços. El Vestido es galano y
honesto, su vestires algodon o medriñaque y tambien usan seda, trayda
de la çhina y de otras partes. es gente muy dada Al vino qe lo haçen
de aRoz y de palmas y es bueno rraras Veçes estan furiosos estando
borraçhos porqe con dormirse las pasa la borraçhera o en graçias,
quieren muçho a sus mugeres porqe ellos pagan El dote quando se casan,
y ansi aunqe les cometan adulterio nunca proceden contra ellas sino
contra los adulteros. tienen Vna cosa muy abominable qe tienen oradado
El miembro genital y por el agujero se meten un cañuto de estaño y
sobre aquel se ponen vna Rodaja a manera de espuela qe tiene Vn gran
palmo de rruedo qe pesan algunas dellas mas de media libra de estaño,
ponenlas de veynte suertes ques cosa deshonesta tratarlo con estas
se juntan con sus mugeres pero no vsan dellas los serranos aunqe
todos generalmente se Retajan, pero diçen que lo haçen por su salud
y linpieça, no Reparan jamas quando se casan en si la muger esta
donçella o no.
Las mugeres son hermosas aunqe deshonestas no se les da nada de cometer
adulterio porqe nunca las Castigan ellos por ello andan bien adreçadas
y honestamente porqe traen todas las carnes cubiertas. son muy linpias
y muy amigas de olores en grande estremo. Afrentanse de tener muçhos
hijos por qe dizen que auiendose de Repartir la haçienda entre todos
qe quedaran todos pobres qe mas vale qe aya ouo y ese Rico, tienen
grande punto en sus casamientos porqe no se casara nadie sino es con
su semejante y ansi jamas se casan Prinçipales, sino es con mugeres
prinçipales, solian tener cada Vno las mugeres qe podian conprar y
sostentar, son ellas grandissimas alcaguetas y de sus proprias hijas y
ansi ninguna cosa se les da de ser Ruynès delante de las madres porqe
por esto no se les da ningun castigo aunqe los varones, no son tan
alcaguetes como los moros, quieren los hombres tanto a sus mugeres
qe si tienen guerras Vnos con otros el marido se acuesta y ayuda a
la parentela de la muger aunqe sea contra su proprio padre y hernos--
Cap. 7o
_Qe_ Trata de la Opinion que Tienen los Naturales de las Yslas de
los Pintados del Prinçipio del Mundo.
Ay dos diferençias de hombres en esta tierra qe aunqe son todos vnos
se tratan algun tanto diferentemente y casi siempre son enemigos los
Vnos los que Viuen en las marinas y los otros los que Viuen en las
serranias y si tienen alguna paz entre si es por la necesidad qe
tienen los Vnos de los otros para sustentar la vida humana, porqe
los de la serrania no pueden viuir sin el pescado y la sal y otras
cosas y tinajas y platos qe Vienen de otras partes, ni los de la playa
pueden Viuir sin el aRoz y algodon qe tienen los serranos y ansi tienen
dos opiniones, en lo del prinçipio del mundo y por careçer de letras
guardan estos naturales sus antiguedades en los cantares los quales
cantan de ordinario en sus bogas como son ysleños con muy buena graçia
y en sus borraçheras tienen cantores tambien De buenas Voçes qe cantan
las haçañas pasadas y ansi siempre ay notiçia de las cosas antiguas,
los de la playa qe llaman yligueynes tienen por opinion qe El çielo
y tierra no tuba prinçipio y que tenian dos dioses qe se llamauan
el vno captan y El otro maguayen y qe el viento terral y El de la
mar se casaron y El de la tierra gomito Vna caña y qe aquesta caña
la sembro El dios captan y que estando ya grande Rebentó y heçho
de si dos cañutos qe tenia heçho vn hombre y Vna muger al hombre
llamaron sicalac de donde llaman a todos los hombres lalac y a la
muger llamaron sicauay de donde llamaron despues àca a las mugeres
babayes el varon le dixo a la muger qe se casasen entrambos pues no
auian otros en el mundo ella dixo qe no queria porqe eran hermanos
salidos de Vna caña y qe no auia auido mas de vn ñudo entre entrambos
y qe no se queria casar por ser hermano suyo, al fin se conçertaron
de yr lo a preguntar à las toninas de la mar y a las palomas qe
andauan por el ayre y vltimamente lo fueron a preguntar al temblor
de la tierra, al qual dixo qe era neçesario qe se casasen para qe
Vbiese hombres en el mundo y ellos se casaron y El primer hijo que
tubieron se llamo sibo, y despues una hija qe se llamo samar y estos
dos hermanos Vbieron otra hija que se llamo lupluban y esta se casó
con vn hijo de los primeros hombres qe se llamo pandaguan y estos dos
tubieron otro hijo llamado anoranor y el pandaguan fue El primero qe
ynvento los corrales para pescar en la mar y la primera Vez tomo vn
tiburon y tomado lo saco en tierra, pensando qe no se auia de morir
y puesto en tierra muriosele como le vido muerto començo a haçer le
las obsequias y llorar por el y quexar se a los dioses de qe auia
muerto vno qe asta alli no se auia muerto ninguna, y diçen qe el
dios captan como lo oyo enbio las moscas qe le abisasen quien era el
muerto y no osando llegar las moscas enbio al gorgojo el qual vio qe
El muerto era el tiburon y enojado el dios captan de qe se Vbiesen
heçho obsequias al pescado. El y El maguayen heçharon Vn Rayo con qe
mataron al pandaguan y estubo treynta dias muerto en el ynfierno y
al cauo dellas se condolieron del y le Resçuçitaron y le tornaron Al
mundo en el ynter qe el estubo muerto la muger qe se llamaua lubluban
se amançebo con Vno qe se llamaua maracoyrun De donde diçen qe tubo
prinçipio el amançebar se y quando llego no la allo en casa por qe le
auia conbidado el amigo a vn Puerco qe auia hurtado qe diçen qe fue El
primer hurto qe auia; auido en el mundo y el la enbió a llamar con su
hijo y ella no quiso venir diçiendo qe los muertos no voluian al mundo
de lo qual el enojado se voluio al ynfierno y tienen Por opinion qe
si la muger viniere a su llamado y el no se voluiera a yr entonçes qe
todos los qe se murieran Voluieran al mundo [_blank space in MS_.] y
los maganitos y El ynbentor dellos y las çeremonias dellos el Redaño--
_Segunda Opinion De los Serranos qe_ Llaman Tinguianes
tienen Por opinion los tinguianes qe no auiendo mas de mar y çielo
vn milano como no tenia a donde posarse determino de Reuoluer al
çielo y la mar, por cuya cavsa la mar quiso haçer guerra Al çielo y
ynçhandose haçia aRiua el çielo biendo aquesto trato paçes con la mar
y despues Por vengarse del atreuimiento qe auia tenido de ynçharse
haçia aRiua diçen qe aRojó todas estas yslas deste Archipielago sobre
la mar, para domeñarla y qe corriese la mar de vna parte para otra
y no se pudiese ynçhar, y de aqui tubo el prinçipio el mauaris qe es
vengarse Vno de otro qe le a heçho injuria qe es cosa muy Vsada; en
esta tierra y lo tienen por punto El no satisfaçerse y luego toman el
cuento de la caña diçiendo qe picando el milano en la caña salieron
aquel hombre y aquella muger qe aRiua diçe y cuentan luego qe la
primera Vez que pario la cauahi pario gran cantidad de hijos juntos
y qe entrando el padre Una Vez muy enojado en casa y amenaçando a
los hijos ellos heçharon a huir y De miedo y qe Vnos se metieron en
Vnos aposentos en lo mas escondido de la casa, y otros se quedaron
escondidos en otros aposentos, mas afuera y otros se escondieron en
los dindines qe son las paredes de la casa heçhas De caña y otros se
escondieron en el fogon y otros salieron por la puerta por donde su
padre entro y se fueron, haçia la mar, diçen ellos qe se metieron,
en los aposentos, de mas adentro, son los prinçipales qe ay en estas
yslas qe deçienden de Aquellos y los que quedaron mas afuera qe son
los timaguas, y los qe se escondieron entre las paredes qe son los
esclauos, y los qe se escondieron en el fogon qe son los negros, y
qe los qe se fueron por la puerta afuera haçia a la mar, que somos
nosotros los españoles qe nunca mas an tenido notiçia de nosotros,
asta qe nos Vieron Voluer otra vez por la mar.--
Capitulo 8o
_De la Opinion qe_ Tienen de los qe se Mueren.
Diçen qe los qe mueren a puñaladas o los come algun cayman o a flechaço
qe es muerte muy honrrada, y qe la alma dellos se suben por el arco qe
se haçe quando lluebe al çielo y se tornan dioses y los qe se aogan qe
sus almas se quedan alli en la mar para siempre y Por honrra les ponen
vna caña alta y alli un bestido, si es de hombre de hombre y si de
muger de muger y alli lo dexan estar asta qe se haçe pedaços de viejo,
a estos quando mueren, ahogados quando algun hijo suyo o pariente
esta enfermo toman y metense en vn barangay los parientes y con vna
baylana ques como saçerdotisa, y vna caxa llena de mantas y otras
cosas, y a donde la saçerdotisa les diçe qe la arrojen en la mar la
arrojan pidiendo fauor y ayuda, a su antepasado, para su enfermedad--
_Opinionde los qe_ se Mueren.
los qe se mueren de su enfermedad si son moços diçen qe los mangalos
qe son los duendes les comen las asaduras y que por por esta causa,
se mueren, porqe ellos no entendien que ay corrupçion de humores qe
causan las enfermedades y los que mueren, biejos diçen qe el Viento
llega y les aRebata las almas y que destos qe asi mueren los arayas
qe es Una çierta Parçialidad de pueblos se van a vna sierra muy
Alta que se llama mayas qe esta en la ysla De panay y los qe llaman
yligueynes qe son los çubuanes, boholanes, bantayanes, van sus almas
con el dios que llaman, sisiburanen a vna sierra muy alta qe en la
ysla De Burney _El dios sidapa_. Diçen qe en el çielo Ay otro dios qe
se diçe sidapa y que este tiene vn arbol muy grande en aquel çerro
de mayas y qe alli mide las Vidas de todos los que naçen y pone Una
señal y qe en llegando A la medida qe El a puesto luego se muere--
_Opinion que tienen áçerca de A donde Van las animas_ tienen Por
opinion qe en muriendo las Almas se Van al ynfierno dereçhas todas,
Pero qe por los maganitos que son los sacrifiçios y ofrendas qe haçen
al dios pandaqe vista en aquel çerro de mayas lo Rescatan de simuran
y de siguinarugan dioses del ynfierno--
Diçen qe la naçion de los yligueynes quando se mueren los lleua El
dios maguayen al ynfierno y que lleuandolos en su barangay sale sumpoy
ques otro dios y se los quita y los lleua a sisiburanen, ques El dios
que diximos aRiua, para que los tenga consigo buenos y males todos
los lleuan por un parejo de que van al ynfierno pero los pobres qe
no tienen quien les haga sacrifiçios quedan se para siempre en el
ynfierno, y se los come el dios del ynfierno o se los tiene para
siempre en prissiones por donde se vera quan poco se les daua por
ser buenos o malos, y quanta Razon tenian de aborreçer la proueça--
_Baylanas_ Estos naturales destas yslas no tienen ningun tiempo ni
lugar dedicado para haçer sacrifiçios ni oraçion sino quando Alguno
esta enfermo por sementeras o por sus guerras haçen sus sacrifiçios qe
llaman baylanes y de aqui llaman baylanes a las mugeres saçerdotisas o
a los Varones que haçen este offçio pone se la saçerdotisa muy galana
con su guirnalda en la caueça y muçho oro y ponen sus pitarrillas qe
son Vnas tinajas de vino de aRoz y traen vn puerco viuo alli y muçha
comida Adreçada y cantando Ella sus cantares ynuoca Al demonio y el
le apareçe muy galano, con vn vestido todo de oro y Despues le entra
en el cuerpo y la deRueca en el suelo y la haçe heçhar espumarajos
por la uoca como quien tiene El demonio en el cuerpo y habla y Diçe
si El enfermo a de tener salud o no y en los demas casos diçe los
suçesos en todo este ynterin Ay gran musica de campanas y atabales
y en lebantandose toma la lança y dale vna lamçada al Puerco por el
coraçon y adreçado haçen su platillo para El demonio y en Vn altar qe
alli tienen puesto le ponen alli El puerco guisado y arroz y platanos y
vino y todo lo demas que ay que Comer hacen esto para pedir salud para
los enfermos y pa Rescatar a los qe estan en el ynfierno y quando Van
a guerras y a hurtar para Estos ynuocan al varangao ques El arco del
çielo y ay naguinid y a macanduc, sus dioses y para El Rescate del
ynfierno al qe aRiua diximos tam bien ynuocan a sus antepasados los
muertos y diçen qe les veen y qe les Responden a lo que les preguntan
_Opinion açerca del mundo_ Tienen quel mundo nunca se a de acauar.
_El dios macaptan_ Diçen qe macaptan esta mas aRiba del çielo y qe
le tienen por malo porqe les da enfermedades y los mata y diçen qe
porque no a comido Cosa deste mundo ni biuido pitarrillas no los
quiere bien y los mata
_El dios lalahon_ El dios lalahon diçen qe Reside en vn Volcan qe esta
en la ysla De negros qe heçha fuego y qe esta El Volcan frontero de la
uilla de areualo, como ginco leguas a este lalahon ynuocan para sus
sementeras y quando no quieren darselas buenas he-ghales la langosta
qe se las hegha a perder y se las come esta lahon es muger
_Entierros_ Estos naturales se entierran en vnos atahudes de Palo en
sus proprias casas, entierran se con oro y mantas y otras joyas porqe
digen qe si Van Ricos los Reçiuiran de buena gana y al contrario si
Van Pobres.
_çentinela qe_ haçen a los muertos quando alguno, se muere haçen
muçhos fuegos debaxo de la casa y andan de noçhe hombres armados
haçiendo çentinela al atahud porqe diçen qe Vienen los bruxos que
los ay tambien en esta tierra y qe tocan al atahud y que Rebienta
luego el atahud y sale grande hedor del cuerpo muerto y qe no lo
pueden tener en caja por el grande hedor y ansi por algunas noçhes
le haçen çentinela--_escauos que matan quando mueren los prinçipales_
quando mueren los prinçipales desgendientes de dumaguet de la muerte
qe muere El prinçipal de aquella mesma muerte matan a un esclauo el
mas desuenturado qe pueden aliar para qe los sirua en el otro mundo y
siempre procuran, que sea este esclauo estranjero y no natural porqe
Realmente no son nada crueles--
La causa porque matan a los esclauos qe diximos quando muere algun
prinçipal diçen ques antiguamente, que a la cuenta qe ellos diçen a
mas de diez mill Años vn prinçipal que se llamaua marapan estandose
proueyendo pidio a vn esclauo suyo vn poco de çacate para linpiarse y
el esclauo le aRojo vna caña grande de carriço y pareçe qe le açerto
en vna Rodilla y lastimole y Como el era ya muy Viejo de aquel açhaqe
Diçen que murio y Antes qe muriese dexo mandado qe quando el muriese
matassen aquel esclauo y a todos sus hijos y de aqui quedo yntroduçido
el matar esclauos quando se mueren los prinçipales
_luto de no comer_, quando se muere padre o madre o algun pariente
çercano prometian de no comer aRoz hasta haçer Algun cautivo auido por
guerra y se ponian vnas manillas de bejucos qe cojian de todo El braço
ques El Verdadero luto y en la garganta y no bebian pitarrilla, sino
con platanos y Camotes se sustentauan hasta qe cautiuauan o matauan a
alguno qe entonges se quitauan el luto y acaeçia estar desta manera
Un año sin Comer aRoz de suerte qe se parauan muy magantos y ñacos
pero Reçien muerto el pariente determinauan de no comer sino dexarse
morir pero juntauanse luego sus timaguas y esclauos y heghaban Vna
DeRama por el pueblo y dauanselo porqe [muriesse: _crossed out in
MS_.] comiese platanos, y bebiese tuba, ques Vino de palmas porqe
no se muriesse qe estos eran prouehuelos qe tenían los prinçipales,
este luto llaman ellos entre si maglahe
_luto de las mugeres_ Al luto de las mugeres llaman morotal es de la
propria manera qe los hombres sino qe en lugar de yr a cautiuar o matar
para quitarse El luto y poder Comer aRoz se meten con muçhas mugeres
en vn barangay y un yndio qe Va gouernando y otro qe Va açhicando
y otro qe va en la proa y estos tres yndios los buscan siempre qe
sean yndios muy Valientes qe ayan heçho muchas agañas por armas y
Vanse a otro pueblo de Amigos suyos y Van Cantando estos tres yndios
sus heçhos al son de la boga, y los esclauos qe an cautiuado y los
hombres qe an muerto en guerras y leuan El nauio cargado de vino y
pitarrillas y llegados al pueblo conbidan a los del pueblo y los del
pueblo a ellos y haçen Vna gran borraçhera y desde entonçes se quitan
las mantas blancas y las argollas de bejucos de los braços y de la gar
ganta y desde entonçes se quitan el luto y comen aRoz y se ponen oro.
_larao de los muertos qe_ luto. Vna de las leyes qe esecutan con mas
Rigor es la qe llaman larao y es qe quando se muere algun prinçipal
quieren qe tengan todos luto y qe guarden las cosas siguientes, qe
nadie Riña con otro mientras qe Vbiere luto y muçho mas graues si
Riñen en el enterramiento, qe no traygan El yerro de la lança haçia
aRiua sino haçia abajo quel puño del puñal lo traygan en la pretina
de suerte qe ande al Rebes qe no traygan Vestido galano ni colorado
qe en aquellos dias no entre ningun barangay cantando sino con muçho
silençio y haçen vna çerca alderredor de la cassa del muerto qe
pasa por ella y la quiebra ni mas ni menos le penan y porqe venga
a notiçia de todos vn timagua de los honrrados anda pregonando por
todo El pueblo el luto porqe nayde pretenda ygnorançia, y ansi el
que le quebranta le ponen sin Remedio si es esclauo el que pega de
los qe siruen fuera de Casa y no tiene con qe pagar paga su amo por
el pero lleuale a su casa qe le sirua y le haçe ay o ey estas leyes
diçen qe les dexo lubluban y panas. A algunos les a pareçido estas
leves Rigurosas espeçialmente a los Religiosos perro ella era general
para prinçipales y timaguas y esclauos.
_Guerras_. El primer hombres qe diçen qe tubo guerra diçen qe se
llamo panas hijo de aquel anoranor nieto de los primeros [padres:
_crossed out in MS._] hombres tuba la con mañgaran, sobre una herençia
y de Alli tubieron prinçipio las guerras porqe se diuidieron en dos
Partes y de padres a hijos an yenido deçindiendo--y ansi digen qe El
primer hombre qe tomo armas para pelear fue El panas.--
_Guerras justas_ tres guerras tienen estos naturales por justas la
primera si vn yndio va a vn pueblo y le matan alla sin Raçon, la otra
por quitarle las mugeres la otra es porqe si van a Contratar debajo
de àmistad a algunos pueblos y alla les haçen algunos agrabios o los
maltratan y debaxo De amistad les haçen trayçion
_leyes_--Diçen qe las leyes por que se an gouernado hasta agora
se las dexo lubluban aquella muger qe diximos aRiba y destas leyes
son defensores, y executores solos los prinçipales porqe no tienen
juez ninguno aunqe tienen terçeros qe de vna parte a otra Andan
conçhavando--
Capo 9o
_Qe_ Trata de la Esclauonia de las Yslas Filipinas
_leyes para los esClauos_ A ningun yndio desta tierra haçen esclauo ni
le matan por ningun delito qe cometa aunqe sea hurto ni por adulterio
ni por homiçida, sino qe tienen señalado la pena qe le an de lleuar
en preseas o en oro y ansi si no tiene para pagarlo el lo busca y
se enpeña y por aqui viene a haçerse esclauo, y en qualquier tiempo
qe paga lo que le prestaron torna a quedar libre y ansi conforme al
Delito qe cometen son esclauos y ansi ay tres generos de esclauos en
estas yslas. El primero y mas esclauo es el de aquel que se siruen
en su casa ques el que llaman ayuey estos trauajan tres dias para el
amo y vno para el
_generos de esclauonias_ Otros ay qe se llaman tumaranpoc qe tienen
casas de por si y son obligados de acudir a seruir a su amo de quatro
dias El vno y los tres para ellos, y si no siruen estos a sus amos,
por ocupar se en sus sementeras, dan cada año a su amo diez chiçubites
De arroz de Anega, cada çhicubite--Ay otros qe son esclauos que los
tienen ellos por mas honrrados qe se llaman tomatabanes qe no les
siruen en sus Casas, sino es quando aya algun banquete o borraçhera qe
Vienen con algun pressentillo tanbien ellos a beber pero estos quando
se mueren entran los amos a la pte con los hijos de la haçienda qe
dexan y en Vida son obligados a seruir çinco dias cada mes y si no
siruen dan cada año çinco çhicubites de aRoz.--
_Valor de los esclauos_ los ayueyes tenian Valor entre ellos de dos
taes de oro de labin sian que valen doçe pesos.--Los tumaranpoques lo
proprio--Los tumatabanes tenian de Valor un tae qe son seys Pesos Las
mugeres de los ayueyes siruen también en la casa de los prinçipales
como sus maridos. Las mugeres de los tumaranpoques si tienen los hijos
siruen la mitad del mes en ylar y texer algodon que les dan sus amos,
y la otra mitad para si--Las Mugeres de los tumatabanes no haçen mas
cada Mes de benefiçiar Vna madexa de algodon para su amo dandoles
el amo El algodon en capullo--A los ayueyes solamte dan de comer y
Bestir sus amos, y los demas no les dan nada--quando mueren estos
esclauos ninguna haiçenda les quitan sus amos sino a los tomatabanes
como diximos. los que estos naturales an Vendido a los españoles
por la mayor parte son los Ayoeyes las leyes qe tienen para penar
a Vno hasta haçerle esclauo por muertes por adulterios por hurtos,
por deshonrrar de palabra alguna muger prinçipal, o por quitar le la
manta en publico y dexarla desnuda o ser causa qe por huyr o defenderse
le caya qe esto tienen por muçha afrenta
_ladrones_. Si el ladron haçe algun hurto grande penan a El y a toda
su parentela, digo los qe son mas çercanos parientes, y si es por
muerte o por adulterio a toda su parentela penan, y si no tienen conqe
pagar los haçen esclauos, y esta ley pasaua entre todos los mismos
prinçipales, de suerte qe si vn principal comete algun delitto aunqe
sea contra su mesmo esclauo o timagua lo penan de la misma manera,
pero no Vienen a ser esclauos porqe no tienen conqe pagar la pena,
qe sino tanbien serian esclauos.--Si El hurto es pequeño penan Al que
lo haçe y no a sus parientes _en tiempo de hambre_ quando ay hambre
los pobres qe no tienen conqe se sustentar por no pereçer acuden a
los Ricos y sienpre por la mayor pte procuran qe sean sus Parientes
y se les dan por esclauos porqe los sustenten.
_Otra manera de esclauonia._ Ay otro genero de [esclauonia: _crossed
out in MS._] señorio qe yntroduxo Vno que se llamaua sidumaguer qe
Diçen que a mas de dos mill años qe fue que porque le quebraron vn
barangay en languiguey donde el era natural ques En la ysla de bantayan
qe si tenian los qe defienden, de Aquellos qe le quebraron el barangay
si qdo mueren dexan diez esclauos le dauan dos y Al Respeto toda la
demas haçienda, y esta manera de esclauonia. quedo yntroduçida en
todos los yndios de las playas y no los tinguianes
_Verdaderos timaguas._ Los hombres libres destas yslas que llaman
timaguas qe ni son prinçipales ni esclauos Viuen desta manera, que si
vn timagua se quiere yr a Bibir a vn pueblo se allega a vn prinçipal
De los del pueblo porqe hordinariamente los pueblos tienen muçhos
prinçipales qe cada vno tiene su barrio con sus esClauos y timaguas
conoçidos, y se le offreçe por su timagua y es obligado a haçer
las cosas siguientes; quando haçen Banquetes, a otros Prinçipales
allarse alli, porqe es costumbre qe primero beba de la pitarrilla
el timagua, que no ningun prinçipal y el A de acompañar al prinçipal
quando camina con sus armas y si se enbarca a de yr bogando, y lleuar
sus Armas para defender El nauio pero aunqe quebranten Algunas cosas
desto nunca les penan sino Riñenlos por este seruiçio, es obligado El
prinçipal a defenderle con su persona y su Parentela de qualquiera que
le quisiere haçer agrabio sin Raçon y asi acaeçe sobre los timaguas
auer guerras entre padres y hijos, y hernos Contra hernos y si Va
a otros pueblos, y alla le haçen agrabios ni mas ni menos procura
con todas sus fuerças de desagrabiarle y con esto viuen seguros,
y tienen libertad el timagua de pasar de vn prinçipal a otro quando
le dá gusto qe no le pone ynpedimento en ello--
_De la manera como salen a Robar_ tienen estos naturales su manera
de heçhar suertes con Vnos colmillos de cayman o de jabalyes quandos
las heçhan ynuocan sus dioses y Antepasados preguntandoles como
les a de suçeder en la guerra, o en los Viajes qe haçen y por las
bueltas quedan con los Cordeles adeuinan lo que les a de suçeder y
estas suertes heçhan para qlquier cosa qe ayan de poner la mano,
tienen por costumbre de salir a Robar cada año los yndios de las
playas en tiempo qe hagen bonangas ques entre brisas y Vendabales y
los tinguianes despues de auer cojido sus sementeras y como tienen
por costumbre de ser enemigos de los qe lo son de sus amigos nunca
les faltauan guerras.--
quando Van a Robar si pueden traer Viuo al enemigo no lo matauan,
y si Alguno mataua El cautiuo despues de Rendido pagaualo de su
bolsa, y si no tenia Conqe pagarlo quedauase Por esclauo la presa
qe haçen de qualquier suerte que sea es de los prinçipales sino es
alguna poca cosa, qe dan a los timaguas qe yuan con ellos bogando
pero si yuan muçhos prinçipales el prinçipal qe haçia el magaanito
qe es el sacrifiçio qe diximos àRiba lleuaua se la mitad de la presa,
y la otra mitad era de los demas prinçipales-- _Prinçipales cautiuos_
Si cautiuauan a algun prinçipal tratauanlo bien y si algun amigo por
estar lejos su tierra le rrescataua Voluiale El cautiuo doblado, de la
qe daua por El por la buena obra qe hacia en sacar le de prision, por
que siempre le tenian aprisionado--Al[gun: _crossed out in MS_.] que
estuaua cautiuo y al qe adulteraua y al que mataua todos los parientes,
le ayudauan a Rescatar y a pagan lo que deuia cada Vno conforme al
parentesco qe tenia con el, y si no tenian, los parientes quedaua
esclauo.--_Enprestidos_ si se emprestauan arroz Vnos a otros y se
pagauan vn año sin qe se lo pagara, como es cosa qe se siembra si el
primer año qe lo sembrauan no lo pagauan--Al segundo pagauan doblado,
y al tercero quatro doblado y asi yva subiendo y solo este logro
tenian aunqe algunos an diçho otra Cosa, pero no se an ynformado bien
agora algunos araganes que no quieren buscar su tributo para pagarlo,
lo piden prestado y bueluen alguna cosa mas _herençias_ las herencias
tenían Costumbre de Partir desta suerte qe si Vno moria, y dexaua
quatro hijos, la Haçienda y esclauos se hagian quatro partes yguales y
cada Vno de los hijos lleuaua la suya y si dexaua Algun hijo bastardo
le dauan la pte que A los hermanos querían porqe este no entraua en
las partes, ni lleuaua mas de lo que le dauan Voluntariamente los
hermanos o la mda qe El padre haçia, y si le pareçia al padre mejorar
A alguno de sus hijos lo haçia, y si acaso el muerto no dexaua hijos
heredauan todos los hermanos qe tenia partes yguales y si no tenia
hermanos heredauan los primos hermanos, y si no los auia entraua todo
El linaje partiendo la haçienda de suerte qe auiendo hijo sino los
auia los hermanos eran herederos forçosos y si no los auia los primos
hermanos y no los auiendo los deudos todos partian la haçienda ygualmte
Capo 10
_Qe_ Trata de los Matrimonios de las Yslas.
_Casamientos de los prinçipales_ Grandes yerros se An hegho en
los casamientos qe se an heçho entre los naturales desta tierra
despues de Auer se heçho xpianos por no auer sacado bien en linpio
la consumaçion qe tenian en sus matrimonios, y ansi Vnos Religiosos
casan a vnos y otros los descasan, y otros los bueluen a casar, y ansi
a auido grandissimas confusiones por lo qual yo E procurado con toda
diligençia sacar A luz la manera qe tenian en sus matrimonios qe pasa
desta manera quando Alguno se quiere Casar porqe siempre El varon pide
a la muger llaman a algunos timaguas, honrrados del pueblo esto haçen
los que son prinçipales porqe pareçe a ser qe de tres calidades de
hombres qe ay en estas yslas qe son prinçipales, timaguas qe son los
hombres libres y esclauos cada vno tiene diferente manera de casarse
y ansi como digo los prinçipales enbian por terçeros a algunos de sus
timaguas, para tratar El Casamiento y lleua el vno dellos la lança
del desposado de su padre y en llegando A la casa del padre de la
desposada da vna lançada en la escalera de la cassa y teniendo la
lança, de Aquella manera, ynuocan a sus dioses y antepasados para qe
les sean Propiçios en aquel Casamiento y esta lança es del terçero,
si se efectua el casamiento, o se la Rescatan.
Despues qe ya esta conçertado el Casamiento ques despues de auer se
conçertado en el dote El qual paga El marido A la muger qe entre
los prinçipales destas yslas, de hordinario son çien taes en oro
en esclauos y en preseas, ques Valor de quinientos, o seysçientos
pesos, van por la desposada en casa de sus padres y traela Vn yndio
en hombros, y llegando al piede la escalera, del desposado haçe el
melindre y diçe qe no quiere subir y de que Ven qe no Vastan Ruegos
sale el suegro y diçe qe le dará vn esclauo y que suba y por el esclauo
sube, despues qe esta al fin de la escalera y Ve la casa del suegro,
y la gente qe esta dentro vuelbe luego a haçer de la melindrosa,
y El suegro le a de dar otro esclauo porqe entre dentro y ni mas ni
menos le a de dar otro Presea porqe se siente y otra porqe Comiençe
a comer y otra porqe comiençe a beuer despues qe ya estan juntos
los desposados bebiendo se leuanta Vn viejo y diçe en altas Voçes
qe callen todos qe quiere hablar y diçe fulano se casa con fulana
pero es con tal condiçion qe si el andubiere destraydo y no acudiere
a sustentar a su muger ella le a de dexar y no le a de Voluer Cosa
ninguna, del dote qe le dió y della quedara libre y se podra Casar
con otro y por El consiguiente si Ella fuere Ruyn le podra quitar la
dote qe le dió y dexalla, y Casar se con otra sea me todos testigos
deste conçierto qe se haçe y acabado de deçir esto toman Vn plato
de aRoz linpio Crudo y biene Vna vieja y toma las manos dereçhas de
los desposados y ponelas ençima del àRoz y junta la vna mano con la
otra y en teniendo las juntas toma el arroz y de Rama lo por ençima
de todos los qe estan en el Vanguete y entonçes la vieja da vn grito
y todos le Responden Con otro semejante y este es la consumaçion del
matrimonio o casamiento y asta este Punto no les Consienten los Padres
comer ni dormir juntos, en haçiendo esta ceremonia se la entregan por
su muger pero si auiendo tratado El Casamiento Por terçera Persa El
que se quiere Casar se aRepiente aunqe sea antes de auer se juntado
con ella, y se quiere casar con otra, pierde la señal qe a dado porqe
Ellos en començando a tratar El casamiento comiençan a dar El dote,
y si Vno diçe en àlguna conuersaçion o borraçhera, yo me quiero Casar
con fulana, hija de fulano y despues saliendo le al casamiento no
quiere casarse le penan por ello y le quintan mucha pte de su haçienda
en El dote no tiene que Ver El desposado con el ni la despues de
Rendido pagaualo de su bolsa, y si no del suegro y si El desposado
no es de hedad para Casar se o la desposada es niña sirue a su suegro
en casa, asta qe son de hedad para juntar se
_Casamientos de los timaguas_ Los timaguas no haçen estas çeremonias
por la falta de la haçienda ni tanpoco haçen las ceremonias de
juntar las manos en el plato del aRoz por Respeto de los prinçipales
por questa çeremonia es de solos los prinçipales pero consumen su
matrimonio quando los juntan a entrambos a dos a beber en vn cañuto de
la pitarrilla, y entonçes dan Vn grito y se van todos los combidados y
quedan casados porqe nunca les juntan a beber asta ques ya gran Rato
de la noçhe y esta propria çeremonia hagen los esclauos honrrados
y ricos.--
_Casamientos de esclauos_ Pero los esclauos Pobres qe siruen en casa
enos se casan Vnos con otros sin beber ni sin alcaguete ninguno ni sin
çeremonia mas de deçir El Vno al otro casemonos pero si Vn prinçipal
tiene vn esclauo, de los ayoiyes qe le siruen en casa y lo quiere
casar con esclaua de otro prinçipal de la misma calidad enbia Vna
yndia por terçera, que diga El Amo de la esclaua qe quiere casar su
esclauo con su esclaua y Conçertado El casamiento dale vna tinaja
o tres o quatro Platos y no haçen otra çeremonia ninguna y lo que
naçen destos es la mitad del amo de la esclaua, y la otra mitad del
amo del esclauo y quando estos Vienen a tener hijos qe pueden seruir
a sus amos quedan ellos heçhos tumaranpoques como emos diçho porqe
en casandose Vn esclauo de Vn prinçipal con esclaua de otro prinçipal
luego les dan casa por si y acuden a seruir a sus amos--Si se casa Vn
libre con Vna esclaua o al Reues lo que naçe es medio esclauo y si ay
dos hijos el vno es libre y el otro esclauo a escojer de los padres.--
En vna cosa pareçe qe Van fuera de toda Raçon y justa y es ques Vso
entre ellos qe si vn yndio de otro pueblo deue a otro deste pueblo
veynte pesos pongamos por caso y se los pide y no se los quiere pagar
encojiendo Algun indio de Aquel pueblo donde le deuen aquellos Veynte
pesos, aunque no sea pariente ni conoçido del que los deue le heçhan
mano y le haçen pagar los Veynte pesos y es costumbre que al que paga
estos veynte pesos el que los deuia primero le a de pagar quarenta
pesos por ellos por aquella fuerça qe le hiçieron a el esto diçen
qe lo haçen por no entrar con mano armada a cobrar del otro pueblos
sacan se sangre de los braços y los Vnos gustan _Amistades_ Para
haçer amistades entre los qe estan Venidos ora sean particulares,
o de pueblos con pueblos sacan se sangre de los braços y los Vnos
gustan la sangre de los otros en Vna bellota, o en vn poco de vino
y esta amistad no ay quebrantarla.
_Echiceros. Bruxos. medicos_. Ay en esta tierra Brujos y eçhiçeros
aunqe Ay tambien buenos medicos qe curan con yeruas simples,
especialmente contra qualquier Genero de ponçona, porqe ay muy
admirables contra yeruas, son los naturales desta ysla muy agoreros
de suerte qe por ninguna Via ningun natural se embarcaua en nauio
donde fuese cabra o mono porqe deçian qe se auian de perder y desta
muerte tienen otras mil abusiones, agora pocos años à ay entre ellos
Vna heçhiçera la qual diçen qe la ynuentaron los naturales de ybalon
despues de qe los españoles estamos aqui y es que ynuocan çiertos
demonios que llaman naguined y arapayan, y macbarubac y con Aceyte de
cocos y Vn colmillo de cayman sobre qe haçen sus sacrifiçios ynvocando
los demonios y este aceyte venden vnos a otros, y quando lo Venden;
haçen tambien sus sacrifiçios ynvocando al demonio pidiendole qe la
virtud qe tiene se la traspase en aquel que se la compra y diçen qe con
solo que le digan qe se muera Dentro de tanto tiempo se muere luego,
si no le curan con otro açeyte qe Ay contra este y esta heçhiçeria
a heçho muçho daño entre los pintados porqe El demonio haçe de las
suyas, los Religiosos an procurado El Remedio desto con quitar les
los aceytes y castigarlos--
_Estornudar_ si Alguno Va a alguna guerra o haçer alguna Cosa de
ynportançia, si Al salir de casa estornuda tienelo por mal aguero y
buelue se.--
_Fiestas_ No tienen estos naturales ninguna fiesta en todo El año qe
la guarden mas de quando los maridos Van a las guerras no trauajan
las mugeres en aquel tiempo
_Al granar del aRoz_ tienen tambien siete dias quando comiençan a
labrar sus sementeras, qe ni muelen aRoz para comer ni dexan entrar
estranjeros en sus pueblos en todo este tiempo porqe diçen qe aquel
es tiempo que estan Rogando a sus dioses qe les de buena coseçha.
_Años y meses_ Reparten El Año en doçe meses aunqe no nombran mas de
los siete [_sic_] y estos meses son lunares porqe los cuentan por las
lunas, El primer mes es quando salen las cabrillas qe le lleman Vlalen,
el otro mes le llaman dagancahuy ques quando desmontan los arboles para
sembrar, el otro llaman daganenan bulan, ques quando juntan esta madera
en las sementeras, El otro llaman, elquilin ques quando queman la
sementera. El otro llaman ynabuyan qe es en tiempo de bonanças el otro
llaman cauav ques quando desyeruan las sementeras el otro se llama[n
cabuy: _crossed out in MS_.] yrarapun ques quando comiençan a cojer
aRoz al otro llaman manululsul ques quando an acabado de cojer, con
los demas meses, no tienen cuenta por que no tienen qe haçer en campo.
_Bientos_. tienen por opinion qe los Vientos salen de la mar, y
fundanse en esta Raçon qe Ven ynçhada la mar; primero qe comiença
a bentar
_tortugas_ Ay en esta tierra muy gran cantidad de tortugas muy grandes
mayores qe no adargas es cosa marauillosa, que quando se juntan El
maçho con la hembra, se estan veynte y veynte y çinco dias pegados
y estan tan enbeueçidos en aquel acto qe se heçhan los yndios a nado
en medio de la mar y los atan los pies y las manos sin qe lo sientan
y las sacan a tierra, y esto a mi proprio me a acaeçido haçerlo
_Culebras_. Ay en esta tierra culebras grandisimas qe son tan grandes
como palmas, aunqe son bouas.--
_Caymanes_ ay grandissima cantidad de caymanes qe son lagartos de
agua en todos los Rios y por la mar qe haçen muçho daño.
_gatos de algalia_ En muçhas yslas destas ay gatos de algalia.
_tabones pajaros_ Ay en esta tierra vn genero de pajaro ques menor qe
Vna gallina de castilla y ponen Vn guebo mayor qe de ansar ques casi
El todo yema, y El pajaro entierra, los guebos vna braça debaxo de la
arena. a la vera del agua y alli salen los pollos y con los piezitos
haçia arriua, vienen desbiando la arena, y en estando aRiba luego al
momento buelan.--
_Palmas_ En todas estas yslas ay Gran cantidad de Palmas de cocos
allan se piedras en algunos cocos tan grandes como abellanas que
ellos preçian pero no se sabe hasta agora, la virtud qe tienen.
Saca se de las palmas gran cantidad de Vino qe saca vn yndio a la
mañana de las palmas qe benefiçia dos arrobas de Vino y es dulçe y
bueno y dell se haçe gran cantidad de agua ardiente, haçe se Vinagre
bueno y buena miel de los cocos qe a falta de àRoz es buen sustento,
haçen se basos y meçha para los arcabuçes y çestos de las ojas de
suerte qe es arbol muy proueychoso.
Ay en estas yslas muçhos puercos y buenos cabras y gran cantidad de
bufanos brabos qe façilmente tomandose çhicos se amansan, ay patos y
algunas ansares traydas de çhina, ay gran cantidad de gallinas como
las de castilla muy buenas y algunas qe no tienen colas qe tienen
abusion de no comerlas los naturales, y son mejores qe las otras
frutas de las qe ay en castilla no ay ninguna antigua en esta tierra
con estar tan Veçina de la çhina a do ay tantas de la tierra propria,
ay algunas y Raçonables como son muy buenos platanos nancas qe es
fruta muy olorosa, y mayor quel mayor melon de españa macupas qe son
como mançanas santores qe saben a menbrillo ay muy buenas naranjas
y limones. Ay En la prouinçia de ylocos Vn arbol grande qe heçha la
flor casi como la acçucçena qe tiene sabor de pescado y los yndios
la cojen por la mañana y la cueçen y Comen en lugar de pescado y es
cosa marauillosa, qe otro dia por la mañana esta otra vez llena de
flor y ansi cada dia.
Ay por los montes donde Ay falta de agua Vnos bexucos grandes de a
seys y ocho braças mas gruesos qe Vn dedo pulgar grueso qe cortandolos
heçhan de si gran cantidad de agua, ques muy buena, conqe se Remedia
la falta del agua sale de vn bexuco dos y tres cuartillos--
Capo 11
_Qe_ Trata de los Ritos y Çeremonias de los Moros de la Comarca de
la Ciudad de Manilla y de sus Condiçiones
_Dios batala_ la ley que antiguamente guardauan estos moros era que
adorauan un dios qe llamauan entre ellos batala qe propriamente quiere
deçir lios y deçian qe adorauan a aquel batala por qe era señor de
todo y qe auia heçho los hombres y los pueblos y deçian qe este batala
tenia muçhos ministros qe enbiaua a este mundo a hobrar por ellos,
lo qe aca se haçia a estos llaman anitos y cada anito tenia su offiçio
vnos de las sementeras, otros de los nauegantes, otros de los qe yVan
a la guerra, otros de las entermedades y ansi cada vno tenia El nombre
del offiçio que tenia, como deçir El anito de las sementeras, el anito
de la llubia, a estos anitos haçian sacrifiçio quando querian Algo de
Cada vno conforme a su ofiçio la suerte del sacrifiçio era semejante
a la de los pintados qe llamauan vn catalonan, qe es lo mismo qe
Vaylan, entre los Pintados que es Como saçerdote y este haçia El
sacrifiçio pidiendo Al anito lo que le querian pedir juntando muçho
aRoz y Carne y pescado y haçia sus ynuocaçiones hasta ql demonio se
le enrraua en el cuerpo mientras qe El catalonan estaua desmayado y
basqueando, estan los yndios cantando y bebiendo y olgandose hasta qe
El catalonan buelue en si y les da la Respuesta quel anito le daua a
el y si era por enfermo ofreçian le muçhas cadenas y joyas de oro y
deçian qe le Rescatauan la salud de aquel enfermo duraua este anito
si era enfermo-el tiempo qe le duraua la enfermedad
Preguntando les qe porqe causa haçian El sacrifiçio al anito y no al
batala deçian qe El batala es tan gran señor qe no le puede hablar
nadie qe esta en el çielo y qe El anito ques de tanta Caledad y qe
baxaua aCa a hablar les como El ministro del batala y qe ynterçedia
Por ellos Vnan en algunas partes espeçialmente en las serranias
en muriendoseles padre, o madre o pariente haçer de palo Vn ydolo
pequeño y guardallo y asi ay casa, qe tiene çiento o ducientos de
aquellos ydolos y a estos tambien llaman anitos porque diçen qe
en muriendose Van a seruir al batala y asi les haçen sacrifiçios,
ofreçiendoles Cosas de Comer y vino y joyas de oro Rogandole sea su
ynterçesor con el batala, ques El que tienen Por dios--
_Señorio de los moros_ Entre estos moros ay ni mas ni menos behetria qe
en los pintados, qe auia prinçipales En sus Barrios a quien obedeçian
qe castigauan sus delitos y les dauan las leyes qe auian de guardar
y en los pueblos donde Auia diez o doçe prinçipales no mas Vno dellos
El mas Rico era el qe obedeçian todos, tienen en muçho la antiguedad
del linaje y ansi para ser señor aprouechaua muçho, quando haçian sus
leyes para gouernar su Republica el mayor prinçipal a quien obedeçian
los demas juntaua todos los demas prinçipales del pueblo en su casa
y juntos proponia su platica diçiendo qe para Remediar muchos delitos
qe se cometian era neçesario poner penas y haçer hordenanças para qe
se Remediase y qe ellos pues qe eran los señores Viesen lo que les
pareçia y que ordenasen, de suerte qe todos Vibiesen en Paz. desta
puliçia careçian los pintados, porqe ninguno querià rreconoçer a
otro por mas prinçipal, entonçes los demas Prinçipales Respondian
qe les pareçia muy bien y que pues El era el mayor de todos hiçiese
lo que le pareçiese ser justo qe ellos le dauan la mano, y asi El
prinçipal haçia las leyes qe le pareçia ser necesarias porqe estos
moros tienen letras de las quales careçen todos los demas naturales
de las yslas y lo que el hordenaua, aprobauan los demas prinçipales,
y luego Venia vn pregonero que llaman Vmalahocan ques propriamente
mayordomo y tomaua vna canpana, y salia por El pueblo y en cada barrio
pregonaua las hordenancas, qe se auian hecho y El pueblo rrespondia
que las obedecia y asi yva de en pueblo en Pueblo por todo El destrito
de aquel principal y de alli adelante el que yncurria en la pena era
lleuado Al principal y El le condenaua en ella y si la pena era de
muerte y El condenado decia que queria ser esclauo se le perdonaua y
quedaua esclauo, eran tambien jueçes los demas Prinçipales, cada vno
en su barrio y quando se offrecia algun negocio de Calidad mandaua El
principal mayor juntar todos los demas Principales para sentenciarlo,
y concluydo con Voto de todos los demas usauan lleuar derechos, y no
auia Cosa señalada en ellos, mas de lo que el proprio juez decia qe
le diessen.
_Casamientos_ Estos moros Vsauan sus casamientos de la mesma orden
que Vsan los pintados en el dar El dote De suerte qe si El varon se
apartaua y descasaua contra la voluntad de la muger, tenia perdido
El dote y se quedaua Ella sin el y si la muger dexaua al marido Era
obligada à Voluer el dote y si Cometia adulterio y por ello la dexaua
el marido Voluia El dote doblado, y si aCaso la muger dexaua al marido
por casar se con otro aquel con quien se Cassaua estaua obligado a dar
al primer marido El dote qe auia dado y mas otro tanto de pena o lo
qe El juez mandase, la muger adultera siendo prinçipal tenia pena de
muerte cojiendola el marido en ynfragante y El adultero tambien y los
podia matar, sin pena alguna, y si aCaso mataua al vno y se escapaua
El otro auia Guerra abierta entre las parentelas, hasta qe El otro
moria y si aCaso se esscapauan ambos, Rescatauan la vida a peso de oro,
y si eran prinçipales tenian çien taes de pena, çinquenta la muger y
çinquenta El delinquente, y con esto les perdonauan y quedauan amigos,
y si eran timaguas tenian menos pena--
_Guerras_ Las guerras y la esclauonia dellos tenian ni mas ni menos
qe los pintados.
_ladrones_ Era ley entre los naturales çerca de los ladrones qe Al
que haçia hurto de menor cantia; qe eran hasta quatro taes qe son
veynte pesos y siendo de alli para aRiba, era hurto mayor tenia de
pena Voluer El oro y despues la condenaçion, al arbitrio del juez y
era pena pecuniaria, y siendo hurto mayor qe se entendia de quatro
taes para aRiba tenia de pena esclauo, y si el Vrto llegaua a vn cati
de oro era la pena de muerte o de haçerlo esclauo, a el y a sus hijos,
y los qe estubiesen dentro de su Casa.
Era tambien ley qe por El primer hurto era la pena pecuniaria y por
El segundo esclauonia, y de alli para aRiua, era de muerte y si se
le perdonaua era Como esta diçho aRiua haçiendole esclauo a el,
y a su muger y hijos, y El hijo qe probaua estar fuera de casa,
y posar en casa por si suya o de Algun pariente como Viuiese por si
no se entendia la pena con El y asi era libre de suerte qe no cayan
en la pena sino aquellos qe se allauan en casa, del delinquente por
la sospeçha qe se tenia de saber todos del hurto--
Era tambien ley qe El que se descomedia al prinçipal conoçiendo le
trataua mal de palabra, tenia pena de muerte, y si tenia posible para
Rescatar la Vida, tenia de pena quince taes De oro, y si no tenia
conqe o los parientes le ayudauan, a su Rescate; y El delinquente
pedia; misericordia conqe seria esclauo se le otorgaua la vida y asi
quedaua Por Esclauo del ynjuriado porqe la pena del dinero era para
El teniendo posible y si la pendencia, era entre personas yguales,
prinçipales tratandose por justicia y por sus leyes tenia la mesma
pena y si no queria el delinquente pasar por lo sentenciado era luego
pregonada la guerra, entre los pueblos y parcialidades qe sucedia
esto y de Alli los qe se prendian eran esClauos
_Podiase este rrescatar, despues dando la cantidad y en el entreianto
seruir_ Era ley qe si Venian dos timaguas y auia aFrenta en alguno
dellos tenia de dinero Conforme A la Calidad de la afrenta y esto era
al arbitrio del juez y si el afrenta era grande la pena asimismo y
no teniendo de qe pagarla pasando de çinco taes quedaua por esclauo
del ynjuriado y si El Delinquente pedia de med al principal, o a
otro amigo, le prestase El su dinero quedaua por esclauo del que
le prestaua El dinero y esta esclauonia se entendia, con solo El
delinquente, y no con sus hijos ni parientes saluo con los hijos qe
Vbiesse despues de esclauo.
Es también Vsança entre los naturales desta ysla ayudar se vnos a
otros con dineros prestados, y El que los lleua prestados de Algun
principal o timagua, quedaua de que passado çierto tiempo en qe auia
de tratar con aq dinero pagaua la cantidad qe le fué prestada, y de
mas desto por la buena obra qe se le haçia partia la ganançia
Era ley qe si el que llevaua El dinero que braua, y No tenia de qe
pagar, quedaua por esclauo del y los hijos. qe tubiere despues que
los de antes son libres.--
_puedese Rescatar despues dando la cantidad el ó sus hijos_. Era ley
entre estos qe si dos personas haçian Compañia de merCaduria, y ponian
tanta cantidad de dinero el vno y El otro yva el vno a tratar Con
El dinero de entrambos, si yendo este tratante su viaje, le prenden
enemigos, es obligado El otro Compañero que queda en el pueblo a
aCudir a Rescatar al otro con la mitad del preçio qe conçiertan
y El preso queda libre ansi de la deuda, de la conpañia Como del
Rescate qe despues se le da, y No es obligado a pagar nada y si El
que lleua El dinero se pierde por Culpa suya jugandolo o gastandolo
con mugeres, esta obligado a pagar, Al Conpañero la Cantidad qe le
dio y quedan obligados El y sus hijos a la paga y si la cantidad es
tanta qe No alcançan conqe pagar dentro del tienpo qe se Conçiertan,
queda por Esclauo del otro y la mitad de sus hijos qe si tiene dos
hijos El vno queda por esClauo y el otro libre, y si tiene quatro
quedan los dos esclauos y los dos libres, y ansi era siendo en mas
cantidad y si los hijos alcançauan despues conqe pagar la deuda del
padre quedauan libres.
Era ley al que mataua a otro qe muriese y si pedia misericordia
quedaua por esclauo del padre o hijos del muerto o del pariente mas
çercano y si eran quatro o cinco en la muerte pagauan todos Al señor
del esclauo el precio qe El esclauo podia Valer y despues El juez
los sentençiaua En lo que Le pareçia y si no tenian de qe pagar la
pena quedauan por esclauos y si el muerto era timagua tenian pena
de muerte los que se prueua qe lo mataron y si los Condenados piden
misericordia quedauan por Esclauos de suerte qe despues de Condenados
estaua en el escojer de los delinquentes la muerte o la esClauonia
y si El muerto era Prinçipal todo El pueblo donde se prouaba qe lo
mataron auian de ser esclauos matando primero los mas culpados y
si eran personas particulares, de tres o quatro o mas morian los
mas culpados sin Remedio de misericordia y los demas y sus hijos
esclauos. Quando algun entraua en Casa de Algun prinçipal de noçhe
contra la voluntad de su dueño tenia pena de muerte y era costumbre
quando se cojia alguno destos dalle primero tormento por saber si lo
auia enbiado algun otro prinçipal y si confesaua auer sido mandado
tenia pena de esClauo y El que lo enbio tenia pena de muerte de la
qual podia librar se pagando cantidad de oro por El delito.
El que cometia Adulterio siendo entre prinçipales tenia pena de
muerte y la mesma pena tenia El que era cojido con alguna mançeba de
algun prinçipal y era desta suerte qe siendo cojido en ynfragante le
podia matar El marido, y si aCaso se escapaua, huyendo tenia pena de
dinero, y hasta qe la pagauan tenia pendençia entre las parentelas
donde suçedia, lo proprio era entre los timaguas.
Esta Relaçion saco por mandado del Gouernador destas yslas miguel de
loarca Vz° de la Villa de areualo Vno de los primeros que en ellas
entraron curioso é estas cosas y asi la tengo por çierta y Verdadera--
[_Endorsed at end_: "Relaçion fha en conformidad de Vna çedula de su
magd Sobre cosas particulares destas yslas--Es para El Real consejo
de las yndias."]
[_Endorsed on outside wrapper_: "Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas,
su descubrimiento, poblaçiones de españoles, usos y costumbres de
sus naturales, religion, &a; hecha en virtud de Real Cedula por
Miguel de Loarca, vecino de la villa de Arèvalo, uno de los primeros
conquistadores y pobladores."]
RELATION OF THE FILIPINAS ISLANDS BY MIGUEL DE LOARCA
_A treatise on the Philipinas islands, in which an account is given
of all the islands and peoples reduced to the obedience of his royal
Majesty, King Don Phelippe, our sovereign, and of the settlements
that the Spaniards have made there; together with an account of the
form of government among both the Spaniards and the natives, and of
some customs of the Indians and Moros of these islands_.
Although the chief settlement of the Spaniards in these islands is
the city of Manila, and the island of Luçon, wherein it is situated,
is the finest and richest of all the islands discovered (on which
account we should discuss and begin to write about it first), yet,
since the island of Çubu was the first to be settled, and served
as the starting-point for the conquest of all the others; and, too,
because your Lordship has allowed me so short a time in which to write
this relation; and because I know them better, I shall commence with
the island of Cubu and those adjacent to it, the Pintados. Thus I may
afterward speak more at length on matters pertaining to this island
of Luçon and its neighboring islands--where, because the natives are
Moros, they differ somewhat from the former in customs, mode of life,
and language.
It cannot be denied that the men who have come to this country have
lacked the desire for investigation, since neither ecclesiastics
nor laymen have undertaken to relate what occurred in this land at
the time of its conquest; and, although it is said that father Fray
Alonso de Buyça has written a large volume in Mexico on this subject,
I doubt the assertion, because I have seen his letters which came last
year, in this ship "Sanct Martin." In these letters he asked for exact
information about events in this region of sixteen years ago, because
he mistrusted the accounts which have been sent to him from here; he
also requested any one of the settlers of this land, who should write,
to give a faithful account of all things for times to come. At present,
it will be difficult to arrange such information, and much time will
be needed therefor. In view of this and the short time before me,
I shall not treat of that particular subject; but I shall fulfil
what his Majesty has ordered from your Lordship by his royal decree;
and I shall also add a description of some customs of the natives,
in order that, since they are his Majesty's vassals, he may know of
the barbarous life from which he has delivered these natives, and of
the civilized manner in which they now live under his gracious sway.
Chapter First
_Of the island of Çubu, and of the other islands under its
jurisdiction_.
_Island of Çubu_. The island of Çubu, the first to be settled by
Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, has a circuit of nearly a hundred leagues
and a length of about fifty leagues, for it is very narrow. At the two
extremities it is, at the widest place, about twenty leagues wide. One
extremity, the one lying toward the north, is called Burula. The
other extremity, which we call Las Cabeças and the natives Sanbuan,
lies at the south; for, as is inferred, this island runs nearly north
and south. One cannot sail very close to the island; because all
along the coast where the town of Çubu is situated are to be found
bays that curve in different directions. On the other and western
side of the island the land lies almost northeast and southwest. The
entire island contains about three thousand five hundred Indians,
living in different, and for the most part small, villages. Here
I shall mention only the principal ones, for the others are small,
numbering only from eight to ten houses.
_Jaro_. Jaro is under the charge of an encomendero who also holds an
encomienda elsewhere; the village is inhabited by five hundred Indians.
_Daraguete_. Daraguete is also an encomienda, with two hundred Indians.
_Peñol_. El Peñol is also an encomienda, with two hundred Indians.
_Jaro_. Jaro is likewise an encomienda, with two hundred Indians.
_Temanduc_. Temanduque is also an encomienda, with five hundred
Indians.
_Temanduc_. In the same province of Temanduque another encomendero
has seventy Indians; and it is also an encomienda.
_Barile_. The village of Barile is another encomienda; it is inhabited
by four hundred natives. It is also an encomienda.
_Burugan_. The village of Burugan has about seventy Indians. It is
also an encomienda.
_Candaya_. The province of Candaya has three hundred and fifty Indians,
belonging to two encomenderos. It is also an encomienda.
No Spaniards are to be found in any of the principal encomiendas,
in all this province, although fourteen of them possess holdings
therein. These Spaniards, because they were inhabitants of the town
of Çubu, received each two or three small villages, together with
service from the Indians, fowls, and other means of maintenance;
for the principal encomiendas were distant from them thirty or forty
leagues, more or less. On the other side of the above-mentioned native
communities, at about two arquebus-shots from the Spanish town of
Ssantisimo Nombre de Jesus (thus called because an image of the child
Jesus, of the time of Magallanes, had been found there, and was held in
great reverence by the Indians), is a village of the natives belonging
to the royal crown, with about eight hundred Indians. The commander
Miguel Lopez de Legazpi exempted this community from paying tribute;
for they had always taken sides with the Spaniards, and had helped
them to conquer some of the other islands.
_Observations on the island of Çubu_. In this village live thirty
Spaniards, and as many encomenderos. Counting both citizens and
soldiers, fifty or sixty Spaniards ordinarily reside there.
_Alcalde-mayor in Çubu_. The governors of these islands have always
appointed an alcalde-mayor, at a salary of three hundred pesos taken
from the fines forfeited to the royal treasury; and the royal treasury
not being sufficient, the alcalde-mayor has not, as yet, appointed any
deputy. There are six regidors, who, up to the present time, have been
elected annually. The past governors appointed also an alguazil-mayor,
whom they can remove and replace at their pleasure. There is no
remuneration for this last office; and it is therefore given to an
encomendero, who is generally one of the leading citizens. There
are also two alcaldes-in-ordinary, and one notary for the cabildo
and the public. If all these officials were not also encomenderos,
they would be unable to support themselves; for the town possesses
no commerce which comes within their reach. The town has the best
port of these islands, and it was for this reason that Miguel Lopez
de Legazpi founded a settlement there. It was he who founded the
above-mentioned town, in the year of sixty-four. Perhaps the traffic
with Maluco may prove of advantage to the town, for there is no other
place in its vicinity with which any commerce could be carried on. Its
neighborhood is poor, and all the vast district round about lacks gold
mines or gold-placers, except in the island of Mindanao--and that but
little--as will be described later. The island of Çubu produces a small
quantity of rice, borona, and millet and little or no cotton; for the
cloth which the natives use for their garments is made from a kind of
banana. From this they make a sort of cloth resembling colored calico,
which the natives call _medriñaque_. In these islands great value is
set upon the land which can produce rice and cotton, because cotton
and cloth find a good market in Nueva España. The condition of the
people will be described when I shall speak of all the Pintados in
general, for they all are very similar. All are provided with fowls,
swine, a few goats, beans, and a kind of root resembling the potatoes
of Sancto Domingo, called by the natives _camotes_. After rice, fish
is the main article of maintenance in this and other islands, for it
abounds in all of them, and is of excellent quality in this island
of Çubu. Although deer have been found in all the islands discovered
hereabout, there are none here; and if any should be brought hither
from elsewhere they would immediately die.
_Island of Matan_. To the south of the settlement of Çubu, about two
arquebus-shots from it, lies the island of Matan where Magallanes was
killed; it forms the port of Çubu. The island is about four leagues
in circumference, and half a league wide; it has a population of about
three hundred Indians, scattered through four or five small villages,
all of which are under the jurisdiction of the town of Çubu.
_Island of Vohol_. On the other side of the island of Matan, and
farther south, about eight leagues from the settlement of Çubu,
lies the island of Vohol, which is an encomienda with two thousand
Indians. The natives of this island are closely related to the people
of Cebu and are almost one and the same people. Those inhabiting
the coast regions are mainly fishermen. They are excellent oarsmen;
and, before the arrival of the Spaniards, they were accustomed to
cruise about in their vessels on marauding expeditions. They are
also traders. There was once a large town in this island [Bohol],
which, shortly before the Spaniards came hither, was plundered by the
people of Maluco, and the majority of its inhabitants were dispersed
throughout the other islands, where they now dwell. The settlements
inland among the mountains are small and poor, and are not yet wholly
under subjection. In this island, as well as in the many nearby
uninhabited islets--these latter abounding also in fish--there is
great abundance of game, both deer and boars. The island is about
forty leagues in circumference, and eight or ten leagues wide.
_Island of Negros_. West of the island of Çubu lies another island,
called by the Spaniards Negros, because its mountain districts are
inhabited by some blacks. The Indians have given it various names, such
as Nayon, Mamaylan, and others, all taken from the names of villages in
different parts of the island. It contains some six or seven thousand
Indians; but the number of blacks has not been ascertained, because
of their hostility. The side of the island facing Çubu is sparsely
populated; for it has only one settlement worthy the name, which is
situated on the river Tanay, and half of the Indians on that river are
natives of Bohol. The southern side, facing the island of Panay and the
town of Arevalo, is thickly settled; for it contains the rivers Ylo,
Ynabagan, Bago, Carobcop, and Tecgaguan--all fertile districts, rich
in foods, such as rice, swine, and fowls; and abounding in medriñaque,
although there is no cotton. The coast facing Çubu lies about two
and one-half leagues from that island, and on the side facing the
island of Panay and the town of Arevalo there is a like distance;
so that two straits are made with these islands of Zubu and Panay
respectively. The side toward Çubu has three encomenderos; and that
toward Panay and the town of Arevalo has eight. All other encomenderos
hold encomiendas in other parts of the island. This island is about
ninety leagues in circumference, and about twelve or thirteen leagues
wide. None of its villages belong to his Majesty.
_Island of Fuegos_. Near the straits formed by Negros Island and that
of Çubu, there is an island which we call the island of Fuegos. It
has a circuit of ten leagues, and a population of nearly two hundred
Indians, and is a part of an encomienda. This island produces a great
quantity of wax.
_Island of Camotes_. East of the island of Çubu are two small islets,
each about five leagues in circumference. They are called the islets
of Camotes. The two are inhabited by about three hundred Indians,
and are under the jurisdiction of the city of Çubu. The people
are poor, although they possess some wax and a great quantity of
fish. The villages are small, consisting of only seven or eight houses
each. These islets are about three leagues from the island of Çubu,
and seven from the city of that name.
_Island of Baybay_. About three leagues farther east lies the
island of Baybay, or Leyte, as it is also called. It is a large and
well-provisioned island, although the people dress in medriñaque. Leyte
is thickly settled; it may have a population of fourteen or fifteen
thousand Indians, ten thousand of whom pay tribute because that has
been a people hard to conquer. There are twelve encomenderos; but
his Majesty owns none of the Indians. This island is about eighty
leagues in circumference, and fifteen or sixteen wide. Its principal
settlements and rivers are Vaybay, Yodmuc, Leyte, Cavigava, Barugo,
Maraguincay, Palos, Abuyo, Dulaque, Longos, Bito, Cabalian, Calamocan
and Tugud. This island possesses neither mines nor gold-placers; the
only cloth it produces is medriñaque, which, as I have said before,
resembles calico, and is made from a kind of wild banana.
_Island of Panaon_. Between this island and that of Mindanao, which
lies north and south, is the island of Panaon. It is about eight
leagues in circumference, and three leagues wide. The population
is poor, and numbers only about one hundred men, who belong to one
encomendero.
_Island of Siargao_. Twelve leagues from the island of Panaon, and
next to the island of Mindanao, is the island of Siargao, which is
about fifteen leagues in circumference and six leagues wide. It may
have about four hundred inhabitants, and its villages are built around
rough and dangerous estuaries. There is only one encomendero. The
people are poor because of their indolence; for although there
are numerous small islets near this island, which contain many
gold-placers, they do not work them. They give as a reason that,
if the corsairs should discover that they were working these mines,
they would come hither to take them captive; but even now, when no
one can molest them, they do not work the mines, and hence we may
infer that their poverty is mainly due to sloth.
_Island of Maçagua_. West of the island of Baybay is a small island
called Maçagua, about which father Fray Andres de Urbaneta related so
many wonders. It is four leagues in circumference and one league wide;
it has about sixty inhabitants, as well as an encomendero. The people
are poor and wretched, possessing nothing but salt and fish.
_Island of Maripipe_. At the other side, northeast from the island
of Baybay, lies the island called Maripipe. It is a very mountainous
island, and by reason of its great roughness it is barren. It is about
seven leagues in circumference and two and one-half leagues wide. It
has a population of about one hundred Indians.
_Island of Limancaguayan_. Nearer the strait and cape of Espiritu
Santo, and about three leagues from Maripipe, is another island,
called Limancaguayan. Like Maripipe it has a circumference of about
seven leagues, and a population of one hundred. This island produces
rice and medriñaque. These two islands belong to one encomendero,
together with the island of Fuegos, which we mentioned above.
_Island of Masbate_. Farther to the north-northeast of this island
of Leyte lies the island of Masbate, which is about thirty leagues
in circumference, and six leagues wide. It has about five hundred
Indians, who belong to one encomendero. It has also gold mines from
which much gold was dug, for the natives of Camarines went thither to
work them; but they have left the place on account of the Spaniards,
and therefore the mines are not worked. The island of Leyte is
considered the centre of all the islands mentioned above, because
they all lie in its neighborhood.
_Island of Bantayan_. About two leagues north of the island of Çubu
lies the island of Bantayan. It is about eight leagues in circumference
and two leagues wide, and has a population of about one thousand
Indians; this and the above-mentioned island of Vohol are under the
charge of one encomendero. Its inhabitants are well-disposed. They have
large fisheries, for there are many shoals near the island. There is
also a pearl-fishery, although a very small one. The land produces
millet and borona, but no rice, for all the island has poor soil
notwithstanding that it is level. Some of the natives of this island
cultivate land on the island of Çubu, which, as I have said, is two
leagues away. The island abounds in excellent palm-trees--a growth
common to all the Pintados islands, for all of them abound in palms.
_Island of Capul_. Capul is the name of the island forming a strait
with the island of Luçon. Through this strait pass all the ships which
come from España. Capul is about twelve leagues in circumference and
four leagues wide. It has about five hundred Indians, and belongs to
one encomendero. Its inhabitants are poor and have rice and medriñaque.
_Island of Viri_. Still nearer the cape of Espiritu Santo, and in the
strait itself, lies the island of Viri. It is about five leagues in
circumference and two leagues wide. It has a population of about one
hundred. This island and that of Maçagua are under one encomendero.
_Island of Ybabao_. Southeast of the island of Baybay, lies the
island of Ybabao, or as it is also called, the island of Candaya [also
Tandaya]. It is about one hundred and ten leagues in circumference. No
one has yet gone through the land, and therefore its width is not
known. They say that its population is as large as that of the island
of Baybay, and that it is a fertile and well-provisioned island. The
people seen by the Spaniards will number about five thousand Indians,
who are scattered through the following villages:
The village of Daguisan.
The river of Ylaga.
The river of Yba.
The river of Basey.
The villages of Hubun.
The villages of Balingigua.
The villages of Guiguan.
The river of Sicavalo.
The river of Bolongan.
The river of Sibato.
The village of Tinagun.
The River of Calviga.
The estuaries of Ulaya.
The river of Paguntan.
The river of Napundan.
The river of Bolo.
The river of Pono.
The river of Gamay.
The villages of Panpan.
The river of Catubi.
The river of Volonto.
The river of Yuatan.
The river of Pagaguahan.
The village of Baranas.
The village of Arasan.
_Islands of Bantac_. Close to the island of Ybabao, on its eastern
side and in the gulf of Nueva España [_i.e._, Pacific Ocean], are
to be found two islands, called Bantac. They are thinly populated,
and according to what the Indians say, no one has yet set foot on them.
_Verde Island_. On this same side, opposite the town of Guiguan
on the gulf side, lies Verde Island. It is about eight leagues in
circumference, and four leagues wide. It contains about one hundred
and fifty Indians.
_Island of Canaguan_. On the western side, opposite the river of
Tinahon, lies the island of Canaguan, which is about four leagues in
circumference and one league wide. It contains about one hundred men.
_Island of Caguayan_. The island of Caguayan lies very close to
the western side of the island of Ybabao, and is three leaguo
in circumference and one league wide. Its population numbers two
hundred men.
_Island of Batac_. The island of Batac, which is near this place,
contains one hundred men. All these islands which have been mentioned
are under the charge of the encomenderos of Çubu, and under the
jurisdiction of the city by the same name; so that, counting each
island by itself, and that part of the island of Mindanao which has
been explored, the jurisdiction of the city of Çubu extends over a
circuit of six hundred and sixty-seven leagues.
_Island of Mindanao_. Of all the islands discovered up to the present
time, Mindanao is supposed to be the largest, although but few of
its inhabitants are friendly--almost none, in fact--and those dwell
along the coast. The Spaniards have explored only about one hundred
and fifty leagues of this island, namely, from the river of Catel to
the principal river, which is called Mindanao. From the city of Çubu
one has to sail southeast to reach the nearest point of Mindanao,
which is called Dapitan. Dapitan has a port, and lies in the middle
of the discovered section of the island. Once this section was thickly
populated, but now there are only a few inhabitants left. It produces
rice and gold, for there are gold-placers and mines all over the
island; but the gold is found in so small a quantity that it can
hardly be detected. From Dapitan to the point of Cinnamon there are
more than thirty rivers whose banks are settled.
_Observations on the Island of Mindanao._ But those who live along
the shore are very few, and are called Lutaos--a name applied to
a tribe of people in this land, whose only means of sustenance is
derived from fishing; and who take their wives, dogs, cats, and all
their possessions in their boats. The fish that they catch they trade
with the people of the mountains.
_Tree-dwellings of the mountaineers of Mindanao._ The mountaineers
of this island build their houses in certain trees, so large that in
each one a house is built which can contain forty or fifty married
men and their families; the tree serves as a fortress against the
enemy. As far as seen this region abounds in wax. The land is very
rough and mountainous, and the inhabitants dress in mediñaque cloth.
Forty leagues from Dapitan, on the side facing Maluco, is Cavite
Point, where there is abundance of cinnamon; this is the district
which extends toward Maluco.
_Island of Taguima._ Not far from this Cinnamon Point, lies the island
of Taguima, which is about fourteen leagues in circumference, and
four leagues wide. It has a population of about five hundred Indians,
with two encomenderos. In all parts of Mindanao are found a great
many civet-cats. The Portuguese ships, on their way from Malaca to
Maluco for cloves, pass by this island, and formerly did much harm
to the natives, often committing acts of treachery while making that
passage. Civet-cats are found in all parts of the island of Mindanao;
but the people are poorly supplied with food and clothing.
_Island of Soloc_. Twenty leagues from this Cinnamon Point lies
the island of Soloc. Its inhabitants are Moros from Burney. It
was discovered at the same time as was the river of Burney. The
island is about twenty-four leagues in circumference, and is said
to have somewhat more than one thousand inhabitants. It is said to
have elephants and a fine pearl-fishery. It belongs to one of the
encomenderos of Çubu, and is within the jurisdiction of that city.
_Island of Mindanao, continued_. All the region northeast of
Dapitan, as far as the river of Butuan, is under one encomendero,
except the villages of Gonpot and Cagayan. These two villages,
on account of their production of cinnamon, are under his Majesty,
although their population is small, not exceeding two hundred men. The
same encomendero has charge also of the district between Dapitan and
almost to the Cinnamon Point, so that his encomienda in this island of
Mindanao is of nearly sixty leagues' extent; he is also encomendero of
the above-mentioned island of Soloc, and holds another encomienda in
the island of Çubu. With all this, he is poor [and dying of hunger:
_crossed out in original MS_.], and cannot help laying hands on all
the discovered land of Mindanao
_Rivers: Paniguian, Ydac, Matanda, Ytanda, Tago, Ono, Beslin--all of
which have about three thousand men, for the most part hostile_. Around
the river Butuan, which belongs to Guido de la Veçaris, dwell about six
hundred Indians who are in this island. Farther on are to be found the
rivers Surigao, Parasao and others, all poor regions notwithstanding
their gold-placers. The same may be said of the rivers Paniguian,
Ydac, Matanda, Ytanda, Tago, Ono, and Beslin--all of which have a
population of about three thousand, mostly hostile.
Two attempts have been made to explore the chief river of Mindanao--the
most important of the island, and from which the island of Mindanao
derives its name--but with little result, for our people have been
able to discover only six or seven villages. Of these villages the
principal one is where the petty king lives; others are Tanpacan,
Boayen, and Valet, with others, which, according to what has been seen,
have a population of a little more than three thousand, although it
is reported that there are many more than that number.
_Island of Camaniguin_. Opposite Butuan River, in the direction of
Çubu, and between Vohol and the island of Mindanao, lies the island
of Camaniguin. It is about ten leagues in circumference, and has a
population of about one hundred Indians. This island is two leagues
from Mindanao. It is a craggy and mountainous island. It produces
some wax, and la gente della por la mayor parte anda sienpre muy city
of Çubu.
Chapter Second
_Of the island of Panay and of the district under its jurisdiction_
_Island of Panay_. Twelve leagues from the nearest point of Çubu,
and two and one-half leagues from Negros Island, lies the island
of Panay, the most fertile and well-provisioned of all the islands
discovered, except the island of Luçon; for it is exceedingly fertile,
and abounds in rice, swine, fowls, wax, and honey; it produces also
a great quantity of cotton and medriñaque. Its villages stand very
close together, and the people are peaceful and open to conversion. The
land is healthful and well-provisioned, so that the Spaniards who are
stricken with sickness in other islands go thither to recover their
health. The natives are healthy and clean; and although the island of
Çubu is also healthful and has a good climate, most of its inhabitants
are always afflicted with the itch and buboes. In the island of Panay
the natives declare that no one of them had ever been afflicted with
buboes until the people from Bohol--who, as we said above, abandoned
Bohol on account of the people of Maluco--came to settle in Panay,
and gave the disease to some of the natives. For these reasons the
governor, Don Gonçalo Ronquillo, founded the town of Arevalo, on the
south side of this island; for the island runs almost north and south,
and on that side live the majority of the people, and the villages
are near this town, and the land here is more fertile. In this
town dwell fifteen encomenderos, who have among them about twenty
thousand Indians, all pacified and paying tribute. Since the town
is situated on the side nearest Negros Island, its nearest neighbor,
the above-mentioned governor placed under its jurisdiction the rivers
Ylo, Ynabagan, Bago, Carobcop and Tecgaguan--which, as has been said
before, constitute the best district of Negros Island. For all these
reasons, people flocked thither to build their houses; and the place
has become the best-provisioned district in all the islands. This
island of Panay provides the city of Manila and other places with a
large quantity of rice and meat.
_Alcalde-mayor of Arevalo, with a salary of 300 pesos_. The city of
this island has one alcalde-mayor, four regidors, one alguazil-mayor,
two alcaldes-in-ordinary, and one notary for the public and for the
cabildo. The regidors are elected for life, and the alguazil-mayor
remains in office as long as does the alcalde-mayor. Being a new
town, there are few lawsuits; and the notary can depend on no other
compensation than that which he derives from lawsuits among the Indians
(for he accompanies the alcalde-mayor on his official visits), and from
the cases which are brought before the law for settlement. This city
holds jurisdiction over a circuit of three leagues, but it possesses
no territory of its own.
The following are the principal communities in this island:
The village of Oton, next to the town.
The village of Ticbaguan.
The river Jaro.
The river Yvahay.
The river Ajuy.
The river Harahut.
The river Panay.
The river Aclan.
The village of Antique.
The village of Bugason.
and others of less importance. The alcalde-mayor receives a salary
of three hundred pesos, paid from the fines forfeited to the royal
treasury; and if those do not suffice, he will be empowered by the
governor and other royal officials to collect the tribute which
his Majesty receives in that island--from somewhat more than two
thousand men, who dwell in the vicinity of the rivers Haraut, Ajuy,
and Panay--the fifths of the gold which is dug in that region,
almost nothing in amount. This town is about fifty leagues from
that of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus in the island of Çubu. As this
island contains great abundance of timber and provisions, it has
almost continuously had a shipyard on it, as is the case now at the
location of the town of Arevalo, for galleys and fragatas. Here the
ship "Visaya" was launched. This island is about one hundred leagues
in circumference.
_Island of Ymaraes_. About two arquebus-shots from the island of
Panay lies the island of Ymaraes. It is about twelve leagues in
circumference, and has a population of about five hundred Indians,
all of whom are in charge of one of the encomenderos of the island
of Panay. It abounds in rice, cotton, honey, wax, and much game, as
is usual in all the islands. It has much timber, which serves for the
shipyards, and for house-building in the neighboring islands. Although
of such extent, Ymaraes comes under the jurisdiction of the town
of Arevalo.
_Island of Cuyo_. Opposite Antique, which is located in the island
of Panay, and about sixteen leagues farther in the same westerly
direction, lies the island of Cuyo. This island is also in charge of
one of the encomenderos of the island of Panay, and has a population of
about eight hundred. It abounds in rice which bears a reddish kernel,
because the soil is of that color. A great many goats are being raised,
for the region is favorable for that. There are large fisheries, and
some pearls are gathered. A large quantity of cotton cloth is woven
there, although the cotton is not produced on the island. Formerly
many ships from Burney were wont to come to barter for _bruscays_,
which are a kind of sea-shell which in Sian is used as money, as
cocoa-beans are used in Nueva España. It is under the jurisdiction of
Arevalo, although the authority of that town has never been exercised
therein. This island is twelve leagues in circumference.
_Islets of Lutaya_. Not far from this island are five [seven] very
small islets called Lutaya, Dehet, Bisucay, Cadnuyan, Tacaguayan,
Lubit, and Tinotoan. The people are very poor, and are kept in slavery
by the chiefs of the island of Cuyo. These islets, all together,
contain somewhat more than one hundred men. The chief occupation in
all these islets is making salt and mats--the latter from rushes,
for they are a wretched people. These they pay as their tribute. This
island is six leagues in circumference.
_Island of Osigan_. Northeast of the island of Panay and three leagues
from its extreme point, lies the island of Osigan, which we call the
island of Tablas. It is about eighteen leagues in circumference, and
is quite mountainous. Wax is collected there. It has a population of
about two hundred and fifty Indians, living in small villages.
_Island of Çibuyan._ Six leagues from Osigan lies the island of
Çibuyan. It is about twelve leagues in circumference, and six leagues
wide. It has about three hundred Indians, of whom two hundred are
under one of the Panay encomenderos. In this island are to be found
very good gold mines, but they are not properly worked, for the
Indians are all Pintados, and are very slothful. They belong to the
jurisdiction of Arevalo.
_Island of Buracay._ About two arquebus-shots from the north point
of the island of Panay, lies the island of Buracay. It is about three
leagues in circumference, and one-half league wide. It is inhabited by
about one hundred Indians, who cultivate rice there, and in addition
derive profit from some goats.
_Island of Anbil._ One half league from this island is another island,
called Anbil. It is about three leagues in circumference, and one
wide. Its fifty Indians are mostly ship-builders.
_Island of Simara._ About two leagues from the island of Tablas--or,
as it is also called, Osigan--lies the island of Simara. It is
about four leagues in circumference, and two leagues wide. It has
a population of one hundred and fifty. These people are traders,
and raise goats, and therefore the island is called Cabras ["Goats"]
Island. It is about twelve leagues from the island of Panay.
_Island of Sivaay._ Four leagues west of the north point of Panay,
is the island of Sivaay. It is five leagues in circumference, and
one and one-half leagues wide, and has a population of seventy Indians.
_Island of Similara._ About three leagues farther, toward the island
of Mindoro, is found the island of Similara, with a population of
ninety Indians. It is four leagues in circumference, and one league
wide. All the people of these islets gather a very scanty harvest;
they make salt, and are traders.
_Island of Batbatan._ South of the north point of Panay, and about one
and one-half leagues from that island, lies the island of Bacbatan,
with a population of eighty Indians. The island is about three
leagues in circumference, and one league wide. The inhabitants raise
their wheat and produce their wax on the island of Panay. All these
islands--Buracay, Anbil, Simara, Sivaay, Similara, and Bacbatan--are
under one of the encomenderos of Panay.
_Island of Banton._ The island of Banton lies about one and one-half
leagues from the island of Simara, or Cabras. It is about eight
leagues in circumference and three leagues wide, and has two hundred
Indians. The island is very craggy; it abounds in palm-trees, potatoes,
yams, and wax. The people are traders.
_Island of Donblon._ The island of Donblon lies between Çibuyan and
the island of Tablas. It is seven leagues in circumference and three
leagues wide. Donblon is inhabited by nearly two hundred and fifty
Indians, and abounds in wax. This island and that of Banton come
under one of the Panay encomenderos, and under the jurisdiction of
the town of Arevalo. The jurisdiction of this town extends also over
the islands of Ymaras, Cuyo, Bacbatan, Sivahi, Similara, Buracay,
Anbil, Simara, Osaygan, Banton, Donblon, Cibuyan, and over the
larger populated section of Negros Island--namely, from the cape of
Sitaravaan to Siparay, an extent of more than twenty leagues. Banton,
which is the last island of this jurisdiction, lies about fifty-five
or fifty-six leagues from the town of Arevalo.
_Island of Cagaian._ Sailing south-southeast from the town of Arevalo,
one comes to the open sea; for there are no other islands in that
direction except the ones called Cagayan--two low islets about fifteen
leagues from the island of Panay. They are surrounded by many low
reefs; and unless their narrow entry is well known, the ships which go
there encounter great dangers. These islands have about four hundred
inhabitants, all of whom are very skilful ship-builders. It is said
that a few years ago the natives peopled these islands in order to
fortify themselves by the reefs, for fear of the pirates. Then they
undertook to return to the island of Panay in order to dwell there;
but very many of their women died there. Seeing this, as they are
soothsayers they returned to the islands of Cagayan, whence they set
out every year, and scatter themselves over all the islands to build
ships. These Indians of Cagayan have made his Majesty's ships in
these islands, as well as the galleys, galliots, and fragatas. They
also help in repairing and righting ships. Being therefore the most
important people in these islands, the adelantado Miguel Lopez de
Legazpi allotted the islands of Cagayan to the encomenderos of Negros
Island. Afterwards it seemed best to put them under his Majesty's
control. Thus the town of Arevalo holds jurisdiction over an extent
of about two hundred and fifty leagues.
Chapter Third
_Of the Island of Luçon_
_Island of Luçon_. The island of Luçon is the most important island of
the whole group which has been discovered. It is thickly populated and
well-provided with rice and gold-mines. These mines have yielded much
gold, especially in the province of Ylocos. This island is divided
into three provinces, the chief of which is that wherein was founded
the city of Manilla, the capital of this kingdom and the seat of the
governor. Hither flock more Spaniards than are found in all the other
islands. One league and a half from this city is the port of Cavite,
where the ships from Nueva España anchor. The ships from Çhina enter
also through the river of this city, for they usually come in great
numbers to carry on their trading. His Majesty has a fortress here,
with its governor, three royal officers, one major, and one royal
standard-bearer--all appointed by his Majesty. There are also two
alguaçils-mayor--one of court and one of the city, one government
secretary, one notary for the cabildo, and four notaries-public. Manila
is also the seat of the bishop of all the islands; in this city he
resides and has his cathedral church. There are also seven regidors in
this city; three of them are proprietary magistrates, and are appointed
by his Majesty--namely, Captain Juan de Moron, Don Luis Enrriquez, and
Pedro de Herrera. The other four are appointed by the governor--namely,
Captain Graviel de Ribera, Captain Joan Maldonado, Captain Bergara, and
Captain Rodrigo Alvarez. There is also a convent of Augustinian monks,
one of descalced friars, and one house of the Company [of Jesus].
The city is situated midway on the shore of a large bay, about twenty
leagues in circumference. The region all about this bay is fertile,
and well-provisioned. The inhabitants are Moros, instructed in that
faith by those of Burney. The river has a fresh-water lake, about
five leagues above this city; it is more than twenty leagues in
circumference. The district abounds in rice and cotton. The people
possess much gold in the way of trinkets, but there are no mines in
this region. This same race of Moros have made settlements as far as
the villages of the Batangas; their number will be told later. They
have also peopled the island of Mindoro and that of Luban, but they
are to be found in no other region of these islands. The inhabitants
of the province of Camarines at the eastern end of this island,
through whose strait arrive the ships from Nueva España, resemble
the Pintados; and even those at the other and southeastern [_sc._
northern] end of this island, toward the Japanese, also closely
resemble the Pintados--although they do not tattoo _[pintan]_
themselves as the latter do, and bore their ears differently; for in
these two provinces there is but little tattooing. The Pintados tattoo
the whole body very gorgeously; but the Moros do not tattoo themselves
at all, nor do they bore their ears. Unlike the men of Visaya, the
Moros wear their hair short, although their women bore their ears,
but in a very ugly manner. The Moros inhabit only this district of
the bay of Manilla. with a fifteen-league coast, the most fertile
land of this island. The following encomiendas are to be found in
the neighborhood of this city:
The encomienda of Vatan, eight hundred men.
The encomienda of Vitis, with about seven thousand men.
The encomienda of Macabebe, with two thousand six hundred men.
The encomienda of Calonpite, with about three thousand men.
The encomienda of Candava, with two thousand men.
Near this encomienda is a village which, on account of its antiquity,
is called Little Castilla. It belongs to his Majesty, and has a
population of seventy.
The encomienda of Pale, with three hundred men.
The encomienda of Binto, with four hundred men.
The encomienda of Malolos, eight hundred men.
The encomienda of Guiguinto, four hundred men.
The encomienda of Catangalan, with eight hundred men.
The encomienda of Caluya belongs to his Majesty, and has six hundred
men.
Formerly all the above-mentioned encomiendas had one alcalde-mayor,
but since Don Gonzalo came he has appointed the following officials:
_Corregidor of Batan_. In Batan, a corregidor, with a salary of one
hundred and fifty pesos.
_Alcalde-mayor of Lubao_. In Lubao, another, with a salary of three
hundred pesos.
_Alcalde-mayor of Calompite_. In Calompite and Macaveve, another,
with a salary of three hundred pesos.
_Alcalde-mayor of Candava_. In Candava and two other encomiendas,
another, with a salary of two hundred pesos.
_Alcalde-mayor of Bulacan._ In Bulacan and its vicinity, another,
with a salary of two hundred pesos.
One language is spoken in all these encomiendas. Quite near the city,
and along the coast from Tondo, which is situated on the other side
of the river of this city, another language is spoken. This village
of Tondo belongs to his Majesty, and possesses a population of one
thousand three hundred and fifty Indians.
The village of Quiapo also belongs to his Majesty.
The village of Pandacan, which is held by an encomendero, has one
hundred and fifty men.
The village of Santa Maria is under an encomendero, and has a
population of [_blank space in MS_.].
The village of Capaques has two hundred men, and belongs to his
Majesty.
The encomienda of Pasic has one encomendero, and contains two
thousand men.
The encomienda of Tagui is under one encomendero, and has six hundred
and sixty men.
The encomienda of Taytay is inhabited by five hundred Indians. All
these encomiendas are situated along the river of Manilla, from Tondo
to the lake, and are under the jurisdiction of one alcalde-mayor,
who appoints a deputy for Tondo. The alcalde-mayor has a salary of
two hundred pesos; and his deputy, one hundred.
Around the lake the following settlements are under the jurisdiction
of another alcalde-mayor:
The encomienda of Maribago, three hundred men.
The encomienda of Tabuc, with [_blank space in MS._].
The encomienda of Vahi, with two thousand five hundred men.
The encomienda of Pila, with one thousand six hundred men.
The encomienda of Mayay, with four hundred men.
The encomienda of Lumban, with one thousand five hundred men.
The encomienda of Maracta belongs to his Majesty, and has six
hundred men.
The encomienda of Balian, with six hundred men.
The encomienda of Sinoloan, with seven hundred men.
The encomienda of Moron, with one thousand one hundred men.
The last two encomiendas have a much larger population; but they
are hostile, and live in the mountains. All the above-mentioned
encomiendas are found around the lake. Turning toward the coast of
Manilla, on the other side of Tondo, we find the following villages:
On the coast near Manila are Laguo, Malahat, Longalo, Palañac, Vacol,
Minacaya, and Cavite. All these villages are in the neighborhood
of Cavite, and belong to his Majesty, to whom they pay tribute. On
entering the bay opposite the other point, which is called Batan, is:
_Alcalde-mayor for the coast_. The encomienda of Maragondon, with four
hundred and fifty men. This encomienda of Maragondon, together with
all the above-mentioned coast villages which belong to his Majesty,
is under the jurisdiction of one alcalde-mayor, who receives a salary
of three hundred pesos.
Outside of the bay of Manilla, on the east, are the villages of the
lowlands of Tuley, which belong to his Majesty and pay him tribute.
_Corregidor of Balayan_. The encomienda of Balayan has six hundred men,
with one encomendero; one corregidor is appointed here, who receives
a salary of one hundred and fifty pesos.
_Alcalde-mayor of Vonvon_. The district around the lake of Bombon
has a population of about three thousand four hundred. Then come
the villages of the Batangas district, with one thousand men and
one encomendero. These two encomiendas are under the jurisdiction
of another alcalde-mayor. All the land between Tuley and Batangas
is inhabited by Moros, who, as we have said above, have abundance of
cotton, and possess much gold handed down to them by their ancestors.
Proceeding about three leagues from the settlement of Batangas,
which we mentioned above, along the coast toward Camarines, we come
to the river of Lobo, on which are about a hundred Indians. Two
leagues from Lobo is Maribago, where there are gold mines; here dwell
about one hundred Indians. Farther on is the village of Biga, with a
population of about one hundred and fifty Indians. Next is Galvan,
with about another hundred and fifty Indians. All these villages
have one encomendero. Farther along the coast is the river Dayun,
with about six hundred Indians; and next, the river Tubi, on which,
in the tingues [hills], are about five hundred Indians.
Next are the river Carilaya and other small settlements, with a total
population of about five hundred Indians.
Still farther is the river Caguayan, with about two hundred
Indians. All this territory has three encomenderos, and is all under
the jurisdiction of the alcalde-mayor of Mindoro. Here begins the
province of Camarines, although a few settlements of little importance
may be found between the two regions.
Chapter Fourth
_Which treats of the Camarines Provinces_
_Provinces of Camarines and Vicor_. Farther along the coast near the
Pasacao River begin the provinces of Vicor and Camarines, which,
as we have said above, are situated on the east side as you enter
the Philipinas islands. Disembarking at the Pasacao River, which
is seventy leagues from the city of Manilla by sea, and journeying
three leagues by land, one comes to the Vicor River flowing north;
its source is in the opposite coasts of the island. [11]
_Alcalde-mayor of Camarines_. Here lies the town of Caçeres, the
seat of an alcalde-mayor who receives a salary of three hundred
pesos. There are also two alcaldes-in-ordinary, and six regidors,
whom the governor appoints for as long a period as he chooses. This
town of Caçeres is situated in the middle of the entire province,
on the banks of the river Vicor. This river district is allotted to
eight encomenderos, seven of whom have in charge about seven hundred
Indians each, and the other about two thousand. Along the same river,
his Majesty possesses the villages of Minalagua and Nagua, with two
thousand Indians. Following this river, one comes to a lake called
the lake of Libon, which is but scantily populated. The district round
about is one encomienda, with one thousand five hundred Indians living
in the village of Libon and its environs. This lake of Libon, lying
in a mountainous region, has many creeks, by which one can easily
go to Yguas, Albay, Camarines, Bicagua, and other places. The town
of Caçeres has in all twenty-four encomenderos. Fourteen of them,
including the seven above mentioned, have seven hundred Indians each;
one has two thousand; another, that of lake Libon, has one thousand
five hundred; and the rest have about three hundred Indians each. The
inhabitants of the Vicor River district pay their tribute in gold and
rice, for they possess these articles in great abundance--for in this
province are the excellent mines of Paracale, sixteen leagues from
the town; they work also the mines of Catanduanes, thirty leagues
from the town. The town has no dependencies, nor does it hold any
jurisdiction over other communities. The whole district is under the
jurisdiction of the alcalde-mayor of the province of Laguna. This
province has a population of about one thousand five hundred, and is
allotted to three encomenderos.
Albay and Baquian are inhabited by about eight hundred Indians, who
are allotted to two encomenderos. Camarines, with about five hundred
men, is under one encomendero.
Libon is under one encomendero, and has one thousand five hundred men.
The province of Paracale and its coast, as far as Mahuban, is inhabited
by about two thousand men, and is allotted to three encomenderos. The
king owns a share of this province.
The district around the bay of Yvalon has a population of about one
thousand five hundred, being divided between two encomenderos.
_Island of Catanduanes_. The island of Catanduanes has a population
of about four thousand, and is allotted to four encomenderos. The
alcalde-mayor receives a salary of three hundred pesos, which is paid
from the fines forfeited to the royal treasury, or from the royal
treasury itself. He appoints no lieutenant, except one for the town
when he is absent. The governor appointed a notary for this town, who,
having little to do, attends also to the affairs of the alcalde-mayor,
and accompanies him on his tours of inspection. Thus his various
occupations yield him an annual income of nearly four hundred pesos.
There is also a treasurer in this town, appointed by the governor,
at a salary of two hundred pesos. His duty is to collect the tribute
due to his Majesty, and to go every year to Manila to give an account
of his work.
The country is fertile and healthy. It abounds in rice and palm-trees,
from which wine and a great quantity of brandy are made.
As already said, the natives of this province closely resemble the
Pintados--although the former are more slothful; for they spend nearly
all their time in drinking, while their wives cultivate the land. Like
the Pintados, they are a sociable people, and observe the same customs.
They all worship the ugly wooden idol, and talk to the demon. They
have also many wizards. Not having lived in this province, I am not
acquainted with their manner of sacrifice, nor have I found one who
could tell me of it.
_Mines_. As I have said, there are mines in Paracale, in the bay of
Caporaguay, and in the island of Catanduanes. All these districts
are in the neighborhood of the town of Caçeres.
_Distances_. From Pasacao, one has to follow the coast of the island
eastward twenty leagues to Bucaygan, and sixty leagues more to the
northwest, before he reaches Vicor River. All this may be shortened to
the three leagues [by land] between Pasacao and the Vicor River. The
distance between Vicor River and the cape of Babuyanes--situated at
the other end of the island, toward Japan, as above stated--is one
hundred and twenty leagues. The coast between Vicor and Babuyanes is
rugged, and extends northwest and southeast. Not all this land is
inhabited, but only three districts of it, namely: the province of
Valete, with about eight hundred Indians; ten leagues farther, that
of Casiguran, with about five hundred Indians (a district resembling
Ylocos, which lies on the opposite coast, although the two provinces
have no communication, because of the ruggedness of the country);
and, farther on, the province of Alanao River. This last is well
peopled, and produces gold and cotton; its native Indians resemble
those of Valete and Casiguran. Besides these three districts, no other
settlement on this coast is encountered until the cape of Babuyanes is
reached. From the cape the coast runs east and west until the river of
Cagayan is reached. This is a very large river. It is twelve leagues
from the cape to the mouth of this river.
_River Cagayan_. Cagayan is a river of great volume, although its bar
forms shallows. At high tide the bar has two brazas of water, and at
low tide one. On its banks are large settlements with a population of
more than thirty thousand. The people gather a great quantity of rice,
and keep many swine. They have also some gold, although there are no
gold mines. Their trade is carried on with the men of Ylocos. This
region is unwholesome, especially when the north wind prevails.
_Islands of Mandato and Buyon_. On the opposite coast, near the
island of Luçon, are two inhabited islets, called Mandato and Buyon
respectively, each one about five leagues in circumference, settled
by Moros, on account of their lying so near the island of Luçon
opposite the bay of Manila. [_Marginal note:_ "The island of Luçon
curves from the city of Manilla, where the change in direction begins,
to the river of Cagayan."]
_Island of Marinduque_. Between the island of Banton and that of Luçon,
four leagues from the former and five from the latter, lies the island
of Marinduque. It is about twenty-six leagues in circumference, and
eight leagues wide, and contains about one thousand men. Capul and
this island are under the charge of one encomendero. The Indians are
Pintados, although under the jurisdiction of neither Çubu, Arevalo,
nor Camarines.
Chapter Fifth
_Which treats of the province of Ylocos_
_Island of Luzon, continued_. Going out of the bay of Manilla, and
sailing north toward the province of Ylocos, first comes the province
of the Çambales. This province has about one thousand men, who are like
the Chichimecos of Nueva España. Their customs are much like those of
the Moros; they differ from the latter in their dress. These people
wear short trousers, and short-sleeved jackets shaped to fit [the
neck: _crossed out in MS_.], which resemble the _saltambarca_. [12]
On the middle of the breast, and on the shoulders, they wear a badge
resembling a cross, fashioned in different colors. Some of them cut
only half of their hair--namely, from the brow to the crown of the
head. The villages of this province which are known are Marayomo,
Pinahuyu, Mahaban, Buanguin, Tuguy, Polo, Bongalon, Dalayap, Cabatogan,
and Bacol. It is the custom among this people to punish murderers by
boring a hole through the crown of the head and taking out the brains.
_Province of Bulinao_. Next comes Bulinao, also inhabited by Çambales;
but the province belongs to his Majesty. It has a population of about
four hundred peaceful Indians, besides many more who live among the
mountains. The latter are a warlike people, whose only delight and
satisfaction is in waging war and in cutting off one another's heads,
which they hang up in their houses. The man who can display the most
heads in his house is he who is most respected and feared by all. They
cultivate the land although only in small tracts. They are like the
Chichimecos of Nueva España, who cannot be subdued--except that the
villages of Bulinao, as I have said, contain about four hundred Indians
who are pacified. These people recognize a God in heaven; but in times
of trouble and sickness they invoke their dead and their ancestors,
like the people of Visaya.
_Bay of Pangasinan_. About five leagues farther is the province of
Pangasinan. Its bay is about six leagues around. Three large rivers,
which flow from the mining district of the mountains, fall into this
bay. This province has a peaceful population of four thousand. The land
is allotted to six encomenderos; but the best portion of it, which
has one thousand men, belongs to his Majesty. The people resemble
the Cambales above mentioned, in both dress and language; but they
are more intelligent, for they are traders and traffic with the
Chinese, Japanese, Borneans, and the natives of other islands. This
province abounds in food supplies, such as rice, goats, and swine;
and many buffaloes are hunted. The main occupation of this people is
commerce; but they are also good farmers, and sell their articles of
food and clothing to the miners; the gold that they obtain in return
for these they barter with the Spaniards. The men are very jealous
of their wives, whom they kill immediately if caught in adultery;
nor do the relatives of the latter resent the deed. These people,
like the Pintados, kill their children if they have many, in order
that they may not live in poverty.
_Alcalde-mayor of Pangassinan_. For two years this district has had
one alcalde-mayor, who receives a salary of one hundred pesos. From
this province one can go by land to Manilla, over a very smooth and
good road, having to travel only fourteen or fifteen leagues to arrive
at the Capanpanga River.
_Port of Japon_. Four leagues farther is a port which is called the
port of Japon. There is a settlement of [Spaniard: _crossed out in
MS_.] Indians, of the same race as those of Pangasinan.
_Alinguey and Baratao_. Six leagues farther are the villages of
Alinguey and Baratao, with a population of about two thousand. Once
they were allotted to one encomendero, but now they belong to the royal
crown. The people are of the same race as those who inhabit Pangasinan.
_Purao_. Four leagues farther are the villages of Purao, with a
population of two thousand. These towns are under the encomendero
of Bitis and Lubao. The people differ from the above in language,
but resemble them in their behavior and customs. They till the land;
and possess much gold, on account of being near the mines. These
people do not kill their children, as do the people of Pangasinan.
_Villages of Lumaquaque_. Three leagues farther is the valley of
Lumaquaque, where live about one thousand five hundred natives. Half
of this district is under one encomendero, the other half belongs to
his Majesty. The people resemble those of Purao.
_Villages of Candon_. Two leagues farther are the villages of Candon,
with a population of about one thousand eight hundred. They are under
two encomenderos. The people resemble those of Purao.
_Province of Maluacan_. Three leagues farther is the province of
Maluacan, with a population of about one thousand eight hundred. It
is under the encomendero of Bonbon.
_Valley of Landan_. Two leagues farther is the valley of Landan,
with a population of about one thousand Indians, who belong to the
hospital of the city of Manilla.
_Village of Vigan_. Opposite this valley is the village of Vigan, with
about eight hundred inhabitants. It belongs to his Majesty. Not far
from Vigan is settled the town of Fernandina, which Guido de la Vezaris
founded in the year seventy-five. He appointed there six regidors, two
alcaldes, and one chief justice for all the provinces of the Ylocos.
_Alcalde-mayor of Ylocos_. At the coming of Limahon, Fernandina was
plundered, and there only remains now one alcalde-mayor, with twenty
or thirty Spaniards, who usually dwell there as if in banishment. The
alcalde-mayor receives a salary of three hundred pesos, and appoints
notaries at his pleasure.
_Valley of Bantay_. One league from this town is the valley of
Bantay, with a population of about one thousand six hundred, and
one encomendero.
_Valley of Sinay_. Three leagues farther is the valley of Sinay,
which is under the same encomendero of Bantay, and has a population
of about one thousand six hundred.
_The valley of Vavo_. Two leagues from Sinay is the valley of Vavo. It
is under one encomendero, and has a population of about one thousand
Indians.
_Province of Cacaguayan_. Still farther is the province of Cacaguayan,
with a population of about four thousand. Two thousand of them are
under two encomenderos--each with one thousand; and two thousand
belong to his Majesty.
_Province of Ylagua._ Two leagues farther is the province of Ylagua,
which belongs to his Majesty. It has a population of about five
thousand, but they are not all peaceful.
_Valley of Dynglas._ Three leagues inland from this province is a
valley called Dinglas. It has a population of about two thousand
Indians, and one encomendero.
_Valley of Vicagua._ Farther along the coast from Ylagua is
the valley of Vicagua, with a population of two thousand, and
two encomiendas. This valley is twenty leagues from the Cagayan
River. There are to be found some rivers and settlements, but the
inhabitants are not pacified or even known.
All the people of the Ylocos resemble the Pintados in their manner of
living, but they eat raw meat. They are a quiet and peaceful people,
dislike war, and are humble and well-disposed.
Thus, from the city of Manilla to the Cagayan River hither, the
distance is about one hundred and ten leagues, as stated above. On
account of the shortness of the time before me, I am unable to give
a more detailed account of this island of Luçon, which is the most
important in this land.
_Island of Mindoro._ Opposite the encomiendas of Bonbon and Batangas
lies the island of Mindoro. The Moros form the greater part of its
population. Three leagues from the island of Luçon is located the
village of Mindoro. This is a good harbor for ships, and belongs to
his Majesty. The village is inhabited by about two hundred and fifty
Moros. The island is eighty leagues in circumference, and is scantily
populated, for it has in all less than five hundred inhabitants. Some
blacks live in the mountains, who gather a large quantity of wax. The
island is ill supplied with provisions.
_Island of Luban_. Four leagues from the western point of this island,
and opposite the bay of Manilla, lies the island of Luban. It is
twenty leagues from Manilla, and has a circumference of about ten
leagues. It has six villages, with a total population of about five
hundred Indians.
Close to this island is a smaller one by the same name, with about
one hundred inhabitants. The people are the same as those of Luzon.
_Island of Elin_. The island of Elin lies two leagues south from
the island of Mindoro. It is seven leagues in circumference and is
inhabited by about two hundred Visayan Indians.
_Alcalde-mayor of Vindoro_. These islands--namely Mindoro, Elin, and
Luban--are under one encomendero, and all have one alcalde-mayor,
who holds jurisdiction also over that region of Luçon which begins
at Batangas and ends at the province of Camarines, to which region
we shall now return.
_Islands of the Babayanes_. Opposite the Cagayan River, in the open
sea toward China, are seven islands, called Babuyanes. Because many
swine are imported therefrom into the province of Ylocos, and since the
word for swine in the Ylocos language is _babuyes_, the islands have
been called by that name. Of their inhabitants very little is known.
_Island of Calamianes_. Returning from Burney and sailing from
Manilla twelve leagues beyond the island of Elin, we find the islands
of the Calamianes. These islands being somewhat out of the way,
very little is known about them--that is, about their inhabitants,
for only a few villages along the coast have been seen, where the
tribute is collected. The natives of these coast-towns are Pintados;
those who live in the mountains are blacks. A very large quantity
of wax is collected there, which is an article of barter for nearly
all the other islands. They lack provisions and clothing. The most
important of the Calamianes islands is Paraguan, which has a circuit
of one hundred and fifty leagues. The other islands are small, and
only the following are inhabited: Tanianao, Binorboran, Cabanga,
Bangaan, Caramian (which is also called by another name, Linapacan),
Dipayan, and Coron. In all these islands, only three hundred Indians
pay tribute; therefore very little is known about them. These islands
are all under the jurisdiction of the alcalde-mayor of Mindoro,
[and pay tribute: _crossed out in MS_.] and belong to the royal crown.
Chapter Sixth
_Of the inhabitants of the Pintados Islands and their mode of life_
The natives of the Pintados Islands are not very dark. Both men and
women are well formed and have regular features. Some of the women
are white. Both men and women wear their hair long, and fastened in a
knot on the crown of the head, which is very becoming. The men tattoo
their entire bodies with very beautiful figures, using therefor small
pieces of iron dipped in ink. This ink incorporates itself with the
blood, and the marks are indelible. They are healthy people, for the
climate of that land is good. Among them are found no crippled, maimed,
deaf, or dumb persons. No one of them has ever been possessed by evil
spirits, or has become insane. Therefore they reach an advanced age in
perfect health. The Pintados are a courageous and warlike race; they
have continually waged war on both land and sea. They bore their ears
in two places and wear beautiful ornaments, not only in their ears,
but also around their necks and arms. Their dress is neat and modest,
made generally of cotton, medriñaque, or silk (which they get from
China and other places). They are greatly addicted to the use of
a kind of wine which they make from rice and from the palm-tree,
and which is good. Very rarely do they become angry when drunk,
for their drunkenness passes off in jests or in sleep.
The men are very fond of their wives, for it is the men who give the
dowry at marriage. And even if their wives commit adultery, action
is never taken against the woman, but against the adulterer. An
abominable custom among the men is to bore a hole through the genital
organ, placing within this opening a tin tube, to which they fasten
a wheel like that of a spur, a full palm in circumference. These
are made of tin, and some of them weigh more than half a pound. They
use twenty kinds of these wheels; but modesty forbids us to speak of
them. By means of these they have intercourse with their wives. [13]
The inhabitants of the mountains do not follow this custom; all,
however, circumcise themselves, saying that they do it for their
health and for cleanliness. When they marry, they are not concerned
whether their wives are virgins or not.
The women are beautiful, but unchaste. They do not hesitate to commit
adultery, because they receive no punishment for it. They are well
and modestly dressed, in that they cover all the private parts; they
are very clean, and are very fond of perfumes. It is considered a
disgrace among them to have many children; for they say that when
the property is to be divided among all the children, they will
all be poor, and that it is better to have one child, and leave
him wealthy. The Pintados are very strict as to whom they marry;
for no one marries below his station. Therefore chiefs will never
marry any but women of rank. All the men are accustomed to have as
many wives as they can buy and support. The women are extremely lewd,
and they even encourage their own daughters to a life of unchastity;
so that there is nothing so vile for the latter that they cannot do
it before their mothers, since they incur no punishment. The men,
however, are not so vile as the Moros. The Pintados love their wives
so dearly, that, in case of a quarrel they take sides with their wives'
relatives, even against their own fathers and brothers.
Chapter Seventh
_Which treats of the belief held by the natives of the Pintados
islands concerning the creation_
There are two kinds of people in this land, who, although of the
same race, differ somewhat in their customs and are almost always on
mutually unfriendly terms. One class includes those who live along the
coast, the other class those who live in the mountains; and if peace
seems to reign among them, it is because they depend upon each other
for the necessities of life. The inhabitants of the mountains cannot
live without the fish, salt, and other articles of food, and the jars
and dishes, of other districts; nor, on the other hand, can those of
the coast live without the rice and cotton of the mountaineers. In
like manner they have two different beliefs concerning the beginning of
the world; and since these natives are not acquainted with the art of
writing, they preserve their ancient lore through songs, which they
sing in a very pleasing manner--commonly while plying their oars,
as they are island-dwellers.
Also, during their revelries, the singers who have good voices
recite the exploits of olden times; thus they always possess a
knowledge of past events. The people of the coast, who are called the
Yligueynes, believe that heaven and earth had no beginning, and that
there were two gods, one called Captan and the other Maguayen. [14]
They believe that the land breeze and the sea breeze were married;
and that the land breeze brought forth a reed, which was planted
by the god Captan. When the reed grew, it broke into two sections,
which became a man and a woman. To the man they gave the name of
Sicalac, and that is the reason why men from that time on have been
called _lalac_; the woman they called Sicavay, and thenceforth women
have been called _babayes_. One day the man asked the woman to marry
him, for there were no other people in the world; but she refused,
saying that they were brother and sister, born of the same reed,
with only one knot between them; and that she would not marry him,
since he was her brother. Finally they agreed to ask advice from the
tunnies of the sea, and from the doves of the air; they also went to
the earthquake, who said that it was necessary for them to marry,
so that the world might be peopled. They married, and called their
first son Sibo; then a daughter was born to them, and they gave
her the name of Samar. This brother and sister also had a daughter,
called Lupluban. She married Pandaguan, a son of the first pair, and
had a son called Anoranor. Pandaguan was the first to invent a net
for fishing at sea; and, the first time when he used it, he caught
a shark and brought it on shore, thinking that it would not die. But
the shark died when brought ashore; and Pandaguan, when he saw this,
began to mourn and weep over it--complaining against the gods for
having allowed the shark to die, when no one had died before that
time. It is said that the god Captan, on hearing this, sent the flies
to ascertain who the dead one was; but, as the flies did not dare to
go, Captan sent the weevil, who brought back the news of the shark's
death. The god Captan was displeased at these obsequies to a fish. He
and Maguayen made a thunderbolt, with which they killed Pandaguan; he
remained thirty days in the infernal regions, at the end of which time
the gods took pity upon him, brought him back to life, and returned
him to the world. While Pandaguan was dead, his wife Lubluban became
the concubine of a man called Maracoyrun; and these people say that
at that time concubinage began in the world. When Pandaguan returned,
he did not find his wife at home, because she had been invited by her
friend to feast upon a pig that he had stolen; and the natives say
that this was the first theft committed in the world. Pandaguan sent
his son for Lubluban, but she refused to go home, saying that the dead
do not return to the world. At this answer Pandaguan became angry,
and returned to the infernal regions. The people believe that, if his
wife had obeyed his summons, and he had not gone back at that time,
all the dead would return to life. [_Blank space in MS_.] Inheritances,
and their inventor. Their ceremonies. The omentum [15].
_Another belief, that of the mountaineers, who are called Tinguianes_
The Tinguianes believe that in the beginning were only the sea and
the sky; and that one day a kite, having no place where to alight,
determined to set the sea against the sky. Accordingly, the sea
declared war against the sky, and threw her waters upward. The sky,
seeing this, made a treaty of peace with the sea. Afterward, to
avenge himself upon her for having dared to assert herself, they say
that he showered upon the sea all the islands of this archipelago,
in order to subdue her; and that the sea ran to and fro without being
able to rise again. They say that from this event arose the custom
of _mavaris_--that is, taking vengeance for an insult received, a
very common practice in this land; and they consider it a point of
honor to take revenge. Then they relate also the story of the reed;
but they say that the kite pecked the reed, and the aforesaid man and
woman came out. They add that the first time when Cavahi gave birth to
children, she brought forth a great number at once. One day the father
went home, very angry, and threatened the children. The latter were
frightened and fled; some into the most hidden rooms of the house;
some hid in other places nearer the open air; some hid themselves
within the _dindines_, or walls of the houses, which are constructed
of reeds; some in the fireplace; and some fled to the sea through
the same door by which the father had entered. It is said that those
who fled to the most hidden rooms are the chiefs of these islands;
those who remained nearer the outside are the timaguas; those who hid
themselves within the walls are the slaves; those who hid themselves
in the fireplace are the blacks; and those who fled out to the sea
through the open door, are the Spaniards, and that they had no news
of us until they beheld us return through the sea.
Chapter Eighth
_Of their belief concerning the dead_
It is said that the souls of those who are stabbed to death, eaten
by crocodiles, or killed by arrows (which is considered a very
honorable death), go to heaven by way of the arch which is formed
when it rains, and become gods. The souls of the drowned remain in
the sea forever. By way of honor to these, they erect a tall reed
and hang upon it a garment--that of a man, if the dead be a man; but
a woman's, for a woman. This garment is left there until it falls to
pieces through age. When the children or other relatives of drowned
persons are sick, the relatives are taken and placed in a barangay,
in company with a _baylana_, who is a sort of priestess; and, at the
place indicated by the priestess, they throw into the sea a chest
filled with robes and other articles, which they have brought with
them. At the same time their ancestors are invoked to protect and
help the sick man during his illness.
_Belief regarding the dead_
If those who die from disease are young, the Pintados say that the
_mangalos_, who are goblins, are eating their bowels, wherefore they
die; for these people do not know that the corruption of humors causes
diseases. They say of those who die in old age that the wind comes
and snatches away their souls. And of those who die thus, the Arayas
(which is a certain alliance of villages), they say, go to a very
high mountain in the island of Panay, called Mayas. The souls of
the Yligueynes, who comprise the people of Çubu, Bohol, and Bantay,
go with the god called Sisiburanen, to a very high mountain in the
island of Burney.
_The god Sidapa_. They say that there is in the sky another god, called
Sidapa. This god possesses a very tall tree on mount Mayas. There he
measures the lives of all the new-born, and places a mark on the tree;
when the person's stature equals this mark, he dies immediately.
_Belief concerning the destination of souls_. It is believed that
at death all souls go directly to the infernal regions; but that,
by means of the _maganitos_, which are the sacrifices and offerings
made to the god Pandaque in sight of the mount of Mayas, they are
redeemed from Simuran and Siguinarugan, gods of the lower regions.
It is said that, when the Yligueynes die, the god Maguayen carries
them to Inferno. When he has carried them thither in his barangay,
Sumpoy, another god, sallies forth, takes them away, and leads them to
Sisiburanen, the god before mentioned, who keeps them all. Good or bad
alike, he takes them all on equal terms, when they go to Inferno. But
the poor, who have no one to offer sacrifices for them, remain forever,
in the inferno, and the god of those regions eats them, or keeps them
forever in prison. From this it will be seen how little their being
good or bad avails them, and how much reason they have to hate poverty.
_Baylanas_. The natives of these islands have neither time nor place
set apart for the offering of prayers and sacrifices to their gods. It
is only in case of sickness, and in times of seed-sowing or of war,
that sacrifices are offered. These sacrifices are called _baylanes_,
and the priestesses, or the men who perform this office, are also
called _baylanes_. The priestesses dress very gaily, with garlands
on their heads, and are resplendent with gold. They bring to the
place of sacrifice some _pitarrillas_ (a kind of earthen jar) full of
rice-wine, besides a live hog and a quantity of prepared food. Then
the priestess chants her songs and invokes the demon, who appears to
her all glistening in gold. Then he enters her body and hurls her to
the ground, foaming at the mouth as one possessed. In this state she
declares whether the sick person is to recover or not. In regard to
other matters, she foretells the future. All this takes place to the
sound of bells and kettle-drums. Then she rises and taking a spear,
she pierces the heart of the hog. They dress it and prepare a dish
for the demons. Upon an altar erected there, they place the dressed
hog, rice, bananas, wine, and all the other articles of food that
they have brought. All this is done in behalf of sick persons, or to
redeem those who are confined in the infernal regions. When they go
to war or on a plundering expedition, they offer prayers to Varangao,
who is the rainbow, and to their gods, Ynaguinid and Macanduc. For
the redemption of souls detained in the inferno above mentioned,
they invoke also their ancestors, and the dead, claiming to see them
and receive answers to their questions.
_Belief concerning the world. The god Macaptan._ They believe that
the world has no end. They say that Macaptan dwells highest in
the sky. They consider him a bad god, because he sends disease and
death among them, saying that because he has not eaten anything of
this world, or drunk any pitarrillas, he does not love them, and so
kills them.
_The god Lalahon_. It is said that the divinity Lalahon dwells in a
volcano in Negros island, whence she hurls fire. The volcano is about
five leagues from the town of Arevalo. They invoke Lalahon for their
harvest; when she does not choose to grant them good harvests she sends
the locusts to destroy and consume the crops. This Lalahon is a woman.
_Burials_. These natives bury their dead in certain wooden coffins,
in their own houses. They bury with the dead gold, cloth, and other
valuable objects--saying that if they depart rich they will be well
received in the other world, but coldly if they go poor.
_How they guard the dead_. When anyone dies, the people light many
fires near his house; and at night armed men go to act as sentinels
about his coffin, for fear that the sorcerers (who are in this
country also) may come and touch the coffin; for then the coffin
would immediately burst open and a great stench issue from the corpse,
which could not any longer remain in the coffin. For this reason they
keep watch for several nights.
_Slaves killed at the death of chiefs_. When any chief descended from
Dumaguet dies, a slave is made to die by the same death as that of the
chief. They choose the most wretched slave whom they can find, so that
he may serve the chief in the other world. They always select for this
a slave who is a foreigner, and not a native; for they really are not
at all cruel. They say that the reason for their killing slaves, as
we have said, at the death of any chief is very ancient. According to
their story, a chief called Marapan more than ten thousand years ago,
while easing his body asked a slave of his for some grass with which
to clean himself. The slave threw to him a large stalk of reed-grass,
which seems to have hit the chief on the knee, causing a wound. As he
was at the time a very old man, he died, as they say, from the blow;
but before his death he gave orders that, when he should die, the
slave and all his children should be put to death. From this arose
the custom of killing slaves at the death of a chief.
_Mourning indicated by fasting_. When the father or mother or any near
relative died, they promised to eat no rice until they should seize
some captive in battle. The actual sign of mourning among them was the
wearing of armlets made of bejucos [rattans] which covered the entire
arm, with a similar band around the neck. They drank no pitarrilla,
and their only food was bananas and camotes, until they had either
taken a captive or killed some one, when they ceased their mourning;
it might thus happen that they would eat no rice for a whole year,
and therefore they would be, at the end of that period, very languid
and weak. Sometimes a man determined, soon after a relative's death,
to eat nothing, but to abandon himself to death. But his timaguas
and slaves quickly assembled, and made a collection throughout the
village; bananas were given him for food, and _tuba_ (which is a wine
made from the palm-tree) for drink, so that he should not die. These
gains were the perquisites of the chiefs. This kind of mourning is
called among them _maglahe_.
_Mourning among the women_. The mourning observed by the women they
call _morotal_. It is similar to that of the men, except that the
mourner--instead of going to capture or kill some one before she is
allowed to cease mourning and to eat rice again--embarks in a barangay
with many women; they have one Indian man to steer, one to bail, and
one in the bow. These three Indians are always chosen as being very
valiant men, who have achieved much success in war. Thus they go to
a village of their friends, the three Indians singing all along the
way, keeping time with their oars; they recount their exploits, the
slaves whom they have captured, and the men whom they have killed in
war. The vessel is laden with wine and pitarrillas. When they reach
the village, they exchange invitations with the inhabitants, and
hold a great revel. After this they lay aside their white robes, and
strip the bejuco bands from their arms and necks; the mourning ends,
and they begin to eat rice again, and to adorn themselves with gold.
_Larao of the dead_--_that is, mourning_. One of the observances
which is carried out with most rigor is that called _larao_. This
rule requires that when a chief dies all must mourn him, and must
observe the following restrictions: No one shall quarrel with any
other during the time of mourning, and especially at the time of the
burial. Spears must be carried point downward, and daggers be carried
in the belt with hilt reversed. No gala or colored dress shall be
worn during that time. There must be no singing on board a barangay
when returning to the village, but strict silence is maintained. They
make an enclosure around the house of the dead man; and if anyone,
great or small, passes by and transgresses this bound, he shall be
punished. In order that all men may know of a chief's death and
no one feign ignorance, one of the timaguas who is held in honor
goes through the village and makes announcement of the mourning. He
who transgresses the law must pay the penalty, without fail. If he
who does this wrong be a slave--one of those who serve without the
dwelling--and has not the means to pay, his owner pays for him; but
the latter takes the slave to his own house, that he may serve him,
and makes him an ayoey. They say that these rules were left to them
by Lubluban and Panas. To some, especially to the religious, it has
seemed as if they were too rigorous for these people; but they were
general among chiefs, timaguas, and slaves.
_Wars_. The first man who waged war, according to their story, was
Panas, the son of that Anoranor, who was grandson of the first human
[parents: _crossed out in MS_.] beings. He declared war against
Mañgaran, on account of an inheritance; and from that time date the
first wars, because the people were divided into two factions, and
hostility was handed down from father to son. They say that Panas
was the first man to use weapons in fighting.
_Just wars_. There are three cases in which these natives regard war
as just. The first is when an Indian goes to another village and is
there put to death without cause; the second, when their wives are
stolen from them; and the third is when they go in friendly manner to
trade at any village, and there, under the appearance of friendship,
are wronged or maltreated.
_Laws_. They say that the laws by which they have thus far been
governed were left to them by Lubluban, the woman whom we have already
mentioned. Of these laws only the chiefs are defenders and executors
There are no judges, although there are mediators who go from one
party to another to bring about a reconciliation.
Chapter Ninth
_Which treats of slavery in the Filipinas Islands_
_Laws of slavery_. No Indian in this country is made a slave or is
put to death for any crime which he commits, even if it be theft,
adultery, or murder--except that for each crime there is an established
fine, which they have to pay in jewels or gold, and if the culprit is
unable to pay the fine he will borrow the money, and pledge himself
to the man from whom he borrows. As a result he becomes a slave,
until he shall repay what was lent to him; after that, he is free
again. Therefore, according to the crime committed, they are slaves;
and there are three classes of slaves in these islands. The first,
and the most thoroughly enslaved, is the bondman of him who is served
in his own dwelling; such a slave they call _ayuey_. These slaves
work three days for the master, and one for themselves.
_Kinds of slavery_. Another class of slaves are those called
_tumaranpoc_. They live in their own houses, and are obliged to go
to work for their master one day out of four, having the three days
for themselves. If they fail to work for their master, in order
to cultivate their own fields, they give the master each year ten
_çhicubites_ of rice, each çhicubite being equal to one fanéga.
There are other slaves, whom these people hold in most respect, who
are called _tomatabans_; these work in the house of the master only
when there is some banquet or revel. On such occasions they bring
small gifts, and share in the drinking. But when one of these slaves
dies, the property left by the slave is shared with his children by
the master. During their lifetime, these slaves are bound to work
for their master five days in a month; or, if they do not work,
they annually give the master five çhicubites of rice.
_Value of the slaves_. The ayueys are worth among these people two gold
taes of Labin sian, the equivalent of twelve pesos. The tumaranpoques
are worth the same sum. The tumatabans are worth one tae, or six pesos.
The ayuey women, like their husbands, work in the houses of chiefs. The
tumaranpoque women, if they have children, serve half of the month in
spinning and weaving cotton, which their masters supply; and during
the other half of the month they work for themselves. The tumataban
women spin only one hank of cotton each month for their masters,
who furnish to them the cotton in the boll. Only the ayueys receive
food and clothing from their masters; to the others the masters
give nothing. When these slaves die the masters take away all their
property, except from the tomatabans, as we have said above. Those
whom these natives have sold as slaves to the Spaniards are mostly
the ayueys.
The rules which they observe for punishing any one so severely as to
enslave him are as follows: for murder, adultery, and theft; and for
insulting any woman of rank, or taking away her robe in public and
leaving her naked, or causing her to flee or defend herself so that
it falls off, which is considered a great offense.
_Thieves_. If a thief commit a great robbery, he and all his relatives
(or at least his nearest kin) are fined. If they are unable to pay the
fine, they are made slaves. This law applies to all classes, and even
to the chiefs themselves; accordingly, if a chief commit any crime,
even against one of his own slaves or timaguas, he is fined in the
same manner. But they are not reduced to slavery for lack of means to
pay the fine; as, if they were not chiefs, they would be slaves. In
case of a small theft, the punishment falls upon the thief alone,
and not on his relatives.
_In time of famine._ When there is a famine the poor, who have not
the means of sustenance, in order not to perish, go to the rich--and
almost always they seek their relatives and surrender themselves to
them as slaves--in order to be fed.
_Another kind of slavery._ There is another kind of lordship [slavery:
_crossed out in MS_.], which was first introduced by a man whom they
call Sidumaguer--which, they say, occurred more than two thousand
years ago. Because some men broke a barangay belonging to him--in
Languiguey, his native village, situated in the island of Bantayan--he
compelled the descendants of those who had broken his barangay to
bequeath to him at their deaths two slaves out of every ten, and
the same portion of all their other property. This kind of slavery
gradually made its way among all the Indians living on the coast,
but not among the Tinguianes.
_Real timaguas._ The freemen of these islands, who are called timaguas,
are neither chiefs nor slaves. This is their mode of life. If a
timagua desires to live in a certain village, he joins himself to
one of the chiefs--for each village usually has many chiefs, each
of whom has his own district, with slaves and timaguas, well known
to him--to whom he offers himself as his timagua, binding himself to
observe the following laws: When feasts are given to other chiefs he
must attend; for it is the custom that the timagua drink first from
the pitarrilla, before any chief does so. He must, with his weapons,
accompany the chief when he goes on a journey. When the latter enters
a boat the timagua must go to ply the oar, and to carry his weapons
for the defense of the vessel; but if the vessel sustain any damages
he receives no punishment for this, but is only reprimanded. For this
service the chief is under obligation to defend the timagua, in his
own person and those of his relatives, against anyone who seeks to
injure him without cause; and thus it happens that, to defend the
timaguas, fathers fight against their sons, and brothers against one
another. If the timagua goes to any other village and there is wronged,
the chief will endeavor, with all his forces, to avenge him to the same
extent. Thus the timaguas live in security, and are free to pass from
the service of one chief to that of another, whenever they so desire,
and without any obstacle being placed in their way.
_Of the manner in which they set out on raids_. These natives
have a method of casting lots with the teeth of a crocodile or of
a wild boar. During the ceremony they invoke their gods and their
ancestors, and inquire of them as to the result of their wars and their
journeys. By knots or loops which they make with cords, they foretell
what will happen to them; and they resort to these practices for
everything which they have to undertake. The Indians along the coast
are accustomed to set out every year on their plundering expeditions
in the season of the bonanças, which come between the brisas and
the vendabals. The Tinguianes set out after they have gathered their
harvests; and since their custom is to be enemies to those who are
such to their friends, they do not lack opportunity for fighting.
While on a plundering expedition, if they could take their enemy
alive they did not kill him. If any one slew a captive after his
surrender, he must pay for him with his own money; and if he were
unable to do so he was held as a slave. The booty that they take,
whatever it may be, belongs to the chiefs, except a small portion
which is given to the timaguas who go with them as oarsmen. But if
many chiefs went on a raid, the one who offered the _magaanito,_
or the sacrifice mentioned above, received half of the booty, and
the other half belonged to the other chiefs.
_Captured chiefs._ If any chief were taken captive, he was well
treated; and if any friend ransomed the captive because he was far
from home, the captive returned to him double the amount that his
friend had paid for him, because of his good offices in withdrawing
the chief from captivity; for the latter would, otherwise, always
remain a prisoner. When a chief was taken captive, or committed
adultery or murder, all his relatives contributed toward his ransom,
each according to the degree of his kinship; and if the relatives
had not means to do this the chief remained a slave.
_Borrowing._ If they lent rice to anyone, one year was allowed for
repaying it, since it is something that is planted. If the loan were
not repaid after the first harvest, double the amount was to be paid at
the second; at the third harvest, fourfold was due on an unpaid loan;
and so on, regularly increasing. This was the only usury among them,
although some have stated otherwise; but those persons were not well
informed. Now, some who are lazy, and unwilling to exert themselves
to pay the tribute, ask a loan for this purpose, and repay a somewhat
larger sum.
_Inheritances._ It is their custom to share inheritances in the
following manner. If a man died and left four children, the property
and the slaves were divided into four equal parts, and each one
of the children took his own share. If the dead man left a bastard
child, the latter would receive only what the brothers were pleased
to give him; for he had no right to one of the shares, nor could he
take more than what his brothers voluntarily gave him, or the legacy
made by his father in his favor. If the father chose to favor any of
his children in his will, he did so. If the dead man left no children,
all his brothers inherited his property, having equal shares therein;
and if he had no brothers, his cousins-german would inherit; if he
had no cousins, all his kinsmen. His property, then, went to the
children, if he had any; if not, his brothers were necessarily the
heirs; if he had no brothers, his first cousins; and in default of
these, all his relatives shared the estate equally.
Chapter Tenth
_Which treats of marriage customs in these islands_
_Marriage of the chiefs._ Great mistakes have been made regarding
the marriages formed among the natives of this country since they
have become Christians, because the marriage customs once observed
among the natives have not been clearly understood. Therefore some
religious join them in marriage, while others release them, and
others reëstablish the marriage, thus creating great confusion. For
this reason, I have diligently endeavored to bring to light the way in
which they observed the marriage ceremonies, which are as follows. When
any man wishes to marry, he, since the man always asks the woman,
calls in certain timaguas who are respected in the village. (This
is what the chiefs do. For there appear to be three ranks of men
in these islands--namely, chiefs, timaguas, who are freemen, and
slaves--each class having different marriage customs.) The chiefs,
then, I say, send as go-betweens some of their timaguas, to negotiate
the marriage. One of these men takes the young man's lance from his
father, and when he reaches the house of the girl's father he thrusts
the spear into the staircase of the house; and while he holds the
lance thus, they invoke their gods and ancestors, requesting them
to be propitious to this marriage. If the marriage takes place,
the lance belongs to the go-between, or it is redeemed.
After the marriage is agreed upon--that is to say, after fixing the
amount of the dowry which the husband pays to the wife (which among
the chiefs of these islands is generally the sum of one hundred
taes, in gold, slaves, and jewels, and is equivalent to one hundred
pesos)--they go to bring the bride from the house of her parents. One
of the Indians takes her on his shoulders; and on arriving at the
foot of the stairway to the bridegroom's house, she affects coyness,
and says that she will not enter. When many entreaties have proved
useless, the father-in-law comes out and promises to give her a slave
if she will go up. She mounts the staircase, for the slave; but when
she reaches the top of the stairway and looks into her father-in-law's
house and sees the people assembled within, she again pretends to be
bashful, and the father-in-law must give her another slave. After
she has entered, the same thing takes place; and he must give her
a jewel to make her sit down, another to make her begin to eat, and
another before she will drink. While the betrothed pair are drinking
together an old man rises, and in a loud voice calls all to silence,
as he wishes to speak. He says: "So-and-so marries so-and-so, but on
the condition that if the man should through dissolute conduct fail
to support his wife, she will leave him, and shall not be obliged to
return anything of the dowry that he has given her; and she shall
have freedom and permission to marry another man. And therefore,
should the woman betray her husband, he can take away the dowry that he
gave her, leave her, and marry another woman. Be all of you witnesses
for me to this compact." When the old man has ended his speech, they
take a dish filled with clean, uncooked rice, and an old woman comes
and joins the hands of the pair, and lays them upon the rice. Then,
holding their hands thus joined, she throws the rice over all those
who are present at the banquet. Then the old woman gives a loud shout,
and all answer her with a similar shout; and the marriage contract or
ceremony is completed. Up to this time, her parents do not allow the
young couple to eat or sleep together; but by performing this ceremony
they deliver her up as his wife. But if, after the marriage contract
has been negotiated by a third party, the man who seeks marriage should
repent of the bargain and seek to marry another woman, he loses the
earnest-money that he has given, even if he has had no intercourse with
the former; because when they commence negotiations for the marriage
they begin to give the dowry. If a man say in conversation, or at a
drunken feast, "I wish to marry so-and-so, daughter of so-and-so,"
and afterward break his promise and refuse to marry her, he is fined
for it; and they take away a great part of his property.
In regard to the dowry, neither the husband nor the wife can
enjoy it until they have children; for until then it belongs to the
father-in-law. If the bridegroom is not of age to marry, or the bride
is too young, both still work in the house of the father-in-law until
they are of age to live together.
_Marriage among the timaguas_. The timaguas do not follow these usages,
because they have no property of their own. They do not observe the
ceremony of joining hands over the dish of rice, through respect for
the chiefs; for that ceremony is for chiefs only. Their marriage is
accomplished when the pair unite in drinking pitarrilla from the
same cup. Then they give a shout, and all the guests depart; and
they are considered as married, for they are not allowed to drink
together until late at night. The same ceremony is observed by rich
and respectable slaves.
_Marriage among the slaves_. But the poor slaves, who serve in
the houses, marry each other without drinking and without any
go-between. They observe no ceremony, but simply say to each other,
"Let us marry." If a chief have a slave, one of his ayoiys, who serves
in the house, and wishes to marry him to a female slave of the same
class belonging to another chief, he sends an Indian woman as agent
to the master of the female slave, saying that her master wishes to
marry one of his male slaves to the other's female slave. After the
marriage has been arranged, he gives his slave an earthen jar, or three
or four dishes, and there is no other ceremony. Half of the children
born to this couple will belong to the master of the female slave,
and the other half will belong to the master of the male slave. When
the time comes when their children are able to work for their masters,
the parents are made tumaranpoques, as we have said; because when a
male slave of one chief marries the female slave of another chief, they
immediately receive a house for their own use, and go out to work for
their masters. If a freeman marries a female slave, or _vice versa_,
half of the children are slaves. Thus, if there are two children,
one is free and the other a slave, as the parents may choose.
In one thing these natives seem to go beyond all reason and justice. It
is usage among them that, if an Indian of one village owes twenty pesos
(to suppose a case) to an Indian in another village, and when asked
for the money refuses to repay it, when any Indian of that village
where the said twenty pesos is due is caught, they seize him--even
if he is in no way related to or acquainted with the debtor--and
compel him to pay the twenty pesos. It is their custom that he who
first owed the twenty pesos must return to him who paid that sum forty
pesos instead, on account of the violence used against him. They say
that they act thus in order not to use the mailed hand for collecting
from the other in that village, since that would result in war.
_Friendship_. Reconciliation between those who have quarreled,
whether these are individuals or the people of different villages,
is brought about by drawing blood from the arms of both parties,
and each tasting the blood of the other, placed in a shell, sometimes
mixed with a little wine; and such friendship is not to be broken.
_Witches and sorcerers; physicians_. In this land are sorcerers and
witches--although there are also good physicians, who cure diseases
with medicinal herbs; especially they have a remedy for every kind
of poison, for there are most wonderful antidotal herbs. The natives
of this island are very superstitious; consequently, no native will
embark for any voyage in a vessel on which there may be a goat or a
monkey, for they say that they will surely be wrecked. They have a
thousand other omens of this sort. For a few years past they have
had among them one form of witchcraft which was invented by the
natives of Ybalon after the Spaniards had come here. This is the
invocation of certain demons, whom they call Naguined, Arapayan, and
Macbarubac. To these they offer sacrifices, consisting of cocoanut-oil
and a crocodile's tooth; and while they make these offerings, they
invoke the demons. This oil they sell to one another; and even when
they sell it they offer sacrifices and invoke the demon, beseeching
him that the power which he possesses may be transferred to the buyer
of the oil. They claim that the simple declaration that one will die
within a certain time is sufficient to make him die immediately at
that time, unless they save him with another oil, which counteracts the
former. This witchery has done a great deal of harm among the Pintados,
because the demon plays tricks on them. The religious have tried to
remedy this evil, by taking away from them the oil and chastising them.
_Sneezing_. If any one who is going to war or is about to begin any
important undertaking, sneeze on leaving the house, he considers it
a bad omen, and turns back.
_Feasts_. These natives have no feasts that they observe, throughout
the year-save that when the married men go to war, during their
absence the women do not work.
_At the rice-harvest._ Besides these times they set apart seven days
when they begin to till their fields, in which time they neither grind
any rice for their food, nor do they allow any stranger, during all
that time, to enter their villages; for they say that that is the
time when they pray to their gods to grant them an abundant harvest.
_Years and months_. They divide the year into twelve months, although
only seven [_sc_. eight] of these have names; they are lunar months,
because they are reckoned by moons. The first month is that in which
the Pleiades appear, which they call Ulalen. The second is called
Dagancahuy, the time when the trees are felled in order to sow the
land. Another month they call Daganenan bulan; it comes when the
wood of those trees is collected from the fields. Another is called
Elquilin, and is the time when they burn over the fields. Another
month they call Ynabuyan, which comes when the bonanças blow. Another
they call Cavay; it is when they weed their fields. Another they call
[Cabuy: _crossed out in MS._] Yrarapun; it is the time when they
begin to harvest the rice. Another they call Manalulsul, in which
the harvesting is completed. As for the remaining months, they pay
little attention to them, because in those months there is no work
in the fields.
_Winds_. It is their opinion that the winds come from the sea, which
they base on the fact that the sea swells before the winds begin
to blow.
_Turtles_. In this land are very many turtles, of great size; they
are larger than a shield. Here is a marvellous thing when the male
and the female have intercourse, they remain thus joined together for
twenty or twenty-five days. They become so stupefied during this act
that the Indians dive into the sea, and tie the feet of the turtles
without their perceiving it, and draw these creatures ashore. I have
even done this myself.
_Serpents_. There are in this land enormous serpents, as large as
palm-trees; they are, however, sluggish.
_Crocodiles_. There are enormous numbers of crocodiles, which are
water-lizards. They live in all the rivers and in the sea, and do
much harm.
_Civet-cats._ In many of these islands are civet-cats.
_Tabon birds_. In this land there is a kind of bird, smaller than
a Castilian fowl; its eggs is larger than that of a goose, and is
almost all yolk. This bird lays its eggs in the sand, a braza deep,
at the edge of the water. There the young ones are hatched, and come
up through the sand, opening a way through it with their little feet;
and as soon as they gain the surface they fly away. [16]
_Palms_. In all these islands are great numbers of cocoa-palms. In
some of the nuts are found stones as large as filberts, which the
natives prize, although thus far it is not known what efficacy
they have. They draw a great quantity of wine from the palm-trees;
one Indian can in one forenoon obtain two arrobas of sap from
the palm trees that he cultivates. It is sweet and good, and is
used in making great quantities of brandy, excellent vinegar, and
delicious honey. The cocoanuts furnish a nutritious food when rice is
scarce. From the nut-shells they make dishes, and [from the fibrous
husk?] match-cords for their arquebuses; and with the leaves they
make baskets. Consequently this tree is very useful.
In these islands are very many swine, and goats of excellent
quality. There are also a great many wild buffaloes, which, if caught
when young, can be easily tamed. There are ducks, and some geese which
have been brought from China. There are also a great many fowls of
excellent quality, which are similar to those of Castilla. There
are some fowls which have no tails, for which reason the natives
superstitiously refuse to eat them; but these are better than the
other sorts.
As for fruits like those in Castilla, they were formerly not to
be found in this land, because of its proximity to China, where
there are so many fruits peculiar to that country. There are here
some tolerably good fruits, such as excellent bananas [17]; nancas,
a very fragrant fruit, and larger than the largest Spanish melon;
macupas, which resemble apples; and santors, which taste like the
quince. There are also many good oranges and lemons.
In the province of Ylocos is found a large tree whose blossoms resemble
the white lily, and taste like fish. The Indians gather the blossoms in
the morning, cook them, and eat them in place of fish. And, wonderful
to relate, on the next morning the tree is again full of blossoms;
and this occurs day after day.
In the mountain region, where there is scarcity of water, are found
certain bejucos, six or eight brazas high, and larger around than the
thumb. When this stem is cut, there gushes forth a great quantity
of water, of excellent taste; and this liquid supplies the lack of
water. Each bejuco will yield two or three cuartillos of water. [18]
Chapter Eleventh
_Which treats of the rites and ceremonies observed by the Moros in
the vicinity of Manilla, and of their social conditions_
_The god Batala_. According to the religion formerly observed by these
Moros, they worshiped a deity called among them Batala, which properly
means "God." They said that they adored this Batala because he was
the Lord of all, and had created human beings and villages. They said
that this Batala had many agents under him, whom he sent to this world
to produce, in behalf of men, what is yielded here. These beings were
called _anitos_, and each anito had a special office. Some of them were
for the fields, and some for those who journey by sea; some for those
who went to war, and some for diseases. Each anito was therefore named
for his office; there was, for instance, the anito of the fields, and
the anito of the rain. To these anitos the people offered sacrifices,
when they desired anything--to each one according to his office. The
mode of sacrifice was like that of the Pintados. They summoned a
_catalonan_, which is the same as the vaylan among the Pintados,
that is, a priest. He offered the sacrifice, requesting from the
anito whatever the people desired him to ask, and heaping up great
quantities of rice, meat, and fish. His invocations lasted until
the demon entered his body, when the catalonan fell into a swoon,
foaming at the mouth. The Indians sang, drank, and feasted until the
catalonan came to himself, and told them the answer that the anito
had given to him. If the sacrifice was in behalf of a sick person,
they offered many golden chains and ornaments, saying that they were
paying a ransom for the sick person's health. This invocation of the
anito continued as long as the sickness lasted.
When the natives were asked why the sacrifices were offered to the
anito, and not to the Batala, they answered that the Batala was a
great lord, and no one could speak to him. He lived in the sky;
but the anito, who was of such a nature that he came down here
to talk with men, was to the Batala as a minister, and interceded
for them. In some places and especially in the mountain districts,
when the father, mother, or other relative dies, the people unite in
making a small wooden idol, and preserve it. Accordingly there is a
house which contains one hundred or two hundred of these idols. These
images also are called _anitos_; for they say that when people die,
they go to serve the Batala. Therefore they make sacrifices to these
anitos, offering them food, wine, and gold ornaments; and request them
to be intercessors for them before the Batala, whom they regard as God.
_Government of the Moros_. Among the Moros there is precisely the same
lack of government as among the Pintados. They had chiefs in their
respective districts, whom the people obeyed; they punished criminals,
and laid down the laws that must be observed. In the villages, where
they had ten or twelve chiefs, one only--the richest of them--was
he whom all obeyed. They greatly esteem an ancient lineage, which is
therefore a great advantage to him who desires to be a lord. When laws
were to be enacted for governing the commonwealth, the greatest chief,
whom all the rest obeyed, assembled in his own house all the other
chiefs of the village; and when they had come, he made a speech,
declaring that, to correct the many criminal acts which were being
committed, it was necessary that they impose penalties and enact
ordinances, so that these evils might be remedied and that all might
live in peace. This policy was not in vogue among the Pintados, because
no one of them was willing to recognize another as his superior. Then
the other chiefs replied that this seemed good to them; and that,
since he was the greatest chief of all, he might do whatever appeared
to him just, and they would approve it. Accordingly, that chief made
such regulations as he deemed necessary; for these Moros possess
the art of writing, which no other natives of the islands have. The
other chiefs approved what he ordained. Immediately came a public
crier, whom they call _umalahocan_, who is properly a mayor-domo, or
steward; he took a bell and went through the village, announcing in
each district the regulations which had been made. The people replied
that they would obey. Thus the umalahocan went from village to village,
through the whole district of this chief; and from that time on he who
incurred the penalties of law was taken to the chief, who sentenced him
accordingly. If the penalty be death, and the condemned man say that
he prefers to be a slave, he is pardoned, and becomes a slave. All the
other chiefs are also judges, each in his own district; but when any
important case arises the head chief calls all the others together, in
order to decide it, and the affair is settled by the vote of all. The
chiefs are accustomed to impose the taxes; but there is no fixed
amount for these, save what the proper judge decrees shall be paid.
_Marriages_. These Moros followed in their marriages the same customs
as those of the Pintados, in giving the dowry. Thus, if the man
should, contrary to the woman's desire, break his pledge and annul the
marriage, he would lose the dowry, and she would retain it, free from
him. Likewise, if the wife left the husband she was obliged to return
him the dowry. If she committed adultery and the husband therefore
left her, she returned him double the amount of the dowry. If the wife
left the husband in order to marry another, the second husband was
obliged to repay to the first husband the dowry which the latter had
given to the woman, and to pay a fine, more or less--such an amount
as the judge should order him to give. If the husband were a chief,
and caught his wife in the act of committing adultery, he had the
right to punish her with death, and the adulterer also, and could
slay them with impunity. If he killed one and the other escaped,
there would be open war between the two families until the other
adulterer died. If both escaped, they must pay for their lives with
a certain weight of gold. If they were chiefs, the penalty was one
hundred taes, fifty for the woman and fifty for the adulterer. This
done, they were pardoned, and remained friends. If they were timaguas,
they incurred a lighter penalty.
_Wars_. In wars and slavery among the Moros, they observed the same
customs as did the Pintados.
_Thieves_. There was among the natives a law concerning thieves. It
was a petty theft if the amount were less than four taes (that is,
twenty pesos); but if more than that sum, it was a serious offense. He
who committed the former must return the gold, and then be sentenced,
at the will of the judge, to pay a fine in money. If it were the
greater theft, involving an amount of four taes or upward, he incurred
the penalty of slavery. But if the goods stolen amounted to a cati
[catty] of gold, the penalty was death, or the enslavement of the
culprit and his children and all those of his household.
It was also a law that for the first theft the penalty was a fine
in money, and for the second, slavery; for further offenses, it was
death. Or if pardoned, as described above, he was made a slave,
with his wife and children. This punishment did not apply to the
son who proved that he was outside the house--whether he dwelt in a
house of his own or lived with relatives on an independent footing;
and therefore he was free. Only those who lived in the house of the
delinquent were liable to punishment, because they all were suspected
of knowledge of the theft.
There was also a law that anyone who spoke disrespectfully of a chief,
or uttered abusive language to him, was liable to death. If he could
redeem his life, a fine of fifteen taes of gold was imposed. If he did
not have the means to pay and relatives did not contribute to ransom
him, and the delinquent begged for mercy, saying that then he would
become a slave, his life was spared, and he became the slave of the
injured party. For this reason the penalty of a fine was available
for him who possessed wealth. If the quarrel were between persons
of equal rank, the chiefs settled the matter according to justice
and their laws, and the like penalty was imposed. If the delinquent
refused to pay according to this sentence, war was declared between
the villages or the factions. Hostilities then followed; and from
that time those who were captured were enslaved.
_One may be released after paying the sum decreed; until then he
is a slave._ It was a law that if, when two timaguas were together,
either of them insulted the other, he must pay a sum of money according
to the nature of the insult, which was decided by the judge. If the
insult were a gross one, the fine was large accordingly; and if the
culprit had not the means to pay more than five taes, he became the
slave of the injured person. If the delinquent begged from the chief
or some other friend the favor of lending him the money, he became
the slave of him who loaned the money. This slavery extended only to
the culprit, and not to his children or relatives, except to children
who were born during his slavery.
It is usual among the natives of this island to aid one another with
money-loans. He who borrowed from a chief or a timagua retained the
money until a fixed time had elapsed, during which he might use the
money that was lent to him; and besides, he divided with the lender
the profit that he made, in acknowledgment of the favor that he
had received.
It was a law that if he who borrowed the money became insolvent, and
had not means to pay his debt, he was considered a slave therefor,
together with the children born during his slavery; those already
born were free.
It was a law among these people, when two men formed a business
partnership in which each placed the same amount of money, that
if one of them went to traffic with the money belonging to both,
and while on a trading journey were captured by enemies, the other
man who remained in the village must go to ransom his partner,
with half of the ransom-price agreed upon; and the captive was then
released from liability--not only for what was due to the partnership,
but for the amount which was afterward given for his ransom, and was
not obliged to pay anything. If the man who lost the money lost it in
gambling, or by spending it with women, he was obliged to repay to the
partnership the amount which he had drawn therefrom, and he and his
children were obliged to pay it. If the amount were so great that they
could not pay it within the time agreed upon, he and half his children
would become the slaves of the partner. If there were two children,
one was a slave and the other was free; if four, two were slaves,
and two free; and so on with any larger number. If the children were
able to pay their father's debt afterward, they were set free.
It was a law that he who killed another must die; but if he begged for
mercy he would become the slave of the dead man's father, children, or
nearest relatives. If four or five men were concerned in the murder,
they all paid to the master of the slave the price which the slave
might be worth; and then the judge sentenced them to such punishment
as he thought just. If the men had not means to pay the fine, they
became slaves. If the dead man were a timagua, the penalty of death
was incurred by those who were proved to be his murderers; but if
the condemned men begged for mercy they became slaves. Accordingly,
after they were sentenced the culprit might choose between death and
slavery. If the man slain were a chief, the entire village where he
was slain must, when that was proved, become slaves, those who were
most guilty being first put to death. If the murderers were private
persons only, three or four of the most guilty were put to death,
without any resource in mercy; and the rest, with their children,
became slaves.
When any person entered the house of a chief by night, against
the will of the owner, he incurred the death penalty. It was their
custom that when such an offender was caught he was first tortured,
to ascertain whether any other chief had sent him. If he confessed
that he had been thus sent, he was punished by enslavement; and he
who had sent him incurred the death penalty, but might be released
therefrom by paying a certain amount of gold for the crime.
He who committed adultery was, if he were one of the chiefs, punished
with death; the same penalty was inflicted upon any man who was caught
with the concubine of a chief. Similarly, the husband might kill the
adulterer, if caught in the act. If perchance he escaped by flight,
he was condemned to pay a fine in money; and until this was done
there was enmity between the two families concerned. The same law
was in force among the timaguas.
This relation was written by order of the governor of these islands.
_Miguel de Loarca_
of the town of Arevalo.
was also one of the first, among those who came to these islands,
who showed any curiosity regarding these matters; and therefore I
consider this a reliable and true account.
[_Endorsed at end_: "A memoir regarding the peculiarities of these
islands, written in obedience to a decree of his Majesty. To the
royal Council of the Indies."]
[_Endorsed on outside wrapper_: "Relation of the Filipinas Islands,
their discovery, the Spanish settlements, the usages and customs
of the natives, their religion, etc.; written, in virtue of a royal
decree, by Miguel de Loarca, a citizen of the town of Arevalo, one
of the earliest conquerors and settlers." _A similar endorsement is
written on the inside cover of the MS_.]
LETTER FROM DOMINGO DE SALAZAR TO FELIPE II
Royal Catholic Majesty:
After having written the letters and memoranda which are going to your
Majesty, there came some neighboring Indians to this city, who begged
me to make known to your Majesty the contents of their testimonial. A
few days afterward I told certain of them that they should decide
what they wished, and that I would write to your Majesty concerning
them--as your Majesty is a most Christian king who considers well
their interests, and has commanded that they be well-treated, and
will order punishment for those who maltreat them.
On the same day, some of the most prominent Indians came, and with
them more than forty others from the neighboring villages. They asked
from me the things that I have stated elsewhere; and I certify to your
Majesty that, if all that they said could be written in this account,
it would be but little shorter than the other one which I am sending
to your Majesty. Without doubt it would break your Majesty's heart if
you could see them as they are, and how pitiable are their appearance
and the things that they relate.
Another day there came chiefs from other villages to say the same
and much more. Today ten or twelve chiefs have come to see me from
a province called Mauban, which belongs to your Majesty. They are
all heathen, and told me that they had learned that I wrote to your
Majesty in their behalf. They asked me to remember them also. I did
not wish to admit more than what was said by those who came first,
as it would make a disturbance in the land, should they all come here
to complain. Your Majesty will be pleased to command that their case
be considered, and provision made for them. I can do nothing, save
to deplore it, and to beseech your Majesty for the remedy. Manila,
June twenty, 1582.
_Fray Domingo_, Bishop of the Felipinas
In the city of Manila, on the fifteenth day of the month of June,
of the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-two, before the very
illustrious Don Fray Domingo de Salasar, first bishop of these islands
and a member of his Majesty's council, and in the presence of me,
the secretary undersigned, there appeared certain Indians who spoke
through Francisco Morantes and Andres de Cervantes, interpreters of
the Moro tongue. They declared themselves to be Don Luis Amanicaldo,
Don Martin Panga, Don Gabriel Luanbacar, and Don Juan Bautangad,
Christians; and Salalila and Calao Amarlenguaguay, heathen; and Doña
Francisca Saygan: all chiefs of the villages of Tondo and Capaymisilo;
and many other chiefs. Through the interpreters, they said that they
had learned that by this ship which is about to depart for Nueva
España, his most reverend Lordship was to write to his Majesty. As
they were suffering so many injuries, grievances, and vexations, as is
well-known to all, they humbly begged that he be so kind as to inform
his Majesty thereof in detail, in order that his Majesty, after having
learned of their afflictions, may be pleased to remedy them. They
were then asked what things they desired to be especially placed
before his Majesty's consideration, and to declare the same. They
replied that the injuries which they suffer, and which ought to be
redressed, are those inflicted by the alcaldes-mayor. Much trouble is
caused them by these officials, as within three leagues there are four
alcaldes-mayor and their officers, who inflict serious penalties for
light offenses. They take at their own price the rice of the Indians,
and afterward sell it at a very high rate, doing the same with all
other articles of provisions and agricultural products. Furthermore,
they oblige the Indians to act as their oarsmen, whenever they wish. If
they return from an expedition which has lasted a month, they are told
straightway to prepare for another, being paid nothing whatsoever;
nevertheless in every village assessments are levied upon the natives,
for the payment of those who go on such service. If at any time they
are paid, it is very little, and that very seldom. Because of the
many acts of oppression which they have suffered, many Indians have
now abandoned Tondo, Capaymisilo, and other villages near this city of
Manila. They have gone to live in other provinces, which has occasioned
much damage and loss to the chiefs. Out of the three hundred Indians
who were there, one hundred have gone away, and the said chiefs are
obliged to pay the tribute for those who flee and die, and for their
slaves and little boys. If they do not pay these, they are placed
in the stocks and flogged. Others are tied to posts and kept there
until they pay. Moreover, they dig no gold, for the officials oblige
them to pay the fifth. If they do not make a statement of their gold
it is seized as forfeited, even when it is old gold; and the gold
is not returned to them until after payment of a heavy fine. They
do not wish to let the alcaldes-mayor buy rice, because they all
hoard it. If the natives come to complain of their grievances to the
alcaldes-mayor alone, they are imprisoned and thrown into the stocks,
and are charged with prison-fees. Their afflictions and troubles are so
many that they cannot be endured; and they wish to leave this island,
or at least to go to some encomienda of a private individual. In the
said villages of the king they cannot endure the alcaldes-mayor.
_Fray Domingo_, Bishop of the Filipinas
_Andres de Cervantes_
_Francisco Morante_
Before me:
_Salvador de Argon_, secretary
LETTER FROM JUAN BAPTISTA ROMAN TO THE VICEROY
Most Illustrious and Excellent Sir:
I do not know whether the letters with new information which the
governor is writing today will arrive in time to go on this ship,
which has been despatched to this port of Acabite; so I wish to give
your Excellency notice of what is going on. Yesterday--St. John's
Day--in the afternoon, there arrived six soldiers who had gone with
Captain Juan Pablo de Carrion [19] against the Japanese, who are
settled on the river Cagayan. They say that Juan Pablo sailed with his
fleet--which comprised the ship "Sant Jusepe," the admiral's galley,
and five fragatas--from the port of Bigan, situated in Ylocos,
about thirty-five days' journey from Cagayan. As he sailed out,
he encountered a Chinese pirate, who very soon surrendered. He put
seventeen soldiers aboard of her and continued his course. While
rounding Cape Borgador near Cagayan one fair morning at dawn, they
found themselves near a Japanese ship, which Juan Pablo engaged with
the admiral's galley in which he himself was. With his artillery he
shot away their mainmast, and killed several men. The Japanese put
out grappling-irons and poured two hundred men aboard the galley,
armed with pikes and breastplates. There remained sixty arquebusiers
firing at our men. Finally, the enemy conquered the galley as far
as the mainmast. There our people also made a stand in their extreme
necessity, and made the Japanese retreat to their ship. They dropped
their grappling-irons, and set their foresail, which still remained
to them. At this moment the ship "Sant Jusepe" grappled with them,
and with the artillery and forces of the ship overcame the Japanese;
the latter fought valiantly until only eighteen remained, who gave
themselves up, exhausted. Some men on the galley were killed, and
among them its captain, Pero Lucas, fighting valiantly as a good
soldier. Then the captain, Juan Pablo, ascended the Cagayan River,
and found in the opening a fort and eleven Japanese ships. He passed
along the upper shore because the mouth of the river is a league
in width. The ship "Sant Jusepe" was entering the river, and it
happened by bad fortune that some of our soldiers, who were in a
small fragata, called out to the captain, saying to him: "Return,
return to Manila! Set the whole fleet to return, because there are a
thousand Japanese on the river with a great deal of artillery, and
we are few." Whereupon Captain Luys de Callejo directed his course
seaward; and although Juan Pablos fired a piece of artillery he did
not and could not enter, and continued to tack back and forth. In
the morning he anchored in a bay, where such a tempest overtook them
that it broke three cables out of four that he had, and one used
for weighing anchor. He sent these six soldiers in a small vessel to
see if there was on an islet any water, of which they were in great
need. The men lost their way, without finding any water; and when they
returned where they had left their ship they could not find it. They
met with some of those Indians who were in the galley with Juan Pablos,
from whom it was learned that Juan Pablo had ascended the river two
leagues and had fortified himself in a bay; and that with him was the
galley, which had begun to leak everywhere, in the engagement with
the Japanese. The Indian crew was discharged on account of not having
the supplies which were lost on the galley. Most of these men went
aboard the "Sant Jusepe." They said that the Japanese were attacking
them with eighteen _champans_, [20] which are like skiffs. They were
defending themselves well although there were but sixty soldiers with
the seamen, and there were a thousand of the enemy, of a race at once
valorous and skilful. The six soldiers came with this news, and on the
way they met a sailor who had escaped from a Sangley ship which had
sailed from here, with supplies of rice for Juan Pablo. He says that
the Sangleys mutinied at midnight and killed ten soldiers who were
going with it as an escort, who had no sentinel. This one escaped by
swimming, with the aid of a lance that was hurled at him from the ship.
Moreover, I have just detained some passengers who were going on this
ship, because there are no troops on these islands, and a hundred
soldiers have to go immediately as a reenforcement, although the
weather is tempestuous. I expect to be one of them, if the governor
will give me permission.
These enemies, who have in truth remained here, are a warlike people;
and if your Excellency do not provide by this ship, and reenforce us
with a thousand soldiers, these islands can be of little value. May
your Excellency with great prudence provide what is most necessary
for his Majesty's service, since we have no resource other than the
favor your Excellency shall order to be extended to us.
The governor was disposed to send assistance to the ship, which was a
very important affair; but after these events he will not be able to do
it, because there do not remain in this city seventy men who can bear
arms. May our Lord guard the most illustrious and excellent person of
your Excellency and increase your estate, as your Excellency's servants
desire. From Cabite, June 25, 1582. Most excellent and illustrious sir,
your servant kisses your Excellency's hands.
_Juan Baptista Roman_
LETTER FROM PEÑALOSA TO FELIPE II
Royal Catholic Majesty:
By this ship, which is to leave these islands on the last of June of
this year, I am giving your Majesty a full account of the condition of
affairs and events in this region. As it was about to sail news came
of the fleet--which, I wrote among other things, I had despatched to
effect a settlement in Cagayan--and of the punishment and resistance
of the Japanese pirates, of whose coming we had news this year. The
fleet sent by me, as above stated, met two vessels of the enemy near
Cagayan, one of Japanese and the other of Sangleys; an engagement
ensued, and those vessels surrendered after a fierce fight, in which
two hundred Japanese, among them the commander of the fleet and his
son, were killed, while we lost only three soldiers.
Juan Pablo de Carrion, whom I sent as my lieutenant-general in charge
of this fleet, continued his journey, and entered the Cagayan River,
where he was to make a settlement. At the entrance of the river he
found six more Japanese vessels belonging to the fleet of those which
had surrendered. There was also a goodly number of people there, and
fortifications. On account of his lack of men--a severe storm having
driven out to sea the flagship, which he took on this expedition--he
did not sack these forts, but attempted only to enter the river. This
he did, going up about six leagues, where he made a settlement in a
place where he could erect a fort, whence he could direct offensive
and defensive warfare against the enemy. This news came yesterday;
and with all possible despatch I am sending reënforcements, boats,
ammunition, and the provisions necessary. I considered it so needful
to employ the soldiers for this purpose, because too small a force
remains to me for the aid of Maluco, as I have written, since that
undertaking is so important. However if they send from that place to
beg aid, I shall give it with what forces I can. For I suffer a great
lack of men and other things because no reënforcements have been sent
me from Nueva España, although I have implored them. This land suffers
from a constant and pressing need of reënforcements, on account not
only of its unhealthful climate, but of the many emergencies which
continually arise when I must send aid. These occasions now are not
so much a matter of jest as they have been hitherto; for the Chinese
and Japanese are not Indians, but people as valiant as many of the
inhabitants of Berberia [Barbary], and even more so. I entreat your
Majesty to give careful attention to this, and to order that in all
vessels as many men as possible be sent; for it is the key to what is
necessary for the preservation of this camp. I beg also that careful
attention be given in the other things.
The gratuity for the expenses incurred in these necessary undertakings
and for others similar to them, which are thrusting themselves forward
every moment--which was provided by your Majesty's auditors of your
royal Audiencia of Mexico in the ship arriving at this bay on the
twenty-fourth of last month, consisted of a decree and warrant in
which they order that Doctor Sande be paid here for the time while he
remained here after my arrival, and until his arrival at Mexico. For
this purpose they set aside in their decree the tributes which belong
to your Majesty, and order that they be attached for this and sent
to them--threatening me with imprisonment if I do not comply. I have
written to your Majesty already of the poor state of your treasury
here and its many pressing necessities, and of the extreme difficulty
experienced in raising the amount needful for the same. Will your
Majesty please take suitable action in this? for without the aid
of what little resources your Majesty possesses here, this colony
cannot be preserved. May our Lord guard the Catholic and royal person
of your Majesty for mary prosperous years, and give you increase of
many kingdoms and seigniories for the good of Christianity. Manila,
July first, 82.
[_Endorsed:_ "To the royal Catholic Majesty, King Don Phelipe, our
sovereign, through his royal council of the Indies. Governor of the
Philipinas."]
TWO PAPAL DECREES
Indulgence Granted to the Dominicans on Their Setting Out for the
Philippines
Gregory, Bishop, servant of the servants of God: In perpetual
remembrance of the affair.
Since, as we have learned, very vast kingdoms, islands, cities, and
towns in the parts of the Western Indias are being converted to the
faith of Christ, and daily the light of heavenly learning is beaming on
the peoples thereof--who, hitherto unacquainted with the law of God,
and under the yoke of the demon, were groping their way in the dark
places of unbelief; but now, rejecting the errors of heathenism, are
revering and following the name of our Savior Jesus Christ: therefore
our beloved son, the master-general of the Order of Preachers [21]
[Dominicans], has determined to send thither professed members under
the care of their own vicar, with rules for austere life and a reformed
standard of conduct--as is becoming to a religious and praiseworthy
institute, and according to which their province of New Spain was
established--who there may found a new province of their order.
We, on whom through appointment of the Lord it is incumbent to
foster the spread of the gospel, desirous of taking part in this
duty of preaching the gospel in kingdoms wherein Christ is unknown,
desirous moreover to aid, in as faras we can, the pious and religious
endeavors of the Friars Preachers--who, with their abandonment
of fatherland and their self-denial of comforts, are now exposing
themselves to dangers of land and sea for the sake of spreading the
name of Christ--therefore, trusting in the mercy of almighty God
and the authority of His blessed apostles Peter and Paul, we by our
apostolic authority, in virtue of these presents do grant, etc., a
plenary indulgence and remission of all their sins to the professed
members of the said Order, all and singular, if really penitent and
confessed, who by leave or order or mandate of their afore-named
master-general shall go to the Philippine Islands.
Given at Rome, at St. Mark's, under the seal of the Fisherman, on
the fifteenth day of September, in the year 1582, the eleventh of
our pontificate.
Foundation of the Province of the Dominicans in the Philippines
Gregory XIII, Pope. Beloved son, health and apostolic blessing.
Not long ago you acquainted us with the fact that, some time before,
Paul Conestabile, master-general of the entire order of Friars
Preachers, gave you leave--with thirty or forty professed members of
the said order, to be gathered by you from the provinces of Spain,
Aragon and Andalusia, and ten from the province of Mexico and from
Chiappa, [22] to go to the Philippine Islands and to the kingdom
of China. Moreover, appointing you his vicar-general in the said
Philippine Islands and kingdom of China, etc., he granted to you,
all and singular, the privileges which had been granted by former
generals to the province of Santiago of Mexico--to the end that you
might there establish a rule of life in accordance with the same,
and found provinces, etc.
But since, as you also told us, the said General Paul is dead, and
there are some who are doubtful of your power in the premises, and
therefore you have humbly petitioned us to determine what through our
apostolic bounty you should do in the premises: therefore, holding
that you are free from any sort of excommunication, etc., and by
these presents decreeing that the tenor of the said letters is to be
considered as if herein expressed; moreover, being not unwilling to
hearken to your petition, we by our apostolic authority, in virtue
of these presents, approve and confirm the things contained therein,
all and singular; and, as far as needs be, do again depute you to
the aforesaid charge, [23] etc.
Given at Rome, at St. Peter's, under the seal of the Fisherman,
on the twentieth day of October in the year 1582, the eleventh of
our pontificate.
REPORT ON THE OFFICES SALEABLE IN THE PHILIPPINES
The following are the saleable offices in these Philipinas islands,
from which some gain may be derived.
Seven positions as city magistrates in Manila; because, of the
twelve which are available, three are filled with officials of his
Majesty, and two by Captain Juan de Moron and by Pedro de Herrera,
both possessing titles from his Majesty.
Two offices as notaries-public in the same city; for, of the three
available, one is filled by Diego Alemán who was appointed by his
Majesty, and the other two are appointed by the governors, and
therefore are not royal notaries.
A notary of the cabildo, for no one has been supplied by his Majesty.
The office of alguacil-mayor [high constable] in this city was
held by Hernan Lopez: he has lived during the last three years in
Mexico, where he has married, and has not attended to his office;
and consequently the governor disposes of this position. More will
be given for this office on account of its dignity, as holding a seat
in the cabildo next to the royal officials.
The office of chief clerk of registers and mines of these islands;
for no appointment has been made by his Majesty.
Six magistrates for the town of Zubu, which is the required number. No
one has been appointed by his Majesty.
In the said town, two notaries--one public, and the other for the
cabildo; for they have not been filled by his Majesty.
In the said town, the office of alguacil-mayor; for his Majesty has
made no provision for the said dignity.
The offices which are available in the town of Zubu are also available
in the town of Caçeres, in the province of Camarines; and in the town
of Arevalo, in the island of Panai.
The town of Fernandina in the province of Ylocos has proved to be
so unhealthy a region that, from being the richest town of these
islands, it has now only a few inhabitants with no organized cabildo
or government.
The city of Segovia, in the province of Cagayan, is a newly-settled
city. The offices have been filled by the governor with the early
conquerors; it will therefore be convenient for his Majesty to confirm
them, in order that the community may become permanently settled.
Concerning the office of alcalde-mayor in the villages and provinces of
the Indians, the following method is carried out. The alcalde-mayor,
who goes there for a year or two, takes with him his own alguacil
and clerk, appointed by himself. The lawsuits which take place before
them are seldom made public; and they can keep the fines forfeited to
the royal treasury--which are not slight, for they fine the natives
even for treading the ground. They keep neither archives nor record
of anything, so that his Majesty is ill served in their office;
the natives suffer, and the officials condemn themselves. In view of
all this, it would be better for each province of Indians possessing
the office of alcalde-mayor to have a permanent alguacil and clerk
appointed by his Majesty; for if they are not appointed by the alcalde
and are not his servants, they will not conform so thoroughly to his
will. Thus light would be shed upon the legal proceedings, of which an
account would be kept; and the fines forfeited to the royal treasury
would not be lost, together with the expenses of justice. Finally,
if they are appointed permanently, they will aim at the preservation
of the Indians for their own benefit, and will not plunder and then
go away, as they do now. The three most important provinces in which
an alcalde resides are: the province of Pampanga, which is the most
fertile region of these islands, and which has about thirty thousand
Indians; the province of La Laguna de Bai, with a like number of
Indians; and the province of Bombon, Balaian, Mindoro, with about
twenty thousand Indians. I believe that in these three provinces the
offices of alguacil and clerk will be of no less value than they are
in Spanish communities. In the other provinces, these offices are of
little importance at present.
DOCUMENTS OF 1583
Complaints against Peñalosa. Gabriel de Ribera; [1583?]
Affairs in the Philipinas Islands. Fray Domingo de Salazar;
[1583].
Instructions to commissary of the Inquisition. Pedro de los
Rios, and others; March 1.
Foundation of the Audiencia of Manila. Felipe II; May 5.
_Sources_: These documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo
general de Indias, Sevilla--excepting the third, which is from the
Archivo general at Simancas.
_Translations_: The first and third documents are translated by Alfonso
de Salvio, of Harvard University; the second, by Herbert E. Bolton,
of the University of Texas; the fourth, by Henry B. Lathrop, of the
University of Wisconsin.
COMPLAINTS AGAINST PEÑALOSA
Most powerful lord: [24]
Captain Gabriel de Rivera [25] beseeches your Highness on behalf of the
Filipinas islands, kindly to see that due attention and consideration
be given to the advancement and preservation of those islands, upon
which his Majesty has set his eyes so fixedly, and which have cost so
many thousands of ducats and Spanish lives. May what has been asked
be provided, according to the memorials which I have presented to
the royal person and to your Highness; for it befits the service of
God our Lord, that of your Highness, and the advancement and good
government of those islands.
The appointment of Don Gonzalo Ronquillo [26] by your Highness as
governor for life, and the many sentences, decrees, and favors in his
behalf, greatly injure the said islands in their advancement; they
harass and totally ruin them as we have seen with our own eyes. Such
an appointment is contrary to the orders and laws given for the new
discoveries; for the Filipinas islands were discovered more than
fifty years ago, and were settled at the time of the emperor (may he
rest in peace). Since a way of return to Nueba España had not been
discovered, the settlers for lack of sustenance abandoned the land,
until the viceroy, Don Luis de Belasco, by order of your Highness
despatched a fleet to the said islands, and sent Miguel Lopez de
Legazpi as governor, who made a settlement and discovered a way of
return. He went there at his own expense. All favors granted him in the
meantime were so small and inadequate that he was not even allowed to
take a repartimiento. The islands have been settled for twenty years,
and have enjoyed peace and quiet. [27] The appointment may have been a
very lawful one, but it should not be forgotten that it is injurious
to the said islands and their advancement. God alone can remedy the
abuses perpetrated every day, for, as is well known by your Highness,
they are beyond any other remedy--inasmuch as Don Gonzalo has carried
out no part of the agreement he made with his Majesty. In regard to
this, and the papers and memorials which I have presented, may your
very Christian Highness take the measures befitting the service of God,
and the advancement and good government of those islands.
_Gabriel de Ribera_
AFFAIRS IN THE PHILIPINAS ISLANDS
_By Fray Domingo de Salazar_
_Memorial regarding occurrences in these Philipinas Islands of the
West, also their condition, and matters which require correction;
written by Fray Domingo de Salazar, bishop of the said islands, in
order that his Majesty and the gentlemen of his royal Council of the
Indies may see it._
At first, when the Spaniards came to these islands, there was a great
abundance of provisions, such as are produced in the country; namely,
rice, beans, fowls, swine, deer, buffaloes, fish, cocoanuts, bananas
and some other fruits, wine, and honey. Of these a large quantity
could be bought from the natives with very little money. Although
among them there was gold, with which they traded and trafficked,
yet it was most usual to barter eatables for rice until the Spaniards
introduced the use of money, from which no little harm has come to the
country. Wine and rice are measured by the ganta, which is equivalent
to a quarter of a celemín in our measure.
The prices which articles brought after the Spaniards introduced
silver coins--which are, as a rule, tostóns, as the four-real pieces
are called--were as follows: [four] [28] hundred gantas of rice [for
one tostón]; for another, a hundred of wine; and for another, twelve,
fourteen, or sixteen fowls; and other things in proportion. These
rates continued until a year and a half or two years ago. Then
products began to be scarce in this country, and articles which were
formerly cried through the streets have today reached so high prices
and such scarcity that there is now no one who can obtain them, even
when they go to search for them in the Indian villages. For what
is thus found the common prices are forty or fifty gantas of rice,
or eight or ten gantas of wine, for one tostón; fowls have advanced
to two reals apiece, although the usual price is one real; while a
hog costs four or five pesos, or six or eight for one of considerable
size. Oil of agenxoli [sesame], cocoanuts, and butter, which formerly
could be bought very cheaply, cannot now be obtained--although in
this there is variation, as little or much comes to the market.
I have tried to ascertain the reason for so great a change, and for
the dearness of food; and after thoroughly informing myself through
persons who know, and through what I have seen with my own eyes, I find
the following reasons therefor. First: When Don Gonçalo Ronquillo came
here as governor of La Pampanga, [29] whence all this country used
to be supplied with rice, wine, and fowls, a great number of Indians
went to the mines of Ylocos, where they remained during the time
when they ought to have sowed their grain. Many of them died there,
and those who returned were so fatigued that they needed rest more
than work. As a result, in that year followed a very great scarcity
of rice, and for lack of it a great number of Indians in the said
Pampanga died from hunger. In Luvao alone, the encomienda of Guido
de la Vaçares, the dead exceeded a thousand.
Second: in regard to the many occupations in which the Spaniards
employ the Indians, such as setting them to row in the galleys
and fragatas despatched by the governor and officials on various
commissions, which are never lacking. At times they go so far away
that they are absent four or six months; and many of those who go die
there. Others run away and hide in the mountains, to escape from the
toils imposed upon them. Others the Spaniards employ in cutting wood
in the forests and conveying it to this city, and other Indians in
other labors, so that they do not permit them to rest or to attend to
their fields. Consequently, they sow little and reap less, and have
no opportunity to attend religious instruction. It sometimes happens
that while these miserable creatures are being instructed for baptism
the Spaniards force them to go to the tasks that I have mentioned;
and when they return they have forgotten what they knew; for this
reason there are today many Indians to be baptized. In some cases when
I have gone to a village to administer confirmation, I have returned
without confirming any one, because the Indians were not in the place,
but were occupied in labors ordered by the alcalde-mayor, and I could
not collect them together. In proof of this, I send a mandate issued by
a deputy of Tondo. (I was present at the time, and all the people were
away, occupied in the tasks assigned to them; and the only Indians in
the village were those who were being instructed for the reception of
baptism.) This ordinance commanded all the Indians of the said village
to cut wood, and those who were receiving instruction to quit it.
Third: Before the governor Don Gonçalo Ronquillo came, there were
not more than three or four alcaldes-mayor in all these islands;
but now there are sixteen and most of them are men who came with
him. As they came poor, and as the salaries are small, they have
taken away the Indians--as all affirm, and it is common talk--at
the time for harvesting rice; and they buy up all other provisions,
and many profit by selling them again. In this way everything has
become dear, because, as they have forbidden the Indians to trade and
traffic, they sell at whatever price they wish. Formerly the Indians
brought their produce to the gates, and sold it at very low-prices;
for they are satisfied with very little gain, which is not true of
the Spaniards. But, not to ascribe all the guilt to men, but to our
sins, the cause of this dearness has in part been that these years
have not afforded as good weather as others. This is the state in
which the country has thus far been up to the present.
_Injuries inflicted upon the Indians_
First: When a long expedition is to be made, the wrongs which they
suffer are many. One is to despatch for the Indians who are to row
in a galley or fragata a sailor who has neither piety nor Christian
feeling. Moreover, it is notorious that, without inquiring whether
an Indian is married or single, or whether his wife is sick or his
children without clothing, he takes them all away. It has happened
that when a husband has led this deputy to his wife, who was great
with child, and has asked with tears that he might be left behind
as she had no one to care for her, the sailor has beaten her with
cudgels in order to make her go, and the poor husband also, despite
his resistance. In other cases, their wives are abandoned when dying,
the husband being compelled to go away to row. The Indians are put
into irons on the galleys, and flogged as if they were galley-slaves
or prisoners. Moreover, the pay that is given them is very small;
for they give each man only four reals a month--and this is so
irregularly paid that most of them never see it. The [officials of
the] villages from which they take the rowers divide the pay among
themselves, or give it to those whom they impress as oarsmen. This
statement is thoroughly authenticated; for when the governor, Don
Gonçalo Ronquillo, sent to the mines, in Vitis and Lobao alone they
divided three thousand pesos belonging to the Indians themselves;
and when he sent to Borney, in Bonbón they divided more than two
thousand. They say that in all Pampanga five or six thousand pesos
were taken, and similarly in all towns where they get recruits.
Sometimes they do not go at harvest-time to collect the rice which
they say belongs to your Majesty, but only when it is very dear; and
then they require it to be sold for the price which it was worth when
they harvested. Sometimes the Indians buy back for five or six tostons
what they sold for one. The past year, when the Indians ate shoots of
palms and bananas because they had no rice, and many Indians died from
hunger, they made them sell the remaining rice at the price which it
was worth at harvest-time. Sometimes the entire quantity of his rice
is taken from an Indian, without leaving him a grain to eat. One poor
widow, seeing that they were carrying off all her rice without leaving
her a grain to eat, took, as best she could, two basketfuls to hide
under the altar, and there saved them; but it is certain that if the
collector had known it, they would have been taken from that place.
Another injury that they do to this poor people, under pretense
of its being for your Majesty, whereby your royal name is detested
among them, is as follows. Formerly, when rice was plentiful, four
hundred gantas were worth one tostón; your Majesty's officials of La
Pampanga furnished me with the price which it was worth. Last year the
governor ordered that twelve thousand fanégas of rice be taken from
La Pampanga for your Majesty, and that the Indians should give three
hundred gantas for one tostón. It was then worth among them about a
peso of gold, because it could not be had at any price. Many Indians
died of hunger. The three hundred gantas which they took from them for
one tostón were worth about six tostóns, and a person who wished to
buy it could not find it. This present year, when they have so little
grain and the famine is so great in La Pampanga, the Spaniards might
have sent to other districts to buy rice, where--although they must
go farther--it is more plentiful, and could be taken without injuring
the Indians. Yet the Spaniards have chosen not to do this, but rather
to order that it be taken from La Pampanga. And while the price among
the Indians is fifty gantas for one tostón, they require them to give
for your Majesty at the rate of two hundred and fifty gantas. At the
season when this was collected, I was visiting La Pampanga, and I
saw so much weeping and moaning on the part of the wretched Indians
from whom they took the rice, that it moved me to great pity--and
all the more since I could see so little means to provide a remedy;
for although I wrote about it to the master-of-camp, who was at that
time lieutenant-governor, it profited me little.
As for the means of collecting this rice, the alcalde-mayor or his
deputy divides among the chiefs two, three, four, or more taes of gold
(which is a certain weight worth five pesos), and orders that so many
gantas of rice be collected for one tostón. Afterward they send,
to collect this rice, men without piety; who, with blows, torture,
and imprisonment enforce compliance with the rate of three hundred
and fifty gantas for a tostón; and, in other years, one hundred of
wine, and this year, sixty. It is a fact well established, for I have
learned from the very persons who collect it that it often happens,
that the Indian, not having so much rice as is demanded, is obliged to
go to buy at the rate of fifty gantas for a tostón, and fifteen gantas
of wine; and from him, as is said, they take two hundred and fifty
of rice and seventy of wine for one tostón. If this occurred only
with respect to rice, which is necessary for the expense which your
Majesty incurs in this city, it would be but half a wrong, although I
do not know what law permits them to invent one price for your Majesty
and another for others. However this may be, I will pass on. But the
real evil is that the governor, master-of-camp, alcaldes-mayor, your
Majesty's officials and other persons to whom these wish to give it,
all consume it at this same price, and they also collect it at this
price for the hospitals of the city. Although the governor, in the
orders which he gives for the hospitals and for other persons, such
as alcaldes-mayor, does not name the number of gantas to be given for
a tostón, yet the rate is not higher than for your Majesty. He is at
fault, in that--knowing that they collect at this price--he neither
causes what has thus been taken to be restored, nor punishes him who
transgresses in this matter; thus many dare to take rice from them
at these same prices, knowing that they will not be punished. I know
that many alcaldes-mayor, having orders from the governor to buy from
the Indians of their districts three hundred fanégas from each single
man and five hundred from each married man, take it at the aforesaid
price, and even much more than they are permitted to take, and sell
it again at the current price. I know that they also go to collect,
at the price fixed for your Majesty, for themselves and their friends,
much more rice than they have a right to take according to order. The
same is true in regard to cutting timber.
They compel the Indians to work at tasks in the service of your
Majesty, paying them but little, and that irregularly and late,
and often not at all.
I do not mention the injuries which the Indians received from the
Spaniards during the conquest, for from what happened to them in
other parts of the Yndias can be inferred what would happen here,
which was not less, but in many places much more. I speak of what has
happened and now happens in the collection of the tributes, so that
your Majesty may see if it is right to overlook or tolerate things
which go so far beyond all human justice.
As for the first, your Majesty may be assured that heretofore these
Indians never have understood, nor have they been given to understand,
that the Spaniards entered this country for any other purpose than
to subjugate them and compel them to pay tributes. As this is a
thing which all peoples naturally refuse, it follows that where
they have been able to resist they have always done so, and have
gone to war. When they can do no more, they say that they will pay
tribute. And these people the Spaniards call pacified, and say that
they have submitted to your Majesty! And without telling them more of
God and of the benefits which it was intended to confer upon them,
they demand tribute from them each year. Their custom therein is as
follows. As soon as the Spaniards have subjugated them, and they have
promised to pay tribute (for from us Christians they hear no other
word than "Pay tribute"), they say to the natives, "You must give so
much a year." If they are not allotted in encomiendas, the governor
sends some one to collect the tributes; but it is most usual to allot
them at once in an encomienda to him who has charge of collecting the
tributes. Although the decree relating to encomiendas says, "Provided
that you instruct them in the matters of our most holy faith," the
only care that they have for that is, that the encomendero takes with
him eight or ten soldiers with their arquebuses and weapons, orders
the chiefs to be called, and demands that they give him the tributes
for all the Indians of their village. Here my powers fail me, I lack
the courage, and I can find no words, to express to your Majesty the
misfortunes, injuries, and vexations, the torments and miseries, which
the Indians are made to suffer in the collection of the tributes. The
tribute at which all are commonly rated is the value of eight reals,
paid in gold or in produce which they gather from their lands; but
this rate is observed like all other rules that are in favor of the
Indians--that is, it is never observed at all. Some they compel to
pay it in gold, even when they do not have it. In regard to the gold
likewise, there are great abuses, because as there are vast differences
in gold here, they always make the natives give the finest. The weight
at which they receive the tribute is what he who collects it wishes,
and he never selects the lightest. Others make them pay cloth or
thread. But the evil is not here, but in the manner of collecting;
for, if the chief does not give them as much gold as they demand,
or does not pay for as many Indians as they say there are, they
crucify the unfortunate chief, or put his head in the stocks--for
all the encomenderos, when they go to collect, have their stocks,
and there they lash and torment the chiefs until they give the entire
sum demanded from them. Sometimes the wife or daughter of the chief
is seized, when he himself does not appear. Many are the chiefs who
have died of torture in the manner which I have stated. When I was
in the port of Ybalon some chiefs came there to see me; and the
first thing they said to me was, that one who was collecting the
tributes in that settlement had killed a chief by torture, and the
same Indians indicated the manner in which he had been killed, which
was by crucifixion, and hanging him by the arms. I saw this soldier
in the town of Caceres, in the province of Camarines, and learned
that the justice arrested him for it and fined him fifty pesos--to be
divided equally between the exchequer and the expenses of justice--and
that with this punishment he was immediately set free. Likewise I
learned that an encomendero--because a chief had neither gold nor
silver nor cloth with which to pay the tribute--exacted from him an
Indian for nine pesos, in payment of nine tributes which he owed;
and then took this Indian to the ship and sold him for thirty-five
pesos. And although I told this to the steward and asked for the
Indian, he remained in slavery. They collect tribute from children,
old men, and slaves, and many remain unmarried because of the tribute,
while others kill their children.
What the encomendero does, after having collected his tributes in the
manner stated, is to return home; and for another year he neither sees
nor hears of them. He takes no more account of them than if they were
deer, until the next year, when the same thing is repeated. These
injuries the Spaniards inflicted in all places until recently. In
this district of Manila there is not so much of it now, because many
of the natives are already Christians, and there are religious among
them, and affairs are in better order. But in remote places and some
not very far away, what I have stated occurs, and even worse things
are done. Because all, or nearly all, of those who pay the tribute
are infidels, and neither know nor understand more of the matters
of our faith than they did a hundred years ago, and even more on
account of the wrongs which they suffer, they abhor and abominate
the faith. Indeed, as for the example of decency which those who
mingle with the Indians set them there is no way to describe it here
without offending your Majesty's ears; but I state it as an assured
fact that they care not whether a woman be a believer or an infidel,
single or married; all are on the same level. From this your Majesty
will gather what these unhappy Indians will have conceived of us and
of the faith which we preach.
I shall not omit to mention here a thing which is full of reproach
to the Christians who have lived here, and even to all of us who hear
it--namely, that the natives of these islands have been, from ancient
times, infidels, of whom there are many now in this and other islands;
and that the Moros have come to these islands from that of Burney to
preach the law of Mahoma, through which preaching a large number of
pagans have turned Moros. Those who have received this vile law keep
it with much pertinacity, and there is great difficulty in getting
them to leave it. Moreover it is known that the reason which they
give--to our shame and confusion--is that they were better treated by
the preachers of Mahoma than they have been and are by the preachers of
Christ. [30] Since, through kind and gentle treatment, they received
that doctrine willingly, it took root in their hearts, and so they
leave it reluctantly. But this is not the case with what we preach to
them, for, as it is accompanied with so much bad treatment and with
so evil examples, they say "yes" with the mouth and "no" with the
heart; and thus when occasion arises they leave it, although by the
mercy of God, this is becoming somewhat remedied by the coming of the
ministers of the gospel, with whose advent these grievances cease in
some places. After Don Gerónimo [31] Ronquillo carne to govern, [it
was decreed] that from the Indians should be taken the [taels?] [32]
of gold which the Indians manufacture. Whether or not this has been
done by order of your Majesty, I do not know; but I know that if
your Majesty were in this country you would not order this law to
be executed now; because most of them are still infidels, and I do
not know what right there is to exact these taxes from the infidel,
nor to what a people so [_illegible in original MS._] might be driven
by such rigor. From this result many injuries to the Indians. For,
as is well known, they have wrought the gold which they received from
their ancestors, and they regard it as lost. [33] All the Indians
are compelled to declare all the gold that they possess, and the
amounts are placed on a list, in order that if they should come into
possession of more gold in the future, it may be taken from them--not
as the royal fifth, but as forfeited. Moreover as these Indians
wear chains and ajorcas, [34] the alcaldes-mayor, in the attempt
to profit thereby, require that these should be declared, on the
ground that these are ornaments which the Indians have manufactured,
and on which they have not paid the fifth; and although this may be
a lie, it costs the Indian, before he is free, a good share of his
gold. Indeed, they denounced an Indian before the governor himself;
and in spite of many entreaties from religious, he fined the Indian
one hundred and twenty pesos, which was the third part of the gold
about which he was accused. A religious assured me that it was gold
received from his ancestors; but the Indian could not help himself.
I could never finish--and it would be a very annoying subject for your
Majesty--relating all the hardships that befall these unfortunates in
this country. They ought to be feasted and favored, in order that they
may become attached to our faith, and understand the mercy that God
has shown them in bringing them to the knowledge and manifestation
of it; but those who here continue to forget this are the cause of
their abhorring the faith. They consider your Majesty a cruel king,
and think that you are trying only to profit by their estates and to
claim their personal service--although all is so much to the contrary
on the part of your Majesty, as witness the holy laws and ordinances
which, for the good government of these lands, your Majesty has made
and ordered to be observed.
But if it is true, most Christian king, that the intent of your Majesty
in sending Spaniards to these lands is that God may be known, His faith
preached, and His holy law received here; and that these Indians, by
love, good works, and example, may be led to the knowledge of God and
obedience to your Majesty--what law or right permits individuals to
transgress in this matter by their greed and self-interest, and to do
the opposite of that for which your Majesty sent them? This purpose is
that in your royal name and with holy royal authority they may govern
this country, dignified for this task by very honorable titles, and
remunerated by large salaries, your Majesty so affectionately charging
them to treat these natives well, and giving them for that purpose such
holy laws, ordinances, and instructions. Yet these men turn aside their
eyes from all this and close them to the injuries and ill-treatment
which these unfortunates receive. What abhorrence to our holy faith
arises in their minds from this conduct, and what an impediment to the
conversion of the infidels is thus formed! And those who are already
converted are regretting that step; for these men concern themselves
so entirely with getting rich in the shortest possible time, to
which end they are continually planning and undertaking every means
which seems to them best suited to attain that object--even though
it may be contrary to your Majesty's commands and prohibited by the
laws of the kingdom and the ordinances of the Yndias, and though it
may be injurious and prejudicial to those whom they were charged,
by the authority of your Majesty, to make free, and to secure from
all those wrongs. If this be true, what punishment would be fitting
for such a crime? Or how could your Majesty so overlook a thing so
pernicious, that you should not order it to be punished rigorously,
and should not remedy evils which so greatly need correction? But
whether this is so or not, it is not for me to accuse or to speak ill
of any one. I only say, and truthfully, that this land is ruined; and
it is doubtful whether, if it experiences another year like the two
just past, it will endure till the third--and this is no exaggeration.
In the ship which just arrived from Nueba España came certain royal
decrees--a remedy for some evils of which information had been
given. It seems that the country received thereby some alleviation
of its troubles, but I do not know what will follow. It is a great
misfortune to have your Majesty so far away. For if you were near us,
all these ills would soon disappear--as I hope, by the Divine goodness
and your Majesty's holy zeal, that they will not endure longer than
till you shall hear of them, not by my report, but by information
which may be quite sufficiently obtained in Nueba España; for what
I say here is for no other purpose than that your Majesty may be
informed of what is going on, and that you may order it to be remedied.
Since your Majesty orders, by your royal decree, that in case the
governor do not keep the royal laws and ordinances which are made
for these lands, I advise your Majesty of the fact: what might in
compliance be said with entire truthfulness is, that I do not know
what decree, provision, or ordinance issued for the benefit and aid
of the Indians is kept or noticed; and if any promise is made, it is
only for courtesy. Never have I seen any man punished who may have
violated the decrees, or who may be scandalous in sin; and in order
that it may be quite evident to your Majesty how badly your holy laws
are kept, I shall proceed to demonstrate by the royal ordinances.
2nd. The second clause, commencing, "those who administer government,"
etc., is neither kept nor noticed, because it never is taken into
account. Therefore the Indians understand that the good which is
to be done them is but to subjugate them and make them pay tribute;
and as this is the purpose of those in authority, they never do what
is ordered in this clause, but at once send soldiers to force the
Indians to submit although they may not desire it; and before they
return they leave the natives subjects and tributarios.
4th. Clause four, for the same reason, is not heeded.
20th. In regard to clause 20, although it is so necessary, and so
deserves to be obeyed, those in power act as if they were ordered
to do the very opposite, as is explained above, where I discuss the
wrongs that they inflict.
24th. To what is ordered in clause 24 some respect is now paid in this
island; but heretofore everything has been done in contravention of
it, and the penalty has never been enforced.
25th. Nor has clause 25 been observed in this island. On the contrary,
there has been, I say plainly, a notable diminution in the royal
exchequer, and the difficulties which are mentioned in the clause
result.
29th. With regard to clause 29, the deeds of those who go on these
expeditions are so contrary to the orders given in this clause that
it would appear that they are sent to rob, rather than to pacify.
30th. Clause 30 is the least respected of all those contained in this
book of ordinances, as was said, and there is most necessity for its
observance. It is, moreover, certain that all the other ordinances
are regulated by what is here commanded.
32nd. To clause 32, which treats of new settlements, no more attention
is paid than if it had not been written. For no settlement is either
made or contemplated in this island; no Spanish town has any pasture
for cattle, or land for cultivation, although that would be a great
convenience; and those who wish to undertake anything of the sort--for
there are two or three such--are granted no favor when this matter
is discussed; nor is there any one who remembers the law.
33rd. No attention is paid to clause 33, nor is the pacification of
the natives conducted on any orderly plan--except that here and there
some men are sent to make the Indians tributary, without attention to
securing their pacification or settlement. Some attention was, however,
given to this in the expedition which was just made to Cagayan.
36th. We all know well that the principal aim of your Majesty is that
expressed in clause 36, but this is not the aim of those who govern;
accordingly, they do little for the conversion of the Indians, but
much for their own profit.
138th. The part of clause 138 which is observed, for good or bad,
is to subjugate the Indians and compel them to pay tribute; beyond
this there is neither care nor thought.
139th. For the like reason, clause 139 is not observed, nor is there
thought of it.
141st. Of what is ordered in clause 141 nothing is observed; for they
care no more for rendering justice to the Indians than if these were
beasts who lack reason.
144th. The part of clause 144 most important for observance was
that beginning "the country being pacified" [_illegible in original
MS._]; it was, indeed, the most necessary for observance. But
in order to relate the harm that follows from not observing it,
there should be another man who knows better how to say it than I
do. This law or clause contains two parts. In the first is stated the
obligation of the governor in allotting the Indians; in the second,
the obligations of the encomenderos toward their encomiendas. As for
the first, it might (and not without reason) be disputed whether,
for your Majesty's peace of conscience and for the welfare of these
natives, it is fitting that these encomiendas be allotted. But since
this subject requires more time and space than I now have to devote
thereto, let it remain for another voyage, when, by the help of God,
these and other doubts will be dissipated, for the service of God and
your Majesty. I venture to say this because, although your Majesty
has so near you so many and so excellent learned men in all subjects,
yet, to determine many matters relative to the Yndias, it is doubtless
necessary to have dwelt in them, and that for not a few years. For
the present it is sufficient to say that if the governors (before
allotting the Indians) and the encomenderos (after their allotment)
would observe even what is demanded from them in this clause, they
would relieve your Majesty from painful scruples, and us from doubt,
and thus from a heavy burden of conscience; while to the Indians would
be given an extraordinary benefit. But all is contrary to this, because
neither do the governors, when allotting the Indians, take notice of
what is here required from them--for they make the encomiendas before
the Indians are pacified, or even have heard the name of God or of your
Majesty--nor do the encomenderos heed the obligation which they take
upon themselves; but, confident of the encomienda allotted in this
manner, they go to collect the tributes in the manner above stated;
and among them are some who do so even more tyrannically.
145th. Of clause 145, that which has to do with the Indians is not
observed any more than the foregoing in regard to reserving the chief
villages for your Majesty. Your islands are not like Nueva España,
where there is a chief village with many others subject to it. Here
all are small villages, and each one is its own head. The governors,
interpreting this law more literally than is good for the service of
your Majesty, have added to your royal crown some very small maritime
villages; and the advantage has been given to whomsoever they have
wished--whether justly or not, it is not for me to decide. I can
assure your Majesty that it is very little in way of tributes that
finds its way into the royal chest, although there is much need that
your Majesty should have money here to provide many necessities,
which others cannot supply if your Majesty cannot. I also say that,
according to accounts current here, no Indians are harder worked or
less free than those apportioned to the royal crown. There are many
other reasons which might be given to make this clear, which are
very patent to us here. One is that, as the officials do not go out
to collect the tributes, the governor sends one of his servants whom
he wishes to favor, to collect them. He collects for your Majesty
what they owe, and for himself whatever he desires; and this is most
certain, as well as the method of collecting. Your Majesty's Indians
undergo greater oppression than do the others. Those encomenderos
visit their Indians, and once in a while they cannot help taking pity
on them; but for those of your Majesty, there is no one to grieve and
no one to care. I even hear it said that many soldiers, when without
food, take it from the Indians, under the pretense that they serve
your Majesty and are given nothing--saying that, as it belongs to
your Majesty, they may do so.
146th. What is contained in clause 146 is the thing which would most
attract the Indians to receive our faith if it were observed. But there
is nothing which more impedes the conversion of these barbarians than
that, from the very outset, the Spaniards go among them and compel
them to become subjects of another and a foreign king whom they do
not know; and without more ado demand tribute from them, which is the
thing that they most unwillingly acquiesce in. Certainly it is a very
great pity and a cause for much grief that such covetousness is found
among us, that--through not knowing how to deal with these barbarians,
through not having patience with them that they may understand the good
which comes with us to them, and through greed for what they now pay
us--we may be the cause of thousands of them remaining unconverted,
and of those who are converted becoming so more through force than
choice. I am certain that if this clause had been observed, all of
these islands would be converted, and that not as a pretense, but
in all sincerity. From this your Majesty may see the harm done by
those who do not observe what your Majesty commands with respect to
the pacification of the Indians. And--in order that you may know how
these Indians feel about paying the tribute--when my arrival was made
known among them, and it was said that I was captain of the clergy,
as the governor was of the laymen, they asked if I had come to force on
them any tribute, a thing which they so much fear. In the instructions
which the governor, Don Gerónimo [_sc._ Gonzalo], recently gave to
Captain Juan Pablo de Carrión, who made the expedition to Cagayan,
there is a clause stating that "tribute shall not be demanded from
them for one year"--which marks the beginning of some respect for
your Majesty's orders; and I hope to God that it is to be one of much
importance, in order that those Indians, who three or four times have
been so wronged and scandalized, may now have peace.
147th. Clause 147 is quite forgotten, nor can those who govern be
persuaded that this so holy manner of preaching the gospel be tried;
besides, your Majesty leaves no authority to the bishops or to other
prelates to attempt the apostolic preaching of the gospel, but all
the authority is given to the governors, or is assumed by them. If
this clause were to be observed, the bishops and not the governors
would have to reform whatever is needed. The preachers go either
alone or with an escort; hence it is that the governors attempt
more than the conversion of the Indians. They never find place for
the fulfilment of this clause. It is without doubt a shameful thing,
and unworthy of one who professes such a law as ours, that we should
not trust in God, for sometimes the preachers would do more alone,
unaccompanied by arquebuses and pikes; and, although I do not deny
that this may be lawful and sometimes necessary, it would not be a
bad plan that this be tried the other way, at some time. But it will
not be done if your Majesty does not order otherwise.
148th. It is very necessary to observe clause 148 in this country,
since the Indians are thinly scattered, and are settled amid rivers
and marshes where they are found with much difficulty. Hence it is
very desirable that the encomenderos do as they are here commanded,
and not wait for the religious or ecclesiastics, who can not do it with
the same facility as can the encomenderos. Moreover, since the removal
of the Indians from their former homes is a thing very odious to them,
and they change their homes very unwillingly and with much hardship,
it would be better that they be vexed with the encomendero than with
the minister--who has to teach them, and through whom they have to
learn love, and who in all things strives for their good. The same
is true of building the churches and monasteries.
_Relation of what concerns the Sangleys_
The commerce with the Sangleys has always been considered very
important for the supplies and trade not only of this city, but of
those who come here to invest their money, and for what is expected
from it in the future. For it might be that by this means we shall
get a foothold in that great realm, which of all things is so much
desired. This trade has been so harassed and injured this year that
we are in great dread lest those who come here, or many of them, will
not return, or that they will not be willing to sell their merchandise
at former prices, because of the bad treatment that they have received
and the lack of order here.
During the past year and the present one the ill feeling has
increased, because at first they paid nothing; but later anchorage
dues were levied upon them--more by way of securing acknowledgment
than for gain; while last year and this they have demanded three per
cent from the Sangleys, from which many injuries to the latter have
resulted. The first is, that they all were ordered to live apart, in
one fenced-in dwelling made this year, whither they have gone very
unwillingly. There the shops have made them pay higher prices than
goods would cost them outside. A warden has been appointed for them,
with judicial authority to punish them; and, according to report,
many wrongs and injuries are inflicted upon them. Indeed, for very
trivial causes they are put in the stocks, and pecuniary fines exacted
from them. Sometimes they have been fined for going outside at night
to ease the body, or for not keeping their place clean.
Under the pretext that they must pay taxes to your Majesty,
a penalty was imposed upon the sale of any article without its
previous registration; but at the time of this registration the best
of their merchandise was taken from them, and that at the price
which the inspector or the registrar chose to set. Some pieces of
silk were therefore hidden by the Sangleys, either to sell them to
better advantage or to give them to persons to whom the goods had
been promised. For this they were punished with as much rigor as
if the penalty had been required from them for many years, instead
of being, on the contrary, only the first or second time when they
had heard of it. Among other things, I know that because a Chinese
merchant sentenced him to one hundred lashes and a fine of seventy-five
tostóns. A brother of his came to me to ask protection for him, and at
my request they remitted the lashes; but he paid the tostóns before he
could leave the jail. Of these and of other wrongs to individuals so
many cases occur that I have been greatly troubled. For some would take
the goods from the Sangleys by force, and keep them; others would not
give them what the goods were worth; others would give them written
orders [Span. _çédulas_] [35] (which are much in use among them),
and afterward repudiate these. Thereupon they would hasten to me;
and, as I could not secure reparation for these wrongs, I was greatly
afflicted. The confusion and lawlessness which prevailed in taking the
goods from them was so great, that in order to get these better and
cheaper, those who had authority in this matter would not allow the
Sangleys liberty to sell to those whom they might prefer. But these
of whom I speak took all the goods. Then, after having selected what
they desired, at whatever price they might choose, they would give
the rest to their servants, friends, and associates. In consequence,
although twenty ships have come from China--and so many have never
before been seen in this space of time--nothing of all that comes from
China has been visible this year. On the contrary, Chinese goods have
risen to such excessive prices that a piece of satin formerly worth
ten or twelve tostóns here, has been sold at forty or forty-five, and
yet could not be found, even for the church, which is so needy that
it has not been able to obtain silk to make a single ornament. The
same is true of all other Chinese goods, which were formerly hawked
in vain through the streets. Who may have been the cause of this,
what has become of these goods, or where they may have gone, it is
not incumbent upon me to say. What devolves upon me is, to represent
to your Majesty the condition of this country, which can not last
long volves upon me is, to represent to your Majesty the will insist
upon knowing whose is the guilt, and upon providing a remedy for your
vassals who are so greatly in need of it.
From this condition of affairs has resulted very great harm, which
must be the reason why the trade of this city has ceased. That is,
since all the goods have this year come into the possession of a few
persons, the traders who came here on the strength of reports of the
good trade in this country have not spent their money; or else those
who have spent it have bought very little, and at so high prices that
they will do well if they get back their money. The evil does not
stop here; for these traders are compelled to perform sentinel-duty,
just as the soldiers do, and in order not to leave their goods to be
stolen, they pay a soldier who does this for them, and collects the
money. Thus every week they have to pay one tostón (the equivalent
of four reals) for the services of a sentinel.
These same merchants were summoned for an expedition which was going
to Iapón [Japan], and a fleet was made ready to sail thither; and
in order to avoid going they paid as much as thirty and forty pesos
each. Thus, in many ways, trade has been unfortunate this year. The
latest injury--that which most harassed the Chinese, and most succeeded
in irritating them--was that, in sending a galley on the expedition to
Iapón which I mentioned, twenty or thirty Sangleys who had come this
year to remain here were seized, and compelled to row. Many have come
to me to complain, saying that they had come here to earn a living
for their children; and asked that, since they were not allowed to
accomplish what they came for, they might be permitted to return to
their own land. But it profited neither them nor me to say this,
for they went on that expedition and have not yet returned. From
this another injury has come to us all. For since those who went
in the galley, and others sent afterward, were fishermen, the fish
that formerly was sold in the streets in great quantities, and for
a trifling sum, now cannot be obtained at a high price. Next, they
sent another vessel, loaded with rice as provision for the fleet,
and ordered a like number of Sangleys to accompany it. In order to
avoid going, each hunted up whomsoever he could find; and he who
had no slave to send gave ten pesos to some other man to act as his
substitute. These and other wrongs have caused two hundred Sangleys,
who came this year to settle here, to return; and of those who were
living here two hundred and more have gone away. There used to be a
very prosperous settlement of them on the other side of the river,
but now there appears to be almost no one--as your Majesty will see
by the letter written to me by the vicar of the Sangleys, who is an
Augustinian friar.
Another wrong is done to the Indians--not to all in general, but to
many; it is, to hold them as slaves. This clause also concerns the
failure of the governors to obey your Majesty's decrees and writs;
for so many of these are issued, commanding that Indians must not
be held as slaves of the Spaniards anywhere in the Yndias--either
in the islands or on the mainland, in lands discovered or to be
discovered. This applies, in whatever way the Spaniards may have
obtained them: whether it be in just war; or if the Indians themselves
have sold them to the Spaniards, saying that they are slaves; or even
if among them these are actually slaves; or by any other means, and
in any manner whatsoever. By the ship in which I came the Augustinian
fathers brought a new decree from your Majesty, ordering with much
rigor, and in strong terms, that the Spaniards shall at once liberate
the slaves whom they may hold, under whatever circumstances they may
have obtained them. This was presented to the governor, for I talked
with him about it. But, to show that what I say above is true--that
no decree in favor of the Indians is ever enforced--since this
decree was presented the Indians are still in the same servitude
as formerly, and some of them are even worse treated than in the
past. The governor did not so long delay to enforce the decree (if
there be one) relative to taking a fifth of the gold; for the first
thing that he did on entering his office was to demand the fifth,
while the decree regarding liberty is yet to be executed. I have
passed over many things in this connection which, if written here,
would be annoying to your Majesty. A document in behalf of the city
is being prepared which proves the great necessity in this country
for servitude. It states that the Spaniards undergo much toil,
and most of them many hardships, and that there is much need that
your Majesty should aid and favor them; but asks that this be done
by allowing them to hold slaves. Your Majesty will order this to be
carefully examined, for it is a certain and well-established fact (and
admitted by the very persons who hold and attempt to gain possession
of slaves) that although among the Indians there are some who are
really slaves, these are few; and that, rather than sell these now,
the Indians will sell one of their children. All others are wrongfully
obtained and unjustly enslaved--as would be done by a people so
barbarous as this, who at this very time sell a relative for gain,
and among whom the more powerful will sell the weaker. Most of those
who today are in Manila as slaves are of this class. As soon as this
decree was presented to him, the governor asked me to advise him what
he should do. Accordingly, I convened the superiors of the orders,
and the religious therein who had long resided here, with some very
learned men who came with me. All of them, without one exception, were
of one opinion, a copy of which goes with this letter; your Majesty
will please order it to be examined--although it profits little,
because proclamation of the decree and orders that it be obeyed were
not issued until March of this year. Would to God that it had not
been proclaimed! because before that the masters were afraid, and had
already determined to give their slaves liberty, seeing that they were
urged thereto in the confessional. But when the decree was proclaimed,
and the petition which the city referred to your Majesty was granted,
all returned to their obstinacy. Upon seeing this, I again convened
the fathers and priests, and we agreed to admit the owner of slaves
to confession, but on condition that they make no objection to what
your Majesty may order; or that within two years from the departure
of this ship (the term assigned to them by your Majesty) they should
free the slaves. But I am sure that if your Majesty does not renew
your order the masters would not release them, if two years or even
twenty should pass. It is a great hardship, and a scandal, to have to
deny them confession; and many say that they will not release their
slaves until your Majesty so orders, even though they remain without
confession. The decrees made by the city and by the protector of the
Indians are being sent to you. Your Majesty will order examination
of them, and whatever else may be proper, and command accordingly;
because, although I have been of the opinion that for the present
the masters may be absolved, many of the religious refuse to do so
unless the slaves are first given their liberty.
It is next in order to inform your Majesty of what is done here with
the prelates; [36] it is as follows: When a Spaniard comes to this
country he is at once ordered to serve under the flag, although he
may be a merchant who comes here to buy and sell. The authorities
say that for the present it seems proper to allow the merchants to
depend upon their merchandise, and the encomenderos to live upon
their encomiendas. All the rest live a very poor and wretched life;
for they are not supplied with any provisions, nor do they possess
means to procure food and clothing. Notwithstanding all this, they
are ordered with great severity to assist the sentinels and aid in
other duties of war, just as if they were well paid. Hence ensue
oppression and ill-treatment of the Indians; for sometimes when an
Indian has some food that he has cooked for his own meal, a soldier
enters and takes it away from him. Not only that; they also maltreat
and beat the Indians, and when I, being near at hand, go to them and
reprimand them for it, they say to me: "What is to be done? must we
be left to die?" I assure your Majesty that in this matter I suffer
an intolerable torment; because all come to me with their troubles,
and I have not the means to remedy them. I only pity them, and do what
I can, with my limited means, to aid them. Moreover, the encomenderos
refuse to pay tithes, although they have been ordered to do so; nor
can the royal officials pay me what your Majesty orders to be given
me from your royal treasury, because they assert that no adequate
instructions are sent them. Thus I am without means for myself or for
the poor. The former governors were accustomed to divide among the poor
soldiers some of the rice paid to your Majesty as tribute, in order
that they might endure their misery; but now not even this is given to
them. It is a still greater oppression that the authorities neither
consent to furnish them a living, nor give them permission to go in
search of it or even to leave this island. I gave to the governor the
decree regarding this matter which your Majesty ordered to be sent;
but nothing has been done, because in it your Majesty did no more
than to order him to attend to it, and to do what he might think best.
The governor consulted me about his intention to add to the tribute
of the Indians two more reals apiece, with which to support the poor
soldiers; and I convened the fathers and the clergy to confer about
this matter. Seeing that this country cannot be sustained unless there
are Spaniards in it, unless the encomenderos are supported, unless the
tributes are collected with the aid and assistance of the soldiers
here, and unless the Indians pay the tribute which the encomenderos
levy for love of the faith, they concluded that the encomenderos
are obliged to support the soldiers, who are necessary to render the
country secure. But, on the other hand, they considered that as the
encomenderos of these islands are very poor, and some of them are
married, and very few have encomiendas of reasonable extent, and they
can maintain themselves only with much difficulty--much less will they
be able to support the soldiers. They concluded that your Majesty
is not obliged to use your royal patrimony for this and the other
expenses, but that those for whose benefit they are incurred (for which
purpose the Spaniards are here) must bear the cost. Accordingly, if
the tribute they give does not suffice for all the expenses necessary
in order that they may have suitable instruction and may be protected,
they, and not your Majesty, must bear these--as St. Paul says, and as
the divine law commands. For this reason the governor wished to add
the two reals before mentioned, and there was no lack of agreement
in this opinion among the fathers and clergy. To me also it seems
that, considering the divine law, these people are obliged to pay
all the expenses. But considering the poverty of the common people,
that perhaps the tribute they give might suffice, for all that is
necessary--if it were well apportioned--and for other reasons that make
the project doubtful, I have ventured to give the opinion that nothing
should be added to the tribute which the Indians now give, until your
Majesty can be informed and can order what action should be taken.
In these islands there are many soldiers who were married in Mexico,
España, and other countries. Many of them left their wives twenty-five,
others ten, fifteen, or twenty years ago; and others, more or less. I
have done my best to induce them to go to live with their wives, or
to bring them here, but it has been of no avail. Will your Majesty
please order that your decree in this matter be observed, for this
is not done--nor do the governors try to observe it, saying that the
soldiers are needed here; and thus they spend so many years, breaking
the law of God and that of holy matrimony. I beg your Majesty, if it
please you, to provide a remedy for this; for, if your Majesty does
not order it, there will be no one here who can send them hence.
The thing most necessary for the protection of these Indians until
they shall better understand our ways is, that there should be
a protector who should look after them and defend them from the
innumerable injuries that are inflicted upon them. The governor has
named one who, it appears to me, does this well, and with care and
diligence. But as his appointment is temporary, he dare not exercise
his office with as much freedom as if he were appointed by your
Majesty. I beseech your Majesty to order this matter disposed of in
such manner that it may be to the advantage and not to the injury of
the Indians--which would result if this office were given through favor
or sale, instead of being conferred on a person who is unencumbered,
and very zealous in the service of your Majesty and for the welfare of
the Indians; of such there will be very few. He who is now protector
is very persevering, and is qualified for this appointment. His name
is Benito de Mendiola. [37] But this man might prove deficient; and
for the future, if it shall please your Majesty--since this should be
well done (for it surely is a very important matter), and the bishops
are, by right, fathers of the unhappy--it might be entrusted to him
whom the bishop appoints, your Majesty naming the salary or requiring
that it be raised here. If it please your Majesty, I will see that
the Indians pay it, which they will do very willingly. And if your
Majesty does not commit this to the bishop, he and the governor might
be entrusted to name the appointee, it being provided that together and
in no other way may they remove him--because many times the protector
has to ask things which the governor does not like. The governor
becomes angry at him, and if it is in his power, removes him--as I
have seen done more than once since I came. The inhabitants of this
city are among the most loyal subjects that your Majesty has in all
his islands; and the soldiers, although suffering so many hardships,
as above stated, and many more which cannot be told, are so obedient
to orders in the service of your Majesty that it is certainly a cause
for thanksgiving to God that, in so great an expanse of country,
there should be a prince so obeyed and feared, loved and reverenced
as is your Majesty in these regions. And since this condition of
affairs is conserved by subjects perceiving gratitude in their kings
and princes, and knowing that their rulers reward them for loyalty,
I humbly petition your Majesty to give attention to what I have said
(which is unquestionably true); and that you show them favor, in order
that they may know that your Majesty is pleased with their loyalty.
I understand that what they ask is, that your Majesty order that
the limits of this city's jurisdiction (which is five leagues) be
maintained; and that you make them a gift of some lands, of which
they have none, but without which no commonwealth can be sustained or
conserved. The cabildo of México has, besides other sources of income,
an encomienda--that of Jalapa, a prosperous village near México. Here
there is at present nothing with which to undertake any enterprise,
unless your Majesty is pleased that some village be given them as
an encomienda, in order that from the tributes may be obtained means
to defray the necessary expenses, and conduct the public business in
such manner as your Majesty shall order. With that they will be well
content. The governor despatched a soldier to Maluco to ascertain
what conclusion the Portuguese of those islands had reached. He
returned almost at the same time as the ship from Nueba España,
with the news which the governor will write to your Majesty. This
news gave great satisfaction to all the people of these islands,
because your Majesty's interests are thereby promoted, since our Lord
has placed in your Majesty's hands the spice-trade of Maluco, which
your ancestors so greatly desired. I am sending the letter which the
captain at Maluco wrote me, in order that it may please your Majesty to
reward generously so worthy a Portuguese as this man is--who certainly
has displayed great zeal in your Majesty's service--not forgetting
him who obtained and bore the news. This is Ensign Francisco de
Dueñas, a very intelligent man, and very reliable in his own duties,
who by his energy and diligence succeeded with this undertaking,
in which others had failed. He is an old soldier in these islands,
and has served your Majesty well in times of war. He is loved by all
in this city, and has a good reputation on account of his excellent
qualities. He is a person to whom anything whatever may be entrusted;
he is very faithful, and a very good Christian. Will your Majesty
please order that some reward be given to him? because he merits it,
and because others may thereby be encouraged. I also beg that the
Portuguese soldiers of Maluco may be in some way rewarded for the
affection with which they ask your Majesty to be their king and lord.
In the letter written to me by the captain, he complains that I have
not written to him; and he has reason for this--although the blame
was not mine; for the governor wrote to the captain without saying
anything to me, as he has done in other undertakings. I do not say
this to speak ill of the governor, but only that your Majesty may
know how affairs go here, and what respect is paid to the bishops.
In regard to Maluco, your Majesty will send some one there who
understands it well. To those here who understand the trade, it has
appeared that the cloves and other spices will go at less cost by
way of Nueba España, and with less risk and more quickly than by
way of India; and that to preserve the supply of cloves, so that it
may not be destroyed, it is necessary that your Majesty should not
permit the Indians of those islands to be allotted, but should retain
them under your Majesty's direct control, and they should be dealt
with as the king of Portugal dealt with them. For if the Spaniards
try to subjugate them, and order them to pay tribute, all will be
lost--especially in view of the ill-treatment which the Castilians
will inflict upon the natives if the conquered land be given to them
as an encomienda (even though it be with name of pacification), as we
have seen them do in all lands where they have been. The Indians would
receive such harm at the first entrance of the Spaniards that it would
not be repaired in many years. Your Majesty will pardon my boldness
and accept my desire, which is very strong, to serve your Majesty,
in stating what I and many conscientious persons here feel. Your
Majesty will adjust the matter as shall serve your interests.
It is now three years since certain Franciscan religious left this
island to go to China (as your Majesty will already know), without
notifying the governor. Now they have determined to do the same thing;
the custodian, whose name is Fray Pablo de Jesús, has gone thither with
his companions, without saying anything to the governor, for which I
am very sorry. For lack of their labors here, many Indians who were
already Christians have remained without instruction, which I consider
a great disadvantage. But, knowing that God moves the hearts of men (a
matter that we cannot understand), I will overlook that. The governor
took this with more asperity than I wished, for he sent after them, and
the person who went thither treated them very rudely; but finally God
ordained that they should arrive at this island. The governor ordered a
proclamation to be made (its contents will be seen by the copy of the
ordinance which I send to your Majesty), which even to me seems very
harsh toward an order of so high character and strict obedience as is
that of the discalced Franciscans. I advised the governor not to act
with so much severity, but he did not see fit to grant my petition. I
have since learned that the same person who went after them treated
them very harshly in Pangasinán and Yllocos--perpetrating upon them
many acts of oppression, taking away their ship, and refusing to let
any one accompany them--which occasioned no little scandal to the
Indians. Among other reasons which the religious have given me to
justify their departure from here is the sight of the ill-usage which
the natives of these islands receive from the Spaniards, especially
those who have the charge of justice; and they say that all these
are for hindrance, and no one for help. Hence no harvest can be
gathered; and therefore they went to seek a place where they could
gather it. Certainly they are not far wrong, for the things that occur
here and the obstacles opposed by those who ought to aid us, are so
numerous that many times I have longed to leave it all and flee to the
mountains; but the charge that I hold keeps me within bounds. There is
very little respect for the ministers of the gospel; and they cannot
exercise their office without being dependent upon those who have more
concern for their own profit than for the instruction of the Indians.
There was sent to the island of Macan, where the Portuguese live--near
the city of Canton, in China--a father of the Society, and with him two
Franciscan religious, to deal with the Portuguese there, in the same
way as with those at Maluco; he was sent also to the Chinese governor
at Canton. A copy of the letter is sent to you, in order that it may be
seen what is asked from the Chinese governor and in what form; for the
Chinese who were then here told me how it should be properly written;
they said that their governor would thus learn our usages, and that he
would be delighted if we would write to him as we write to one another.
To fulfil our obligation, and to bring this narrative--already so
long--to a close, I will not omit, as your Majesty's servant and
chaplain, to say that since these lands are your Majesty's, and you
have in them so many and so loyal and obedient subjects, both Spaniards
and Indians, you should please to see that the people are cared for
and well treated; and that the governors preserve their liberties,
and do not convert the government into a source of profit to those
who govern, as has been done heretofore, to the great injury and
deterioration of these colonies.
To remedy this condition, your Majesty should send to govern them
not those who solicit that charge, but those whom your Majesty shall
seek--Christian men, without greed; for such men are what the people
desire, and would suit them and us. Let your Majesty send hither a
man who comes alone, and without obligations to relatives or friends
(in serving whom they neglect their duty to the early comers, whose
blood has been spilled), who is content with the salary that your
Majesty assigns him (which is always quite sufficient), and who hopes
for advancement by your Majesty through his services; and who will not,
by making himself rich in two years, destroy this country, or prevent
others from enjoying it and gaining a livelihood. By doing this, your
Majesty will have one of the best possessions in the Yndias. But if
things go on as heretofore and there is no one to attend to it, it
cannot continue long. If it shall please your Majesty to entrust the
government to men who live here, there are those who could conduct
it very well and creditably, without the many disadvantages which
attend those who come from España.
The foregoing is such information as I can give your Majesty from here
regarding the transgression and observance of the royal commands, laws,
and decrees; and of the present state of this country, the wrongs
that occur in it, and what matters ought to be remedied. On account
of the little time before the ship departs, not all of this letter
is so polished as to be fit to appear before your Majesty. If this
relation is deficient (as it cannot fail to be) it is not in lack
of truth or in desire to serve your Majesty and secure the welfare
of these souls whom, because of their sins and my own, I have in
charge. If there is anything which to your Majesty appears worthy of
remedy, I humbly ask for it; and if I have said anything about which
it appears to your Majesty I ought to have been silent, I also humbly
beg that I may be pardoned. Since your Majesty knows that I am five
thousand leagues distant from your court, and surrounded by so many
griefs and afflictions, you will not be surprised at what I say, but
at what I leave unsaid--and even why I myself did not go to beg for
the remedy; for it certainly is a different thing to see and endure
it here, than to hear it mentioned there.
_Fray Domingo_, bishop of the Filipinas
INSTRUCTIONS TO COMMISSARY OF THE INQUISITION
_Instructions which the person who is or in future will be the
commissary of the Holy Office in the city and bishopric of Manila
and the Phelipinas Islands of the West, [38] must mark and observe,
in order better to fulfil the office and trust which he holds._
1. For this office shall always be chosen persons who are thoroughly
competent and well approved--whose purity of family descent, and
exemplary life and habits, have been previously ascertained through
written information. Besides this, confidence is placed in their
prudence, moderation, and temperance, which qualities will enable
them to exercise aright the trust conferred upon them, and they
will exercise it, for the public good, for the better transaction of
business, and not for any private ends. Above all, it behooves them,
and they are earnestly charged, not to employ the name and title of the
Holy Office for avenging individual wrongs, or for the intimidation
or affront of any person. The more such a person shall suspect the
inquisitor's friendship, the more prudently must the latter deal with
him; otherwise, not only will God be therein offended, but the Holy
Office will be greatly wronged.
2. As soon as the commissary receives his appointment, and before
he makes use of his powers, he must accept it in the presence of an
apostolic notary or a royal scrivener, in whose presence he shall give
oath of secrecy and fidelity according to the minute accompanying
these instructions. He will show the said title to the governor,
and to the ecclesiastical and lay cabildos, in order that they may
receive, treat, and recognize him as a commissary and agent of so
holy an office. He will take great care not to exceed his commission,
but to fulfil it, observing these instructions and other particulars
which will be sent to him, which treat of the manner of receiving
acknowledgments, substantiating testimony, and visiting ships. To
show the certificate of appointment to the cabildos is only a mark
of courtesy, and in no way a necessary proceeding; for there is no
need of their permission or approbation. The commissary is advised
of this because the patent for his commission does not require any
other contrasignature or permission for its validity.
3. Secrecy is the surest means, which the Inquisition is to employ
very rigorously, for the detection and punishment of crimes. Therefore
the commissary is strictly charged to observe secrecy in reference
to these instructions, or any others which shall be sent to him, or
letters written to him about business, and all else that comes to his
notice in the capacity of commissary. He shall impose the same secrecy
upon all those who act as accusers or witnesses, or who ratify their
former testimony, and upon all honest persons who are present at such
ratification--ordering all the said parties to observe secrecy, under
pain of excommunication, and under the obligation of the oath which
they took when making their depositions. The commissary, moreover,
shall impose other punishments, pecuniary or corporal; and shall
enlarge on the gravity of the sin committed in the disclosure of a
secret by a witness, with this warning, that the Inquisition punishes
from the standpoint of example, and according to the character of the
person and the nature of the transaction. On account of the great
distance, [to Manila] [39] it is fitting to make this provision,
that whenever any person who shall incur excommunication for having
disclosed a secret shall come, of his own free will, to ask for
absolution, therefore with the confession of his guilt the commissary
shall absolve him, and impose upon him some secret spiritual penance,
such as will entail no stigma or infamy. The commissary shall submit
his own denunciation to the Holy Office, without making further
investigations concerning the matter except in serious cases. But
should the disclosure of a secret result in any marked injury or
bring dishonor to a person, in such an event further information is
required, in order that in either case the Holy Office may, after due
examination, justly dispose of the matter as is fitting, although no
change will result for the absolved person.
4. Special care must be taken to warn bishops, vicars-general
[_provisores_], visitors, and vicars, that they are not allowed
to mention crimes of heresy or the like in their public letters
and proclamations during visit; for his Holiness has referred and
submitted such cases to the most illustrious inquisitor-general and
the inquisitors appointed by him in all the kingdoms and seigniories
of his Majesty. Therefore they shall try these cases _privatim_,
which other judges can neither try, nor undertake to investigate,
nor otherwise handle. Since in visitations crimes often come to light
which must be tried by the Holy Office, warning must be given that
these should be submitted to the Inquisition, with all secrecy and
without the knowledge of the guilty party. The same must be done in
suppressing the titles of vicars, in annulling the head of processes
and charges made by the bishops, and in suppressing the title of
inquisitor-inordinary; for in these regions the jurisdiction over the
crime of heresy is wholly apostolic, except in case of the Indians. If
any doubt, contention, or difficulty regarding the execution of
this clause should arise, the commissary, without further inquiry,
shall promptly notify us that he has warned, in especially polite
and respectful language, the prelate concerned, to whom he must show
much reverence--for the reverential respect which is due him should
not be in the least abated by the privilege of the commissary's office.
5. It sometimes happens that certain ecclesiastical or lay judges take
up matters belonging to the Holy Office, and make judicial inquiries
therein. The question whether they should forbear from investigation
of such cases, and submit them to others, has caused differences to
arise between them and the commissaries, and has made them set forth
most weighty arguments. Since the main care shall be to prevent such
clash of authorities, in order to avoid this it is enough to bid them
not to meddle in such matters. But if they persist in doing so it will
be necessary to send them an injunction, couched in very respectful
terms, drawn up in writing before a notary; to note their answers;
and then to report everything to the Holy Office.
6. In cases of disobedience, disrespect, hindrance, and obstruction
to the free and just exercise of the Holy Office, which also are wont
to occur, the commissary shall be careful not to lose his temper, or
to give way to words or deeds injurious and offensive to any person;
on the contrary, that is the time for him to control himself and
show great moderation. He shall make a diligent and full inquiry from
other persons regarding the whole case, and shall notify us through
his report; in this way any disobedience or disrespect on the part of
a judge or a private person will be punished with greater rigor and
justification. The delay which is apparent in this case might seem
injurious, but it will not be so--as it is not in the transactions of
the Inquisition; for, after men have slept soundly, they are awakened
by a very exemplary punishment.
7. Denunciations regarding the matters contained in the edict shall
be received in the commissary's own house, in a suitable, secret,
and convenient place. They shall always be made by day, unless it
should be necessary to receive them by night. The persons who come
for this purpose must be treated with kindness, each according to
his station in life. Every sort of infamy upon the party concerned
must be avoided as much as possible.
8. In receiving denunciations there shall be no delay, but rather
great care and diligence, as likewise in examining the evidence,
following and keeping within the bounds of the injunctions laid down
in the instructions which are especially sent for that purpose. The
same and even greater care, and much attention, are required in
forwarding depositions.
9. Since it often happens that some of the witnesses are out of the
city, and therefore depositions must be taken in different places,
let the case in question decide the course of procedure, whether
or not the commissary shall order the witness to appear before
him. Usually there is no need to cause the witnesses the trouble of
coming a long distance, when the investigation can be entrusted to
the parish priest [_cura_] or vicar of the place, the notary making
certification at the head of the authorization therefor given to him
by this clause. A case may arise where it is best to wait for the
witness, and it may be desirable to hold him, in order to examine
him personally; this is left to the commissary's choice, for, having
the case before him, he can decide what is best to do. If any one be
summoned on the affairs of the Holy Office and shall not render due
obedience, a written order must be sent to him, imposing upon him the
penalty of excommunication and a fine in money, should he disobey. A
report of all proceedings in each individual case shall be made,
so that the disobedient person may receive exemplary punishment,
according to his station in life and the nature of his disobedience.
10. Some are accustomed to send their denunciations through memorials,
with or without their signatures, or by letters-missive; but, since
these persons write them under no pressure or oath, and without the
presence of a judge or a notary, they expand their accusations to the
detriment of their neighbor's reputation. Therefore the commissary
ought to avoid as much as possible the acceptance of such letters
and memorials, and shall order the witnesses to declare under oath
what they know of the matter, in order to free their consciences,
and shall examine them concerning the facts. If the acceptance of
such a letter cannot be avoided, the person who writes it should be
summoned and made to acknowledge it under oath before a notary, after
which he should be examined about the letter. If the letter be written
from a distant place, the rule in the preceding clause can be followed.
11. Likewise some persons, moved by passion more than by commendable
zeal, are wont to denounce others on the ground that they are
_confessos_, and therefore not entitled to wear silk, carry weapons,
ride on horseback, or do other things forbidden to them by laws and
royal ordinances of these realms, as well as by the instructions of the
Holy Office, as likewise is set forth in the edict. In these cases one
ought to be careful not to accept such depositions except from children
and grand-children of _relaxados_, or from children of a relaxada,
[40] or from persons who themselves have been reconciled to the Church
[_reconciliados_]. The commissary may receive denunciations from these
three classes of persons, and send them to the Holy Office, without
making any arrest, issuing interdicts, or taking other steps. On the
contrary he will maintain great secrecy, and charge the witnesses to
do the same. As for other persons denounced as confessos, since they
are not in the said class, nothing will be written. On the contrary,
the same secrecy will be imposed upon the witnesses and they shall
be very kindly admonished to be silent, and not to slander their
neighbors, informing them that the Holy Office will take no offense
at what they have testified.
12. The heading of the charge made against any person must begin
with the words of the first witness, and not, as is customary with
ordinary judges in these regions, the formula, that "it has come to
his notice," etc.--inserting first what he has heard concerning the
crime from any witness. When the commissary receives documents of
many clauses from this Holy Office for the investigation of different
matters and against many persons, he will place as introduction to
the inquiry that he makes in each case that clause of the document
which applies to the matter in question, legalized by the notary.
13. Any arrest made by the Holy Office is a matter of much reproach
and dishonor for that person, and of no less damage and injury to
his property; therefore an arrest should be made with prudence, care,
and for just cause. Authority for this is not given to the commissary,
who neither should nor can arrest a person except in special cases,
and by a special order entrusted to him against the person who is to
be arrested; and even then, the commissary must see that the purport
of the said order be executed, without exceeding it.
14. The crime of bigamy is very frequent in this country, so that it
behooves all commissaries to make diligent inquiry concerning it, and
to punish the crime. If the ecclesiastical or secular court arrest any
one for this crime and proceed against him, let them administer justice
freely and without hindrance. If they refer the case to the commissary
without charge, and without his making any effort for such remission,
the latter shall say that it is very well, and that they may refer
and send the case to this Holy Office at their own expense--or at
that of the prisoner, if he be well-to-do. If they still urge him to
receive the case there, that it may be sent by the order and at the
expense of the Holy Office, the commissary shall answer that he has
no orders from us for such action. If, dissatisfied with this answer,
they ask permission to inflict punishment there, he will answer that
they may investigate the matter, and may do justice according to
law. After that he will allow no more arguments on the question.
15. This clause applies when the said courts have anticipated the case
by the arrest of the accused person; for if the latter were free,
and through information received from witnesses his two marriages
were proved, and the existence of the first wife at the time of the
second marriage, which constitutes the crime, the commissary shall
arrest and remand to prison the person thus proved guilty--sending
with the prisoner the information or original record, but retaining
there an authenticated copy of it. Concerning other cases of bigamy,
which do not show the same degree of guilt, it will suffice to send
authenticated copies of such records or depositions as are received,
and to keep the originals. Special information must be sent concerning
the prudence of the accused, his station in life, and his wealth;
so that after due examination the necessary measures may be taken. If
he should come to this country [Mexico], the commissary must give us
notice of his coming, so that the Holy Office may hear of it by the
first despatches which shall reach Mexico. He shall also write to the
commissary who resides at the port of Acapulco, that any attempted
absence or flight may be prevented.
16. Concerning the other crimes enumerated in the general edict,
after the denunciation has been received and the witnesses have
been examined, according to the order laid down in the instructions,
it will suffice to send such information without making any arrest
or taking other steps. The commissary shall also send information
concerning the person's birth-place, station in life, means, and
the real estate that he owns in this country, or in España. He shall
notify us, in case such person comes here, so that we may deal with
him as the nature of his offense demands.
17. As for the judicial proceedings in matters which concern
the Holy Office--whether they be settled, or informal, or pending
official transactions--which other courts submit to the Holy Office,
whether at the instance of the attorney-general or by agreement,
all original documents must be delivered, without retaining a copy
of any; oath to this effect will be made by the apostolic notary or
by the royal scrivener who hands them over. Since suits which do
not belong to the Holy Office are sometimes thus handed over, the
commissary shall, on account of the danger that they may be lost at
sea, not send documents until he shall first examine them. If they
clearly prove to be cases not belonging to the Inquisition, he shall
return them to the owners. In case of doubt, the commissary shall
send an account of the offense, with the evidence, and the status
of the process--saying whether it is decided or pending, and whether
informal or received on trial; he will also report as to the rank of
the accused person, and whether at the time any arrest has been made,
or will be made in the future. Ordinarily, whether the case be one of
bigamy or of some other crime, the commissary shall proceed as stated
in the two preceding clauses. If he should not be sent as prisoner,
it will not be right to do so until his offense be investigated
here; accordingly the commissary may discharge him under bail or
under juratory security. [41] If the accused is unable to provide
security, the commissary shall command him not to leave the city,
town, or province where the crime occurred and where he owns property,
under severe penalties of excommunication, and pecuniary or bodily
punishments, suitable to the person's station. If such person wishes
to come to this country, he can do so by offering the same bail or
security to the Holy Office; but he must first be warned not to make
the journey if other matters render such a step unsuitable. He shall
be assured that in his absence his trial and his honor will receive
the same attention as if he were present.
18. When any arrest must be made according to these instructions,
it must, for any case of bigamy, be made according to clause
fifteen. The commissary shall issue orders entrusting the matter,
as is customary, to some one of the familiars whom he has to keep
in the city. Until he has familiars, for lack of them he shall
entrust it to the person on whom he has most reliance, and in whose
integrity he most confides. When it is necessary, but only then, he
may ask for the aid of the royal officials of justice. Whenever this
shall be necessary, the royal officials may seize only the person
pointed out to them by the Holy Office; and they must assist him,
giving their favor and aid only for such person. In order to obtain
this help, the commissary needs only to ask for it in polite terms;
and it may be demanded without the necessity of giving information,
either written or oral, regarding the offense--and, indeed, he shall
be very careful not to do so. On the contrary, if anyone should be
so inconsiderate as to ask for such information, let the commissary
send us a detailed account of what takes place in the matter.
19. Royal magistrates are under obligation to render this assistance,
since the request therefor does not require from them any fees,
alguacil, or scrivener. The magistrates are also under obligation
to receive and keep any prisoner in their jails, to take good care
of him, and to account for him, but without exacting therefor
any prison-fees. Accordingly the commissary will, when occasion
arises, notify the magistrates and request their assistance; and if
necessary he will command it, under pain of excommunication and a
money fine. Thus he will not be obliged to find another and special
prison, and incur the expense of guards. If the rank of the person,
and the condition of the prison, and the nature of the crime require
a more special and secret prison, on account of the danger that the
prisoner may be able to communicate his affairs to other persons,
such arrangements are left to the judgment of the commissary, who is
charged to see that in these arrests little outcry be made, and that
all scandal be avoided.
20. When the criminal is arrested, the commissary shall send him by
the first available ship, registering him as being in the shipmaster's
charge--commanding the latter (under penalty, if necessary), to take
good care of the prisoner until he shall be handed over, at the port of
Acapulco, to the commissary who dwells there, who is duly authorized
to act. If the prisoner be well-to-do, the commissary shall send at
least one hundred pesos' worth of his property, in order to pay for the
food that he needs during his imprisonment, and to meet the expenses
that he may incur during the journey; otherwise, the commissary shall
send whatever sum be may obtain from the property. Since these men
who are twice married are not a very dangerous class of people, the
commissary may in a case of flight exercise leniency, by allowing
them to come and present themselves under a sufficient security,
corresponding to their station and means.
21. A sequestration of property is very injurious to a person,
especially in the Indias, where all the value of property depends
upon its management. The commissary ought not therefore, in any
case, to do this; on the contrary, the arrested person shall permit
suitable provision for his property, according to his own preference,
entrusting it by means of an inventory to some person in whom he has
confidence. The latter shall bind himself, in due form, to be the
depositary of such goods as the prisoner may leave in his charge
on account of his arrest; and in such manner that it may not seem
to be a deposit or a sequestration by the Holy Office, but simply a
contract between two parties. This accomplished, the commissary shall
obtain very minute information about the station of the prisoner,
his mode of life, and the means and property that he may possess. If
he has any reason to suspect that either the prisoner or the person
to whom he has entrusted his property on account of the arrest, is
endeavoring to hide, or squander, or alienate the property, he shall be
careful not to allow such alienation or any other mismanagement of the
property; until the Holy Office, having examined his offense, shall
make suitable provision for a legal sequestration: for in punishing
a crime, the property of the guilty person is always regarded as
an accessory element, to be used in behalf of the person to whom it
shall belong after the culprit is released from prison.
22. Money for the prisoner's food, for the expenses of his journey,
according to his station, and for his bedding and clothes, must be
taken entirely from his estates; and if he has none, let such of
his goods be sold as will inflict least damage upon him, to the
amount necessary, at a public auction before a notary or a royal
scrivener. No officer or agent of the Holy Office shall take anything
from the said sale, either personally or through agents--a command
which is general in all cases when goods are sold by the Holy Office,
whether they are sequestrated or not. To better ascertain which of the
goods would cause him least damage, it will be advisable to consult
the opinion and desire of the interested party.
23. All that has been said thus far concerning the acceptance of
denunciations, and the reference of cases, prisoners, and proceedings
to the Holy Office, does not apply to the Indians--against whom the
commissary shall not proceed for the present, but shall leave them to
the jurisdiction of the ordinary. [42] Cases involving them are not
to be referred to us. All other cases, in which mestizos, mulattoes,
and Spaniards, of all classes, are involved, shall be tried exclusively
by the Holy Office rather than by the ordinary courts, as specified
in the fourth clause of these instructions.
24. The Holy Office is wont to issue edicts--as, for instance, the
general edict concerning matters of the faith, and other specific
ones--for the prohibition and seizure of certain books. The public
reading of these edicts is of the utmost importance, having the force
of a notarial summons. It always takes place in the cathedral church,
where the people are commanded several days beforehand to meet, under
pain of excommunication. The sermon is assigned to the most learned
preacher of reputation and authority, who preaches it elsewhere,
on that same day; notice is therefore given to the monasteries and
to all concerned. The Holy Office shall appoint both the preacher
and the day, although it is best to make arrangements therefor with
the prelate, and obtain his concurrence; for in so doing nothing is
detracted from what is due to the Holy Office. Although the penalty of
excommunication is imposed, it is not held to bind any except those
who for petty considerations neglect to heed it. In denouncing their
guilt the commissary shall absolve them, imposing upon them only
some secret spiritual penances and not any pecuniary or ignominious
punishment. Others who through carelessness, negligence, or ignorance,
fail to appear, the commissary shall discharge with a gentle reprimand,
setting at ease their consciences in regard to the excommunication.
25. The Inquisitor therein anticipating the action of any other
judge is accustomed to visit all ships which arrive at the ports,
no matter whence they come; therefore the commissary shall do so,
if he is in a place where it can be done, and shall ask the principal
officers of the ship the questions sent with these instructions. If
he is unable to do so in person, he will entrust the matter to the
parish priest or the vicar who resides in the port, sending him
a copy of the questions to be asked. He will notify us as to the
ports chiefly frequented by ships, where it will be best to keep
persons with a special commission from us; and will name some of the
persons to whom this commission may be given. When the commissary
has succeeded in visiting the ship at its station in the harbor,
the captain, master, or clerk, or some of the passengers will find
it necessary to go ashore, to the city; then, while the supplies
most needed are being procured, he will examine them. In all this
it is very important to avoid carelessness. This is understood only
of ships which belong to Spaniards and come from Nueva Spaña, Piru,
or Panama, or from Portuguese India, or from other regions.
26. One of the most important reasons for inspecting the ships is the
books, especially the boxes which come as cargo. The royal officials
and magistrates of his Majesty who reside in the ports shall send
the said boxes to the commissary of the Inquisition, without opening
them or taking any books out of them. The commissary shall open them
and examine the books, comparing them with the general catalogue;
and after seizing such as he finds are prohibited, he will give
the rest to the owners To this end the commissary shall make known
to the royal officials of the city, and to those who reside in the
ports, the ordinance which accompanies this paper; and this applies
even when the said boxes of books have been previously examined by
another inquisitor.
27. Whenever a ship departs from the islands, the commissary must send
replies to the letters which are written to him, and information of
what is occurring there.
28. Finally, we recommend the examination of these instructions--which,
although so full in their provision for all contingencies, properly
apply to ordinary occurrences, with a few clauses for which provision
had already been made. The most difficult task, therefore, will be to
examine them carefully at first, and to bear in mind that any doubtful
cases are to be decided by the commissary as shall be necessary,
since he is so far away [from Mexico]. With this, and the confidence
that we place in him personally and in his prudence and great zeal,
we trust that the commissary will meet all success.
Given at Mexico, March first, one thousand five hundred and
eighty-three.
The licentiate _Bonilla_
The licentiate _Santos Garcia_
By order of the Inquisitors:
_Pedro de Los Rios_
FOUNDATION OF THE AUDIENCIA OF MANILA
Don Phelipe, by the grace of God, king of Castile, of Leon, of
Aragon, of the two Sicilias, of Ihm, of Portugal, of Navarra,
of Granada, of Toledo, of Valencia, of Galicia, of Mallorcas, of
Sevilla, of Cerdeña, of Cordoba, of Corcega, of Murcia, of Jaen, of
the Algarves, of Algeçira, of Gibraltar, of the islands of Canaria,
of the eastern and western Yndias islands, and the Tierra Firme of
the great ocean; archduke of Austria; duke of Bergoña, of Brabante,
and Milan; count of Absburg, of Flandes, of Tirol, and of Barcelona;
lord of Vizcaya and of Molina; etc. Whereas, in the interests of good
government and the administration of our justice, we have accorded the
establishment in the city of Manila of the island of Luçon of one of
our royal audiencias and chancillerias, [43] in which there shall be
a president, three auditors, a fiscal, and the necessary officials;
and whereas we have granted that this Audiencia shall have the same
authority and preeminence as each one of our royal audiencias which sit
in the town of Valladolid and the city of Granada of these our realms,
and the other audiencias in our Yndias: now therefore we order to be
made and sent to the said island our royal seal, with which are to be
sealed our decisions which are made and issued by the said president
and auditors in the said Audiencia. Moreover, as to the course of
procedure which they are to follow in the performance of their duties,
we have ordered certain rules to be drawn up, as follows:
_House of Audiencia_
1. First, we ordain and command that in the said city of Manila there
shall be a house of Audiencia, where may sit and reside our said
president and auditors, and where our royal seal and register may be
kept, and in which shall be the prison and its warden, and the smelter
for precious metals. If there should, however, be no accommodation for
living in the said house, the auditors shall lodge in other houses,
which they shall occupy with the consent of their owners, paying
them rent; and the Audiencia shall be held in the house where the
president dwells, and therein shall be the prison and its warden.
2. It is our will and desire that the said Audiencia shall have
as its district the said island of Luçon and the other Filipinas
islands of the archipelago of China, and the mainland of the same,
whether discovered or yet to be discovered.
_Jurisdiction of the President and Auditors in Civil and Criminal
Cases_
3. We ordain and command that our aforesaid auditors shall have
jurisdiction of all the civil and criminal cases which come to our
said Audiencia on appeal from the governors, alcaldes-mayor, and
other magistrates of the provinces and islands and district subject
to our aforesaid Audiencia, and shall try them by examination and
review, but shall not have jurisdiction of any case in the first
instance--except it be in cases which belong to a superior court [44]
or criminal cases which arise in the city, town, or towns where they
may sit, or within five leagues thereof; and in the civil cases arising
in the town or village where they may sit, the alcaldes-in-ordinary
shall have jurisdiction.
4. _Item_: We ordain that our said judges try such civil and criminal
cases in the same manner in which they would be tried by the judges
and alcaldes of our audiencias of Valladolid and Granada, and that
they may and shall render decisions according to the precedents of
the alcaldes of our audiencias of Valladolid and Granada.
5. _Item_: We command that the governors, alcaldes-mayor, and other
magistrates of the said district shall authorize appeals to be made
from them to our aforesaid Audiencia in the cases in which rightly
and in conformity with these rules it may have jurisdiction, except
those which must go to the councils for settlement in conformity
with the decree made by us, and excepting further the cases involving
less than a certain sum in which by special decrees appeals from the
alcaldes-in-ordinary must go before the governors--which cases we
wish to remain as they are during our pleasure.
6. _Item_: In the civil cases in which judgments are pronounced after
examination and review by our said president and auditors, they are to
be executed without any further appeal or petition, or other recourse,
except when the case involves so large an amount that there may be
ground for a further appeal to our royal person, in conformity with
the provision and decree of our laws and ordinances. In such cases we
desire that the privilege of appeal be given, under the condition that
the party who makes a second appeal must and do present himself before
us within a year after the original judgment has been communicated
to his attorney. Yet we desire and command that the judgment of
revision be executed notwithstanding such second appeal, the party
in whose favor the judgment was rendered giving first sufficient and
satisfactory bond that, if it shall be reversed, he will restore
everything which has been adjudged and given to him thereby, in
conformity with the judgment which has been pronounced by the persons
appointed by us. We also ordain that the cases which shall come up
on such second appeal must be presented as original cases before our
council of the Yndias, being left just as they were; but an official
report of the entire case is to be left in the possession of a clerk
of the Audiencia before which it has been tried, and the parties must
petition for such appeals before the Audiencia itself. Yet if the
judgment of revision which is pronounced in our said audiencias be
with regard to possession, we declare and order that no opportunity
is to be given for such second appeal unless the judgment of revision
is carried out, although it be contrary to that of the original trial.
7. _Item_: In the hearing and judging of said cases, either civil
or criminal, the decision shall be whatever meets the approval of
the majority; and should they be equally divided, two or three of
the judges shall choose, impartially and in whatever manner may
seem best to them, an advocate for the determination of the case
upon which they have disagreed. The decision of the majority must be
executed, even if this majority consist of but two. If there be but
two judges in the Audiencia, they are empowered to try and determine
all the said cases alone; if they can agree, their decision is valid,
and in case of disagreement, they shall choose judges in the manner
above described. If at any time there should be but one judge in
the Audiencia, he is empowered alone to conduct the proceedings in
all the said cases up to the point of rendering final decision. He
may make investigations and issue orders for arrest, and when the
affair is submitted for final decision, he may choose an assistant
judge satisfactory to him. He is empowered to pursue this same course
in cases of damage which cannot be repaired by definite sentence;
and in a civil case of two hundred pesos or less, he is empowered to
conduct alone an original trial or an appeal, as he may also do in
criminal suits for slander.
8. _Item_: We ordain and command with regard to civil cases appealed
from the alcaldes-in-ordinary of the city where the Audiencia may be,
or from the other magistrates within five leagues thereof, that they
may be appealed before the Audiencia; and if the judgment given by the
Audiencia in said cases be of two hundred pesos of the mines [_pesos
de minas_] or less, it shall be executed as if it were granted after
review, and there shall be no appeal therefrom, whether the said
judgment be in confirmation or in revocation.
9. [Technical directions for procedure in a case on appeal when the
appellant desires, after appeal, to add to the evidence taken at the
trial of first instance. Affidavits are presented on both sides before
the judge of first instance, an interlocutory decision is pronounced,
time is allowed for filing objections, and the record of the second
series of proceedings is added to that of the first.] [45]
10. _Item_: Whoever shall bring before our Audiencia a case on appeal
may appear before the clerk whom he chooses. The clerk before whom
he appears shall be required to notify our president and auditors
of such appearance, that they may assign the case so as to produce
equality among the clerks; and the same shall be maintained among
the suits begun in the first instance in our said Audiencia.
11. _Item_: We command that the judgments pronounced by our said
president and auditors for the region beyond the five-league limit,
and writs of execution and other writs, shall be given in our name and
with our title, royal seal, and record. Writs with seal and record
shall receive the fees which by our royal tariffs of fees for our
Audiencia have been commanded for them. The judgments pronounced
for the region within the five-league limit shall follow the form
of orders without seal or record, issued by our auditors, etc. And
these writs shall be obeyed and executed in the same manner as writs
and judgments sealed with our name and royal seal.
12. _Item_: Our president shall keep a record of votes, which he shall
swear to keep secret, and in which he shall enter, in brief form,
the opinions of himself and the auditors in all cases involving a
hundred thousand maravedis and upwards.
13. _Item_: We will that our auditors repeal no sentence of banishment,
nor allow writs of delay for debts; yet we permit them to issue
writs of delay for six months to particular persons, and not in
general--provided first that such person for legitimate causes which
have intervened is unable to pay; and that he offers approved security,
not clerical or noble, [46] that at the end of six months he will
pay the debt. This term may be allowed for the same debt only once.
14. _Item_: We ordain that the appeals taken from decisions for
plaintiff or defendant in pecuniary suits, and in suits involving
only private interests, when said decisions are pronounced by those
who report to the governors and corregidors of the district of our
said Audiencia, shall go before it; but as for all other matters
heard by such judges, and as for the results of secret investigation,
they shall go before our council of the Yndias.
15. _Item_: Our Audiencia shall appoint no judge in cases of residencia
[_juez de residencia_], or governors for the provinces subject to
their jurisdiction, or judges for special criminal investigations
[_pesquisidores_]. If any individual bring complaint or charges
against the governor, and the Audiencia shall see that the matter is
of such nature that it is of importance to know the truth concerning
it, in such case they shall send one person to obtain the necessary
information. The complainant or accuser must give bonds that he will
pay the costs and the penalty which will be assessed against him in
case the accusation proves false. In other cases special judges of
investigation shall not make inquisitions, except with regard to
riots and seditious associations, or other matters of so pressing
importance that the delay requisite for consulting us would produce
notable inconvenience.
16. In cases which occur outside of the five-league limit, our
president and auditors may appoint judges by commission [_jueçes de
comision_], to hear the cases and to administer justice with regard
to them. Care must be taken that they make their inquiries in cases
which warrant inquiry, and in no others. Such judges by commission
for crimes and misdemeanors shall be given authority only to carry
on a legal inquiry [_informacion_], and to arrest the delinquents and
convey them to the prison of the Audiencia. They may also collect their
fees from those who owe them. The clerks before whom the cases are
carried on shall hand the records in their entirety to the clerks of
the Audiencia, where the matter shall be completed in such manner that
the parties shall be obliged to pay only single fees. And if the clerks
who attend such commissions have no commissioners [_receptores_], they
shall be appointed by our Audiencia, and not by the clerks thereof.
17. _Item_: We command that the receiving of the testimony which must
be taken in the transactions which proceed from our Audiencia shall
be entrusted to the clerks of those cities where it shall need to be
done. If there are no such clerks, our said Audiencia in the interim
during which there are no official commissioners of examination
[_receptores_] [47] shall appoint therefor a suitable person.
18. _Item_: Our auditors in the exercise of civil and criminal
jurisdiction shall receive no fees, or fines, or amercements, or
anything under color of charges for sitting as assessors to the
judges. The fines which they lay in cases where the law assigns any
fine to the judge shall be for our exchequer and treasury, and for
no other person. If the auditors take any of the aforesaid payments,
they shall restore them fourfold.
19. _Item_: We command that when any governors, alcaldes-mayor, or
other magistrates of the district of our said Audiencia, shall fail
to execute the writs and decrees which in our name the Audiencia shall
send them, without showing that they have just cause to desist from the
execution thereof, then in such case the Audiencia may send officials
whose fees shall be at the cost of those guilty of disobedience, which
officials shall cause the process of the Audiencia to be executed,
notwithstanding the provision that the Audiencia shall not send out
special judges of investigation [_pesquisidores_].
20. _Item_: Our Audiencia shall maintain those who have letters-patent
of nobility or privileges of gentility in the said letters-patent
and privileges. In other cases where claims of gentle birth are put
forward, they shall not try them, but remit them to the audiencias
of these kingdoms which have jurisdiction in such matters.
21. _Item_: We command that our president and auditors shall have no
authority to grant permission to go to the provinces of Peru.
22. _Item_: We ordain and command that all criminal cases which shall
come for judgment, from all parts of their jurisdiction, before our
said Audiencia, of whatsoever nature or importance they may be, shall
be tried, decided, and determined as on examination and review before
our said Audiencia. The sentence accordingly given shall be executed
and carried into effect duly, without process of appeal, petition,
or any other legal remedy or recourse.
23. _Item_: We ordain that no one shall appear at the prison of our
Audiencia as an attorney, even though he have special power of attorney
therefor, unless he have information that his client is confined in
the prison, and shall swear that the judge who shall be trying the
case is distrusted by him with just cause. In such case our auditors
shall direct the judge to send them a signed transcript of the record,
in order that, after the transcript has been submitted, if it shall
appear that they should try the case, they may direct the transfer
of the record to the Audiencia. In such case they shall grant the
party a writ forbidding the judge to proceed further with the case;
and the prisoner shall appear at his own expense, providing good
security. Before the auditors have examined the record, they shall
grant no writ of injunction, temporary or perpetual. If, however,
the prisoner shall have appeared in person, and shall find that he
has a right to a trial in the Audiencia, and to a writ of injunction
against the judge who claims the right to try the case of to summon
the parties to appear to the charges, let them give the writ. Meanwhile
the prisoner shall be confined in the prison, and shall not be admitted
to bail until by means of the record the nature of the charge is made
evident in conformity with the laws of these realms which govern in
such cases.
24. _Item_: We ordain and command that our president and auditors
and the ordinary magistrates of our said Yndias, where there shall
be a mint, shall have jurisdiction over all crimes of falsification
of money committed by the moneyers although they be committed within
the mint. Accordingly, they may call the case before them, unless
the alcaldes of the said mint have anticipated them and begun to try
it. Likewise, our said president and auditors, with respect to the
mints in their jurisdiction, may appoint a person to report to the
alcaldes and officials of the said mints.
25. _Item_: We command that on Saturday of every week two auditors
in rotation, as the president shall assign them, shall inspect the
prisons of the Audiencia and of the town where the Audiencia may
be. There shall be present at the inspection the alcaldes, alguazils,
and clerks of the prisons, and our fiscal attorney. At the inspection
of the prison of the town or city the alcaldes-in-ordinary thereof
shall be seated near the auditors.
26. _Item_: We command that the president and auditors of our
Audiencia shall be present on every day that is not a holiday, in the
court-rooms, to hear the statement of cases [_relaciones_]--three
hours on the days when cases are not heard [_no de audiencia_] and
four hours on days when hearings are given [_de audiencia_], according
to the rules of our audiencias of Valladolid and Granada. He who is
absent without sending a sufficient excuse shall be fined half his
pay for that day, by the person whom the president shall appoint,
whose report in the matter shall receive faith and credit, so that no
auditor shall hold or try the said cases in his own house without being
joined with all the others, as has been said with regard to the said
Audiencia, to hear and determine pleas and matters brought before it.
27. _Item_: No auditor shall sit when a suit is begun that will
affect him, his sons, fathers, sons-in-law, or brothers, or when
he shall be challenged. As regards the penalty for challenging our
president and auditors, the ordinances of Madrid shall be followed,
the fine contained therein being doubled.
28. _Item_: Our president and auditors shall have no authority to
bring before our Audiencia in the first instance any suit of their
own, of their wives, or of their children. The said suits shall be
tried by the alcaldes-in-ordinary, and shall come on appeal before
our council of the Yndias if the case involves a thousand pesos or
upwards. If the other party to the suit desires to appeal to our
Audiencia and not to the council, he may do so; but the auditor,
his wife, and his children shall have no such right of choice.
29. Further: The said auditors shall not appear for others in the
said Audiencia or in any other, nor shall they undertake to arbitrate
cases that may come before them, except that cases already begun may
be submitted to all the auditors of the Audiencia for arbitration,
and except where our permission may be given--under penalty of being
suspended from the Audiencia for thirty days and losing salary for
two months.
30. Our said president and auditors shall have no share with an
advocate or commissioner [_receptor_] in his fees or salary. Nor shall
they have the right to receive anything but food from any corporation
or individual, or other person, who shall have been interested in a
suit within a year previous, or who shall expect to be so interested,
and the same as to their wives and children--under the penalty for
forswearing, besides loss of office, being rendered incapable of
holding any other office, and being required to pay double for what
they have taken. They shall take great care not to converse much or
be very familiar with advocates or attorneys who are pleading cases.
31. _Item_: We command that our president and auditors shall not
be engaged in military expeditions, or expeditions of discovery,
without my express command. They shall have no income-bearing estates
[_granjerias_] either in cattle or in arable land, or in mines. They
shall carry on no mercantile business by themselves, or in partnership,
or through intermediaries; nor shall they avail themselves of the
services of Indians in procuring water or wood or grass, or for other
purposes on pain of being deprived of their offices.
32. _Item_: There shall be appointed to no position as corregidor
or other officer of justice the son, brother, father-in-law,
son-in-law, or brother-in-law of any president, auditor, or fiscal
of our audiencias; and if any one shall be so appointed he shall not
perform the duties of the office, under a penalty of a thousand pesos
of gold for our treasury.
33. _Item_: We command that when any person desires to bring any suit
or action against any of our auditors he may do so before our said
Audiencia, or before the alcaldes-in-ordinary, and he may appeal from
the said alcaldes to the said Audiencia.
34. _Item_: We ordain that when any auditor is offered as a witness
the Audiencia shall appoint a magistrate, in order that the rights
of the parties may not be lost for want of evidence; and they shall
give direction that he is to give his testimony, unless it shall
appear that he is offered as a witness maliciously to prevent him
from acting as judge in the case.
35. _Item_: We command that an auditor who goes on a tour of inspection
shall receive no more fees than are ordained and commanded to be given
him, and shall accept nothing from Indians or Spaniards except food,
on penalty of repaying it fourfold.
36. _Item_: We command that our president of the said Audiencia shall
try criminal charges against the auditors thereof jointly with the
alcaldes-in-ordinary, notwithstanding the ordinance to the contrary.
37. Further, in case of inability of the president of the said
Audiencia of such nature that he cannot carry on the functions of
government, the Audiencia itself shall assume the government and
do all that he had authority to do--the senior auditor filling the
office of president, and taking charge of the other matters committed
to the president until we make provision in some other manner.
38. _Item_: We command that our said president shall not have authority
to give permission to the auditors of the said Audiencia to come to
these realms without our express command.
_Affairs of government_
39. _Item_: We command that in our said Audiencia there shall be a
record for affairs of government, in which our auditors shall register
the votes that they give on affairs of government.
40. _Item_: We command that our president of our Audiencia shall send
once a year to our Council of the Yndias an extended and detailed
report, attested by his signature, of the salaries, payments, fees,
and allowances paid in this territory from our royal treasury to all
persons whatsoever, and shall state how much was paid to each, and for
what reason. And he shall give a list of the corregidorships, stating
in it to whom the appointment is given by our warrant [_cedula_], and
to whom by order of our president and Audiencia, and for what reason;
and he shall report on the qualifications and merits of each person,
the amount of fees that each one receives, the amount of salaries
in each corregidor's district, and the persons appointed in each
district, and their qualifications. He shall also state the nature
of their service, and how long it is since they were appointed to
the said offices. The same reports shall be made by our fiscal and
our officials of the royal treasury.
41. _Item_: We desire that one of our auditors, each in his turn, shall
make a visit of inspection once a year to the villages of the district
of the said Audiencia, and to the inns and, apothecaries' shops, seeing
to it that the inns shall have fixed lists of rates. The medicines
and other things in the apothecaries' shops which he discovers to be
spoiled he shall pour out and not permit to be sold. On the same visit
to the provinces of his district he shall inform himself as to the
nature of the soil, the amount of the population, and the best means of
supporting the churches and monasteries required. He shall observe what
public buildings arc needed for the good of the towns and the better
traveling of the roads. He shall find out whether the natives perform
the sacrifices and commit the idolatries to which they are accustomed,
how the corregidors perform their duties, and whether the slaves that
go to the mines are instructed in doctrine as they ought to be. He
shall ascertain whether the Indians support themselves, or whether
they are made slaves, contrary to that which is ordained. And he
shall inform himself in a compendious manner with regard to everything
else requiring his attention. The said auditor shall have warrant to
attend to matters in which delay would be dangerous, or which are of
such a nature that they do not require greater deliberation. He shall
remit to the Audiencia the other cases to which he is not obliged
to attend. For the acts aforesaid shall be given to the auditor the
warrant of the decree dealing with inspections.
42. _Item_: We command that our said president shall grant no fee,
office, corregidorship, or other source of profit by which means of
support may be gained, to any man who has Indians in encomiendas.
43. _Item_: Our said president and auditors shall suffer no merchants
to set upon their wares prices higher than those by us ordained
and commanded.
44. Further: Whensoever the citizens and inhabitants of the district
of our Audiencia shall be summoned by the said Audiencia they shall
obey the summons in peace and war, as by our president and auditors
shall be commanded; and they shall do and fulfil all that on our
behalf they say and command, and they shall give them all aid and
comfort which they desire--under penalty of infamy, and the other
penalties incurred by vassals disobedient to their king and lord.
45. _Item_: Any person who desires to petition us for any favor for
services not performed in our Yndias shall first make his declaration
before the Audiencia in whose district he may be, and the Audiencia
shall make an official report of the services performed, and of his
character. This report, folded and sealed, with their opinion at the
foot thereof, shall be sent in duplicate to our council, without being
shown to the person interested. And if the person interested desires
to make a report for himself, they shall receive and transmit it.
46. _Item_: We command that in each and every case when any towns or
individuals of their district appear before our Audiencia to petition
for license to make repartimientos, the Audiencia shall grant the
license which seems to them due, but only so far as concerns suits
pending before the said Audiencia, and for public works for which
no other maintenance is provided, and for no other purpose. The said
license in the aforesaid cases shall be granted, if such towns have
no endowments [_propios_].
47. _Item_: When any one shall petition for an assignment of any town
lots or agricultural lands in the city or town where our Audiencia
shall reside, then after conference in the cabildo, notice of the
judgment of the cabildo shall be given to our president, by means
of two regidors deputed therefor. And when they have made their
examination, that upon which the president together with the two
deputies shall determine, shall be carried out, being attested by all
in the presence of the clerk of the cabildo, that he may record it in
the council-book. Petitions for assignments of lands and waters for
machinery shall be presented before the president, who shall transmit
them to the said cabildo that they may confer thereon. They shall
return them by a regidor, who shall report their conclusions, so that
after examination the president may determine that which is fitting.
48. _Item_: Our said president and auditors shall cause to be made
a record-book in which shall be entered the names of citizens of
this territory, the service performed by each one, and the reward
received by him, either in money, by way of fees, or in other ways,
or by appointment, and to what offices. The said record shall be
kept with great care, together with the record of votes, so that when
any person makes a statement of services before them they may report
their opinions in his case.
49. _Item_: We command that our Audiencia, at the end of the two
months during which the two regidors appointed as inspectors of
weights and measures have served, shall receive from them an account
of their service.
50. _Item_: We command that our Audiencia shall have authority to
order the execution of the ordinances made for the provinces under
their jurisdiction, after being filed by them, and during the time
while they are being sent to us for confirmation.
51. _Item_: That an auditor every year by turns, beginning with the
most recently appointed, shall audit the accounts rendered by the
cabildo of the city where our Audiencia shall reside.
52. Further: When the president and auditors shall be about to allot
the lands, waters, watering-places for cattle, and pastures of any
town, city, or village, among the persons who are to be settled
therein, they shall do so with the counsel of the cabildos thereof,
taking into consideration that in such allotments the regidors shall
be preferred, provided they have no other allotments of arable lands
or dwelling-lots. Let such allotments be made without prejudice to the
Indians, retaining for them their arable lands, gardens, and pastures,
so that all shall be cared for.
53. _Item_: We command that our president and auditors shall appoint
no administrative or notarial official, or fill any other permanent
office, even if it be vacant by resignation; nor shall they make such
appointments in the interim before we appoint.
_Ecclesiastical cases_
54. _Item_: We ordain and command that our auditors of our Audiencia,
in cases of unlawful procedure on the part of ecclesiastical judges
[48] shall follow the procedure by and according to which in these
our realms the audiencias of Valladolid and Granada proceed, without
extending it further than is practised in our said audiencias.
55. _Item_: We command that our said Audiencia, governors, and other
magistrates of their district shall ascertain and know if in those
regions there are any persons who have letters of authorization
or apostolic bulls to take possession of the property left by
the archbishops who may die in those regions, or of the vacant
bishoprics. When it is known who has them, let him cause them to be
brought accordingly. First of all, let them appeal from such persons
before his Holiness, nor give nor allow opportunity for them to
be used in any manner, nor for possession to be taken of the said
property or vacant bishoprics. They shall not do, or permit to be
done, any other acts in prejudice of the rights and usages with regard
to bishoprics to which we are entitled with respect to this matter,
or in prejudice of the immemorial custom that possession shall not
be taken. And such authorizations and bulls thus obtained you will
send in their entirety, in the first ships, to be presented before
the members of our Council of the Yndias, together with the appeals
which shall have been taken with regard to the matter.
56. _Item_: When there shall be doubt with regard to the signification
of anything in the contents of an ecclesiastical appointment, or as
to the requisite collation at the hands of the bishops of benefices
for the clergy whom we present, let the president of the Audiencia
decide it.
57. And when in our said Audiencia the aid of the secular arm is asked
for by the prelates and ecclesiastical judges, let them plead by way
of petition and not of demand.
58. _Item_: Our Audiencia and the other magistrates of our said
district shall see to it that in the towns which are not populated by
Spaniards no bulls shall be published. They shall not permit Indians to
be compelled to hear the preaching of them, or to receive them. Those
which are published from the pulpit shall be published in the Spanish
language. We also give the same command to the commissaries of the
holy crusade. [49]
_Royal treasury and its officials_
59. _Item_: We also ordain that the suits of our royal treasury
be examined and decided before any others that shall be before the
Audiencia; and that our fiscal shall take care to prosecute them,
and to report to us what is done therein.
60. _Item_: Our president with two auditors at the beginning of
each year shall audit the reports of the officials in charge of our
royal treasury for the previous year; and the said officials shall
finish them within the months of January and February. When they
are completed they shall send a transcript thereof to our Council of
the Yndias. We also command that at the end of the said two months,
if the said accounts are not completed, the officials of our royal
treasury shall receive no salary until they finish them; and each
of the auditors who shall thus be ready to receive the said accounts
shall have as a fee twenty-five thousand maravedis.
61. _Item_: The judicial settlement [_remate_] made with regard to
auctions by our royal treasury must not be made without the consent of
the majority of those appointed therefor, even when the auditor who
shall be present desires it. Further, at such sales and settlements
shall be present our fiscal with said officials, who shall sell
nothing in his absence.
62. _Item_: We command that at the time when the auditing of the
accounts of our royal exchequer by our president and auditors shall
begin, in conformity with the decree given thereon, they shall go
first of all to our royal treasury and weigh and count the gold and
silver and the other things therein. They shall make a record thereof,
and immediately begin the accounts; and when they are completed
the balance shall be collected within the time required by the said
decree, and shall be placed in the chest of the three keys, orders
being given that the balance of the preceding year shall not be made
up by the collections received during the auditing of the accounts.
63. _Item_: When the officials of our royal exchequer shall have
need of absenting themselves from the city where they reside, they
shall not have authority to do so without license from our president,
who shall give it for a short time, to a destination within those
regions, and no more. There shall be designated, in the place of the
official on leave, a person suitable therefor in the judgment of the
said president. And if the said official absents himself in any other
manner he shall lose his position.
64. Further: At the time of the making up of the accounts of the
tithes, for distribution according to the ecclesiastical appointments,
there shall be present thereat an auditor.
65. _Item_: We command that no salary be paid from our royal exchequer,
or from fines, to the judges in cases of residencia, or to criminal
judges [_pesquisidores_] commissioned by our Audiencia.
66. _Item_: We desire that there shall be a record of all the suits
and transactions of our royal exchequer; and that every Thursday in
each week (and if that shall be a holiday, on the day before), after
dinner, the senior auditor with our fiscal and the officials of our
exchequer, and one of the clerks thereof, shall discuss article by
article the said suits and transactions by means of the said record,
considering the state in which they are and how the decisions reached
at previous meetings have been carried out.
67. _Item_: We command that our president and auditors shall have no
authority to direct the payment of any money from our royal exchequer,
or to expend anything from it, without more express license and
command--except when cases occur in which the delay required to submit
them to us for consultation would cause irreparable injury. In such
case, when it shall seem advisable to our president and auditors and
the officials of our royal exchequer they shall expend therefrom
that which they all jointly shall regard as requisite, and shall
make expenditures in no other manner. The warrant which they shall
give for this shall be signed by them all, on penalty that what
is expended contrary to the tenor hereof shall be paid from their
own property. They shall immediately report the amount thereof, the
purpose and manner of the expenditure, and the necessity for which
it shall have been made.
_Fines paid into the royal treasury_
68. _Item_: We command that our treasurer shall receive all fines, in
whatever manner they shall be applied by our auditors, whether to our
treasury, or to court rooms, or to other expenses. Our alguazil-mayor
shall take charge of the enforcement of them. The amounts so received
by the said treasurer shall be immediately brought before the officials
of our royal exchequer, who shall deposit them in the chest of the
three keys, and enter in a record everything thus collected from the
said sentences. They shall keep separate the fines for the treasury
and those for court rooms; and our said president and auditors shall
supervise the care thereof taken by the treasurer, who shall at the
end of each year, on account of the said sentences [_condenaciones_]
and the receipt thereof, send to our Council of the Yndias a condensed
report thereof, attested by his signature and that of the officials,
and a certificate from the clerks of the said Audiencia as to the
sentences given.
69. _Item_: There shall be in the possession of our president a
record in which every clerk shall enter in his presence, every week,
the sentences passed in presence of the said clerk, on pain of being
obliged to pay them from his own property. When the president and
auditors shall have need of anything, they shall give a warrant for it
on our treasurer on account of those moneys collected under judicial
sentences passed for similar objects.
_Probate matters_
70. Further: We command that our Audiencia shall audit the accounts of
the administrators of the estates of deceased persons, and shall see
if they have observed the ordinances and decrees given with regard
thereto. These accounts shall be audited in the month of January,
on pain of loss of salary for two months, to be taken from that due
the first third of the year, unless they show that they have audited
the said accounts in the said month. We command further that, for
the good administration of the estates of deceased persons, our said
Audiencia shall appoint each year an auditor who shall be judge of
such administration, and may try the matter as if the whole Audiencia
were to try it.
_Indians, and matters relating to them_
71. _Item_: Our said president and auditors shall always take great
care to be informed of the crimes and abuses which shall be committed,
or have been committed, against the Indians who shall be under
our royal crown, or against those granted in encomiendas to other
persons by the governors or private persons. The said president and
auditors shall make inquiry as to the manner in which the ordinances
and instructions given in regard to this matter have been and are
observed, punishing the guilty with all rigor, and providing means to
bring it about that the said Indians shall be better treated and shall
be instructed in our holy Catholic faith, regarding them as our free
vassals. This must be their chief care; it is that for which we have
chiefly to hold them accountable, and that in which they are chiefly
called on to serve us.
72. We command that our said president and auditors shall take great
care to give no opportunity that, in the cases in which Indians shall
be plaintiffs or defendants, orders shall be granted on _ex parte_
motions [_procesos ordinarios_] or that the suits shall be long
continued without prompt decision. Our said auditors shall preserve
the usages and customs of the Indians when they are not plainly unjust,
and shall take care that the same are preserved by the inferior judges.
73. Let our said Audiencia and the bishop see to it that in every
village there shall be a person appointed to give instruction in
doctrine to the Indians and blacks who serve without going into the
field, every day one hour; and to those who go into the field, on
Sundays and feast-days. And let the Audiencia and the bishop compel
their lord to bid them go and learn the doctrine.
74. _Item_: Let no judge of first instance in the district o our said
Audiencia meddle with depriving the caciques [50] of their caciquedoms
for accusations brought before the said judge, on pain of removal
from office and a fine of fifty thousand milreis to our treasury. Let
the decision of the case in dispute be reserved for our Audiencia,
for the auditor who shall next inspect the said villages.
75. _Item_: When a suit is brought against Indians, the plaintiff
may make his complaint before our Audiencia, in whose district they
are; and an order shall there be given the parties that within three
months, which may be extended to not more than six, each one shall
present his testimony. After the testimony of every twelve witnesses
is taken, the report shall be sent, folded and sealed, without other
publication or formal conclusion of the preliminary proceedings, to
our council, that it may decree justice. And our auditors, before
they send the record, shall cause the parties to be cited to come
and appear before the said council in pursuance of the said action,
within the term assigned them, with warning that if they do not appear,
the case will be decided in their absence.
76. _Item_: We command that when anyone by his own authority shall
deprive another of the possession of the Indians whom he shall have,
our Audiencia, prohibiting the said violence and doing justice,
shall restore matters to the state in which they were before the act
was done.
77. _Item_: Let the president and auditors not permit any cacique or
chief to come to this country from those regions without our license.
78. Further: Our auditors, on two days in the week and Saturdays,
if they have no suits of poor persons before them, shall hear cases
of Indians against Indians. We command that the auditor who shall
go on a journey of inspection through the country shall have power
to try cases with regard to the liberty of the Indians, making report
before the Audiencia. Likewise the auditor who shall inspect the prison
of the Indians shall examine the witnesses by personal examination,
and not by report.
79. _Item_: Our president and auditors shall appoint a judge to allot
the waters to the natives for the period during which need thereof
may continue, whenever it may be necessary to do so, and no one shall
be permitted to molest them therein. The said judge shall come to the
Audiencia to give an account of what he shall have done, and he must
not come at the cost of the Indians. Our said auditors shall take great
care not to send a notary to take testimony [_receptor_] for light
causes, to the Indians' villages or elsewhere, except in a matter of
importance, and one in which there is great advantage in sending them.
_Fiscal_
80. _Item_: We command that our fiscal attorney of the said Audiencia
shall have no authority to appear as an advocate in any case; and that
he shall give his whole attention to what concerns us, our exchequer
[_camara_] and treasury [_fisco_]; and he shall swear accordingly
before our president and auditors. He shall serve in person, except
when he shall absent himself for some just cause for a short time,
with the permission of our president, and with his authorization for
cases prosecuted at a distance from the seat of our said Audiencia. Our
said fiscal shall take great care to see whether the decrees given and
the ordinances made are carried out, especially those dealing with the
instruction, conversion, kind treatment, and protection of the Indians.
81. _Item_: We command that our said fiscal shall sit on the right-hand
bench, taking precedence of all the advocates; and at the inspection
of the royal prison he shall sit in the court-room behind the auditors;
and the same at the inspection of the city prison, the judges of first
instance taking precedence of him; and in all other cases he shall
take the best place after the auditors and after the alguazil-mayor
of the Audiencia.
82. _Item_: We command that our said fiscal shall take care to assist
and favor poor Indians in the suits they are carrying on, and to
see to it on their behalf that they are not oppressed, maltreated,
or wronged--acting in conformity with our laws and ordinances.
83. _Item_: We ordain and command that our said fiscal shall assume
the charge and conduct of the cases concerning the execution of our
justice, when appeal shall be taken from the corregidors or other
judges.
84. Further: We command that our said fiscal shall bring no charges
without waiting for a complainant, except when the fact is notorious,
or when judicial inquiry has been made.
85. _Item_: It shall be his duty to concern himself, and he shall
concern himself, with notorious immorality, and with the defense of
the royal authority; and to this end he shall perform all necessary
legal acts.
_Alguazil-mayor and his deputies_
86. _Item_: We command that our alguazil-mayor of our Audiencia shall
be maintained in all the honors and dignities which are observed
in the case of the alguazils-mayor of our audiencias of Valladolid
and Granada, and that he shall take the place and seat taken by our
said alguazils-mayor.
87. _Item_: We command that our said alguazil-mayor shall not farm out
his office; and that he and his deputies shall observe the laws that
deal therewith, and the oath that they take when admitted to office.
88. _Item_: We command that our said alguazil-mayor shall have
authority to remove from office his deputies and jailers whenever
he sees fit, and that he shall have authority to appoint and shall
appoint others again, first presenting them before the Audiencia.
89. _Item_: We ordain and command that when our Audiencia shall
depute any judge or commissioner of inspection [_visitador_] who shall
need to take an alguazil, he shall take the deputy designated by our
alguazil-mayor therefor, and shall employ him and no other--unless
in some special case the contrary shall be approved by our Audiencia,
for just cause.
90. _Item_: We command that our alguazil-mayor or his deputies,
whensoever they shall be directed to arrest any person, shall do so
and act accordingly without delay, concealment, or negligence--under
a penalty of forty pesos for every occasion on which they do the
contrary, in addition to the damage and concern of the parties,
and of that which has been adjudged and decreed.
91. _Item_: We command that if a malefactor be found committing a
crime they may and shall arrest him without a warrant. If it shall be
in the day-time, they shall take him immediately before the Audiencia
stating the cause of his arrest; if at night, they shall put him in
jail, and without delay on the following morning shall produce him
before the Audiencia, as aforesaid. They shall not venture to take any
property from the person whom they arrest, on pain of being required
to repay double what they have taken, for our treasury.
92. _Item_: We command that our said alguazil-mayor shall not
tolerate forbidden games of chance or notorious immoralities; and
if in the performance of his duty he shall meet with resistance,
let him immediately come and declare the same to the said Audiencia,
and on Saturday of each week let him come and give an account and
review of what he has thus done, under penalty of being required to
pay four pesos for the poor of the prison in each case.
93 _Item_: The said alguazil-mayor shall present before the Audiencia
the two alguazils whom he shall appoint for himself, that they may
be approved by us; and they shall not perform their functions until,
after being thus presented before the said Audiencia, they shall swear
in due form that they will well and faithfully perform their duties,
observing the laws, decrees, and ordinances dealing with the same;
and that they will not promise or give, and have not promised or
given, for the sake of those offices, or for the profits thereof,
or for anything else, the services of themselves or their men;
and that from the income and profits of the said offices they have
not given or promised anything. The same oath shall be required of
the alguazil-mayor who shall present them, and likewise from the
substitute alguazils--under the penalty prescribed for forswearing,
and of dismissal from office.
94. _Item_: We command that they shall not take gifts or gratifications
from the prisoners or from others for them, or for this cause lighten
imprisonments or release prisoners. And they shall not make arrests
without warrant, except in _flagrante delicto_, on pain of dismissal
from office, of, being incapacitated for future employment, and of
being required to repay fourfold what they have thus taken, to our
exchequer.
95. _Item_: Our said alguazil-mayor shall appoint no jailer without
first presenting him before our Audiencia, that it may be seen whether
he is fit and able, and that he may be approved by our president and
auditors--on pain of losing the right to appoint for a year. And the
appointment shall be made by my said president and auditors.
96. _Item_: We command that he shall have no authority to take fees
for executions without the previous payment of the party in interest,
under the penalty prescribed for forswearing, and the other penalties
contained in the laws and ordinances dealing herewith.
97. _Item_: Our said alguazil-mayor and his deputies shall be present
at the sittings of the Audiencia, under a penalty of two pesos for
every day of absence, for the poor of the prison.
98. _Item_: Our said alguazil-mayor or his deputies shall be obliged
to make their rounds by night, on pain of being condemned to pay the
damages resulting from their fault or negligence, and four pesos for
the court-room of our Audiencia, for every night when they fail to
do their duty.
99. _Item_: We command our said alguazil-mayor to be present at the
inspections of the prisons of our said Audiencia, under a penalty of
two pesos of gold for every time of failure, for the poor thereof.
100. _Item_: We command them to do and execute that which is commanded
in the ordinances made or to be made for the good administration and
government of the city or town where our Audiencia sits.
101. _Item_: They shall not take weapons from those who carry them
at nightfall or after candle-light, or from those who rise early to
go to their labors and tillage.
102. _Item_: They shall take no fees for the executions which it shall
be their duty to levy, or which they shall levy, on the property or
goods adjudged, or which shall be adjudged, to our treasury.
103. _Item_: We command them not to take the money of those who are
found gambling, except when they exact from them the legal fine,
which they have authority to put in safe-keeping when they find them
engaged in the said gambling.
104. Further: Let him take care to go by nigh and day through the
public places to prevent disturbances and quarrels, on pain of
suspension from his offices.
105. _Item_: Let him take no fees for executions more than once for
one debt, even when the party at whose instance the execution is
made allows delay or continuance to the person against whose goods
the said execution is made--on pain of being compelled to pay the
excess of the fees fourfold, to our exchequer.
_Clerks of the Audiencia_
107. We ordain and command that the clerks [_escribanos_] of
our Audiencia shall have no authority to appoint deputy clerks,
administrative or judicial, in the cities, towns, and villages of
the district of the said Audiencia, nor shall they employ therein
such deputies.
108. _Item_: The clerks of the said Audiencia shall be appointed by us
and by no other person; and in all matters relating to the examination
of witnesses they shall follow the rules of the audiencias of these
our realms.
109. [Amount of fees for clerks, seal, and register must be endorsed
on all documents. Penalty: two pesos to the court-room.]
110. [Official reporter's [_relator_] fees must be endorsed and shown
to party. Penalty: loss thereof.]
111. [Clerks to take testimony in person. Regulations as to substitutes
acting when clerks are prevented, and as to collection of fees.]
112. [Clerks' and notaries' records to be annually inspected by
an auditor.]
113. The said clerks shall enter in one order of court all the official
positions which are provided for a village [_i. e._, of Indians], and
on account thereof they shall receive no excessive fees. Their fees
shall be paid by the superintendents [_calpiscas_] of the villages.
114. _Item:_ No Indians shall be granted in encomiendas by
repartimiento to the clerks of our said Audiencia. If they are so
granted, the said clerks shall have no authority to keep them.
115-120. [Section 115 provides that appeals from the decision of the
inspector of weights and measures of the city where the Audiencia sits
are to be given preference. Sections 116-120 contain provisions for
promptitude and accuracy in the business of recording--among others,
that the pages of the record of a case shall run with serial numbers,
and that notice of the number of pages and parts of pages be given
to the parties. The penalty for violation of each of these sections
is two pesos for the court-room of the Audiencia.]
121. [The registers must be marked with a cross at the end of each
year, under a penalty of thirty pesos to the exchequer.]
122. [If there is a supply of clerks, complaints must not be made
before a clerk who is brother or cousin to the plaintiff.]
123. The said clerks shall not ask or accept fees for the
ecclesiastical cases conducted before the said Audiencia at the suit
of the corregidors or judges of residencia, with regard to matters
relating to the defence of the royal authority; or for the proceedings
transacted before the said officers and the decisions rendered with
regard thereto--under penalty of a fourfold fine to our exchequer;
and we command that our fiscal attorney shall attend such hearings
with all diligence.
124. Further: They shall not write with abbreviations, putting
"A." for "Alonso" or "c" for "ciento," under a penalty of thirty
pesos for our exchequer.
125-138. [These sections direct accuracy and promptitude in
various kinds of cases, with penalties for negligence. They also
give directions for avoiding extortionate or illegal fees. Fiscal
cases are exempt, as are cases involving any royal rights. The
penalties are two pesos for the court-room, for minor negligences;
heavier fines for more important ones; damages to the party injured;
compensation to the exchequer; a fourfold fine to the exchequer for
wrongful fees; suspension or removal from office. The most important
section is the following:]
131. The clerks and relators of the said Audiencia, in cases civil
and criminal, shall receive the fees belonging to them, in conformity
with the fee-list; and that this may be attended to and fulfilled
accordingly, we command that henceforth the aforesaid and each of
them shall enter on the record and documents in the case the fees
that they are to receive from the parties, or from their attorneys or
agents, both for the examination of the record of proceedings and the
rest, stating specifically the amount that they are to receive and
the items of charge. This they shall attest with their signatures,
jointly with the party in interest, or his attorney or agent, who
is to pay the said fees, in such manner that both shall attest that
which they are thus to receive for the said record of proceedings and
pleadings. If he who pays the said fees shall not be able to sign his
name, let another sign for him. When the case or affair is finished,
the said clerk or relator, and the party, or his attorney or agent,
shall swear that they have not accepted or given more fees for that
case or affair than that which is there entered and signed; and that,
if they shall accept or give more, they will enter and sign it as has
been said. The penalty of the first offense is a requirement to repay
fourfold to our exchequer that which is taken otherwise than as herein
ordained; for the second, the same penalty and dismissal from office;
and if the party or the attorney shall give information that he has
given moneys to the said clerk, and they shall not be endorsed as
aforesaid, let him be believed on his oath as to the amount that he
shall have given.
139. [Clerks and commissioners are to undertake no official
investigations without signed warrant from the court. Penalty:
two years' suspension and a hundred pesos for the first offense,
and dismissal for the second.]
140. [More than one demand [_peticion_] in appeals is not to be
accepted from either party. Penalty: two pesos.]
141. [Abbreviations or numbers in dates are not permitted, for fear
of fraud. Penalty: damages of the parties and twenty pesos for the
exchequer and court-rooms.]
142. [Memoranda of testimony in criminal cases must be given to the
fiscal for correction. Penalty: four pesos.]
143. [Clerks in all depositions are to put questions as to age and
the like, to avoid fraud. Penalty: two pesos to the court room.]
144. They shall accept no food, fowls, or other things in satisfaction
of their fees, on pain of being required to repay fourfold what they
thus accept, to our exchequer.
145. [No fees are to be accepted from a defendant who swears on
preliminary examination that he owes nothing, in case the plaintiff
does not prove his case on judicial examination. In such case, the
plaintiff is to pay the fees.]
146. [Copies of decisions are to be promptly given to the party
requesting it. Penalty: two pesos to the court-room.]
147. [Notice of fines and penalties must be sent to the fiscal
weekly. Penalty: two pesos to the court-room.]
148. [Evidence of poor suitors is to be taken with care and
promptitude.]
149. [Notifications of hearings in cases concerning small amounts
are to be sent to the parties. Penalty: two pesos to the court-room.]
150. [Personal presence is required at examinations in criminal cases
and the execution of sentences. Penalty: suspension from office.]
151. [Lists of fees allowed by law must be posted in their offices,
as well as in the public hall of the Audiencia. Penalty: five pesos
to the poor of the prison.]
152. [No fees may be taken for keeping or looking for records. Penalty:
fourfold to the royal exchequer.]
153. [Copies of penalties and memoranda of fiscal cases must be sent
to the fiscal every week. Penalty: six pesos to the royal exchequer.]
154. [Examinations are to be dated by the time of examination, and
not by that of taking the oath. Penalty: four pesos to the exchequer.]
155. In inquisitions and examinations which they shall make they shall
put thirty lines on a page, and in every line ten parts [_i.e._],
words divided by spaces]; and they shall write a good hand and shall
place at the foot of each inquisition or examination the fees to be
received therefor, under a penalty of eight pesos to our exchequer
for a violation.
156. [Fees for single documents are not to be augmented because other
documents are incorporated within them. Penalty: fourfold repayment
to the exchequer.]
157. [Cases affecting the treasury, in which no party appears therefor,
are to be brought to the attention of the fiscal.]
158. [Fees are not to be charged to poor suitors; if the poor suitor's
opponent is condemned in costs, the fees are to be paid by the poor
suitor and added to the costs.]
159. [Fees for permitting an examination of records are not to
be charged, unless the examination is made by the party or his
representative. Fourfold penalty to the exchequer.]
160. [Copies of essential documents are to be included in the record
of a case without extra fees. Penalty: twenty pesos to the court-room
of our Audiencia.]
161. [Unsigned interrogatories are not to be accepted. Questions must
be put only by the counselor of the Audiencia.]
162. [Cases requiring to be divided by assignment among various clerks
shall not be accepted without immediate reference to the official
whose duty it is to assign cases. Penalty: loss of cases for two
months, and loss of the case in question.]
163. [Records and documents must not be committed to the care of
any but attorneys or counselors, and to them only on their giving a
receipt. Fines are imposed for delay in returning them.]
164. [No record is to be kept of a case of twenty pesos or less,
and no fee of more than half a peso from each party is to be taken
in such case. Fourfold penalty to the exchequer.]
165. [No fees are to be taken for a view of the records, in cases
appealed from ecclesiastical courts, on the ground of violence to law
[_fuerza_], if the case is referred back to those courts. Penalty:
fourfold fine to the exchequer.]
166. [Fees are to be charged only for the record of such judicial acts
as are actually before them, although the whole record is transmitted
therewith. Previous penalty.]
167. [Charges of violation of their oath are to be preferred by the
fiscal in the event of failure to attend on him with the weekly fines,
or of making excessive charges.]
168. [Clerks must be present half an hour before the court convenes;
and petitions must be handed in before the president and auditors
take their seats in court. Penalty: two pesos of gold paid to the
court-room.]
169. [They must affirm with their signatures the sentences given after
review by the president and auditors, and written in a book kept in
the president's room, before the third day next following. This is
done so that the sentences may be known, and to avoid fraud, as the
sentences are pronounced after review. Penalty: double the amount in
question to the exchequer.]
170. [They must write the decisions of the court by their own hands,
especially in affairs of importance, as secrets would not be safe
with minor officials. Penalty: six pesos to the court-room.]
171. [The clerks of the said Audiencia or of the criminal court
shall levy no fees on the cases pleaded before the said president,
auditors and alcaldes, to which the fiscal attorneys are a party,
even if the decision is for the said fiscals, with judgment of costs
against the other party; and they shall not put them on the record,
nor collect them from the condemned persons. P.: forty pesos for the
chamber of this Audiencia, and payment of twice the amount collected
to the exchequer.]
_Official reporters_
172-202. [These sections give directions with regard to the duties and
emoluments of the reporters [_relatores_], as minute and precise as
those for the clerks, with similar penalties. The following sections
may be specially noticed:]
176. [Relators are not to ask for cases, but to await the assignment
of the bailiffs [_porteros_].]
179. [Relators are not to buy or sell cases from one another, on pain
of dismissal from office.]
189. [The words of witnesses in criminal cases are not to be reported
at the public statement of the case, for they are to be seen by the
auditors alone, without being entrusted to anyone else. Penalty:
thirty pesos to the exchequer.]
192. [Relators and other officers are to live near the Audiencia.]
195. [No gifts may be accepted. Penalty: double the amount to the
exchequer, condemnation as forsworn, and loss of office.]
_Assigners of cases_
203. [Fees of the official who distributes the cases [_repartidor_]
among the clerks are to be two tomines for each case, [51] except
from poor suitors and others exempt.]
_Taxing of fees and costs_
204. [Records of cases transferred to the council of the Yndias are
to have their fees taxed by a special officer.]
205. [In case of complaint against the taxation, the auditor for the
week shall decide.]
_Advocates_
206-214. [These sections give minute directions as to procedure, fixing
the time and manner in which documents are to be presented, filed,
and demanded, regulating the manner of taxing advocates' fees, and
enumerating certain duties of advocates in the conduct of their cases.]
215. Counsel shall swear that they will not give their assistance in
unjust causes, or counsel the parties to injustice; and that as soon
as they discover that their client is not suing for justice they will
abandon the case. If it shall happen that through the negligence or
ignorance of the counsel, deducible from the record, the party whom
he assists shall lose his right, we command that the said counsel be
held to pay his client the damages resulting, together with the costs;
and the judge before whom the case shall be pending shall oblige him
to pay without delay.
216. [Counsel shall not dare to abandon a case once undertaken, except
because of injustice. Penalty: loss of fees and damages to the client.]
217. [Counsel is not to repeat allegations in documents; documents
are to be signed by known counsel; two pleas only are to be accepted.]
218. No counsel shall dare to make a bargain with his client for a
part of the property to which he lays claim; [52] and, if he shall
do so, he shall have no authority to act in the said office for him
or for any other.
219. [Advocates are to be examined and approved by the president and
auditors, and entered on the list of advocates; no one without a degree
may appear in a court, except the party in his own behalf. Penalties
graduated.]
220. [Advocates must use care and diligence in behalf of their clients,
and conduct their cases honorably. Penalty: suspension, in the judgment
of the court.]
221. _Item:_ We ordain and command that the advocate or advocates
shall, in cases of first instance and on appeal, pay the parties
double the damage resulting from their malice, fault, negligence,
or want of skill; and that justice be done promptly in this matter.
222. [Advocates must agree as to their fees before examining the
documents of the parties.]
223. [Advocates who have pleaded on one side of a case may not plead
later on the other side of the same case.]
224. _Item:_ We command that the said advocates shall be obliged,
at the beginning of the suit, to obtain from the party a complete
report in writing of everything pertaining to his right--so that,
when it shall be necessary to call for an account, if they have not,
through the client's fault, done for him what they should, they may
be able to prove the same, in order to take advantage thereof. This
report they shall take, signed by the party in interest, or, if he
cannot read, the person to whom the party shall entrust the duty.
225. [Advocates must not betray secrets, or advise both parties, and
must swear to obey the laws--on pain of fines, and of being removed
from the office of advocate.]
226. [Advocates are to take precedence in order of the seniority of
their admission. Penalty: suspension for one year.]
227. [Irrelevant questions are forbidden. Penalty: ten pesos to
court-room.]
228. They shall sign the powers of attorney of their clients; and
shall not frame their interrogatories in the second instance of a
case exactly as on the first hearing, or exactly opposite, under a
penalty of six pesos to the court-room; and therewith shall cease the
examination of the said powers and interrogatories required from our
auditors, in conformity with the new laws and ordinances made by us.
229. [Bachelors may not plead or sit with the doctors and
licentiates. Penalty: forty pesos to the court-room.]
230. [Clerks of advocates are not to charge clients fees. Penalty:
double the fee, to the exchequer.]
_Attorneys_
231. [Attorneys must be examined and licensed by the court.]
232. [Attorneys and counselors must not agree to prosecute cases at
their own expense. Penalty, fifty thousand maravedis.]
233. [The number of attorneys is to be fixed and usual.]
234. [Attorneys must enter no pleadings except for default, conclusion
of preliminary process, and the like; and must sign their papers.]
235. [Attorneys must not retain money sent to pay fees and court costs,
and must transmit documents to counsel within three days.]
236-241. [These articles deal with the conduct of attorneys in court,
and the procedure necessary to institute actions.]
242. [Attorneys must be present to inspect the taxation of costs.]
243. [Petition for a decree is to be assigned to the next meeting of
the Audiencia.]
244. Attorneys who ask for documents beyond what the interests
of the parties require shall pay six pesos to the court-room, and
be imprisoned at the judgment of the president and auditors. This
provision shall be valid against all officials.
245. [Names of attorneys of both parties must be entered on all
judicial acts and documents.]
246. [Money sent to attorneys for costs must be immediately deposited
with the clerk, who shall keep a record.]
247. They shall accept no more fees than shall be regulated by
our president and auditors, especially in cases where Indians are
plaintiffs or defendants, under a penalty of twice the amount, for
our exchequer.
248. [Of notice to parties as to testimony on second instance.]
249. [Documents must be clearly written, without erasure, and properly
folded.]
250. [Attorneys may not receive gifts to protract causes.]
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA
All the documents presented in this volume, except four, are obtained
from the Archivo general de Indias at Sevilla, and are translated from
our transcriptions of the original MSS. They are located as follows:
Peñalosa's two letters: In the patronato "Simancas-Secular; Audiencia
de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del gobernador de Filipinas vistos
en el Consejo; años 1567 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 6."
Loarca's "Relation:" In "Simancas-Filipinas; descubrimientos,
descriptiones y poblaciones de las Yslas Filipinas; años 1537 á
1565--1° hay 2°; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 1|23." In the Real Academia
de Historia, Madrid, is a copy of this document, made by Muñoz;
it is somewhat modernized in spelling, capitalization, etc. A copy
of Muñoz's transcription is in Lenox Library. The original MS. is
without date; but internal evidence with Peñalosa's statement in his
letter to the king (_Vol_. IV, p. 315), shows that Loarca wrote his
account of the islands in June, 1582. In the same legajo with this
document is the "Report on offices saleable;" but, as the dates show,
both are misplaced here. They probably belong in the same patronato
as that in which are found the next two documents.
Ribera's letter, and the instrument establishing the Audiencia of
Manila: In a patronato which bears the same title as the preceding one,
but covers the years 1582 to 1606. These two documents are in "est. 1,
caj. 1, leg. 3|25"--the Audiencia decree being also designated as
"1° 1, no. 11."
Salazar's letter of 1582: In "Simancas--Eclesiastico; Audiencia de
Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del arzobispo de Manila, vistos en
el Consejo; años de 1579 á 1599; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 1."
Letter of Juan Baptista Roman: In "Simancas-Secular; Audiencia de
Filipinas; cartas y expedientes de los oficiales reales de Filipinas,
vistos en el Consejo; años 1564 á 1622; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 29."
The "Instructions for the commissary of the Inquisition" is found
in the Archivo general of Simancas; our translation is made from
a transcription of the original MS. Its pressmark is: "Consejo de
Inquisicion; libro 762, folio 170."
The Salazar "Relation" of 1583 we translate from the text given in
Retana's _Archivo del bibliófilo filipino_ iii, no. 1,
The papal decrees regarding the Dominicans are obtained from Hernaez's
_Colección de bulas_, i, pp. 527, 528.
NOTES
[1] This document is presented in both Spanish text and English
translation.
[2] This document is presented in both Spanish text and English
translation.
[3] A pretender to the Portuguese throne, who occupied it for a short
period (in 1580) in the interim between Henrique's death and Felipe's
accession, see _Vol_. I, pp. 355, 356.
[4] Alonso Sánchez was born at Mondejar, in 1547; and became a
novice in the Jesuit order (June 18, 1565), at Alcala. In 1579,
he went to Mexico; and two years later, with Bishop Salazar, to the
Philippines. He was sent to Macao in 1582 to receive for Felipe II the
allegiance of the Portuguese at that place. Stanley, in his edition
of Morga's _Sucesos_ (p. 402) says: "The library of the Academy of
History, Madrid, contains a Chinese copy of a chapa, by which the
mandarins of Canton allowed a Portuguese ship to come and fetch Padre
Alonso Sanchez and the dispatches from Machan (Moluccas)." In 1586
Sánchez was commissioned by the governor and Spanish inhabitants of
the Philippines to go to Rome and Madrid in their behalf; documents
which explain this embassy will be presented in later volumes of
this series. He died at Alcala, May 27, 1593. Sommervogel cites
(_Bibliothèque Comp. Jésus_, viii, col. 520, 521) various writings
by Sánchez, mainly on missionary affairs, or on the relations between
the Philippine colony and the crown of Spain.
[5] Thomas Candish, the English navigator, relates in picturesque style
the fortunes of the Spanish settlement here referred to, "King Philips
citie which the Spaniards had built." Candish halted there in January,
1587; the place was then deserted, and he named it Port Famine. It
was located not far from the extreme southern point of the Patagonian
mainland, at a point commanding the Strait of Magellan. Candish says:
"They had contriued their Citie very well, and seated it in the best
place of the Streights for wood and water: they had builded vp their
Churches by themselues: they had Lawes very seuere among themselues,
for they had erected a Gibet, whereon they had done execution vpon some
of their company.... During the time that they were there, which was
two yeeres the least, they could neuer haue any thing to growe or in
any wise prosper. And on the other side the Indians oftentimes preyed
vpon them vntill their victuals grewe so short... that they dyed like
dogges in their houses, and in their clothes, wherein we found them
still at our comming.... To conclude, they were determined to haue
trauailed towards the riuer of Plate, only being left aliue 23 persons,
whereof two were women, which were the remainder of 4 hundred." See
Hakluyt's _Voyages_ (Goldsmid ed., Edinburgh, 1890), xvi, pp. 12, 13.
[6] Don Lorenzo Juarez de Mendoza, Count of Coruña, assumed the duties
of viceroy of New Spain on October 4, 1580; he was then advanced
in years, and died at Mexico before his three-years' term of office
expired--on June 19, 1583.
[7] Antonio Sedeño was born at San Clemente, in 1532 or 1535. In
his youth he was a soldier and military engineer, but entered the
Jesuit order in 1558 or 1559. After his ordination he went (1568)
to Florida as a missionary, and in 1572 to New Spain. The rest of
his life was spent in the Philippines, where he not only held high
official positions in his order, but introduced among the Filipino
natives many industries and manufactures, opened the first school in
the island, founded colleges, and engaged in many other labors for
the benefit of both the Spanish and the natives. He died September 2,
1595. See notice of his life in Sommervogel's _Bibliothèque_; and
Algué's _Archipiélago filipino_, i, p. 251 (translated in _Report_
of U.S. Philippine Commission, 1900, iv, p. 99).
[8] The words in italics at the beginning of the paragraphs are in
the MS. written as marginal notes.
[9] The matter in brackets is an insert in the margin of the original
manuscript.
[10] In making this correction the writer evidently neglected to
change the gender of "vnas."
[11] Pasacao River is a small stream on the western side of the (old)
province of Camarínes Sur. The overland journey here mentioned is
to Nueva Cáceres, capital of the province, which is ten miles above
the mouth of Naga River (although farther by the windings of the
river). This river has its source only four miles from the Pacific
coast of Albay, whence it flows N.W. into Bató Lake; this part of its
course is called Inaya River. Another N.W. course of about the same
length (about 25 miles) carries the waters of the lake as far as Nueva
Cáceres, in a stream known as Bicol (the Vicor of our text) River. From
that city to its discharge in San Miguel Bay, it is called Naga River.
[12] A sort of garment worn by peasants, opening behind or at the
shoulder. The meaning of the name, "jump aboard," suggests the similar
name applied in some localities in the United States to a sort of
over-all blouse, there called "jumper."
[13] Cf. the descriptions of this custom in Morga's _Philippine
Islands_ (Hakluyt Society, London, 1868), p. 304; and in account of
Thomas Candish's voyage, in Hakluyt's _Voyages_ (Goldsmid ed.) xvi,
p. 42.
[14] "A god of the Higuecinas (a subdivision of the ancient
Bisayas). The Igueines (another subdivision of that people) believed
that the god Maguayan carried the souls of his disciples, in his boat,
to another life."--_Ferdinand Blumentritt_: "Diccionario mitológico,"
in Retana's _Archivo_, ii, p. 411.
[15] These seem to be memoranda, which the writer forgot to fill
in later.
[16] The tabon, also called "the mound-builder" _(Megapodius
cumingi_). Its eggs are highly prized by the natives as an article
of food; they rob the deposit made by the birds. After each egg is
deposited, the parent birds (several pairs of whom often frequent
the same spot) scratch earth over it, thus gradually raising a mound
of considerable size. See description of this bird in _Report_ of
U.S. Philippine Commission for 1900, iii, pp. 314, 315.
[17] Of the banana (_Musa_), over fifty varieties have been enumerated
as found in the Philippine Islands. Many of these are minutely
described in Blanco's _Flora_, pp. 167-175. The nangca (or langca)
is _Arctocarpus integrifolia_; the macupa (also known as tampoi),
_Eugenia malaccensis_; the santol (santor), _Sandóricum indicum_. See
descriptions of all these in Blanco's _Flora_, and in _U.S. Philippine
Gazetteer_, pp. 93-95.
[18] The bejucos, as before explained, are various species of
_Calamus,_ commonly known as rattan. Blanco describes two of these
_(C. maximus_ and _C. gracilis_) as furnishing a supply of water. Some
of the species attain a height of more than six hundred feet.
[19] A sketch of this officer in _Cartas de Indias_ (p. 734) states
that he founded the city of Nueva Segovia, and probably remained in
the islands from the time of their conquest until his death; also
that the Japanese corsair here referred to was named Tay Zufu.
[20] _Champan_ (or _sampan_): a Chinese vessel; described by Retana
(Zúñiga's _Estadismo_, ii, p. 513*) as being "about as large as a
Spanish patache, but inferior to the junks of the Chinese; used by
that people for trading in the Filipinas islands." The term is now
applied to a boat 12 or 15 feet long, in which a family often makes
its home, on the Canton River; also to a vessel of 70 or 80 tons'
burden, used in the rivers of Colombia, S.A.
[21] The Dominican order (also known as the Order of Preachers) was
founded, about 1215, by St. Dominic de Guzman; he adopted, but with
various additions, the rule of St. Augustine. Among the great men
who have belonged to this order are Thomas Aquinas, Johann Tauler,
and Girolamo Savonarola.
[22] Chiapas (Chiapa) was a province of the ancient kingdom of
Guatemala; also a bishopric (erected in 1538). Its capital bore the
same name.
[23] The vicar-general to whom these letters were addressed was named
Fr. Juan Crisóstomo Sevillano.--_Rev. T.C. Middleton, O.S.A._
[24] The original MS. is endorsed by some archivist: "Letter of
Captain Gabriel de Rivera to his Majesty, upon Philippine affairs;"
but the letter is evidently addressed to some official--perhaps the
viceroy of New Spain, or the president of the royal council.
[25] In a letter dated Manila, July 20, 1581, and signed by Amador
de Arriaran, Andres Cabchela, Salvador de Aldave, Luis de Vivanco,
Joan Manuel Pimentel, Juan Maldonado, Gabriel de Ribera, and Juan
Pacheco Amado, it is stated that Ribera is sent as procurador
[attorney]-general to the king to give account of the "affairs and
condition of this land." He is recommended to the king's consideration
as "one of the first who came to this exploration and pacification"
with Legazpi, and "has been able to give a good account of himself
in everything." The pressmark of this document, which exists in
Archivo General de Indias at Sevilla, is: "Simancas--Filipinas:
Descubrimientos, etc., años 1566 á 1586; Est. 1, caj. 1,
leg. 2|24." Morga says that Ribera was created Mariscal of Bonbon
while in Spain. The effect of his mission was the establishment of
the Audiencia of Manila, whose president was to fill the offices of
governor and captain-general of the islands. This was attained after
the death of Ronquillo, although that event was unknown in court at
the time.
[26] Gonzalo Ronquillo was governor from 1580 until his death in
1583. Morga says that trade with the Chinese was increased during his
governorship. He attempted to discover a return route to New Spain
through the southern seas, but was unsuccessful. He opened trade
with Peru. A duty of two per cent on merchandise sent to New Spain
was imposed by him, and one of three per cent on goods imported by
the Chinese.
[27] Taking the words "twenty years" literally would make the date of
this letter in 1584, but it must have been prior to that date. Ribera
was sent to Spain in 1581, and Ronquillo died in 1583. The date of
this letter therefore is conjectured to have been the latter year.
[28] Retana's text here reads thus: "El preçio que tenian las cosas,
después que los Españoles introduxera la moneda de plata, que por la
mayor parte son tostones, que así llaman á los reales de á cuatro
çientas gantas de arroz, y por otro [real], çiento de vino, y por
otro, doçe y catorçe y a un diez y seis gallinas." The bracketed
word _real_ was supplied by Retana. A more satisfactory emendation
would be _tostón_, the equivalent of _real de á cuatro_. The passage
should read thus: "reales de a cuatro [por un tostón cuatro] çientas
gantas de arroz, y por otro [tostón] çiento," etc. This supposition
is borne out by a later passage where Salazar states that in former
times four hundred gantas of rice cost one tostón.--_H.E. Bolton_.
[29] Ronquillo was governor of the entire archipelago.--_Retana_.
[30] He alludes, as will be seen below, to the encomenderos, against
whom, chiefly, this accusation by the famous bishop Salazar is
directed--_Retana_.
[31] A mistake for "Gonzalo;" Father Salazar commits the error again,
as will be seen farther on.--_Retana_.
[32] The word "taels" is Retana's conjecture; but it is possible that
the doubtful word was _joyas_ ("ornaments"). From the context, it is
more probably _quintos_ ("fifths"), indicating that the royal officials
attempted to exact from the Indians the "king's fifth" on all their
possessions of gold, as well as on that newly dug from the ground.
[33] That is, as no longer in circulation (Span., _por perdido_). The
reference is to the native custom mentioned by Sande in his report of
1577 (see _Vol_ IV of this series, p. 99). Speaking of the best grade
of gold used by the Moros, he says: "From this is made the jewelry
which they inherit from their ancestors, with which they never part."
[34] A term originally applied to the gold or silver wristlets and
anklets worn by Moorish women.
[35] In the form of promissory notes, such as always have been so
much used and abused in the Philippines.--_Retana_.
[36] Span., _perlados_; so in Retana's text, but from the context there
is apparently some error in this--perhaps a copyist's conjecture for
some illegible word.
[37] This man was notary of the expedition sent to Borneo and Mindanao
by Francisco de Sande under command of Gabriel de Rivera. See _ante_,
_Vol_. IV, p. 273.
[38] Fray Santa Inés says (_Crónica,_ i, p. 16) that the use of
this phrase (Spanish, _Islas del Poniente_) arose among Spanish
traders--partly because, to reach the Philippines, they followed
the course of the sun westward from Spain; and partly to sustain the
contention that those islands were "in the demarcation of Castilla,
or the Western Indias, and not in that of Portugal, or Oriental India."
[39] The Inquisition was first introduced into Portuguese India in
1560; and into Spanish America in 1569 (at Panama). In 1570 it was
established in Mexico, of which the Philippines were a dependency in
religious as well as civil affairs. Felipe II's decree (January 25,
1569) establishing the Inquisition in the Indias, with other decrees
regulating the operations and privileges of that tribunal, may be found
in _Recopilación leyes Indias_ (ed. 1841), lib. i, tit. xix. Regarding
the history and methods of the Inquisition, the following works
are most full and authoritative: _Practica Inquisitionis hereticoe
pravitatis_ (ed. of C. Douais, Paris, 1886), by Bernard Gui--himself
an inquisitor; it was composed about 1321. _Historia Inquisitionis_
(Amstelodami, 1692), by Philippus van Limborch; English translations
of this book were published at London in 1731, 1734, 1816, and
1825. _Anales de la Inquisicion de España_ (Madrid, 1812-13), by
Juan A. Llorente, who was secretary to the Inquisition in Spain, and
chancellor of the University of Toledo; translations of this book
were published in English (London, 1826; and New York, 1838), and
in other languages. _Historica critica de la Inquisicion de España_
(Madrid, 1822), also by Llorente. _History of the Inquisition_
(London and N.Y., 1874), by W.H. Rule. _The Jews of Spain and
Portugal, and the Inquisition_ (London, 1877), by Frederic D. Mocatta,
a Jew. _History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages_ (N.Y., 1886),
by Henry C. Lea. _Les sources de l'histoire de l'Inquisition dans le
midi de la France au treizième et au quatorzième siécle_, by C. Douais,
editor of Gui's work; it includes the _Chronique_ of Guilhem Pelisso,
"the first written account of the Inquisition."
[40] _Relaxado_ (feminine, _relaxada_): a person abandoned by
the ecclesiastical judge to the secular arm [_al brazo seglar_];
referring to the obstinate heretic who refused to abjure and do
penance, or to him who after abjuration should relapse. _Confeso_
("confessed") meant a Jew converted to the Christian faith.
[41] An oath taken by a person who has no bail, that he will return
to prison when summoned.
[42] Referring to the established judge of ecclesiastical causes,
the vicars of the bishops, or sometimes to the bishops themselves.
[43] There were only two chancillerias in Spain--those at Valladolid
and Granada; they were originally one tribunal, which followed the
royal court. They had cognizance of cases on appeal, cases of nobility,
and cases regarding the inheritance of entailed property. These courts
were abolished by the Constitution of 1812 and subsequent legislative
enactments.--_A.P. Cushing_.
[44] _Casos de corte_: cases which, because of their importance, the
amount involved, or the dignity of the parties, might in the first
instance be tried in a superior court.--_Nov. Dice. lengua castellana_
(Gamier, Paris, 1897).
[45] Paragraphs enclosed in brackets contain brief synopses of the
corresponding matter in the text which is purely technical, and not
of sufficient special interest to justify giving it so much space in
our pages.
[46] That is, not subject to the exemptions of the privileged
orders.--_H.B. Lathrop_.
[47] A receptor is an escribano (clerk, or scrivener) who by special
commission or authority from a tribunal proceeds to perform certain
judicial functions.--_A.P. Cushing_.
[48] Spanish, _en los casas de fuerça hechas por jueces eclesiasticos._
_Fuerza_ is injury committed by an ecclesiastical judge in (1)
hearing a case which does not come within his jurisdiction; (2)
non-observance of rules of procedure; or (3) unjust refusal to allow
an appeal. In such cases the aid of the secular courts may be invoked,
by the _recurso de fuerza_; and thus cases were brought before the
Audiencia, as above in section 7.--_A.P. Cushing_.
[49] In _Recopilación leyes Indias_ (ed. 1841), lib. i, tit. xx,
may be found the royal decrees issued from 1537 to 1640 regarding
the operations of the Holy Crusade in the Spanish colonies.
[50] A word originating in Hayti, signifying "princes" or
"chiefs"--quite naturally extended, by a Spanish clerk or secretary,
to the chiefs of Filipino tribes.
[51] This is the only case in which the amount of a fee is
prescribed in this instrument, except for officials peculiar to
the region; the tariff (_arancel_) of Spain is to be followed, as a
rule.--_H.B. Lathrop_.
[52] This clause forbids the counsel to take a contingent
fee.--_H.B. Lathrop_.
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 — Volume 5 of 55 - 1582-1583 - Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as Related in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century" ***
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