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Title: Life of Charles Darwin
Author: Bettany, G. T. (George Thomas), 1850-1891
Language: English
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"Great Writers."

Edited by

Professor Eric S. Robertson, M.A.,

LIFE OF DARWIN.


LIFE OF CHARLES DARWIN

by

G. T. BETTANY



London
Walter Scott
24 Warwick Lane, Paternoster Row
1887



CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.
                                                                    PAGE
Darwin's ancestry; his grandfather, Dr. Erasmus Darwin, a
successful physician, and author of "The Botanic Garden," "The
Temple of Nature," &c.; his father, Robert Waring Darwin, also
a successful physician; his maternal grandfather, Josiah
Wedgwood, the celebrated potter; his mother's education and
training; Charles Robert Darwin, born at Shrewsbury, Feb. 12,
1809; Mrs. Darwin dies in July, 1817; her eldest son, Erasmus,
friend of the Carlyles; Charles Darwin's education by Mr. Case,
and at Shrewsbury Grammar School; his character as a boy; is
sent to Edinburgh University in 1825                                 11

CHAPTER II.

Darwin a member of the Plinian Society, of Edinburgh; makes
natural history excursions; his first scientific paper read
March 27, 1827; friendship with Dr. Grant; Jameson's lectures
on zoology; Darwin enters Christ's College, Cambridge, in 1828;
his friendship with Prof. Henslow; his account of Henslow;
Darwin at this time specially an entomologist; his excursions
with Henslow; takes B.A. degree in 1831, M.A. in 1837; voyage
of _Beagle_ proposed, and Darwin appointed as naturalist;
the _Beagle_ sails on Dec. 27, 1831; Darwin's letters to
Henslow published 1835; 1832, Darwin at Teneriffe, Cape
de Verde Islands, St. Paul's Rocks, Bahia, Rio de Janeiro
(April); excursions into interior and amusing adventures;
his experiences and horror of slavery; at Monte Video,
July; Maldonado, Rio Negro; visit to Tierra del Fuego, Dec.
1832--Jan. 1833; _rencontre_ with General Rosas; many extinct
animals discovered; Buenos Ayres, Sept. 1833; excursion to
Santa Fé; Port Desire, Dec. 1833; Port St. Julian, Jan. 1834;
Valparaiso, July 1834; expeditions to the Andes, Santiago, &c.;
Chiloe, Nov. 1834; the Chonos Archipelago, Dec. 1834; Valdivia,
Feb. 1835; an earthquake experience; expedition across the
Cordillera in March, 1835; voyage across the Pacific commenced
in September; the Galapagos Archipelago and its interesting
animals; Tahiti, Nov. 1835; Darwin's opinion of English
products, and of the influence of Christian missionaries; New
Zealand, Dec. 1835; Port Jackson, Jan. 1836; Tasmania, Feb.;
the Keeling Islands, April; the homeward journey; Falmouth
reached, Oct. 2, 1836; Capt. Fitzroy's opinion of Darwin;
Darwin's first impression of savages                                 22

CHAPTER III.

Darwin elected F.G.S.; Lyell's high opinion of him; secretary
of the Geological Society, Feb. 1838-41; reads numerous papers
before the Society; elected F.R.S., Jan. 24, 1839; marries his
cousin, Miss Wedgwood, early in 1839; "Journal of Researches,"
published 1839, highly praised in _Quarterly Review_;
publication of zoology of the _Beagle_ (1839-43); extraordinary
animals described therein; other results of the voyage;
plants described by Hooker and Berkeley; work on "Coral
Reefs" published 1842; Darwin's new theory at once accepted;
subsequent views of Semper, Dana, and Murray; second and third
parts of Geology of _Beagle_ ("Volcanic Islands" and "South
America"); other geological papers; Darwin settles at Down
House, near Beckenham, 1842; appears at Oxford meeting of
British Association, 1847; contributes chapter on Geology to
Herschel's manual of Scientific Enquiry; publishes great works
on recent and fossil cirripedia, 1851-4; receives Royal Medal
of Royal Society, 1853, and Wollaston Medal of Geological
Society, 1859                                                        51

CHAPTER IV.

Confusion in description of species; labours of Professors Owen
and Huxley; Darwin's ideas on the origin of species germinated
during the voyage of the _Beagle_; he collected facts,
1837-42; drew up a sketch, 1842; enlarged it in 1844; previous
speculations on the subject; views of Erasmus Darwin, Geoffroy
St. Hilaire, and Lamarck; Darwin's opinion of Lamarck;
influence of Lyell; influence of South American experience;
reads Malthus on Population; "Vestiges of Creation "; Mr.
Herbert Spencer and evolution; Lyell's letters; Sir Joseph
Hooker on species; Mr. A. R. Wallace communicates his views to
Darwin; Lyell and Hooker persuade Darwin to publish his views
together with those of Wallace; introductory letter by Lyell
and Hooker to Linnean Society, June 30, 1858; Darwin's and
Wallace's papers, read July 1, 1858; Sir J. Hooker announces
his adhesion to Darwin's views, 1859                                 64

CHAPTER V.

Analysis of the "Origin of Species," published Nov. 1859;
special notes of Darwin's personal experiences; remarkable
growth of morphology and embryology since its publication;
opposition to the new views; criticisms of leading journals and
reviews; second edition of "Origin," called for in six weeks;
third, in March 1861; historical sketch of progress of opinion
prefixed; alterations in successive editions; sixth edition,
1872; foreign translations                                           79

CHAPTER VI.

Darwin's physical appearance, habits, distinguished visitors;
his kindliness; attachment of friends; his family; he reads
important botanical papers before the Linnean Society;
publishes the "Fertilisation of Orchids," 1862; analysis of
the book; Darwin receives Copley Medal of Royal Society, 1864;
"Movements and Habits of Climbing Plants," 1865; "Variation of
Animals and Plants under Domestication," 1868; the hypothesis
of pangenesis not favourably received                               100

CHAPTER VII.

"The Descent of Man," 1871; Darwin's varied use of personal
experiences; his views on the differences between men and
women; his views on happiness and its promotion in mankind;
reception of the "Descent of Man"; _Punch_, the _Quarterlies_,
_The Saturday Review_                                               113

CHAPTER VIII.

"Expression of the Emotions," 1872; Darwin's methods of
studying the question; his personal experiences; studies of
children; reminiscences of South American travel; studies of
monkeys; his wide study of novels; his influence on mental
science                                                             126

CHAPTER IX.

"Insectivorous Plants," 1875; how Darwin was led to
study them; analysis of the book; "Effects of Cross and
Self-Fertilisation," 1876; competitive germination and
growth; "The Different Forms of Flowers," 1877; "The Power
of Movement in Plants," 1880                                        136

CHAPTER X.

Honours bestowed on Darwin; his reception at Cambridge in 1877;
portraits by Richmond and Collier; Haeckel's and De Candolle's
descriptions of visits to Darwin; "The Formation of Vegetable
Mould by Earthworms," 1881; the long series of experiments on
which it was based; obligations of archæologists to worms;
gradual exhaustion in 1882; his death on April 19, 1882             146

CHAPTER XI.

Darwin buried in Westminster Abbey, April 26, 1882; quotation
from _The Times_; subscriptions to Darwin memorial; large
number of subscriptions from Sweden; statue executed by Mr.
Boehm, placed in Museum of Natural History, South Kensington,
unveiled by Prince of Wales, June 9, 1885; remainder of fund
handed to Royal Society to promote biological research; _The
Saturday Review_ on Darwin; his geniality and humour; his
influence on others; his lack of prejudice; extracts from his
letters; letter on experiments on living animals; Darwin as an
experimenter; his attitude towards Christianity and revelation;
his literary style; his imagination; Prof. Huxley on Darwin;
Dr. Masters on his influence on horticulture; Messrs. Sully and
Winchell on his philosophy; conclusion                              154

INDEX                                                               171


       *       *       *       *       *


NOTE.


Darwin revealed himself so largely in his books, that a vivid picture of
much of his life can be extracted from them. Thus it has been found
possible to combine much biographical interest with sketches of his most
important works. Like other biographers of Darwin, I am much indebted to
Mr. Woodall's valuable memoir, contributed to the Transactions of the
Shropshire Archæological Society. But original authorities have been
consulted throughout, and the first editions of Darwin's books quoted,
unless the contrary is explicitly stated. I am greatly obliged to
Messrs. F. Darwin and G. J. Romanes for kindly permitting me to quote
from Mr. Darwin's letters to Mr. Romanes. I must also express my thanks
to my friends, Mr. Romanes and Prof. D'Arcy W. Thompson, for doing me
the great service of looking over the proof-sheets of this book.



LIFE OF DARWIN.



CHAPTER I.


If ever a man's ancestors transmitted to him ability to succeed in a
particular field, Charles Darwin's did. If ever early surroundings were
calculated to call out inherited ability, Charles Darwin's were. If ever
a man grew up when a ferment of thought was disturbing old convictions
in the domain of knowledge for which he was adapted, Charles Darwin did.
If ever a man was fitted by worldly position to undertake unbiassed and
long-continued investigations, Charles Darwin was such a man. And he
indisputably found realms waiting for a conqueror. Yet Darwin's
achievements far transcend his advantages of ancestry, surroundings,
previous suggestion, position. He stands magnificently conspicuous as a
genius of rare simplicity of soul, of unwearied patience of observation,
of striking fertility and ingenuity of method, of unflinching devotion
to and belief in the efficacy of truth. He revolutionised not merely
half-a-dozen sciences, but the whole current of thinking men's mental
life.

The Darwins were originally a Lincolnshire family of some position, and
being royalists suffered heavy losses under the Commonwealth. The third
William Darwin (born 1655), whose mother was a daughter of Erasmus
Earle, serjeant-at-law,[1] married the heiress of Robert Waring, of
Wilsford, Notts, who also inherited the manor of Elston, near Newark, in
that county, which still remains in the family. Robert Darwin, second
son of this William Darwin, succeeded to the Elston estate, and was
described by Stukeley, the antiquary, as "a person of curiosity," an
expression conveying high commendation. His eldest son, Robert Waring
Darwin, studied botany closely, and published a "Principia Botanica,"
which reached a third edition; but his youngest son, Erasmus, born 1731,
was destined to become the first really famous man of the family.

Erasmus Darwin's personal characteristics, his medical talents, and his
poetic writings were such as to overshadow, for his own generation, his
scientific merit. We have not space here to describe his career and his
works, which has been so well done by his grandson, and by Ernst Krause
("Erasmus Darwin," 1879). Horace Walpole regarded his description of
creation in "The Botanic Garden" (part i., canto 1, lines 103-114) as
the most sublime passage in any language he knew: and _The Edinburgh
Review_ (vol. ii., 1803, p. 501) says of his "Temple of Nature": "If his
fame be destined in anything to outlive the fluctuating fashion of the
day, it is on his merit as a poet that it is likely to rest; and his
reveries in science have probably no other chance of being saved from
oblivion but by having been 'married to immortal verse.'"

The present age regards it as next to impossible to write science in
poetry; although few have succeeded better in the attempt than Erasmus
Darwin. It is singular that he should have partially anticipated his
illustrious grandson's theories, but without supporting them by
experimental proof or by deep scientific knowledge. Suffice it to say
now, that Erasmus contemplated to a great extent the same domain of
science as Charles Darwin, having also a mechanical turn; and was
educated at Edinburgh and Cambridge. His observations on Providence in
1754, when only twenty-three, in commenting on his father's death, are
very interesting to compare with his grandson's attitude: "That there
exists a superior Ens Entium, which formed these wonderful creatures, is
a mathematical demonstration. That He influences things by a particular
providence is not so evident. The probability, according to my notion,
is against it, since general laws seem sufficient for that end.... The
light of Nature affords us not a single argument for a future state:
this is the only one, that it is possible with God, since He who made us
out of nothing can surely re-create us; and that He will do this we
humbly hope." He published an ode against atheism, with which he has
strangely enough often been charged, beginning--

          "Dull atheist, could a giddy dance
             Of atoms lawless hurl'd
           Construct so wonderful, so wise,
             So harmonised a world?"

and his moral standpoint is shown by the declaration that "the sacred
maxims of the author of Christianity, 'Do as you would be done by,' and
'Love your neighbour as yourself,' include all our duties of benevolence
and morality; and if sincerely obeyed by all nations, would a
thousandfold multiply the present happiness of mankind" ("Temple of
Nature," 1803, p. 124). His principal poetical writings were "The
Botanic Garden," in two parts; Part I. containing "The Economy of
Vegetation," first published in 1790; and Part II., "The Loves of the
Plants," in 1788, before the first part had appeared. "The Temple of
Nature, or the Origin of Society," was published after his death, in
1803. His chief prose works are "Zoonomia, or the Laws of Organic Life,"
in two volumes, 1794-6, the second volume being exclusively medical; and
"Phytologia, or the Philosophy of Agriculture and Gardening," 1800. All
these books are in quarto, with plates. His views on species are
referred to on pages 66 and 67. [Transcriber's Note: Footnote 6.]

Robert Waring Darwin, third son of Erasmus by his first wife, Mary
Howard, was born in 1766. As a boy he was brought much into association
with the Wedgwoods of Stoke, Josiah Wedgwood being one of Erasmus
Darwin's most intimate friends. In 1779 Robert, already destined to be a
doctor, stayed at Etruria for some time, sharing with Wedgwood's
children in Warltire's private chemical instruction; and Josiah Wedgwood
wrote at this time: "The boys drink in knowledge like water, with great
avidity." Before he was twenty Robert Darwin had taken his medical
degree with distinction at Edinburgh, where he had the advantage of the
lectures of Black, Cullen, and Gregory, and had also studied at Leyden,
and travelled in Germany. In 1786 his father set him up in practice at
Shrewsbury, leaving him with twenty pounds, which was afterwards
supplemented by a similar sum from his uncle, John Darwin, Rector of
Elston. On this slender capital he contrived to establish himself, in
spite of severe competition; and his burly form and countenance, as he
sat in his invariable yellow chaise, became well known to every man,
woman, and child around Shrewsbury for many miles. Before long, no one
thought of sending to Birmingham for a consultant, and Dr. Darwin was
for many years the leading Shropshire physician, and accumulated an
abundant fortune.

According to his son Charles, Robert Darwin "did not inherit any
aptitude for poetry or mechanics, nor did he possess, as I think, a
scientific mind. He published, in vol. lxxvi. of the 'Philosophical
Transactions,' a paper on Ocular Spectra, which Wheatstone told me was a
remarkable production for the period; but I believe that he was largely
aided in writing it by his father. He was elected a Fellow of the Royal
Society in 1788. I cannot tell why my father's mind did not appear to me
fitted for advancing science, for he was fond of theorising, and was
incomparably the most acute observer whom I ever knew. But his powers in
this direction were exercised almost wholly in the practice of medicine
and in the observation of human character. He intuitively recognised the
disposition or character, and even read the thoughts, of those with whom
he came into contact, with extraordinary astuteness. This skill partly
accounts for his great success as a physician, for it impressed his
patients with belief in him; and my father used to say that the art of
gaining confidence was the chief element in a doctor's worldly success."

Sensitive, sociable, a good talker, high-spirited and somewhat
irascible, a man who admitted no one to his friendship whom he could not
thoroughly respect, the friend of the poor, prescribing gratuitously to
all who were needy, pre-eminent for sympathy, which for a time made him
hate his profession for the constant suffering it brought before his
eyes--such was Charles Darwin's father. Miss Meteyard, in her "Group of
Englishmen," 1871, gives a vivid picture of the old doctor, his
acknowledged supremacy in Shrewsbury, his untiring activity and
ubiquity, his great dinner parties, his liberal and rather unpopular
opinions, tolerated for the sake of his success in curing his patients.
His face, powerful, unimpassioned, mild, and thoughtful, was always the
same as he rolled through the streets and lanes, for he sat "as though
carved in stone." His love of children was marked. "He would address
them in his small, high-pitched falsetto voice, and if their answers
pleased him he would reply; and occasionally, lifting them on to a chair
or table, he would measure their heads with his broad hand, as though
reading character, and mentally prognosticating their future fate."

The successful doctor bought a piece of land near the Holyhead road, and
built on it a large square house, of plain architecture, which from its
charming position, a hundred feet above the Severn, received the name
of "The Mount."[2] Having thus provided the nest, in 1796 he brought
home his wife, Susannah Wedgwood, eldest daughter of the celebrated
potter, to whom he was married at Marylebone Church on April 18th.

The character and education of Charles Darwin's mother is a matter of
considerable interest, notwithstanding that her death when he was only
eight years old cut short her opportunities of influencing him. She was
born at Burslem in January, 1765, and a year after her father describes
her as a "fine, sprightly lass:" she became his best-beloved child. She
was partly educated in London, under the eye of her father's partner,
the accomplished Thomas Bentley, in whose heart she won as tender a
place as in her father's. Later she continued her education at home with
her brothers, under good tuition. Many visits were exchanged between the
Darwins and the Wedgwoods, and old Erasmus Darwin became very fond of
Miss Wedgwood. By the time of her marriage she was matured by much
intercourse with notable people, as well as by extensive reading, and
from her experience of London society and varied travel in England was
well fitted to shine as the county doctor's wife. From her father, who
died in 1795, she had doubtless inherited, in addition to a handsome
fortune, many valuable faculties, and probably she transmitted more of
them to her son Charles than she herself manifested. Josiah Wedgwood,
over whose career it would be delightful to linger, is well described by
Miss Meteyard in words which might be precisely applied to Charles
Darwin, as "patient, stedfast, humble, simple, unconscious of half his
own greatness, and yet by this very simplicity, patience, and
stedfastness displaying the high quality of his moral and intellectual
characteristics, even whilst insuring that each step was in the right
direction, and firmly planted." A truly experimental genius in artistic
manufacture, Wedgwood foreshadowed a far greater experimental genius in
science.

Before her famous son was born, however, Mrs. Darwin's health had begun
to fail, and in 1807 she wrote to a friend: "Every one seems young but
me." Her second son (four daughters having preceded him) was born at The
Mount on February 12, 1809, and christened "Charles Robert," at St.
Chad's Church, Shrewsbury, on November 17th following. No doubt her
declining health emphasised her attachment to home pursuits, to quiet
reading, to the luxuriant garden, and to her numerous domestic pets. The
beauty, variety, and lameness of The Mount pigeons was well known in the
town and far beyond. Mr. Woodall states that one of Darwin's
schoolfellows, the Rev. W. A. Leighton, remembers him plucking a plant
and recalling one of his mother's elementary lessons in botany. Too soon
however the mother was taken from The Mount; she died in July, 1817,
when Charles was between eight and nine years old.

The eldest son of Dr. Robert Darwin, on whom the grandfather's name of
Erasmus had been bestowed, is notable as the intimate friend of the
Carlyles. "He had something of original and sarcastically ingenious in
him," says Carlyle, in his "Reminiscences," "one of the sincerest,
naturally truest, and most modest of men.... E. Darwin it was who named
the late Whewell, seeing him sit, all ear (not all assent), at some of
my lectures, 'The Harmonious Blacksmith.' My dear one had a great favour
for this honest Darwin always; many a road to shops, and the like, he
drove her in his cab, in those early days when even the charge of
omnibuses was a consideration, and his sparse utterances, sardonic
often, were a great amusement to her. 'A perfect gentleman,' she at once
discerned him to be, and of sound worth and kindliness, in the most
unaffected form." He died in 1881, aged 77, leaving no memorial to the
public of his undoubtedly great abilities. Like his younger brother, he
was a member of Christ's College, Cambridge, where he graduated M.B., in
1828.

Early in 1817, the closing year of his mother's life, Charles Darwin was
placed at school with the Rev. George Case, minister of the Shrewsbury
Unitarian church, to which the Darwins were attached, in this resembling
the Wedgwoods. At midsummer, 1818, however, the boy entered Shrewsbury
Grammar School, then under Samuel Butler, afterwards Bishop of
Lichfield. Classics, as ever, formed the staple of the instruction there
afforded, and proved but little to the future naturalist's taste.
Unfortunately for the repute of English schools, Charles Darwin was
little benefited by his schooling; and Euclid, then an extra subject,
constituted, to his mind, the only bit of real education Shrewsbury
school gave him. Seventy years later, the study of mother earth and her
teeming productions, which Darwin made so attractive, is still but
scantily represented in the instruction afforded by our great schools.

Thus out of sympathy with the prevalent studies, the youth showed no
fondness for his schoolfellows' sports. He was reserved, frequently lost
in thought, and fond of long solitary rambles, according to one
schoolfellow, the Rev. W. A. Leighton; another, the Rev. John Yardley,
Vicar of St. Chad's, Shrewsbury, remembers him as cheerful,
good-tempered, and communicative. One of the recorded incidents of his
boyish days is a fall from the old Shrewsbury wall, while walking in a
"brown study." Even at this early period he was fond of collecting
objects which many schoolboys delight in, such as shells and minerals,
seals, franks, and coins; and the mechanical aptitude derived from both
the Darwins and the Wedgwoods was manifested by keen interest in
mechanism. One especially remembered youthful treat was when his uncle
Josiah Wedgwood explained to him the principle of the vernier. No doubt
the pigeons, the exotics, the shrubs and flowers of his father's grounds
impressed themselves indelibly on the boy's mind and unconsciously
prepared him for his future. Schooldays were for him fortunately not
protracted, for in 1825, at the age of sixteen, he went to Edinburgh
University, where his father and grandfather had likewise studied, with
the idea of devoting himself to medicine. The youth of sixteen was well
equipped with the results of long thinking and observing rather than
with book-learning, and was prepared to play an independent part without
noise and show, assimilating that which commended itself to his mind,
and rejecting that which found no appropriate soil in him, in a manner
characteristic of genuine originality.

FOOTNOTES:

[1: This is the Erasmus Earle who forms the subject of "A
Lawyer's Love Letters," in _The National Review_, February, 1887.
Letters of his are also printed in the Tenth Report of the Historical
MSS. Commission.]

[2: "The house is seen," says Mr. Woodall, "from the line
immediately beyond the low tower of St. George's Church. Visitors who
make a pilgrimage there, after crossing the Welsh Bridge, follow the
main street until St. George's Church is passed, and the continuous line
of houses ceases. The next carriage drive, on the right, cutting in two
a lofty side-walk, is the entrance to The Mount. A short street of new
houses, near St. George's Church, has been called 'Darwin Street;' as
yet the only public recognition in the town of the greatest of
Salopians. A memorial of a more private character has been placed in the
Unitarian Chapel, in the form of a tablet bearing the following
inscription:--'To the memory of Charles Robert Darwin, author of "The
Origin of Species," born in Shrewsbury, February 12th, 1809. In early
life a member and constant worshipper in this church. Died April 19th,
1882.' Mrs. Darwin, we believe, was not strict in her adhesion to the
communion in which she had been brought up, but often attended St.
Chad's Church, where Charles and his brother were baptized."]



CHAPTER II.


When Charles Darwin went to Edinburgh, the university was not in one of
its palmiest periods. The medical professors failed to attract him to
their profession, and two years of Edinburgh satisfied him that medicine
should not absorb him. With natural history the case was different. Its
attractiveness for Darwin increased. He found congenial companionship in
the Edinburgh Plinian Society, and Mr. W. F. Ainsworth relates (in _The
Athenæum_, May 13, 1882) that Darwin and himself made frequent
excursions on the shores of the Firth of Forth in pursuit of objects of
natural history, sometimes visiting the coasts of Fifeshire, and
sometimes the islands off the coast. On one occasion, accompanied by Dr.
Greville, the botanist, they went to the Isle of May, and were both
exceedingly amused at the effect produced upon the eminent author of the
Scottish Cryptogamic Flora by the screeching of the kittiwakes and other
water-fowl. He had actually to lie down on the greensward to enjoy his
prolonged cachinnation. On another occasion the young naturalists were
benighted on Inch Keith, but found refuge in the lighthouse.

Darwin was now not merely a collector and exploring naturalist, but he
observed biological facts of importance. On the 27th of March, 1827, he
made a communication to the Plinian Society on the ova, or rather larvæ,
of the Flustra or sea-mat, a member of the class Polyzoa, forming a
continuous mat-like colony of thousands of organisms leading a
joint-stock existence. He announced that he had discovered in these
larvæ organs of locomotion, then so seldom, now so frequently, known to
exist on such bodies. At the same time, he made known that the small
black body which until that time had been mistaken for the young state
of a species of seaweed, was in reality the egg of _Pontobdella
muricata_, a sort of sea-leech. On the 3rd of April following, the
discoverer exhibited specimens of the latter creature with eggs and
young.

In making these researches, Darwin was no doubt stimulated and aided by
the teaching of Dr. Grant, afterwards Professor of Natural History at
University College, London, who was then at Edinburgh, making
discoveries in the structure of sponges. Professor Jameson, too, who was
then forming his splendid museum of natural history, cannot fail to have
influenced Darwin somewhat; and we find that the first lecture of the
concluding portion of Jameson's zoological course, dealing with "The
Philosophy of Zoology," had the suggestive title of "The Origin of the
Species of Animals." Thus we must acknowledge that already at Edinburgh
Darwin was fairly started in the paths of zoological inquiry, and the
northern university must be admitted to share with Cambridge, the
distinction of being the foster-parent of this giant-child.

Medicine being distasteful, Edinburgh had no other distinctive charms to
offer to young Darwin, and he was entered at Christ's College,
Cambridge, early in 1828, with the idea of his becoming a clergyman of
the Church of England. It might have been thought that there was scant
stimulus for a biological student in the Cambridge of that period; but
although the old literary and mathematical studies were still the only
paths to a degree, there were men of original force and genius at work
preparing the ground for a coming revolution. Sedgwick was teaching
geology with the fire of a prophet, and Henslow as a botanist was
showing that lessons of enthralling interest were to be learned from the
humblest flower. Henslow especially attracted young Darwin, who never
forgot his old teacher. In the preface to the journal of his voyage in
the _Beagle_ he returns his most sincere thanks to Professor Henslow,
"who," he says, "when I was an undergraduate at Cambridge, was one chief
means of giving me a taste for natural history; who, during my absence,
took charge of the collections I sent home, and by his correspondence
directed my endeavours--and who, since my return, has constantly
rendered me every assistance which the kindest friend could offer."

No better idea of Darwin's Cambridge days can be given than that which
is derived from reading his account of Professor Henslow, contributed to
the Rev. L. Jenyns's "Memoirs" of that accomplished man. There can be no
doubt, also, that in thus pourtraying the character of another, he was
at the same time, as Mr. Romanes puts it, "unconsciously giving a most
accurate description of his own."

"I went to Cambridge," wrote Darwin, "early in the year 1828, and soon
became acquainted, through some of my brother entomologists,[3] with
Professor Henslow, for all who cared for any branch of natural history
were equally encouraged by him. Nothing could be more simple, cordial,
and unpretending than the encouragement which he afforded to all young
naturalists. I soon became intimate with him, for he had a remarkable
power of making the young feel completely at ease with him; though we
were all awe-struck with the amount of his knowledge. Before I saw him I
heard one young man sum up his attainments by simply saying that he knew
everything. When I reflect how immediately we felt at perfect ease with
a man older and in every way so immensely our superior, I think it was
as much owing to the transparent sincerity of his character, as to his
kindness of heart, and, perhaps, even still more to a highly remarkable
absence in him of all self-consciousness. One perceived at once that he
never thought of his own varied knowledge or clear intellect, but solely
on the subject in hand. Another charm, which must have struck every one,
was that his manner to old and distinguished persons and to the youngest
student was exactly the same: to all he showed the most winning
courtesy. He would receive with interest the most trifling observation
in any branch of natural history, and however absurd a blunder one might
make, he pointed it out so clearly and kindly, that one left him in no
way disheartened, but only determined to be more accurate the next time.
In short, no man could be better formed to win the entire confidence of
the young, and to encourage them in their pursuits.

"His lectures on botany were universally popular, and as clear as
daylight. So popular were they, that several of the older members of the
university attended successive courses. Once every week he kept open
house in the evening, and all who cared for natural history attended
these parties, which, by thus favouring intercommunication, did the same
good in Cambridge, in a very pleasant manner, as the scientific
societies do in London. At these parties many of the most distinguished
members of the university occasionally attended; and when only a few
were present, I have listened to the great men of those days conversing
on all sorts of subjects, with the most varied and brilliant powers.
This was no small advantage to some of the younger men, as it stimulated
their mental activity and ambition. Two or three times in each session
he took excursions with his botanical class, either a long walk to the
habitat of some rare plant, or in a barge down the river to the fens, or
in coaches to some more distant place, as to Gamlingay, to see the wild
lily-of-the-valley, and to catch on the heath the rare natter-jack.
These excursions have left a delightful impression on my mind. He was,
on such occasions, in as good spirits as a boy, and laughed as heartily
as a boy at the misadventures of those who chased the splendid
swallow-tail butterflies across the broken and treacherous fens. He used
to pause every now and then and lecture on some plant or other object;
and something he could tell us on every insect, shell, or fossil
collected, for he had attended to every branch of natural history. After
our day's work we used to dine at some inn or house, and most jovial we
then were. I believe all who joined these excursions will agree with me
that they have left an enduring impression of delight on our minds.

"As time passed on at Cambridge I became very intimate with Professor
Henslow, and his kindness was unbounded; he continually asked me to his
house, and allowed me to accompany him in his walks. He talked on all
subjects, including his deep sense of religion, and was entirely open. I
owe more than I can express to this excellent man. His kindness was
steady. When Captain Fitzroy offered to give up part of his own cabin to
any naturalist who would join the expedition in H.M.S. _Beagle_,
Professor Henslow recommended me as one who knew very little, but who,
he thought, would work. I was strongly attached to natural history, and
this attachment I owed in large part to him. During the five years'
voyage he regularly corresponded with me, and guided my efforts; he
received, opened, and took care of all the specimens sent home in many
large boxes; but I firmly believe that, during these five years, it
never once crossed his mind that he was acting towards me with unusual
and generous kindness.

"During the years when I associated so much with Professor Henslow I
never once saw his temper even ruffled. He never took an ill-natured
view of any one's character, though very far from blind to the foibles
of others. It always struck me that his mind could not be even touched
by any paltry feeling of vanity, envy, or jealousy. With all this
equability of temper and remarkable benevolence, there was no insipidity
of character. A man must have been blind not to have perceived that
beneath this placid exterior there was a vigorous and determined will.
When principle came into play no power on earth could have turned him
one hair's breadth....

"In intellect, as far as I could judge, accurate powers of observation,
sound sense, and cautious judgment seemed predominant. Nothing seemed to
give him so much enjoyment as drawing conclusions from minute
observations. But his admirable memoir on the geology of Anglesea shows
his capacity for extended observations and broad views. Reflecting over
his character with gratitude and reverence, his moral attributes rise,
as they should do in the highest character, in pre-eminence over his
intellect."

The young man's modesty is conspicuous in the above narrative. He does
not see how his own transparent candour, his desire to learn, his
respect for those who were already masters of science, won upon the
great men with whom he came in contact. It was by no means as "one who
knew very little" that Henslow recommended Darwin to Captain Fitzroy,
but as "a young man of promising ability, extremely fond of geology, and
indeed all branches of natural history." "In consequence," says Fitzroy,
"an offer was made to Mr. Darwin to be my guest on board, which he
accepted conditionally. Permission was obtained for his embarkation, and
an order given by the Admiralty that he should be borne on the ship's
books for provisions. The conditions asked by Mr. Darwin were, that he
should be at liberty to leave the _Beagle_ and retire from the
expedition when he thought proper, and that he should pay a fair share
of the expenses of my table."

Darwin had taken an ordinary or "poll" degree in 1831 and was admitted a
Master of Arts in 1837. In the interval he had become truly a Master of
Science, which at that time was adequately recognised by no university
in the British dominions. The memorable voyage of the _Beagle_, a little
barque of 242 tons, was at first delayed by heavy gales which twice
drove her back; but she finally sailed from Devonport on December 27,
1831. The object of the expedition was to complete the survey of
Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego, to survey the shores of Chili, Peru, and
some Pacific Islands, and to carry a chain of chronometrical
measurements round the world.

Professor Henslow's interest in his young pupil's progress is shown by
the fact that in 1835 (December 1) he printed some extracts from his
letters, for distribution among the members of the Cambridge
Philosophical Society, in consequence of the notice excited by some
geological observations they contained, which had been read before the
society on the 16th of November previous. The following points having a
personal reference to the traveller may be quoted. On August 15, 1832,
Darwin wrote from Monte Video, "I might collect a far greater number of
specimens of invertebrate animals if I took up less time over each: but
I have come to the conclusion that two animals with their original
colour and shape noted down will be more valuable to naturalists than
six with only dates and place." Here we see the accuracy which was the
source of much of his after-success. On November 24, 1832, he writes
from the same place, "As for one little toad, I hope it may be new, that
it may be christened 'Diabolicus.' Milton must allude to this very
individual, when he talks of 'squat like a toad.'" In March, 1834,
writing from East Falkland Island, he says, "The whole of the east coast
of the southern part of South America has been elevated from the ocean
since a period during which mussels have not lost their blue colour."
Describing his examination of the central peaks of the Andes in Chili,
he says, April 18, 1835, "I cannot tell you how much I enjoyed some of
these views; it is worth coming from England, once to feel such intense
delight. At an elevation of from ten to twelve thousand feet, there is a
transparency in the air, and a confusion of distances, and a sort of
stillness, which give the sensation of being in another world."

Coming now to Darwin's Journal as first published in 1839, forming the
third volume of Fitzroy's narrative, the 7th of January, 1832, on which
the Peak of Teneriffe was seen suddenly illumined, while the lower parts
were veiled in fleecy clouds, is noted as "the first of many delightful
days never to be forgotten." On the 16th the Cape de Verde Islands were
reached, and their volcanic geology was carefully explored. Darwin was
already equipped with the first volume of Lyell's famous "Principles of
Geology," published in 1830, the second following in 1832; and in the
second edition of his journal, published in 1845, he acknowledges with
grateful pleasure "that the chief part of whatever scientific merit this
journal and the other works of the author may possess, has been derived
from studying the well-known and admirable 'Principles of Geology.'" He
was already noting the diffusion of minute organisms and impalpable dust
by winds,[4] and was much surprised to find in some dust collected on a
vessel 300 miles from land particles of stone more than a thousandth of
an inch square. After this, he remarks, one need not be surprised at the
diffusion of the far lighter and smaller sporules of cryptogamous
plants.

The volcanic island of St. Paul in the open Atlantic was touched at on
February 16th, and it afforded the young naturalist a text for
destroying the pretty ideas as to stately palms and birds taking
possession of newly-formed oceanic land; at any rate, here were only two
species of sea birds, no plants, and the fauna was completed by a number
of insects and spiders of no very exalted habits. Fernando Noronha was
passed on February 20th, and at last the South American continent was
reached.

On February 29th, at Bahia, Darwin describes his first day in a
Brazilian forest, in a passage which is of special interest. "The day
has passed delightfully. Delight itself, however, is a weak term to
express the feelings of a naturalist who, for the first time, has
wandered by himself in a Brazilian forest. The elegance of the grasses,
the novelty of the parasitical plants, the beauty of the flowers, the
glossy green of the foliage, but, above all, the general luxuriance of
the vegetation, filled me with admiration. A most paradoxical mixture of
sound and silence pervades the shady parts of the wood. The noise from
the insects is so loud that it may be heard even in a vessel anchored
several hundred yards from the shore; yet within the recesses of the
forest a universal silence appears to reign. To a person fond of natural
history, such a day as this brings with it a deeper pleasure than he can
ever hope to experience again."

Arriving at Rio de Janeiro early in April, Darwin made several
excursions into the interior during the following three months. On these
expeditions it was rarely indeed that decent accommodation could be
procured at the inns. "On first arriving," he says, "it was our custom
to unsaddle the horses and give them their Indian corn; then, with a low
bow, to ask the senhor to do us the favour to give us something to eat.
'Anything you choose, sir,' was his usual answer. For the few first
times, vainly I thanked Providence for having guided us to so good a
man. The conversation proceeding, the case universally became
deplorable. 'Any fish can you do us the favour of giving?' 'Oh, no,
sir!' 'Any soup?' 'No, sir!' 'Any bread?' 'Oh, no, sir!' 'Any dried
meat?' 'Oh, no, sir!' If we were lucky, by waiting a couple of hours, we
obtained fowls, rice, and farinha. It not unfrequently happened that we
were obliged to kill, with stones, the poultry for our own supper. When,
thoroughly exhausted by fatigue and hunger, we timorously hinted that we
should be glad of our meal, the pompous and (though true) most
unsatisfactory answer was, 'It will be ready when it is ready!' If we
had dared to remonstrate any further, we should have been told to
proceed on our journey, as being too impertinent. The hosts are most
ungracious and disagreeable in their manners; their houses and their
persons are often filthily dirty; the want of the accommodation of
forks, knives, and spoons is common; and I am sure no cottage or hovel
in England could be found in a state so utterly destitute of every
comfort."

When we add to these discomforts on land the fact that the young
traveller was a constant sufferer from sea-sickness and nausea, which
became chronic, it becomes more surprising that he should not have
withdrawn early from his adventurous course. But his energy and
resolution were equal to any drafts upon them, and the delights of the
study of nature outweighed all physical discomforts. Admiral J. Lort
Stokes in a letter to _The Times_, after the death of his old friend
and comrade in the _Beagle_, described how after perhaps an hour's work
he would say, "Old fellow, I must take the horizontal for it." Then he
would stretch himself on one side of the table, and obtain a brief
relief from discomfort, after which he would resume work.

Some remarks which Darwin makes upon slavery in South America are very
forcible, and also illustrate his own sympathetic nature. Here is one
incident which struck him more than any story of cruelty, as showing the
degradation of slavery. "I was crossing a ferry with a negro, who was
uncommonly stupid. In endeavouring to make him understand, I talked
loud, and made signs, in doing which I passed my hand near his face. He,
I suppose, thought I was in a passion, and was going to strike him; for
instantly, with a frightened look and half-shut eyes, he dropped his
hands. I shall never forget my feelings of surprise, disgust, and shame,
at seeing a great powerful man afraid even to ward off a blow, directed,
as he thought, at his face. This man had been trained to a degradation
lower than the slavery of the most helpless animal."

In one of the numerous additions to the second issue of the Journal in
1845, Darwin speaks thus eloquently from his heart: "On the 19th of
August [1836], we finally left the shores of Brazil. I thank God I shall
never again visit a slave-country. To this day, if I hear a distant
scream, it recalls with painful vividness my feelings when, passing a
house near Pernambuco, I heard the most pitiable moans, and could not
but suspect that some poor slave was being tortured, yet knew that I
was as powerless as a child, even to remonstrate. I suspected that these
moans were from a tortured slave, for I was told that this was the case
in another instance. Near Rio de Janeiro I lived opposite to an old
lady, who kept screws to crush the fingers of her female slaves. I have
stayed in a house where a young household mulatto, daily and hourly, was
reviled, beaten, and persecuted enough to break the spirit of the lowest
animal. I have seen a little boy, six or seven years old, struck thrice
with a horse-whip (before I could interfere) on his naked head, for
having handed me a glass of water not quite clean; I saw his father
tremble at a mere glance from his master's eye.... I will not even
allude to the many heart-sickening atrocities which I authentically
heard of; nor would I have mentioned the above revolting details, had I
not met with several people, so blinded by the constitutional gaiety of
the negro, as to speak of slavery as a tolerable evil.... Those who look
tenderly at the slave-owner, and with a cold heart at the slave, never
seem to put themselves into the position of the latter. What a cheerless
prospect, with not even a hope of change! Picture to yourself the
chance, ever hanging over you, of your wife and your little
children--those objects which nature urges even the slave to call his
own--being torn from you, and sold like beasts to the first bidder! And
these deeds are done and palliated by men who profess to love their
neighbours as themselves, who believe in God, and pray that His will be
done on earth!"

Such burning expressions are not yet superfluous, and it is wholesome to
recall to a generation which scarcely realises the past miseries of
slavery, and is too apt to rest content with what has been accomplished
in diminishing the sufferings of slaves, white and black, the impression
produced on a scientific man by what he saw. It is well, too, that it
should be brought forcibly home to Englishmen that Darwin's heart was no
less sympathetic than his intelligence was far-seeing, and that the
testimony of friends of late years to his moral grandeur is corroborated
by the personal records of his years of travel.

The variety and interest of the observations made during his stay at
Rio, when tropical nature was still a fresh and unexplored page to the
young observer, are wonderful. Cabbage palms, liana creepers, luxuriant
fern leaves--roads, bridges, and soil--planarian worms, frogs which
climbed perpendicular sheets of glass, the light of fireflies, brilliant
butterflies, fights between spiders and wasps, the victories of ants
over difficulties, the habits of monkeys, the little Brazilian boys
practising knife-throwing--all these came in turn under his watchful
eyes and are vividly described.

In July, 1832, Monte Video was reached, and the _Beagle_ was occupied in
surveying the extreme southern and eastern coasts of America, south of
La Plata, during the succeeding two years. During ten weeks at Maldonado
an entertaining excursion to the River Polanco was made, and many a
humorous remark appears in the Journal relating to it. "The greater
number of the inhabitants [of European descent] had an indistinct idea
that England, London, and North America were different names for the
same place; but the better-informed well knew that London and North
America were separate countries close together, and that England was a
large town in London!" "Washing my face in the morning caused much
speculation at the village of Las Minas; a superior tradesman closely
cross-questioned me about so singular a practice." Among these rich
descendants of Europeans Darwin felt as if he were among the inhabitants
of Central Africa; so low can the proud superior race descend, that the
distance between it and the negro appeared small indeed. The remarkable
absence of trees in the country could not fail to provoke comment; but
it is on the old-fashioned basis, and the young student does not get
beyond the conclusion "that herbaceous plants, instead of trees, were
created to occupy that wide area, which, within a period not very
remote, has been raised above the waters of the sea." This appears in
the first edition; but in 1845 these words were expunged, and the author
says significantly "we must look to some other and unknown cause."

At Maldonado within the distance of a morning's walk no fewer than
eighty species of birds were collected, most of them exceedingly
beautiful. Darwin's observations on the molothri (representatives of our
cuckoos), the tyrant fly-catchers, and the carrion-feeding hawks are
most attractive reading. Rio Negro, much further south, was next
visited, and the fauna of a salt lake examined. The adaptation of
creatures to live in and near brine struck him as wonderful. "Well may
we affirm," says he, "that every part of the world is habitable! Whether
lakes of brine, or those subterranean ones, hidden beneath volcanic
mountains--warm mineral springs--the wide expanse and depths of the
ocean--the upper regions of the atmosphere, and even the surface of
perpetual snow--all support organic beings." Here he found reason to
believe that all the great plains which he was surveying had been raised
above the sea level in a modern geological period.

Our naturalist started by land for Bahia Blanca and Buenos Ayres on
August 11, 1833, and we have the record: "This was the first night which
I had ever passed under the open sky, with the gear of the recado for my
bed. There is high enjoyment in the independence of the Gaucho's life,
to be able at any moment to pull up your horse, and say, 'Here we will
pass the night.' The deathlike stillness of the plain, the dogs keeping
watch, the gipsy group of Gauchos making their beds round the fire, have
left in my mind a strongly-marked picture of this first night, which
will not soon be forgotten." After an interesting _rencontre_ with
General Rosas, Bahia Blanca was reached, and at Punta Alta were found
many of the fossil bones which Owen subsequently described, this point
being a perfect catacomb, as Darwin terms it, for monsters of extinct
races. The remains of nine great kinds of quadrupeds chiefly allied to
the sloths were found embedded on the beach within a space of about two
hundred yards square; and these were associated with shells of molluscs
of still existing species. Here was indeed a remarkable fact to
germinate in the great naturalist's mind. It bore full fruit at a later
date. An important theory then current, that large animals require a
luxuriant vegetation, was overthrown at the same time, for there was
every reason to believe that the sterility of the surrounding country
was no new thing. The South American ostrich and many other animals
here afforded material for important observations.

On the way to Buenos Ayres, the rugged Sierra de la Ventana, a white
quartz mountain, was ascended. Buenos Ayres was reached on September 20,
1833, and no time was lost in arranging for an expedition to Santa Fé,
nearly 300 miles up the Parana. On October 3, Santa Fé was entered, and
near it many more remains of large extinct mammals were found. The
remains of a horse, in a similar fossil condition, greatly astonished
our explorer, for it seemed indeed surprising that in South America a
native horse should have co-existed with giant extinct forms, and should
itself have become extinct, to be succeeded in modern times by the
countless herds descended from the few horses introduced by the Spanish
colonists. These and other strange facts in the distribution of
mammalian animals in America led Darwin to make some pregnant comments.
The enormous number of large bones embedded in the estuary deposits
became continually more evident, until he came to the conclusion that
the whole area of the Pampas was one wide sepulchre.

Unfortunately ill-health compelled the explorer to return, and on
October 12th he started for Buenos Ayres in a small vessel. During this
journey he had an opportunity of examining the shifting and variable
islands of the muddy Parana, on which the jaguar thrives. Arrived at Las
Conchas, a revolution had broken out, and Darwin was detained to a
certain extent under surveillance; but by the influence of General
Rosas' name, he was allowed to pass the sentinels, leaving his guide
and horses behind, and ultimately reached Buenos Ayres in safety. After
a fortnight's delay, Monte Video was once more made for. Here it
appeared that the _Beagle_ would remain sometime longer, so the restless
inquirer started on another expedition, this time up the Uruguay and Rio
Negro. One of the halts was at the house of a very large landed
proprietor. A friend of the proprietor's, a runaway captain from Buenos
Ayres, was very anxious to have the traveller's opinion on the beauty of
the Buenos Ayres ladies, and on receiving satisfactory assurances,
voluntarily gave up his bed to the stranger! During this journey amazing
quantities of huge thistles were met with, the cardoon being as high as
a horse's back, while the Pampas thistle rose above the rider's head. To
leave the road for a yard was out of the question. Incidentally the
writer describes fully the horsemanship of the Gauchos, and gives a
vivid picture of the state of society in the towns.

During this journey, too, a peculiar breed of small cattle, called
niata, was observed, but full details were not given till the second
edition of the Journal appeared. This breed is strangely at a
disadvantage in droughts, compared with ordinary cattle; their lower
jaws project beyond the upper, and their lips do not join, rendering
them unable to browse on twigs. "This strikes me," says Darwin, "as a
good illustration of how little we are able to judge from the ordinary
habits of life, on what circumstances, occurring only at long intervals,
the rarity or extinction of a species may be determined." By the time
this appeared, however, in 1845, the author had embarked on his great
investigation.

The Rio Plata was quitted on December 6, 1833, and sail was made for
Port Desire, on the coast of Patagonia. One evening, ten miles from the
Bay of San Blas, myriads of butterflies filled the air, so that the
seamen cried out that it was snowing butterflies. The flight seemed to
be voluntary. On another occasion many beetles were found alive and
swimming, seventeen miles from the nearest land. But these instances
were insignificant compared with the alighting of a large grasshopper on
the _Beagle_, when to windward of the Cape de Verde Islands, and when
the nearest land, in a direction not opposed to the prevailing trade
wind, was 370 miles distant. Marvellous appearances of spiders far from
land were also noted. One day when the ship was sixty miles from land
vast numbers of a small gossamer spider arrived. Its habits in fact were
aëronautic; it would send forth a small thread, and suddenly letting go
its hold, would sail away horizontally.

The _Beagle_ arrived at Port Desire on December 23, 1833, but Patagonia
afforded less of interest to the zoologist than the northern countries.
The next halt was made at Port St. Julian, 110 miles further south, on
January 9, 1834. Here the evidences of the modern elevation of Patagonia
were powerfully reinforced, and further, from the nature of the animal
remains arose the conviction that "existing animals have a close
relation in form with extinct species," another of the germinal facts
which bore fruit in the "Origin of Species." Darwin was led to speculate
on the causes which could have extinguished so many great species, and
he remarks most suggestively: "One is tempted to believe in such simple
relations as variation of climate and food, or introduction of enemies,
or the increased numbers of other species, as the cause of the
succession of races." But he does not yet go farther. He ends his
reflections by observing: "All that at present can be said with
certainty is that, as with the individual, so with the species, the hour
of life has run its course, and is spent."

In the second edition of the Journal the philosopher showed signs of
considerable advance (pp. 174-5). The effect of changed conditions is
further developed. The checks to indefinite multiplication are insisted
on, while the tendency of every species to increase geometrically is
clearly pointed out. In the place of the former concluding sentence we
find the following: "To admit that species generally become rare before
they become extinct--to feel no surprise at the comparative rarity of
one species with another, and yet to call in some extraordinary agent
and to marvel greatly when a species ceases to exist, appears to me much
the same as to admit that sickness in the individual is the prelude to
death--to feel no surprise at sickness--but when the sick man dies, to
wonder, and to believe that he died through violence."

The continental regions of South America did not supply the sole food
for the reflections of the young naturalist during this period. An
intervening visit had been paid, in December, 1832, and January, 1833,
to Tierra del Fuego, and the natives were most carefully observed. He
was greatly struck by their low condition; "one can hardly make oneself
believe they are fellow creatures, and inhabitants of the same world."
Yet these abject people have been infinitely raised since that period
by missionaries, and Darwin, hearing of this success, which he termed
wonderful, sent a donation to the South American Missionary Society.

The Falkland Islands were explored both in 1833 and 1834, and the
Straits of Magellan were carefully examined, and many valuable
geological facts recorded. The southern portion of the continent was at
last quitted for Chili, Valparaiso being reached on July 23, 1834. After
Tierra del Fuego this was a delightful change, and here Darwin found an
old schoolfellow and friend, Mr. Richard Corfield, who entertained him
hospitably during his stay in Chili. Various expeditions to the Andes,
to Santiago, to gold mines and copper mines, supplied abundant objects
of curiosity and science, as well as varied visions of beauty; but the
fatigues undergone had to be paid for by a month's illness at
Valparaiso, during which Mr. Corfield's kindness was unremitting.

The large island of Chiloe was visited in November, and its climate even
in summer proved wretched, reminding one of some parts of the Hebrides,
a week without torrents of rain being wonderful. Castro, the almost
deserted Spanish capital, could not furnish, even among hundreds of
inhabitants, a pound of sugar or an ordinary knife. No one possessed
either a watch or a clock, and the church bell was rung by guess by an
old man who was supposed to have the best notion of time.

In December the rugged Chonos Archipelago, still further south, was
explored. Here a storm worthy of Tierra del Fuego was experienced.
"White, massive clouds were piled up against a dark blue sky, and
across them black, ragged sheets of vapour were rapidly driven. The
successive mountain ranges appeared like dim shadows; and the setting
sun cast on the woodland a yellow gleam, much like that produced by the
flame of spirits of wine on a man's countenance. The water was white
with the flying spray; and the wind lulled and roared again through the
rigging. It was a most ominous, sublime scene." While near Tres Montes
the year 1835 was ushered in, as Darwin says, "with the ceremonies
proper to it in these regions. She lays out no false hopes; a heavy N.W.
gale, with steady rain, bespeaks the rising year. Thank God, we are not
destined here to see the end of it, but hope then to be in the Pacific,
where a blue sky tells one there is a heaven--a something beyond the sky
above our heads."

Valdivia being reached in February, the _Beagle_ party were witnesses of
a severe earthquake. Darwin was on shore, lying down in the wood to
rest. The effect produced upon him by the motion he experienced was very
marked: "There was no difficulty in standing upright, but the motion
made me almost giddy. It was something like the movement of a vessel in
a little cross ripple, or still more like that felt by a person skating
over thin ice, which bends under the weight of his body. A bad
earthquake at once destroys the oldest associations; the world, the very
emblem of all that is solid, has moved beneath our feet like a crust
over a fluid; one second of time has conveyed to the mind a strange idea
of insecurity, which hours of reflection would never have created." By
the same earthquake every house in Concepcion (afterwards visited) was
thrown down, and a most impressive sight met the travellers.

Arriving at Valparaiso again on March 11, 1835, after only an interval
of two days the indefatigable explorer started to cross the Cordillera
by the seldom traversed Portillo pass. Here geological observations were
abundant. The roar of the mountain torrents spoke eloquently to the
geologist. "The thousands and thousands of stones, which, striking
against each other, make the one dull uniform sound, are all hurrying in
one direction. It is like thinking of time, when the minute that now
glides past is irrecoverable. So it is with these stones; the ocean is
their eternity, and each note of that wild music tells of one other step
towards their destiny." Who can fail to discern in such a passage the
poetic instinct which Erasmus Darwin more fully manifested?

Mendoza was reached on March 27th, and on the 29th the return journey by
the northern or Uspallata pass was commenced. On the 10th of April
Santiago was again arrived at, and Mr. Caldcleugh most hospitably
welcomed the traveller, delighted with his expedition. "Never," he says,
"did I more deeply enjoy an equal space of time." Various excursions in
Northern Chili and Peru followed. Little was seen of Peru, owing to the
troubled state of public affairs, and there was very little regret when
the _Beagle_ started early in September on her journey across the
Pacific.

The Galapagos Islands, with their two thousand volcanic craters, their
apparently leafless bushes and wretched weeds, their peculiar animals,
so unsuspicious of man that they did not move when stones were thrown,
were extremely interesting to the naturalist, and gave rise to numerous
observations and suggestions in later works. The huge tortoises slowly
carrying their great bodies about, appeared like strange antediluvian
animals. The hideous large water-lizard (_Amblyrhynchus_), swimming with
perfect ease, and capable of an hour's immersion in sea-water; and the
land lizard of the same genus, so numerous that at James Island it was
hardly possible to find a spot free from their burrows, the roofs of
which constantly give way under the pedestrian, were equally strange
denizens of this group of islands, where reptiles replace herbivorous
mammals. With regard to the last-mentioned species we find a remark
indicating the persistence of a belief in special creation up to this
date. "It would appear as if this species had been created in the centre
of the Archipelago, and thence had been dispersed only to a certain
distance."

During the years intervening between the first and second editions of
the Journal, reflection intensified Darwin's perception of the
singularity of the Galapagos fauna. "Considering the small size of these
islands," he says, "we feel the more astonished at the number of their
aboriginal beings, and at their confined range. Seeing every height
crowned with its crater, and the boundaries of most of the lava streams
still distinct, we are led to believe that within a period geologically
recent the unbroken sea was here spread out. Hence, both in space and
time, we seem to be brought somewhat nearer to that great fact--that
mystery of mysteries--the first appearance of new beings on this earth."
And he afterwards says, "One is astonished at the amount of creative
force, if such an expression may be used, displayed on these small,
barren, and rocky islands; and still more so at its diverse yet
analogous action in points so near each other."

The long voyage to Tahiti, 3,200 miles, begun on October 20, 1835,
ending on November 15th, was succeeded by a most enjoyable stay. Darwin
was as delighted as any traveller with the charms of the island and the
islanders. His testimony to the quality of English products is worth
noticing, if only as a piece of natural patriotism. He acknowledges that
Tahitian pineapples are of excellent flavour, perhaps better than those
cultivated in England, and this he believes to be the highest compliment
which can be paid to a fruit, or indeed to anything else. He found
reason to speak well of the influence of the Christian missionaries on
the natives, and of the conscientiousness of the latter, in opposition
to Kotzebue's narrative.

On December 19th New Zealand was sighted. Our traveller's observations
here are of much value, as relating to a late period before civilised
government was effectively established. At Waimate he was delighted with
the effects produced by the religious teacher. "The lesson of the
missionary is the enchanter's wand," and he rejoiced as an Englishman at
what his countrymen had effected. The remarkable absence of land
mammals, the late enormous increase of the imported Norway rat, the dock
spreading far and wide, its seeds having been sold as tobacco seeds by a
rascally Englishman, the huge Kauri pines, were all full of import to
the inquiring mind; but New Zealand proved on the whole less
attractive, as seen by Darwin, than most other countries he had visited.
December 30th saw the _Beagle_ on the way to Sydney, and Port Jackson
was reached on January 12, 1836. An interesting excursion to the Blue
Mountains and to Bathurst showed many aspects of colonial life, as well
as the strange duckbill or platypus in its native haunts. Tasmania, with
which island Darwin was greatly pleased, was visited in February. In
April the Keeling Islands furnished much of the material for the future
book on coral reefs, the essence of which is, however, included in the
Journal. Mauritius, Cape Town, St. Helena, Ascension, Bahia, Pernambuco,
Cape Verde, and the Azores were the successive stages of the homeward
journey, and on October 2, 1836, anchor was cast at Falmouth, where the
naturalist, equipped for his life work, was landed.

The high opinion Captain Fitzroy formed of Darwin during this long
voyage is shown by many passages in his own narrative, and by many other
references. He paid him the marked compliment of naming no fewer than
three important geographical localities after him, namely, Mount Darwin
and Darwin Sound (Tierra del Fuego), and Port Darwin in North Australia,
thus connecting his name for future generations with two lands whose
inhabitants were subjects of Darwin's unceasing interest and
investigation throughout life, and served in no small degree to
elucidate the history and rise of mankind in Darwin's mind and for a
world's instruction. Fitzroy complimented his friend markedly when
himself receiving the medal of the Royal Geographical Society; and in
one of his papers, speaking of him as a zealous volunteer in the cause
of science, observed that his perseverance might be estimated from the
fact that he never ceased to be a martyr to sea-sickness; while his
interest in science and his public spirit were evident from his having
presented his valuable collections to the public.

The concluding pages of the Journal are both eloquent and instructive.
Everywhere there had been fascinating visions, and attractive problems
remained unsolved. Was it not significant of future studies that the
contrast between barbarian and civilised man should have been so
impressed upon the future author of "The Descent of Man"? He writes thus
on this subject, "Of individual objects, perhaps no one is more certain
to create astonishment than the first sight in his native haunt of a
real barbarian, of man in his lowest and most savage state. One's mind
hurries back over past centuries, and then asks, could our progenitors
have been such as these? Men, whose very signs and expressions are less
intelligible to us than those of the domesticated animals; men, who do
not possess the instinct of those animals, nor yet appear to boast of
human reason, or at least of arts consequent on that reason. I do not
believe it is possible to describe or paint the difference between
savage and civilised man. It is the difference between a wild and tame
animal: and part of the interest in beholding a savage, is the same
which would lead every one to desire to see the lion in his desert, the
tiger tearing his prey in the jungle, the rhinoceros on the wide plain,
or the hippopotamus wallowing in the mud of some African river."

We have dwelt thus at length upon the history of this eventful voyage,
not only because it filled an important space in Darwin's life, but also
because it undoubtedly gave rise to the thoughts and speculations which
impelled him to devote his life to the study of problems of evolution.
It has been shown to some extent, how he saw, without pre-arrangement,
just those phenomena which could stimulate his mind, already fit, to its
highest flights. We have seen, too, how universal was Darwin's interest
in nature, and how sympathetic a heart went with his scientific insight.
He had yet to show how masterly was his patience, to work for yet twenty
years, in order that he might not by premature publication of a crude
theory risk defeat and throw science backward rather than forward. This
long patient work was to be the triumph of his genius.

FOOTNOTES:

[3: This statement by Darwin disposes of Mr. Grant Allen's
assertion that geology was Darwin's "first love" (p. 36). He reckoned
himself an entomologist when he went to Cambridge, and certainly Mr.
Ainsworth's statement shows that he was a naturalist in a wide sense
while at Edinburgh. C. V. Riley, the well-known American entomologist,
says (Proceedings of the Biological Society of Washington, U.S., vol.
i., 1882, p. 70) "I have the authority of my late associate editor of
_The American Entomologist_, Benjamin Dann Walsh, who was a class-mate
of Darwin's at Cambridge, that the latter's love of natural history was
chiefly manifested, while there, in a fine collection of insects."
Indeed, he was one of the original members of the Entomological Society
of London, founded in 1833, and showed an active interest in its affairs
throughout life, being elected a member of its council in 1838. As early
as January 4, 1836, a memoir based on insects sent home by Darwin from
Chiloe, was read before the Society by Charles Babington, now Professor
of Botany at Cambridge.]

[4: Mr. Grant Allen ("Darwin," p. 42) states that Darwin
observed sixty-seven distinct organic forms in the fine dust which fell
on deck. It was Ehrenberg who determined these organisms in dust sent to
him by Darwin, and four out of five of the packets of dust sent to
Ehrenberg were given to Darwin by Lyell (Darwin's Journal, second
edition, p. 5).]



CHAPTER III.


On his return home, Darwin speedily placed himself in communication with
the leaders of scientific progress, and, in consequence of the valuable
results of his voyage, he soon found himself in a most advantageous
position. On November 20, 1836, he was elected a Fellow of the
Geological Society, and before the end of the year he had sent the
manuscript of one of his early papers to Lyell, who writes to him
(December 26, 1836): "I have read your paper with the greatest
pleasure.... What a splendid field you have to write upon." He strongly
advised the young man not to accept any official scientific place, but
to devote himself to his own line of work. But Darwin was overpersuaded,
and became a member of the Council of the Geological Society in the
following February, and secretary in February, 1838. This office he held
with success for three years. Lyell referred in considerable detail to
the young traveller's views in his presidential address to the Society
in 1837.

Darwin's geological papers soon became numerous. In 1837 he discussed in
succession the recent elevation of the coast of Chili, the deposits
containing extinct mammalia in the neighbourhood of the Plata, the areas
of elevation and subsidence in the Pacific and Indian Oceans, as deduced
from the study of coral formations, and the formation of mould (the
precursor of a work he issued more than forty years later). Papers on
the connection of certain volcanic phenomena, and on the formation of
mountain chains, and other geological notes on South America, were read
in 1838; the interesting Parallel Roads of Glen Roy, in Scotland, which
he believed to be of marine origin, were described in 1839; the erratic
(glacial) boulders of South America, in 1841; and coral reefs in 1842: a
full record, one would imagine, of busy years, occupied also with
secretarial work. Lyell, writing to Sir John Herschel (May 24, 1837),
says: "I am very full of Darwin's new theory of coral islands, and have
urged Whewell to make him read it at our next meeting. I must give up my
volcanic crater theory for ever, though it costs me a pang at first." In
March, 1838, Lyell describes the reception of the paper on volcanic
phenomena at the Geological Society. "He opened upon De la Beche,
Phillips, and others, his whole battery of the earthquakes and volcanoes
of the Andes; and argued that spaces of a thousand miles long were
simultaneously subject to earthquakes and volcanic eruptions, and that
the elevation of the Pampas, Patagonia, &c., all depended upon a common
cause." In fit acknowledgment of such services to science, he was
elected a Fellow of the Royal Society on January 24, 1839.

Early in 1839 Darwin married his cousin, Emma Wedgwood, daughter of his
uncle Josiah Wedgwood: a union which, though consanguineous, proved in
the highest degree congenial and fortunate. In succeeding years a
numerous family of sons and daughters surrounded the happy parents.
After considerable delays by the Admiralty, though it had long been
ready, the Journal appeared, in 1839, as the third volume of Fitzroy's
"Voyages of _The Adventure_ and _Beagle_." _The Quarterly Review_ (lxv.
224) said that there could be no two opinions of its merits. "We find
ample materials for deep thinking; we have the vivid description that
fills the mind's eye with brighter pictures than painter can present,
and the charm arising from the freshness of heart which is thrown over
these virgin pages of a strong intellectual man, and an acute and deep
observer." Its merits, however, were somewhat slow to become known to
the general public, owing to the original expensive form of publication;
and it was not till 1845, when the second and enlarged edition appeared
as "The Journal of Researches," that the popular ear was gained. Later,
under the title, "A Naturalist's Voyage Round the World," the book has
become very widely known and appreciated.

The publication of "The Zoology of the Voyage of _The Beagle_,"
commenced in 1838, under Darwin's superintendence, gave a fuller view of
the acquisitions to natural history which had been made than had
previously been possible. The Treasury, acting on the representations of
the presidents of the Linnean, Zoological, and Geological Societies, as
well as of the naturalist himself, in 1837 made a grant of £1000 towards
the expenses of publication of these memoirs. Owen's description of the
fossil mammalia, completed in 1840; G. Waterhouse's of the living
mammalia, in 1839; Gould's of the birds, in 1841; L. Jenyns's of the
fish, in 1842; and Thomas Bell's of the reptiles, in 1843--all in
quarto, with beautiful plates, were a solid testimony to a splendid
success. Darwin furnished an introduction to each part, and the portions
of the text referring to the habits and ranges of the living animals.
Three species of mastodon and the gigantic megatherium were the only
extinct mammalia known from South America previous to Darwin's voyage.
To these were now added the _Mylodon Darwinii_, a giant sloth; the
scelidotherium, a somewhat smaller form; the great camel-like, yet
odd-toed, macrauchenia; and the toxodon, as large as a hippopotamus, yet
having a strange resemblance to the little rodents. All these belonged
to geological deposits not far anterior to the present age. The
collections of living vertebrates were less profoundly interesting, but
the number of new species was large; and the habits and localities being
recorded by so good an observer, gave them additional value.

The fossil mammals were given by the generous traveller to the London
College of Surgeons, the mammals and birds to the Zoological Society,
the reptiles to the British Museum, and the fishes to the Cambridge
Philosophical Society. Nor was this all. The collections of insects,
shells, and crustacea were described by many able specialists in
scientific publications. The flowering plants were described by Hooker,
and the non-flowering by Berkeley; and, altogether, no expedition ever
yielded a more solid result to the scientific naturalist, while
furnishing a delightful narrative to the general reader, and laying the
foundation for generalisations of surpassing importance to all thinking
minds.

It was evident to many geologists that the greatest value would attach
to the full record of the geological observations made by the gifted
young secretary of the Geological Society. A year after the publication
of the Journal the first portion of these observations, dealing with
coral reefs, was almost ready, but the continued ill-health of the
author delayed the publication till 1842. When it appeared, under the
title of "The Structure and Distribution of Coral Reefs," its success
was immediate and complete.

Ever since their first description by voyagers, marvel had been
expressed at the strange and beautiful phenomena presented by coral
islands. Coral, as being built up by the tireless labours of innumerable
so-called "insects," or "worms," had become associated with romantic
ideas. It really consists of the internal skeletons of coral-polyps,
allied to the sea anemone. Captain Basil Hall, in his "Voyage to Loo
Choo," looking with the eyes of one ignorant of zoology, had credited
the building of coral reefs to all kinds of creatures which lived on and
near the coral after it had been made; and his erroneous views had been
amplified and developed by James Montgomery, in his "Pelican Island,"
into the most fantastically incorrect description that ever versifier
penned. Sad to relate, his lines were often quoted, as if correct, by
scientific men in pre-Darwinian times.

Nothing gives clearer evidence of the power of mind which Darwin had
already attained when voyaging round the world than the originality of
his views on coral reefs. The lagoon islands, or atolls, he describes as
"vast rings of coral rock, often many leagues in diameter, here and
there surmounted by a low verdant island, with dazzling white shores,
bathed on the outside by the foaming breakers of the ocean; and, on the
inside, surrounding a calm expanse of water which, from reflection, is
of a bright, but pale, green colour." Keeling atoll, outside which, at
less than a mile and a half distance, no bottom was found with a line
7,200 feet in length, having been fully described, and an account given
of all other known atoll systems, the peculiarities of the great barrier
reef of North-east Australia, and that of New Caledonia, were recounted.
Off the latter, no bottom was found, at two ships' length from the reef,
with a line 900 feet long. With these were linked the smaller reefs of
Tahiti and others, where considerable islands are more or less
completely surrounded by them. Next, the fringing or shore reefs, at
first sight only a variety of barrier reefs, were clearly distinguished
from them by the absence of an interior deep-water channel, and their
not growing up from an immense, but from a moderate depth of water.

The remarkable fact was pointed out by Darwin that all coral islands are
within a little more than 30 degrees of the Equator, but that, at the
same time, they are absent over certain larger areas within the tropical
seas. There are none on the West Coast of South America, nor on the West
Coast of Africa. In this portion of his work we have another significant
sentence bearing on the struggle for existence. In discussing the
apparently capricious distribution of coral reefs, he remarks that "the
study of the terrestrial and better-known half of the world must
convince every one that no station capable of supporting life is
lost--nay more, that there is a struggle for each station between the
different orders of nature." He describes the large fishes and the
trepangs (_holothuriæ_) preying upon the coral-polyps, and shows how
complex are the conditions which determine the formation of reefs on any
shore. Perhaps no part of his work is more important than that in which
he collects the evidence proving how rapidly coral masses grow, and that
they for the most part cannot flourish in a greater depth of water than
fifteen fathoms.

Reasoning upon the facts observed by himself and others Darwin now
proceeded to upset the received theory that atolls were based upon
submarine volcanic craters, and to substitute for it the view that there
has been a prolonged and gradual subsidence of the areas upon which the
atolls are based, and a corresponding upward growth of the reef-building
corals. Thus fringing-reefs in time become barrier-reefs; and
barrier-reefs, when they encircle islands, are converted into atolls, or
lagoon islands, as soon as the last pinnacle of land sinks beneath the
surface of the ocean. The whole matter is summed up thus: "A magnificent
and harmonious picture of the movements which the crust of the earth has
within a late period undergone is presented to us. We see vast areas
rising, with volcanic matter every now and then bursting forth through
the vents or fissures with which they are traversed. We see other wide
spaces slowly sinking without any volcanic outbursts; and we may feel
sure that this sinking must have been immense in amount as well as in
area, thus to have buried over the broad face of the ocean every one of
these mountains above which atolls now stand like monuments, marking the
place of their former existence." "No more admirable example of
scientific method was ever given to the world," says Professor A.
Geikie, "and even if he had written nothing else, this treatise alone
would have placed Darwin in the very front of investigators of nature."

After thirty-two years' interval, a second edition of "Coral Reefs"
appeared, in a cheaper form, in 1874. It is rare indeed for a scientific
treatise to attain at once and maintain so long a position of such
undisputed authority. The eminent German naturalist, Semper, in 1863,
criticised the general theory in consequence of his own careful
examination of the Pelew Islands; but Darwin easily answered him by
pointing to the cumulative evidence in favour of his own views. The only
really important work on the subject, after Darwin's, was that of
Professor J. D. Dana, the eminent American naturalist and geologist, on
"Corals and Coral Islands," published in 1872. Darwin, in the preface to
his second edition, candidly acknowledged that he had not previously
laid sufficient weight on the mean temperature of the sea in determining
the distribution of coral reefs; but this did not touch his main
conception. In fact, he maintained his ground undisturbed, and at the
same time admired greatly Dana's book, which was the result of personal
examination of more coral formations than perhaps any one man had ever
studied, and which accepted Darwin's fundamental proposition, that
lagoon islands or atolls and barrier-reefs have been formed during
periods of subsidence.[5]

No such strikingly original theory is propounded in the second part of
"The Geology of the _Beagle_" dealing chiefly with volcanic islands. St.
Jago, in the Cape de Verde Islands; Fernando Noronha, Terceira, Tahiti,
Mauritius, St. Paul's, Ascension, St. Helena, and the Galapagos are in
turn more or less fully described, according to the opportunities the
explorer had possessed. To some extent, as in the succeeding part,
Darwin adapts his views on mountain elevation too closely to those
enunciated by Elie de Beaumont. The third part of the geology of the
_Beagle_, entitled "Geological Observations on South America," was not
published till 1846. Even this did not exhaust the contributions to
geology made from the _Beagle_ voyage, for it did not include the papers
on the "Connection of certain Volcanic Phenomena in South America"
(1838); on the "Distribution of Erratic Boulders" (1841); on the "Fine
Dust which falls on Vessels" (1845); and on the "Geology of the
Falkland Islands" (1846). A second edition of the two latter parts of
"The Geology of the _Beagle_" was published in one volume in 1876.

Meanwhile, after spending a few years of his early married life in
London, during which he was often in ill-health, Darwin fixed his
residence in 1842 at Down House, near Beckenham, Kent. The little
village of Down, three or four miles from the Orpington railway station,
was near enough to London for convenient access, yet greatly secluded
and thoroughly rural. The traveller's roving days were over, and his
infirmity of health prevented him from undertaking very fatiguing
journeys. After the cessation of his active work for the Geological
Society, Darwin's chief public appearance was when he spoke at the
Oxford meeting of the British Association, in 1847, when, strange to
say, Ruskin was secretary of the Geological Section.

At Down then, situated some 400 feet above the sea level on a plateau of
chalk, interrupted by wavy hollows with beech woods on the slopes, about
forty years of Darwin's life were passed. Down House, one of the square
red brick mansions of the last century, to which have been since added a
gable-fronted wing on one side and a more squarely-built wing and
pillared portico on the other, is shut in and almost hidden from the
roadway by a high wall and belt of trees. On the south side a walled
garden opens into a quiet meadow, bounded by underwood, through which is
seen a delightful view of the narrow valley beyond, towards Westerham.

One of the most admirable chapters of the well-known "Manual of
Scientific Enquiry," published in 1849, for the use of the navy and
travellers generally, and edited by Sir John Herschel, was Darwin's, on
Geology. The explorer is here taught to make the most of his
opportunities upon the soundest principles. The habits which the author
had himself formed are inculcated upon the observer--copious collecting,
accurate recording, much thinking. Nothing is omitted. Number-labels
which can be read upside down must have a stop to indicate the right way
up; every specimen should be ticketed on the day of collection; diagrams
of all kinds should be made, as nearly as possible, to scale. "Acquire
the habit of always seeking an explanation of every geological point met
with." "No one can expect to solve the many difficulties which will be
encountered, and which for a long time will remain to perplex
geologists; _but a ray of light will occasionally be his reward, and the
reward is ample_." Truly an ample reward awaited the observer who could
thus speak of the value of "a ray of light;" he certainly did, to use
the concluding words of the essay, "enjoy the high satisfaction of
contributing to the perfection of the history of this wonderful world."

Meanwhile Darwin had been carrying on a great research on the very
peculiar order of crustacea, termed Cirripedia, better known as
barnacles and acorn shells. He had originally only intended to describe
a single abnormal member of the group, from South America, but was led,
for the sake of comparison, to examine the internal parts of as many as
possible. The British Museum collection was freely opened to him, and as
the importance of studying the anatomy of many specimens became
evident, the splendid collections of Messrs. Stutchbury, Cuming, and
others were placed at his disposal, and he was permitted to open and to
dissect unique specimens of great value. In fact, almost every
naturalist of note who had any knowledge of the subject freely aided
him, and the result was a masterly series of finely illustrated volumes;
two on the living Cirripedia, issued by the Ray Society in 1851 and
1854; and two on the fossil Cirripedia of Great Britain, by the
Palæontographical Society, published in the same years. There is
evidence in these volumes that careful observations on the growth of
these creatures had been made as far back as the visit to the Galapagos
Islands in 1835. In many respects these works are as masterly as any the
author ever wrote. Considering the previous obscurity of the subject,
the difficulties attending the research, the almost entire lack at that
time of any general microscopical knowledge of tissues, and especially
of those of embryos, Darwin's success is marvellous. The details are too
technical for statement here, but any one with a zoological training,
who studies the strange complication of the reproductive systems, and
the remarkable transformations which the young undergo, as told in these
volumes, will appreciate more than ever the breadth and the solidity of
the basis of patiently acquired knowledge which Charles Darwin had
accumulated while his "Origin of Species" was taking shape.

At the anniversary meeting of the Royal Society in November, 1853, a
royal medal was presented to the author of "Coral Reefs" and the "Memoir
on the Cirripedia," the president, the Earl of Rosse, eulogizing the
former as one of the most important contributions to modern geology, and
the latter as containing new facts and conclusions of first-rate
interest. Finally, this chapter of Darwin's life may be closed with the
tardy award of the Wollaston medal to him by the Geological Society, in
February, 1859, when Professor John Phillips spoke of him as combining
the rarest acquirements as a naturalist, with the qualifications of a
first-class geologist, and as having by his admirable monograph on the
fossil Cirripedia added much to a reputation already raised to the
highest rank.

Yet even such a reputation could not secure fair treatment and impartial
judgment for the coming book, the subject of which might be supposed to
require supreme gifts of the very kind Darwin possessed.

FOOTNOTES:

[5: Mr. John Murray's views, derived from the experience
acquired in the voyage of the _Challenger_, and published in 1880, tend
to modify Darwin's conclusions to some extent. Mr. Murray says that it
is now shown that many submarine mountains exist, which are usually
volcanic, and which, being built upon by various forms of shell-bearing
animals, could be raised to such a level that ordinary corals could
build upon them. He concludes that probably all atolls are seated on
submarine volcanoes, and thus it is not necessary to suppose such
extensive and long-continued subsidences as Darwin suggested. This view
is also in harmony with Dana's views of the great antiquity and
permanence of the great ocean basin. See "The Structure and Origin of
Reefs and Islands." By John Murray; Proc. Roy. Soc., Edin., x. 505-18
(abstract); also _Nature_, xxii. 351-5.]



CHAPTER IV.


If no other record of Darwin's twenty-two years (1837-59) of life and
thought after his return to England remained than the papers and books
he published during that period, we should find enough to place him on a
level with the most gifted biologists and geologists of his age. But all
that time he was occupied with thoughts, researches, and experiments, of
which the world at large perceived no fruits. Few persons suspected that
a tremendous revolution in scientific thought was in preparation at the
quiet country home at Down. New species of animals and plants were being
described by naturalists at an alarming rate. The bulk of knowledge of
specific characters and the necessity of specialisation bade fair to
make every species-monger a dry and narrow pedant; and the pedants
quarrelled about the characters and limits of their species.

In the later years of this period some rays of improvement shone out. To
end the reign of Owen's misleading types and imaginary archetypes, there
arose a wielder of two potent words, "morphology" and "biology," the
sciences of form and of life, who showed that differences of adult form
grew out of likeness and simplicity in the young; and that the life of
plants and animals was one science, their study one discipline. What
Huxley had begun to proclaim from the housetop, Darwin was meditating in
secret; and much more. Let us see how he states the case in the famous
modest opening of the "Origin of Species" (1859): "When on board H.M.S.
_Beagle_, as naturalist, I was much struck with certain facts in the
distribution of the inhabitants of South America, and in the geological
relations of the present to the past inhabitants of that continent.
These facts seemed to me to throw some light on the origin of
species--that mystery of mysteries, as it has been called by one of our
greatest philosophers. On my return home, it occurred to me, in 1837,
that something might perhaps be made out on this question by patiently
accumulating and reflecting on all sorts of facts which could possibly
have any bearing on it. After five years' work I allowed myself to
speculate on the subject, and drew up some short notes; these I enlarged
in 1844 into a sketch of the conclusions, which then seemed to me
probable: from that period to the present day I have steadily pursued
the same object. I hope that I may be excused for entering on these
personal details, as I give them to show that I have not been hasty in
coming to a decision." We learn also, independently, from the
"Expression of the Emotions" (p. 19), that Darwin as early as 1838 was
inclined to believe in the principle of evolution, or the derivation of
species from other and lower forms.

It is somewhat difficult to decide precisely what Darwin owed to his
predecessors who believed in the mutability of species and doubted their
separate creation; this is partly owing to his exceeding modesty. He
was over-ready to acknowledge the value to himself of other people's
ideas, and he under-estimated the strength of the illumination which his
own mind threw upon those ideas, transforming them from guesses into
probable hypotheses, confirming them by his vast and varied knowledge,
and building a superstructure where they had laid but an uncertain
foundation. The question was in the air; guessing replies of great
interest were made by a few who doubted the received belief; but they
were not satisfying answers and they did not effect a revolution. Goethe
in Germany, Erasmus Darwin in England,[6] and Geoffroy Saint Hilaire in
France, came independently to similar conclusions as to the mutability
of species; and Lamarck followed with several well-known works in
1801-15, in which he upholds the doctrine that all species, including
man, are descended from other species. As Darwin says, Lamarck first did
the eminent service of arousing attention to the probability of all
change in the organic, as well as in the inorganic world, being the
result of law, and not of miraculous interposition. He saw the
difficulty of distinguishing between species and varieties, the almost
perfect gradation of form in some groups, and the great similarity of
domestic breeds of animals to such species. He believed that some degree
of change was produced by the physical conditions of life, the
intercrossing of species, and by habits causing increased use or disuse
of parts. Indeed he thought very many remarkable adaptations, such as
that of the neck of the giraffe for browsing on trees, were the effect
of habit. But he attributed, perhaps, more to a law of progressive
development impressed on all forms of life, which thus would all in
time gradually cease to be lowly, their place being taken by new forms
continually or "spontaneously" generated.

It does not appear that Lamarck would by any means have sufficed to
convince Darwin, judging from his references to him in his Journal and
the "Origin." Here is the passage in which in the second edition of his
Journal he refers to the blindness of the Brazilian Tucutuco, or
Ctenomys, a rodent or gnawing mammal with the habits of a mole:
"Considering the strictly subterranean habits of the Tucutuco, the
blindness, though so common, cannot be a very serious evil; yet it
appears strange that any animal should possess an organ frequently
subject to be injured. Lamarck would have been delighted with this fact
had he known it when speculating (probably with more truth than usual
with him) on the gradually _acquired_ blindness of the Aspalax, a gnawer
living underground, and of the Proteus, a reptile living in dark caverns
filled with water, in both of which animals the eye is in an almost
rudimentary state, and is covered with a tendinous membrane and skin....
In the Tucutuco, which, I believe, never comes to the surface of the
ground, the eye is rather larger (than in the mole), but often rendered
blind and useless, though without apparently causing any inconvenience
to the animal: no doubt Lamarck would have said that the Tucutuco is
now passing into the state of the Aspalax and Proteus." Many years
afterwards in the "Origin of Species" Darwin referred to the "erroneous
views and grounds of opinion of Lamarck."

No doubt some impulse to Darwin's views in this direction would be due
to his intercourse with Dr. Grant at Edinburgh, whose celebrated paper
on the fresh-water sponge concludes with a declaration of his belief
that species are descended from other species, and that they become
improved in the course of modification. But previous to the occurrences
of his voyage, we can find no stronger influence tending to make Darwin
an evolutionist, than Lyell's "Principles of Geology," which, by showing
constant and gradual change as the law of the world's history now as in
past periods, gave emphasis and point to all observations of change and
succession in the living world. Indeed, in June, 1836, before Darwin's
voyage was over, Lyell writes to Sir John Herschel: "In regard to the
origination of new species, I am very glad to find that you think
it probable that it may be carried on through the intervention of
intermediate causes. I left this rather to be inferred, not thinking it
worth while to offend a certain class of persons by embodying in words
what would only be a speculation. But the German critics have attacked
me vigorously, saying, that by the impugning of the doctrine of
spontaneous generation, and substituting nothing in its place, I have
left them nothing but the direct and miraculous intervention of the
First Cause, as often as a new species is introduced, and hence I have
overthrown my own doctrine of revolutions carried on by a regular system
of secondary causes.... When I first came to the notion, which I never
saw expressed elsewhere, though I have no doubt it had all been thought
out before, of a succession of extinction of species, and creation of
new ones going on perpetually now, and through an indefinite period of
the past, and to continue for ages to come, all in accommodation to the
changes which must continue in the inanimate and habitable earth, the
idea struck me as the grandest which I had ever conceived, so far as
regards the attributes of the Presiding Mind."

In a succeeding paragraph, Lyell very remarkably foreshadows Darwin's
"natural selection" and "struggle for existence." He speaks of a species
being rendered more prolific in order to perpetuate its existence;
"but this would perhaps make it press too hard upon other species at
other times. Now if it be an insect it may be made in one of its
transformations to resemble a dead stick, or a leaf, or a lichen, or a
stone, so as to be somewhat less easily found by its enemies; or if this
would make it too strong, an occasional variety of the species may have
this advantage conferred on it; or if this would be still too much, one
sex of a certain variety. _Probably there is scarcely a dash of colour
on the wing or body of which the choice would be quite arbitrary, or
which might not affect its duration for thousands of years._" The
significance of the last sentence is immense, and when we reflect that
this bold but cautious thinker was in constant intercourse with Darwin,
we can readily comprehend why the second edition of the Journal was so
enthusiastically dedicated to Lyell. On page 481 of the "Origin of
Species," Darwin acknowledges that the belief that species were
immutable productions was almost unavoidable, as long as the history of
the world was thought to be of short duration: which affords another
proof how profoundly Lyell's views on the long duration of the past
history of the globe, and its modification by the slow operation of
existing causes, influenced Darwin, and led him to comprehend how
species might be modified.

We see Darwin, then, possessed of the idea that species are mutable,
informed as to past and recent changes in the animal, plant, and
physical world, seeking for causes which should suffice to produce
modification of species by a continuous law. The next step in his
progress was attention to domestic animals and cultivated plants. As he
wrote in 1864 to Haeckel, one of his most brilliant followers: "In South
America three classes of facts were brought strongly before my mind.
Firstly, the manner in which closely-allied species replace species in
going southward. Secondly, the close affinity of the species inhabiting
the islands near South America to those proper to the continent. This
struck me profoundly, especially the difference of the species in the
adjoining islets in the Galapagos Archipelago. Thirdly, the relation of
the living Edentata and Rodentia to the extinct species. I shall never
forget my astonishment when I dug out a gigantic piece of armour like
that of the living armadillo.

"Having reflected much on the foregoing facts, it seemed to me probable
that allied species were descended from a common ancestor. But during
several years I could not conceive how each form could have been
modified so as to become admirably adapted to its place in nature. I
began, therefore, to study domesticated animals and cultivated
plants,[7] and after a time perceived that man's power of selecting and
breeding from certain individuals was the most powerful of all means in
the production of new races. Having attended to the habits of animals,
and their relations to the surrounding conditions, I was able to realise
the severe struggle for existence to which all organisms are subjected;
and my geological observations had allowed me to appreciate, to a
certain extent, the duration of past geological periods. With my mind
thus prepared, I fortunately happened to read Malthus's 'Essay on
Population;' and the idea of natural selection through the struggle for
existence at once occurred to me. Of all the subordinate points in the
theory, the last which I understood was the cause of the tendency in the
descendants from a common progenitor to diverge in character."[8]

Malthus taught the inevitable tendency of all animal life to increase
beyond the means of subsistence, and expounded the checks which begin to
act when population increases too rapidly. But his book had lain
unfruitful to naturalists since 1798, until Darwin read it, and with
his special knowledge evolved from it the brilliant idea of the
preservation of better-equipped races in the struggle for life, or, as
Herbert Spencer put it, the survival of the fittest. At one bound the
gloomy revelations of misery which the "Essay on Population" contained,
were exchanged for the bright view of perpetual progress and improvement
as being necessitated and brought about by the very struggle which
ensued upon the natural increase of animal and plant life. Instead of
struggle and pain, producing starvation and extinction merely, struggle
and pain were seen as the conditions of development and improvement; the
death of the lower, the life of the higher.

It is less profitable here to attempt to sketch the history of ideas of
evolution in general, because that history as now revealed by research,
and as detailed by many writers, was not the path along which Darwin
travelled. Indeed, many of these ideas were not disinterred, and
certainly were not brought to Darwin's notice till after the publication
of the "Origin of Species." True he read Robert Chambers's "Vestiges of
Creation," which, with its "powerful and brilliant style," although
displaying in its earlier editions "little accurate knowledge and a
great want of scientific caution," Darwin acknowledges to have done
excellent service in calling attention to the subject, in removing
prejudice, and in preparing the ground for the reception of analogous
views. Herbert Spencer, in his Essay on the Development Hypothesis,
first published in _The Leader_ in March, 1852, and republished in his
"Essays" (first series, 1858), argued that species have been modified
owing to change of circumstances, basing his argument upon the analogy
of domestic animals and plants, the changes which the embryos of many
species undergo, and the difficulty of distinguishing species and
varieties.

But we need not here dwell on the works of these thinkers, important as
they are to the general history of evolutionary thought, because
Darwin's speculations had taken form long before, and he could be but
slightly indebted to them. Far in advance of them he was at work
collecting and testing the facts which alone could win general support
for his views, and experimenting incessantly with the same object in
view. Lyell and Hooker were in his confidence, and in Lyell's letters we
meet with references such as the following, dated November 13, 1854:
"You probably know about this (the remarkable orchid, Catasetum), which
will figure in C. Darwin's book on 'Species,' with many other 'ugly
facts,' as Hooker, clinging like me to the orthodox faith, calls these
and other abnormal vagaries," showing at the same time how completely
Darwin was the leader, while his friends, advanced as they were, hung
back. Again (Lyell to Hooker, July 25, 1856): "Whether Darwin persuades
you and me to renounce our faith in species (when geological epochs are
considered) or not, I foresee that many will go over to the indefinite
modifiability doctrine."

Further light is thrown on the progress of ideas on species by Sir
Joseph Hooker's admirably written Introductory Essay to the "Flora Novæ
Zelandiæ," dated November, 1853, in which he discusses among other
questions, "The Limits of Species; their Dispersion and Variation."
While still adhering on the whole to the origin of species from single
parents, or from one pair, and the permanence of specific characters, he
insists that species vary more, and are more widely distributed, than is
generally admitted, and that their distribution has been brought about
by natural causes. In this essay he makes the following statements: "Mr.
Darwin not only directed my earliest studies in the subjects of the
distribution and variation of species, but has discussed with me all the
arguments, and drawn my attention to many of the facts which I have
endeavoured to illustrate in this essay. I know of no other way in which
I can acknowledge the extent of my obligation to him, than by adding
that I should never have taken up the subject in its present form but
for the advantages I have derived from his friendship and
encouragement."

Appropriately enough, it was through Lyell and Hooker that the new
theory was introduced to the public, and it was owing to them that
Darwin did not obliterate his own claims to priority, and give them over
to Alfred Russel Wallace, who had independently come to similar
conclusions. The letter, dated June 30, 1858, in which the announcement
was conveyed to the Linnean Society, deserves quotation, as being the
authoritative and accurate record of the circumstances which launched
the "Origin of Species" upon the world:

     "The accompanying papers, which we have the honour of communicating
     to the Linnean Society, and which all relate to the same subject,
     viz., 'The Laws which affect the Production of Varieties, Races,
     and Species,' contain the results of the investigations of two
     indefatigable naturalists, Mr. Charles Darwin and Mr. Alfred
     Wallace.

     "These gentlemen having, independently and unknown to one another,
     conceived the same very ingenious theory to account for the
     appearance and perpetuation of varieties and of specific forms on
     our planet, may both fairly claim the merit of being original
     thinkers in this important line of inquiry; but neither of them
     having published his views, though Mr. Darwin has been repeatedly
     urged by us to do so, and both authors having now unreservedly
     placed their papers in our hands, we think it would best promote
     the interests of science that a selection from them should be laid
     before the Linnean Society.

     "Taken in the order of their dates, they consist of--

     "1. Extracts from a MS. work on species, by Mr. Darwin, which was
     sketched in 1839, and copied in 1844, when the copy was read by Dr.
     Hooker, and its contents afterwards communicated to Sir Charles
     Lyell. The first part is devoted to 'The Variation of Organic
     Beings under Domestication and in their Natural State'; and the
     second chapter of that part, from which we propose to read to the
     Society the extracts referred to, is headed, 'On the Variation of
     Organic Beings in a State of Nature; on the Natural Means of
     Selection; on the Comparison of Domestic Races and true Species.'

     "2. An abstract of a private letter addressed to Professor Asa
     Gray, of Boston, U.S., in October, 1857, by Mr. Darwin, in which
     he repeats his views, and which shows that these remained unaltered
     from 1839 to 1857.

     "3. An essay by Mr. Wallace, entitled 'On the Tendency of Varieties
     to depart indefinitely from the Original Type.' This was written at
     Ternate in February, 1858, for the perusal of his friend and
     correspondent, Mr. Darwin, and sent to him with the expressed wish
     that it should be forwarded to Sir Charles Lyell, if Mr. Darwin
     thought it sufficiently novel and interesting. So highly did Mr.
     Darwin appreciate the value of the views therein set forth, that he
     proposed, in a letter to Sir Charles Lyell, to obtain Mr. Wallace's
     consent to allow the essay to be published as soon as possible. Of
     this step we highly approved, provided Mr. Darwin did not withhold
     from the public, as he was strongly inclined to do (in favour of
     Mr. Wallace) the memoir which he had himself written on the same
     subject, and which, as before stated, one of us had perused in
     1844, and the contents of which we had both of us been privy to for
     many years. On representing this to Mr. Darwin, he gave us
     permission to make what use we thought proper of his memoir, &c.;
     and in adopting our present course, of presenting it to the Linnean
     Society, we have explained to him that we are not solely
     considering the relative claims to priority of himself and his
     friend, but the interests of science generally; for we feel it to
     be desirable that views founded on a wide deduction from facts, and
     matured by years of reflection, should constitute at once a goal
     from which others may start, and that, while the scientific world
     is waiting for the appearance of Mr. Darwin's complete work, some
     of the leading results of his labours, as well as those of his
     able correspondent, should together be laid before the public."

In these papers, read on July 1, 1858, Darwin's share amounts to little
more than six pages, yet within this space he describes the geometrical
rate of increase of animals, the checks that occur, the effects of
changed conditions, the natural selection of the better equipped forms
resulting from the struggle for existence, and the influence of sexual
selection. Wallace insists on essentially the same view, which he calls
that of progression and continued divergence. "This progression, by
minute steps, in various directions, but always checked and balanced by
the necessary conditions, subject to which alone existence can be
preserved, may, it is believed, be followed out so as to agree with all
the phenomena presented by organised beings, their extinction and
succession in past ages, and all the extraordinary modifications of
form, instinct, and habits which they exhibit." Those who read Wallace's
original essay can best appreciate the extraordinary simplicity and
nobility of character which inclined the elder naturalist, who had so
long held the same views, to step aside in favour of the younger man,
who from different researches was led to such similar conclusions. It
may here be added that Hooker, in the Introductory Essay to the "Flora
Tasmaniæ," dated November 4, 1859, before the publication of the "Origin
of Species," but after seeing much of it in manuscript, accepted and
advocated the view that species are derivative and mutable, and
developed it as regards the geographical distribution of plants.

FOOTNOTES:

[6: It is worth while to reproduce here a few sentences from
Erasmus Darwin's "Zoonomia," showing how acutely he guessed in the
direction of evolution.

"When we revolve in our minds, first, the great changes which we see
naturally produced in animals after their nativity.... Secondly, when we
think over the great changes introduced into various animals by
artificial or accidental cultivation.... Thirdly, when we enumerate the
great changes produced in the species of animals before their
nativity.... Fourthly, when we revolve in our minds the great similarity
of structure which obtains in all the warm-blooded animals.... Fifthly,
from their first rudiment or primordium to the termination of their
lives, all animals undergo perpetual transformations, which are in part
produced by their own exertions;... and many of these acquired forms or
propensities are transmitted to their posterity.... A great want of one
part of the animal world has consisted in the desire of the exclusive
possession of the female; and these have acquired weapons to combat each
other for this purpose.... The final cause of this contest amongst the
males seems to be that the strongest and most active animal should
propagate the species, which should thence become improved. Another
great want consists in the means of procuring food, which has
diversified the forms of all species of animals.... All which seem to
have been gradually produced during many generations by the perpetual
endeavour of the creatures to supply the want of food, and to have been
delivered to their posterity with constant improvement of them for the
purpose required.... The third great want among animals is that of
security, which seems much to have diversified the forms of their bodies
and the colour of them.... The contrivances for the purposes of security
extend even to vegetables.... Would it be too bold to imagine that in
the great length of time since the earth began to exist ... all
warm-blooded animals have arisen from one living filament, which the
Great First Cause endued with animality;... possessing the faculty of
continuing to improve by its own inherent activity, and of delivering
down those improvements by generation to its posterity, world without
end!"]

[7: In this study Darwin came into communication, as early as
1839, with the Hon. and Rev. W. Herbert, afterwards Dean of Manchester,
and received from him a personal account of his experiments on hybrids.
It was Herbert who, as early as 1822, in the fourth volume of the
"Horticultural Transactions," and in his work on the Amaryllidaceæ,
1837, declared that horticultural experiments have established, beyond
the possibility of refutation, that botanical species are only "a higher
and more permanent class of varieties." He extended the same view to
animals, and believed that single species of each genus were originally
created in a highly plastic condition, and that these have produced,
chiefly by intercrossing, but also by variation, all our existing
species.]

[8: The first portion of this important letter is quoted from
the English translation of Haeckel's "History of Creation," 1876; the
second portion from O. Schmidt's "Doctrine of Descent and Darwinism,"
having been re-written by Darwin from the German text.]



CHAPTER V.


Darwin's great work "On the Origin of Species by means of Natural
Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for
Life," was published in November, 1859. It begins with the simplest
narrative of the events leading to its publication, and an apology for
the imperfection of "this abstract." The author is well aware, he says,
that on most points he deals with, facts can be adduced which often
apparently lead to conclusions directly opposite to his own. He states
clearly the important truth that a mere belief in the origin of species
by descent from other species is unsatisfactory until it can be shown
_how_ species can have been modified so as to acquire their present
remarkable perfection of structure and coadaptation. Consequently cases
of observed modification of species are of the highest value, and
precedence is given to the variation of animals and plants in a state of
domestication.

The individuals belonging to the same variety of any of our
long-cultivated animals or plants differ much more from each other than
the individuals of any one species or variety in a state of nature.
Darwin explains this by the changed conditions of their life, excess or
changed quality of food, climate, changed habits, &c. Thus man has
effected remarkable changes in many species by consciously or
unconsciously selecting particular qualities in the animals or plants
kept for use or beauty. Domestic productions seem in fact to have become
plastic in man's hands, and the inheritance of acquired qualities by
offspring is reckoned on as almost certain. The breeds of cattle,
poultry, dogs, and pigeons, are striking examples.

Darwin, as he tells us, kept every breed of domestic pigeons he could
purchase or obtain, in order to study their variations. In this he was
himself reverting to the associations of childhood, when the beauty,
variety, and tameness of The Mount pigeons at Shrewsbury were well
known.

We can imagine the astonishment with which the "eminent fanciers" and
members of the London Pigeon Clubs, whose acquaintance the great
naturalist cultivated, received the simplicity, yet depth, of his
inquiries, as he came among them day after day, utilising all their
lore, and yet continually asking what they neither knew nor suspected
the drift of. He began his study with a prepossession against the idea
of the immense diversity of modern pigeons having originated from one
common stock. Yet if such modification has taken place in any creature,
pigeons may furnish an example, for they have been kept and bred for
thousands of years, being recorded in Egypt about 3000 B.C., and Pliny
relates that their pedigree and race could be reckoned by the Romans of
his time. "We cannot suppose that all the breeds were suddenly produced
as perfect and as useful as we now see them; indeed, in several cases
we know that this has not been their history. The key is man's power of
accumulative selection; nature gives successive variations; man adds
them up in certain directions useful to him." This is an undoubted fact,
to which breeders and fanciers give far more emphatic testimony even
than Darwin. As Lord Somerville said, speaking of what breeders have
done for sheep, "It would seem as if they had chalked upon a wall a form
perfect in itself, and then had given it existence."

Side by side with conscious selection goes unconscious. Two breeders,
breeding from similar stock, aiming at the same end, will get different
results. Aiming at a particular result, they find that with it is
associated some other of which they had not dreamed. Thus through long
ages our cultivated vegetables and flowers have been produced, by always
selecting the best variety, and sowing its seeds. The fact which Darwin
notes, that our cultivated plants and domestic breeds date from so
ancient a time that we know really nothing of their origin, has an
important bearing on the great antiquity of man, then scarcely imagined,
now generally accepted; seeing that all domestic development depends on
a variability in living creatures, which man can not produce, but can
only work upon.

That variation of species occurs in a state of nature Darwin proves not
only by recorded facts, but by a consideration of the chaotic condition
of species-description, owing to the differences between authors as to
what are species and what are varieties, one observer describing a
dozen species where another reckons only one. If such divergence of
opinion is possible between good observers, it is evident that there is
no sufficiently clear rule for deciding what a species is, although for
centuries naturalists have laboured to establish them. If species vary
continually, and become modified, then this difficulty is explained.

But what is there in nature to answer to the breeder's selection? Here
comes in Darwin's remarkable application and amplification of Malthus's
principle of population. "Nothing is easier," he says, "than to admit
in words the truth of the universal struggle for life, or more
difficult--at least I have found it so--than constantly to bear this
conclusion in mind. Yet unless it be thoroughly engrained in the mind, I
am convinced that the whole economy of nature, with every fact on
distribution, rarity, abundance, extinction, and variation will be dimly
seen or quite misunderstood. We behold the face of nature bright with
gladness; we often see superabundance of food; we do not see, or we
forget, that the birds which are idly singing round us mostly live on
insects or seeds, and are thus constantly destroying life; or we forget
how largely these songsters, or their eggs, or their nestlings are
destroyed by birds and beasts of prey; we do not always bear in mind,
that though food may be now superabundant, it is not so at all seasons
of each recurring year." The proofs given of the enormous rate at which
animals and plants tend to increase in numbers are very striking; even
the elephant, the slowest breeder of all animals, would increase from
one pair to fifteen millions in the fifth century, if no check existed.

Thus every animal and plant may be said to struggle for existence with
those with which it competes for space, food, light, air. The numbers
are kept down by heavy destruction at various periods of life. Take the
case of seedling plants. Darwin had a piece of ground three feet long
and two feet wide dug and cleared, so that no grown plants existed to
check the growth of seedlings of native plants as they came up. He
counted and marked all that came up, and out of 357 no fewer than 295
were destroyed, chiefly by slugs and insects. So in a little plot of
long-mown turf, allowed to grow freely, out of twenty species nine
perished in the struggle. Many further personal observations of the
author are given: such as that the winter of 1854-5 destroyed
four-fifths of the birds in his own grounds; that he has sometimes
failed to get a single seed from wheat or other plants in his garden.

On the estate of a relative in Staffordshire the changes consequent on
planting several hundred acres with Scotch fir were remarkable. In
twenty-five years twelve species of conspicuous plants, and six
different insectivorous birds had become settled and flourishing
inhabitants in the plantations. The characteristic of the philosopher,
who sees in the unconsidered trifles of others the material for his
choicest discoveries, is well exemplified in his mode of observing the
results of enclosure near Farnham, in Surrey. Here a multitude of
self-sown firs sprang up in the enclosures, and Darwin went to examine
into the cause of the strange phenomenon. Not a fir was in sight except
some distant clumps. "But on looking closely between the stems of the
heath, I found a multitude of seedlings and little trees, which had been
perpetually browsed down by the cattle. In one square yard, at a point
some hundred yards distant from one of the old clumps, I counted
thirty-two little trees; and one of them, judging from the rings of
growth, had during twenty-six years tried to raise its head above the
stems of the heath, and had failed."

The interdependence of animal upon animal, of animal upon plant, of
plant upon animal, is enforced in many ways by Darwin. For instance, the
visits of humble-bees are of special importance to the welfare of red
clover; humble-bees are largely destroyed by field-mice; cats largely
destroy field-mice near villages, and so favour humble-bees, and
secondarily red clover. Every paragraph of the chapter on the struggle
for existence is full of suggestion, and subversive of old imaginings.
But Darwin's knowledge is to him slight, his ignorance profound. Yet, he
says, notwithstanding our ignorance, "we may console ourselves with the
full belief that the war of nature is not incessant, that no fear is
felt, that death is generally prompt, and that the vigorous, the
healthy, and the happy survive and multiply."

The great chapter on Natural Selection, or the preservation of
favourable and the rejection of injurious variations, is crowded with
striking passages. One of these vividly contrasts man's selection with
nature's. "Man can act only on external and visible characters: nature
cares nothing for appearances, except in so far as they may be useful to
any being. She can act on every internal organ, on every shade of
constitutional difference, on the whole machinery of life. Man selects
only for his own good; nature only for that of the being she tends.
Every selected character is fully exercised by her; and the being is
placed under well-suited conditions of life.... Under nature, the
slightest difference of structure or constitution may well turn the
nicely-balanced scale in the struggle for life, and so be preserved. How
fleeting are the wishes and efforts of man! how short his time! and
consequently how poor will his products be, compared with those
accumulated by nature during whole geological periods. Can we wonder,
then, that nature's productions should be far 'truer' in character than
man's productions; that they should be infinitely better adapted to the
most complex conditions of life, and should _plainly bear the stamp of
far higher workmanship_?" The words in italics certainly are a good
answer to those who think Darwin had any tendency to depreciate the
marvels of nature by bringing them under the law of natural selection.
But we shall gain further light on this subject later on.

The main argument may be summed up thus: if variations beneficial to any
creature occur, which cannot be doubted, the individuals in whom they
occur will have the best chance of surviving and transmitting their
qualities to their offspring. This natural selection will tend to
produce divergence of character among offspring, and to intensify
differences until they equal those between species or even genera. The
same tendency to improvement brings about the decay and ultimate
extinction of many lower and unimproved forms of life.

One of the best examples of Darwin's style is in the passage comparing
all members of the same class of beings to a great tree. "I believe this
simile largely speaks the truth. The green and budding twigs may
represent existing species; and those produced during each former year
may represent the long succession of extinct species. At each period of
growth all the growing twigs have tried to branch out on all sides, and
to overtop and kill the surrounding twigs and branches, in the same
manner as species and groups of species have tried to overmaster other
species in the great battle for life. The limbs divided into great
branches, and these into lesser and lesser branches, were themselves
once, when the tree was small, budding twigs; and this connexion of the
former and present buds by ramifying branches may well represent the
classification of all extinct and living species in groups subordinate
to groups. Of the many twigs which flourished when the tree was a mere
bush, only two or three, now grown into great branches, yet survive and
bear all the other branches; so with the species which lived during
long-past geological periods, very few now have living and modified
descendants. From the first growth of the tree many a limb and branch
has decayed and dropped off; and these lost branches of various sizes
may represent those whole orders, families, and genera which have now no
living representatives, and which are known to us only from having been
found in a fossil state. As we here and there see a thin straggling
branch springing from a fork low down in a tree, and which by some
chance has been favoured and is still alive on its summit, so we
occasionally see an animal like the Ornithorhynchus or Lepidosiren,
which in some small degree connects by its affinities two large branches
of life, and which has apparently been saved from fatal competition by
having inhabited a protected station. As buds give rise by growth to
fresh buds, and these, if vigorous, branch out and overtop on all sides
many a feebler branch, so by generation I believe it has been with the
great Tree of Life, which fills with its dead and broken branches the
crust of the earth, and covers the surface with its ever-branching and
beautiful ramifications."

What may be the laws controlling or producing variation Darwin candidly
tells us he does not know. Some authors, he says, believe it to be as
much the function of the reproductive system to produce individual
differences, or very slight deviations of structure, as to make the
child like its parents. But we certainly do not know the precise effect
of any change of conditions, or what changes may be entailed in other
parts of an organism by given changes in one part.[9]

Why, if species are continually being modified, do we not see multitudes
of transitional forms around us? How can the elaborate structure and
special habits of a bat have been formed by the modification of some
animal of entirely different habits? How can the marvellous perfections
of the human eye or that of one of the higher animals be supposed to
have arisen through natural selection? These questions Darwin answers
with powerful effect; but for the details we must refer the reader to
the book itself. Incidentally he refers to objections urged against the
view that every detail of structure has been produced for the good of
its possessor. He says plainly that if structures have been created for
beauty in the eyes of man, or for mere variety, that is fatal to his
theory. Yet he admits that many structures are of no direct use to their
possessors; but they have been inherited from ancestors to whom they
were of use, or they have arisen as correlated changes or in dependence
on some other cause, where use and benefit have been primary.

In dealing with Instinct, we see Darwin personally studying ants and
bees in their social habits. The idea of ants making slaves is to him
"odious," which we can well understand after his references to slavery
in South America. For three years, during June and July, he watched for
many hours several ants' nests in Surrey and Sussex to see whether the
slaves ever left the nest. One day he witnessed a migration of ants from
one nest to another, the masters carefully carrying their slaves in
their jaws. Again, he saw a party attempting to carry off slaves,
succeeding, however, only in carrying their corpses off for food to the
nest. Darwin then dug up a small group of pupæ of the slave species from
another nest, and put them down near the place of combat. They were
eagerly seized and carried off by the tyrants, "who perhaps fancied
that, after all, they had been victorious in their late combat." At the
same time the slave-owners were able to distinguish instantly the pupæ
of another species, showing much terror at sight of them; yet they
ultimately took heart, and carried them off.

The cell-making instinct of the hive-bee, "the most wonderful of all
known instincts," as Darwin terms it, was closely studied. The comb,
"so beautifully adapted to its end," he enthusiastically admired. Yet he
finds gradation among bees, and can imagine a method by which this
beautiful construction, has been gradually developed. His ideas were
tested by setting bees to work on a solid piece of wax between two
combs. The detailed account of these experiments is most instructive. It
is quite charming to mentally follow the patient experimenter covering
the edges of a single cell or the extreme margin of a growing comb with
a thin layer of vermilion wax, and soon proving that many bees work in
succession at a single cell by the rapid diffusion of the vermilion
colouring as delicately as a painter could have done it, atoms of the
coloured wax being removed and worked into the growing cells all
round.[10] "It was really curious," Darwin says, "to note in cases of
difficulty, as when two pieces of comb met at an angle, how often the
bees would entirely pull down and rebuild in different ways the same
cell, sometimes recurring to a shape which they had at first rejected."
Here surely he was watching evolution in that slow, gradual process
which appears to be the rule.

The castes of neuter ants, constituting as they did "by far the most
serious special difficulty" Darwin had encountered, were similarly
studied; but, as expected, gradations were found connecting them,
although the extremes differ markedly in shape and size. The case is
most interesting, because these castes could only be developed if the
variations which produced them were profitable to the community; "for no
amount of exercise, or habit, or volition, in the utterly sterile
members of a community could possibly have affected the structure or
instincts of the fertile members, which alone leave descendants." This
fact Darwin considers to be demonstrative against Lamarck's doctrine. At
the same time, he admits that instincts are not always perfect, and are
liable to make mistakes; and that no instinct has been produced for the
exclusive good of other animals, but that each animal takes advantage of
the instincts of others. It is to him "far more satisfactory to look at
such instincts as the young cuckoo ejecting its foster-brothers, ants
making slaves, the larvæ of ichneumonidæ feeding within the live bodies
of caterpillars, not as specially endowed or created instincts, but as
small consequences of one general law, leading to the advancement of all
organic beings, namely, multiply, vary, let the strongest live and the
weakest die." And here Darwin strikes one of his truest and most helpful
notes. It _is_ far more satisfactory to contemplate the rapine and war
of nature as incidents which aid in working out a grand progress than as
multitudinous cruelties, working no good, and in past ages of unknown
length merely preluding the struggle and rapine through which man works
out his rise or fall. If we agonise that we and our descendants may
rise, life is worth living.

We cannot follow in detail the profoundly suggestive chapters on
Hybridism, on the Imperfection of the Geological Record, on the
Geological Succession of Organic Beings, on the Geographical
Distribution, and on the Mutual Affinity of Plants and Animals. The
first of these is one of the most difficult portions of the subject, and
yet remains as a stumbling-block of science by its apparently
inexplicable phenomena. The author throws on the past history of life on
the earth the glamour of a fairy record, as he contemplates the infinite
number of generations, which the mind cannot grasp, which must have
succeeded one another in the long roll of years, the limited extent to
which at any time fossil remains have been preserved, the immense amount
of destruction of such records which has taken place; and hence argues
most powerfully how improbable it is that the transitional stages from
species to species should have been handed down and also (another rare
chance) have been laid open to us. The great array of facts about
extinct animals and plants is shown to be consistent with, and to
be largely explained by, descent with modification, and to be
incomprehensible on any other view. The eccentric contrasts and
parallelisms displayed in the geographical distribution of plants and
animals, the striking effects of barriers such as mountains, deserts,
and seas, the phenomena of dispersion of living creatures, the
indications of old glacial periods in the present distribution of Alpine
plants, the strange distribution of fresh-water animals and plants, the
specialities of oceanic islands, and many other subjects of a like kind,
are dealt with, all being turned to advantage, and shown to give strong
support to Darwin's view.

Classification and classifiers are all made to bear testimony in the
same direction. Morphology, which, in the hands of Huxley, Haeckel,
Gegenbaur, Ray Lankester, and Balfour has, since the first issue of the
"Origin of Species," grown into a coherent science, based on embryology,
was even then seen by Darwin to yield evidence for his views. Examining
very young animals, he found that in very distinct races of dogs and
horses the young had by no means acquired their adult differences. He
compared pigeons of extremely various breeds twelve hours after being
hatched, and found their differences incomparably less than in the
full-grown birds. How immensely morphological science has progressed
since Darwin directed investigation into this profitable line would need
a separate treatise to show; but it is not too much to say that
embryology alone, without other evidence, would now suffice to prove the
doctrine of descent with adaptive modification.

Rudimentary organs, again, strange appearances, like the presence of
teeth in unborn whales and in the front of the upper jaws of unborn
calves, the rudimentary wings of many insects, the rudimentary stamens
or pistils of many flowers, are all swept into the Darwinian net.
"Nothing can be plainer than that wings are formed for flight; yet in
how many insects do we see wings so reduced in size as to be utterly
incapable of flight, and not rarely lying under wing-cases, firmly
soldered together?" These phenomena are all explicable if descent with
modification is true.

Approaching the close of his work, the author expressed his doubts of
being able to convert naturalists of long standing to his views; but
based his main hopes on young and rising men approaching these questions
without prejudices. He put some puzzling questions, however, to those
who might oppose him. Did they really believe that at innumerable
periods in the earth's history certain atoms had been commanded suddenly
to flash into living tissues? Were animals and plants created as eggs or
seed or as full grown? At each act of creation was one individual or
were many produced? For himself, he came to the conclusion that all
organic beings had descended from some one primordial form into which
life was first breathed.

On this view Darwin predicted that a great increase of interest in many
departments of natural history would arise. "When we no longer look at
an organic being as a savage looks at a ship, as at something wholly
beyond his comprehension; when we regard every production of nature as
one which has had a history; when we contemplate every complex structure
and instinct as the summing up of many contrivances, each useful to the
possessor, nearly in the same way as when we look at any great
mechanical invention as the summing up of the labour, the experience,
the reason, and even the blunders of numerous workmen; when we thus
view each organic being, how far more interesting--I speak from
experience--will the study of natural history become.... The whole
history of the world, as at present known, although of a length quite
incomprehensible to us, will hereafter be recognized as a mere fragment
of time compared with the ages which have elapsed since the first
creature, the progenitor of innumerable extinct and living descendants,
was created.... We may look forward with some confidence to a secure
future of equally inappreciable length. And as natural selection works
solely by and for the good of each being, all corporeal and mental
endowments will tend to progress towards perfection." The concluding
sentence of the "Origin of Species" has become one of our classical
quotations. "There is grandeur in this view of life, with its several
powers, having been originally breathed into a few forms or into one;
and that, whilst this planet has gone cycling on according to the fixed
law of gravity, from so simple a beginning endless forms most beautiful
and most wonderful have been, and are being, evolved."

This is not the place to give a history of the criticisms and
discussions which arose in regard to "The Origin of Species," especially
as Darwin himself took no public part in them, except by the alterations
made in successive editions. As indicating the tone of prominent
critical organs, we may note that _The Athenæum_ (November 19, 1859)
acknowledges there is something poetical in the theory. "If a monkey has
become a man, what may not a man become?" Neither book, author, nor
subject being ordinary, "the work deserves attention." _The Edinburgh
Review_ considered that the author left the question very nearly where
he found it. Failing to find original observations adequate even to give
a colour to the hypothesis, the reviewer sought to find flaws in the
author's mode of reasoning, and concluded that "we are called upon to
accept a hypothesis on the plea of want of knowledge." Defective
information, vagueness, and incompleteness are charged upon the man whom
we now delight to honour; "intellectual husks," we are told; are all
that he offers. Professor Huxley, who lectured at the Royal Institution,
on February 10, 1860, on "Species and Races and their Origin," and
brought forward Darwin's investigations as exemplifying that application
of science to which England owes her greatness, was told that it more
truly paralleled "the abuse of science to which a neighbouring
nation--some seventy years since--owed its temporary degradation." And
the professor was accused of audaciously seeking to blind his audience.
Samuel Wilberforce, then Bishop of Oxford, was equally denunciatory in
_The Quarterly_. He hopes that "this flimsy speculation" will be
completely put down. "It is a dishonouring view of nature.... Under such
influences," says the courtly bishop, "a man soon goes back to the
marvelling stare of childhood at the centaurs and hippogriffs of fancy;
or, if he is of a philosophic turn, he comes, like Oken, to write a
scheme of creation under a 'sort of inspiration,' but it is the frenzied
inspiration of the inhaler of mephitic gas. The whole world of nature is
laid for such a man under a fantastic law of glamour, and he becomes
capable of believing anything; and he is able, with a continually
growing neglect of all the facts around him, with equal confidence and
equal delusion, to look back to any past and to look on to any
future."[11]

_The Saturday Review_ was much more moderate, by no means sharing the
anxiety of those who regarded evolutionary theories as hostile to
Christianity. The author is said to have encountered the difficulties
of his theory "with admirable skill and ability," and though _The
Saturday_ remained unconvinced of his general argument, yet it
acknowledged itself "persuaded that natural selection must henceforward
be admitted as the chief mode by which the structure of organised beings
is modified in a state of nature;" and thought it very possible that,
through its agency, considerable groups of nearly allied species might
have been derived from a single progenitor: but there _The Saturday_
stopped, believing in limits to this power.

The second edition of "The Origin of Species," which appeared in
January, 1860, only six weeks after the first, contained but few
alterations; the third, in March, 1861, had received extensive additions
and corrections. The most important of these discussed the so-called
tendency of organisation to advance, and explained the present
coexistence of high and lowly organised forms. A valuable historical
sketch of the modern progress of opinion on the subject, from Lamarck's
time, was prefixed to the book. It was further enlarged in subsequent
editions, as evidences accumulated that various thinkers had
independently adopted the evolution theory, or the more special one of
natural selection. Notable instances of anticipation were those of Dr.
Wells, who, in a paper read before the Royal Society in 1813, but not
published till 1818, had expressed the opinion that all animals tend to
vary; that agriculturists improve breeds by selection; and that what
they do by art "seems to be done with equal efficacy, though more
slowly, by nature, in the formation of varieties of mankind." He then
goes on to exemplify the survival of the fittest, though in other words.
Mr. Patrick Matthew, in 1831, published a work on "Naval Timber and
Arboriculture," in which he expressed, in scattered passages, a view
nearly resembling Darwin's.

The fourth edition of "The Origin," in 1866, was longer, by fifty pages,
than its predecessor. Among the additions may be mentioned a fuller
treatment of the argument from embryology, which was made stronger by
later investigations. The fifth edition (1869) was comparatively little
increased in bulk, though altered in many details. In particular it
contained a somewhat important change relating to the extent of the
influence of natural selection. This is also referred to in "The Descent
of Man" (first edition, vol. i. pp. 152-3), where the author says he had
not formerly considered sufficiently the existence of many structures
which appeared to be neither beneficial nor injurious, and had
attributed too much to natural selection. "I was not able," he says, "to
annul the influence of my former belief, then widely prevalent, that
each species had been purposely created; and this led to my tacitly
assuming that every detail of structure, excepting rudiments, was of
some special, though unrecognised, service.... If I have erred in giving
to natural selection great power, which I am far from admitting, or in
having exaggerated its power, which is in itself probable, I have, at
least, as I hope, done good service in aiding to overthrow the dogma of
separate creations."

The sixth edition (1872), in smaller type, was considerably revised and
altered, and remains permanent. A glossary of scientific terms was added
by Mr. W. S. Dallas. A new chapter was inserted after the sixth, and
entitled "Miscellaneous Objections to the Theory of Natural Selection."
It was partly derived from modified portions of chapter iv. of former
editions, but the latter and larger part was new, and relates chiefly to
the supposed incompetency of natural selection to account for the very
early stages of useful structures. Numerous cases, such as the
development of the giraffe's neck, the baleen of the whale, the mammary
glands, &c., are admirably discussed. Causes preventing the acquisition,
through natural selection, of useful structures in many cases are dealt
with, and reasons given for disbelieving in great and sudden
modifications. In the concluding chapter Darwin further admits that he
had formerly underrated the frequency and importance of use and disuse
of parts, of the direct action of external conditions, and of variations
which seem to us, in our ignorance, to arise spontaneously. He alludes
to misrepresentations of his views, and calls attention to the fact
that, in the first edition, at the close of the introduction, he stated
his conviction that natural selection had been the main, _but not the
exclusive_ means of modification. "This has been of no avail. Great is
the power of steady misrepresentation; but the history of science shows
that, fortunately, this power does not long endure." This is Darwin's
almost sole allusion in his works to the persistence with which views
not his had been attributed to him, or he had been calumniated for views
he did hold. But in his own lifetime--nay, within fifteen years--he
witnessed a sufficiently satisfying revolution. "I formerly spoke to
very many naturalists on the subject of evolution, and never once met
with any sympathetic agreement. It is probable that some did then
believe in evolution, but they were either silent or expressed
themselves so ambiguously, that it was not easy to understand their
meaning. Now things are wholly changed, and almost every naturalist
admits the great principle of evolution" ("Origin," sixth edition, p.
424). At present the sale of the book in this country approaches forty
thousand copies. Its sale in America has been very large; and numerous
translations into German, French, Italian, Russian, Dutch, and Swedish,
and even into Japanese and Hindustani, have been largely sold. It must
always be one of the most valued of all English classics.

FOOTNOTES:

[9: Mr. Romanes, in his paper on "Physiological Selection"
(Journal of the Linnean Society, Zoology, xix. 337-411), has entered
upon a most important discussion of this question.]

[10: The full text of a large part of Darwin's original chapter
on Instinct, which was omitted from the "Origin of Species" for the sake
of condensation, is published in Mr. Romanes' "Mental Evolution in
Animals," 1883, which also contains many other observations by Darwin.]

[11: The reader will thus be able to judge for himself how far
Darwin's "Origin of Species" gained, "from the very first outset,
universal respect and a fair hearing," as Mr. Grant Allen, with singular
forgetfulness, states ("Darwin," p. 112). The violence of the attacks
made upon Darwin by the majority of religious and orthodox journals is
well known.]



CHAPTER VI.


We have already gathered much concerning Darwin's mental and moral fibre
in our survey of his works. Let us make some further acquaintance with
his personality as known to his friends. Outwardly he appeared a man of
powerful physique, standing six feet high, with prominent forehead and
over-arching brow, and keen, deep-set eyes in which resolute strength
and piercing insight were indicated. Apart from his persistent
infirmity, he was actively disposed, as indeed is evident from the
laborious journeys he undertook during his travels. Field sports,
including hunting, were among the recreations of his more active years.
But through all his work or recreation the imperious conditions
necessitated by his infirmity of stomach had to be considered, and
nothing but the most rigorous care could possibly have enabled him to
achieve what he did. On many days he could not work at all, and on many
others two or three hours were his limit. And what but his own system,
his own orderliness and perseverance could have accomplished his task?
In preparing his books he had a special set of shelves for each,
standing on or near his writing-table, one shelf for each chapter. The
maxim, "Early to bed, and early to rise," was his essentially, and
regularity kept all balanced. Rising at six, he took a cold plunge bath,
breakfasted simply, and took a first walk, beginning work often at
eight. "Later in the day," I quote from Mr. Woodall's pleasant pages,
"he generally walked again, often in his own grounds, but sometimes
further afield, and then generally by quiet footpaths rather than
frequented roads. The walks at one time were varied by rides along the
lanes on a favourite black cob, but some years before his death his
four-footed friend fell, and died by the roadside, and from that day the
habit of riding was given up. Part of the evening was devoted to his
family and his friends, who delighted to gather round him to enjoy the
charm of his bright intelligence, and his unrivalled stores of
knowledge. To Down, occasionally, came distinguished men from many
lands; and there in later years would sometimes be found the younger
generation of scientific students, looking up to the great naturalist
with the reverence of disciples, who had experienced his singular
modesty, his patient readiness to listen to all opinions, and the
winning grace with which he informed their ignorance and corrected their
mistakes. In the midst of all the delights of home and the demands of
study, Darwin kept an open mind for public affairs. He united the
earnest politician with the patient student: a rare combination, which
supplies another proof of his largeness of heart and sympathy with his
fellow men. In the village of Down he was liked by everybody, old and
young, and in his own household the same servants lived year after year
under his roof. One of them, Margaret Evans, who assisted in nursing
him in his last illness, had come to Down nearly forty years before,
from Shrewsbury, where her uncle and aunt were in Dr. Darwin's service."

At Down the family in time numbered nine children, two, however, not
surviving childhood; one died in 1842, another in 1858. His five sons
have already attained distinction or positions of influence. The eldest,
William Erasmus, became a banker in Southampton; the second, George, was
second Wrangler and Smith's Prizeman at Cambridge in 1868, became a
Fellow of Trinity, and is now Plumian Professor of Astronomy at his
university, having early gained the Fellowship of the Royal Society for
his original papers bearing on the evolution of the universe and the
solar system, and many other subjects of high mathematical and
philosophical interest. His third son, Francis, gained first-class
honours in the Cambridge Natural Science Tripos in 1870, and is likewise
a Fellow of the Royal Society, in recognition of his original botanical
investigations. The fourth, Leonard, an officer in the Royal Engineers,
has done valuable astronomical work. The fifth, Horace, has devoted
himself to mechanical science, and has largely aided in developing the
Cambridge Scientific Instrument Company.

The great thinker, fulfilling his duties as head of a family with
singular success, charged with the burden of new thoughts and
observations, slowly perfecting his life work, had neither time nor
inclination for controversy. He set himself to publish facts, which by
their accumulation tended to clench his arguments. Soon after the
"Origin of Species" he had in course of publication several important
botanical papers, on the two forms of flower in the Primrose genus
(1862), and in the genus Linum (flax), 1863, on the forms of
Loosestrife, 1864, all published in the Linnean Society's Journal.

In 1862 he brought out his first botanical book, the "Fertilisation of
Orchids," more fully entitled, "On the various Contrivances by which
Orchids are Fertilised by Insects." These most singular flowers had long
attracted great attention owing to their peculiar shapes and often their
great beauty, while their marked deviation from typical forms of flowers
perplexed botanists extremely. The celebrated Robert Brown, in a
well-known paper in the Linnean Society's Transactions, 1833, expressed
the belief that insects are necessary for the fructification of most
orchids; and as far back as 1793, Christian Sprengel (in "The Newly
Discovered Secret of Nature") gave an excellent account of the action of
the several parts in the genus Orchis, having discovered that insects
were necessary to remove the pollen masses. But the _rationale_ of the
process was not fully known until Darwin revealed it, and illuminated it
by the light of natural selection. He had, in the "Origin of Species,"
given reasons for the belief that it is an almost universal law of
nature that the higher organic beings require an occasional cross with
another individual. He here emphasised that doctrine by a series of
proofs from a peculiar and otherwise inexplicable order of plants, and
showed that the arrangements by which orchids are fertilised have for
their main object the fertilisation of the flowers with pollen brought
by insects from a distinct plant.

In the group to which our common orchids belong, remarkable adaptations
for securing that the pollen masses brought from another flower solely
through the visits of insects shall reach their precise destination,
were brought to light. "A poet," says Darwin, "might imagine that whilst
the pollinia were borne through the air from flower to flower, adhering
to an insect's body, they voluntarily and eagerly placed themselves in
that exact position in which alone they could hope to gain their wish
and perpetuate their race." As he had examined all the British genera,
Darwin's conclusions were indubitable. He had patiently watched for
hours on the grass to notice insects' visits, had counted the fertilised
flowers on many spikes, the fertilised spikes on many plants, had
dissected and redissected the flowers till he saw how the fertilisation
must absolutely be effected; and utilising the enthusiasm of orchid
growers, had excited them to do the same, till his storehouse of facts
was full.

On examining the exotic forms of orchids, which are so conspicuous in
our conservatories, still more striking facts presented themselves. In
the great group of the Vandeæ, relative position of parts, friction,
viscidity, elastic and hygrometric movements were all found to be nicely
related to one end--the aid of insects in fertilisation. Without their
aid not a plant in the various species of twenty-nine genera which
Darwin examined would set a seed. In the majority of cases insects
withdraw the pollen masses only when retreating from the flower, and,
continuing their flower visits, effect a union between two flowers,
generally on distinct plants. In many cases the pollen masses slowly
change their position while adhering to the insects, and so assume a
proper direction for striking the stigma of another flower, and the
insects during this interval will almost certainly have flown from one
plant to another.

The family to which Catasetum belongs furnished the most remarkable
examples. This plant possesses a special sensitiveness in certain parts,
and when definite points of the flower are touched by an insect the
pollen masses are shot forth like an arrow, the point being blunt and
adhesive. The insect, disturbed by so sharp a blow, or having eaten its
fill, flies sooner or later to a female plant, and whilst standing in
the same position as before, the pollen-bearing end of the arrow is
inserted into the stigmatic cavity, and a mass of pollen is left on its
viscid surface. The strange structures of Cypripedium, or the Lady's
Slipper, were then analysed, and the mode of fertilisation by small bees
was discovered. The whole structure of orchids, as modified to secure
insects' visits and cross fertilisation, was now expounded, and the
benefits shown by cases where insects' visits were prevented, and no
seed was set. The number of seeds in a capsule was reckoned, and thence
it was found that the progeny of a single plant of the common orchis
would suffice to cover the globe in the fourth generation. A single
plant of another orchid might bear seventy-four millions of seeds:
surely an ample provision for a struggle for existence, and selection
and survival of the fittest. But, as Darwin remarks, profuse expenditure
is nothing unusual in nature, and it appears to be more profitable for a
plant to yield a few cross-fertilised than many self-fertilised seeds.

Darwin impresses forcibly on his readers the endless diversity of
structures, and the prodigality of resources displayed for gaining the
same end, the fertilisation of one flower by pollen from another plant.
"The more I study nature," he says, "the more I become impressed with
ever-increasing force that the contrivances and beautiful adaptations
slowly acquired through each part occasionally varying in a slight
degree ... transcend in an incomparable manner the contrivances and
adaptations which the most fertile imagination of man could invent."
Finally he concludes: "It is hardly an exaggeration to say that nature
tells us, in the most emphatic manner, that she abhors perpetual
self-fertilisation"; and thus was announced a new doctrine in botany. A
second much-improved edition of this book appeared in 1877.

In 1864, in presenting the Copley medal of the Royal Society to the
author of the "Origin of Species," Major-General Sabine, the President,
entered into a full description of the merits of his works, "stamped
throughout with the impress of the closest attention to minute
details and accuracy of observation, combined with large powers of
generalisation." The award, while highly eulogising the "Origin," was
not however based upon it, but on the more recent botanical writings.
"The Fertilisation of Orchids" was described as perhaps the most
masterly treatise on any branch of vegetable physiology that had ever
appeared; and the fact was justly emphasised that all Darwin's botanical
discoveries had been obtained by the study of some of the most familiar
and conspicuous of our native plants, and some of the best-known and
easily-procured cultivated exotics.

In 1865 appeared another work from the Darwinian treasury, but in this
case it was at first restricted to the Journal of the Linnean Society
(vol. ix.), and was not made generally available till the second edition
was published separately in 1875. "The Movements and Habits of Climbing
Plants" described in the first place the twining of the hop plant,
studied by night and day continuously, in a well-warmed room, to which
the author was confined by illness. Again and again were different
species of plants watched, and the periods in which their shoots
revolved noted. The clematises, tropæolums, solanums, gloriosa lilies
among leaf-climbing plants; the bignonias, cobæas, bryonies, vines,
passion flowers, and other tendril-bearing plants; the ivy, and other
root and hook climbers were carefully studied; and botanists for the
first time realised fully the advantages which climbing plants possess
in the struggle for existence. The climbing faculty depends on a
sensitiveness to contact with any firm support, and a most interesting
series of modifications has probably, as Darwin suggests, led to the
present development of climbing organs, by the spontaneous movement of
young shoots and other organs, and by unequal growth.

In concluding, the author made some most profoundly suggestive remarks,
which went far to revolutionise our conception of plants. "It has often
been vaguely asserted that plants are distinguished from animals by not
having the power of movement. It should rather be said that plants
acquire and display this power only when it is of some advantage to
them; this being of comparatively rare occurrence, as they are affixed
to the ground, and food is brought to them by the air and rain. We see
how high in the scale of organisation a plant may rise, when we look at
one of the more perfect tendril-bearers. It first places its tendrils
ready for action, as a polypus places its tentacula. If the tendril be
displaced, it is acted on by the force of gravity, and rights itself. It
is acted on by the light, and bends towards or from it, or disregards
it, which ever may be most advantageous. During several days the
tendrils, or internodes, or both, spontaneously revolve with a steady
motion. The tendril strikes some object, and quickly curls round and
firmly grasps it. In the course of some hours it contracts into a spire,
dragging up the stem, and forming an excellent spring. All movements now
cease. By growth the tissues soon become wonderfully strong and durable.
The tendril has done its work, and has done it in an admirable manner."

The labour of revising the successive editions of the "Origin of
Species," together with prolonged ill-health, delayed the fulfilment of
the promise given in that work, that the facts upon which it was based
should be published. It was not till 1868 that the first instalment,
"The Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication," was given to
the world, in two large volumes, with numerous illustrations. The
author's design was to discuss in a second work the variability of
organic beings in a state of nature, and the conversion of varieties
into species, the struggle for existence and the operation of natural
selection, and the principal objections to the theory, including
questions of instinct and hybridisation. In a third work it was intended
to test the principle of natural selection by the extent to which it
explains the geological succession of organic beings, their distribution
in past and present times, and their mutual affinities and homologies.
The two latter works were never completed, in consequence of ill-health,
and the labour involved in dealing with objections to and new facts in
support of the "Origin," and of the other works which at various times
it became important to complete. But many portions of these subjects
were admirably dealt with by disciples. In some cases Darwin's views led
to the rapid growth of a new science, such as that of comparative
embryology, and it would not have been possible for him to cope with and
interpret the multitude of new and astonishing facts discovered, which
changed the face of organic nature as viewed by biologists. By doing
each day the work which seemed most necessary, and which he could best
do, Darwin managed, in spite of his infirmity of constitution, to
complete a larger body of original work, both in experiment and in
thought, together with a greater quantity of bibliographical study and
collation of observed facts, than any Englishman perhaps has ever done.

The valuable book on "Variation" records and systematises a vast number
of facts respecting all our principal domestic animals and cultivated
plants. It gives evidence of wide reading, as well as great diligence in
writing letters of inquiry to all living authorities who could give
accurate information. Very many visits were paid to zoological gardens,
breeders' establishments, nursery grounds, &c.; and the preparation of
skulls, skins, &c., was a frequent occurrence in the Darwinian
laboratory. To take the case of rabbits alone, which occupied but a
fraction of the time devoted to pigeons: over twenty works are quoted
for historical facts, skeletons of various rabbits were prepared and
exhaustively compared, the effects of use and disuse of parts traced,
most careful measurements are given, and a list of the modifications
which domestic rabbits have undergone, with the probable causes,
concludes the chapter. As to pigeons, no pigeon-fancier ought to be
without the book, for never assuredly was a sporting topic treated by so
great a thinker and so admirably. The numerous experiments in crossing
different breeds, and the results obtained, make this one of the most
instructive books for all breeders. It would seem desirable that this
portion of the book should be issued in a separate form. Again, when we
turn to the sections on plants we see how indefatigable Darwin was, for
he tells us that he cultivated fifty-four varieties of gooseberries
alone, and compared them throughout in flower and fruit.

The chapters on Inheritance, and on Reversion to ancestral characters,
or atavism, are profoundly suggestive. What can be more wonderful, the
author asks, than that some trifling peculiarity should be transmitted
through a long course of development, and ultimately reappear in the
offspring when mature or even when old? Nevertheless, the real subject
of surprise is not that a character should be inherited, but that any
should ever fail to be inherited. Gradually leading up to the important
hypothesis with which the work closes, he observes that to adequately
explain the numerous characters that reappear after intervals of one or
more generations, we must believe that a vast number of characters,
capable of evolution, lie hidden in every organic being. "The
fertilised germ of one of the higher animals, subjected as it is to so
vast a series of changes from the germinal cell to old age--incessantly
agitated by what Quatrefages well calls the _tourbillon vital_--is
perhaps the most wonderful object in nature. It is probable that hardly
a change of any kind affects either parent, without some mark being left
on the germ. But on the doctrine of reversion the germ becomes a far
more marvellous object, for, besides the visible changes to which it is
subjected, we must believe that it is crowded with invisible characters,
proper to both sexes, to both the right and left side of the body, and
to a long line of male and female ancestors separated by hundreds or
even thousands of generations from the present time; and these
characters, like those written on paper with invisible ink, all lie
ready to be evolved under certain known or unknown conditions."

Through a further discussion of many deeply interesting facts, about the
intercrossing of breeds and species, and about the causes of
variability, we pass to the hypothesis of pangenesis, which, briefly
stated, supposes that the cells or units of the body are perpetually
throwing off minute granules or gemmules, which accumulate in the
reproductive system, and may, instead of developing in the next
generation, be transmitted in a dormant state through more than one
generation and then be developed. Combination in various degrees between
these gemmules is supposed to influence their appearance or
non-appearance in the offspring at various stages.

This hypothesis certainly gives a picture of a possible mode of
accounting for many peculiarities shown by living organisms. Although
not generally accepted, it has certainly not been disproved. Mr. Grant
Allen's opinion that it is Darwin's "one conspicuous failure," and that
it is "crude and essentially unphilosophic," must be discounted by his
known devotion to Mr. Herbert Spencer's philosophy. If Darwin had been a
specialist in modern physiology, he might, perhaps, have expressed his
hypothesis in a more persuasive form; but Weismann's germ plasma theory
is the only alternative one hitherto suggested in place of it.



CHAPTER VII.


Although the descent of man from animal ancestors was directly implied
in the "Origin of Species," Darwin hesitated at the time of its
publication to declare his views fully, believing that he would only
thus augment and concentrate the prejudice with which his theory would
be met. He had for many years held the views he afterwards expressed;
but it was not until he had by his other works raised up a strong body
of scientific opinion in favour of his great generalisation, that he
fully presented his views on man to the public. The "Descent of Man" was
studied as a special case of the application of his general principles,
a test all the more severe because several classes of argument were
necessarily cut off, such as the nature of the affinities which connect
together whole groups of organisms, their geographical distribution, and
their geological succession. But adopting the high antiquity of man as
demonstrated, he considered in detail the evidence as to man's descent
from some pre-existing form, the manner of his development, and the
value of the differences between the so-called races of man. No
originality is claimed for the theory or for the facts advanced; but it
may safely be affirmed that the master's acuteness, his moderation, his
candour, and his desire to state facts which tell against him, are as
conspicuous in the "Descent of Man" as in any of his works.

The "Descent of Man," which was published in 1871 in two volumes, with
numerous illustrations, began, after a short introduction, with a
suggestive series of questions, which to the evolutionist suffice to
decide the question as to man's origin. As the answers to these
questions are obvious, Darwin first concentrated his inquiry upon two
points on which disputes must necessarily occur, namely, the traces
which man shows, in his bodily structure, of descent from some lower
form, and the mental powers of man as compared with those of lower
animals. The facts of our bodily structure are inexplicable on any other
view than our community of descent with the quadrumana, unless structure
is but a snare to delude our reason. It is only our natural prejudice,
says Darwin, and that arrogance which made our fathers declare that they
were descended from demigods, which leads us to demur to this
conclusion.

The comparison of the mental powers of animals with those of man,
proving, as Darwin contends, that they therein also show traces of
community of descent, was certain to provoke much more debate, for the
term "instinct" and the use made of it by naturalists and psychologists
as signifying untaught, unlearnt ability, largely tended to obscure the
question, and to create prejudices against believing that instincts
could be built up by inherited experience, that instincts were really
not absolute and fixed, but relative and variable, and that all
instincts were not perfect or perfectly useful. The working out of the
evolution theory as applied to animal minds, the study of the first
beginnings of nerve action, and the analysis of instinct, all due
largely to Darwin's prominent disciple, Romanes, together with the
immensely fuller knowledge of molecular physics, of protoplasm, and of
brain function, acquired in the years since Darwin wrote, have sufficed
to place these questions on a much more secure basis. But the collection
of facts made by him, and the suggestive remarks he everywhere makes,
render his book of permanent value. His sympathy is obvious in such
passages as this: "Every one has heard of the dog suffering under
vivisection who licked the hand of the operator; this man, unless he had
a heart of stone, must have felt remorse to the last hour of his life;"
the "terrible" superstitions of the past, such as human sacrifices,
trial by ordeal, &c., show us, he says, "what an indefinite debt of
gratitude we owe to the improvement of our reason, to science, and our
accumulated knowledge." We see the fruit of Darwin's repeated visits to
the Zoological Gardens, especially in his study of the habits and mental
powers of monkeys. We gain a definition from him of imagination, by
which faculty man "unites, independently of the will, former images and
ideas, and thus creates brilliant and novel results.... The value of the
products of our imagination depends of course on the number, accuracy,
and clearness of our impressions; on our judgment and taste in selecting
or rejecting the involuntary combinations, and to a certain extent on
our power of voluntarily combining them." As to religion, he says,
"There is no evidence that man was aboriginally endowed with the
ennobling belief in the existence of an omnipotent God." On the
contrary, evidence proves that there are and have been numerous races
without gods and without words to express the idea. The question, he
says, is "wholly distinct from that higher one, whether there exists a
Creator and Ruler of the universe; and this has been answered in the
affirmative by the highest intellects that have ever lived." The fact of
races existing without a belief in a god is shown to be compatible with
the origin of religious ideas from attempts to explain external
phenomena and man's own existence, by attributing to other objects and
agencies a similar spirit to that which his consciousness testifies to
in himself.

Man's social qualities, as well as those of animals, Darwin regards as
having been developed for the general good of the community, which he
defines as "the means by which the greatest possible number of
individuals can be reared in full vigour and health, with all their
faculties perfect, under the conditions to which they are exposed." This
may be regarded as a more satisfactory expression of the idea underlying
the phrase, "the greatest happiness of the greatest number." Sympathy
for animals he notes as one of the later acquisitions of mankind, and
remarks that he found the very idea of humanity a novelty to the Gauchos
of the Pampas. "The highest stage in moral culture at which we can
arrive is when we recognise that we ought to control our thoughts....
Whatever makes any bad action familiar to the mind, renders its
performance so much the easier"--a significant expression for those who
would compare the teachings of Darwinism with those of Christianity.
Finally, he concludes that the difference in mind between man and the
higher animals is one of degree, not of kind. "At what age does
the new-born infant possess the power of abstraction, or become
self-conscious and reflect on its own existence? We cannot answer; nor
can we answer in regard to the ascending organic scale." Yet that man's
mental and moral faculties may have been gradually evolved "ought not to
be denied, when we daily see their development in every infant; and when
we may trace a perfect gradation from the mind of an utter idiot, lower
than that of the lowest animal, to the mind of a Newton."

The action of natural selection on the variations known to occur in man,
is next shown to be sufficient to account for his rise from a lowly
condition. Perhaps it is in discussing the development of the
intellectual and moral faculties that Darwin is least successful; more
knowledge of psychology than he possessed is demanded for this
discussion. He gives up the problem of the first advance of savages
towards civilisation as "at present much too difficult to be solved."
He, however, vigorously contests the idea that man was at first
civilised and afterwards degenerated; and expresses the opinion that the
"highest form of religion--the grand idea of God hating sin and loving
righteousness--was unknown during primeval times." Finally, after
discussing the steps in the genealogy of man, he comes to the conclusion
that from the old-world monkeys, at a remote period, proceeded man, "the
wonder and glory of the universe." The early progenitors of man he
believes to have been covered with hair, both sexes having had beards;
their ears were pointed and capable of movement; their bodies were
provided with a tail, and the foot was probably prehensile. Our
primitive ancestors lived chiefly in trees in some warm forest-clad
land, and the males were provided with formidable weapons in the shape
of great canine teeth.

"Thus," says Darwin, "we have given to man a pedigree of prodigious
length, but not, it may be said, of noble quality. The world, it has
been often remarked, appears as if it had long been preparing for the
advent of man; and this, in one sense, is strictly true, for he owes his
birth to a long line of progenitors. If any single link in this chain
had never existed, man would not have been exactly what he now is.
Unless we wilfully close our eyes, we may, with our present knowledge,
approximately recognize our parentage; nor need we feel ashamed of it.
The most humble organism is something much higher than the inorganic
dust under our feet; and no one with an unbiassed mind can study any
living creature, however humble, without being struck with enthusiasm at
its marvellous structure and properties."

In considering the formation and perpetuation of the races of mankind,
Darwin was again and again baffled. He could not decide that any of the
physical differences between the races are of direct and special service
to him, thus giving opportunity to natural selection to work. Hence he
was led to study in detail the effects of sexual selection, especially
as applicable to man. The greater part of "The Descent of Man" is
occupied with tracing out what may be called the history of courtship in
man and animals. The great variety of interesting subjects dealt with
cannot be detailed here. We must only notice a few points about mankind
which are of special importance.

Darwin concludes that man's predominance over woman in size, strength,
courage, pugnacity, and even energy was acquired in primeval times, and
that these advantages have been subsequently augmented chiefly through
the contests between men for women. Even man's intellectual vigour and
inventiveness are probably due to natural selection, combined with
inherited effects of habit, for the most able men will have succeeded
best in defending and providing for their wives and offspring. Beards,
beardlessness, voice, beauty are all related to sexual charm, and have
been selectively developed. Early man, less licentious, not practising
infanticide, was in several respects better calculated to carry out
sexual selection than he is now; and thus we find the various races of
men fully differentiated at the earliest date of historic records.

Incidentally Darwin gives us his views on the mental differences between
man and woman. Woman is more tender and less selfish than man, whose
ambition "passes too easily into selfishness," which latter qualities
"seem to be his natural and unfortunate birthright." Woman's powers of
intuition, of rapid perception, and perhaps of imitation, are more
strongly marked than in man. Yet the chief pre-eminence of man he
considers to consist in attaining greater success in any given line than
woman, by reason of greater energy, patience, &c. "In order that woman
should reach the same standard as man, she ought, when nearly adult, to
be trained to energy and perseverance, and to have her reason and
imagination exercised to the highest point, and then she would probably
transmit these qualities chiefly to her adult daughters." Here we have a
plan of women's higher education according to the great evolutionist,
although he does not assert that it is the essential and desirable one;
but given a certain object, here is the best method of securing it. "The
whole body of women, however, could not be thus raised, unless during
many generations the women who excelled in the above robust virtues were
married, and produced offspring in larger numbers than other women."

The doctrine that man is descended from some less highly organised form,
Darwin asserts in his concluding chapter, rests on grounds which will
never be shaken--namely, the similar structure and course of development
of embryos of the higher animals, and vast numbers of facts of structure
and constitution, rudimental structures, and abnormal reversions. The
mental powers of the higher animals graduate into those of man.
Language, and the use of tools, made man dominant. The brain then
immensely developed, and morality sprang from the social instinct.
Comparing and approving certain actions and disapproving others,
remembering and looking back, he became conscientious and imaginative.
Sympathy, arising in the desire to give aid to one's fellows, was
strengthened by praise and blame, and conduces to happiness. "As
happiness is an essential part of the general good, the greatest
happiness principle indirectly serves as a nearly safe standard of right
and wrong.... But with the less civilised nations reason often errs,
and many bad customs and base superstitions come within the same scope,
and consequently are esteemed as high virtues and their breach as heavy
crimes."

The belief in God, the author says, is not innate or intuitive in man,
but only arises after long culture. As to the bearing of the evolution
theory on the immortality of the soul, Darwin thinks few people will
find cause for anxiety in the impossibility of determining at what
period in the ascending scale man became an immortal being. "The birth,
both of the species and of the individual, are equally parts of that
grand sequence of events, which our minds refuse to accept as the result
of blind chance. The understanding revolts at such a conclusion."

The bearing of the Darwinian doctrine on some important practical
questions for society leads to the remark that, while man scans with
scrupulous care the pedigree of his animals, when he comes to his own
marriage he rarely or never takes any such care. Perhaps Darwin was
somewhat in error here; and, also, he seems to have underrated the
unconscious tendency to act according to natural law, which has no doubt
influenced mankind largely. He lays down the principle that both sexes
ought to refrain from marriage if markedly inferior in body or mind, or
if they cannot avoid abject poverty for their children. When the laws of
inheritance are thoroughly known, he says, we shall not hear ignorant
members of our legislature rejecting with scorn a plan for ascertaining,
by an easy method, whether or not consanguineous marriages are injurious
to man. But Darwin is by no means in favour of any restriction on man's
natural rate of increase; for it is the greatest means of preventing
indolence from causing the race to become stagnant or to degenerate.
Only, there should be open competition for all men; and the most able
should not be prevented by laws or customs from succeeding best and
rearing the largest number of offspring.

In summing up on the entire subject, Darwin expresses himself with more
than his wonted vigour and point. On the one hand, he endeavours to
disarm opposition by quoting heroic monkeys as contrasted with degraded
barbarians; on the other hand, he welcomes the elevation of man so far
above his barbarous ancestors. Finally, he takes his stand upon truth,
as against likes and dislikes. "The astonishment which I felt on first
seeing a party of Fuegians on a wild and broken shore will never be
forgotten by me, for the reflection at once rushed into my mind--such
were our ancestors. These men were absolutely naked and bedaubed
with paint; their long hair was tangled, their mouths frothed with
excitement, and their expression was wild, startled, and distrustful.
They possessed hardly any arts, and, like wild animals, lived on what
they could catch. They had no government, and were merciless to every
one not of their own small tribe. He who has seen a savage in his native
land will not feel much shame, if forced to acknowledge that the blood
of some more humble creature flows in his veins. For my own part, I
would as soon be descended from that heroic little monkey, who braved
his dreaded enemy in order to save the life of his keeper; or from that
old baboon, who, descending from the mountains, carried away in triumph
his young comrade from a crowd of astonished dogs--as from a savage who
delights to torture his enemies, offers up bloody sacrifices, practises
infanticide without remorse, treats his wives like slaves, knows no
decency, and is haunted by the grossest superstitions.

"Man may be excused for feeling some pride at having risen, though not
through his own exertions, to the very summit of the organic scale; and
the fact of his having thus risen, instead of having been aboriginally
placed there, may give him hopes for a still higher destiny in the
distant future. But we are not here concerned with hopes or fears, only
with the truth as far as our reason allows us to discover it. I have
given the evidence to the best of my ability; and we must acknowledge,
as it seems to me, that man, with all his noble qualities, with sympathy
which feels for the most debased, with benevolence which extends not
only to other men, but to the humblest living creature, with his
god-like intellect which has penetrated into the movements and
constitution of the solar system--with all these exalted powers--Man
still bears in his bodily frame the indelible stamp of his lowly
origin."

The reception accorded to "The Descent of Man" was more excited than
that of "The Origin of Species." The first large edition was quickly
exhausted, and discussion or ridicule of the book was the fashionable
recreation. _Mr. Punch_, week after week, reflected passing opinion. One
of his Darwinian ballads on our ancestors is worth quoting from:--


            "They slept in a wood,
             Or wherever they could,
    For they didn't know how to make beds;
             They hadn't got huts,
             They dined upon nuts,
    Which they cracked upon each other's heads.
             They hadn't much scope
             For a comb, brush, or soap,
    Or towels, or kettle, or fire;
             They had no coats nor capes,
             For ne'er did these apes
    Invent what they didn't require.

       ·     ·     ·     ·     ·

             From these though descended,
             Our manners are mended,
    Though still we can grin and backbite;
             We cut up each other,
             Be he friend or brother,
    And tails are the fashion--at night.
             This origination
             Is all speculation--
    We gamble in various shapes;
             So Mr. Darwin
             May speculate in
    Our ancestors having been apes."


_The Athenæum_ was unbelieving, but not denunciatory. _The Edinburgh
Review_ declared the doctrine of natural selection hopelessly inadequate
to explain the phenomena of man's body; although its truth and falsehood
had no necessary connection with the general theory of evolution: some
law as yet unknown being looked for. Darwin's attempt to explain the
evolution of mind and the moral sense is regarded as failing in every
point. "Never, perhaps, in the history of philosophy, have such wide
generalisations been derived from such a small basis of fact." _The
Quarterly Review_ now acknowledged that "the survival of the fittest"
was a truth which readily presented itself to any one considering the
subject, and that to Darwin was due the credit of having first brought
it forward and demonstrated its truth, and asserted that the destruction
of the least fit was recognised thousands of years ago. But, in regard
to the descent of man, it fastens specially upon the author's theory of
mental and moral evolution, and declares that he has utterly failed.
_The Saturday Review_, however, admitted the high antiquity of man, and
the nearness of his bodily structure to the apes, and went much further.
In discussing the evolution of morals, the author's unexampled grasp of
facts, with his power of correlation, is, according to _The Saturday_,
seen at its highest, in an exquisite chain of philosophical deduction.
The mode in which, at a remote period, the races of mankind became
differentiated, is declared to be the weak point in the argument.



CHAPTER VIII.


"The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals" followed "The
Descent of Man" in 1872. The motive which suggested it was the desire to
explain the complexities of expression on evolution principles. But the
study of emotional expression had evidently engaged Darwin's attention
at least from the time when the Fuegians and the Gauchos had vividly
roused his imaginative faculties; and his direct observations commenced
as early as 1838; when he was already inclined to believe in evolution,
and were continued at intervals ever after. The third edition of Sir
Charles Bell's "Anatomy of Expression," published in 1844, while greatly
admired by him, was unsatisfactory in being throughout based on the
conviction that species came into existence in their present condition;
and notwithstanding that Bain and Herbert Spencer had made considerable
advances in a treatment of the subject based on physiology, an
exhaustive book was wanted, which should throw on Expression the new and
interesting light of Darwinism.

What was Darwin's method? Observation, cleverly devised appeal to
nature; observation over a wide field as to the varied races of man
still existing, utilising the aid of travellers and residents in many
lands; observation of domestic animals in familiar and in untried
circumstances; observation of infants, especially his own, from a very
early age; observation of the insane, who are liable to the strongest
passions, and give them uncontrolled vent. It was in 1867 that Darwin
circulated his group of questions designed to ascertain the mode of
expressing every emotion, and their physical concomitants in every
possible race. Sculpture, paintings, and engravings, afforded little
evidence, because beauty is their main object, and "strongly contracted
facial muscles destroy beauty." Information was specially sought as to
natives who had had little communication with Europeans, and in whom
imitation might not have destroyed ancestral and original expression.

The result was to develop three principles which appeared, in
combination, to account for most of the expressions and gestures
involuntarily used by man and animals. The first was that of serviceable
associated habits: certain complex actions being somehow serviceable in
particular states of mind, to gratify and relieve certain sensations,
desires, &c., whenever the same state of feeling is repeated, there is a
tendency to the same movements or actions, though they may not then be
of the least use. The second principle, that of antithesis, is the
converse of the last; when an opposite state of mind is induced, there
is an involuntary tendency to directly opposite movements, though of no
use. The third principle, that of the direct action of the nervous
system, is independent of the will and of habit; nerve force being
generated in excess by strong emotions.

In discussing all these principles we discover how every thought and
every circumstance of the great naturalist seem to have been utilised in
his life work. "I have noticed that persons in describing a horrid
sight, often shut their eyes momentarily and firmly, or shake their
heads as if not to see, or to drive away, something disagreeable; and I
have caught myself, when thinking in the dark of a horrid spectacle,
closing my eyes firmly." "I noticed a young lady earnestly trying to
recollect a painter's name, and she first looked to one corner of the
ceiling, and then to the opposite corner, arching the one eyebrow on
that side, although of course there was nothing to be seen there." "Many
years ago I laid a small wager with a dozen young men that they would
not sneeze if they took snuff, although they all declared that they
invariably did so; accordingly they all took a pinch, but from wishing
much to succeed, not one sneezed, though their eyes watered, and all,
without exception, had to pay me the wager." "I put my face close to the
thick glass-plate in front of a puff-adder in the Zoological Gardens,
with the firm determination of not starting back if the snake struck at
me; but as soon as the blow was struck, my resolution went for nothing,
and I jumped a yard or two backwards with astonishing rapidity. My will
and reason were powerless against the imagination of a danger which had
never been experienced." "I observed that though my infants started at
sudden sounds, when under a fortnight old, they certainly did not always
wink their eyes, and I believe never did so. The start of an older
infant apparently represents a vague catching hold of something to
prevent falling. I shook a pasteboard box close before the eyes of one
of my infants, when 114 days old, and it did not in the least wink; but
when I put a few comfits into the box, holding it in the same position
as before, and rattled them, the child blinked its eyes violently every
time, and started a little." The behaviour of dogs and horses under many
circumstances was watched. Cats and monkeys were most carefully
scrutinised. At all moments Darwin seized upon and recorded the passing
emotion and its associated movements. "I remember once seeing a boy who
had just shot his first snipe on the wing, and his hands trembled to
such a degree from delight, that he could not for some time reload his
gun;" an instance of an emotional movement being disadvantageous.

Some of Darwin's descriptions of emotional outbursts are among the best
portions of his writing; as when he speaks of a mother whose infant has
been intentionally injured, "how she starts up with threatening aspect,
how her eyes sparkle and her face reddens, how her bosom heaves,
nostrils dilate, and heart beats." In describing a mourner when
quiescent, he says: "The sufferer sits motionless, or gently rocks to
and fro; the circulation becomes languid; respiration is almost
forgotten, and deep sighs are drawn. All this reacts on the brain, and
prostration soon follows with collapsed muscles and dulled eyes."

One of the most striking features of this book is the evidence it
affords of Darwin's acuteness and persistence in observation during his
travels, and of the excellence of his memory. "I remember that my mules
and dogs, brought from a lower and warmer country, after spending a
night on the bleak Cordillera, had the hair all over their bodies as
erect as under the greatest terror." He noted that Jemmy Button, the
Fuegian, blushed when he was quizzed about the care which he took in
polishing his shoes, and in otherwise adorning himself; and this fact
long after is fitted into the theory of blushing. Guanacoes in South
America, when not intending to bite, but merely to spit their offensive
saliva from a distance at an intruder, yet retract their ears as a sign
of their anger; and Darwin found the hides of several which he shot in
Patagonia, deeply scored by teeth marks, in consequence of their battles
with each other. A party of natives in Tierra del Fuego endeavoured to
explain that their friend, the captain of a sealing vessel, was out of
spirits, by pulling down their cheeks with both hands, so as to make
their faces as long as possible; and the fact is treasured till it comes
in to illustrate the lengthening of features under depression. As if he
foreknew that he should want the fact forty years later, he inquired of
Jemmy Button whether kissing was practised by his people, and learnt
that it was unknown to them. "I remember," he says, "being struck whilst
travelling in parts of South America, which were dangerous from the
presence of Indians, how incessantly--yet as it appeared,
unconsciously--the half-wild Gauchos closely scanned the whole horizon."
"In Tierra del Fuego, a native touched with his finger some cold
preserved meat which I was eating at our bivouac, and plainly showed
utter disgust at its softness; whilst I felt utter disgust at my food
being touched by a naked savage, though his hands did not appear dirty."
And this illustrates the primary meaning of disgust--anything offensive
to the taste.

In later years his own children, and his domestic pets, were incessantly
watched, and suitable experiments were devised to bring out the real
nature of their expressions. The period at which tears are formed and
crying begins, the shape of the mouth in crying, the contraction of the
muscles in shouting, the effects of steady gazing at objects, the
various stages of smiling, the effects of shyness, shame, and fear, are
all set before us, as thus observed. For instance, "I asked one of my
boys to shout as loudly as he possibly could, and as soon as he began he
firmly contracted his orbicular muscles (surrounding the eyes). I
observed this repeatedly, and on asking him why he had every time so
firmly closed his eyes, I found that he was quite unaware of the fact:
he had acted instinctively or unconsciously." Some of his early
observations were afterwards published by Darwin in _Mind_, vol. ii.,
under the title of "A Biographical Sketch of an Infant."

Here is a carefully-worded and very suggestive experiment on animals:
"Many years ago, in the Zoological Gardens, I placed a looking-glass on
the floor before two young orangs, who, as far as it was known, had
never before seen one. At first they gazed at their own images with the
most steady surprise, and often changed their point of view. They then
approached close, and protruded their lips towards the image, as if to
kiss it, in exactly the same manner as they had previously done towards
each other when first placed, a few days before, in the same room. They
next made all sorts of grimaces, and put themselves in various
attitudes before the mirror; they pressed and rubbed the surface; they
placed their hands at different distances behind it; looked behind it;
and finally seemed almost frightened, started a little, became cross,
and refused to look any longer." So monkeys were tested with a dressed
doll, a live turtle, and stuffed snakes, &c.

The mode and purpose of erection of the hair, feathers, and dermal
appendages of animals were the subject of much careful inquiry.
Chimpanzees, monkeys, baboons, and many other creatures, were tested in
the Zoological Gardens. A stuffed snake taken into the monkey-house
caused several species to bristle. When Darwin showed the same to a
peccary, the hair rose in a wonderful manner along its back. A cassowary
erected its feathers at sight of an ant-eater.

Every unexpected occurrence was pressed into service. Witness the
following anecdote: "One day my horse was much frightened at a drilling
machine, covered by a tarpaulin and lying on an open field. He raised
his head so high that his neck became almost perpendicular; and this he
did from habit, for the machine lay on a slope below, and could not have
been seen with more distinctness through the raising of the head; nor if
any sound had proceeded from it could the sound have been more
distinctly heard. His eyes and ears were directed intently forwards; and
I could feel through the saddle the palpitations of his heart. With red,
dilated nostrils, he snorted violently, and whirling round, would have
dashed off at full speed had I not prevented him."

We see, too, in this book the results of Darwin's extensive reading.
The novelists are laid considerably under contribution, their power of
describing expressive signs of emotion being particularly appreciated.
Dickens, Walter Scott, Mrs. Oliphant, and Mrs. Gaskell are among the
novelists quoted; while the author of Job, Homer, Virgil, Seneca,
Shakespeare, Lessing, Sir Joshua Reynolds, and many other deceased
writers, illustrate the subject. The living authorities--scientific men,
travellers, doctors--referred to for facts are exceedingly numerous,
including Sir James Paget, Professor Huxley, Mr. Herbert Spencer, Sir J.
Crichton Browne, Sir Samuel Baker, Sir Joseph Lister, Professors Cope
and Asa Gray, and many others.

One of the most interesting chapters in the book is that dealing with
blushing. It is shown to depend on self-attention, excited almost
exclusively by the opinion of others. "Every one feels blame more
acutely than praise. Now, whenever we know, or suppose, that others are
depreciating our personal appearance, our attention is strongly drawn
towards ourselves, more especially to our faces." This excites the nerve
centres receiving sensory nerve for the face, and in turn relaxes the
blood capillaries, and fills them with blood. "We can understand why the
young are much more affected than the old, and women more than men, and
why the opposite sexes especially excite each others' blushes. It
becomes obvious why personal remarks should be particularly liable to
cause blushing, and why the most powerful of all the causes is shyness;
for shyness relates to the presence and opinion of others, and the shy
are always more or less self-conscious."

One great result made clear by Darwin is that the muscles of expression
have not been created or developed for the sake of expression only, and
that every true or inherited movement of expression had some natural or
independent origin. All the chief expressions are proved to be
essentially the same throughout the world, which is an additional
argument for man being descended from one stock. We cannot refrain from
admiring the tone of the pages which close the book, describing as they
do the probable expressions of our early ancestors, their utility, the
value of differences of physiognomy, and the desirability or otherwise
of repressing signs of emotion. The subject, says the author, "deserves
still further attention, especially from any able physiologist;" and so
simply ends a volume of surpassing human interest, a text-book for
novelists and students of human nature, a landmark in man's progress in
obedience to the behest "Know thyself."

To fully measure the merit of one so far elevated above ordinary men is
almost impossible; rather is it desirable to recognise the undeniable
greatness of a great man, and learn all that is possible from him. An
undoubted authority in mental science, however, has given a judgment
on Darwin's services to that science, which it is right to quote:
"To ourselves it almost seems one of the most wonderful of the many
wonderful aspects of Mr. Darwin's varied work that by the sheer force
of some exalted kind of common-sense, unassisted by any special
acquaintance with psychological method, he should have been able to
strike, as it were, straight down upon some of the most important
truths which have ever been brought to light in the region of mental
science."[12] These truths are specified as the influence of natural
selection in the formation of instinct, in the "Origin of Species;" the
evolution of mind and of morals, in the "Descent of Man," considered by
the late Professor Clifford as containing the simplest and clearest and
most profound philosophy that was ever written on the subject; and the
evolution of expression in the book described in this chapter. Thus,
says Mr. Romanes, in respect both of instincts and intelligence, the
science of comparative psychology may be said to owe its foundation to
Darwin.

FOOTNOTES:

[12: G. J. Romanes, in "Charles Darwin," memorial notices
reprinted from _Nature_.]



CHAPTER IX.


In 1875 appeared another great work from the master's pen,
"Insectivorous Plants," which was destined to place in a yet more
striking light the many-sidedness and fertility of his mind. As usual
Darwin tells us that this work dated from many years back. "During the
summer of 1860," he says, "I was surprised by finding how large a number
of insects were caught by the leaves of the common sun-dew (_Drosera
rotundifolia_) on a heath in Sussex. I had heard that insects were thus
caught, but knew nothing further on the subject. I gathered by chance a
dozen plants, bearing fifty-six fully expanded leaves, and on thirty-one
of these dead insects or remnants of them adhered." Here was the germ of
something, the discoverer scarcely knew what. It was evident to him that
the little sun-dew was excellently adapted for catching insects, and
that the number of them thus slaughtered annually must be enormous. What
bearing might this have upon the problem of the struggle for existence?

A masterly series of experiments was forthwith set on foot, with the
result of proving that sun-dews and a number of other plants obtain the
bulk of their nourishment by catching, killing, and digesting insects.
They may be called truly carnivorous plants. What an unexpected
reversal this was of the order of things hitherto believed to prevail
universally. Animals live on other animals or on plants. Here were
plants living on animals, and keeping down their number. Moreover,
without a nervous system, the action of the parts of a sun-dew leaf was
proved to be as apparently purposive as the combined action of the limbs
of an animal. Without a stomach, the sun-dew poured forth a digestive
fluid as effective in extracting and fitting the nutritious matter of
the insect for its own purposes as that of an animal. Without sensory
nerve-endings, there was a percipient power in the sun-dew which
recognised instinctively and at once the non-nutritious nature of
various objects, and which responded to the most delicate chemical
stimuli and to the minutest weights.

We cannot describe the little sun-dew better than in Darwin's own words:
"It bears from two or three to five or six leaves, generally extended
more or less horizontally, but sometimes standing vertically upwards.
The leaves are commonly a little broader than long. The whole upper
surface is covered with gland-bearing filaments, or tentacles as I shall
call them from their manner of acting. The glands were counted on
thirty-one leaves, but many of these were of unusually large size, and
the average number was 192; the greatest number being 260, and the least
130. The glands are each surrounded by large drops of extremely viscid
secretion, which, glittering in the sun, have given rise to the plant's
poetical name of the sun-dew."

This secretion, when excited by nutritious matter, becomes distinctly
acid, and contains a digestive ferment allied to the pepsin of the human
stomach. So excited, it is found capable of dissolving boiled white of
egg, muscle, fibrin, cartilage, gelatine, curd of milk, and many other
substances. Further, various substances that animal gastric juice is
unable to digest are not acted upon by the secretion of the sun-dew.
These include all horny matter, starch, fat, and oil. It is not however
prejudiced in favour of animal matter. The sun-dew can absorb nutriment
from living seeds of plants, injuring or killing them, of course, in the
process, while pollen and fresh green leaves yield to its influence.

The action of salts of ammonia and other chemicals was even more
wonderful. "It is an astonishing fact that so inconceivably minute a
quantity as the one twenty-millionth of a grain of phosphate of ammonia
should induce some change in a gland of Drosera sufficient to cause a
motor impulse to be sent down the whole length of the tentacle; this
impulse exciting movement often through an angle of above 180°. I know
not whether to be most astonished at this fact, or that the pressure of
a minute bit of hair, weighing only 1/78700 of a grain, and largely
supported by the dense secretion, should quickly cause conspicuous
movement."

These are but specimens of a multitude of profoundly interesting facts
brought out in this exhaustive investigation. If this single research
were his only title to fame Darwin's name must rank high as an
experimenter of rare ingenuity and success. But he concludes his summary
of results by the utterly modest remark, "We see how little has been
made out in comparison with what remains unexplained and unknown."

The facts relating to Venus' fly-trap (_Dionæa muscipula_) and other
members of the order to which the sun-dew belongs were better known, but
Darwin elicited new truths by his ingenious and varied experiments. The
rapidity with which the two lobes of the leaf of dionæa close together
when anything touches the tiny spikes which stand up vertically from the
upper surface of the lobes, is astonishing, and any insect which causes
the closure is almost certain to be caught. Digestion is accomplished in
the case of the dionæa by a separate agency, consisting of a large
number of minute reddish glands covering the surface of the lobes. These
secrete a digestive fluid when stimulated by the contact of any
nitrogenous matter, and of course this takes place when any insect
is caught. In fact, essentially the same process of digestion and
absorption takes place as in the sun-dew. The insect is held firmly for
days, until its juices have been absorbed, and then the leaf slowly
reopens, not being able to close again for many subsequent days.

It is interesting to note the extreme caution with which the great
naturalist speculates upon the mode by which the varied members of the
sun-dew order became modified from an ordinary plant-form to such a
remarkable degree. The details are too special for quotation here. He
suggests, but he does not in the slightest degree dogmatise. For many
years to come Darwin's suggestions and comments must be the pregnant
soil out of which fruitful research will spring, and his caution will
remain the model, to depart from which will but sow hindrances in the
path of scientific progress.

The order to which the butterwort and the bladderworts belong also
afforded valuable results. The leaf of the butterwort bears glandular
hairs, and its margins curve inwards when excited by contact of various
bodies, especially living insects, and, at the same time, these are
caught in the viscid secretion of the glands, and their juices absorbed
by the plant. The bladderworts are even more remarkably constructed, for
they have a portion of their leaves developed into subaqueous bladders,
with a narrow entrance beneath, defended by a complex valve, which
facilitates the entrance of water insects or crustaceans, but prevents
their exit. The whole interior of the bladder is lined with transparent
four-branched protoplasmic hairs, but nevertheless the bladderwort is
unlike the preceding plants in having no power of digesting its prey,
however long it may remain in captivity. Yet there is no doubt that the
imprisoned creatures do decay in their watery cell, and that the hairs
just described absorb the products of their decay.

Such is a brief account of Darwin's work on "Insectivorous Plants." With
his characteristic expressions he acknowledges the valuable aid given
him by Professor Burdon-Sanderson, and by his son, Mr. Francis Darwin.
The former was enabled to give the first brief account of the process of
digestion in these plants, as observed by Darwin, in a lecture before
the Royal Institution, in June, 1874, and Dr. (now Sir Joseph) Hooker
called general public notice to the subject of Carnivorous Plants in his
lecture before the British Association at Belfast in the same year: so
that a thoroughly awakened attention was given to this new work from
Darwin's pen. The public and the scientific world learnt to appreciate
yet more keenly his varied talent, his long patience, his reserve of
power; and thence dated very definitely a general appreciation of the
fundamental unity of the animal and plant kingdoms, seeing that the
salient faculties of digestion, of purposive locomotion, of rapid
communication and consentaneous action were no longer restricted to
animals, but were possessed in a high degree by plants also. Eager
followers soon brought forward further proofs of unity of functions in
the two kingdoms, and of reciprocal combinations between them, and now
no one in the slightest degree acquainted with modern biology doubts
that life is at bottom one phenomenon, shared equally and manifested in
essentially the same modes by the living substance of plant and animal
alike.

Following "Insectivorous Plants" came "The Effects of Cross and
Self-Fertilisation in the Vegetable Kingdom," in 1876. Darwin had led
the way in the study of this subject by his book on Orchids, and his
lead had been excellently followed by Hildebrand, Hermann Müller, Sir
John Lubbock, and others. The path having been indicated, it had
appeared comparatively easy for botanists to follow it up. But there yet
remained a region of experimental inquiry which it required Darwin's
patience and ingenuity to master and to expound conclusively. Although
it might be practically granted that natural selection developed
a process because advantage was gained by it, was it possible to
demonstrate that flowers cross-fertilised bear more and larger seeds,
which produce healthier offspring than those fertilised from their own
pollen? This Darwin set himself exhaustively to do. For more than a
dozen years after his book on orchids appeared, unwearied experiments
on plants were progressing, and nature was being questioned acutely,
untiringly. Competitive germination was carried on. The two classes of
seeds were placed on damp sand in a warm room. As often as a pair
germinated at the same time, they were planted on opposite sides of the
same pot, with a partition between. Besides these pairs of competitors,
others were planted in beds, so that the descendants of the crossed
and self-fertilised flowers might compete. The resulting seeds were
carefully compared, and their produce again compared. Species were
selected from widely distinct families, inhabiting various countries.
From a large number of plants, when insects were quite excluded by a
thin net covering the plant, few or no seeds were produced. The extent
of transport of pollen by insects was unveiled, and the relation between
the structure, odour, and conspicuousness of flowers, the visits of
insects, and the advantages of cross-fertilisation was shown. "We
certainly," says Darwin, "owe the beauty and odour of our flowers, and
the storage of a large supply of honey, to the existence of insects."
The multitude of facts gathered about insects could only have been
discovered and rightly appreciated by one who was a true entomologist
as well as a botanist.

In the last chapter of the book the author discusses with remarkable
power the causes of the phenomena he has discovered. He believes that
the favourable effects of crossing are due to the parents having been
subjected to diverse conditions; but what the precise benefit is, or how
it can operate so as to render the offspring more healthy and vigorous,
he cannot discern. "And so it is," he observes, "with many other facts,
which are so obscure that we stand in awe before the mystery of life."
So it is. The man who probably understood nature better than any man who
has ever lived, who had not only asked her multitudinous questions, but
to whom very many answers had been undoubtedly vouchsafed in response to
his persevering, humble, diligent, acute questioning, acknowledges that
he knows little; that much remains a mystery. But from all we know of
him, from his books, his letters, his friends, his was the joy of a
soul in sympathy with the master power of the universe. He marched
continually on the confines of the unknown, and to him was granted the
felicity of largely extending the boundaries of the known.

Again, in 1877, a new work proceeded from Darwin's pen, "The Different
Forms of Flowers in Plants of the same Species," dedicated to Professor
Asa Gray. It gathered up the contents of numerous papers read before the
Linnean Society, with later additions, and showed conclusively how many
plants possess distinctive forms of flowers in the same species, adapted
to, and in some cases absolutely necessitating, reciprocal fertilisation
through the visits of insects. It gave evidence of all the well-known
Darwinian characteristics of long-continued labour, thought, and
experiment.

In 1880 "The Power of Movement in Plants" was exemplified in a fresh
volume, in which the veteran was materially assisted by his son, Mr.
Francis Darwin. Its object was to describe and connect together several
large classes of movements, common to almost all plants. The surprising
fact was established, that all the parts or organs of plants, whilst
they continue to grow, are continually revolving, or circumnutating as
Darwin called it. This movement commences even before the young seedling
has broken through the ground. The combination of this with the effects
of gravity and light explains countless phenomena in the life of plants.
The tip of the rootlet is thus enabled to penetrate the ground, and it
is proved to be more sensitive than the most delicate tendril. Movement
goes on through all stages of life. Every growing shoot of a great tree
is continually describing small ellipses; the tip of every rootlet
endeavours to do the same. The changes of position of leaves and of
climbing plants, and the sleep of leaves are all brought under this
great principle of circumnutation. It is impossible in reading the book
not to be struck with the great resemblance between the movements of
plants and many of the actions performed unconsciously by the lower
animals. "With plants an astonishingly small stimulus suffices, and,
even with allied plants, one may be highly sensitive to the slightest
continued pressure, and another highly sensitive to a slight momentary
touch. The habit of moving at certain periods is inherited both by
plants and animals, and several other points of similitude have been
specified. But the most striking resemblance is the localisation of
their sensitiveness, and the transmission of an influence from the
excited part to another which consequently moves. Yet plants do not
of course possess nerves or a central nervous system; and we may
infer that with animals such structures serve only for the more
perfect transmission of impressions, and for the more complete
intercommunication of the several parts."

Here we see how much light may be thrown on animal structures and
functions by vegetable physiology. We learn to limit our ideas of the
superiority of animals by discovering how much of what we consider
peculiar to them is found in plants. We appreciate the unity of biology,
indivisible without injury to our knowledge of its parts. No structure
in plants appears more wonderful, as Darwin describes it, than the
tip of the rootlet of a seedling. It is impressed by and transmits
influences of pressure, injury, moisture, light, and gravity to other
parts, and determines the course pursued by the rootlet in penetrating
the ground. "It is hardly an exaggeration to say that the tip of the
radicle thus endowed, and having the power of directing the movements of
the adjoining parts, acts like the brain of one of the lower animals;"
and the brain of Charles Darwin, in working out this acquisition of
knowledge for mankind, has added a new department to vegetable
physiology and to biology.



CHAPTER X.


In his later years honours poured thick upon Darwin. In 1871 he received
the Prussian order of knighthood "For Merit"; and was elected a
corresponding member of the Austrian Academy of Sciences. In 1877
Cambridge University, making an exception to its custom of not
conferring honorary degrees on its members, gave him the LL.D. and an
ovation, when the kindly eyes of the venerable naturalist beamed upon
the monkey-figure dangled by undergraduates before him from the
galleries, in addition to a solitary link of a huge chain, no doubt
representing "the missing link." In 1878 the honour, long withheld, and
certainly unsought, of being elected a corresponding member of the Paris
Academy of Sciences in the section of Zoology, was his; and that tardy
body recognised late the man whose supremacy in science it had done
nothing either to foster or to approve. In 1879 the Baly Medal of the
London College of Physicians was awarded to him.

After the Cambridge celebration a subscription was raised to obtain a
portrait of the veteran evolutionist, which was executed by Mr. W. B.
Richmond, and now adorns the Philosophical Library of the New Museums at
Cambridge. Later, yet another portrait--the finest in his own and many
others' belief--was painted by Mr. John Collier, and presented to
the Linnean Society, which will always be associated with the first
announcement of Darwin's main theory, as well as with many others of his
scientific discoveries.

Professor Haeckel has given the following charming description of Darwin
and his home surroundings in his later years: "In Darwin's own carriage,
which he had thoughtfully sent for my convenience to the railway
station, I drove, one sunny morning in October, through the graceful,
hilly landscape of Kent, that with the chequered foliage of its woods,
with its stretches of purple heath, yellow broom, and evergreen oaks,
was arrayed in its fairest autumnal dress. As the carriage drew up in
front of Darwin's pleasant country house, clad in a vesture of ivy and
embowered in elms, there stepped out to meet me from the shady porch,
overgrown with creeping plants, the great naturalist himself, a tall and
venerable figure, with the broad shoulders of an Atlas supporting a
world of thought, his Jupiter-like forehead highly and broadly arched,
as in the case of Goethe, and deeply furrowed with the plough of mental
labour; his kindly, mild eyes looking forth under the shadow of
prominent brows; his amiable mouth surrounded by a copious silver-white
beard. The cordial, prepossessing expression of the whole face, the
gentle, mild voice, the slow, deliberate utterance, the natural and
naive train of ideas which marked his conversation, captivated my whole
heart in the first hour of our meeting, just as his great work had
formerly, on my first reading it, taken my whole understanding by storm,
I fancied a lofty world-sage out of Hellenic antiquity--a Socrates or
Aristotle--stood before me."

The well-known botanist, Alphonse de Candolle, thus describes a visit to
Down:

     "I longed to converse once more with Darwin, whom I had seen in
     1839, and with whom I kept up a most interesting correspondence. It
     was on a fine autumn morning in 1880 that I arrived at Orpington
     station, where my illustrious friend's break met me. I will not
     here speak of the kind reception given to me at Down, and of the
     pleasure I felt in chatting familiarly with Mr. and Mrs. Darwin and
     their son Francis. I note only that Darwin at seventy was more
     animated and appeared happier than when I had seen him forty-one
     years before. His eye was bright and his expression cheerful,
     whilst his photographs show rather the shape of his head, like that
     of an ancient philosopher. His varied, frank, gracious
     conversation, entirely that of a gentleman, reminded me of that of
     Oxford and Cambridge _savants_. The general tone was like his
     books, as is the case with sincere men, devoid of every trace of
     charlatanism. He expressed himself in English easily understood by
     a foreigner, more like that of Bulwer or Macaulay, than that of
     Dickens or Carlyle. I asked him for news of the committee, of which
     he was a member, for reforming English spelling, and when I said
     that moderate changes would be best received by the public, he
     laughingly said, 'As for myself, _of course_, I am for the most
     radical changes.' We were more in accord on another point, that a
     man of science, even up to advanced age, ought to take an interest
     in new ideas, and to accept them, if he finds them true. 'That was
     very strongly the opinion of my friend Lyell,' he said; 'but he
     pushed it so far as sometimes to yield to the first objection, and
     I was then obliged to defend him against himself.' Darwin had more
     firmness in his opinions, whether from temperament, or because he
     had published nothing without prolonged reflection.

     "Around the house no trace appeared to remain of the former labours
     of the owner. Darwin used simple means. He was not one who would
     have demanded to have palaces built in order to accommodate
     laboratories. I looked for the greenhouse in which such beautiful
     experiments on hybrid plants had been made. It contained only a
     vine. One thing struck me, although it is not rare in England,
     where animals are loved. A heifer and a colt were feeding close to
     us with the tranquillity which tells of good masters, and I heard
     the joyful barking of dogs. 'Truly,' I said to myself, 'the history
     of the variations of animals was written here, and observations
     must be going on, for Darwin is never idle.' I did not suspect that
     I was walking above the dwellings of those lowly beings called
     earthworms, the subject of his last work, in which Darwin showed
     once more how little causes in the long run produce great effects.
     He had been studying them for thirty years, but I did not know it.

     "Returning to the house, Darwin showed me his library, a large room
     on the ground floor, very convenient for a studious man; many books
     on the shelves; windows on two sides; a writing-table and another
     for apparatus for his experiments. Those on the movements of stems
     and roots were still in progress. The hours passed like minutes. I
     had to leave. Precious memories of that visit remain."

Yet once more, in 1881, the famous publishing house of Murray issued a
new work--his last--by the great illuminator of Nature. Its subject was
one which no one save those who knew him could have expected. It dealt
with "The Formation of Vegetable Mould, through the Action of Worms,
with Observations on their Habits," and in it the lowly earthworm was at
last raised to its true rank as the genuine preparer and possessor of
the soil. Both Gilbert White and Edward Jenner had been impressed with
the work earthworms do in nature, but no one had written extensively on
the subject till Darwin himself, in 1837, read a short paper on the
"Formation of Mould" before the Geological Society of London (published
in the fifth volume of the Society's Transactions), showing that small
fragments of burnt marl, cinders, &c., which had been thickly strewed
over the surface of several meadows, were found after a few years lying
at the depth of some inches beneath the turf. It was suggested to him by
his relative Mr. Wedgwood, of Maer Hall, in Staffordshire, that this was
due to the quantity of fine earth continually brought up to the surface
by worms in the form of castings. Observation and experiment were to
settle the question in the usual Darwinian manner, and many a portion of
soil was watched. One experiment lasted nearly thirty years, for a
quantity of broken chalk and sifted coal cinders was spread on December
20, 1842, over distinct parts of a field near Down House, which had
existed as pasture for a very long time. At the end of November, 1871, a
trench was dug across this part of the field, and the nodules of chalk
were found buried seven inches. A similar change took place in a field
covered with flints, where in thirty years the turf was compact without
any stones. A pathway formed of loose-set flagstones was similarly
buried by worms, and became undistinguishable from the rest of the lawn.
And these are but a few of the evidences of the wonderful action of
worms, collected by the activity of Charles Darwin and his sons.

Earthworms were not only scrutinised in their out-of-door work, but were
kept in confinement and studied. It appears they swallow earth both to
make their burrows and to extract all nutriment it may contain; they
will eat almost anything they can get their skin over. From careful
calculation it was shown that worms on an average pass ten tons of the
soil on an acre of ground through their bodies every year. It is, then,
but a truism to say that every bit of soil on the surface of the globe
must have passed through their bodies many times. They were discovered
to work mainly by night, when hundreds may with care be discerned, with
tails fixed in their burrows, prowling round in circles, rapidly
retreating into holes, and strongly resisting efforts to extract them.
It was found by careful study that they have no sense of hearing, but a
most remarkable sensitiveness to vibrations of the earth or even
to contact with air in motion. No book Darwin wrote was fuller of
interesting and undoubtedly correct observations.

In concluding, the author enforces the claims of worms on the gratitude
of archæologists, as they protect and preserve for an indefinitely long
period every object not liable to decay which is dropped on the surface
of the land, by burying it beneath their castings. It is thus that many
tesselated pavements and other ancient remains have been preserved; but,
on the other hand, worms have undermined many old massive walls and
caused them to subside, and no building is in this respect safe unless
the foundations are at least six or seven feet beneath the surface,
below which depth worms cannot work. Worms also prepare the ground in an
excellent manner for plant life, periodically exposing the mould to the
air, sifting it so that no stones larger than the particles they can
swallow are left in it, mingling the whole intimately together, burying
all decaying objects within reach of the roots of the plants, allowing
air to penetrate deeply into the earth. "When we behold a wide,
turf-covered expanse, we should remember that its smoothness, on which
so much of its beauty depends, is mainly due to all the inequalities
having been slowly levelled by worms. It is a marvellous reflection that
the whole of the superficial mould over any such expanse has passed, and
will again pass, every few years through the bodies of worms. The plough
is one of the most ancient and most valuable of man's inventions; but
long before he existed the land was in fact regularly ploughed, and
still continues to be thus ploughed by earthworms. It may be doubted
whether there are many other animals which have played so important
a part in the history of the world, as have these lowly organised
creatures."

After this last book Darwin felt much exhausted, and wrote: "I feel
so worn out that I do not suppose I shall ever again give reviewers
trouble." His brother Erasmus's death in the same year was the severance
of a link with early days. Yet for some months he continued in a
moderate degree of health, still working. For some weeks however in the
following March and April he was slightly unwell, and the action of his
heart became so weak that he was not allowed to mount the stairs. On
Tuesday, April 18, he was in his study examining a plant which he had
had brought to him, and he read the same evening before retiring. Till
the day of his death he did not become seriously ill. On that day the
heart, which had so long done its duty, failed, and about 4 p.m.,
on April 19, 1882, Charles Darwin breathed his last in peace, aged
seventy-three years, two months, and seven days.



CHAPTER XI.


The death of Charles Darwin focussed, as it were, into one concentrated
glow the feelings of admiration, and even reverence, which had been
growing stronger and stronger in the years since the "Origin of Species"
was published. It soon became evident that a public funeral in
Westminster Abbey was very generally called for, and this being granted,
a grave was chosen in the north aisle and north-east corner of the nave,
north of and side by side with that of Sir John Herschel, and ten or
twelve feet only from that of Sir Isaac Newton. On April 26, 1882, a
great representative host of scientists, literary men, politicians, and
theologians assembled for the final scene. The pallbearers were the
Dukes of Devonshire and Argyll, the Earl of Derby, Mr. J. Russell Lowell
(then American Minister in London), Mr. W. Spottiswoode (President of
the Royal Society), Sir Joseph Hooker, Mr. Alfred Russel Wallace,
Professor Huxley, Sir John Lubbock, and Canon Farrar. The Bishop of
Carlisle, preaching at the Abbey on the following Sunday, admitted that
Darwin had produced a greater change in the current of thought than
any other man, and had done it by perfectly legitimate means. He had
observed Nature with a strength of purpose, pertinacity, honesty, and
ingenuity never surpassed.

"The career of Charles Darwin," wrote _The Times_ on the day of his
funeral, "eludes the grasp of personal curiosity as much as of personal
enmity. He thought, and his thoughts have passed into the substance of
facts of the universe. A grass plot, a plant in bloom, a human gesture,
the entire circle of the doings and tendencies of nature, builds his
monument and records his exploits.... The Abbey has its orators and
ministers who have convinced senates and swayed nations. Not one of them
all has wielded a power over men and their intelligences more complete
than that which for the last twenty-three years has emanated from a
simple country house in Kent. Memories of poets breathe about the mighty
church. Science invokes the aid of imagination no less than poetry.
Darwin as he searched, imagined. Every microscopic fact his patient eyes
unearthed, his fancy caught up and set in its proper niche in a fabric
as stately and grand as ever the creative company of Poets' Corner wove
from sunbeams and rainbows."

"Our century is Darwin's century," said the _Allgemeine Zeitung_. _The
New York Herald_ described his life as "that of Socrates except its
close." The _Neue Freie Presse_ said truly that his death caused
lamentation as far as truth had penetrated, and wherever civilisation
had made any impression.

A movement was at once set on foot for securing a worthy public memorial
of Darwin. Subscriptions flowed in abundantly, and came from all
countries of Europe, the United States, the British Colonies, and
Brazil. Sweden sent the astonishing number of 2296 subscriptions;
persons of all ranks contributed, from a bishop to a seamstress. Over
£4,000 in all was subscribed, and it was resolved, in the first place,
to procure the best possible statue. This work was entrusted to Mr.
Boehm, R.A., with admirable results. Permission was obtained to place it
in the great hall of the British Museum of Natural History, South
Kensington, and here it was unveiled on June 9, 1885, by the Prince of
Wales, who accepted the statue on behalf of the Trustees of the British
Museum from Professor Huxley as representing the subscribers. It is
agreed that the statue is excellent, the attitude easy and dignified,
the expression natural and characteristic. The only defect is that the
hands are unlike Darwin's. The balance, about £2,200, remaining over
from the fund, was given to the Royal Society to be invested for the
promotion of biological studies and researches.

The conditions under which Darwin lived were just those in which, as
_The Saturday Review_ put it, his sweet and gentle nature could blossom
into perfection. "Arrogance, irritability, and envy, the faults
that ordinarily beset men of genius, were not so much conquered as
non-existent in a singularly simple and generous mind. It never occurred
to him that it would be to his gain to show that he and not some one
else was the author of a discovery. If he was appealed to for help by a
fellow-worker, the thought never passed into his mind that he had
secrets to divulge which would lessen his importance. It was science,
not the fame of science, that he loved, and he helped science by the
temper in which he approached it. He had to say things which were
distasteful to a large portion of the public, but he won the ear even of
his most adverse critics by the manifest absence of a mere desire to
shine, by his modesty, and by his courtesy. He told honestly what he
thought to be the truth, but he told it without a wish to triumph or to
wound. There is an arrogance of unorthodoxy as well as an arrogance of
orthodoxy, and if ideas that a quarter of a century ago were regarded
with dread are now accepted without a pang, the rapidity of the change
of opinion, if not the change itself, is largely due to the fact that
the leading exponent of these ideas was the least arrogant of men."

Geniality and genuine humour must be remembered as among the many
delightful traits in Darwin's character. Mr. Edmund Yates, in his
"Celebrities at Home" (second series), describes his as a laugh to
remember, "a rich Homeric laugh, round and full, musical and jocund."
"At a droll suggestion of Mr. Huxley's, or a humorous doubt insinuated
in the musical tones of the President of the Royal Society (Sir Joseph
Hooker), the eyes twinkle under the massive overhanging brows, the
Socratic head, as Professor Tyndall loves to call it, is thrown back,
and over the long white beard rolls out such a laugh as we have
attempted to describe."

Exceptionally good-hearted and sympathetic as a man, Darwin discovered
his life-work, and did it, in spite of a most powerful hindrance, in the
best possible manner, with the least possible waste of force. But, more
than doing his work, he set others to work, incited them, suggested to
them, aided them, scattered among them seeds which, finding fertile
soil, sprang up and bore fruit a hundredfold. His greatness is as much
in what be caused others to do as in what he did himself. Even in
arousing antagonism, though by the gentlest means, he did a great work,
for he secured examination and criticism in such bulk that the whole
world was leavened by his doctrine; and in controversy no man has any
disagreeable reminiscence of him. Many have cause to bless the day when
they first came into communication with Darwin, to find him welcome
them, encourage them, place his own vast stores of knowledge and thought
at their disposal, and, best of all, make them love him naturally as a
dear friend.

Darwin's was one of those open and frank minds which are entrenched
behind no rampart of isolating prejudice, and elevated on no platform of
conscious superiority. It was equally natural to him to ask and to give
information. No one ever was more accessible to all who genuinely sought
his aid in their inquiries or their projects; no one ever more truly
sought information from all quarters whence truth was attainable. Hence
the mass of his letters to all kinds of persons is enormous, and only a
small proportion, probably, will ever be published. His letters are like
his conversation, free, frank, without a trace of _arrière pensée_,
praising others where possible--and no man ever found it more possible
to praise others more genuinely--depreciating himself and his work most
unduly. "You so overestimate the value of what I do," he writes on
one occasion, "that you make me feel ashamed of myself, and wish to
be worthy of such praise." Again, "You have indeed passed a most
magnificent eulogium on me, and I wonder that you were not afraid of
hearing 'oh, oh,' or some other sign of disapprobation. Many persons
think that what I have done in science has been much overrated, and
I very often think so myself, but my comfort is that I have never
consciously done anything to gain applause." Here we see the scientific
man occupying the highest possible moral standpoint as a seeker after
truth. His election as one of the honorary members of the Physiological
Society was to him a "wholly unexpected honour," and a "mark of
sympathy" which pleased him in a very high degree.

"Work," he writes on another occasion, "is my sole pleasure in life."
"It is so much more interesting to observe than to write." So long as he
could devise experiments and mark the results he continued to do
it, rather than prepare his voluminous notes on many subjects for
publication. "Trollope, in one of his novels, gives as a maxim of
constant use by a brickmaker, 'It is dogged as does it,' and I have
often and often," wrote Darwin, "thought this is a motto for every
scientific worker." How faithfully he adopted it himself those who read
through any one of his experimental books can appreciate. He habitually
read or heard some good novel as a recreation, and took a by no means
restricted interest in general literature.

Considering how usual it is for leading thinkers to be drawn into
controversy, even when most desirous of avoiding it, it is remarkable
how little Darwin was mixed up with hotly-debated questions. "I hate
controversy," he writes, "and it wastes much time, at least with a man
who, like myself, can work for only a short time in a day." One of the
few occasions on which he appeared as a champion of a cause was on the
question of vivisection, in which a chivalrous feeling led him to
intervene with the following letter to Professor Holmgren, of Upsala
University, which was published in _The Times_ of April 18, 1881. "I
thought it fair," he wrote, "to bear my share of the abuse poured in so
atrocious a manner on all physiologists."

     "DEAR SIR,--In answer to your courteous letter of April 7, I have
     no objection to express my opinion with respect to the right of
     experimenting on living animals. I use this latter expression as
     more correct and comprehensive than that of vivisection. You are at
     liberty to make any use of this letter which you may think fit, but
     if published I should wish the whole to appear. I have all my life
     been a strong advocate for humanity to animals, and have done what
     I could in my writings to enforce this duty. Several years ago,
     when the agitation against physiologists commenced in England, it
     was asserted that inhumanity was here practised, and useless
     suffering caused to animals; and I was led to think that it might
     be advisable to have an Act of Parliament on the subject. I then
     took an active part in trying to get a Bill passed, such as would
     have removed all just cause of complaint, and at the same time have
     left physiologists free to pursue their researches--a Bill very
     different from the Act which has since been passed. It is right to
     add that the investigation of the matter by a Royal Commission
     proved that the accusations made against our English physiologists
     were false. From all that I have heard, however, I fear that in
     some parts of Europe little regard is paid to the sufferings of
     animals, and if this be the case I should be glad to hear of
     legislation against inhumanity in any such country. On the other
     hand, I know that physiology cannot possibly progress except by
     means of experiments on living animals, and I feel the deepest
     conviction that he who retards the progress of physiology commits a
     crime against mankind. Any one who remembers, as I can, the state
     of this science half a century ago, must admit that it has made
     immense progress, and it is now progressing at an ever-increasing
     rate.

     "What improvements in medical practice may be directly attributed
     to physiological research is a question which can be properly
     discussed only by those physiologists and medical practitioners who
     have studied the history of their subjects; but, as far as I can
     learn, the benefits are already great. However this may be, no one,
     unless he is grossly ignorant of what science has done for mankind,
     can entertain any doubt of the incalculable benefits which will
     hereafter be derived from physiology, not only by man, but by the
     lower animals. Look, for instance, at Pasteur's results of
     modifying the germs of the most malignant diseases, from which, as
     it so happens, animals will, in the first place, receive more
     relief than man. Let it be remembered how many lives, and what a
     fearful amount of suffering have been saved by the knowledge gained
     of parasitic worms through the experiments of Virchow and others on
     living animals. In the future every one will be astonished at the
     ingratitude shown, at least in England, to these benefactors of
     mankind. As for myself, permit me to assure you that I honour, and
     shall always honour, every one who advances the noble science of
     physiology.

                               "Dear sir, yours faithfully,
                                              "CHARLES DARWIN."

As an experimenter Darwin was by no means overconfident either in his
methods or his power of obtaining results. He simply took the best means
open to him, or that he could devise, applied them in the best way known
to him, and calmly studied the result. "As far as my experience goes,"
he wrote, in reference to experimental work, "what one expects rarely
happens." On another occasion, after working like a slave at a certain
investigation, "with very poor success;" he remarks, "as usual, almost
everything goes differently to what I had anticipated." How few
investigators have the magnanimity which appears in this confession. But
more than this, it is an indication of the rare patience with which he
stuck at a subject till he knew all he could read or discover or develop
in connection with it. It was "dogged" that did it; "awfully hard work"
sometimes. In reference to an attempt of his to define intelligence,
which he regarded as unsatisfactory, after remarking that he tried to
observe what passed in his own mind when he did the work of a worm, he
writes: "If I come across a professed metaphysician, I will ask him to
give me a more technical definition with a few big words, about the
abstract, the concrete, the absolute, and the infinite. But sincerely, I
should be grateful for any suggestions; for it will hardly do to assume
that every fool knows what 'intelligent' means."

Inasmuch as it must necessarily be of great interest to know
the attitude which so great a thinker as Darwin adopted towards
Christianity, revelation, and other matters of theology, we give
unabridged two letters which were written without a view to publication,
and were published after his death without the authorisation of his
representatives. Having been widely published, however, it is right
that they should be given here.

The first of these was sent in 1873 to N. D. Deedes, a Dutch gentleman,
who wrote to ask Darwin his opinion on the existence of a God:

     "It is impossible to answer your question briefly; I am not sure
     that I could do so even if I wrote at some length. But I may say
     that the impossibility of conceiving that this grand and wondrous
     universe, with our conscious selves, arose through chance, seems to
     me our chief argument for the existence of God; but whether this is
     an argument of real value, I have never been able to decide. I am
     aware that if we admit a first cause, the mind still craves to know
     whence it came and how it arose. Nor can I overlook the difficulty
     from the immense amount of suffering through the world. I am, also,
     induced to defer to a certain extent to the judgment of the many
     able men who have fully believed in God; but here, again, I see how
     poor an argument this is. The safest conclusion seems to be that
     the whole subject is beyond the scope of man's intellect, but man
     can do his duty."

The second letter was addressed to Nicholas, Baron Mengden, a German
University student, in whom the study of Darwin's books had raised
religious doubts. It is dated June 5, 1879. The following is a
re-translation of a German translation:

     "I am very busy, and am an old man in delicate health, and have not
     time to answer your questions fully, even assuming that they are
     capable of being answered at all. Science and Christ have nothing
     to do with each other, except in so far as the habit of scientific
     investigation makes a man cautious about accepting any proofs. As
     far as I am concerned, I do not believe that any revelation has
     ever been made with regard to a future life; every one must draw
     his own conclusions from vague and contradictory probabilities."

It should be added that he was greatly averse to every form of militant
anti-religious controversy, and always deprecated it. He would have been
the last to desire that his words should be quoted as of scientific
authority, or as being more than the results of his own thought on
questions which were not the subject of his life study. Let those who
think that his having expressed these views is a regrettable blow to
orthodox Christianity, set against it the enormous service Darwin did to
reasonable natural theology by giving an intelligible key to the
explanation of the universe. And let all men remember that genuine
honesty such as Darwin's cannot possibly hinder the interests or the
spread of truth. His declaration that "man can do his duty," implies his
conviction that man may know what his duty is; and very many noble
spirits besides Darwin have not found it possible to advance with
certainty beyond this point.

As to Darwin's place in literature, that is due supereminently to his
thoughts. In his expression of them he had the saving quality of
directness, and usually wrote with simplicity. Incisive he was not
ordinarily; caution of his type harmonises ill with incisiveness. But
what he lost thereby he gained in solidity and in permanence. Sometimes,
as we have pointed out, his imagination carried him beyond his usual
sober vein, and then he showed himself aglow with feeling or with
sympathetic perception.

But when we speak of his imagination we pass at once to the other side
of his mind--if indeed any such patient inquiry as his could have been
maintained except for the imaginative side of him. This lit up his path,
buoyed him in difficulties and failures, suggested new expedients,
experiments, and combinations. The use of imagination in science has
never been more aptly illustrated nor more beneficial than in his case.
Darwin, more than any other man perhaps, showed the value, if not the
essentiality, of "working hypotheses"; and if any man now wants to
progress in biology, he will be foolish if he does not seek such and use
them freely, and abandon them readily if disproved.

Darwin imagined grandly, and verified his imaginings as far as one man's
life suffices; and no man can do more. And Darwin won, as far as a man
can win, success during his lifetime. As Professor Huxley said, in
lecturing on "The Coming of Age of 'The Origin of Species,'" "the
foremost men of science in every country are either avowed champions of
its leading doctrines, or at any rate abstain from opposing them." His
prescience has in less than a generation been justified by the discovery
of intermediate fossil forms of animals too numerous to be here
recounted. The break between vertebrate and invertebrate animals,
between flowering and non-flowering plants, between animal and plant, is
now bridged over by discoveries in the life histories of animals and
plants which exist to-day. Embryo animals and plants are now known to go
through stages which repeat and condense the upward ascent of life; and
they give us information of the greatest value as to lost stages in the
path. We can, as it were, see the actual track through which evolution
may have proceeded. "Thus," says Professor Huxley, "if the doctrine of
evolution had not existed, palæontologists must have invented it, so
irresistibly is it forced upon the mind by the study of the remains of
the Tertiary mammalia which have been brought to light since 1859;" and
again, "so far as the animal world is concerned, evolution is no longer
a speculation, but a statement of historical fact."

As to the limits of the truth of Darwin's theory, Professor Huxley,
writing on "Evolution in Biology," in "The Encyclopædia Britannica,"
says: "How far natural selection suffices for the production of species
remains to be seen. Few can doubt that, if not the whole cause, it is a
very important factor in that operation; and that it must play a great
part in the sorting out of varieties into those which are transitory,
and those which are permanent. But the causes and conditions of
variation have yet to be thoroughly explored; and the importance of
natural selection will not be impaired, even if further inquiries should
prove that variability is definite, and is determined in certain
directions rather than in others, by conditions inherent in that which
varies."

We have not space to describe the importance of the work Darwin did in,
or bearing on, entomology, changing its face and vastly elevating its
importance. A volume might be compiled from his writings on this
subject, as reference to Professor Riley's excellent summary (Darwin
Memorial Meeting, Washington, 1882) will readily show. Nor can we
recount his important work in other branches of biology further than has
been already done in the foregoing pages. To do so would require much
more than a volume of this size.

One special department may perhaps claim notice on the ground of its
supposed non-scientific character. Dr. Masters (_Gardeners' Chronicle_,
April 22, 1882) says of Darwin's service to horticulture: "Let any one
who knows what was the state of botany in this country even so recently
as fifteen or twenty years ago, compare the feeling between botanists
and horticulturists at that time with what it is now. What sympathy had
the one for the pursuits of the other? The botanist looked down on the
varieties, the races, and strains, raised with so much pride by the
patient skill of the florist as on things unworthy of his notice and
study. The horticulturist, on his side, knowing how very imperfectly
plants could be studied from the mummified specimens in herbaria, which
then constituted in most cases all the material that the botanist of
this country considered necessary for the study of plants, naturally
looked on the botanist somewhat in the light of a laborious trifler....
Darwin altered all this. He made the dry bones live; he invested plants
and animals with a history, a biography, a genealogy, which at once
conferred an interest and a dignity on them. Before, they were as the
stuffed skin of a beast in the glass case of a museum; now they are
living beings, each in their degree affected by the same circumstances
that affect ourselves, and swayed, _mutatis mutandis_, by like feelings
and like passions. If he had done nothing more than this we might still
have claimed Darwin as a horticulturist; but as we shall see, he has
more direct claims on our gratitude. The apparently trifling variations,
the variations which it was once the fashion for botanists to overlook,
have become, as it were, the keystone of a great theory."

A valuable summary of Darwin's influence on general philosophic thought
has been given by Mr. James Sully, in his article, "Evolution in
Philosophy," in "The Encyclopædia Britannica," 9th ed., vol. viii. He,
like many other thinkers, considers that Darwin has done much to banish
old ideas as to the evidence of purpose in nature. Mr. Sully's views are
not entirely shared, however, by Professor Winchell, an able American
evolutionist ("Encyclopædia Americana," vol. ii.) who considers that the
question of teleology, or of purpose in nature, is not really touched by
the special principle of natural selection, nor by the general doctrine
of evolution. The mechanical theorist may, consistently with these
doctrines, maintain that every event takes place without a purpose;
while the teleologist, or believer in purpose, may no less consistently
maintain that the more orderly and uniform we find the succession
of events, the more reason is there to presume that a purposeful
intelligence is regulating them. It is certainly impossible to show that
the whole system of evolution does not exist for a purpose. The ranks of
the evolutionists, and even of the Darwinians, as a fact, embrace
believers in the most diverse systems of philosophy, including many
of those who accept Christ's teaching as an authoritative Divine
revelation. May not this diversity among Darwinians itself teach hope?
Darwinism is held with vital grip and will therefore not become a dead
creed, a fossil formula. The belief that every generation is a step in
progress to a higher and fuller life contains within it the promise of
a glorious evolution which is no longer a faint hope, but a reasoned
faith.

   "Man's thought is like Antæus, and must be
        Touched to the ground of Nature to regain
        Fresh force, new impulse, else it would remain
    Dead in the grip of strong Authority.
    But, once thereon reset, 'tis like a tree,
        Sap-swollen in spring-time: bonds may not restrain;
        Nor weight repress; its rootlets rend in twain
    Dead stones and walls and rocks resistlessly.

    Thine then it was to touch dead thoughts to earth,
      Till of old dreams sprang new philosophies,
        From visions systems, and beneath thy spell
      Swiftly uprose, like magic palaces,--
    Thyself half-conscious only of thy worth--
        Calm priest of a tremendous oracle."[13]

Here let us leave Charles Darwin; a marvellously patient and successful
revolutioniser of thought; a noble and beloved man.

FOOTNOTES:

[13: Round Table Series. "Charles Darwin" (1886), by J. T.
Cunningham.]



THE END.



INDEX.


A.

Ainsworth, Mr. W. F., on Darwin at Edinburgh, 22
Allen, Mr. Grant, on Darwin, 25, 31, 95, 112
Ancestry of the Darwins, 11, 12, 14
Andes, 43, 45
Antiquity of man, 113
Ants, Observations on, 88, 89
Archæology and earthworms, 151, 152
_Athenæum_, The, 22, 94, 124


B.

Bahia, 32
Bahia Blanca, 38
_Beagle_, H.M.S., 27, 29, 34, 36, 40, 41, 44, 45, 48, 52-60, 65
Bees, Observations on, 88, 89
Bell, Sir C., "Anatomy of Expression," 126
Bentley, T., and Darwin's mother, 17
Blushing, 133
Bladderwort, The, 140
Botanical papers, 103
Botanical works, 103-108, 136-145
Brazil, 32-36
Breeds, Domestic, 80-82, 109-111
British Association, Darwin at, 60
Buenos Ayres, 39, 40
Burdon-Sanderson, Prof., 140
Butterwort, The, 140
Button, Jemmy, the Fuegian, 130


C.

Caldcleugh, Mr., 45
Cambridge University, 24-29, 146
Candolle, A. de, 148-150
Carlisle, Bishop of, on Darwin, 154, 155
Carlyle, Thomas and Mrs., and Erasmus Darwin, 19
Character of Darwin, 155-160, 162-165
Chili, 43-45
Chiloe, 43
Chonos Archipelago, 43
Christianity and Darwin, 115-117, 121, 163-166, 169
Cirripedia, Books on, 61-63
Classification, 91
"Climbing Plants," 107
Copley medal, 106
Coral reefs, Book on, 55-59;
  observations on, 48, 52, 55
Corfield, Mr. R., 43
Cross-fertilisation of plants, 141-143


D.

Dana, Prof. J. D., on Coral Reefs, 58
Darwin, Charles, and domestic animals, 71;
  and entomology, 25, 167;
  and Malthus, 72, 73;
  and novelists, 133;
  and Prof. Henslow, 24-30;
  and Sir C. Lyell, 31, 51, 52, 69, 70;
  and Sir J. Hooker, 54, 74, 75, 78;
  and slavery, 34, 35;
  and spelling reform, 148;
  as an experimenter, 162;
  at Cambridge, 24-29;
  at Edinburgh, 22-24;
  "Biographical Sketch of an Infant," 131;
  birth, 18;
  character of, 155-160, 162-165;
  "Climbing Plants," 107;
  contributions to mental science, 134, 135;
  death of, 153;
  "Descent of Man," 112-125;
  discovery of extinct mammals, 38, 39;
  elected F.G.S., 51;
    F.R.S., 52;
  experience of missionaries, 43, 47;
  experiments on children, 129, 131;
  "Expression of Emotions," 126-135;
  fertilisation in the vegetable kingdom, 141-143;
  "Fertilisation of Orchids," 103-106;
  first scientific paper, 23;
  "Formation of Mould," 150-152;
  forms of flowers, 143;
  funeral of, 154;
  "Geology of the _Beagle_," 55-60;
  history of "Origin of Species," 64-78;
  honours bestowed on, 146;
  "Insectivorous Plants," 136-139;
  "Journal of Researches," 52;
  modesty of, 28, 66;
  on blushing, 133;
  on Cirripedia, 61-63;
  on religion, 115-117, 121, 163-169;
  on vivisection, 160-162;
  "Origin of Species," 41, 42, 46, 64-78, 79-99;
  physical appearance and habits of, 100-102, 147, 148;
  places named after, 48;
  portraits of, 146;
  power of movement in plants, 143-145;
  school-days of, 19-21;
  secretary of Geological Society, 51;
  sons of, 102;
  statue of, 156;
  voyage in _Beagle_, 29-50
Darwin, Mrs. C., 53
Darwin, Erasmus, of Lichfield and Derby, 12-14, 66-67
Darwin, Erasmus, of London, 19, 153
Darwin, Mr. Francis, 140-144
Darwin, Mrs. R. W. (Susannah Wedgwood), 17-19
Darwin, R. W., of Elston, 12
Darwin, R. W., father of Charles, 14-18
Darwin Sound, 48
Death of Charles Darwin, 153
"Descent of Man," 112-125
Digestion by plants, 137, 138
Discovery of extinct mammals, 39
Down House, 60, 101, 102, 147-150


E.

Earle, Erasmus, 12
Earthquake experience, 44
Earthworms, Darwin on, 150-152
_Edinburgh Review_, on "Descent of Man," 124;
  on Erasmus Darwin, 12, 13;
  on "Origin of Species," 94
Edinburgh University, 21-24
Ehrenberg, 31
Entomology, 25, 141-143
Evolution, History of, in Darwin's mind, 39, 40-42, 46, 47, 50, 64-78, 112
"Expression of Emotions," 126-135


F.

Falkland Islands, 43, 60
Fertilisation, Cross and Self-, in the Vegetable Kingdom, 141-143
"Fertilisation of Orchids," 103-106
Fitzroy, Capt., 27, 29, 31, 48, 49
"Forms of Flowers," 143
Fuegians, 42, 43, 112
Funeral of Charles Darwin, 154


G.

Galapagos Islands, 45-47
Gauchos, 38, 40, 116, 130
Geikie, Prof. A., on Darwin's "Coral Reefs," 58
Geographical distribution, 91
Geological observations by Darwin, 30, 38, 39
Geological papers by Darwin, 51, 52, 59, 60
Geological record, Imperfection of, 90, 91
Geological Society, 51, 52, 63
"Geology of the _Beagle_," 53, 55-60
Germination of plants, 142
Grant, Prof., 23, 69
Greville, Dr., 23


H.

Haeckel, Prof., 71, 72, 147
Hall, Capt. Basil, and Coral Reefs, 55
Henslow, Prof., 24-30
Herbert, Dean, 71
Holmgren, Prof., Letter to, 160-162
Honours conferred on Darwin, 146
Hooker, Sir J., 54, 74, 78, 140
Huxley, Prof., 65, 91, 94, 165-167


I.

Imagination, Definition of, 115
"Insectivorous Plants," 136-141
Insects, 88, 89, 102-106, 136-139
Instinct, 88-90, 114
Interdependence of species, 84


J.

Jameson, Prof., 23
"Journal of Researches," 31, 34, 36, 42, 46, 53


K.

Keeling Islands, 48, 56


L.

Lamarck and Darwin, 67, 68
Linnean Society, 75-78, 107, 143, 147
Literary position of Darwin, 165
Lubbock, Sir J., 141
Lyell, Sir C., 31, 51, 52, 69, 70, 74


M.

Magellan, Straits of, 43
Maldonado, 36, 37
Malthus on Population, 72, 73, 82
Mammals, Extinct, 38, 39, 54
Masters, Dr., on Darwin and Horticulture, 167
Matthew, Mr. P., and "Origin of Species," 97
Mental powers of man, 114-123
Mental science, Darwin and, 134, 135
Meteyard, Miss, on R. W. Darwin, 16;
  on Wedgwood, 18
Missionaries, 43, 47
Monkeys, 132
Monkeys and man, 114, 115, 117, 118, 120, 122
Monte Video, 36, 40
Montgomery, James, "Pelican Island," 55
Morphology, 64, 91, 92
"Mould, Formation of," 152
Mount Darwin, 49
Mount, The, Shrewsbury, 17-20, 80
"Movement, Power of, in Plants," 143-145
Murray, Mr. J., on Coral Reefs, 59
_Mylodon Darwinii_, 54


N.

"Naturalist's Voyage Round the World," 53
Natural Selection, 84, 85, 97-99, 108, 117
New Zealand, 47
Niata cattle, 40
Novelists, 133


O.

"Orchids, Fertilisation of," 103-106
"Origin of Species," 41, 42, 46, 64-78, 79-99
Owen, Sir R., 53, 64
Oxford, Bishop of, (Wilberforce), on "Origin of Species," 95


P.

Palæontographical Society, 62
Pampas thistles, 40
Pangenesis, Hypothesis of, 111
Patagonia, 41
Peru, 45
Phillips, Prof. J., 52, 63
Physiological Selection, 87
Physiological Society, 159
Plinian Society, Edinburgh, 22, 23
Port Darwin, 48
Portraits of Darwin, 146
_Punch_, 123, 124


Q.

_Quarterly Review_ on Darwin's "Journal," 53;
  on "Descent of Man," 124, 125;
  on "Origin of Species," 95


R.

Ray Society, 62
Religion, 115-117, 121
Religious views of Darwin, 163-166, 169
Reptiles of Galapagos, 46
Riley, Prof. C. V., on Darwin and Entomology, 25, 167
Rio Negro, 37, 40
Rio Plata, 41
Romanes, Mr., 87, 89, 115, 134, 135
Rosas, General, 38, 39
Royal medal, 62
Royal Society and Charles Darwin, 52, 62, 106
Rudimentary organs, 92


S.

Santiago, 43, 45
_Saturday Review_ on Charles Darwin, 156, 157;
  on "Descent of Man," 125;
  on "Origin of Species," 95
Savage man described, 49, 122, 123
"Scientific Inquiry, Manual of," 61
Selection, Natural, 84, 85, 97-99
Selection, Physiological, 87
Semper, Prof., on Coral Reefs, 58
Shrewsbury, 15-20
Shrewsbury school, 20
Social qualities of man, 116
Social questions, 121
Sonnet on Darwin, 169
Spencer, Mr. Herbert, Views of, 73, 112
Statue of Darwin, 155-156
Stokes, Admiral, 33, 34
Structure of human body, 114
Struggle for existence, 72, 73, 82, 83
Sully, Mr. James, on Evolution and Design, 168
Sun-dew, 136-139
Sweden and Darwin, 156
Sydney, 48


T.

Tahiti, 47
Tasmania, 48
Tierra del Fuego, 42, 43
_Times, The_, on Charles Darwin, 155
Tree of Life, 85-87
Tres Montes, 44
Tucutuco, Blindness of, 68


U.

Unitarian Church, Shrewsbury, 17, 19


V.

Valdivia, 44
Valparaiso, 43, 45
"Variation of Animals and Plants," 108-112
Variations of Species, 79, 85-87, 108-112
Verde, Cape de, 31, 41
"Vestiges of Creation," 73
Vivisection, Darwin on, 160-162
Volcanic islands, 59


W.

Wallace, Mr. A. R., 75-78
Wedgwood, Josiah, 14
Wells, Dr., and Origin of Species, 96
Winchell, Prof., and evolution, 168-169
Wollaston medal, 63
Woman compared with man, 119, 120
Woodall, Mr. E., on Charles Darwin, 17, 101


Y.

Yates, Mr. E., on "Darwin at Home," 157


Z.

Zoological Gardens, 115, 128, 131, 132
"Zoology of the _Beagle_," 53



                      BIBLIOGRAPHY.

                           BY

                     JOHN P. ANDERSON

                    (_British Museum_).

                *     *     *     *     *

              I. WORKS.

             II. MISCELLANEOUS WRITINGS.

            III. APPENDIX--
                  Biography, Criticism, etc.
                  Magazine Articles.

             IV. CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF WORKS.

                *     *     *     *     *



I. WORKS.


Narrative of the Surveying Voyages of His Majesty's Ships Adventure and
Beagle between the years 1826 and 1836, describing their examination of
the Southern Shores of South America, and the Beagle's circumnavigation
of the globe. [With appendices and addenda.] 3 vols. London, 1839, 8vo.

  Vol. iii. is the "Journal and Remarks, 1832-1836," by Charles Darwin.
  The appendix to vol. ii. has a distinct title-page and pagination.
  Some copies of this work were issued in 2 vols., the third being
  complete in itself, and sold separately with the title "Journal of
  Researches into the Geology and Natural History of the various
  countries visited by H.M.S. Beagle, under the command of Captain
  Fitzroy, R.N., from 1832 to 1836. By Charles Darwin, Esq.," etc.

Journal of Researches into the Natural History and Geology of the
Countries visited during the Voyage of H.M.S. Beagle round the World,
under the command of Captain Fitzroy, R.N. Second edition, corrected,
with additions. (_Murray's Colonial and Home Library._) London, 1845,
8vo.

  This has been reprinted with a new title-page reading, "A Naturalist's
  Voyage Round the World, etc."

The Zoology of the Voyage of H.M.S. Beagle, under the command of Captain
R. Fitzroy, during the years 1832-36. Edited and superintended by C. D.
Part i., Fossil Mammalia, by R. Owen. (Part ii., Mammalia, described by
G. R. Waterhouse, with a notice of their habits and ranges by C. D. Part
iii., Birds, described by J. Gould, with a notice of their habits and
ranges by C. D., with an anatomical appendix by T. C. Eyton. Part iv.,
Fish, described by L. Jenyns. Part v., Reptiles, described by T. Bell.)
5 parts. London, 1840-39-43, 4to.

The Structure and Distribution of Coral Reefs. Being the first part of
the Geology of the Voyage of the Beagle, under the command of Captain
Fitzroy, 1832 to 1836. London, 1842, 8vo.

Geological Observations on the Volcanic Islands, visited during the
voyage of H.M.S. Beagle, together with some brief notices on the Geology
of Australia and the Cape of Good Hope. Being the second part of the
Geology of the Voyage of the Beagle, etc. London, 1844, 8vo.

Geological Observations on South America. Being the third part of the
Geology of the Voyage of the Beagle, under the command of Captain
Fitzroy, etc. London, 1846, 8vo.

The Structure and Distribution of Coral Reefs, by C. D. With three
plates. Second edition, revised. London, 1874, 8vo.

Geological Observations on the Volcanic Islands and parts of South
America, visited during the voyage of H.M.S. Beagle, by C. D. Second
edition, with maps and illustrations. London, 1876, 8vo.

A Monograph on the Fossil Lepadidæ or Pedunculated Cirripedes of Great
Britain. (_Palæontographical Society._) London, 1851, 4to.

A Monograph of the sub-class Cirripedia, with figures of all the
species. (_Ray Society._) 2 vols. London, 1851-54, 8vo.

A Monograph of the Fossil Balanidæ and Verrucidæ of Great Britain.
(_Palæontographical Society._) London, 1854, 4to.

On the Origin of Species by means of Natural Selection, or the
preservation of favoured races in the struggle for life. By C. D.
London, 1859, 8vo.

---- Fifth thousand. London, 1860, 8vo.

---- Third edition, with additions and corrections. London, 1861, 8vo.

---- Fourth edition, with additions and corrections. London, 1866, 8vo.

---- Fifth edition, with additions and corrections. London, 1869, 8vo.

---- Sixth edition, with additions and corrections. London, 1872, 8vo.

On the Various Contrivances by which British and Foreign Orchids are
fertilised by Insects, and on the good effects of intercrossing. By C.
D. With illustrations. London, 1862, 8vo.

---- Second edition. With illustrations. London, 1877, 8vo.

The Movements and Habits of Climbing Plants. By C. D. [From the Journal
of the Linnean Society.] London, 1865, 8vo.

---- Second edition, revised. With illustrations. London, 1875, 8vo.

The Variation of Animals and Plants under domestication, by C. D. With
illustrations. 2 vols. London, 1868, 8vo.

---- Second edition, revised. Fourth thousand. With illustrations. 2
vols. London, 1875, 8vo.

---- Second edition, revised. Fifth thousand. With illustrations. 2
vols. London, 1885, 8vo.

The Descent of Man, and Selection in relation to Sex. By C. D. With
illustrations. 2 vols. London, 1871, 8vo.

---- Second edition, revised and augmented. Tenth thousand. London,
1874, 8vo.

---- Second edition, revised and augmented. Seventeenth thousand.
London, 1883, 8vo.

The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals. By C. D. With
photographic and other illustrations. London, 1872, 8vo.

Insectivorous Plants. By C. D. With illustrations. London, 1875, 8vo.

The Effects of Cross and Self-Fertilisation in the Vegetable Kingdom. By
C. D. London, 1876, 8vo.

The Different Forms of Flowers on Plants of the same Species. By C. D.
With illustrations. London, 1877, 8vo.

The Power of Movement in Plants. By C. D., assisted by Francis Darwin.
With illustrations. London, 1880, 8vo.

The Formation of Vegetable Mould through the Action of Worms, with
observations on their habits. By C. D. With illustrations. London, 1881,
8vo.

---- Fifth thousand (corrected). London, 1881, 8vo.

---- Sixth thousand (corrected). London, 1882, 8vo.



II. MISCELLANEOUS WRITINGS.


For private distribution. The following pages contain extracts from
letters addressed to Professor Henslow by C. Darwin, Esq., printed for
private distribution among the Members of the Cambridge Philosophical
Society in consequence of the geological notices which they contain,
etc. [Cambridge, 1835.] 8vo.

Note sur la découverte de quelques Ossemens Fossiles dans l'Amérique du
Sud.

  _Annal. Sci. Nat._ 2nd Ser. (Zoology). Tom. vii., 1837, pp. 319, 320.

Notes upon the Rhea Americana.

  _Zool. Soc. Proc._, vol. v., 1837, pp. 35, 36.

Remarks upon the Habits of the Genera Geospiza, Camarhynchus, Cactornis,
and Certhidea of Gould.

  _Proc. Zool. Soc._, 1837, p. 49.

Sur trois Espèces du Genre Felis.

  _L'Institut._ Tom. vi., 1838, No. 235, pp. 210, 211.

On the formation of Mould (1837).

  _Geol. Soc. Proc._, vol. ii., 1838, pp. 574-576;
  _Geol. Soc. Trans._, vol. v., 1840, pp. 505-510;
  _Froriep, Notizen._ Bd. vi., 1838, col. 180-183.

Observations of proofs of recent elevation on the Coast of Chili, made
during the survey of H.M.S. "Beagle," commanded by Capt. Fitzroy (1837).

  _Geol. Soc. Proc._, vol ii., 1838, pp. 446-449.

A sketch of the deposits containing extinct Mammalia in the
neighbourhood of the Plata (1837).

  _Geol. Soc. Proc._, vol. ii., 1838, pp. 542-544;
  _Ann. Sci. Nat._ Tom. vii., (Zool.) 1837, pp. 319, 320.

On certain areas of elevation and subsidence in the Pacific and Indian
Oceans, as deduced from the study of coral formations (1837).

  _Geol. Soc. Proc._, vol. ii., 1838, pp. 552-554;
  _Froriep, Notizen._ Bd. iv., 1838, col. 100-103.

Geological Notes made during a survey of the East and West Coasts of
South America in the years 1832, 1833, 1834, and 1835; with an account
of a transverse section of the Cordilleras of the Andes between
Valparaiso and Mendoza.

  _Geol. Soc. Proc._, vol. ii., 1838, pp. 210-212.

Origin of saliferous deposits. Salt Lakes of Patagonia and La Plata.

  _Geol. Soc. Jour._, vol. ii. (pt. 2), 1838, pp. 127, 128.

On the connexion of certain volcanic phenomena, and on the formation of
mountain chains, and the effects of continental elevations.

  _Geol. Soc. Proc._, vol. ii., 1838, pp. 654-660;
  _Geol. Soc. Trans._, vol. v., 1840, pp. 601-632;
  _Poggendorff, Annal._ Bd. lii., 1841, pp. 484-496.

Monographia Chalciditum, by Francis Walker. (Vol. ii., Species collected
by C. Darwin.) London, 1839, 8vo.

Note on a rock seen on an iceberg in 16° South Latitude.

  _Geog. Soc. Jour._, vol. ix., 1839, pp. 528, 529.

Ueber die Luftschifferei der Spinnen.

  _Froriep, N. Not._ Bd. lxxvii., No. 222, 1839, pp. 23, 24.

Observations on the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy, and of other parts of
Lochaber in Scotland, with an attempt to prove that they are of marine
origin.

  _Phil. Trans._, 1839, pp. 39-82;
  _Edinb. New Phil. Jour._, vol. xxvii., 1839, pp. 395-403.

On a remarkable bar of Sandstone off Pernambuco, on the coast of Brazil.

  _Phil. Mag._, vol. xix., 1841, pp. 257-260.

Notes on the effects produced by the ancient glaciers of
Caernarvonshire, and on the Boulders transported by floating ice.

  _Edinb. New Phil. Jour._, vol. xxxiii., 1842, pp. 352, 353.

On the distribution of the erratic boulders, and on the contemporaneous
unstratified deposits of South America (1841).

  _Geol. Soc. Proc._, vol. iii., 1842, pp. 425-430;
  _Geol. Soc. Trans._, vol. vi., 1842, pp. 415-432.

The structure and distribution of Coral Reefs.

  _Geog. Soc. Jour._, vol. xii., 1842, pp. 115-119;
  _Poggendorff, Annal._ Bd. lxiv., 1845, pp. 563-613;
  _Edinb. New Phil. Jour._, vol. xxxiv., 1843, pp. 47-50.

Observations on the structure and propagation of the genus Sagitta.

  _Ann. Nat. Hist._ Tom. xiii., 1844, pp. 1-6;
  _Ann. Sc. Nat._ (Zool.) Tom. i., 1844, pp. 360-365;
  _Froriep, Notizen._ Bd. xxx., 1844, col. 1-6.

Brief descriptions of several Terrestrial Planariæ and of some
remarkable Marine species, with an account of their habits.

  _Ann. Nat. Hist._, vol. xiv., 1844, pp. 241-251.

An Account of the Fine Dust which often falls on vessels in the Atlantic
Ocean.

  _Geol. Soc. Jour._, vol. ii., 1846, pp. 26-30.

On the Geology of the Falkland Islands.

  _Geol. Soc. Jour._, vol. ii., 1846, pp. 267-274.

On the Transportal of Erratic Boulders from a lower to a higher level.

  _Geol. Soc. Jour._, vol. iv., 1848, pp. 315-323.

A Manual of Scientific Inquiry; prepared for the use of Her Majesty's
Navy, and travellers in general. Edited by Sir John F. W. Herschel.
London, 1849, 8vo.

  This work, which has run through several editions, consists of a
  series of papers by various writers. Charles Darwin wrote "Geology,"
  pp. 156-195.

On British Fossil Lepadidæ.

  _Geol. Soc. Jour._, vol. vi., 1850, pp. 439, 440.

Analogy of the structure of some Volcanic Rocks with that of Glaciers.

  _Edinb. Royal Soc. Proc._ vol. ii., 1851, pp. 17, 18.

On the power of icebergs to make rectilinear uniformly-directed grooves
across a submarine undulatory surface.

  _Phil. Mag._, vol. x., 1855, pp. 96-98.

On the action of Sea-water on the germination of Seeds (1856).

  _Linn. Soc. Jour._, vol. i., 1857 (Bot.), pp. 130-140.

On the agency of Bees in the Fertilisation of Papilionaceous Flowers,
and on the crossing of Kidney Beans.

  _Ann. Nat. Hist._, vol. ii., 1858, pp. 459-465;
  _Gardeners' Chronicle_, 1857, pp. 725, and 1858, pp. 824, 844.

On the Tendency of Species to form Varieties; and on the Perpetuation of
Varieties and Species by Natural Means of Selection. By C. D. and Alfred
Wallace.

  _Jour. Proc. Linn. Soc._, vol iii., 1859, pp. 45-62.

On the variation of organic beings in a state of nature; on the natural
means of selection; on the comparison of domestic races and true
species.

  _Linn. Soc. Jour._, vol iii., 1859, (Zool.) pp. 46-53;
  _Halle, Zeitschr. Gesell. Nat._ Bd. xvi., 1860, pp. 425-459.

Fertilisation of _Vincas_.

  _Gardeners' Chronicle_, 1861, pp. 552, 831, 832.

On the Two Forms, or Dimorphic Condition, in the species of Primula,
and, on their remarkable Sexual Relations.

  _Linn. Soc. Jour._, vol. vi., 1862 (Bot.), pp. 77-96.

On the three remarkable sexual forms of Catasetum tridentatum, an Orchid
in the possession of the Linnean Society.

  _Linn. Soc. Jour._, vol. vi., 1862 (Bot.), pp. 151-157.

Observations sur l'hétéromorphisme des fleurs et ses conséquences pour
fécondation.

  _Annal. Sci. Nat._ Tom. xix., 1863, (Bot.) pp. 204-255.

On the thickness of the Pampean formation, near Buenos Ayres.

  _Geol. Soc. Jour._, vol. xix., 1863, pp. 68-71.

On the existence of two forms, and on their reciprocal sexual relation,
in several species of the genus Linum.

  _Linn. Soc. Jour._, vol. vii. (Bot.), 1863, pp. 69-83.

On the so-called "Auditory sac" of Cirripedes.

  _Nat. Hist. Review_, 1863, pp. 115, 116.

On the sexual relations of the three forms of Lythrum Salicaria (1864).

  _Linn. Soc. Jour._, vol. viii., 1865, (Bot.) pp. 169-196;
  _Archives Sci. Phys. Nat._ Tom. xxiii., 1865, pp. 69-72.

On the movements and habits of Climbing Plants (1865).

  _Linn. Soc. Jour._, vol. ix., 1867, (Bot.) pp. 1-118;
  _Flora_, vol. xlix., 1866, pp. 241-252, 273-282, 321-325, 337-345,
  375-378, 385-398.

Queries about Expression for Anthropological Inquiry.

  _Report of Smithsonian Institution_ for 1867, p. 324.

Note on the Common Broom (Cytisus Scoparius).

  _Linn. Soc. Jour._, vol ix., 1867 (Bot.), p. 358.

On the character and hybrid-like nature of the offspring from the
illegitimate unions of dimorphic and trimorphic plants.

  _Linn. Soc. Jour._, vol. x., 1869 (Bot.), pp. 393-437.

On the specific difference between Primula veris, _Brit. Fl._ (_var._
officinalis, _Linn._), P. vulgaris, _Brit. Fl._ (_var._ acaulis,
_Linn._) and P. elatior, _Jacq._ and on the hybrid nature of the common
Oxlip. With supplementary remarks on naturally-produced hybrids in the
genus Verbascum.

  _Linn. Soc. Jour._, vol. x., 1869 (Bot.), pp. 437-454.

De la variation des animaux et des plantes sous l'action de la
domestication. (_Transl._)

  _Archives Sci. Phys. Nat._ Tom. xxxiv., 1869, pp. 41-66.

The Fertilisation of Winter-flowering Plants.

  _Nature_, vol. i., 1869, p. 85.

Notes on the Fertilisation of Orchids.

  _Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist._, vol. iv., 1869, pp. 141-159.

Note on the habits of the Pampas Woodpecker: Colaptes campestris.

  _Zool. Soc. Proc._, 1870, pp. 705, 706.

Pangenesis.

  _Nature_, vol. iii., 1871, pp. 502, 503.

Fertilisation of _Leschenaultia_.

  _Gardeners' Chronicle_, 1871, p. 1166.

Origin of certain Instincts.

  _Nature_, vol. vii., 1873, pp. 417, 418.

On the males and complemental males of certain Cirripedes, and on
rudimentary structures.

  _Nature_, vol. viii., 1873, pp. 431-433.

Perception in the lower animals.

  _Zoologist_, vol. viii., 1873, pp. 3488-3489;
  _Nature_, vol. vii., 1878, p. 360.

Fertilisation of the Fumariaceæ.

  _Nature_, vol. ix., 1874, p. 460.

Flowers of the Primrose destroyed by birds.

  _Nature_, vol. ix., 1874, p. 482; vol. x., p. 24.

Sexual Selection in relation to Monkeys.

  _Nature_, vol. xv., 1876, pp. 18, 19.

Testimonial to Mr. Darwin. Evolution in the Netherlands. Letter of Mr.
Darwin.

  _Nature_, vol. xv., 1877, pp. 410-412.

A Biographical Sketch of an Infant.

  _Mind_, vol. ii. (No. 7, July 1877), pp. 285-294.
  Les Débuts de l'intelligence; Esquisse biographique d'un petit enfant,
  _Revue Scientifique_, tom. 13, 1877, pp. 25-29.

The Contractile Filaments of the Teasel.

  _Nature_, vol. xvi., 1877, p. 339.

Fritz Müller on Flowers and Insects.

  _Nature_, vol. xvii., 1877, p. 78.

Note on Fertilisation of Plants.

  _Gardeners' Chronicle_, 1877, p. 246.

Transplantation of Shells.

  _Nature_, vol. xviii., 1878, p. 120.

Flowers and their unbidden guests, from the German of Dr. A. Kerner.
With a prefatory letter by C. D. London, 1878, 8vo.

Erasmus Darwin. By Ernst Krause. Translated from the German by W. S.
Dallas. With a preliminary notice by Charles Darwin. London, 1879, 8vo.

  Originally appeared in "Kosmos." Charles Darwin wrote the life, pp.
  1-127 for the English edition, which on the publication of the work in
  book form in Germany (1880) was translated and appears in that
  edition, pp. 1-72. A copy of this work in the Library of the British
  Museum contains MS. Notes by Samuel Butler.

Fritz Müller on a Frog having Eggs on its back: on the Abortion of the
Hairs on the Legs of certain Caddis Flies, etc.

  _Nature_, vol. xix., 1879, pp. 462-464.

Rats and Water Casks.

  _Nature_, vol. xix., 1879, p. 481.

Fertility of Hybrids from the Common and Chinese Goose.

  _Nature_, vol. xxi., 1880, p. 207.

The Sexual Colours of certain Butterflies.

  _Nature_, vol. xxi., 1880, p. 237.

The Omari Shell Mounds.

  _Nature_, vol. xxi., 1880, pp. 561, 562.

Sir Wyville Thomson on Natural Selection.

  _Nature_, vol. xxiii., 1880, p. 32.

Black Sheep.

  _Nature_, vol. xxiii., 1880, p. 103.

Movements of Plants.

  _Nature_, vol. xxiii., 1881, p. 409.

Mr. Darwin on Vivisection.

  _Nature_, vol. xxiii., 1881, p. 583.

The Movements of Leaves.

  _Nature_, vol. xxiii., 1881, pp. 603, 604.

Inheritance.

  _Nature_, vol. xxiv., 1881, p. 257.

Leaves injured at night by free radiation.

  _Nature_, vol. xxiv., 1881, p. 459.

On the Bodily and Mental Development of Infants.

  _Nature_, vol. xxiv., 1881, p. 565.

Studies in the Theory of Descent, by August Weismann. Translated and
edited by K. Meldola, with a prefatory notice by Charles Darwin. 3 pts.,
London, 1882, 8vo.

The parasitic habits of Molothrus.

  _Nature_, vol. xxv., 1882, pp. 51, 52.

The action of Carbonate of Ammonia on the roots of certain plants.

  _Linn. Soc. Jour._ (Bot.), vol. xix., 1882, pp. 239-261;
  abstract by Mr. Francis Darwin in _Nature_, vol. xxv., 1882, pp. 489-490.

The action of Carbonate of Ammonia on Chlorophyll Bodies.

  _Linn. Soc. Jour._ (Bot.), vol. xix., 1882, pp. 262-284;
  abstract by Mr. Francis Darwin in _Nature_, vol. xxv., 1882, pp. 489,
  490.

On the dispersal of freshwater bivalves.

  _Nature_, vol. xxv., 1882, pp. 529, 530.

On the Modification of a Race of Syrian Street Dogs by means of Sexual
Selection. By Dr. Van Dyck. With a preliminary notice by Charles Darwin.

  _Proc. of the Zool. Soc. of London_, 1882, pp. 367-370.

Mental Evolution in Animals. By George John Romanes. With a posthumous
essay on Instinct, by Charles Darwin. London, 1883, 8vo.

Mémoire inédit sur l'instinct.

  _Revue Scientifique_, tom. vi., 1883, pp. 749, 750.

The Fertilisation of Flowers. By Prof. Hermann Mueller. Translated and
edited by D'Arcy W. Thompson. With a preface by Charles Darwin. London,
1883, 8vo.

Notes on Parasites collected by C. D., by T. Spencer Cobbold.

  _Jour. Linn. Soc._ (Zoology), vol. xix., 1885, pp. 174-178.



III.--APPENDIX.

BIOGRAPHY, CRITICISM, ETC.


The European Literature upon Charles Darwin and his Works is so
extensive that it is only possible to give a selection.

Adams, W. H. Davenport.--Master Minds in Art, Science, and Letters.
London, 1886, 8vo.

  Charles Darwin, with portrait, pp. 251-276.

Allen, Grant.--The Evolutionist at Large. [Reprinted from the _St.
James's Gazette_.] London, 1881, 8vo.

---- English Worthies. Edited by Andrew Lang. Charles Darwin, by G. A.
London, 1885, 8vo.

Argyll, Duke of.--The Reign of Law. London, 1867, 8vo.

  References to Charles Darwin.

---- The Unity of Nature. London, 1884, 8vo.

  Numerous references to Charles Darwin.

Armstrong, R. A.--Modern Sermons. No. 3. Charles Darwin, by the Rev. R.
A. Armstrong. Manchester [1885], 8vo.

Aveling, Edward B.--The Student's Darwin. (_International Library of
Science and Freethought_, vol. ii.) London, 1881, 8vo.

---- Darwinism and Small Families. London, 1882, 8vo.

---- The Religious Views of Charles Darwin. London, 1883, 8vo.

Baildon, Henry B.--The Spirit of Nature, being a series of
interpretative essays on the history of matter from the atom to the
flower. London, 1880, 8vo.

Balfour, Francis M.--A Treatise on Comparative Embryology, 2 vols.
London, 1880-1, 8vo.

Bateman, Frederic.--Darwinism tested by language; with a preface by
Edward Meyrick Goulburn, Dean of Norwich. London, 1877, 8vo.

Bennett, A. W.--The Theory of Natural Selection from a mathematical
point of view. (Read before section D of the British Association, at
Liverpool, Sept. 20, 1870.)

Bennett, D. M.--The World's Sages, Infidels, and Thinkers. New York,
1876, 8vo.

  Darwin, pp. 846-848.

Benson, Lawrence S.--Philosophic Reviews. Darwin answered; or, Evolution
a myth, etc. New York, 1875, 8vo.

Bentham, George.--"Addresses of George Bentham, President, read at the
meetings of the Linnean Society, 1862-1873."

Berkeley, Hon. G. C. Grantley F.--Fact against Fiction. With some
remarks on Darwin. 2 vols. London, 1874, 8vo.

Bernardo, D. di.--Il Darwinismo e le specie animali. Siena, 1881, 8vo.

Bianconi, J. Joseph.--La Théorie Darwinienne et la Création dite
Indépendante. Bologne, 1874, 8vo.

Biological Society of Washington.--Proceedings of the Biological Society
of Washington. With the addresses read on the occasion of the Darwin
Memorial Meeting, May 12, 1882. Washington, 1882, 8vo.

  With vol. xxv. of the Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections. The
  addresses delivered on the occasion were--
    Introductory by Theodore Gill;
    Biographical Sketch by William H. Dall;
    The Philosophic Bearings of Darwinism, by John W. Powell;
    Darwin's Investigations on the relation of Plants and Insects, by C.
      V. Riley;
    Darwin as a Botanist, by L. F. Ward;
    Darwin on Emotional Expression, by F. Baker;
    a Darwinian Bibliography, by F. W. True.

Blind, Mathilde.--Shelley's View of Nature contrasted with Darwin's.
London, 1886, 8vo.

  Only 25 copies of this lecture were printed for private distribution.

Boase, Henry S.--A few words on Evolution and Creation, etc. London,
1832, 8vo.

Braubach, W.--Religion, Moral, und Philosophie der Darwin'schen
Artlehre. Neuwied, 1869, 8vo.

Bree, C. R.--Species not Transmutable, nor the result of secondary
causes. Being a critical examination of Mr. Darwin's work entitled
"Origin and Variation of Species." London [1860], 8vo.

---- An Exposition of Fallacies in the Hypothesis of Mr. Darwin. London,
1872, 8vo.

Büchner, Ludwig.--Sechs Vorlesungen über die Darwin'sche Theorie, etc.
Leipzig, 1868, 8vo.

---- Conférences sur la Théorie Darwinienne de la Transmutation des
Espèces, etc. Leipzig, 1869, 8vo.

Butler, Samuel.--Evolution, old and new; or, the theories of Buffon, Dr.
Erasmus Darwin, and Lamarck, as compared with that of Mr. Charles
Darwin. London, 1879, 8vo.

---- Second edition. London, 1882, 8vo.

---- Unconscious Memory, etc. London, 1880, 8vo.

---- Luck or Cunning, as the main means of organic modification? An
attempt to throw additional light upon the late Mr. Charles Darwin's
Theory of Natural Selection. London, 1887, 8vo.

Candolle, Alphonse de.--Histoire des Sciences et des Savants depuis deux
Siècles, suivie d'autres études sur des sujets scientifiques, en
particulier sur la Sélection dans l'Espèce Humaine. Genève, 1873, 8vo.

---- Darwin considéré au point de vue des causes de son succès et de
l'importance de ses travaux. Deuxième édition. Genève, 1882, 8vo.

Canestrini, Giovanni.--La Teoria dell' Evoluzione esposta ne' suoi
fondamenti come introduzione alla lettura delle opere del Darwin e de'
suoi seguaci. Torino, 1877, 8vo.

Carlyle, Rev. Gavin.--The Battle of Unbelief. London, 1878, 8vo.

  Darwinianism and Man, pp. 149-173.

Carneri, B.--Sittlichkeit und Darwinismus. Wien, 1871, 8vo.

Cartoon Portraits.--Cartoon Portraits and Biographical Sketches of Men
of the Day. London, 1873, 4to.

  C. R. Darwin, F.R.S., pp. 6 and 7.

Cattell, Charles C.--Is Darwinism Atheistic? (_The Atheistic Platform_,
No. viii.) London, 1884, 8vo.

Celakovsky, Ladislav.--Uvahy Prirodov[)e]decké o Darwinov[)e] Theorii,
etc. V Praze, 1877, 8vo.

Cleland, John.--Evolution, Expression, and Sensation, etc. Glasgow,
1881, 8vo.

Cobbe, Frances Power.--Darwinism in Morals, and other Essays. London,
1872, 8vo.

Collins, Mortimer.--Pen Sketches by a Vanished Hand; from the papers of
the late Mortimer Collins. 2 vols. London, 1879, 8vo.

  Darwinism, vol. ii., pp. 51-61.

Conn, H. W.--Evolution of To-day, etc. New York, 1886, 8vo.

Cook, Joseph.--Boston Monday Lectures. Heredity, etc. London, 1881, 8vo.

  Darwin's Theory of Pangenesis, pp. 59-79;
  Darwin on the Origin of Conscience, pp. 80-99.

Cooper, Thomas.--Evolution, the Stone Book, and the Mosaic Record of
Creation. London, 1878, 8vo.

---- Thoughts at fourscore, and earlier. A Medley. London, 1885, 8vo.

  Charles Darwin and the Fallacies of evolution, pp. 132-162;
  The Origin of Species, pp. 322-334.

Cope, E. D.--Origin of the Fittest. London, 1887, 8vo.

Cunningham, J. T.--The Round Table Series. (No. 5.) Charles Darwin,
Naturalist. Edinburgh, 1886, 8vo.

Curtis, George T.--Creation or Evolution? A Philosophical Inquiry.
London, 1887, 8vo.

Darwin, Charles R.--The Darwinian Theory of the Transmutation of Species
examined by a Graduate of the University of Cambridge. Second edition.
London, 1868, 8vo.

---- The Fall of Man: or, the Loves of the Gorillas. A popular
scientific lecture upon the Darwinian Theory of Development by Sexual
Selection. By a Learned Gorilla. Edited by the author of "The New Gospel
of Peace." [Illustrated.] New York, 1871, 8vo.

---- Our Blood Relations; or, the Darwinian Theory. London, 1872, 8vo.

---- Stammen wir von den Affen ab? [Being a reply to Darwin's Origin of
Species.] Dresden, 1872, 8vo.

---- The Fall of Man; an answer to Mr. Darwin's "Descent of Man,"
being a complete refutation, by common sense arguments, of the Theory of
the Development of the human race by means of natural selection. London,
1873, 8vo.

---- The Darwinian Theory examined. London, 1878, 8vo.

---- Bondige uiteenzetting van het Darwinisme voor leeken in de
natuurwetenschappen. Deventer, 1878, 8vo.

---- What Mr. Darwin saw in his voyage round the world in the ship
"Beagle." [Illustrated.] New York [1879], 8vo.

---- Die Grundlehren der wahren Naturreligion nach Darwin und Haeckel.
Berlin, 1881, 8vo.

---- Darwinism stated by Darwin himself. Characteristic passages from
the writings of C. D., selected and arranged by N. Sheppard. New York,
1884, 8vo.

Daubeny, Charles.--Remarks on the final causes of the Sexuality of
Plants, with particular reference to Mr. Darwin's work on the Origin of
Species. Oxford, 1860, 8vo.

---- Miscellanies: being a collection of Memoirs and Essays, etc. 2
vols. Oxford, 1867, 8vo.

  Remarks on the Final Causes of the Sexuality of Plants, etc., vol.
  ii., pp. 85-107.

Davey, Samuel.--Darwin, Carlyle, and Dickens, with other essays. London
[1876], 8vo.

Davies, Charles M.--Mystic London; or, phases of occult life in the
Metropolis. London, 1875, 8vo.

  "Darwinism on the Devil," pp. 179-197.

Diman, Jeremiah Lewis.--The Theistic Argument as effected by recent
theories. A course of lectures delivered at the Lowell Institute in
Boston. [Edited, with a preface, by G. P. Fisher.] Boston, 1881, 8vo.

Dixon, Charles.--Evolution without Natural Selection; or, the
Segregation of Species without the aid of the Darwinian Hypothesis.
London, 1885, 8vo.

Dodel, _afterwards_ Dodel-Port, Arnold. Die neuere Schöpfungsgeschichte
nach dem gegenwärtigen Stande der Naturwissenschaften, etc. Leipzig,
1875, 8vo.

Draper, Professor.--"On the Intellectual Development of Europe,
considered with reference to the views of Mr. Darwin and others, that
the Progression of Organisms is determined by Law." Paper read at the
Oxford Meeting of the British Association, 1860, with discussion.
(_Gardeners' Chronicle_, Aug. 6, 1860, pp. 713, 714.)

Dreher, Eugen.--Der Darwinismus und seine Consequenzen in
wissenschaftlicher und socialer Beziehung. Halle, 1882, 8vo.

Drury, John B.--Veddes Lectures, 1883. Truths and Untruths of Evolution.
New York [1884], 8vo.

Dubois-Reymond, Emil.--Darwin _versus_ Galiani. Berlin, 1876, 8vo.

---- Friedrich II. in Englischen Urtheilen. Darwin und Kopernicus, etc.
Leipzig, 1884, 8vo.

Ducasse, Félix.--Étude historique et critique sur le Transformisme, etc.
Paris, 1876, 8vo.

Dumont, Léon A.--Haeckel et la théorie de l'évolution en Allemagne.
Paris, 1873, 8vo.

Duval, Mathias.--Le Darwinisme. Paris, 1886, 8vo.

Dykes, Rev. J. Oswald.--Problems of Faith, a contribution to present
controversies, being a third series of Lectures to Young Men, etc. With
a preface by the Rev. J. O. D. London, 1875, 8vo.

---- Disputed Questions of Belief; being Lectures to Young Men, etc.
London, 1874, 8vo.

  Evolution: An Exposition and Critique by the Rev. H. S. Paterson, pp.
  183-252.

Elam, Charles.--Winds of Doctrine: being an examination of the modern
theories of automatism and evolution. London, 1876, 8vo.

Encyclopædia Americana.--The Encyclopædia Americana, etc. New York,
1885, 4to.

  Articles Darwin and Darwinism, vol. ii., pp. 542-555.

Encyclopædia Britannica.--The Encyclopædia Britannica. Ninth edition.
Vol 8. Edinburgh, 1877, 4to.

  The article _Evolution_ by Professor Huxley and James Sully.

Ercolani, Luigi.--Darwinismo. Reggio, Calabria, 1882, 8vo.

Essays.--English Essays. Hamburg, 1869, 12mo.

  Mr. Darwin's Theories, vol. ii., pp. 108-138. Reprinted from the
  _Westminster Review_, January 1869.

Fawcett, Henry.--On the Method of Mr. Darwin in his Treatise on the
Origin of Species. (_Report of the 31st Meeting of the British
Association_, 1861, p. 141.) London, 1862, 8vo.

Fée, A.--Le Darwinisme, ou Examen de la Théorie relative à l'origine des
espèces. Paris, 1864, 8vo.

  Appeared originally in the _Gazette Hebdomadaire de Médecine et de
  Chirurgie_, 1864.

Ferrière, Émile.--Le Darwinisme. Paris, 1872, 8vo.

Ferris, Benjamin G.--A new theory of the Origin of Species. New York,
1883, 8vo.

Fiske, John.--Darwinism, and other Essays. London, 1879, 8vo.

---- Another edition. Boston [U.S.], 1885, 8vo.

---- Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy, based on the Doctrine of Evolution,
etc. 2 vols. London, 1874, 8vo.

  Numerous references to Charles Darwin.

---- Excursions of an Evolutionist. London, 1884, 8vo.

  In memoriam: Charles Darwin, pp. 337-369.

---- The Destiny of Man viewed in the light of his Origin. Boston
[U.S.], 1884, 8vo.

---- The Idea of God as affected by modern knowledge. London, 1885, 8vo.

Flourens, M. J. P.--Examen du livre de M. Darwin sur l'origine des
espèces. Paris, 1864, 12mo.

Flower, Professor W. H. On Palæontological Evidence of Gradual
Modification of Animal Forms, read at the Royal Institution of Great
Britain, April 25, 1873 (_Journal of the Royal Institution_).

Force, M. F.--Pre-historic Man. Darwinism and Deity. The Mound Builders.
Cincinnati, 1873, 8vo.

Galton, Francis.--Hereditary Genius: an inquiry into its laws and
consequences. London, 1869, 8vo.

  References to C. D.

---- English Men of Science: their nature and nurture. London, 1874,
8vo.

  References to C. D.

---- Inquiries into Human Faculty and its Development. London, 1883,
8vo.

  References to C. D.

Geology.--Geology and its Teaching, especially as it relates to the
Development Theory as propounded in "Vestiges of Creation" and Darwin's
"Origin of Species." Reprinted from the "Leeds Express." London, 1861,
12mo.

Gibson, Rev. Charles B.--Philosophy, Science, and Revelation. Second
edition. London, 1874, 8vo.

Goblet d'Alviella, Count Eugène.--The Contemporary Evolution of
Religious Thought in England, America, and India. Translated by J.
Moden. London, 1885, 8vo.

Graham, William.--The Creed of Science, religious, moral, and social.
London, 1881, 8vo.

Gray, Asa.--Natural Selection not inconsistent with Natural Theology. A
free examination of Darwin's Treatise on the Origin of Species and of
its American Reviewers. London, 1861, 8vo.

  Appeared originally in the _Atlantic Monthly_ for July, August, and
  October, 1860.

---- Darwiniana: Essays and Reviews pertaining to Darwinism. New York,
1876, 8vo.

Greaves, C. A.--The Science of Life; and Darwin's Hypothesis. Two
lectures. London [1873], 8vo.

Haeckel, Ernst H. P. A.--Generelle Morphologie der Organismen.
Allgemeine Grundzüge der organischen Formen-Wissenschaft, mechanisch
begründet durch die von Charles Darwin, etc. 2 Bde. Berlin, 1866, 8vo.

---- Natürliche Schöpfungsgeschichte, etc. Berlin, 1868, 8vo.

---- Die heutige Entwickelungslehre im Verhältnisse zur
Gesammtwissenschaft. Stuttgart, 1877, 8vo.

---- Gesammelte populäre Vorträge aus dem Gebiete der
Entwickelungslehre. Bonn, 1878-79, 8vo.

---- Anthropogenie, oder Entwickelungsgeschichte des Menschen, etc.
Leipzig, 1874, 8vo.

---- The Evolution of Man, etc. From the German of E. H. [With plates.]
2 vols. London, 1879, 8vo.

---- Ziele und Wege der heutigen Entwickelungsgeschichte. Jena, 1875,
8vo.

---- Die Naturanschauung von Darwin, Goethe, und Lamarck. Jena, 1882,
8vo.

---- The Pedigree of Man: and other Essays, by E. Haeckel. Translated
from the German by Edward B. Aveling. (_International Library of Science
and Freethought_, vol. 6.) London, 1883, 8vo.

Hall, A. Wilford.--The Problem of Human Life,... with a review of
Darwin, Huxley, etc. Revised edition. New York, 1880, 8vo.

Hallier, Ernst.--Darwin's Lehre und die Specification. Hamburg, 1865,
8vo.

Hartmann, C. R. E. von.--Wahrheit und Irrthum im Darwinismus. Berlin,
1875, 8vo.

---- Darwinismus und Thierproduction. München, 1876, 8vo.

---- Le Darwinisme, traduit de l'Allemand par Georges Guéroult. Paris,
1877, 8vo.

Hartsen, F. A.--Darwin en de Godsdienst. Eene populaire uiteenzetting
van het Darwinisme, etc. Leyden, 1869, 8vo.

Heller, Karl B.--Darwin und der Darwinismus. Wien, 1869, 8vo.

Henslow, George.--The Theory of Evolution of living things, and the
application of the principles of evolution to religion considered as
illustrative of the "Wisdom and Beneficence of the Almighty." London,
1873, 8vo.

---- The Fertilisation of Plants: a lecture [on D.'s
Cross-and-Self-Fertilisation of Plants] delivered 8th March, 1877.
(_Transactions of the Watford Nat. Hist. Soc._ Vol. i., 1878, pp.
201-210.)

Hertwig, R.--Gedächtnissrede auf Charles Darwin. Königsberg, 1883, 4to.

Hertzka, Theodor.--Die Urgeschichte der Erde und des Menschen, I.
Vorlesung über die Darwin'sche Theorie, etc. Pest, 1871, 8vo.

Hicks, L. E.--A Critique of Design-Arguments, etc. New York, 1883, 8vo.

  Darwinism and Design, pp. 308-330.

Hodge, Charles.--What is Darwinism? London, 1874, 8vo.

Hoffmann, Hermann.--Untersuchungen zur Bestimmung des Werthes von
Species und Varietät, etc. Giessen, 1869, 8vo.

Huber, Johannes.--Die Lehre Darwin's kritisch betrachtet von Dr. J. H.
München, 1871, 8vo.

Humiecki, M.--Darwinizm. Lwów, 1878, 8vo.

Huxley, Thomas Henry.--Evidence as to Man's Place in Nature. London,
1863, 8vo.

---- Lay Sermons, Addresses, and Reviews. London, 1870, 8vo.

  The Origin of Species, pp. 280-327. Reprinted from the _Westminster
  Review_, April 1860;
  Criticisms on "The Origin of Species," pp. 328-350. Reprinted from the
  _Natural History Review_, 1864.

---- Critiques and Addresses. London, 1873, 8vo.

  Mr. Darwin's Critics, pp. 251-302. Reprinted from the _Contemporary
  Review_, 1871.

---- Science and Culture, and other Essays. London, 1881, 8vo.

  The Coming of Age of the "Origin of Species," pp. 310-324.

Jacoby, Paul.--Études sur la Sélection dans ses rapports avec l'hérédité
chez l'homme, etc. Paris, 1881, 8vo.

Jaeger, Gustav.--Die Darwin'sche Theorie und ihre Stellung zu Moral und
Religion. Stuttgart [1869], 8vo.

---- In Sachen Darwin's insbesondere contra Wigand. Stuttgart, 1874,
8vo.

James, Constantin.--Du Darwinisme, ou l'homme-singe. Paris, 1877, 8vo.

Johns, Rev. B. G.--Moses, _not_ Darwin: a sermon. London, 1871, 8vo.

Kalischer, S.--Teleologie und Darwinismus. Berlin, 1878, 8vo.

Kirby, W. F.--Evolution and Natural Theology. London, 1883, 8vo.

  Darwin and his Critics, pp. 50-68.

Kirk, Rev. John.--The Doctrine of Creation according to Darwin, Agassiz
and Moses. London, 1869, 8vo.

Kleinenberg, Nicolaus.--Carlo Darwin e l'opera sua. Discorso
commemorativo letto nell' aula della R. Università di Messina il 21
Maggio 1882. Messina, 1882, 8vo.

Klönne, B. H.--Onze Voorouders volgens de Theorie van Darwin en het
Darwinisme van Winkler. Met gravuren. 'S Hertogenbosch, 1869, 8vo.

Kölliker, Albrecht.--Entwicklungsgeschichte des Menschen und der höheren
Thiere, etc. Leipzig, 1861, 8vo.

---- Zweite Auflage. Leipzig, 1879, 8vo.

Kramer, Paul.--Theorie und Erfahrung. Beiträge zur Beurtheilung des
Darwinismus. Halle a/S., 1877. 8vo.

Krause, Ernest.--Erasmus Darwin und seine Stellung in der Geschichte der
Descendenz-Theorie. Mit seinem Lebens- und Charakterbilde von C. Darwin.
Leipzig, 1880, 8vo.

  References to C. D.'s family. Originally appeared in _Kosmos_. The
  life by C. D. is a translation from the English edition (1879).

---- Erasmus Darwin.--Translated from the German by W. S. Dallas. With a
preliminary notice by C. Darwin. Portrait and woodcuts. London, 1879,
8vo.

  The Life by C. D. pp. 1-127. There is a copy of this work in the
  Library of the British Museum which contains MS. Notes by Samuel
  Butler.

---- Charles Darwin und sein Verhältnis zu Deutschland. (_Gesammelte
Kleinere Schriften_, Bd., 1.) Leipzig, 1885, 8vo.

Laing, F. H.--Essays on Religion and Literature. By various writers.
Edited by Henry Edward, Archbishop of Westminster. Third Series. London,
1874, 8vo.

  Darwinism brought to Book, by the Rev. F. H. Laing, pp. 257-283.

Laing, Sidney Herbert.--Darwinism Refuted. An Essay on Mr. Darwin's
Theory of "The Descent of Man." London, 1871, 8vo.

Lanessan, J. L. de.--Étude sur la Doctrine de Darwin. La lutte pour
l'existence et l'association pour la lutte. Paris, 1881, 8vo.

Lankester, Edwin Ray.--Degeneration: a chapter in Darwinism. (_Nature
Series._) London, 1880, 8vo.

Lecomte, A.--La Darwinisme et l'origine de l'homme. Paris, 1873, 12mo.

Le Conte, Joseph.--Religion and Science: a series of Sunday Lectures on
the relation of natural and revealed religion, etc. London, 1874, 8vo.

Le Hon, H.--L'Homme Fossile en Europe, etc. (Appendice-Abrégé de la
Théorie de Darwin ou Transformisme, traduit de l'Italien du Prof.
Omboni). Deuxième édition. Bruxelles, 1868, 8vo.

Lessona, Michele.--Carlo Darwin. Roma, 1883, 8vo.

---- Commemorazione di Carlo Darwin (_Atti della R. Accad. delle Scienze
di Torino_, vol. xviii., 1882, pp. 709-718). Torino, 1882, 8vo.

Lewes, George Henry.--Problems of Life and Mind. Three Series. London,
1874-79, 8vo.

Lichthorn, C.--Die Erforschung der physiologischen Naturgesetze der
menschlichen Geistestätigkeit auf der Grundlage der neuesten grossen
Entdeckungen Dubois-Reymond's, Darwin's und Häckel's über die organische
Natur, etc. Breslau, 1875, 8vo.

Liddon, H. P.--The Recovery of St. Thomas: a sermon preached in St.
Paul's Cathedral, April 23, 1882, with a prefatory note on the late Mr.
Darwin. London, 1882, 8vo.

Lindsay, William Lander.--Mind in the Lower Animals in health and
disease. 2 vols. London, 1879, 8vo.

Löwenthal, Eduard.--Herr Schleiden und der Darwin'sche
Arten-Entstehungs-Humbug. Berlin, 1864, 8vo.

Lyell, Sir Charles.--Life, Letters, and Journals of Sir Charles Lyell,
Bart. Edited by his sister-in-law, Mrs. Lyell. 2 vols. London, 1881,
8vo.

  Contains a number of Letters to C. D.

Lyon, W. P.--Homo _versus_ Darwin: a judicial examination of statements
recently published by Mr. Darwin regarding "The Descent of Man." Second
edition. London [1872], 8vo.

---- Third edition. London [1873], 8vo.

M'Cann, Rev. James.--Anti-Darwinism: with Professor Huxley's reply.
Glasgow, 1869, 8vo.

McCarthy, Justin.--A History of Our Own Times. A new edition. 4 vols.
London, 1882, 8vo.

  Charles Darwin, vol. iv., pp. 286-288.

Maclaren, James.--A Critical Examination of some of the principal
arguments for and against Darwinism. London, 1876, 8vo.

---- Natural Theology in the Nineteenth Century. London, 1878, 8vo.

Mäklin, F. W.--Allmänna betraktelser öfver den Darwinska
descendenslärens förhållande till ochmed de organiska formernas och
isynnerhet djurens geografisk utbredning. Helsingfors, 1882, 8vo.

Mantegazza, Paolo.--Commemorazione di Carlo Darwin. Discorso del
Professor P. M. Firenze, 1882, 8vo.

Martins, C.--La théorie de l'évolution en histoire naturelle. Paris,
1876, 8vo.

Maschi, Luigi.--Confutazione delle Dottrine Transformistiche di Huxley,
Darwin, etc. Parma, 1874, 8vo.

Menza, Antonino.--Il Concetto Scientifico di Darwin sviluppato dalla
Filosofia Positiva. Saggio critico di A. M. Catania, 1882, 8vo.

Meteyard, Eliza.--A group of Englishmen (1795 to 1815), being records of
the younger Wedgwoods and their friends. London, 1871, 8vo.

  Numerous references to the Darwin family.

Meyer, A. B.--Charles Darwin und Alfred Russel Wallace. Ihre ersten
Publicationen über die "Entstehung der Arten" nebst einer Skizze ihres
Lebens und einem Verzeichniss ihrer Schriften. Erlangen, 1870, 8vo.

Miall, L. C.--The Life and Works of Charles Darwin; a lecture delivered
to the Leeds Philosophical and Literary Society, on February 6, 1883.
Leeds, 1883, 8vo.

Michelis, Fr.--Die Naturwissenschaftliche Unhaltbarkeit der Darwinschen
Hypothese. Heidelberg, 1885, 8vo.

Mivart, Saint George.--On the Genesis of Species. London, 1871, 8vo.

---- Men and Apes, an exposition of structural resemblances bearing upon
questions of affinity and origin. London, 1873, 8vo.

---- Contemporary Evolution. An essay on some recent social changes.
London, 1876, 8vo.

---- Nature and Thought; an introduction to a Natural Philosophy.
London, 1882, 8vo.

---- Second edition. London, 1885, 8vo.

Moleschott, Jacob.--Carlo Roberto Darwin. Commemorazione pronunziata a
nome degli studenti dell' Università di Roma, 25 di Giugno, 1882.
Torino, 1882, 8vo.

---- Karl Robert Darwin.--Denkrede gehalten im Collegio Romano im Namen
der Studirenden der Hochschule zu Rom von Jacob Moleschott. Giessen,
1883, 8vo.

Morris, Rev. F. O.--Difficulties of Darwinism. Read before the British
Association at Norwich and Exeter, in 1868 and 1869, etc. London, 1869,
8vo.

---- All the Articles of the Darwin Faith. London [1882], 8vo.

Moss, Arthur B.--Darwin against Moses. London [1885], 8vo.

Müller, Aug.--Ueber die erste Entstehung organischer Wesen und deren
Spaltung in Arten. Berlin, 1866, 8vo.

Müller, F. Max.--Lectures on the Science of Language, etc. Two Series.
London, 1861-64, 8vo.

  Several editions.

---- Chips from a German Workshop. 4 vols. London, 1867-75, 8vo.

  My reply to Mr. Darwin, vol. iv., pp. 433-472; reprinted from the
  Contemporary Review, Jan. 1875.

---- The Science of Thought. London, 1887, 8vo.

Müller, Fritz.--Für Darwin. Leipzig, 1864, 8vo.

---- Facts and Arguments for Darwin. Translated from the German by W. S.
Dallas. London, 1869, 8vo.

Müller, Hermann.--Anwendung der Darwinschen Lehre auf Bienen. Berlin,
1872, 8vo.

---- Die Befruchtung der Blumen durch Insekten und die gegenseitigen
Anpassungen beider, etc. Leipzig, 1873, 8vo.

---- The Fertilisation of Flowers. Translated and edited by D'Arcy W.
Thompson, with a preface by C. Darwin. With illustrations. London, 1883,
8vo.

---- Alpenblumen, ihre Befruchtung, durch Insekten und ihre Anpassungen
an dieselben. Mit Abbildungen, etc. Leipzig, 1881, 8vo.

Nature Series.--Charles Darwin. Memorial notices reprinted from
"Nature." [With a portrait on steel by C. H. Jeens.] London, 1882, 8vo.

  Contents--
    Introductory Notice, by T. H. Huxley;
    Life and Character, by G. J. Romanes;
    Work in Geology, by Archibald Geikie;
    Work in Botany, by W. T. T. Dyer;
    Work in Zoology, by G. J. Romanes;
    Work in Psychology, by G. J. Romanes.

Neaves, Lord.--The Descent of Man. A continuation of an old Song. Air,
"Greensleeves" (_Darwin loquitur_). (Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine,
vol. 109, 1871, pp. 517-519.)

---- Songs and Verses, social and scientific. Edinburgh, 1868, 8vo.

  The Origin of Species, pp. 1-4;
  The Darwinian Era of Farming, pp. 8, 9.

Nicholson, H. Alleyne.--On the hearing of certain palæontological facts
upon the Darwinian Theory of the Origin of Species, and on the general
doctrine of Evolution. (_Journal of the Transactions of the Victoria
Institute_, vol. ix., 1876, pp. 207-231; Discussion on preceding, pp.
231-236.)

O'Neill, T. Warren.--The Refutation of Darwinism; and the Converse
Theory of Development. Philadelphia, 1880, 8vo.

Ormathwaite, Lord.--Astronomy and Geology compared. London, 1872, 8vo.

  Remarks on the Theories of Mr. Darwin and Mr. Buckle, pp. 67-111.

Page, David.--Strictures upon the lectures--on the subject,
"Man--whence? where? whither?" and an exposure of the Darwinian
Development Theory, etc. Edinburgh, 1867, 8vo.

Parker, W. Kitchen.--On Mammalian Descent: the Hunterian Lectures for
1884. London, 1885, 8vo.

Pascoe, Francis P.--Notes on Natural Selection and the Origin of
Species. London, 1884, 8vo.

Patané, Agostino.--Il Darwinismo (a proposito dell 'opera--Di Bernardo).
Acireale, 1882, 8vo.

Patterson, Robert.--The Errors of Evolution. An examination of the
nebular theory, geological evolution, the origin of life, and Darwinism.
London, 1885, 8vo.

Pawlicki, Stefan.--Czlowiek i Malpa. Ostatnie Slowo Darwina. Lwów, 1872,
8vo.

Peebles, J. M.--The Conflict between Darwinism and Spiritualism. Boston,
1876, 12mo.

Pelzeln, August von.--Bemerkungen gegen Darwin's Theorie vom Ursprung
der Spezies. Wien, 1861, 8vo.

Perrier, Edmond.--La Philosophie Zoologique avant Darwin. Paris, 1884,
8vo.

Pfaff, Friedrich.--Die Theorie Darwin's und die Thatsachen der Geologie.
Frankfort, a.M., 1876, 8vo.

Polo y Peyrolon, Manuel.--Parentesco entre el hombre y el Mono.
Observaciones contra el Transformismo Darvinista en general y
especialmente contra el orígen símio, etc. Madrid, 1878, 8vo.

Portanova, Gennaro.--Errori e delirii del Darwinismo. Napoli, 1872, 8vo.

Porter, J. L.--Science and Revelation: their destructive provinces. With
a review of the theories of Tyndall, Huxley, Darwin, and Herbert
Spencer. Belfast, 1874, 8vo.

Powell, B. H. Baden.--Creation and its Records, etc. London, 1886, 8vo.

Pratt, John H.--The Descent of Man, in connection with the Hypothesis of
Development. A lecture, etc. London, 1871, 8vo.

Prel, Karl F. du.--Der Kampf um's Dasein am Himmel. Die Darwin'sche
Formel nachgewiesen in der Mechanik der Sternenwelt. Berlin, 1874, 8vo.

Properzi, Geremia.--Un poco di buon senso, ovvero saggio di un esame
critico popolare delle teorie pedagogiche di P. Siciliani e delle
materialistiche dei Büchner, Darwin, etc. Genova, 1882, 8vo.

Psychosis.--Our Modern Philosophers, Darwin, Bain, and Spencer, or the
Descent of Man, Mind and Body. A rhyme [on C. R. Darwin's "Descent of
Man," etc.], with reasons, essays, notes and quotations. By Psychosis.
London, 1884, 8vo.

Punch.--Punch. London, 1871, 1877, 1882, 4to.

  Our Family Tree (6 verses), vol. 60, 1871, p. 105;
  Darwin and Pickwick (3 verses), p. 145;
  The Development of Dress (6 verses), p. 197;
  A Darwinian Ballad (4 verses), p. 234;
  The Origin of Darwinism, vol. 61, p. 69;
  A Darwinian Development (6 verses), p. 110;
  Darwinian Spiritualism, p. 196;
  Punch to Dr. Darwin (8 verses), vol. 73, 1877, p. 241;
  Memorial Poem (6 lines), vol. 82, 1882, p. 203.

Pusey, S. E. B. Bouverie.--Permanence and Evolution; an inquiry unto the
supposed mutability of animal types. London, 1882, 8vo.

Quadri, Achille.--Note alla Teoria Darwiniana. Bologna, 1869, 8vo.

Quatrefages de Bréau, A. de.--Charles Darwin et ses précurseurs
Français; étude sur le Transformisme. Paris, 1870, 8vo.

R., G.--The Three Barriers: notes on Mr. Darwin's "Origin of Species."
Edinburgh, 1861, 8vo.

Rade, E.--Charles Darwin und seine Deutschen Anhänger im Jahre 1876.
Strassburg, 1877, 8vo.

Ragusa, C. F.--Saggio critico sul Darwinismo, etc. Napoli, 1878, 8vo.

Renooz, C. M.--L'origine des animaux. Théorie réfutant celle de M.
Darwin. Paris, 1883, 12mo.

Reus y Bahamonde, Emilio.--Estudios sobre Filosofía de la Creacion, etc.
Madrid, 1876, 8vo.

Richardson, George.--On the spirit in which scientific studies should be
pursued, with remarks on the Darwinian theory of Evolution. A lecture,
etc. London, 1872, 8vo.

Rolle, Friedrich.--Charles Darwin's Lehre von der Entstehung der Arten
im Pflanzen- und Thierreich, etc. Frankfurt am Main, 1863, 8vo.

---- Der Mensch, seine Abstammung und Gesittung im Lichte der
Darwin'schen Lehre, etc. Frankfurt am Main, 1866, 8vo.

Romanes, George John.--Animal Intelligence. (_International Scientific
Series_, vol. xli.) London, 1882, 8vo.

---- The Scientific Evidences of Organic Evolution. (_Nature Series._)
London, 1882, 8vo.

---- Mental Evolution in Animals. With a posthumous essay on Instinct by
Charles Darwin. London, 1883, 8vo.

  Numerous references to C. D.

---- Physiological Selection; an additional suggestion on the Origin of
Species. (_Journal of the Linnean Society_, vol. 19, 1885, pp. 337-411.)

Ross, James.--The Graft Theory of Disease, being an application of Mr.
Darwin's Hypothesis of Pangenesis to the explanation of the phenomena of
the Zymotic Diseases. London, 1872, 8vo.

Rossi, D. C.--Le Darwinisme et les générations spontanées, ou réponse
aux réfutations de MM. P. Flourens, de Quatrefages, etc. Paris, 1870,
12mo.

Roux, Wilhelm.--Ueber die Leistungsfähigkeit der Principien der
Descendenzlehre zur Erklärung der Zweckmässigkeiten des thierischen
Organismus. Breslau, 1880, 8vo.

---- Der Kampf der Theile im Organismus, etc. Leipzig, 1881, 8vo.

Royer, Clémence.--Darwinisme. (_Dictionnaire Encyclopédique des Sciences
Médicales_, vol. xxv., pp. 698-767.) Paris, 1880, 8vo.

Rütimeyer, L.--Die Grenzen der Thierwelt. Eine Betrachtung zu Darwin's
Lehre. Basel, 1868, 8vo.

St. Clair, George.--Darwinism and Design; or, Creation by Evolution.
London, 1873, 8vo.

Schleicher, August.--Die Darwinsche Theorie und die Sprachwissenschaft.
Weimar, 1863, 8vo.

---- Darwinism tested by the Science of Language. Translated from the
German, with preface and additional notes, by Dr. Alex. V. W. Bikkers.
London, 1869, 8vo.

Schmid, Rudolf.--Die Darwin'schen Theorien und ihre Stellung zur
Philosophie, Religion und Moral. Stuttgart, 1876, 8vo.

---- The Theories of Darwin, and their relation to philosophy, religion,
and morality. Translated from the German, by G. A. Zimmermann. With an
introduction by the Duke of Argyll. Chicago, 1883, 8vo.

Schmidt, Eduard Oscar.--Das Alter der Menschheit und das Paradies. Zwei
Vorträge von O. S. und Franz Unger. Wien, 1866, 8vo.

---- Descendenzlehre und Darwinismus. Leipzig, 1873, 8vo.

---- The Doctrine of Descent and Darwinism (_International Scientific
Series_). London, 1875, 8vo.

---- Descendance et Darwinisme. Paris, 1875, 8vo.

---- Darwinismus und Socialdemocratie. Bonn, 1878, 8vo.

Schneider, G. H.--Der thierische Wille, etc. Leipzig [1880], 8vo.

Schultze, Fritz.--Kant und Darwin. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der
Entwicklungslehre. Jena, 1875, 8vo.

Schumann, Richard.--Darwinismus und Kirche. Potsdam, 1874, 8vo.

Seidlitz, Georg.--Die Darwin'sche Theorie. Dorpat, 1871, 8vo.

---- Beiträge zur Descendenz-Theorie. Leipzig, 1876, 8vo.

Semper, Carl.--The natural conditions of existence as they affect animal
life. With maps and woodcuts. (_International Scientific Series_, vol.
xxxi.) London, 1881, 8vo.

Simon, Léon.--De l'Origine des Espèces, en particulier du système
Darwin: conférences, etc. Paris, 1865, 8vo.

Simonin, Amédée H.--Psychologie Humaine. Histoire de la Psychologie,
etc. Paris, 1879, 8vo.

  Darwin et le Darwinisme, pp. 418-443.

Spencer, Herbert.--First Principles. London, 1862, 8vo.

---- The Principles of Biology. 2 vols. London, 1864, 8vo.

Spengel, J. W.--Die Darwinsche Theorie. Berlin, 1872, 8vo.

---- Die Fortschritte des Darwinismus. Cöln, 1874, 8vo.

Stebbing, Thomas R. R.--Darwinism. A lecture delivered before the
Torquay Natural History Society, February 1, 1869. London, 1869, 8vo.

---- Darwinism.--The Noachian Flood. A lecture delivered before the
Torquay Natural History Society, January 31, 1870. London, 1870, 8vo.

---- Essays on Darwinism. London, 1871, 8vo.

Stephen, Leslie.--Essays on Freethinking and Plain speaking. London,
1873, 8vo.

  Darwinism and Divinity, pp. 72-109.

---- Life of Henry Fawcett. London, 1885, 8vo.

  Charles Darwin, pp. 98-102 and 239.

Strümpell, Ludwig.--Die Geisteskräfte der Menschen verglichen mit denen
der Thiere. Ein Bedenken gegen Darwin's Ansicht über denselben
Gegenstand. Leipzig, 1878, 8vo.

Suckling, H.--Anti-Darwin: or some reasons for not accepting his
hypothesis. By the author of "Ceylon, ancient and modern" [H. Suckling].
Twickenham, 1884, 16mo.

Swift, Edmund.--Evolution and Natural Selection in the Light of the New
Church, etc. London, 1879, 8vo.

Tefft, Benjamin F.--Evolution and Christianity; or, an answer to the
Development Infidelity of modern times. Boston [U.S.], 1885, 8vo.

Thomson, George.--Evolution and Involution. London, 1880, 8vo.

Traill, H. D.--The new Lucian, being a series of Dialogues of the Dead.
London, 1884, 8vo.

  Lucretius, Paley, and Darwin, pp. 287-312.

True, Frederick W.--A Darwinian Bibliography. (_Smithsonian
Miscellaneous Collections_, vol. xxv., 1883, pp. 92-101.)

Twemlow, Maj.-Gen. George.--Facts and fossils adduced to prove the
Deluge of Noah and mollify the transmutation system of Darwin, etc.
London [1868], 8vo.

Tyndall, John.--Fragments of Science. 2 vols. London, 1879, 8vo.

Vadalà-Papale, G.--Darwinismo Naturale e Darwinismo Sociale. Torino,
1882, 8vo.

Vianna De Lima, Arthur.--Exposé sommaire des Théories Transformistes de
Lamarck, Darwin et Haeckel. Paris, 1885, 12mo.

Virchow, Rudolph.--Die Freiheit der Wissenschaft im modernen Staat, etc.
Berlin, 1877, 8vo.

---- The Freedom in Science in the Modern State. Translated from the
German. London, 1878, 8vo.

Wagner, A.--Zur Feststellung des Artbegriffes. München, 1861, 8vo.

Wagner, Carl.--Stammt der Mensch vom Affen ab? Stuttgart, 1879, 8vo.

Wagner, Moritz.--Die Darwin'sche Theorie und das Migrationsgesetz der
Organismen. Leipzig, 1868, 8vo.

---- The Darwinian Theory and the Law of the Migration of Organisms.
Translated from the German of M. W. by James L. Laird. London, 1873,
8vo.

Wainwright, Samuel.--Scientific Sophisms. A review of current theories
concerning Atoms, Apes, and Men. London, 1881, 8vo.

Walford, Edward.--Portraits of Men of Eminence in Literature, Science,
and Art, etc. London, 1866, 8vo.

  Charles Robert Darwin, with portrait, vol. v., pp. 49-52.

Wallace, Alfred Russel.--Natural Selection--Mr. Wallace's reply to Mr.
Bennett. (_Nature_, vol. iii, 1870, pp. 49, 50.)

---- Contributions to the theory of Natural Selection. A series of
essays. London, 1871, 8vo.

Ward, Lester F.--Dynamic Sociology, or applied Social Science, etc. 2
vols. New York, 1883, 8vo.

Weidenhammer, R.--Die landwirthschaftliche Thierzucht, als Argument der
Darwin'schen Theorie. Stuttgart, 1864, 8vo.

Weismann, August.--Über die Berechtigung der Darwin'schen Theorie.
Leipzig, 1868, 8vo.

---- Studien zur Descendenz-Theorie. Leipzig, 1875, etc., 8vo.

---- Studies in the Theory of Descent. Translated and edited by R.
Meldola, with a prefatory notice, by Charles Darwin. 3 pts. London,
1880-82, 8vo.

Werner, Hermann.--Ueber Darwin's Theorie von der Entstehung der Arten
und der Abstammung des Menschen. Elberfeld, 1876, 8vo.

Weygoldt, G. P.--Darwinismus, Religion, Sittlichkeit, etc. Leiden, 1878,
8vo.

Wieser, Johann.--Mensch und Thier ... mit Rücksicht auf die Darwin'sche
Descendenzlehre. Freiburg im Breisgau, 1875, 8vo.

Wiesner, Julius.--Das Bewegungsvermögen der Pflanzen. Eine kritische
Studie über das gleichnamige Werk von Charles Darwin. ["On the movements
and habits of Climbing Plants."] Wien, 1881, 8vo.

Wigand, Albert.--Der Darwinismus und die Naturforschung Newtons und
Cuviers. 3 Bde. Braunschweig, 1874, 8vo.

Wilberforce, Samuel.--Essays contributed to the Quarterly Review. 2
vols. London, 1874, 8vo.

  Darwin's Origin of Species (July 1860), vol. i., pp. 52-103.

Wilson, Andrew.--Leisure-Time Studies, chiefly Biological. London, 1879,
8vo.

  References to Charles Darwin.

---- Chapters on Evolution. London, 1883, 8vo.

  Numerous references to Charles Darwin.

---- Studies in Life and Sense. With thirty-six illustrations. London,
1887, 8vo.

Winn, J. M.--Darwin. Reprinted from The Journal of Psychological
Medicine, vol. viii., part 2. London [1883], 8vo.

---- Modern Pseudo-Philosophy. London [1878], 8vo.

Woodall, Edward.--Transactions of the Shropshire Archæological and
Natural History Society. Vol. viii., 1885. Shrewsbury [1885], 8vo.

  Contains a paper on Charles Darwin, contributed by Edward Woodall,
  pp. 1-64, with a portrait and illustrations.

---- Charles Darwin. A paper contributed to the Transactions of the
Shropshire Archæological Society. London [1884], 8vo.

Worsley-Benison, H. W. S.--Charles Darwin. [Reprinted from the Journal
of Microscopy and Natural Science.] Bath, 1886, 8vo.

Wright, Chauncey.--Darwinism: being an examination of Mr. St. George
Mivart's Genesis of Species. [Reprinted from the 'North American
Review,' July 1871, with additions.] London, 1871, 8vo.

Yates, E. H.--Celebrities at Home. Reprinted from "The World." London,
1877, 8vo.

  Mr. Darwin at Down. Second series, pp. 223-230.

Yorke, J. F.--Notes on Evolution and Christianity. London, 1882, 8vo.

Young, J. R.--Modern Scepticism, viewed in relation to Modern Science;
more especially in reference to the doctrines of Colenso, Huxley, Lyell,
and Darwin, etc. London, 1865, 8vo.

Zacharias, Otto.--Zur Entwicklungstheorie. Jena, 1876, 8vo.

---- Charles R. Darwin und die culturhistorische Bedeutung seiner
Theorie vom Ursprung der Arten. Berlin, 1882, 8vo.


MAGAZINE ARTICLES.

Darwin, Charles Robert.

  --Unsere Zeit, by J. Schönemann, Bd. 7, 1863, pp. 699-718.
  --Ergänzungsblätter zur Kenntniss der Gegenwart, by J. B. Carus,
      Bd. 3, 1868, pp. 46-48.
  --Every Saturday, with portrait, vol. 10, p. 347.
  --Eclectic Magazine, with portrait, vol. 13, N.S., 1871, pp. 757, 758.
  --Appleton's Journal of Literature, with portrait, vol. 3, 1870,
      pp. 439-441.
  --Penn Monthly Magazine, vol. 2, 1871, pp. 469-472.
  --Once a Week, with portrait, vol. 9, third series, 1872, pp. 520-523.
  --Popular Science Monthly, with portrait, vol. 2, 1873, pp. 497, 498.
  --Nature, with portrait, by Asa Gray, vol. 10, 1874, pp. 79-81;
    same article, Popular Science Monthly, vol. 5, 1874, pp. 475-480;
    American Naturalist, vol. 8, 1874, pp. 473-479.
  --Dublin University Magazine, with portrait, vol. 2, N.S., 1878,
      pp. 154-163.
  --Men of Mark, with portrait, third series, 1878.
  --Times, April 21, 1882.
  --American Journal of Science, by Asa Gray, vol. 24, 1882, pp. 453-463.
  --Wesleyan Methodist Magazine, by W. Spiers, vol. 105, 1882,
      pp. 488-494.
  --Saturday Review, April 22, 1882, pp. 481, 482.
  --Athenæum, April 29, 1882, pp. 541, 542, and May 13, pp. 604, 605.
  --Academy, by Grant Allen, April 29, 1882, pp. 306, 307.
  --Journal of Botany, by A. W. Bennett, vol. 11, N.S., 1882,
      pp. 165-168.
  --Atlantic Monthly, by John Fiske, vol. 49, 1882, pp. 835-845.
  --American Naturalist, vol. 16, 1882, pp. 487-490.
  --Dial, by David S. Jordan, vol. 3, 1882, pp. 2-4.
  --Zoologist, vol. 6, third series, 1882, pp. 193-196.
  --Unsere Zeit, by J. Victor Carus, Bd. 2, 1882, pp. 200-226.
  --Spectator, 1882, pp. 525, 526, 557, 558.
  --Inquirer, by W. Binns, May 6, 1882, pp. 297, 298.
  --Nature, vol. 26, 1882, pp. 49-51, 73-75, 97-100, 145-147, 169-171,
      reprinted in _Nature Series_, 1882.
  --Geological Magazine, vol. 9, N.S., 1882, pp. 239, 240.
  --Journal of Microscopy, by H. W. S. Worsley-Benison, vol. 5, 1886,
      pp. 69-92; reprinted same year.

---- _and Chemistry._ Christian Scientific Magazine, by Andrew Taylor,
April 1887.

---- _and Copernicus._ Nature, by Du Bois Reymond, vol. 27, 1883,
pp. 557, 558.

---- _and Evolution._ Church Quarterly Review, vol. 14, 1882,
pp. 347-367.

---- _and Galiani._ Popular Science Monthly, by Prof. Emil du
Bois-Reymond, vol. 14, 1879, pp. 409-425.

---- _and Haeckel._ Popular Science Monthly, by Professor Huxley,
vol. 6, 1875, pp. 592-598.

---- _and his Teachings._ Quarterly Journal of Science, illustrated,
vol. 3, 1866, pp. 151-176.

---- _and Pangenesis._ Scientific Opinion, vol. 2, 1869,
pp. 365-367, 391-393, 407, 408.

  --Quarterly Journal of Science, vol. 5, 1868, pp. 295-313.

---- _Pangenesis as applied to the faculty of memory._ Journal of
Anthropology, by Alfred Sanders, Oct. 1870, pp. 144-149.

---- _and Philosophy._ Contemporary Review, by Sir A. Grant, vol. 17,
1871, pp. 275-281; same article, Littell's Living Age, vol. 109, 1871,
pp. 626-631.

---- _e la Filosofia del Secolo XIX._ Rivista Europea, by C. Bizzozero,
vol. 29, 1882, pp. 5-34.

---- _and Spencer, Huxley, and Tyndall._ Dickinson's Theological Annual,
by George B. Cheever, 1875, pp. 418-441.

---- _Animals and Plants under Domestication._ Boston Review, by C. R.
Bliss, vol. 9, 1869, pp. 453-462.

  --Student and Intellectual Observer, vol. 1, 1868, pp. 179-188.
  --Westminster Review, vol. 35, N.S., 1869, pp. 207-227.
  --Harper's New Monthly Magazine, vol. 36, 1867, pp. 58-63.
  --Nuova Antologia, by P. Mantegazza, tom. 8, 1868, pp. 70-98.
  --Das Ausland, No. 10, 1868, pp. 217-224;
    No. 11, pp. 246-251, and 281-286.

---- _Answered._ Penn Monthly Magazine, vol. 6, 1875, pp. 368-372.

---- _as a Botanist._ Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, by Lester
F. Ward, vol. 25, 1883, pp. 81-86.

---- _as a Horticulturist._ Gardeners' Chronicle, with portrait, March
6th, 1875, pp. 308, 309.

---- _before the French Academy._ Nature, vol. 2, 1870, pp. 261, 298,
and 309.

  --Das Ausland, 1870, pp. 855-857.

---- _Biography of._ Biograph, vol. 6, 1881, pp. 525-529.

  --Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, by William H. Dall, vol. 25,
      1883, pp. 56-59.

---- _Contributions to Philosophy._ Smithsonian Miscellaneous
Collections, by John W. Powell, vol. 25, 1883, pp. 60-70.

---- _Critics on._ Contemporary Review, by T. H. Huxley, vol. 18, 1871,
pp. 443-476; reprinted in Critiques and Addresses, by Huxley, 1873.

---- _et ses Critiques._ Revue des Deux Mondes, by Auguste Laugel, tome
74, sêconde période, 1868, pp. 130-156.

---- _und seine Gegner._ Aus Ausland, 1871, pp. 88-91.

---- _Cross and Self-Fertilisation in the Vegetable Kingdom._ American
Journal of Science, by Asa Gray, vol. 13, 3rd Series, 1877, pp. 125-141.

  --Nature, by W. T. Thiselton Dyer, vol. 15, 1877, pp. 329-332.

---- _Debt of Science to._ Illustrated. Century, by Alfred R. Wallace,
vol. 25, 1883, pp. 420-432.

---- _Descent of Man._ Academy, by Alfred R. Wallace, vol. 2, 1871,
pp. 177-183.

  --Athenæum, March 4, 1871, pp. 275-277.
  --Saturday Review, vol. 31, 1871, pp. 276, 277, and 315, 316.
  --All the Year Round, vol. 5, N.S., 1871, pp. 445-450.
  --Nature, by P. H. Pye-Smith, vol. 3, 1871, pp. 442-444, and 463-465.
  --Revue des Deux Mondes, by R. Radau, vol. 95, 1871, pp. 675-690.
  --Monthly Religious Magazine, vol. 45, p. 501.
  --Southern Review, vol. 9, 1871, pp. 733-738.
  --Lutheran Quarterly, by C. Thomas, vol. 2, pp. 213, etc., and 346, etc.
  --Nation, by B. G. Wilder, vol. 12, 1871, pp. 258-260.
  --Month, by A. Weld, vol. 15, 1871, pp. 71-101.
  --Old and New, vol. 3, 1871, pp. 594-600.
  --Quarterly Journal of Psychological Society, vol. 5, 1871, pp. 550-566.
  --British and Foreign Evangelical Review, by J. R. Leebody, vol. 21,
      1872, pp. 1-35.
  --Edinburgh Review, vol. 134, 1871, pp. 195-235.
  --Quarterly Review, vol. 131, 1871, pp. 47-90;
    same article, Eclectic Magazine, vol. 14, N.S., pp. 385-404, 605-611;
    Littell's Living Age, vol. 23, 4th series, pp. 67-90.
  --Canadian Monthly, by H. Alleyne Nicholson, vol. 1, 1872, pp. 35-45.
  --Westminster Review, vol. 42, N.S., 1872, pp. 378-400.
  --Baptist Quarterly, by E. Nisbet, vol. 7, 1873, pp. 204-227.
  --Brownson's Quarterly Review, July, 1873, pp. 340-352.
  --Journal of Speculative Philosophy, by J. H. Pepper, vol. 10, 1876,
      pp. 134-141.
  --Charing Cross, by J. C. Hodgson, vol. 6 N.S., 1878, pp. 254-266.

---- _Doctrine of._ Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, by Theodore
Gill, vol. 25, 1883, pp. 47-55.

---- _Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals._ St. Paul's
Magazine, by Henry Holbeach, vol. 12, 1873, pp. 190-211.

  --Edinburgh Review, vol. 137, 1873, pp. 492-528;
    same article, Littell's Living Age, vol. 118, 1873, pp. 3-23.
  --Academy, by Anton Dohrn, vol. 4, 1873, pp. 209-212.
  --Athenæum, Nov. 9 and 16, 1872, pp. 591 and 631, 632.
  --Saturday Review, vol. 34, 1872, pp. 633-635.
  --Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, by Frank Baker, vol. 25, 1883,
      pp. 87-92.
  --Revue Scientifique, by A. Bain, vol. 7, 1874, pp. 433-441.

---- _Facts and Fancies of._ Good Words, by David Brewster, 1862,
pp. 3-9.

---- _His Biographers and his Traducer._ Journal of Science, vol. 5, 3rd
series, 1883, pp. 203-210.

---- _His Mistake._ Catholic World, vol. 39, 1884, pp. 289-300.

---- _His Work in Entomology._ Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections,
vol. 25, 1883, pp. 70-81.

---- _Hypotheses of._ Fortnightly Review, by G. H. Lewes, vol. 9, 1868,
pp. 353-373, 611-628, and vol. 10, pp. 61-80, 492-509.

---- _Hypothesis and Design in Nature._ Dickinson's Theological Annual,
by George F. White, 1877, pp. 404-419.

---- _Insectivorous Plants._ Nature, by Alfred W. Bennett, vol. 12,
1875, pp. 207-209, and 228-231.

---- _Life and Work._ Modern Review, by W. B. Carpenter, vol. 3, 1882,
pp. 500-524.

  --Canadian Monthly, vol. 8, N.S., 1882, pp. 540-542.

---- _On a Future State._ Spectator, 1882, p. 1249.

---- _On Coral Reefs._ Nature, by James D. Dana, vol. 10, 1874,
pp. 408-410.

  --Nature, by John Murray, vol. 22, 1880, pp. 351-354.
  --Proc. of the Royal Society, Edinb., by John Murray, vol. 10,
      pp. 505-518 [abstract].

---- _On Earth Worms._ Fraser's Magazine, by F. A. Paley, vol. 25, N.S.,
1882, pp. 46-53.

  --Nature, by George J. Romanes, vol. 24, 1881, pp. 563-556.
  --Academy, by H. N. Moseley, vol. 20, 1881, pp. 313, 314.
  --Athenæum, Oct. 15, 1881, pp. 499, 500.
  --Saturday Review, vol. 52, 1881, pp. 578, 579.

---- _On His Travels._ Penn Monthly, by R. E. Thompson, vol. 2, 1871,
pp. 562-572.

---- _On Orchids._

  --Weldon's Register, by W. B. Tegetmeier, 1862, pp. 38, 39.
  --Popular Science Review, vol. 1, N.S., 1877, pp. 174-180.
  --Edinburgh New Philosophical Magazine, vol. 16, N.S., 1862,
      pp. 277-285.
  --Das Ausland, No. 29, 1862, pp. 681-685.
  --Das Ausland, No. 13, 1865, pp. 294-297, and No. 14, pp. 319-322.

---- _Origin of Species._

  --Saturday Review, vol. 8, 1859, pp. 775, 776.
  --Athenæum, Nov. 19, 1859, pp. 659, 660.
  --Quarterly Review, by S. Wilberforce, vol. 108, 1860, pp. 225-264.
  --Edinburgh Review, vol. 111, 1860, pp. 487-532.
  --Atlantic Monthly, by A. Gray, vol. 6, 1860, pp. 109-116, and 229-239.
  --Westminster Review, by T. H. Huxley, vol. 17, N.S., 1860, pp. 541-570.
  --American Journal of Science, reprinted in Lay Sermons, etc. 1860, by
      A. Gray, vol. 79, 1860, pp. 153-184.
  --National Review, vol. 10, 1860, pp. 188-214.
  --North British Review, vol. 32, 1860, pp. 455-486;
    vol. 46, 1867, pp. 277-318.
  --Christian Examiner, by J. A. Lowell, vol. 68, 1860, pp. 449-464.
  --British Quarterly Review, vol. 31, 1860, pp. 398-421;
    same article, Eclectic Magazine, vol. 50, pp. 331-345.
  --Eclectic Review, vol. 3, N.S., 1860, pp. 217-242.
  --Chambers's Journal, vol. 12, 1860, pp. 388-391.
  --London Review, vol. 14, pp. 281-308.
  --American Presbyterian Review, vol. 20, pp. 349, etc.
  --Macmillan's Magazine, by Henry Fawcett, vol. 3, 1860, pp. 81-92.
  --Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, vol. 2, N.S., 1860, pp. 280-289.
  --Revue des Deux Mondes, by A. Laugel, tom. 26, 1860, pp. 644-671.
  --Christian Observer, vol. 60, 1860, pp. 561-574.
  --Canadian Journal, vol. 5, N.S., pp. 367, etc.
  --Canadian Journal, by W. Hincks, vol. 8, N.S., pp. 390, etc.
  --American Journal of Science, vol. 80, by F. Bowen, 1860, pp. 226-239.
  --North American Review, vol. 90, 1860, pp. 474-506.
  --Register of Literature, Aug. 1860, pp. 1-7.
  --Das Ausland, No. 5, 1860, pp. 97-101, 135-140;
    No. 4, 1867, pp. 73-80;
    No. 3, 1870, pp. 59-62.
  --Revue Germanique, by E. Claperède, tom. 16, 1861, pp. 523-559, and
      tom. 17, pp. 232-263.
  --Proceedings of the Literary and Philosophical Society of Liverpool,
      by H. H. Higgins, No. 15, 1861, pp. 42-49, and pp. 135-140.
  --Methodist Quarterly Review, by W. C. Wilson, vol. 43, 1861,
      pp. 605-627.
  --American Quarterly Church Review, vol. 17, 1865, pp. 169-198.
  --Revue des Deux Mondes, by George Pouchet, tom. 85, 1870, pp. 691-703.
  --Revue des Deux Mondes, by A. de Quatrefages;
    vol. 78, 1868, pp. 832-860, _Les Précurseurs Français de Darwin_;
    vol. 79, pp. 208-240, _La Théorie de Darwin_;
    vol. 80, pp. 64-95 and 397-452, _Discussion des Théories
      Transformistes_;
    vol. 80, pp. 638-672, _Théories de la Transformation progressive et
      de la Transformation brusque_;
    _Origine Simienne de l'homme_.
  --Fortnightly Review, by G. H. Lewes, vol. 9, 1868, pp. 353-373, and
      611-628.
  --Nation, by B. G. Wilder, vol. 12, 1871, pp. 199-201.
  --Month, by A. Weld, vol. 4, N.S., 1871, pp. 71-101.
  --Monthly Religious Magazine, vol. 50, pp. 496, etc.
  --Nature, by A. W. Bennett, vol. 5, 1872, pp. 318, 319.

---- ---- _Agassiz' Views of the Origin of Species._ Proceedings of
Literary and Philosophical Society of Liverpool, by C. Collingwood, No.
15, 1861, pp. 81-99.

---- ---- _A Characterisation of the Origin of Species._ Journal of
Science, by Oswald Dawson, vol. 7, 3rd Ser., 1885, pp. 441-458.

---- ---- _Criticisms on the Origin of Species._ Natural History Review,
by T. H. Huxley, vol. 4, 1864, pp. 566-580; reprinted in Lay Sermons, 1870.

---- ---- _Coming of Age of the Origin of Species._ Nature, by T. H.
Huxley, vol. 22, 1880, pp. 1-4;
  same article, Popular Science Monthly, vol. 17, 1880, pp. 337-344.

---- _Philosophy of Language._ Fraser's Magazine, by Professor Max
Müller, vol. 7, N.S., 1873, pp. 525-541 and 659-678, and vol. 8, N.S.,
pp. 1-24;
  same article, Eclectic Magazine, vol. 18, N.S., pp. 75-88, 148-163,
and 257-275.

---- ---- _Max Müller on._ Proceedings of Literary and Philosophical
Society of Liverpool, No. 27, 1873, pp. xli-liii.

---- _Phrenological Delineation of._ Phrenological Magazine, with
portrait, vol. 1, 1880, pp. 89-92.

---- _Power of Movement in Plants._ Saturday Review, vol. 51, 1881,
pp. 57, 58.

  --Edinburgh Review, vol. 153, 1881, pp. 497-514.
  --Academy, by George Henslow, vol. 19, 1881, pp. 120-122.
  --Athenæum, Dec. 18, 1880, pp. 817, 818.
  --Journal of Botany, vol. 10, 1881, pp. 375-381.
  --Nation, by Asa Gray, Jan. 6 and 13, 1876;
    reprinted in Darwiniana, by Asa Gray, 1876.
  --Dial, by David S. Jordan, vol. 1, 1881, pp. 255-257.

---- _Reminiscence of._ Harper's New Monthly Magazine (portrait), by
James D. Hague, vol. 69, 1884, pp. 759-763.

---- _Studies in._ American Church Review, by J. F. Garrison, vol. 27,
1875, pp. 197-218.

---- _Testimonial to, in the Netherlands._ American Naturalist, vol. 11,
1877, pp. 295-300.

---- _Theories of._ Dial, by A. L. Chapin, vol. 3, 1882, pp. 168, 169.

---- _Theory of Instinct._ Nineteenth Century, by G. F. Romanes, vol. 16,
1884, pp. 434-450.

---- _Works of._ Westminster Review, N.S., vol. 62, 1882, pp. 85-121.

_Darwinian Eden._--Overland Monthly, by M. G. Upton, vol. 7, 1871, pp.
159-166.

_Darwinian Idea._--Every Saturday, vol. 10, pp. 414, etc.

_Darwinism._

  --Christian Examiner, by J. A. Lowell, vol. 68, 1860, pp. 449-464.
  --Dublin Review, vol. 48, 1860, pp. 50-81.
  --Unitarian Review, by W. H. Furness, vol. 5, p. 291, etc.
  --Unitarian Review, by L. J. Livermore, vol. 3, p. 237, etc.
  --Morgenblatt, 1862, pp. 1-6, 31-36.
  --Unsere Zeit, by M. J. Schleiden, Jahr. 5, pp. 50-71, and 258-277.
  --Eclectic Review, vol. 4, N.S. 1863, pp. 337-345.
  --Gazette Hebdomadaire de Médecine et de Chirurgie, by Dr. Fée 1864,
      pp. 289-292, 321-323, 337-342, 353-357, 409-413, 427-432, 481-484.
  --Ergänzungsblätter zur Kenntniss der Gegenwart, Bd. 1. 1866, by G.
      Jaeger, pp. 291-294;
    Bd. 4, 1869, by J. Huber, pp. 607-615, 670-678, 728-739.
  --Atlantic Monthly, by C. J. Sprague, vol. 18, 1866, pp. 415-425.
  --New Englander, by W. N. Rice, vol. 26, 1867, pp. 603-635.
  --Student and Intellectual Observer, vol. 1, 1868, pp. 179-188.
  --Proceedings of the Bristol Naturalists' Society, by Charles Jecks,
      vol. 3, N.S., pp, 107-113.
  --American Quarterly Church Review, vol. 21, 1870, pp. 524-536.
  --Das Ausland, by M. Wagner, 1871, pp. 289-293, 322-327, 343-347,
      535-540, 559-564, 865-870, 891-894, 913-918, 946-948, 1057-1061,
      1081-1085.
  --Bibliotheca Sacra, by F. Gardiner, vol. 29, 1872, pp. 240-289.
  --Transatlantic, vol. 1, 1872, pp. 139-146.
  --Catholic World, by F. Smith, vol. 17, 1873, pp. 641-655.
  --Southern Review, vol. 12, 1873, pp. 406-423.
  --Old and New, by George M. Kellogg, vol. 8, 1873, pp. 283-292.
  --Baptist Quarterly, by E. Nisbet, vol. 7, 1873, pp. 69-87, and 204-227.
  --Congregational Review, by S. Adams, vol. 11, pp. 233, etc., 338, etc.
  --New Englander, by L. T. Adams, vol. 33, 1874, pp. 741-769.
  --Old and New, by G. Axford, vol. 6, pp. 655-663.
  --Scribner's Monthly, by J. B. Drury, vol. 10, 1875, pp. 348-360.
  --Tinsleys' Magazine, by W. H. Penning, vol. 19, 1876, pp. 515-523.
  --Bibliotheca Sacra, by G. F. Wright, vol. 33, 1876, pp. 656-694.
  --Catholic World, by J. Bayne, vol. 26, 1878, pp. 496-511.
  --Atlantic Monthly, by William James, vol. 46, 1880, pp. 441-459.
  --Nature, by George J. Romanes, Feb, 1887, pp. 362-364.

---- _Analogies with Calvinism Bibliotheca Sacra_, by Geo. F. Wright,
vol. 37, 1880, pp. 48-76.

---- _and Agassiz._ Popular Science Monthly, by John Fiske, vol. 3,
1873, pp. 692-705.

---- _and Chemistry._ Christian Science Magazine, by A. Taylor, April
1887.

---- _and Christianity._ Lakeside Monthly, by E. O. Haven, vol. 7, 1872,
pp. 302-318.

  --Baptist Magazine, vol. 74, 1882, pp. 245-253.

---- _Man in, and in Christianity._ American Church Review, vol. 24,
1872, pp. 288-299.

---- _and Design, St. Clair on._ Dublin Review, vol. 23, N.S., 1874, pp.
232-240.

---- _and Divinity._ Fraser's Magazine, by Leslie Stephen, vol. 5, N.S.,
1872, pp. 409-421;
  same article, Popular Science Monthly, vol. 1, 1872, pp. 188-202.

---- _and its Effects upon Religious Thought._ Jour. of the Trans. of
the Victoria Institute, by C. R. Bree, vol. 7, 1874, pp. 253-570.

---- ---- Discussion on preceding, pp. 270-285.

---- _and Language._ North American Review, by W. D. Whitney, vol. 119,
1874, pp. 61-88.

  --Das Ausland, No. 17, 1864, pp. 397-399.

---- _and Language, Schleicher on._ Nature, by Max Müller, vol. 1, 1870,
pp. 256-259.

---- _and Morality._ Canadian Monthly, by John Watson, vol. 10, 1876,
pp. 319-326.

  --Spectator, 1867, pp. 1255, 1256.

---- _and National Life._ Nature, vol. 1, 1869, pp. 183, 184.

---- _and Religion._ Macmillan's Magazine, vol. 24, 1871, pp. 45-51;
  same article, Eclectic Magazine, vol. 14, N.S., 1871, pp. 25-31, and
  Littell's Living Age, vol. 109, 1871, pp. 621-626.

---- _and Schopenhauer._ Journal of Anthropology, by Dr. D. Asher, Jan.
1871, pp. 312-332.

---- _An Exegesis of, by Oswald Dawson._ Journal of Science, vol. 6, 3rd
series, 1884, pp. 725-738.

---- _Application of, to Flowers and the Insects which visit them._
American Naturalist, by E. Muller, vol. 5, 1871, pp. 271-297.

---- _Attitude of Working Naturalists towards._ Nation, by Asa Gray,
vol. 17, 1873, pp. 258-261; reprinted in Darwiniana, by Asa Gray, 1876.

---- _Bateman on._ Dublin Review, vol. 31, N.S., 1878, pp. 139-152.

  --Nation, by J. Fiske, vol. 27, 1878, pp. 367, 368.

---- _Credibility of._ Jour. of the Trans. of the Victoria Institute, by
Geo. Warington, vol. 2, 1867, pp. 39-62.

  ---- ---- Reply to preceding Paper, by James Reddie, vol. 2, 1867, pp.
  63-85.

  ---- ---- Discussion on same, pp. 85-125.

---- _Dangers of._ Popular Science Monthly, vol. 15, 1879, pp. 68-71.

---- _Deduction from._ Nature, by W. Stanley Jevons, vol. 1, 1870, pp.
231, 232.

---- _Development Theory in._ Das Ausland, No. 14, 1863, pp. 325-331.

---- _Difficulties of._ Quarterly Journal of Science, vol. 12, 1875, pp.
322-336.

---- _Ethical Aspect of._ Canadian Monthly, by J. Watson, vol. 11, 1878,
pp. 638-644.

---- _Fallacies of, Dr. Bree on._ Dublin Review, vol. 23, N.S., 1874,
pp. 240-246.

  --Nature, by Alfred R. Wallace, vol. 5, 1872, pp. 237-239.

---- _Fiske on._ Nature, vol. 20, 1879, pp. 575, 576.

---- _Frolic in Space._ Lakeside, by J. M. Binckley, vol. 8, pp. 446, etc.

---- _Gray's Darwiniana._ Nation, by H. W. Holland, vol. 23, 1876,
pp. 358, 359.

---- _Great Difficulty of._ Nature, by L. S. Beale, vol. 5, 1872,
pp. 63, 64.

---- _Haeckel's Reply to Virchow._ Nation, by H. T. Finck, vol. 28, 1879,
pp. 320-322.

---- _Historic Development of._ Baptist Quarterly, by G. W. Samson,
vol. 11, 1877, pp. 29-38.

---- _Infallibility in._ Dublin University Magazine, vol. 6, N.S., 1880,
pp. 641-669.

---- _in Germany._ North American Review, by C. L. Brace, vol. 110, 1870,
pp. 284-299.

  --Nation, by C. Wright, vol. 21, 1875, pp. 168-170.
  --Anthropological Review, vol. 6, 1868, pp. 21-26.

---- _in Morals._ Canadian Monthly, by J. A. Allen, vol. 11, 1878,
pp. 490-501.

  --Theological Review, by F. P. Cobbe, vol. 8, 1871, pp. 167-192.

---- _Its Value as a Cosmological Theory._ Cape Monthly Magazine, by the
Rev. J. Turnbull, vol. 11, N.S. 1875, pp. 184-188 and 212-225.

---- _Last Attack on._ Nature, by A. R. Wallace, vol. 6, 1872,
pp. 237-239.

---- _Latest Development of._ London Quarterly Review, vol. 57, 1882,
pp. 371-391.

---- _Missing Links in._ Gentleman's Magazine, by Andrew Wilson, 1879,
pp. 298-320.

---- _Mivart on._ Dublin Review, vol. 16, N.S., 1871, pp. 482-486.

---- _My Cousin the Gorilla._ Tinsley's Magazine, vol. 8, 1871,
pp. 395-399, and vol. 9, pp. 135-140.

---- _New York "Nation" on, in Germany._ Popular Science Monthly, vol. 8,
1876, pp. 235-240.

---- _Relation of, to other branches of Science._ Longman's Magazine, by
Robert S. Bell, vol. 3, 1884, pp. 76-92.

---- _Ridiculous._ Lutheran Quarterly, by W. Streissguth, vol. 5,
pp. 404, etc.

---- _Science against._ University Quarterly, by J. Moore, vol. 35, pp.
186, etc.

---- _Some Popular Misconceptions of._ Proc. of the Literary and Phil.
Soc. of Liverpool, by S. Fletcher-Williams, No. 36, 1882, pp. 133-156.

---- _Strictures on._ Anthropological Journal, by H. H. Howorth, vol. 2,
1873, pp. 21-40;
  vol. 3, pp. 208-229;
  vol. 4, pp. 101-121.

---- _Studies in._ American Church Review, by J. F. Garrison, vol. 27,
1875, pp. 197-218.

---- _tested by recent researches in language._ Jour. of the Trans. of
the Victoria Institute, by Fred. Bateman, vol. 7, 1874, pp. 73-95.

---- _Theological Import of._ Christian Observer, vol. 73, p. 623, etc.

---- _Triumph of._ North American Review, by J. Fiske, vol. 124, 1877,
pp. 90-106.

---- _True and False in._ Journal of Speculative Philosophy, by E. von
Hartmann, vol. 11, 1877, pp. 244-251, and 392-399;
  vol. 12, pp. 138-145;
  vol. 13, pp. 139-150.

---- versus _Philosophy_. Southern Review, vol. 13, 1873, pp. 253-273.

---- _What is?_ Nation, by A. Gray, vol. 18, 1874, pp. 348-351;
reprinted in _Darwiniana_, by Asa Gray, 1876.



IV.--CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF WORKS.


Journal of Researches                                               1839

Structure and Distribution of Coral Reefs                           1842

Geological Observations on the Volcanic Islands visited
  during the Voyage of H.M.S. Beagle                                1844

Geological Observations on South America                            1846

Monograph on the Fossil Lepadidæ                                    1851

Monograph of the Cirripedia                                      1851-54

Monograph of the Fossil Balanidæ                                    1854

On the Origin of Species                                            1859

On the Various Contrivances by which Orchids are fertilised         1862

Movements and Habits of Climbing Plants                             1865

The Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication             1868

The Descent of Man                                                  1871

The Expression of the Emotions                                      1872

Insectivorous Plants                                                1875

The Effects of Cross and Self-Fertilisation in the
   Vegetable Kingdom                                                1876

The Different Forms of Flowers on Plants of the same Species        1877

The Power of Movement in Plants                                     1880

The Formation of Vegetable Mould through the Action of Worms        1881



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LANDOR'S CONVERSATIONS.                            Edited by H. Ellis.

PLUTARCH'S LIVES.                          Edited by B. J. Snell, M.A.

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MARCUS AURELIUS.                              Edited by Alice Zimmern.

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DEFOE'S CAPTAIN SINGLETON.
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ESSAYS: Literary and Political.                     By Joseph Mazzini.
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VOLSUNGA SAGA.                               Edited by H. H. Sparling.

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WRITINGS OF EMERSON.                         Edited by Percival Chubb.

SENECA'S MORALS.                               Edited by Walter Clode.

DEMOCRATIC VISTAS.                                    By Walt Whitman.

LIFE OF LORD HERBERT.                        Edited by Will H. Dircks.

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LIFE OF DICKENS. By Frank T. Marzials.

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LIFE OF DANTE GABRIEL ROSSETTI. By Joseph Knight.

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LIFE OF SAMUEL JOHNSON. By Colonel F. Grant.

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LIFE OF DARWIN. By G. T. Bettany.

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LIFE OF CHARLOTTE BRONTE. By Augustine Birrell.

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LIFE OF THOMAS CARLYLE. By Richard Garnett, LL.D.

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LIFE OF ADAM SMITH. By R. B. Haldane, M.P.

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LIFE OF KEATS. By W. M. Rossetti.

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LIFE OF SHELLEY. By William Sharp.

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LIFE OF SMOLLETT. By David Hannay.

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LIFE OF GOLDSMITH. By Austin Dobson.

LIFE OF SCOTT. By Professor Yonge.

LIFE OF BURNS. By Professor Blackie.

LIFE OF VICTOR HUGO. By Frank T. Marzials.

LIFE OF EMERSON. By Richard Garnett, LL.D.

LIFE OF GOETHE. By James Sime.

LIFE OF CONGREVE. By Edmund Gosse.

LIFE OF BUNYAN. By Canon Venables.            [_Ready August 25th._

Complete Bibliography to each volume, by J. P. ANDERSON, British Museum.

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OLIVER TWIST.                        PRINCE of the HOUSE of DAVID.
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RODERICK RANDOM.                     BEN-HUR.
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KENILWORTH.                          CHARLES O'MALLEY.
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PETER SIMPLE.                        BRIDE OF LAMMERMOOR.
PAUL CLIFFORD.                       HEART OF MIDLOTHIAN.
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PELHAM.                              COLLEEN BAWN.
LAST DAYS OF POMPEII.                VALENTINE VOX.
THE SCOTTISH CHIEFS.                 NIGHT AND MORNING.
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                        THE WORLD OF CANT


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"_Newcastle Weekly Chronicle._"--"Trenchant in sarcasm, warm in
commendation of high purpose.... A somewhat _remarkable book_."

"_London Figaro._"--"It cannot be said that the author is partial;
clergymen and Nonconformist divines, Liberals and Conservatives, lawyers
and tradesmen, all come under his lash.... The sketches are worth
reading. Some of the characters are portrayed with considerable skill."

"May the Lord deliver us from all Cant: may the Lord, whatever else He
do or forbear, teach us to look facts honestly in the face, and to
beware (with a kind of shudder) of smearing them over with our
despicable and damnable palaver into irrecognisability, and so
falsifying the Lord's own Gospels to His unhappy blockheads of Children,
all staggering down to Gehenna and the everlasting Swine's-trough, for
want of Gospels.

"O Heaven! it is the most accursed sin of man: and done everywhere at
present, on the streets and high places at noonday! Verily, seriously I
say and pray as my chief orison, May the Lord deliver us from
it."--_Letter from Carlyle to Emerson._


      London: WALTER SCOTT, 24 Warwick Lane, Paternoster Row.



                    *       *       *       *       *



Transcriber's note:

Corrected typographical errors:

Page    | original word               | correction
--------+-----------------------------+------------------------
172     | sketch                      | Sketch
 "      | infant                      | Infant
174     | round                       | Round
ii      | 4°                          | 4to
vii     | pp.                         | p.
ix      | Selection                   | Sélection
x       | Hæckel                      | Haeckel
xi      | wissenchaftlicher           | wissenschaftlicher
xiii    | Entwickelungs-geschichte    | Entwickelungsgeschichte
xiv     | Universitá                  | Università
 "      | Verhältniss                 | Verhältnis
xvi     | förtallande                 | förhållande
 "      | 8v                          | 8vo.
 "      | Unhaltbarkheit              | Unhaltbarkeit
xviii   | Descent of of               | Descent of
xix     | un                          | im
 "      | {blank} 698-767             | pp. 698-767
xx      | Especès                     | Espèces
xxi     | Wissenchaft                 | Wissenschaft
xxiii   | Kentniss                    | Kenntniss
xxvi    | pp. pp.                     | pp.
xxvii   | Francais                    | Français
xxviii  | Ergänzungsblatter           | Ergänzungsblätter





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