Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898—Volume 39 of 55 - Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the - Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of - The Catholic Missions, As Related in Contemporaneous Books - and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial - and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their - Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Close of - the Nineteenth Century, Volume XXXIX: 1683-1690
Author: Blair, Emma Helen, -1911 [Editor], Robertson, James Alexander, 1873-1939 [Editor], Bourne, Edward Gaylord, 1860-1908 [Commentator]
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898—Volume 39 of 55 - Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the - Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of - The Catholic Missions, As Related in Contemporaneous Books - and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial - and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their - Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Close of - the Nineteenth Century, Volume XXXIX: 1683-1690" ***


                   The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898

   Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
   their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
    as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
   political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
   islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
                    close of the nineteenth century,

                        Volume XXXIX, 1683-1690



 Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
  with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
                                Bourne.



CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXXIX


    Preface                                                       9

    Miscellaneous Documents, 1683-1690

        Dampier in the Philippines (concluded). William
        Dampier; London, 1697                                    21
        Petition for Dominican missionaries. Francisco de
        Villalva; [Madrid, 1687?]                               122
        Events in Filipinas, 1686-88. [Unsigned and undated.]   131
        The Pardo controversy. Juan Sanchez, and others;
        Manila, 1683-89                                         149
        Official visitation by Valdivia. [Unsigned; Manila,
        1689-90.]                                               276

    Bibliographical Data                                        303



ILLUSTRATIONS


    View of the city of Manila; photographic facsimile of
    engraving in Dampier's Nouveau voyage autour du monde
    (French trans., Amsterdam, 1698) between pp. 434 and
    435; from copy in Library of Congress                        89

    Map of the Philippine Islands; photographic facsimile
    from Pierrè du Val's La géographie universelle, "Isles
    Philippines" (Paris, 1682), between pp. 306 and 307;
    from copy of original map in Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris  129

    Autograph signature of Pedro Murillo Velarde, S.J.;
    photographic facsimile from original manuscript in Archivo
    general de Indias, Sevilla                                  195



PREFACE


The present volume, which covers the period 1683-90, is mainly
devoted to an account of the controversy between Archbishop Pardo
and the religious orders on one side, and the secular government on
the other--a conflict of which such events as the disputes between
Salazar and Dasmariñas (1591) and Guerrero and Corcuera (1635-36)
were but preliminary skirmishes. In this case the archbishop gains
the ascendency, being reënforced by one of the governors.

Dampier's account of his sojourn in the islands is here concluded from
the preceding volume. He finds the Mindanaos friendly to the English,
but distrustful of the Dutch and Spaniards. They are ingenious and
clever in metal-work, and with very primitive tools and appliances
make excellent utensils and ship-repairs; another industry of
theirs is shipbuilding. The English ship remains about a week on the
southern shore of Mindanao, to wait for favorable weather, and then
proceeds to the Rio Grande of Mindanao, where it arrives July 18. The
natives there are anxious to secure trade with the English merchants,
and Dampier regrets that his companions did not resolve to give up
freebooting for Spice-Island trade, especially as they were so well
fitted, by experience and training, for establishing a trading-post,
and had an excellent equipment for that purpose. The English officers
maintain friendly intercourse with the natives, which enables them
to see much of Malay life and customs. Some of the English sailors
desert here, some are poisoned by the natives, and most of the crew
become drunken and disaffected. The captain neglects to discipline
them, and finally the crew sail away with their ship and leave him
(January 14, 1687), with thirty-six of his men, at Mindanao. They
halt at Guimarás Island to "scrub" their ship and lay in water; then
(February 10) sail northward past Panay. At Mindoro they encounter
some Indians, from whom they gain information as to the commerce of
Manila, which they intend to attack and pillage. On February 23, the
English begin their piratical acts in the Philippines by capturing a
Spanish bark, near the coast of Luzón. After describing that island,
he relates how some of the English sailors left at Mindanao find
their way to Manila. The men on Dampier's vessel, not finding the
Chinese vessels that they expected to seize, decide to wait on the
coast of Cambodia and Siam until the time when the Acapulco galleon
is expected. Having cruised along the mainland until July 29, they
direct their course to the Batanes Islands, north of Luzón, arriving
there August 6; they trade with the natives, clean the ship, and lay in
provisions, intending to go afterward to harry the Manila commerce. But
a fierce storm arises (September 25), driving them about for a week,
and disheartening the men; and finally (October 3) they sail from
the northern end of Luzón past the eastern coast of that island and
Leyte, until they reach Sarangani, where they halt to repair their
ship. Departing thence November 2, they go to Australia, and Dampier
soon afterward leaves the ship--spending the next four years in the
Malasian Islands, and, after numerous and varied adventures, arriving
in England in September, 1691.

Francisco de Villalva, procurator for the Dominicans at Madrid,
petitions for royal aid in sending forty missionaries of that order
to the Philippines.

Some unknown Jesuit furnishes a "diary of events from June,
1686 to June, 1687." These include the arrivals and departures of
ships from the port of Cavite; the deaths of prominent persons; the
dissensions between the Jesuits and the archbishop, and between the
religious orders; the conflicts between governor and Audiencia, and
their relations with the archbishop; attacks by pirates; and other
news-items, of miscellaneous character. A similar record (whether by
the same hand is uncertain) continues through 1688.

A notable event in the history of the islands was the
controversy (1681-89) between Archbishop Pardo and the secular
authorities. Hundreds of documents and printed books are extant
concerning this dispute, but our limited space will not allow us
to reproduce many of these; it seems most useful for our purpose
to give an outline of the main events during that time, as told by
some of those who took part therein, both secular and religious, and
representing different sides of the controversy. These contemporary
documents are reënforced with abundant citations from the chroniclers
of the religious orders--the Augustinian Diaz, the Jesuit Murillo
Velarde, the Dominican Salazar, and the Recollect Concepción;
these are found in the annotations accompanying our text. The first
account is that written by Juan Sánchez, secretary of the Audiencia,
dated June 15, 1683; he relates the difficulties which arose between
the secular and the religious authorities during the three years
preceding that date--that controversy having begun in 1680, with
the complaint of the cura of Vigan against the acting head of the
diocese of Nueva Segovia, that the latter does not reside at the seat
of that bishopric, and interferes with the above cura. The Audiencia
undertakes to settle the affair, and the archbishop insists that it
belongs to his jurisdiction. His cathedral chapter are offended at
certain proceedings of his, and jealous of the influence acquired
over him by Fray Raimundo Berart, a friar of the Dominican order
(to which Pardo also belongs). The new bishop of Nueva Segovia
also claims that the Vigan case belongs to his jurisdiction, not
the archbishop's. Several other cases occur in which Pardo acts
in an arbitrary manner, among them his seizure of a shipment of
goods for the Jesuits, and his excommunication of a Jesuit for
declining to render him an accounting in a certain executorship
entrusted to the latter--Ortega alleging that this affair, as purely
secular, pertains to the Audiencia alone. The Audiencia endeavor to
restrain Pardo, but in vain; and the strained relations between them
quickly grow into open hostilities. The situation is complicated
by various antagonistic elements, which may be briefly summarized
thus: The archbishop's arbitrary conduct toward his own clerics and
other persons, and his strenuous insistence on his ecclesiastical
prerogatives; the undue influence over him obtained by his Dominican
brethren; the jealousies between the various religious orders; and,
still more fundamental, the unceasing conflict between ecclesiastical
and secular authority--the latter embodied mainly in the Audiencia,
as the governors often ranged themselves against that tribunal, under
the pressure of ecclesiastical influence. To these may be added the
remoteness of the colony from Spain, and its smallness, which renders
the limits within which these human forces are at work more narrow and
circumscribed, and therefore intensifies their action. After a long
conflict between Pardo and the Audiencia, in which their weapons are
used freely on both sides--decrees, appeals, protests, censures, and
legal technicalities of every sort, civil and canonical--that tribunal
decides (October 1, 1682) to banish the archbishop, a sentence which
is not executed until May 1, 1683. He is then seized by the officials
of the Audiencia, and deported to Lingayén, a village in Cagayán. His
assistant bishop, Barrientos, demands the right to act in Pardo's
place; but his claim is set aside in favor of the cathedral chapter,
or cabildo--which declares the see vacant in consequence of Pardo's
exile. Another Dominican, Francisco de Villalba, is banished to Nueva
España for seditious preaching; and others are sent to Cagayán.

The narration of events in Manila is continued in another document,
from July, 1684, to June, 1685; this account is unsigned, but it
suggests the hand of the preceding writer, Sánchez. On August 24 of
the former year occurs the formal entrance into the city of the new
governor, Curuzelaegui. This change of administration gives opportunity
for the return of the banished Dominicans, and an agitation for the
restoration of Pardo to his see, which is quickly accomplished. Soon
he lays an iron hand on all persons who had formerly opposed
him. Excommunications are imposed on ex-governor Vargas, the auditors,
and other persons concerned in the archbishop's banishment; and the
members of the cathedral chapter are suspended, and their official
acts during his absence are annulled. They are not absolved until near
the end of Lent (1685), and this is done in public, and very harshly,
with great humiliation to the penitents. At the urgent remonstrances
and entreaties of Curuzelaegui, Pardo finally consents to absolve the
ex-governor, Vargas; but he loads this concession with conditions so
grievous and humiliating that Vargas is unwilling to accept them.

Another unsigned document relates the "occurrences during the
government of Cruzalaegui," of which a part, relating to the Pardo
controversy only, is placed here with others on that subject; it covers
only the first year, 1684-85. This writer also sympathizes with the
auditors; his account is given mainly as an index of popular feeling
on one side of the controversy. A letter from Auditor Bolivar to his
agent at Madrid (June 15, 1685) presents an interesting view of the
affair from the inside, and of the intrigues which kept Manila in
a ferment during most of Pardo's term of office. Bolivar dares not
write to the Council of the Indias, lest his letters be seized; he
therefore directs his agent to take certain measures in his behalf,
"for one cannot trust in friars." He recounts the proceedings in the
residencia of Vargas, in which there are many false witnesses. He
thinks that the Spaniards of Manila are more fickle than any others,
and regards that colony as "a little edition of hell." He is eager
to get away from the islands, and urges his friend to secure for
him permission to do so, and to make arrangements so that he may
not be needlessly detained in the islands. A letter from the Jesuit
Pimentel (February 8, 1686) relates the scheming by which Pardo's
return from exile was facilitated. Another unsigned paper contains
"news since the year 1688;" the writer claims that his intention is
"only that the truth may be known." This account is mainly occupied
with the fate of the auditors and other officials who had incurred
Pardo's wrath by taking part in his banishment. They are subjected
to imprisonment, privation, and exile; a reign of terror prevails in
Manila; and the governor is in close alliance with the archbishop,
so that there "is no recourse, except to God." The writer mentions
several things in condemnation of the governor's personal character,
and regards him as unscrupulous and tyrannical. Finally, the Dominican
account of this controversy is related by Vicénte de Salazar,
one of the official historians of that order, in his biography of
Pardo. In 1677 that prelate enters upon the vacant see of Manila;
he finds many ecclesiastical abuses and social scandals, and much
official corruption. Undertaking to correct these, he incurs the
enmity of many persons, and the ecclesiastical tribunal is filled
with cases. For nearly three years the relations of the archbishop
with the governor and Audiencia remain friendly; but finally (1680)
certain ecclesiastics under censure have recourse to the Audiencia
against the archbishop's authority, and this soon leads to hostilities
between the religious and secular branches of the government. Next the
cathedral chapter become insubordinate to Pardo, their proper head,
and they too appeal to the Audiencia; and a long legal war ensues,
in which the weapons are official acts on both sides. At last (in
1682) the Audiencia decree Pardo's banishment from his see, but
hold this measure in suspense for a time. He irritates the Jesuits,
by proceeding against one of their number who is acting as executor
for an estate, and seizes goods belonging to that order which are
brought by the Acapulco galleon; and soon the archbishop encounters
complaints and clamors from all sides. The decree of banishment is
enforced, and Pardo is arrested (March 31, 1683) and deported to the
village of Lingayén, in the province of Pangasinán. The cabildo assume
the government of the archbishopric, ignoring Pardo's appointment of
Barrientos to that office; and many of Pardo's supporters are banished
or otherwise chastised. A new governor coming to the islands, the
archbishop is reinstated in his see (November 16, 1685) and the case
is afterward decided by the courts of Rome and Madrid in his favor. He
finds much to do in restoring his church to its former condition, and
defending the ecclesiastical rights and privileges--an undertaking
which keeps him engaged in conflicts, but cannot abate his zeal and
constancy. In the outcome he is vindicated, even God taking vengeance
on the enemies of the archbishop, whose saintly qualities are extolled
by Salazar. Pardo dies on December 31, 1689.

A royal official comes to the islands (1688) to bring suit against
the auditors who had banished the archbishop; but he finds that
all of them are dead, except Bolivar, and even he dies while on
his way to Manila. Accounts (ca. 1690) of Valdivia's proceedings
are given by a Dominican and a Jesuit respectively (as appears from
internal evidence). He reconciles the Jesuits and the Dominicans in
Manila; sends Vargas, sentenced in residencia to pay 100,000 pesos,
to Pangasinán; and sides with the archbishop in everything. This
encourages Pardo to continue taking vengeance on his enemies; and
he and Valdivia chastise whomsoever they will, in highly arbitrary
fashion--the visitor aiding Pardo in many cases, and in others
inflicting penalties on citizens of Manila in connection with purely
secular affairs. Vargas is sent into exile, the archbishop refusing
to the last to absolve him, notwithstanding the commands of the
Audiencia. The second letter, written from Nueva España (probably
1691), apparently by a Jesuit, relates briefly the proceedings
of Valdivia in the islands. The writer sends a warning to combat
the influences that will be exerted at court to secure the see for
Barrientos; and asserts that Valdivia has appropriated to himself
great wealth (part of which has been seized) obtained from the Manila
proceedings. The governor died in April, 1690.


The Editors May, 1906.



MISCELLANEOUS DOCUMENTS,

1683-1690


    Dampier in the Philippines (concluded). William Dampier; 1697.
    Petition for Dominican missionaries. Francisco de Villalva;
    [1687?].
    Events in Filipinas, 1686-88. [Unsigned and undated.]
    The Pardo controversy. Juan Sanchez, and others; 1683-89.
    Official visitation by Valdivia. [Unsigned; 1689-90.]



Sources: The first document is concluded from VOL. XXXVIII, q.v. The
second is obtained from a rare pamphlet in the British Museum; the
third and fifth, from the Ventura del Arco MSS., iii, pp. 625-638,
727-732; and 589-596, 641-673; the fourth, mainly from the same
volume, with additions from Retana's Archivo, i, no. iv, and Salazar's
Hist. Sant. Rosario,  pp. 490-513.

Translations: All save the first document are translated by Emma
Helen Blair.



DAMPIER IN THE PHILIPPINES

(CONCLUDED)


CHAP. XII

    Of the Inhabitants, and Civil State of the Isle of
    Mindanao. The Mindanayans, Hilanoones, Sologues, and
    Alfoorees. Of the Mindanayans, properly so called; Their
    Manners and Habits. The Habits and Manners of their Women. A
    Comical Custom at Mindanao. Their Houses, their Diet, and
    Washings. The Languages spoken there, and Transactions with
    the Spaniards. Their fear of the Dutch, and seeming desire
    of the English. Their Handy-crafts, and peculiar sort of
    Smiths Bellows. Their Shipping, Commodities, and Trade. The
    Mindanao and Manila Tobacco. A sort of Leprosie there, and
    other Distempers. Their Marriages. The Sultan of Mindanao, his
    Poverty, Power, Family, &c. The Proes or Boats here. Raja Laut
    the General, Brother of the Sultan, and his Family. Their way
    of Fighting. Their Religion. Raja Laut's Devotion. A Clock
    or Drum in their Mosques. Of their Circumcision, and the
    Solemnity then used. Of other their Religious Observations
    and Superstitions. Their abhorrence of Swines Flesh, &c.


This Island is not subject to one Prince, neither is the Language
one and the same; but the People are much alike, in colour, strength,
and stature. They are all or most of them of one Religion, which is
Mahometanism, and their customs and manner of living are alike. The
Mindanao People, more particularly so called, are the greatest
Nation in the Island, and trading by Sea with other Nations, they
are therefore the more civil. I shall say but little of the rest,
being less known to me, but so much as hath come to my knowledge,
take as follows. There are besides the Mindanayans, the Hilanoones,
(as they call them) or the Mountaneers, the Sologues and Alfoores. [1]

The Hilanoones live in the Heart of the Country: They have little
or no commerce by Sea, yet they have Proe's that row with 12 or 14
Oars apiece. They enjoy the benefit of the Gold Mines; and with their
Gold buy forreign Commodities of the Mindanao People. They have also
plenty of Bees-Wax, which they exchange for other Commodities.

The Sologues inhabit the N.W. end of the Island. [2] They are the
least Nation of all; they Trade to Manila in Proes, and to some of
the neighboring Islands, but have no Commerce with the Mindanao People.

The Alfoores are the same with the Mindanayans, and were formerly
under the subjection of the Sultan of Mindanao, but were divided
among the Sultan's Children, and have of late had a Sultan of their
own; but having by Marriage contracted an alliance with the Sultan
of Mindanao, this has occasioned that Prince to claim them again as
his Subjects; and he made War with them a little after we went away,
as I afterwards understood.

The Mindanayans properly so called, are Men of mean statures; small
Limbs, straight Bodies, and little Heads. Their Faces are oval, their
Foreheads flat, with black small Eyes, short low Noses, pretty large
Mouths; their Lips thin and red, their Teeth black, yet very sound,
their Hair black and straight, the colour of their Skin tawney, but
inclining to a brighter yellow than some other Indians, especially
the Women. They have a Custom to wear their Thumb-nails very long,
especially that on their left Thumb, for they do never cut it but
scrape it often. They are indued with good natural Wits, are ingenious,
nimble, and active, when they are minded; but generally very lazy and
thievish, and will not work except forced by Hunger. This laziness
is natural to most Indians; but these People's lazinesz seems rather
to proceed not so much from their natural Inclinations, as from the
severity of their Prince of whom they stand in awe: For he dealing with
them very arbitrarily, and taking from them what they get, this damps
their Industry, so they never strive to have any thing but from Hand
to Mouth. They are generally proud, and walk very stately. They are
civil enough to Strangers, and will easily be acquainted with them,
and entertain them with great freedom; but they are implacable to
their Enemies, and very revengeful if they are injured, frequently
poisoning secretly those that have affronted them.

They wear but few Cloaths; their Heads are circled with a short
turban, fringed or laced at both ends; it goes once about the Head,
and is tied in a knot, the laced ends hanging down. They wear Frocks
and Breeches, but no Stockings nor Shooes.

The Women are fairer than the Men; and their Hair is black and long;
which they tie in a knot, that hangs back in their Poles. They are
more round visaged than the Men, and generally well featured; only
their Noses are very small, and so low between their Eyes, that in
some of the Female Children the rising that should be between the Eyes
is scarce discernable; neither is their any sensible rising in their
Foreheads. At a distance they appear very well; but being nigh, these
Impediments are very obvious. They have very small Limbs. They wear but
two Garments; a Frock, and a sort of Petticoat; the Petticoat is only
a piece of Cloth, sewed both ends together; but it is made two Foot
too big for their Wastes, so that they may wear either end uppermost;
that part that comes up to their Wastes, because it is so much too
big, they gather it in their Hands, and twist it till it fits close
to their Wastes, tucking in the twisted part between their Waste and
the edge of the Petticoat, which keeps it close. The Frock fits loose
about them, and reaches down a little below the Waste. The Sleeves
are a great deal longer than their Arms, and so small at the end,
that their Hands will scarce go through. Being on, the Sleeve fits
in folds about the wrist, wherein they take great pride.

The better sort of People have their Garments made of long Cloth;
but the ordinary sort wear Cloth made of Plantain-tree, which they
call Saggen; [3] by which name they call the Plantain. They have
neither Stocking or Shooe, and the Women have very small Feet.

The Women are very desirous of the Company of Strangers, especially
White Men; and doubtless would be very familiar, if the Custom of the
Country did not debar them from that freedom, which seems coveted by
them. Yet from the highest to the lowest they are allowed liberty to
converse with, or treat strangers in the sight of their Husbands.

There is a kind of begging Custom at Mindanao, that I have not met
elsewhere with in all my Travels; and which I believe is owing to the
little Trade they have; which is thus: When Strangers arrive here,
the Mindanao Men will come aboard, and invite them to their Houses,
and inquire who has a Comrade, (which word I believe they have from
the Spaniards) or a Pagally, and who has not. A Comrade is a familiar
Male-friend; a Pagally [4] is an innocent Platonick Friend of the
other Sex. All Strangers are in a manner oblig'd to accept of this
Acquaintance and Familiarity, which must be first purchased with a
small Present, and afterwards confirmed with some Gift or other to
continue the Acquaintance: and as often as the Stranger goes ashore,
he is welcome to his Comrade or Pagally's House, where he may be
entertained for his Money, to Eat, Drink, or Sleep, and complimented,
as often as he comes ashore, with Tobacco and Betel-Nut, which is
all the Entertainment he must expect gratis. The richest Mens Wives
are allow'd the freedom to converse with her Pagally in publick,
and may give or receive Presents from him. Even the Sultans and the
Generals Wives, who are always coopt up, will yet look out of their
Cages when a Stranger passeth by, and demand of him if he wants a
Pagally: and to invite him to their Friendship, will send a Present
of Tobacco and Betel-nut to him by their Servants.

The chiefest City on this Island is called by the same Name of
Mindanao. It is seated on the South side of the Island, in lat. 7
d. 20 m. N. on the banks of a small River, about two Mile from the
Sea. The manner of building is somewhat strange: yet generally used
in this Part of the East-Indies. Their House are all built on Posts,
about 14, 16, 18, or 20 Foot high. These Posts are bigger or less,
according to the intended magnificence of the Superstructure. They
have but one Floor, but many Partitions or Rooms, and a Ladder or
Stairs to go up out of the Streets. The Roof is large, and covered
with Palmeto or Palm-leaves. So there is a clear passage like a Piazza
(but a filthy one) under the House. Some of the poorer People that
keep Ducks or Hens, have a fence made round the Posts of their Houses,
with a Door to go in and out; and this Under-room serves for no other
use. Some use this place for the common draught of their Houses,
but building mostly close by the River in all parts of the Indies,
they make the River receive all the filth of their House; and at the
time of the Land-floods, all is washed very clean.

The Sultan's House is much bigger than any of the rest. It stands
on about 180 great Posts or Trees, a great deal higher than the
common Building, with great broad Stairs made to go up. In the first
Room he hath about 20 Iron Guns, all Saker and Minion, placed on
Field-Carriages. The General, and other great Men have some Guns also
in their Houses. About 20 paces from the Sultan's House there is a
small low House, built purposely for the Reception of Ambassadors
or Merchant Strangers. This also stands on Posts, but the Floor is
not raised above three or four Foot above the Ground, and is neatly
Matted purposely for the Sultan and his Council to sit on; for they
use no Chairs, but sit cross-legg'd like Taylors on the Floor.

The common Food at Mindanao is Rice, or Sago, and a small Fish or
two. The better sort eat Buffalo, or Fowls ill drest, and abundance
of Rice with it. They use no Spoons to eat their Rice, but every Man
takes a handful out of the Platter, and by wetting his Hand in Water,
that it may not stick to his Hand, squeezes it into a lump, as hard
as possibly he can make it, and then crams it into his Mouth. They
all strive to make these lumps as big as their Mouths can receive
them; and seem to vie with each other, and glory in taking in the
biggest lump; so that sometimes they almost choke themselves. They
always wash after Meals, or if they touch any thing that is unclean;
for which reason they spend abundance of Water in their Houses. This
Water, with the washing of their Dishes, and what other filth they
make, they pour down near their Fire-place: for their Chambers are
not boarded, but floored with split Bamboes, like Lathe, so that
the Water presently falls underneath their dwelling Rooms, where it
breeds Maggots, and makes a prodigious stink. Besides this filthiness,
the sick People ease themselves, and make Water in their Chambers;
there being a small hole made purposely in the Floor, to let it drop
through. But healthy sound People commonly ease themselves, and make
Water in the River. For that reason you shall always see abundance
of People, of both Sexes in the River, from Morning till Night;
some easing themselves, others washing their bodies or Cloaths. If
they come into the River purposely to wash their Cloaths, they strip
and stand naked till they have done; then put them on, and march out
again: both Men and Women take great delight in swimming, and washing
themselves, being bred to it from their Infancy. I do believe it is
very wholsom to wash Mornings and Evenings in these hot Countries,
at least three or four Days in the Week: For I did use my self to it
when I lived afterwards at Ben-cooly, and found it very refreshing and
comfortable. It is very good for those that have Fluxes to wash and
stand in the Rivers Mornings and Evenings. I speak it experimentally;
for I was brought very low with that distemper at Achin; but by
washing constantly Mornings and Evenings I found great benefit,
and was quickly cured by it.

In the City of Mindanao they speak two Languages indifferently: their
own Mindanao Language, and the Malaya; but in other parts or the
Island they speak only their proper Language, having little Commerce
abroad. They have Schools, and instruct the Children to Read and
Write, and bring them up in the Mahometan Religion. Therefore many
of the words, especially their Prayers, are in Arabick; and many
of the words of civility the same as in Turkey; and especially when
they meet in the Morning, or take leave of each other, they express
themselves in that Language.

Many of the old People, both Men and Women, can speak Spanish, for the
Spaniards were formerly settled among them, and had several Forts on
this Island; and then they sent two Friers to the City, to convert
the Sultan of Mindanao and his People. At that time these People
began to learn Spanish, and the Spaniards incroached on them and
endeavoured to bring them into subjection; and probably before this
time had brought them all under their yoak, if they themselves had
not been drawn off from this Island to Manila, to resist the Chinese,
who threatened to invade them there. When the Spaniards were gone,
the old Sultan of Mindanao, Father to the present, in whose time
it was, razed and demolished their Forts, brought away their Guns,
and sent away the Friers; and since that time will not suffer the
Spaniards to settle on the Islands.

They are now most afraid of the Dutch, being sensible how they have
inslaved many of the Neighboring Islands. For that Reason they have a
long time desired the English to settle among them, and have offered
them any convenient Place to build a Fort in, as the General himself
told us; giving this Reason, that they do not find the English so
incroaching as the Dutch or Spanish. The Dutch are no less jealous
of their admitting the English, for they are sensible what detriment
it would be to them if the English should settle here.

There are but few Tradesmen at the City of Mindanao. The chiefest
Trades are Goldsmiths, Blacksmiths, and Carpenters. There are but
two or three Goldsmiths; these will work in Gold or Silver, and make
any thing that you desire: but they have no Shop furnished with Ware
ready made for Sale. Here are several Blacksmiths who work very well,
considering the Tools that they work with. Their Bellows are much
different from ours. They are made of a wooden Cylinder, the Trunk
of a Tree, about three Foot long, bored hollow like a Pump, and set
upright on the ground, on which the Fire it self is made. Near the
lower end there is a small hole, in the side of the Trunk next the
Fire, made to receive a Pipe, through which the Wind is driven to
the Fire by a great bunch of fine Feathers fastened to one end of
the Stick, which closing up the inside of the Cylinder, drives the
Air out of the Cylinder through the Pipe: Two of these Trunks or
Cylinders are placed so nigh together, that a Man standing between
them may work them both at once alternately, one with each Hand. They
have neither Vice nor Anvil, but a great hard Stone or a piece of an
old Gun, to hammer upon: yet they will perform their work making both
common Utensils and Iron-works about Ships to admiration. They work
altogether with Charcoal. Every Man almost is a Carpenter, for they
can work with the Ax and Adds. Their Ax is but small, and so made that
they can take it out of the Helve, and by turning it make an Adds of
it. They have no Saws; but when they make Plank, they split the Tree
in two, and make a Plank of each part, plaining it with the Ax and
Adds. This requires much pains, and takes up a great deal of time;
but they work cheap, and the goodness of the Plank thus hewed, which
hath its grain preserv'd entire, makes amends for their cost and pains.

They build good and serviceable Ships or Barks for the Sea, some
for Trade, others for Pleasure; and some Ships of War. Their trading
Vessels they send chiefly to Manila. Thither they transport Bees-wax,
which, I think, is the only Commodity, besides Gold that they vend
there. The Inhabitants of the City of Mindanao get a great deal of
Bees-wax themselves: but the greatest quantity they purchase is
of the Mountaneers, from whom they also get the Gold which they
send to Manila; and with these they buy their Calicoes, Muslins,
and China Silk. They send sometimes their Barks to Borneo and other
Islands; but what they transport thither, or import from thence, I
know not. The Dutch come hither in Sloops from Ternate and Tidore,
and buy Rice, Bees-wax, and Tobacco: for there is a great deal of
Tobacco grown on this Island, more than in any Island or Country
in the East-Indies, that I know of, Manila only excepted. It is
an excellent sort of Tobacco; but these People have not the Art of
managing this Trade to their best advantage, as the Spaniards have
at Manila. I do believe the Seeds were first brought hither from
Manila by the Spaniards, and even thither, in all probability, from
America: the difference between the Mindanao and Manila Tobacco is,
that the Mindanao Tobacco is of a darker colour; and the Leaf larger
and grosser than the Manila Tobacco, being propagated or planted in
a fatter Soil. The Manila Tobacco is of a bright yellow colour, of an
indifferent size, not strong, but Pleasant to Smoak. The Spaniards at
Manila are very curious about this Tobacco, having a peculiar way of
making it up neatly in the Leaf. For they take two little Sticks,
each about a Foot long, and flat, and placing the Stalks of the
Tobacco Leaves in a row, 40 or 50 of them between the two Sticks,
they bind them hard together, so that the Leaves hang dangling
down. One of these bundles is sold for a Rial at Fort St. George:
but you may have 10 or 12 pound of Tobacco at Mindanao for a Rial:
and the Tobacco is as good, or rather better than the Manila Tobacco,
but they have not that vent for it as the Spaniards have.

The Mindanao People are much troubled with a sort of Leprosie, the
same as we observed at Guam. This Distemper runs with a dry Scurf all
over their Bodies, and causeth great itching in those that have it,
making them frequently scratch and scrub themselves, which raiseth the
outer skin in small whitish flakes, like the scales of little Fish,
when they are raised on end with a knife. This makes their skin
extraordinary rough, and in some you shall see broad white spots
in several parts of their Body. I judge such have had it, but are
cured; for their skins were smooth, and I did not perceive them to
scrub themselves: yet I have learnt from their own mouths that these
spots were from this Distemper. Whether they use any means to cure
themselves, or whether it goes away of it self, I know not: but I did
not perceive that they made any great matter of it, for they did never
refrain any Company for it; none of our People caught it of them,
for we were afraid of it, and kept off. They are sometimes troubled
with the Small Pox, but their ordinary Distempers are Fevers, Agues,
Fluxes, with great pains, and gripings in their Guts. The Country
affords a great many Drugs and Medicinal Herbs, whose Virtues are
not unknown to some of them that pretend to cure the Sick.

The Mindanao Men have many Wives: but what Ceremonies are used when
they Marry I know not. There is commonly a great Feast made by the
Bridegroom to entertain his Friends, and the most part of the Night
is spent in Mirth.

The Sultan is absolute in his Power over all his Subjects. He is but
a poor Prince; for as I mentioned before, they have but little Trade,
and therefore cannot be rich. If the Sultan understands that any Man
has Money, if it be but 20 Dollars, which is a great matter among them,
he will send to borrow so much Money, pretending urgent occasions for
it; and they dare not deny him. Sometimes he will send to sell one
thing or another that he hath to dispose of, to such whom he knows
to have Money, and they must buy it, and give him his price; and if
afterwards he hath occasion for the same thing, he must have it if
he sends for it. He is but a little Man, between 50 or 60 Years old,
and by relation very good natured, but over-ruled by those about
him. [5] He has a Queen, and keeps about 29 Women, or Wives more,
in whose company he spends most of his time. He has one Daughter by
his Sultaness or Queen, and a great many Sons and Daughters by the
rest. These walk about the Streets, and would be always begging things
of us; but it is reported that the young Princess is kept in a Room,
and never stirs out, and that she did never see any Man but her Father
and Raja Laut her Uncle, being then about Fourteen Years Old.

When the Sultan visits his Friends, he is carried in a small Couch on
four Mens shoulders, with eight or ten armed Men to guard him; but
he never goes far this way; for the Country is very Woody, and they
have but little Paths, which render it the less commodious. When he
takes his pleasure by Water, he carries some of his Wives along with
him. The Proes that are built for this purpose, are large enough to
entertain 50 or 60 Persons or more. The Hull is neatly built, with
a round Head and Stern, and over the Hull there is a small slight
House built with Bamboes; the sides are made up with split Bamboes,
about four Foot high, with little Windows in them of the same, to open
and shut at their pleasure. The roof is almost flat, neatly thatched
with Palmeto Leaves. This House is divided into two or three small
Partitions or Chambers, one particularly for himself. This is neatly
Matted underneath, and round the sides; and there is a Carpet and
Pillows for him to sleep on. The second Room is for his Women, much
like the former. The third is for the Servants, who tend them with
Tobacco and Betel-Nut; for they are always chewing or smoking. The
fore and after-parts of the Vessel are for the Marriners to sit and
Row. Besides this, they have Outlayers, such as those I described at
Guam; only the Boats and Outlayers here are larger. These Boats are
more round, like the Half-Moon almost; and the Bamboes or Outlayers
that reach from the Boat are also crooked. Besides, the Boat is not
flat on one side here, as at Guam; but hath a Belly and Outlayers
on each side: and whereas at Guam there is a little Boat fasten'd to
the Outlayers, that lies in the Water; the Beams or Bamboes here are
fasten'd traverse-wise to the Outlayers on each side, and touch not
the Water like Boats, but 1, 3 or 4 Foot above the Water, and serve for
the Barge Men to sit and Row and paddle on; the inside of the Vessel,
except only just afore and abaft, being taken up with the apartments
for the Passengers. There run a-cross the Outlayers two tire of Beams
for the Padlers to sit on, on each side the Vessel. The lower tire
of these Beams is not above a Foot from the Water: so that upon any
the least reeling of the Vessel, the Beams are dipt in the Water,
and the Men that sit are wet up to their Waste: their Feet seldom
escaping the Water. And thus as all our Vessels are Rowed from within,
these are Paddled from without.

The Sultan hath a Brother called Raja Laut, a brave Man. He is the
second Man in the Kingdom. All Strangers that come hither to Trade
must make their Address to him, for all Sea Affairs belong to him. He
Licenceth Strangers to Import or Export any Commodity, and 'tis by
his Permission that the Natives themselves are suffered to Trade:
Nay the very Fishermen must [t]ake a Permit from him: So that there is
no Man can come into the River or go out but by his leave. He is two
or three Years younger than the Sultan, and a little Man like him. He
has eight Women, by some of whom he hath Issue. He hath only one Son,
about twelve or fourteen Years old, who was Circumcised while we were
there. His Eldest Son died a little before we came hither, for whom
he was still in great heaviness. If he had lived a little longer he
should have Married the young Princess, but whether this second Son
must have her I know not, for I did never hear any Discourse about
it. Raja Laut is a very sharp Man; he speaks and writes Spanish, which
he learned in his Youth. He has by often conversing with Strangers,
got a great sight into the Customs of other Nations, and by Spanish
Books has some knowledge of Europe. He is General of the Mindanayans,
and is accounted an expert Soldier and a very stout Man; and the
Women in their Dances, Sing many Songs in his praise.

The Sultan of Mindanao sometimes makes War with his Neighbors the
Mountaneers or Alfoores. Their Weapons are Swords, Lances and some
Hand-Cressets. The Cresset [6] is a small thing like a Baggonet, which
they always wear in War or Peace, at Work or Play, from the greatest
of them to the poorest, or the meanest Persons. They do never meet
each other so as to have a pitcht Battle, but they build small Works
or Forts of Timber, wherein they plant little Guns, and lie in sight
of each other 2 or 3 Months, skirmishing every Day in small Parties,
and sometimes surprizing a Brestwork; and whatever side is like to be
worsted, if they have no probability to escape by flight, they sell
their lives as dear as they can; for there is seldom any quarter given,
but the Conqueror cuts and hacks his Enemies to pieces.

The Religion of these People is Mahometanism, Friday is their Sabbath;
but I did never see any difference that they make between this Day
and any other Day, only the Sultan himself goes then to the Mosque
twice. Raja Laut never goes to the Mosque, but Prays at certain
Hours, Eight or Ten times in a Day; where-ever he is, he is very
punctual to his Canonical Hours, and if he be aboard will go ashore,
on purpose to Pray. For no Business nor Company hinders him from this
Duty. Whether he is at home or abroad, in a House or in the Field,
he leaves all his Company, and goes about 100 Yards off, and there
kneels down to his Devotion. He first kisses the Ground, then prays
aloud, and divers times in his Prayers he kisses the Ground, and does
the same when he leaves off. His Servants, and his Wives and Children
talk and sing, or play how they please all the time, but himself is
very serious. The meaner sort of People have little Devotion: I did
never see any of them at their Prayers, or go into a Mosque.

In the Sultan's Mosque there is a great Drum with but one Head called
a Gong; which is instead of a Clock. This Gong is beaten at 12 a Clock,
at 3, 6, and 9; a Man being appointed for that Service. He has a Stick
as big as a Man's Arm, with a great knob at the end, bigger than a
Man's Fist, made with Cotton, bound fast with small Cords: with this
he strikes the Gong as hard as he can, about 20 strokes; beginning to
strike leisurely the first 5 or 6 strokes; then he strikes faster, and
at last strikes as fast as he can; and then he strikes again slower
and slower so many strokes: thus he rises and falls three times,
and then leaves off till three Hours after. This is done Night and Day.

They circumcise the Males at 11 or 12 Years of Age, or older; and many
are circumcised at once. This Ceremony is performed with a great deal
of Solemnity. There had been no Circumcision for some Years before
our being here; and then there was one for Raja Laut's Son. They
chuse to have a general Circumcision when the Sultan, or General,
or some other great Person hath a Son fit to be Circumcised; for
with him a great many more are Circumcised. There is notice given
about 8 or 10 Days before for all Men to appear in Arms, and great
preparation is made against the solemn Day. In the Morning before the
Boys are Circumcised, Presents are sent to the Father of the Child,
that keeps the Feast; which, as I said before, is either the Sultan,
or some great Person: and about 10 or 11 a Clock the Mahometan Priest
does his Office. He takes hold of the fore-skin with two Sticks,
and with a pair of Scissors snips it off. After this most of the
Men, both in City and Country being in Arms before the House, begin
to act as if they were ingaged with an Enemy, having such Arms as I
described. Only one acts at a time, the rest make a great Ring of 2
or 300 Yards round about him. He that is to exercise comes into the
Ring with a great shriek or two, and a horrid look; then he fetches
two or three large stately strides, and falls to work. He holds his
broad Sword in one Hand, and his Lance in the other, and traverses
his Ground, leaping from one side of the Ring to the other; and in
a menacing posture and look, bids defiance to the Enemy, whom his
Fancy frames to him; for there is nothing but Air to oppose him. Then
he stamps and shakes his Head, and grinning with his Teeth, makes
many ruful Faces. Then he throws his Lance, and nimbly snatches out
his Cresset, with which he hacks and hews the Air like a Mad-man,
often shrieking. At last, being almost tired with motion, he flies
to the middle of the Ring, where he seems to have his Enemy at his
Mercy, and with two or three blows cuts on the Ground as if he was
cutting off his Enemy's Head. By this time he is all of a Sweat, and
withdraws triumphantly out of the Ring, and presently another enters
with the like shrieks and gesture. Thus they continue combating their
imaginary Enemy all the rest of the Day: towards the conclusion of
which the richest Men act, and at last the General, and then the Sultan
concludes this Ceremony: He and the General with some other great Men,
are in Armor, but the rest have none. After this the Sultan returns
home, accompanied with abundance of People who wait on him there till
they are dismist. But at the time when we were there, there was an
after-game to be played; for the General's Son being then Circumcised,
the Sultan intended to give him a second visit in the Night, so they
all waited to attend him thither. The General also provided to meet
him in the best manner, and therefore desired Captain Swan with his
Men to attend him. Accordingly Captain Swan ordered us to get our
Guns, and wait at the General's House till further Orders. So about
40 of us waited till Eight a Clock in the Evening. When the General
with Captain Swan, and about 1000 Men, went to meet the Sultan, with
abundance of Torches that made it as light as Day. The manner of the
march was thus: First of all there was a Pageant, and upon it two
dancing Women gorgeously apparelled, with Coronets on their Heads,
full of glittering Spangles, and Pendants of the same, hanging down
over their Breast and Shoulders. These are Women bred up purposely for
dancing: Their Feet and Legs are but little imployed, except sometimes
to turn round very gently; but their Hands, Arms, Head and Body are in
continual motion, especially their Arms, which they turn and twist so
strangely, that you would think them to be made without Bones. Besides
the two dancing Women, there were two old Women in the Pageant, holding
each a lighted Torch in their Hands, close by the two dancing Women,
by which light the glittering Spangles appeared very gloriously. This
Pageant was carried by six lusty Men: Then came six or seven Torches,
lighting the General and Captain Swan, who marched side by side next,
and we that attended Captain Swan followed close after, marching in
order six and six abreast, with each Man his Gun on his Shoulder,
and Torches on each side. After us came twelve of the General's Men
with old Spanish Match-locks, marching four in a row. After them about
forty Lances, and behind them as many with great Swords, marching all
in order. After them came abundance only with Cressets by their sides,
who marched up close without any order. When we came near the Sultan's
House, the Sultan and his Men met us, and we wheel'd off to let them
pass. The Sultan had three Pageants [that] went before him: In the
first Pageant were four of his Sons, who were about 10 or 11 Years
old. They had gotten abundance of small Stones, which they roguishly
threw about on the People's Heads. In the next were four young Maidens,
nieces to the Sultan, being his Sisters Daughters; and in the 3d,
there were three of the Sultan's Children, not above six Years
old. The Sultan himself followed next, being carried in his Couch,
which was not like your Indian Palankins, but open, and very little
and ordinary. A multitude of People came after, without any order:
but as soon as he was past by, the General, and Captain Swan, and all
our Men, closed in just behind the Sultan, and so all marched together
to the General's House. We came thither between 10 and 11 a Clock,
where the biggest part of the Company were immediately dismist; but
the Sultan and his Children, and his Nieces, and some other Persons
of Quality, entred the General's House. They were met at the Head of
the Stairs by the General's Women, who with a great deal of Respect
conducted them into the House. Captain Swan, and we that were with
him followed after. It was not long before the General caused his
dancing Women to enter the Room, and divert the Company with that
pastime. I had forgot to tell you that they have none but vocal
Musick here, by what I could learn, except only a row of a kind of
Bells without Clappers, 16 in number, and their weight increasing
gradually from about three to ten pound weight. These were set in a
row on a Table in the General's House, where for seven or eight Days
together before the Circumcision day, they were struck each with a
little Stick, for the biggest part of the Day making a great noise,
and they ceased that Morning. So these dancing Women sung themselves,
and danced to their own Musick. After this the General's Women, and
the Sultan's Sons, and his Nieces danced. Two of the Sultan's Nieces
were about 18 or 19 Years Old, the other two were three or four Years
Younger. These Young Ladies were very richly drest, with loose garments
of Silk, and small Coronets on their Heads. They were much fairer
than any Women that I did ever see there, and very well featured;
and their Noses, tho' but small, yet higher than the other Womens,
and very well proportioned. When the Ladies had very well diverted
themselves and the Company with dancing, the General caused us to fire
some Sky-rockets, that were made by his and Captain Swan's Order,
purposely for this Nights Solemnity; and after that the Sultan and
his retinue went away with a few Attendants, and we all broke up,
and thus ended this Days Solemnity: but the Boys being sore with
their Amputation, went straddling for a fortnight after.

They are not, as I said before, very curious or strict in observing
any Days, or Times of particular Devotions, except it be Ramdam [i.e.,
Ramadan] time, as we call it. The Ramdam time was then in August,
as I take it, for it was shortly after our arrival here. In this
time they Fast all Day and about seven a Clock in the Evening, they
spend near an Hour in Prayer. Towards the latter end of their Prayer,
they loudly invoke their Prophet, for about a quarter of an Hour,
both old and young bawling out very strangely, as if they intended
to fright him out of his sleepiness or neglect of them. After their
Prayer is ended, they spend some time in Feasting before they take
their repose. Thus they do every Day for a whole Month at least;
for sometimes 'tis two or three Days longer before the Ramdam ends:
For it begins at the New Moon, and lasts till they see the next New
Moon, which sometimes in thick hazy Weather is not till three or four
Days after the Change, as it happen'd while I was at Achin, where
they continued the Ramdam till the New Moon's appearance. The next
Day after they have seen the New Moon, the Guns are all discharged
about Noon, and then the time ends.

A main part of their Religion consists in washing often, to keep
themselves from being defiled; or after they are defiled to cleanse
themselves again. They also take great care to keep themselves from
being polluted, by tasting or touching any thing that is accounted
Unclean; therefore Swines Flesh is very abominable to them; nay,
any one that hath either tasted of Swines flesh, or touched those
Creatures, is not permitted to come into their Houses in many Days
after, and there is nothing will scare them more than a Swine. Yet
there are wild Hogs in the Islands, and those so plentiful, that they
will come in troops out of the Woods in the Night into the very City,
and come under their Houses, to romage up and down the Filth that they
find there. The Natives therefore would even desire to lie in wait
for the Hogs, to destroy them, which we did frequently, by shooting
them and carrying them presently on board, but were prohibited their
Houses afterwards.

And now I am on this Subject, I cannot omit a Story concerning the
General. He once desired to have a pair of Shoes made after the
English Fashion, tho' he did very seldom wear any: So one [of] our
Men made him a Pair, which the General liked very well. Afterwards
some Body told him, That the Thread wherewith the Shoes were sowed,
were pointed with Hogs-bristles. This put him into a great Passion;
so he sent the Shoes to the Man that made them, and sent him withal
more Leather to make another Pair, with Threads pointed with some
other Hair, which was immediately done, and then he was well pleased.



CHAP. XIII

    Their coasting along the Isle of Mindanao, from a Bay on
    the East-side to another, at the S.E. end. Tornadoes and
    boisterous Weather. The S.E. Coast, and its Savannah and
    plenty of Deer. They coast along the South-side to the River
    of Mindanao City, and anchor there. The Sultan's Brother and
    Son come aboard them, and invite them to settle there. Of
    the Feasibleness and probable Advantage of such a Settlement,
    from the neighboring Gold and Spice Islands. Of the best way
    to Mindanao by the South Sea and Terra Australis; and of an
    accidental Discovery there by Captain Davis, and a probability
    of a greater. The Capacity they were in to settle here. The
    Mindanayans measure their Ship. Captain Swan's Present to the
    Sultan: his Reception of it, and Audience given to Captain
    Swan, with Raja Laut, the Sultans Brother's Entertainment of
    him. The Contents of two English Letters shewn them by the
    Sultan of Mindanao. Of the Commodities, and the Punishments
    there. The General's Caution how to demean themselves: at
    his Persuasion they lay up their Ships in the River. The
    Mindanaians Caresses. The great Rains and Floods at the
    City. The Mindanaians have Chinese Accomptants. How their
    Women dance. A Story of one John Thacker. Their Bark eaten
    up, and their Ship endangered by the Worm. Of the Worms here
    and elsewhere. Of Captain Swan. Raja Laut, the General's
    Deceitfulness. Hunting wild Kine. The Prodigality of some
    of the English. Captain Swan treats with a Young Indian of a
    Spice-Island. A Hunting Voyage with the General. His punishing
    a Servant of his. Of his Wives and Women. A sort of strong
    Rice-drink. The General's foul Dealing and Exactions. Captain
    Swan's Uneasiness and indiscreet Management. His Men Mutiny. Of
    a Snake twisting about on their Necks. The main part of the
    Crew go away with the Ship, leaving Captain Swan and some of
    his Men: Several others poisoned there.


Having in the two last Chapters given some Account of the Natural,
Civil, and Religious State of Mindanao, I shall now go on with the
prosecution of our Affairs during our stay there.

'Twas in a Bay on the N. East-side of the Island that we came to an
Anchor, as hath been said. We lay in this Bay but one Night, and part
of the next Day. Yet there we got Speech with some of the Natives,
who by signs made us to understand, that the City Mindanao was on
the West-side of the Island. We endeavored to persuade one of them,
to go with us to be our Pilot, but he would not: Therefore in the
Afternoon we loosed from hence, steering again to the South East,
having the Wind at S.W. When we came to the S.E. end of the Island
Mindanao, we saw two small Islands [7] about three Leagues distant
from it. We might have passed between them and the main Island,
as we learnt since, but not knowing them, nor what dangers we might
encounter there, we chose rather to Sail to the Eastward of them. But
meeting very strong Westerly Winds, we got nothing forward in many
Days. In this time we first saw the Islands Meangis, [8] which are
about 16 Leagues distant from the Mindanao, bearing S.E. I shall have
occasion to speak more of them hereafter.

The 4th Day of July we got into a deep Bay, four Leagues N.W. from
the two small Islands before mentioned. But the Night before, in a
violent Tornado, our Bark being unable to beat any longer, bore away,
which put us in some pain for fear she was overset, as we had like to
have been our selves. We anchored on the South West side of the Bay,
in fifteen fathom Water, about a Cables length from the shore. Here we
were forced to shelter our selves from the violence of the Weather,
which was so boisterous with Rains, and Tornadoes, and a strong
Westerly Wind, that we were very glad to find this place to Anchor in,
being the only shelter on this side from the West Winds.

This Bay is not above two Mile wide at the Mouth, but farther in it
is three Leagues wide, and seven fathom deep, running in N.N.W. There
is a good depth of Water about four or five Leagues in, but Rocky
foul Ground for about two Leagues in, from the Mouth on both sides of
the Bay, except only in that place where we lay. About three Leagues
in from the mouth, on the Eastern side, there are fair sandy Bays,
and very good anchoring in four, five, and six fathom. The Land on
the East side is high, Mountainous, and Woody, yet very well watered
with small Brooks, and there is one River large enough for Canoes
to enter. On the West side of the Bay, the Land is of a mean height
with a large Savannah, bordering on the Sea, and stretching from the
mouth of the Bay, a great way to the Westward.

This Savannah abounds with long Grass, and it is plentifully stock'd
with Deer. The adjacent Woods are a covert for them in the heat of
the Day: but Mornings and Evenings they feed in the open Plains, as
thick as in our Parks in England. I never saw any where such plenty
of wild Deer, tho' I have met with them in several parts of America,
both in the North and South Seas.

The Deer live here pretty peaceably and unmolested, for there are no
Inhabitants on that side of the Bay. We visited this Savannah every
Morning, and killed as many Deer as we pleased, sometimes 16 or 18 in
a Day; and we did eat nothing but Venison all the time we staid here.

We saw a great many Plantations by the sides of the Mountains, on
the East side of the Bay, and we went to one of them, in hopes to
learn of the Inhabitants whereabouts the City was, that we might not
over-sail it in the Night; but they fled from us.

We lay here till the 12th Day before the Winds abated of their fury,
and then we sailed from hence, directing our course to the Westward. In
the Morning we had a Land Wind at North. At 11 a Clock the Sea breeze
came at West, just in our Teeth, but it being fair Weather, we kept
on our way, turning and taking the advantage of the Land breezes by
Night, and the Sea breezes by Day.

Being now past the S.E. part of the Island, we coasted down on the
South side, and we saw abundance of Canoas a fishing, and now and
then a small Village. Neither were these Inhabitants afraid of us
(as the former) but came aboard; yet we could not understand them,
nor they us, but by signs: and when we mentioned the word Mindanao,
they would point towards it.

The 18th Day of July we arrived before the River of Mindanao; the
mouth of which lies in lat. 6 d. 22 m. N. and is laid in 231 d. 12
m. Longitude West, from the Lizard in England [9]. We anchored right
against the River in 15 fathom Water, clear hard Sand; about 2 Miles
from the shore, and 3 or 4 Miles from a small Island, that lay without
us to the Southward. We fired 7 or 9 Guns, I remember not well which,
and were answered again with 3 from the shore; for which we gave one
again. Immediately after our coming to an Anchor Raja Laut, and one of
the Sultan's Sons came off in a Canoa, being rowed with 10 Oars, and
demanded in Spanish what we were? and from whence we came? Mr. Smith
(he who was taken Prisoner at Leon in Mexico) answered in the same
Language, that we were English, and that we had been a great while
out of England. They told us that we were welcome, and asked us
a great many questions about England; especially concerning our
East India Merchants; and whether we were sent by them to settle a
Factory here? Mr. Smith told them that we came hither only to buy
Provision. They seemed a little discontented when they understood
that we were not come to settle among them: for they had heard of
our arrival on the East-side of the Island a great while before,
and entertained hopes that we were sent purposely out of England
hither to settle a Trade with them; which it would seem they are very
desirous of. For Capt. Goodlud had been here not long before to treat
with them about it; and when he went away told them (as they said)
that in a short time they might expect an Ambassador from England,
to make a full bargain with them.

Indeed upon mature thoughts, I should think we could not have done
better, than to have complied with the desire they seemed to have of
our settling here; and to have taken up our quarters among them. For as
thereby we might better have consulted our own profit and satisfaction,
than by the other loose roving way of life; so it might probably
have proved of publick benefit to our Nation, and been a means of
introducing an English Settlement and Trade, not only here, but
through several of the Spice-Islands, which lie in its neighborhood.

For the Islands Meangis, which I mentioned in the beginning of this
Chapter, lye within twenty Leagues of Mindanao. These are three small
Islands that abound with Gold and Cloves, if I may credit my Author
Prince Jeoly, [10] who was born on one of them, and was at that time a
Slave in the City of Mindanao. He might have been purchased by us of
his Master for a small matter, as he was afte[r]wards by Mr. Moody,
(who came hither to trade, and laded a Ship with Clove-Bark) and
by transporting him home to his own Country, we might have gotten a
Trade there. But of Prince Jeoly I shall speak more hereafter. These
Islands are as yet probably unknown to the Dutch, who as I said before,
indeavor to ingross all the Spice into their own Hands.

There was another opportunity offered us here of settling on another
Spice-Island that was very well inhabited: for the Inhabitants
fearing the Dutch, and understanding that the English were settling
at Mindanao, their Sultan sent his Nephew to Mindanao while we were
there to invite us thither: Captain Swan conferr'd with him about it
divers times, and I do believe he had some Inclination to accept the
offer; and I am sure most of the Men were for it: but this never came
to a head, for want of a true understanding between Captain Swan and
his Men, as may be declared hereafter.

Beside the benefit that might accrue from this Trade with Meangis,
and other the Spice Islands, the Philippine Islands themselves, by a
little care and industry, might have afforded us a very beneficial
Trade, and all these Trades might have been managed from Mindanao,
by settling there first. For that Island lyeth very convenient for
Trading either to the Spice-Islands, or to the rest of the Philippine
Islands: since as its Soil is much of the same nature with either of
them, so it lies as it were in the Center of the Gold and Spice Trade
in these parts; the Islands North of Mindanao abounding most in Gold,
and those South of Meangis in Spice.

As the Island Mindanao lies very convenient for Trade, so considering
its distance, the way thither may not be over-long and tiresome. The
Course that I would choose should be to set out of England about
the latter end of August, and to pass round Terra del Fuego, and
so stretching over towards New Holland, coast it along that Shore
till I came near to Mindanao; or first I would coast down near the
American Shore, as far as I found convenient, and then direct my Course
accordingly for the Island. By this I should avoid coming near any of
the Dutch Settlements, and be sure to meet always with a constant brisk
Easterly Trade Wind, after I was once past Terra del Fuego. Whereas
in passing about the Cape of Good Hope, after you are shot over the
East-Indian Ocean, and are come to the Islands, you must pass through
the Streights of Malacca or Sundy, or else some other Streights East
from Java, where you will be sure to meet with Country [i.e., contrary]
-winds, go on which side of the Equator you please; and this would
require ordinarily 7 or 8 Months for the Voyage, but the other I should
hope to perform in 6 or 7 at most. In your return from thence also you
must observe the same Rule as the Spaniards do in going from Manila to
Acapulco; [11] only as they run towards the North-Pole for variable
Winds, so you must run to the Southward, till you meet with a Wind
that will carry you over to Terra del Fuego. There are places enough
to touch at for Refreshment, either going or coming. You may touch
going thither on either side of Terra Patagonica, or, if you please,
at the Gallapagoes Islands, [12] where there is Refreshment enough;
and returning you may probably touch somewhere on New Holland, and
so make some profitable discovery in these Places without going out
of your way. And to speak my Thoughts freely, I believe 'tis owing
to the neglect of this easie way that all that vast Tract of Terra
Australis which bounds the South Sea is yet undiscovered: those that
cross that Sea seeming to design some Business on the Peruvian or
Mexican Coast, and so leaving that at a distance. To confirm which,
I shall add what Captain Davis [13] told me lately, That after his
departure from us at the Haven of Ria Lexa [14] (as is mentioned in
the 8th Chap.) he went after several Traverses, to the Gallapagoes
and that standing thus Southward for Wind, to bring him about Terra
del Fuego, in the Lat. of 27 South, about 500 Leagues from Copayapo,
[15] on the Coast of Chili, he saw a small sandy Island just by him;
and that they saw to the Westward of it a long Tract of pretty high
Land, tending away toward the North West out of sight. This might
probably be the Coast of Terra Australis Incognita.

But to return to Mindanao; as to the capacity we were then in, of
settling our selves at Mindanao, although we were not sent out of
any such design of settling, yet we were as well provided, or better,
considering all Circumstances, than if we had. For there was scarce any
useful Trade, but some or other of us understood it. We had Sawyers,
Carpenters, Joyners, Brickmakers, Bricklayers, Shoemakers, Taylors,
&c. we only wanted a good Smith for great Work; which we might have
had at Mindanao. We were very well provided with Iron, Lead, and all
sorts of Tools, as Saws, Axes, Hammers, &c. We had powder and Shot
enough, and very good small Arms. If we had designed to build a Fort,
we could have spared 8 or 10 Guns out of our Ship, and Men enough to
have managed it, and any Affair of Trade beside. We had also a great
Advantage above raw Men that are sent out of England into these places,
who proceed usually too cautiously, coldly and formally, to compass
any considerable design, which Experience better teaches than any
Rules whatsoever; besides the danger of their Lives in so great and
sudden a change of Air: whereas we were all inured to hot Climates,
hardened by many Fatigues, and, in general, daring Men, and such
as would not be easily baffled. To add one thing more, our Men were
almost tired, and began to desire a quietus est; and therefore they
would gladly have seated themselves any where. We had a good Ship
too, and enough of us (beside what might have been spared to manage
our new Settlement) to bring the News with the Effects to the Owners
in England: for Captain Swan had already 5000 l. in Gold, which he
and his Merchants received for Goods sold mostly to Captain Harris
[16] and his Men: which if he had laid but part of it out in Spice,
as probably he might have done, would have satisfy'd the Merchants
to their Hearts content. So much by way of digression.

To proceed therefore with our first Reception at Mindanao, Raja
Laut and his Nephew sat still in their Canoa, and would not come
aboard us; because, as they said, they had no Orders for it from the
Sultan. After about half an Hour's Discourse, they took their leaves,
first inviting Captain Swan ashore, and promising him to assist him
in getting Provision; which they said at present was scarce, but in
three or four Month's time the Rice would be gathered in, and then he
might have as much as he pleased: and that in the mean time he might
secure his Ship in some convenient place, for fear of the Westerly
winds, which they said would be very violent at the latter end of
this Month, and all the next, as we found them.

We did not know the quality of these two Persons till after they
were gone; else we should have fir'd some Guns at their Departure:
When they were gone, a certain Officer under the Sultan came aboard
and measured our Ship. A custom derived from the Chinese, who always
measure the length and breadth, and the depth of the Hold of all Ships
that come to load there; by which means they know how much each Ship
will carry. But for what reason this Custom is used either by the
Chinese, or Mindanao Men, I could never learn; unless the Mindanaians
design by this means to improve their skill in Shipping, against they
have a Trade.

Captain Swan, considering that the Season of the Year would oblige
us to spend some time at this Island, thought it convenient to
make what interest he could with the Sultan; who might afterwards
either obstruct, or advance his designs. He therefore immediately
provided a Present to send ashore to the Sultan, viz. 3 Yards of
Scarlet Cloth, 3 Yards of broad Gold Lace, a Turkish Scimiter and a
Pair of Pistols: and to Raja Laut he sent 3 Yards of Scarlet Cloth,
and 3 Yards of Silver Lace. This Present was carried by Mr. Henry
More in the Evening. He was first conducted to Raja Laut's House;
where he remained till report thereof was made to the Sultan, who
immediately gave order for all things to be made ready to receive him.

About Nine a Clock at Night, a Messenger came from the Sultan to bring
the Present away. Then Mr. More was conducted all the way with Torches
and armed Men, till he came to the House where the Sultan was. The
Sultan with eight or ten Men of his Council were seated on Carpets,
waiting his coming. The Present that Mr. More brought was laid down
before them, and was very kindly accepted by the Sultan, who caused
Mr. More to sit down by them, and asked a great many questions of
him. The discourse was in Spanish by an Interpreter. This Conference
lasted about an Hour, and then he was dismist, and returned again
to Raja Laut's House. There was a Supper provided for him, and the
Boats Crew; after which he returned aboard.

The next Day the Sultan sent for Capt. Swan: He immediately went
ashore with a Flag flying in the Boats Head, and two Trumpets sounding
all the way. When he came ashore, he was met at his Landing by two
principal Officers, guarded along with Soldiers, and abundance of
People gazing to see him. The Sultan waited for him in his Chamber
of Audience, where Captain Swan was treated with Tobacco and Betel,
which was all his Entertainment.

The Sultan sent for two English Letters for Captain Swan to read,
purposely to let him know, that our East-India Merchants did design
to settle here, and that they had already sent a Ship hither. One of
these Letters was sent to the Sultan from England, by the East-India
Merchants. The chiefest things contained in it, as I remember, for I
saw it afterwards in the Secretaries Hand, who was very proud to shew
it to us, was to desire some privileges, in order to the building of a
Fort there. This Letter was written in a very fair Hand; and between
each Line, there was a Gold Line drawn. The other Letter was left
by Captain Goodlud, directed to any English Men who should happen
to come thither. This related wholly to Trade, giving an account,
at what rate he had agreed with them for Goods of the Island, and
how European Goods should be sold to them; with an account of their
Weight and Measures, and their difference from ours.

The rate agreed on for Mindanao Gold, was 14 Spanish Dollars,
(which is a current Coin all over India) the English Ounce, and 18
Dollars the Mindanao Ounce. But for Bees-wax and Clove-bark, I do
not remember the rate neither do I well remember the rates of Europe
Commodities; but I think the rate of Iron was not above four Dollars
a Hundred. Captain Goodlud's Letter concluded thus, Trust none of
them, for they are all Thieves, but Tace is Latin for a Candle. We
understood afterwards that Captain Goodlud was robb'd of some Goods
by one of the General's Men, and that he that robb'd him was fled
into the Mountains, and could not be found while Captain Goodlud was
here. But the Fellow returning back to the City some time after our
arrival here, Raja Laut brought him bound to Captain Swan, and told
him what he had done, desiring him to punish him for it as he pleased;
but Captain Swan excused himself; and said it did not belong to him,
therefore he would have nothing to do with it. However, the General
Raja Laut, would not pardon him, but punished him according to their
own Custom, which I did never see but at this time.

He was stript stark naked in the Morning at Sunrising, and bound
to a Post, so that he could not stir Hand nor Foot, but as he was
mov'd; and was placed with his Face Eastward against the Sun. In the
Afternoon they turned his Face toward the West, that the Sun might
still be in his Face; and thus he stood all Day, parcht in the Sun
(which shines here excessively hot) and tormented with the Moskitos
or Gnats: After this the General would have kill'd him, if Captain
Swan had consented to it. I did never see any put to Death; but I
believe they are barbarous enough in it: The General told us himself
that he put two Men to Death in a Town where some of us were with him;
but I heard not the manner of it. Their common way of punishing is to
strip them in this manner, and place them in the Sun; but sometimes
they lay them flat on their Backs on the Sand, which is very hot;
where they remain a whole Day in the scorching Sun, with the Moskito's
biting them all the time.

This action of the General in offering Captain Swan the punishment of
the Thief, caus'd Captain Swan afterwards to make him the same offer
of his Men, when any had offended the Mindanao Men: but the General
left such Offenders to be punished by Captain Swan, as he thought
convenient. So that for the least Offence Captain Swan punished his
Men, and that in the sight of the Mindanaians; and I think sometimes
only for revenge; as he did once punish his Chief Mate Mr. Teat,
he that came Captain of the Bark to Mindanao. Indeed at that time
Captain Swan had his Men as much under command as if he had been in
a King's Ship; and had he known how to use his Authority, he might
have led them to any Settlement, and have brought them to assist him
in any design he had pleased.

Captain Swan being dismist from the Sultan, with abundance of
civility, after about two Hours Discourse with him, went thence to Raja
Laut's House. Raja Laut had then some difference with the Sultan, and
therefore he was not present at the Sultan's reception of our Captain,
but waited his return, and treated him and all his Men with boiled Rice
and Fowls. He then told Captain Swan again, and urged it to him, that
it would be best to get his Ship into the River as soon as he could,
because of the usual tempestuous Weather at this time of the Year;
and that he should want no assistance to further him in any thing. He
told him also, that as we must of necessity stay here some time, so
our Men would often come ashore; and he therefore desired him to warn
his Men to be careful to give no afront to the Natives; who, he said,
were very revengeful. That their Customs being different from ours, he
feared that Captain Swan's Men might some time or other offend them,
though ignorantly; that therefore he gave him this friendly warning,
to prevent it: that his House should always be open to receive him
or any of his Men, and that he knowing our Customs, would never be
offended at any thing. After a great deal of such Discourse he dismist
the Captain and his Company, who took their leave and came aboard.

Captain Swan having seen the two Letters, did not doubt but that the
English did design to settle a Factory here: therefore he did not much
scruple the honesty of these People, but immediately ordered us to get
the Ship into the River. The River upon which the City of Mindanao
stands is but small, and hath not above 10 or 11 Foot Water on the
Bar at a Spring-tide: therefore we lightened our Ship, and the Spring
coming on, we with much ado got her into the River, being assisted by
50 or 60 Mindanaian Fishermen, who liv'd at the Mouth of the River;
Raja Laut himself being aboard our Ship to direct them. We carried
her about a quarter of a Mile up, within the Mouth of the River,
and there moored her, Head and Stern in a hole, where we always rode
afloat. After this the Citizens of Mindanao came frequently aboard, to
invite our Men to their Houses, and to offer us Pagallies. 'Twas a long
time since any of us had received such Friendship, and therefore we
were the more easily drawn to accept of their kindnesses; and in a very
short time most of our Men got a Comrade or two, and as many Pagallies;
especially such of us as had good Cloths, and store of Gold, as many
had, who were of the number of those, that accompanied Captain Harris
over the Isthmus of Darien, the rest of us being Poor enough. Nay,
the very Poorest and Meanest of us could hardly pass the Streets, but
we were even hal'd by Force into their Houses, to be treated by them;
altho' their Treats were but mean, viz. Tobacco, or Betel-Nut, or a
little sweet spiced Water. Yet their seeming Sincerity, Simplicity, and
the manner of bestowing these Gifts, made them very acceptable. When
we came to their Houses, they would always be praising the English,
as declaring that the English and Mindanaians were all one. This they
exprest by putting their two Fore-fingers close together, and saying,
that the English and Mindanaians were samo, samo, [17] that is, all
one. Then they would draw their Fore-fingers half a Foot asunder,
and say the Dutch and they were Bugeto, which signifies so, that they
were at such distance in point of Friendship: And for the Spaniards,
they would make a greater Representation of distance than for the
Dutch: Fearing these, but having felt, and smarted from the Spaniards,
who had once almost brought them under.

Captain Swan did seldom go into any House at first, but into Raja
Laut's. There he dined commonly every day; and as many of his Men as
were ashore, and had no Money to Entertain themselves, resorted thither
about 12 a Clock, where they had Rice enough boiled and well drest, and
some scraps of Fowls, or bits of Buffaloe, drest very nastily. Captain
Swan was served a little better, and his two trumpeters sounded all
the time that he was at Dinner. After Dinner Raja Laut would sit
and Discourse with him most part of the Afternoon. It was now that
Ramdam time, therefore the General excused himself, that he could not
Entertain our Captain with Dances, and other Pastimes, as he intended
to do when this solemn Time was past; besides, it was the very height
of the wet Season, and therefore not so proper for Pastimes.

We had now very tempestuous Weather, and excessive Rains, which so
swell'd the River, that it overflowed its Banks; so that we had much
ado to keep our Ship safe: For every now and then we should have a
great Tree come floating down the River, and sometimes lodge against
our Bows, to the endangering the breaking our Cables, and either the
driving us in, over the Banks, or carrying us out to Sea; both which
would have been very dangerous to us, especially being without Ballast.

The City is about a Mile long (of no great breadth) winding with
the Banks of the River on the Right Hand going up, tho' it hath many
Houses on the other side too. But at this time it seemed to stand as
in a Pond, and there was no passing from one House to another but in
Canoas. This tempestuous Rainy Weather happened the latter end of July,
and lasted most part of August.

When the bad Weather was a little asswaged, Captain Swan hired a
House to put our Sails and Goods in, while we careen'd our Ship. We
had a great deal of Iron and Lead, which was brought ashore into this
House. Of these Commodities Captain Swan sold to the Sultan or General,
Eight or Ten Tuns, at the Rates agreed on by Captain Goodlud to be
paid in Rice. The Mindanaians are no good Accomptants; therefore the
Chinese that live here, do cast up their Accompts for them. After this
Captain Swan bought Timber-trees of the General, and set some of our
Men to Saw them into Planks, to Sheath the Ship's bottom. He had two
Whip-Saws on Board, which he brought out of England, and four or five
Men that knew the use of them, for they had been Sawyers in Jamaica.

When the Ramdam time was over, and the dry time set in a little,
the General, to oblige Captain Swan, entertained him every Night with
Dances. The dancing Women that are purposely bred up to it, and make
it their Trade, I have already described. But beside them, all the
Women in general are much addicted to Dancing. They Dance 40 or 50 at
once; and that standing all round in a Ring, joined Hand in Hand, and
Singing and keeping time. But they never budge out of their places,
nor make any motion till the Chorus is Sung; then all at once they
throw out one Leg, and bawl out aloud; and sometimes they only Clap
their Hands when the Chorus is Sung. Captain Swan, to retaliate the
General's Favours, sent for his Violins, and some that could Dance
English Dances; wherewith the General was very well pleased. They
commonly spent the biggest part of the Night in these sort of Pastimes.

Among the rest of our Men that did use to Dance thus before the
General, there was one John Thacker, who was a Seaman bred, and
could neither Write nor Read; but had formerly learnt to Dance in
the Musick-Houses about Wapping: This Man came into the South Seas
with Captain Harris, and getting with him a good quantity of Gold,
and being a pretty good Husband of his Share, had still had some
left, besides what he laid out in a very good Suit of Cloaths. The
General supposed by his Garb and his Dancing, that he had been of
noble Extraction; and to be satisfy'd of his Quality, asked of our
Men, if he did not guess aright of him? The Man of whom the General
asked this Question told him, he was much in the right; and that
most of our Ship's Company were of the like Extraction; especially
all those that had fine Cloaths; and that they came aboard only to
see the World, having Money enough to bear their expences where-ever
they came; but that for the rest, those that had but mean Clothes,
they were only common Seamen. After this, the General shew'd a great
deal of Respect to all that had good Clothes, but especially to John
Thacker, till Captain Swan came to know the Business, and marr'd all;
undeceiving the General, and drubbing the Noble-Man: For he was so
much incensed against John Thacker, that he could never indure him
afterwards; tho' the poor Fellow knew nothing of the Matter.

About the middle of November we began to work on our Ship's bottom,
which we found very much eaten with the Worm: For this is a horrid
place for Worms. We did not know this till after we had been in
the River a Month; and then we found our Canoas bottoms eaten like
Honey-combs; our Bark, which was a single bottom, was eaten thro';
so that she could not swim. But our Ship was sheathed, and the Worm
came no farther than the Hair between the sheathing Plank, and the
main Plank. We did not mistrust the General's Knavery till now: for
when he came down to our Ship, and found us ripping off the sheathing
Plank, and saw the firm bottom underneath, he shook his Head, and
seemed to be discontented; saying he did never see a Ship with two
bottoms before. We were told that in this place, where we now lay,
a Dutch Ship was eaten up in two months time, and the General had all
her Guns; and it is probable he did expect to have had Ours: Which I
do believe was the main Reason that made him so forward in assisting
us to get our Ship into the River, for when we went out again we had
no Assistance from him. We had no Worms till we came to this place:
For when we Careen'd at the Marias, the Worm had not touch'd us; nor at
Guam, for there we scrubb'd; nor after we came to the Island Mindanao;
for at the S.E. end of the Island we heel'd and scrubb'd also. The
Mindanaians are so sensible of their destructive Insects, that whenever
they come from Sea, they immediately hale their Ship into a dry Dock,
and burn her bottom, and there let her lye dry till they are ready
to get to Sea again. The Canoas or Proes they hale up dry, and never
suffer them to be long in the Water. It is reported that those Worms
which get into a Ships bottom in the salt Water, will die in the
fresh Water; and that the fresh Water Worms will die in Salt Water:
but in brackish Water both sorts will increase prodigiously. Now this
place where we lay was sometimes brackish Water, yet commonly fresh;
but what sort of Worm this was I know not. Some Men are of Opinion,
that these Worms breed in the Plank; but I am perswaded they breed
in the Sea: For I have seen Millions of them swimming in the Water,
particularly in the Bay of Panama; for there Captain Davis, Captain
Swan and my self, and most of our Men, did take notice of them divers
times, which was the reason of our Cleaning so often while we were
there: and these were the largest Worms that I did ever see. I have
also seen them in Virginia, and in the Bay of Campeachy; in the
latter of which places the Worms eat prodigiously. They are always
in Bays, Creeks, Mouths of Rivers, and such places as are near the
shore; being never found far out at Sea, that I could ever learn:
yet a Ship will bring them lodg'd in its Plank for a great way.

Having thus ript off all our Worm-eaten Plank, and clapt on new, by
the beginning of December 1686, our Ships bottom was sheathed and
tallowed, and the 10th Day went over the Bar, and took aboard the
Iron and Lead that we could not sell, and began to fill our Water,
and fetch aboard Rice for our Voyage: But C. Swan remain'd ashore
still, and was not yet determin'd when to sail, or whither. But I
am well assured that he did never intend to Cruise about Manila, as
his Crew designed; for I did once ask him, and he told me, That what
he had already done of that kind he was forc'd to; but now being at
Liberty, he would never more Engage in any such Design: For, said he,
there is no Prince on Earth is able to wipe off the Stain of such
Actions. What other Designs he had I know not, for he was commonly
very Cross; yet he did never propose doing any thing else, but only
ordered the Provision to be got Aboard in order to Sail; and I am
confident if he had made a motion to go to any English Factory, most
of his Men would have consented to it, tho' probably some would have
still opposed it. How ever, his Authority might soon have over-sway'd
those that were Refractory; for it was very strange to see the Awe
that these Men were in of him, for he punished the most stubborn and
daring of his Men. Yet when we had brought the Ship out into the Road,
they were not altogether so submissive, as while it lay in the River,
tho' even then it was that he punished Captain Teat.

I was at that time a Hunting with the General for Beef, which he
had a long time promised us. But now I saw that there was no Credit
to be given to his Word; for I was a Week out with him and saw but
four Cows, which were so wild, that we did not get one. There were
five or six more of our Company with me; these who were young Men,
and had Dalilahs there, which made them fond of the Place, all agreed
with the General to tell Captain Swan, that there were Beeves enough,
only they were wild. But I told him the Truth, and advised him not
to be too credulous of the General's Promises. He seemed to be very
angry, and stormed behind the General's Back, but in his Presence
was very mute, being a Man of small Courage.

It was about the 20th Day of December when we returned from Hunting,
and the General designed to go again to another place to Hunt for Beef;
but he stayed till after Christmas-day, because some of us designed
to go with him; and Captain Swan had desired all his Men to be aboard
that Day, that we might keep it solemnly together: And accordingly
he sent aboard a Buffaloe the Day before, that we might have a good
Dinner. So the 25th Day about 10 a Clock, Captain Swan came aboard,
and all his Men who were ashore: For you must understand that near
a third of our Men lived constantly ashore, with their Comrades and
Pagallies, and some with Women servants, whom they hired of their
Masters for Concubines. Some of our Men also had Houses, which
they hired or bought, for Houses are very cheap, for five or six
Dollars. For many of them having more Money than they knew what to do
with, eased themselves here of the trouble of telling it, spending it
very lavishly, their prodigality making the People impose upon them,
to the making the rest of us pay the dearer for what we bought, and
to the endangering the like impositions upon such Englishmen as may
come here hereafter. For the Mindanaians knew how to get our Squires
Gold from them (for we had no Silver,) and when our Men wanted Silver,
they would change now and then an Ounce of Gold, and could get for
it no more than 10 or 11 Dollars for a Mindanao Ounce, which they
would not part with again under 18 Dollars. Yet this, and the great
prices the Mindanaians set on their Goods, were not the only way to
lessen their stocks; for their Pagallies and Comrades would often be
begging somewhat of them, and our Men were generous enough, and would
bestow half an Ounce of Gold at a time, in a Ring for their Pagallies,
or in a Silver Wrist-band, or Hoop to come about their Arms, in hopes
to get a Nights Lodging with them.

When we were all aboard on Christmas-day, Captain Swan and his
two Merchants; I did expect that Captain Swan would have made some
proposals, or have told us his designs; but he only dined and went
ashore again, without speaking any thing of his Mind. Yet even then I
do think that he was driving on a design, of going to one of the Spice
Islands, to load with Spice; for the Young Man before mentioned, who I
said was sent by his Unkle, the Sultan of a Spice Island near Ternate,
to invite the English to their Island, came aboard at this time, and
after some private Discourse with Captain Swan, they both went ashore
together. This Young Man did not care that the Mindanaians should be
privy to what he said. I have heard Captain Swan say that he offered
to load his Ship with Spice, provided he would build a small Fort,
and leave some Men to secure the Island from the Dutch; but I am
since informed, that the Dutch have now got possession of the Island.

The next Day after Christmas the General went away again, and five or
six Englishmen with him, of whom I was one, under pretence of going
a hunting; and we all went together by Water in his Proe, together
with his Women and Servants, to the hunting place. The General always
carried his Wives and Children, his Money and Goods with him: so we
all imbarked in the Morning, and arrived there before Night. I have
already described the fashion of their Proes, and the Rooms made in
them. We were entertained in the General's Room or Cabbin. Our Voyage
was not so far, but that we reached our Port before Night.

At this time one of the General's Servants had offended, and was
punished in this manner: He was bound fast flat on his Belly, on a
Bamboe belonging to the Proe, which was so near the Water, that by
the Vessel's motion, it frequently delved under Water, and the Man
along with it; and sometimes when hoisted up, he had scarce time to
blow before he would be carried under Water again.

When we had rowed about two Leagues, we entered a pretty large
deep River, and rowed up a League further, the Water salt all the
way. There was a pretty large Village, the Houses built after the
Country fashion. We landed at this place, where there was a House
made ready immediately for us. The General and his Women lay at one
end of the House, and we at the other end, and in the Evening all
the Women in the Village danced before the General.

While he staid here, the General with his Men went out every Morning
betimes, and did not return till four or five a Clock in the Afternoon,
and he would often complement us, by telling us what good Trust and
Confidence he had in us, saying that he left his Women and Goods
under our Protection, and that he thought them as secure with us six,
(for we had all our Arms with us) as if he had left 100 of his own
Men to guard them. Yet for all this great Confidence, he always left
one of his principal Men, for fear some of us should be too familiar
with his Women.

They did never stir out of their own Room when the General was at
Home, but as soon as he was gone out, they would presently come into
our Room, and sit with us all Day, and ask a Thousand Questions of us
concerning our English Women, and our Customs. You may imagine that
before this time, some of us had attained so much of their Language
as to understand them, and give them Answers to their Demands. I
remember that one Day they asked how many Wives the King of England
had? We told them but one, and that our English Laws did not allow
of any more. They said it was a strange Custom, that a Man should
be confined to one Woman; some of them said it was a very bad Law,
but others again said it was a good Law; so there was a great Dispute
among them about it. But one of the General's Women said positively,
That our Law was better than theirs, and made them all silent by the
Reason which she gave for it. This was the War Queen, as we called
her, for she did always Accompany the General whenever he was called
out to Engage his Enemies, but the rest did not.

By this Familiarity among the Women, and by often discoursing [with]
them, we came to be acquainted with their Customs and Priviledges. The
General lies with his Wives by turns; but she by whom he had the
first Son, has a double Portion of his Company: For when it comes
to her turn, she has him two Nights, whereas the rest have him but
one. She with whom he is to lye at Night, seems to have a particular
Respect shewn her by the rest all the precedent Day; and for a Mark
of distinction, wears a striped silk Handkerchief about her Neck,
by which we knew who was Queen that Day.

We lay here about five or six Days, but did never in all that time
see the least sign of any Beef, which was the Business we came about;
neither were we suffered to go out with the General to see the wild
Kine, but we wanted for nothing else: However, this did not please us,
and we often importuned him to let go out among the Cattle. At last he
told us, That he had provided a Jar of Rice-drink to be merry with us,
and after that we should go with him.

This Rice-drink is made of Rice boiled and put into a Jar, where it
remains a long time steeping in Water. I know not the manner of making
it, but it is very strong pleasant Drink. The Evening when the General
designed to be merry, he caused a Jar of this Drink to be brought into
our Room, and he began to drink first himself, then afterwards his Men;
so they took turns till they were all as drunk as Swine, before they
suffered us to drink. After they had enough, then we drank, and they
drank no more, for they will not drink after us. The General leapt
about our Room a little while; but having his Load soon went to sleep.

The next Day we went out with the General into the Savannah, where we
had near 100 Men making of a large Pen to drive the Cattle into. For
that is the manner of their Hunting, having no Dogs. But I saw not
above 8 or 10 Cows, and those as wild as Deer so that we got none
this Day: yet the next Day some of his Men brought in 3 Heifers,
which they kill'd in the Savannah. With these we returned aboard,
they being all that we got there.

Captain Swan was much vext at the Generals Actions; for he promised
to supply us with as much Beef as we should want, but now either could
not, or would not make good his promise. Besides, he failed to perform
his Promise in a bargain of Rice, that we were to have for the iron
which he sold him, but he put us off still from time to time, and
would not come to any Account. Neither were these all his Tricks;
for a little before his Son was Circumcised, (of which I spake in
the foregoing Chapter) he pretended a great streight for Money,
to defray the Charges of that Day; and therefore desired Captain
Swan to lend him about 20 Ounces of Gold; for he knew that Captain
Swan had a considerable quantity of Gold in his possession, which
the General thought was his own, but indeed [he] had none but what
belonged to the Merchants. However he lent it the General, but when
he came to an Account with Captain Swan, he told him, that it was
usual at such solemn times to make Presents, and that he received it
as a Gift. He also demanded Payment for the Victuals that our Captain
and his Men did eat at his House. These things startled Captain Swan,
yet how to help himself he knew not. But all this, with other inward
troubles, lay hard on our Captain's Spirits, and put him very much
out of Humour; for his own Company also were pressing him every Day
to be gone, because, now was the heighth of the Easterly Monsoon,
the only Wind to carry us farther into the Indies.

About this time some of our Men, who were weary and tired with
wandring, ran away into the Country and absconded, they being assisted,
as was generally believed, by Raja Laut. There were others also,
who fearing we should not go to an English Port, bought a Canoa,
and designed to go in her to Borneo: For not long before a Mindanao
Vessel came from thence, and brought a Letter directed to the chief
of the English Factory at Mindanao. This Letter the General would
have Captain Swan have opened, but he thought it might come from some
of the East-India Merchants whose Affairs he would not intermeddle
with, and therefore did not open it. I since met Captain Bowry [18]
at Achin, and telling him this Story, he said that he sent that Letter,
supposing that the English were settled there at Mindanao, and by this
Letter we also thought that there was an English Factory at Borneo:
so here was a mistake on both sides. But this Canoa, wherewith some
of them thought to go to Borneo, Captain Swan took from them, and
threatned the Undertakers very hardly. However, this did not so far
discourage them, for they secretly bought another; but their Designs
taking Air, they were again frustrated by Captain Swan.

The whole Crew were at this time under a general Disaffection, and
full of very different Projects; and all for want of Action. The
main Division was between those that had Money and those that had
none. There was a great Difference in the Humours of these; for they
that had Money liv'd ashore, and did not care for leaving Mindanao;
whilst those that were poor liv'd Aboard, and urg'd Capt. Swan to go
to Sea. These began to be Unruly as well as Dissatisfy'd, and sent
ashore the Merchants Iron to sell for Rack and Honey, to make Punch,
wherewith they grew Drunk and Quarelsome: Which disorderly Actions
deterr'd me from going Aboard; for I did ever abhor Drunkenness,
which now our Men that were Aboard abandon'd themselves wholly to.

Yet these Disorders might have been crusht, if Capt. Swan had used his
Authority to Suppress them: But he with his Merchants living always
ashore, there was no Command; and therefore every Man did what he
pleased and encouraged each other in his Villanies. Now Mr. Harthop,
who was one of Captain Swan's Merchants, did very much importune him
to settle his Resolutions, and declare his Mind to his Men; which at
last he consented to do. Therefore he gave warning to all his Men to
come Aboard the 13th day of January, 1687.

We did all earnestly expect to hear what Captain Swan would propose,
and therefore were very willing to go Aboard. But unluckily for him,
two days before this Meeting was to be, Captain Swan sent Aboard
his Gunner, to fetch something ashore out of his Cabbin. The Gunner
rummaging to find what he was sent for, among other things took out
the Captain's Journal from America to the Island Guam, and laid [it]
down by him. This Journal was taken up by one John Read, a Bristol man,
whom I have mentioned in my 4th Chapter. He was a pretty Ingenious
young Man, and of a very civil carriage and behaviour. He was also
accounted a good Artist, and kept a Journal, and was now prompted
by his curiosity, to peep into Captain Swan's Journal, to see how
it agreed with his own; a thing very usual among Seamen that keep
Journals, when they have an opportunity, and especially young Men, who
have no great experience. At the first opening of the Book, he lights
on a place in which Captain Swan had inveighed bitterly against most
of his Men, especially against another John Reed a Jamaica man. This
was such stuff as he did not seek after: But hitting so pat on this
subject, his curiosity led him to pry farther; and therefore while
the Gunner was busie, he convey'd the Book away, to look over it at
his leisure. The Gunner having dispatch'd his business, lock'd up
the Cabbin-door, not missing the Book, and went ashore. Then John
Reed shewed it to his Namesake, and to the rest that were aboard,
who were by this time the biggest part of them ripe for mischief; only
wanting some fair pretence to set themselves to work upon it. Therefore
looking on what was written in this Journal to be matter sufficient
for them to accomplish their Ends, Captain Teat, who as I said before,
had been abused by Captain Swan, laid hold on this opportunity to be
revenged for his Injuries, and aggravated the matter to the height;
perswading the Men to turn out Captain Swan from being Commander, in
hopes to have commanded the Ship himself. As for the Sea-men they were
easily perswaded to anything; for they were quite tired with this long
and tedious Voyage, and most of them despaired of ever getting home,
and therefore did not care what they did, or whither they went. It was
only want of being busied in some Action that made them so uneasie;
therefore they consented to what Teat proposed, and immediately all
that were aboard bound themselves by Oath to turn Captain Swan out,
and to conceal this design from those that were ashore, until the
Ship was under Sail; which would have been presently, if the Surgeon
or his Mate had been aboard; but they were both ashore, and they
thought it no Prudence to go to Sea without a Surgeon: Therefore
the next Morning they sent ashore one John Cookworthy, to hasten off
either the Surgeon or his Mate, by pretending that one of the Men in
the Night broke his Leg by falling into the Hold. The Surgeon told
him that he intended to come aboard the next Day with the Captain,
and would not come before: but sent his Mate, Herman Coppinger.

This Man sometime before this, was sleeping at his Pegallies, and a
Snake twisted himself about his Neck; but afterwards went away without
hurting him. In this Country it is usual to have the Snakes come into
the Houses, and into the Ships too; for we had several come aboard
our Ship when we lay in the River. But to proceed, Herman Coppinger
provided to go aboard; and the next day, being the time appointed for
Captain Swan and all his Men to meet aboard, I went aboard with him,
neither of us mistrusted what was designing by those aboard, till we
came thither. Then we found it was only a trick to get the Surgeon off;
for now, having obtained their Desires, the Canoa was sent ashore again
immediately, to desire as many as they could meet to come aboard; but
not to tell the Reason, lest Captain Swan should come to hear of it.

The 13th Day in the Morning they weighed, and fired a Gun: Capt. Swan
immediately sent aboard Mr. Nelly, who was now his chief Mate, to
see what the matter was: To him they told all their Grievances, and
shewed him the Journal. He perswaded them to stay till the next day,
for an Answer from Captain Swan and the Merchants. So they came to
an Anchor again, and the next Morning Mr. Harthop came aboard: He
perswaded them to be reconciled again, or at least to stay and get
more Rice: But they were deaf to it, and weighed again while he was
aboard. Yet at Mr. Harthop's Perswasion they promised to stay till 2
a Clock in the Afternoon for Captain Swan, and the rest of the Men,
if they would come aboard; but they suffered no Man to go ashore,
except one William Williams that had a wooden Leg, and another that
was a Sawyer.

If Capt. Swan had yet come aboard, he might have dash'd all their
designs; but he neither came himself, as a Captain of any Prudence
and Courage would have done, nor sent till the time was expired. So
we left Captain Swan and about 36 Men ashore in the City, and 6 or
8 that run away; and about 16 we had buried there, the most of which
died by Poison. The Natives are very expert at Poisoning, and do it
upon small occasions: Nor did our Men want for giving Offence, through
their general Rogueries, and sometimes by dallying too familiarly with
their Women, even before their Faces. Some of their Poisons are slow
and lingering; for we had some now aboard who were Poison'd there;
but died not till some Months after.



CHAP. XIV

    They depart from the River of Mindanao. Of the time lost or
    gain'd in sailing round the World: With a Caution to Seamen,
    about the allowance they are to take for difference of the
    Suns declination. The South Coast of Mindanao. Chambongo Town
    an Harbour with its Neighbouring Keys. Green Turtle. Ruins of
    a Spanish Fort. The Westermost point of Mindanao. Two Proes
    of the Sologues laden from Manila. An Isle to the West of
    Sebo. Walking Canes. Isle of Batts, very large; and numerous
    Turtles and Manatee. A dangerous Shoal. They sail by Panay
    belonging to the Spaniards, and others of the Philippine
    Islands. Isle of Mindora. Two Barks taken. A further account
    of the Isle Luconia, and the City and Harbour of Manila. They
    go off Pulo Condore to lye there. The Shoals of Pracel,
    &c. Pulo Condore. The Tar-tree. The Mango. Grape-tree. The
    Wild or Bastard Nutmeg. Their Animals. Of the Migration of
    the Turtle from place to place. Of the Commodious Situation of
    Pulo Condore; its Water and its Cochinchinese Inhabitants. Of
    the Malayan Tongue. The Custom of prostituting their Women in
    these Countries, and in Guinea. The Idolatry here, at Tunquin,
    and among the Chinese Seamen, and of a Procession at Fort
    St. George. They refit their Ship. Two of them dye of Poyson
    they took at Mindanao. They take in Water, and a Pilot for the
    Bay of Siam. Puly Uby; and Point of Cambodia. Two Cambodian
    Vessels. Isles in the Bay of Siam. The tight Vessels and
    Seamen of the Kingdom of Champa. Storms. A Chinese Jonk from
    Palimbam in Sumatra. They come again to Pulo Condore. A bloody
    Fray with a Malayan Vessel. The Surgeon's and the Author's
    desires of leaving their Crew.


The 14th Day of January, 1687, at 3 of the Clock in the Afternoon
we sailed from the River of Mindanao, designing to cruise before
Manila. [19]

[During their stay at Mindanao the English first notice the change of
time due to their having journeyed westward. There and in other places
they find the people reckoning a full day ahead of themselves, due to
the fact that the Portuguese had journeyed thither to the eastward. The
computation at the Ladrones is the same as their own. "But how the
reckoning was at Manila, and the rest of the Spanish Colonies in
the Philippine Islands, I know not; whether they keep it as they
brought it, or corrected it by the Accounts of the Natives, and of the
Portuguese, Dutch and English, coming the contrary way from Europe."]

We had the Wind at N.N.E. fair clear Weather, and a brisk Gale. We
coasted to the Westward, on the South-side of the Island of Mindanao,
keeping within 4 or 5 Leagues of the Shore. The Land from hence tends
away W. by S. It is of a good height by the Sea, and very woody,
and in the Country we saw high Hills.

The next Day we were abrest of Chambongo [i.e., Zamboanga]; a Town
in this Island, and 30 Leagues from the River of Mindanao. Here is
said to be a good Harbour, and a great Settlement, with plenty of
Beef and Buffaloe. It is reported that the Spaniards were formerly
fortified here also: There are two shoals lie off this place, 2 or
3 Leagues from the Shoar. From thence the Land is more low and even;
yet there are some Hills in the Country.

About 6 Leagues before we came to the West-end of the Island Mindanao,
we fell in with a great many small low Islands or Keys, and about
two or three Leagues to the Southward of these Keys, there is a long
Island stretching N.E. and S.W. about 12 Leagues. [20] This Island
is low by the Sea on the North-side, and has a Ridge of Hills in the
middle, running from one end to the other. Between this Isle and the
small Keys, there is a good large Channel: Among the Keys also there
is a good depth of Water, and a violent Tide; but on what point of
the Compass it flows, I know not, nor how much it riseth and falls.

The 17th Day we anchored on the East-side of all these Keys, in
8 fathom Water, clean Sand. Here are plenty of green Turtle, whose
flesh is as sweet as any in the West Indies: but they are very shy. A
little to the Westward of these Keys, on the Island Mindanao, we saw
abundance of Coco-nut Trees: Therefore we sent our Canoa ashore,
thinking to find Inhabitants, but found none, nor sign of any;
but great Tracts of Hogs, and great Cattle; and close by the Sea
there were Ruins of an old Fort. The Walls thereof were of a good
heighth, built with Stone and Lime; and by the Workmanship seem'd to
be Spanish. From this place the Land trends W.N.W. and it is of an
indifferent heighth by the Sea. It runs on this point of the Compass
4 or 5 Leagues, and then the Land trends away N.N.W. 5 or 6 Leagues
farther, making with many bluff Points.

We weigh'd again the 14th Day, and went thro' between the Keys; but met
such uncertain Tides, that we were forced to anchor again. The 22d day
we got about the Westermost Point of all Mindanao, and stood to the
Northward, plying under the Shore, and having the Wind at N.N.E. a
fresh Gale. As we sailed along further, we found the Land to trend
N.N.E. On this part of the Island the Land is high by the Sea, with
full bluff Points, and very woody. There are some small Sandy Bays,
which afford Streams of fresh Water.

Here we met with two Prows [i.e., praus] belonging to the Sologues,
one of the Mindanaian Nations before mentioned. They came from Manila
laden with Silks and Calicoes. We kept on this Western part of the
Island steering Northerly, till we came abrest of some other of the
Philippine Islands, that lay to the Northward of us; then steered
away towards them; but still keeping on the West-side of them, and
we had the Winds at N.N.E.

The 3d of February we anchored in a good Bay on the West side of
the Island, in Lat. 9 d. 55 min. where we had 13 Fathom-water, good
soft Oaze. This Island hath no Name that we could find in any Book,
out lieth on the West side of the Island Sebo. [21] It is about 8 or
10 Leagues long, mountainous and woody. At this place Captain Read,
who was the same Captain Swan had so much railed against in his
Journal, and was now made Captain in his room (as Captain Teat was
made Master, and Mr. Henry More Quarter-Master) ordered the Carpenters
to cut down our Quarter-Deck, to make the Ship snug, and the fitter
for sailing. When that was done, we heeled her, scrubbed her Bottom,
and tallowed it. Then we fill'd all our Water, for here is a delicate
small run of Water.

The Land was pretty low in this Bay, the Mould black and fat, and
the Trees of several Kinds, very thick and tall. In some places
we found plenty of Canes, [22] such as we use in England for
Walking-Canes. These were short-jointed, not above two Foot and a
half, or two Foot ten Inches the longest, and most of them not above
two Foot. They run along on the Ground like a Vine; or taking hold
of the Trees, they climb up to their very tops. They are 15 or 20
Fathom long, and much of a bigness from the Root, till within 5 or
6 Fathom of the end. They are of a pale green Colour, cloathed over
with a Coat of short thick hairy Substance, of a dun Colour; but it
comes off by only drawing the Cane through your Hand. We did cut many
of them, and they proved very tough heavy Canes.

We saw no Houses, nor sign of Inhabitants; but while we lay here,
there was a Canoa with 6 Men came into this Bay; but whither they
were bound, or from whence they came, I know not. They were Indians,
and we could not understand them.

In the middle of this Bay, about a Mile from the Shore, there is
a small low woody Island, not above a Mile in Circumference; our
Ship rode about a Mile from it. This Island was the Habitation of
an incredible number of great Batts, with Bodies as big as Ducks,
or large Fowl, and with vast Wings: For I saw at Mindanao one of
this sort, and I judge that the Wings stretcht out in length, could
not be less assunder than 7 or 8 Foot from tip to tip; for it was
much more than any of us could fathom with our Arms extended to the
utmost. The Wings are for Substance like those of other Batts, of a
Dun or Mouse colour. The Skin or Leather of them hath Ribs running
along it, and draws up in 3 or 4 Folds; and at the joints of those
Ribs and the Extremities of the Wings, there are sharp and crooked
Claws, by which they may hang on any thing. [A further description
of the great bats and their habits follows.] At this Isle also we
found plenty of Turtle and Manatee, but no Fish.

We stay'd here till the 10th of February, 1687, and then having
compleated our Business, we sailed hence with the Wind at North. But
going out we struck on a Rock, where we lay two Hours: It was very
smooth Water, and the Tide of Flood, or else we should have lost
our Ship. We struck off a great piece of our Rudder, which was all
the damage that we received, but we more narrowly mist losing our
Ships this time, than in any other in the whole Voyage. This is a
very dangerous Shoal, because it does not break, unless probably it
may appear in foul Weather. It lies about two mile to the Westward,
without the small Batt Island. Here we found the Tide of Flood setting
to the Southward, and the Ebb to the Northward.

After we were past this Shoal, we Coasted along by the rest of the
Philippine Islands, keeping on the West-side of them. Some of them
appeared to be very Mountainous dry Land. We saw many Fires in the
Night as we passed by Panay, a great Island settled by Spaniards,
and by the Fires up and down it seems to be well settled by them;
for this is a Spanish Custom, whereby they give Notice of any Danger
or the like from Sea; and 'tis probable they had seen our Ship the
day before. This is an unfrequented Coast, and 'tis rare to have any
Ship seen there. We touched not at Panay, nor any where else; tho'
we saw a great many small Islands to the Westward of us, and some
Shoals, but none of them laid down in our Draughts.

The 18th Day of Feb. we anchored at the N.W. end of the Island
Mindora, [23] in 10 Fathom-water, about 3 quarters of a Mile from
the Shore. Mindora is a large Island; the middle of it lying in
Lat. 13. about 40 Leagues long, stretching N.W. and S.E. It is High
and Mountainous, and not very Woody. At this Place where we anchored
the Land was neither very high nor low. There was a small Brook of
Water, and the Land by the Sea was very Woody, and the Trees high
and tall, but a League or two farther in, the Woods are very thin and
small. Here we saw great tracks of Hogs and Beef, and we saw some of
each, and hunted them; but they were wild, and we could kill none.

While we were here, there was a Canoa with 4 Indians came from
Manila. They were very shy of us a while: but at last, hearing us
speak Spanish, they came to us, and told us, that they were going to
a Fryer that liv'd at an Indian Village towards the S.E. end of the
Island. They told us also, that the Harbour of Manila is seldom or
never without 20 or 30 Sail of Vessels, most Chinese, some Portugueze,
and some few the Spaniards have of their own. They said, that when
they had done their business with the Fryer they would return to
Manila, and hoped to be back again at this place in 4 Days time. We
told them, that we came for a Trade with the Spaniards at Manila, and
should be glad if they would carry a Letter to some Merchant there,
which they promised to do. But this was only a pretence of ours,
to get out of them what intelligence we could as to their Shipping,
Strength, and the like, under Colour of seeking a Trade; for our
business was to pillage. Now if we had really designed to have Traded
there, this was as fair an opportunity as Men could have desired: for
these Men could have brought us to the Frier that they were going to,
and a small Present to him would have engaged him to do any kindness
in the way of Trade: for the Spanish Governors do not allow of it,
and we must Trade by stealth.

The 21st Day we went from hence with the Wind at E.N.E. a small
gale. The 23d Day in the Morning we were fair by the S.E. end of the
Island Luconia, the Place that had been so long desired by us. We
presently saw a Sail coming from the Northward, and making after her
we took her in 2 Hours time. She was a Spanish Bark, that came from
a place called Pangasanam, a small town on the N. end of Luconia,
as they told us; probably the same with Pagassinay, which lies on a
Bay at the N. W. side of the Island. She was bound to Manila but had
no goods aboard; and therefore we turned her away.

The 23d. we took another Spanish Vessel that came from the same place
of the other. She was laden with Rice and Cotton-Cloth, and bound for
Manila also. These Goods were purposely for the Acapulco Ship: The
Rice was for the Men to live on while they lay there, and in their
return: and the Cotton-cloth was to make Sail. The Master of this
Prize was Boatswain of the Acapulco Ship which escaped us at Guam,
and was now at Manila. It was this Man that gave us the Relation of
what Strength it had, how they were afraid of us there, and of the
accident that happen'd to them, as is before mentioned in the 10th
Chapter. We took these two Vessels within 7 or 8 Leagues of Manila.

Luconia I have spoken of already: but I shall now add this further
account of it. It is a great Island, taking up between 6 and 7
degrees of Lat. in length, and its breadth near the middle is about
60 Leagues; but the ends are narrow. The North end lies in about
19 d. North Lat. and the S. end in about 12 d. 30 m. This great
Island hath abundance of small Keys or Islands lying about it;
especially at the North-end. The South-side fronts towards the rest
of the Philippine Islands: Of these that are its nearest Neighbours,
Mindora, lately mentioned, is the chief, and gives name to the Sea
or Streight that parts it and the other Islands from Luconia: being
called the Streights of Mindora.

The Body of the Island Luconia is composed of many spacious plain
Savannahs, and large Mountains. The North-end seems to be more plain
and even, I mean freer from Hills, than the South-end: but the Land
is all along of a good heighth. It does not appear so flourishing
and green as some of the other Islands in this Range; especially
that of St. John, Mindanao, Batt Island, &c. yet in some places it
is very Woody. Some of the Mountains of this Island afford Gold,
and the Savannahs are well stockt with herds of Cattle, especially
Buaffaloes[sic]. These Cattle are in great plenty all over the
East-Indies; and therefore 'tis very probable that there were many of
these here even before the Spaniards come hither. But now there are
now also plenty of other Cattle, as I have been told, as Bullocks,
Horses, Sheep, Goats, Hogs, &c. brought hither by the Spaniards.

It is pretty well inhabited with Indians, most of them, if not all,
under the Spaniards, who now are masters of it. The Native Indians do
live together in Towns; and they have Priests among them to instruct
them in the Spanish Religion.

Manila the chief, or perhaps the only City, lies at the foot of
a ridge of high Hills, facing upon a spacious Harbour near the
S.W. point of the Island, in about the Lat. of 14 d. North. It is
environ'd with a high strong Wall, and very well fortify'd with
Forts and Breast-works. The Houses are large, strongly built, and
covered with Pan-tile. The Streets are large and pretty regular;
with a Parade in the midst, after the Spanish fashion. There are a
great many fair Buildings, beside Churches and other Religious Houses;
of which there are not a few.

The Harbour is so large, that some hundreds of Ships may ride here:
and is never without many, both of their own and strangers. I have
already given you an account of the two Ships going and coming between
this place and Acapulco. Besides them, they have some small Vessels
of their own; and they do not allow the Portuguese to trade here, but
the Chinese are the chiefest Merchants, and they drive the greatest
Trade; for they have commonly 20 or 30, or 40 Jonks in the Harbour at
a time, and a great many Merchants constantly residing in the City,
beside Shop-keepers, and Handy-crafts-men in abundance. Small Vessels
run up near the Town, but the Acapulco. Ships and others of greater
burthen, lye a League short of it, where there is a strong Fort also,
and Store-houses to put Goods in.

I had the major part of this relation 2 or 3 years after this time,
from Mr. Coppinger our Surgeon, for he made a Voyage hither from
Porto Nova, a Town on the Coast of Coromandel; in a Portuguese Ship,
as I think. Here he found 10 or 12 of Captain Swan's men; some of
those that we left at Mindanao. For after we came from thence, they
brought a Proe there, by the Instigation of an Irish man, who went
by the name of John Fitz-Gerald, a person that spoke Spanish very
well; and so in this their Proe they came hither. They had been here
but 18 months when Mr. Coppinger arrived here, and Mr. Fitz-Gerald
had in this time gotten a Spanish Mustesa Woman to Wife, and a good
Dowry with her. He then professed Physick and Surgery, and was highly
esteemed among the Spaniards for his supposed knowledge in those Arts:
for being always troubled with sore Shins while he was with us, he
kept some Plaisters and Salves by him; and with these he set up upon
his bare natural stock of knowledge, and his experience in Kibes. But
then he had a very great stock of Confidence withal, to help out the
other, and being an Irish Roman Catholick, and having the Spanish
Language he had a great advantage of all his Consorts; and he alone
lived well there of them all. We were not within sight of this Town,
but I was shewn the Hills that over-looked it, and drew a draft of
them as we lay off at Sea; which I have caused to be engraven among
a few others that I took my self:....

[The season for successful operations near Manila having passed,
the mutineers decide to go to some islands near the Cambodian shore
to wait until about May, the time for the Acapulco galleon, choosing
those islands as they were somewhat retired. The prisoners are set
ashore on the island of Luzon, and that island is left February 26. On
March 14 anchor is cast on Pulo (or Island) Condore, the largest and
only inhabited one of those islands which lie in north latitude 8°
40'. A short description of the islands, their products, fauna,
and inhabitants (who are Cochinchinese) and some of their customs
follows. At this island the ship is careened and refitted. There
also "2 of our Men died, who were poison'd at Mindanao, they told
us of it when they found themselves poison'd, and had linger'd ever
since. They were opened by our Doctor, according to their own Request
before they died, and their Livers were black, light and dry, like
pieces of Cork." After filling the water-butts anchor is weighed
(April 21) and the course taken to Pulo Ubi near Siam, reaching that
island April 23. From that date until May 13 they cruise about the
bay of Siam where they are becalmed. May 24 they anchor again at Pulo
Condore, together with a Chinese vessel laden with pepper from Sumatra;
from its men they learn that the "English were settled in the Island
Sumatra, at a place called Sillabar; and the first knowledge we had
that the English had any settlement on Sumatra was from these." [24]
An attempt there to investigate a Malayan vessel ends fatally for a
number of the English; for the Malays, thinking them to be pirates,
set upon the boarding party, and kill a number of them. At that
island also the surgeon, Herman Coppinger, attempts to escape, but
is taken back to the ship. Dampier is only deterred from making the
same attempt because he desires a more convenient opportunity. "For
neither he nor I, when we were last on board at Mindanao, had any
knowledge of the Plot that was laid to leave Captain Swan, and run
away with the Ship; and being sufficiently weary of this mad Crew,
we were willing to give them the slip at any place from whence we
might hope to get a passage to an English Factory."]



CHAP. XV

    They leave Pulo Condore, designing for Manila, but are driven
    off from thence, and from the Isle of Prata, by the Winds,
    and brought upon the Coast of China. Isle of St. John, on the
    Coast of the Province of Canton; its Soil and Productions,
    China Hogs, &c. The Inhabitants; and of the Tartars forcing
    the Chinese to cut off their Hair. Their Habits, and the little
    Feet of their Women. China-ware China-roots, Tea, &c. A Village
    at St. John's Island, and of their Husbandry of their Rice. A
    Story of a Chinese Pagoda, or Idol-Temple, and Image. Of the
    China Jonks, and their Rigging. They leave St. John's and the
    Coast of China. A most outragious Storm. Corpus Sant, a Light,
    or Meteor appearing in Storms. The Piscadores, or Fishers
    Islands near Formosa: A Tartarian Garrison, and Chinese Town
    on one of these Islands. They anchor in the Harbour near the
    Tartars Garrison, and treat with the Governour. Of Amoy in
    the Province of Fokieu, and Macao a Chinese and Portuguese
    Town near Canton in China. The Habits of a Tartarian Officer
    and his Retinue. Their Presents, excellent Beef. Samciu,
    a sort of Chinese Arack, and Hocciu a kind of Chinese Mum,
    and the Jars it is bottled in. Of the Isle of Formosa, and
    the five Islands; to which they give the Names of Orange,
    Monmouth, Grafton, Bashee, and Goat-Islands, in general,
    the Bashee-Islands. A Digression concerning the different
    depths of the Sea near high or low Lands. The Soil, &c. as
    before. The Soil, Fruits and Animals of these Islands. The
    Inhabitants and their Cloathing. Rings of a yellow Metal
    like Gold. Their Houses built on remarkable Precipices. Their
    Boats and Employments. Their Food, of Goat Skins, Entrails,
    &c. Parcht Locusts. Bashee, or Sugar-cane Drink. Of their
    Language and Original, Launces and Buffaloe Coats. No Idols,
    nor civil Form of Government. A young Man buried alive by
    them; supposed to be for Theft. Their Wives and Children, and
    Husbandry. Their Manners, Entertainments, and Traffick. Of the
    Ships first Entercourse with these People, and Bartering with
    them. Their Course among the Islands; their stay there, and
    provision to depart. They are driven off by a violent Storm,
    and return. The Natives Kindness to 6 of them left behind. The
    Crew discouraged by those Storms, quit their design of Cruising
    off Manila for the Acapulco Ship; and 'tis resolved to fetch
    a Compass to Cape Comorin, and so for the Red-Sea.


[The first part of this chapter, as is seen by the above list of
contents, relates to China and islands near the Chinese coast. Most
of the second half of the chapter relates to the Bashee or Batanes
Islands and is as follows.]

We stayed here [i.e., at the Piscador Islands near China] till the
29th Day [of July, 1687], and then sailed from hence with the Wind
at S.W. and pretty fair Weather. We now directed our course for
some Islands we had chosen to go to, that lye between Formosa and
Luconia. They are laid down in our Plots without any name, only with
a figure of 5, denoting the number of them. It was supposed by us,
that these Islands had no Inhabitants, because they had not any name
by our Hydrographers. Therefore we thought to lye there secure, and
be pretty near the Island Luconia, which we did still intend to visit.

In going to them we sailed by the South West end of Formosa, leaving
it on our Larboard-side. This is a large Island; the South-end is
in Lat. 21 d. 20 m. and the North-end in 25 d. 10 m. North Lat. the
Longitude of this Island is laid down 142 d. 5 m. to 143 d. 16
m. reckoning East from the Pike of Tenariffe, so that 'tis but narrow;
and the Tropick of Cancer crosses it. It is a High and Woody Island,
and was formerly well inhabited by the Chinese, and was then frequently
visited by English Merchants, there being a very good Harbour to
secure their Ships. But since the Tartars have conquered China,
they have spoiled the Harbour, (as I have been informed) to hinder
the Chinese that were then in Rebellion, from Fortifying themselves
there; and ordered the Foreign Merchants to come and Trade on the Main.

The sixth day of August we arrived at the five Islands that we were
bound to, and anchored on the East-side of the Northermost Island,
in 15 Fathom, a Cable's length from the Shore. Here, contrary to our
Expectation, we found abundance of Inhabitants in sight; for there
were 3 large Towns all within a League of the Sea; and another larger
Town than any of the three, and the backside of a small Hill close
by also, as we found afterwards. These Islands lie in Lat. 20 d. 20
m. North Lat. by my Observation, for I took it there, and I find
their Longitude according to our Drafts, to be 141 d. 50 m. These
Islands having no particular Names in the Drafts, some or other of
us made use of the Seamens priviledge, to give them what Names we
pleased. Three of the Islands were pretty large; the Westermost is
the biggest. This the Dutchmen who were among us called the Prince
of Orange's Island, in honour of his present Majesty. It is about
7 or 8 Leagues long, and about two Leagues wide; and it lies almost
N. and S. The other two great Islands are about 4 or 5 Leagues to the
Eastward of this. The Northermost of them, where we first anchored, I
called the Duke of Grafton's Isle, as soon as we landed on it; having
married my W[i]fe out of his Dutchess's Family, and leaving her at
Arlington-house, at my going Abroad. This Isle is about 4 Leagues long,
and one League and a half wide, stretching North and South. The other
great Island our Seamen called the Duke of Monmouth's Island. This
is about a League to the Southward of Grafton Isle. It is about 3
Leagues long, and a League wide, lying as the other. Between Monmouth
and the South end of Orange Island, there are two small Islands of a
roundish Form, lying East and West. The Eastermost Island of the two,
our Men unanimously called Bashee Island, [25] from a Liquor which
we drank there plentifully every day, after we came to an Anchor at
it. The other, which is the smallest of all, we called Goat Island,
from the great number of Goats there; and to the Northward of them all,
are two high Rocks.

Orange Island, which is the biggest of them all, is not Inhabited. It
is high Land, flat and even on the top, with steep Cliffs against the
Sea; for which Reason we could not go ashore there, as we did on all
the rest.

[Some general remarks on high and low lands and anchorages nearby
follow, in which the author states almost as an axiom that good
anchorages are found near low lands, while high rocky lands have
poor anchorages.]

But to return from this Digression, to speak of the rest of these
Islands. Monmouth and Grafton Isles are very Hilly, with many of
those steep inhabited Precipi[c]es on them, that I shall describe
particularly. The two small Islands are flat and even; only the Bashee
Island hath one steep scraggy Hill, but Goat Island is all flat and
very even.

The Mold of these Islands in the Valley, is blackish in some places,
but in most red. The Hills are very rocky: The Valleys are well watered
with Brooks of fresh Water, which run into the Sea in many different
places. The Soil is indifferent fruitful, especially in the Valleys;
producing pretty great plenty of Trees (tho' not very big) and thick
Grass. The sides of the Mountains have also short Grass; and some of
the Mountains have Mines within them, or the Natives told us, That
the yellow Metal they shewed us, (as I shall speak more particularly)
came from these Mountains; for when they held it up they would point
towards them.

The fruit of the Islands are a few Plantains, Bonanoes, Pineapples,
Pumkins, Sugar-canes, &c. and there might be more if the Natives would,
for the Ground seems fertile enough. Here are great plenty of Potatoes,
and Yames, which is the common Food for the Natives, for Bread-kind:
For those few Plantains they have, are only used as Fruit. They have
some Cotton growing here of the small Plants.

Here are plenty of Goats, and abundance of Hogs; but few Fowls,
either wild or tame. For this I have always observed in my Travels,
both in the East and West Indies, that in those Places where there
is plenty of Grain, that is, of Rice in one, and Maiz in the other,
there are also found great abundance of Fowls; but on the contrary,
few Fowls in those Countries where the Inhabitants feed on Fruits and
Roots only. The few wild Fowls that are here, are Parakites, and some
other small Birds. Their tame Fowl are only a few Cocks and Hens.

Monmouth and Grafton Islands are very thick inhabited; and Bashee
Island hath one Town on it. The Natives of these Islands are short
squat People; they are generally round visaged, with low Foreheads,
and thick Eye-brows; their Eyes of a hazle colour, and small, yet
bigger than the Chinese; short low Noses, and their Lip and Mouths
middle proportioned. Their Teeth are white; their Hair is black,
and thick, and lank, which they wear but short; it will just cover
their Ears, and so it is cut round very even. Their Skins are of a
very dark copper colour.

They wear no Hat, Cap, nor Turban, nor any thing to keep off the
Sun. The Men for the biggest part have only a small Clout to cover
their Nakedness; some of them have Jackets made of Plantain-leaves,
which were as rough as any Bear's-skin: I never saw such rugged
Things. The Women have a short Petticoat made of Cotton, which comes a
little below their Knees. It is a thick sort of stubborn Cloth, which
they make themselves of their Cotton. Both Men and Women do wear large
Ear-rings, made of that yellow Metal before mentioned. Whether it were
Gold or no I cannot positively say: I took it to be so; it was heavy,
and of the colour of our paler Gold. I would fain have brought away
some to have satisfied my Curiosity; but I had nothing where with
to buy any. Captain Read bought two of these Rings with some Iron,
of which the People are very greedy; and he would have bought more,
thinking he was come to a very fair Market, but that the paleness of
the Metal made him and the Crew distrust its being right Gold. For
my part, I should have ventured on the purchase of some, but having
no property in the Iron, of which we had great store on board, sent
from England, by the Merchants along with Captain Swan, I durst not
barter it away.

These Rings when first polished look very gloriously, but time makes
them fade, and turn to a pale yellow. Then they make a soft Paste
of red Earth, and smearing it over their Rings, they cast them into
a quick Fire, where they remain till they be red hot; then they take
them out and cool them in Water, and rub off the Paste; and they look
again of a glorious Colour and Lustre.

These People make but small low Houses. The sides which are made of
small Posts, watled with Boughs, are not above 4 foot and a half high:
the Ridge-pole is about 7 or 8 foot high. They have a Fire-place
at one end of their Houses, and Boards placed on the Ground to lye
on. They inhabit together in small Villages built on the sides and
tops of rocky Hills, 3 or 4 rows of Houses one above another, and on
such steep Precipices, that they go up to the first Row with a wooden
Ladder, and so with a Ladder still from every Story up to that above
it, there being no way to ascend. The Plain on the first Precipice may
be so wide, as to have room both for a Row of Houses that stand all
along on the Edge or Brink of it, and a very narrow Street running
along before their Doors, between the Row of Houses and the foot of
the next Precipice; the Plain of which is in a manner level to the
tops of the Houses below, and so for the rest. The common Ladder to
each Row or Street comes up at a narrow Passage left purposely about
the middle of it; and the Street being bounded with a Precipice also
at each end, 'tis but drawing up the Ladder, if they be assaulted,
and then there is no coming at them from below, but by climbing up
as against a perpendicular Wall: And that they may not be assaulted
from above, they take care to build on the side of such a Hill, whose
backside hangs over the Sea, or is some high, steep, perpendicular
Precipice, altogether inaccessible. These Precipices are natural; for
the Rocks seem too hard to work on; nor is there any sign that Art
hath been employed about them. On Bashee Island there is one such,
and built upon, with its back next the Sea. Grafton and Monmouth
Isles are very thick set with these Hills and Towns; and the Natives,
whether for fear of Pirates, or Foreign Enemies, or Factions among
their own Clans, care not for Building but in these Fastnesses; which
I take to be the Reason that Orange Isle, though the largest, and as
Fertile as any, yet being Level, and exposed, hath no Inhabitants. I
never saw the like Precipices and Towns.

These Towns are pretty Ingenious also in building Boats. Their small
Boats are much like our Deal Yalls, but not so big; and they are
built with very narrow Plank, pinn'd with wooden Pins, and some
Nails. They have also some pretty large Boats, which will carry
40 or 50 Men. These they Row with 12 or 14 Oars of a side. They
are built much like the small ones, and they Row doubled Banked;
that is, two Men setting on one Bench, but one Rowing on one side,
the other on the other side of the Boat. They understand the use of
Iron, and work it themselves. Their Bellows are like those at Mindanao.

The common Imployment for the Men is Fishing; but I did never see
them catch much: Whether it is more plenty at other times of the Year
I know not. The Women do manage their Plantations.

I did never see them kill any of their Goats or Hogs for themselves,
yet they would beg the Panches of the Goats that they themselves
did sell to us: And if any of our surly Seamen did heave them into
the Sea, they would take them up again, and the Skins of the Goats
also. They would not meddle with Hog-guts, if our Men threw away any
beside what they made Chitterlings and Sausages of. The Goat-skins
these People would carry ashore, and making a Fire they would singe
oft all the Hair, and afterwards let the Skin lie and Pearch on the
Coals, till they thought it eatable; and then they would knaw it,
and tear it to pieces with their Teeth, and at last swallow it. The
Paunches of the Goats would make them an excellent Dish; they drest it
in this manner. They would turn out all the Chopt Grass and Crudities
found in the Maw into their Pots, and set it over the Fire, and stir
it about often: This would Smoak and Puff, and heave up as it was
Boyling; wind breaking out of the Ferment, and making a very savory
Stink. While this was doing, if they had any Fish, as commonly they
had 2 or 3 small Fish, these they would make very clean (as hating
nastiness belike) and cut the Flesh from the Bone, and then mince the
Flesh as small as possibly they could, and when that in the Pot was
well boiled, they would take it up, and strewing a little Salt into it,
they would eat it, mixt with their raw minced Flesh. The Dung in the
Maw would look like so much boil'd Herbs minc'd very small; and they
took up their Mess with their Fingers, as the Moors do their Pilaw,
[26] using no Spoons.

They had another Dish made of a sort of Locusts, whose Bodies were
about an Inch and an half long, and as thick as the top of one's
little Finger; with large thin Wings, and long and small Legs. At
this time of the Year these Creatures came in great Swarms to devour
their Potato-leaves, and other Herbs; and the Natives would go out
with small Nets, and take a Quart at one sweep. When they had enough,
they would carry them home, and Parch them over the Fire in an earthen
Pan; and then their Wings and Legs would fall off, and their Heads and
Backs would turn red like boil'd Shrimps, being before brownish. Their
Bodies being full, would eat very moist, their Heads would crackle,
in one's Teeth. I did eat once of this Dish, and liked it well enough;
but their other Dish my Stomach would not take.

Their common Drink is Water; as it is of all other Indians: Beside
which they make a sort of Drink with the Juice of the Sugar-cane,
which they boil, and put some small black sort of Berries among
it. When it is well boiled, they put it into great Jars, and let it
stand 3 or 4 days and work. Then it settles and becomes clear, and
is presently fit to drink. This is an excellent Liquor, and very much
like English Beer, both in Colour and Taste. It is very strong, and I
do believe very wholesome: For our Men, who drunk briskly of it all day
for several Weeks, were frequently drunk with it, and never sick after
it. The Natives brought a vast deal of it every day to those aboard
and ashore: For some of our Men were ashore at work on Bashee Island;
which Island they gave that Name to from their drinking this Liquor
there; that being the Name which the Natives call'd this Liquor by:
and as they sold it to our Men very cheap, so they did not spare
to drink it as freely. And indeed from the plenty of this Liquor,
and their plentiful use of it, our Men call'd all these Islands,
the Bashee Islands.

What Language these People do speak I know not: for it had no affinity
in sound to the Chinese, which is spoke much through the Teeth;
nor yet to the Malayan Language. They called the Metal that their
Ear-rings were made of Bullawan, which is the Mindana word for Gold;
therefore probably they may be related to the Philippine Indians; for
that is the general Name for Gold among all those Indians. I could not
learn from whence they have their Iron; but it is most likely they go
in their great Boats to the North end of Luconia, and Trade with the
Indians of that Island for it. Neither did I see any thing beside Iron,
and pieces of Buffaloes Hides, which I could judge that they bought
of Strangers: Their Cloaths were of their own Growth and Manufacture.

These Men had Wooden Lances, and a few Lances headed with Iron;
which are all the Weapons that they have. Their Armour is a piece of
Buffaloe-hide, shaped like our Carters Frocks, being without Sleeves,
and sowed both sides together, with holes for the Head and the Arms to
come forth. This Buff-Coat reaches down to their Knees: It is close
about their Shoulders, but below it is 3 Foot wide, and as thick as
a Board.

I could never perceive them to Worship any thing, neither had they any
Idols; neither did they seem to observe any one day more than other. I
could never perceive that one Man was of greater Power than another;
but they seemed to be all equal; only every Man ruling his own House,
and the Children Respecting and Honouring their Parents.

Yet 'tis probable that they have some Law, or Custom, by which they
are govern'd; for while we lay here we saw a young Man buried alive
in the Earth; and 'twas for Theft, as far as we could understand from
them. There was a great deep hole dug, and abundance of People came to
the Place to take their last Farewell of him: Among the rest, there
was one Woman who made great Lamentation, and took off the condemn'd
Person's Ear-rings. We supposed her to be his Mother. After he had
taken his leave of her and some others, he was put into the Pit,
and covered over with Earth He did not struggle, but yielded very
quietly to his Punishment; and they cramm'd the Earth close upon him,
and stifled him.

They have but one Wife, with whom they live and agree very well;
and their Children live very obediently under them. The Boys go out
a Fishing with their Fathers; and the Girls live at home with their
Mothers: And when the Girls are grown pretty strong, they send them
to their Plantations, to dig Yames and Potatoes; of which they bring
home on their Heads every day enough to serve the whole Family;
for they have no Rice nor Maize.

Their Plantations are in the Valleys, at a good distance from their
Houses; where every Man has a certain spot of Land, which is properly
his own. This he manageth himself for his own use; and provides enough,
that he may not be beholding to his Neighbour.

Notwithstanding the seeming nastiness of their Dish of Goats Maw,
they are in their Persons a very neat cleanly People, both Men and
Women: And they are withal the quietest and civilest People that
I did ever meet with. I could never perceive them to be angry with
one another. I have admired to see 20 or 30 Boats aboard our Ship at
a time, and yet no difference among them; but all civil and quiet,
endeavouring to help each other on occasion; No noise nor appearance
of distaste: and although sometimes cross Accidents would happen,
which might have set other Men together by the Ears, yet they were
not moved by them. Sometimes they will also drink freely, and warm
themselves with their Drink; yet neither then could I ever perceive
them out of Humour. They are not only thus civil among themselves,
but very obliging and kind to Strangers; nor were their Children rude
to us, as is usual. Indeed the Women, when we came to their Houses,
would modestly beg any Rags, or small pieces of Cloth, to swaddle
their young ones in, holding out their Children to us; and begging
is usual among all these wild Nations. Yet neither did they beg so
importunely as in other Places; nor did the Men ever beg any thing
at all. Neither, except once at the first time we came to an Anchor
(as I shall relate) did they steal any thing; but dealt justly, and
with great sincerity with us; and made us very welcome to their Houses
with Bashee drink. If they had none of this Liquor themselves, they
would buy a Jar of Drink of their Neighbours, and sit down with us:
for we could see them go and give a piece or two of their Gold for
some Jars of Bashee. And indeed among Wild Indians, as these seem
to be, I wonder'd to see buying and selling, which is not so usual;
nor to converse so freely, as to go aboard Stranger's Ships with so
little caution: Yet their own small Trading may have brought them
to this. At these entertainments they and their Family, Wife and
Children drank out of small Callabashes; and when by themselves, they
drink about from one to another; but when any of us came among them,
they would always drink to one of us.

They have no sort of Coin; but they have small Crumbs of the Metal
before described, which they bind up very safe in Plantain Leaves,
or the like. This Metal they exchange for what they want, giving
a small quantity of it, about 2 or 3 Grains, for a Jar of Drink,
that would hold 5 or 6 Gallons. They have no Scales, but give it by
guess. Thus much in general.

To proceed therefore with our Affairs, I have said before, that
we anchored here the 6th day of August. While we were furling our
Sails, there came near 100 Boats of the Natives aboard, with 3 or
4 Men in each; so that our Deck was full of Men. We were at first
afraid of them, and therefore got up 20 or 30 small Arms on our
Poop, and kept 3 or 4 Men as Centinels, with Guns in their Hands,
ready to fire on them if they had offered to molest us. But they
were pretty quiet, only they pickt up such old Iron that they found
on our Deck, and they also took out our Pump-Bolts, and Linch-Pins
out of the Carriages of our Guns, before we perceived them. At last,
one of our Men perceived one of them very busie getting out one of our
Linch Pins; and took hold of the fellow, who immediately bawl'd out,
and all the rest presently leaped overboard, some into their Boats,
others into the Sea; and they all made away for the Shore. But when
we perceived their Fright, we made much of him that was in hold,
who stood Trembling all the while; and at last we gave him a small
piece of Iron, with which he immediately leapt overboard and swam
to his Consorts; who hovered about our Ship to see the Issue. Then
we beckned to them to come aboard again, being very loth to lose a
Commerce with them. Some of the Boats came aboard again, and they
were always very Honest and Civil afterward.

We presently after this sent a Canoa ashore, to see their manner of
living, and what Provision they had: The Canao's Crew were made very
welcome with Bashee drink, and saw abundance of Hogs, some of which
they bought, and returned aboard. After this the Natives brought
aboard both Hogs and Goats to us in their own Boats; and every day we
should have 15 or 20 Hogs and Goats in Boats aboard by our side. These
we bought for a small matter; we could buy a good fat Goat for an
old Iron Hoop, and a Hog of 70 or 80 pound weight for 2 or 3 pound
of Iron. Their drink also they brought off in Jars, which we bought
for old Nails, Spikes, and Leaden Bullets. Besides the fore-mentioned
Commodities, they brought aboard great quantities of Yams and Potatoes;
which we purchased for Nails, Spikes, or Bullets. It was one Man's
work to be all day cutting out Bars of Iron into small pieces with a
cold Chisel: And these were for the great Purchases of Hogs and Goats,
which they would not sell for Nails, as their Drinks and Roots. We
never let them know what Store we have, that they may value it the
more. Every Morning, as soon as it was light, they would thus come
aboard with their Commodities; which we bought as we had occasion. We
did commonly furnish our selves with as many Goats and Roots as served
us all the day; and their Hogs we bought in large Quantities, as we
thought convenient; for we salted them. Their Hogs were very sweet;
but I never saw so many Meazled ones.

We filled all our Water at a curious Brook close by us in Grafton's
Isle, where we first anchored. We stayed there about three or four
days, before we went to other Islands. We sailed to the Southward,
passing on the East-side of Grafton Island, and then passed thro'
between that and Monmouth Island; but we found no Anchoring till we
came to the North end of Monmouth Island, and there we stopt during
one Tide. The Tide runs very strong here, and sometimes makes a short
chopping Sea. Its course among these Islands is S. by E. and N. by
W. The Flood sets to the North, and Ebb to the South, and it riseth
and falleth 8 Foot.

When we went from hence, we coasted about 2 Leagues to the Southward,
on the West side of Monmouth Island; and finding no Anchor-ground,
we stood over to the Bashee Island, and came to an Anchor on the
North East part of it, against a small sandy Bay, in 7 fathom clean
hard Sand, and about a quarter of a Mile from the Shore. Here is a
pretty wide Channel between these two Islands, and Anchoring all over
it. The Depth of Water is 2, 14, and 16 Fathom.

We presently built a Tent ashore, to mend our Sails in, and stay'd
all the rest of our time here, viz. from the 13th day of August till
the 26th day of September. In which time we mended our Sails, and
scrubb'd our Ships bottom very well; and every day some of us went to
their Towns, and were kindly entertained by them. Their Boats also
came aboard with their Merchandize to sell, and lay aboard all Day;
and if we did not take it off their Hands one Day, they would bring
the same again the next.

We had yet the Winds at S.W. and S.S.W. mostly fair Weather. In October
we did expect the Winds to shift to the N.E. and therefore we provided
to sail (as soon as the Eastern Monsoon was settled) to cruize off
at Manila. Accordingly we provided a stock of Provision. We salted
70 or 80 good fat Hogs, and bought Yams and Potatoes good store to
eat at Sea.

About the 24th day of September, the Winds shifted about to the East,
and from thence to the N.E. fine fair Weather. The 25th it came at
N. and began to grow fresh, and the Sky began to be clouded; and the
Wind freshened on us.

At 12 a clock at night it blew a very fierce Storm. We were then riding
with our best Bower [27] a Head and though our Yards and Top-mast
were down, yet we drove. This obliged us to let go our Sheet-Anchor,
veering out a good scope of Cable, which stopt us till 10 or 11 a
clock the next day. Then the Wind came on so fierce, that she drove
again, with both Anchors a-head. The Wind was now at N. by W. and we
kept driving till 3 or 4 a clock in the afternoon: and it was well
for us that there were no Islands, Rocks, or Sands in our way, for
if there had, we must have been driven upon them. We used our utmost
endeavours to stop here, being loath to go to Sea, because we had six
of our Men ashore, who could not get off now. At last we were driven
off into deep Water, and then it was in vain to wait any longer:
Therefore we hove in our Sheet Cable, and got up our Sheet Anchor,
and cut away our best Bower, (for to have heav'd her up then would
have gone near to have foundred us) and so put to Sea. We had very
violent Weather the night ensuing, with very hard Rain, and we were
forced to scud with our bare Poles till 3 a Clock in the morning. Then
the Wind slacken'd, and we brought our Ship to, under a mizen, and
lay with our Head to the Westward. The 27th day the Wind abated much,
but it rained very hard all day, and the Night ensuing. The 28th day
the Wind came about to the N.E. and it cleared up, and blew a hard
Gale, but it stood not there, for it shifted about to the Eastward,
thence to the S.E. then to the South, and at last settled at S.W. and
then we had a moderate Gale and fair Weather.

It was the 29th day when the Wind came to the S.W. Then we made all
the Sail we could for the Island again. The 30th day we had the Wind at
West, and saw the Islands; but could not get in before night. Therefore
we stood off to the Southward till two a Clock in the morning; then we
tackt, and stood in all the morning, and about 12 a clock, the 1st day
of October, we anchored again at the place from whence we were driven.

Then our six men were brought aboard by the Natives, to whom we gave
3 whole Bars of Iron, for their kindness and civility, which was an
extraordinary to them. Mr. Robert Hall was one of the Men that was
left ashore. I shall speak more of him hereafter. He and the rest of
them told me, that after the Ship was out of sight, the Natives began
to be more kind to them than they had been before, and persuaded them
to cut their Hair short, as theirs was, offering to each of them
if they would do it, a young Woman to Wife, and a small Hatchet,
and other Iron Utensils, fit for a Planter, in Dowry; and withal
shewed them a piece of Land for them to manage. They were courted
thus by several of the Town where they then were: but they took up
their head quarters at the House of him with whom they first went
ashore. When the Ship appeared in sight again, then they importuned
them for some Iron, which is the chief thing that they covet, even
above their Ear-rings. We might have bought all their Ear-rings, or
other Gold they had, with our Iron-bars, had we been assured of its
goodness; and yet when it was touch'd and compar'd with other Gold,
we could not discern any difference, tho' it look'd so pale in the
lump; but the seeing them polish it so often, was a new discouragement.

This last Storm put our Men quite out of heart: for although it was not
altogether so fierce as that which we were in on the Coast of China,
which was still fresh in Memory, yet it wrought more powerfully, and
frighted them from their design of cruising before Manila, fearing
another Storm there. Now every Man wisht himself at home, as they
had done an hundred times before: But Captain Read, and Captain Teat
the Master, persuaded them to go toward Cape Comorin, and then they
would tell them more of their Minds, intending doubtless to cruize
in the Red Sea; and they easily prevailed with the Crew.

The Eastern Monsoon was now at hand, and the best way had been to
go through the Streights of Malacca; but Captain Teat said it was
dangerous, by reason of many Islands and Shoals there, with which none
of us were acquainted. Therefore he thought it best to go round on the
East-side of all the Philippine Islands, and so keeping South toward
the Spice Islands, to pass out into the East-Indian Ocean about the
Island Timor.

This seemed to be a very tedious way about, and as dangerous altogether
for Sholes; but not for meeting with English or Dutch Ships, which
was their greatest Fear. I was well enough satisfied, knowing that
the farther we went, the more Knowledge and Experience I should get,
which was the main Thing that I regarded; and should also have the
more variety of Places to attempt an Escape from them, being fully
resolv'd to take the first opportunity of giving them the slip.



CHAP. XVI

    They depart from the Bashee Islands, and passing by some
    others, and the N. End of Luconia. St. John's Isle, and other
    of the Philippines. They stop at the two Isles near Mindanao;
    where they re-fit their Ship, and make a Pump after the Spanish
    fashion. By the young Prince of the Spice Island they have
    News of Captain Swan, and his Men, left at Mindanao: The Author
    proposes to the Crew to return to him; but in vain; The Story
    of his Murder at Mindanao. The Clove-Islands. Ternate. Tidore,
    &c. The Island Celebes, and Dutch Town of Macasser. They
    coast along the East side of Celebes, and between it and other
    Islands and Sholes, with great difficulty. Shy Turtle. Vast
    Cockles. A wild Vine of great Virtue for Sores. Great Trees;
    one excessively big. Beacons instead of Buoys on the Sholes. A
    Spout: a Description of them, with a Story of one. Uncertain
    Tornadoes. Turtle. The Island Bouton, and its chief Town and
    Harbour Callasusung. The Inhabitants Visits given and receiv'd
    by the Sultan. His Device in the Flag of his Proe: His Guards,
    Habit, and Children. Their Commerce. Their different esteem
    (as they pretend) of the English and Dutch. Maritime Indians
    sell others for Slaves. Their Reception in the Town. A
    Boy with 4 rows of Teeth. Parakites. Crockadores, a sort
    of White Parrots. They pass among other inhabited Islands,
    Omba, Pentare, Timore, &c. Sholes. New Holland: laid down
    too much Northward. Its Soil, and Dragon-trees. The poor
    winking inhabitants: their Feathers, Habit, Food, Arms,
    &c. The way of fetching Fire out of Wood. The Inhabitants
    on the Islands. Their Habitations, Unfitness for Labour,
    &c. The great Tides here. They design for the Island Cocos,
    and Cape Comorin.


The third Day of October 1687, we sailed from these Islands, standing
to the Southward; intending to sail through among the Spice Islands. We
had fair Weather, and the Wind at West. We first steer'd S.S.W. and
passed close by certain small Islands that lye just by the North-end
of the Island Luconia. [28] We left them all on the West of us, and
past on the East-side of it, and the rest of the Philippine Islands,
coasting to the Southward.

The N. East-end of the Island Luconia appears to be good Champion
Land, of an indifferent heighth, plain and even for many Leagues;
only it has some pretty high Hills standing upright by themselves in
these Plains; but no ridges of Hills, or chains of Mountains joyning
one to another. The Land on this side seems to be most Savannah,
or Pasture: The S.E. part is more Mountainous and Woody.

Leaving the Island Luconia, and with it our Golden Projects, we
sailed on to the Southward, passing on the East-side of the rest
of the Philippine Islands. These appear to be more Mountainous,
and less Woody, till we came in sight of the Island St. John; the
first of that name I mentioned: the other I spake of on the Coast of
China. This I have already described to be a very woody Island. Here
the Wind coming Southerly, forced us to keep farther from the Islands.

The 14 day of October we came close by a small low woody Island,
that lieth East from the S.E. end of Mindanao, distant from it about
20 Leagues. I do not find it set down in any Sea-Chart.

The 15th day we had the Wind at N.E. and we steered West for the Island
Mindanao, and arrived at the S.E. end again in the 16th day. There
we went in and anchored between two small Islands, which lie in
about 5 d. 10 m. North Lat. I mentioned them when we first came on
this Coast. Here we found a fine small Cove, on the N.W. end of the
Easternmost Island [i.e., Sarangani], fit to careen in, or hale ashore;
so we went in there, and presently unrigg'd our Ship, and provided to
hale our Ship ashore, to clean her bottom. These Islands are about 3
or 4 Leagues from the Island Mindanao; they are about 4 or 5 Leagues
in Circumference, and of a pretty good heighth. The Mold is black
and deep; and there are two small Brooks of fresh Water.

They are both plentifully stored with great high Trees; therefore
our Carpenters were sent ashore to cut down some of them for our
use; for here they made a new Boltsprit, which we did set here also,
our old one being very faulty. They made a new Fore-yard too, and a
Fore-top-mast: And our Pumps being faulty, and not serviceable, they
did cut a Tree to make a Pump. They first squared it, then sawed it in
the middle, and then hollowed each side exactly. The two hollow sides
were made big enough to contain a Pump-box in the midst of them both,
when they were joined together; and it required their utmost Skill to
close them exactly to the making a tight Cylinder for the Pump-box;
being unaccustomed to such work. We learnt this way of Pump-making
from the Spaniards; who make their Pumps that they use in their Ships
in the South-Seas after this manner; and I am confident that there
are no better Hand-pumps in the World than they have.

While we lay here, the young Prince that I mentioned in the 13th
Chapter, came aboard. He understanding that we were bound farther
to the Southward, desired us to transport him and his Men to his own
Island. He shewed it to us in our Draft, and told us the Name of it;
which we put down in our Draft, for it was not named there; but I
quite forgot to put it into my Journal.

This Man told us, that not above six days before this, he saw Captain
Swan, and several of his Men that we left there, and named the Names of
some of them, who, he said, were all well, and that now they were at
the City of Mindanao; but that they had all of them been out with Raja
Laut, fighting under him in his Wars against his Enemies the Alfoores;
and that most of them fought with undaunted Courage; for which they
were highly honoured and esteemed, as well by the Sultan, as by the
General Raja Laut; that now Capt. Swan intended to go with his Men
to Fort St. George, and that in order thereto, he had proffered forty
Ounces of Gold for a Ship; but the Owner and he were not yet agreed;
and that he feared that the Sultan would not let him go away till
the Wars were ended.

All this the Prince told us in the Malayan tongue, which many of us
had learnt; and when he went away he promised to return to us again
in 3 days time, and so long Captain Read promised to stay for him
(for we had now almost finished our Business) and he seemed very glad
of the opportunity of going with us.

After this I endeavoured to perswade our Men, to return with the Ship
to the River of Mindanao, and offer their Service again to Captain
Swan. I took an opportunity when they were filling of Water, there
being then half the Ships Company ashore; and I found all these very
willing to do it. I desired them to say nothing, till I had tried
the Minds of the other half, which I intended to do the next day;
it being their turn to fill Water then; But one of these Men, who
seemed most forward to invite back Captain Swan, told Captain Read
and Captain Teat of the Project, and they presently disswaded the Men
from any such Designs. Yet fearing the worst, they made all possible
haste to be gone.

I have since been informed, that Captain Swan and his Men stayed
there a great while afterward; and that many of the Men got passage
from thence in Dutch Sloops to Ternate, particularly Mr. Rofy,
and Mr. Nelly. There they remained a great while, and at last got
to Batavia (where the Dutch took their Journals from them) and so to
Europe; and that some of Captain Swan's Men died at Mindanao; of which
number Mr. Harthrope, and Mr. Smith, Captain Swan's Merchants were
two. At last Captain Swan and his Surgeon going in a small Canoa aboard
of a Dutch Ship then in the Road, in order to get Passage to Europe,
were overset by the Natives at the Mouth of the River; who waited
their coming purposely to do it, but unsuspected by them; where they
both were kill'd in the Water. This was done by the General's Order, as
some think, to get his Gold, which he did immediately seize on. Others
say, it was because the General's House was burnt a little before,
and Captain Swan was suspected to be the Author of it; and others say,
That it was Captain Swan's Threats occasioned his own Ruin; for he
would often say passionately, that he had been abused by the General,
and that he would have satisfaction for it; saying also, that now he
was well acquainted with their Rivers, and knew how to come in at any
time; that he also knew their manner of Fighting, and the Weakness of
their Country; and therefore he would go away, and get a Band of Men
to assist him, and returning thither again, he would spoil and take
all that they had, and their Country too. When the General had been
informed of these Discourses, he would say, What, is Captain Swan made
of Iron, and able to resist a whole Kingdom? Or does he think that we
are afraid of him, that he speaks thus? Yet did he never touch him,
till now the Mindanayans kill'd him. It is very probable there might
be somewhat of Truth in all this; for the Captain was passionate,
and the General greedy of Gold. But whatever was the occasion, so
he was killed, as several have assured me, and his Gold seized on,
and all his Things; and his Journal also from England, as far as Cape
Corrientes on the Coast of Mexico. This Journal was afterwards sent
away from thence by Mr. Moody (who was there both a little before and
a little after the Murder) and he sent it to England by Mr. Goddard,
Chief Mate of the Defence.

But to our purpose: Seeing I could not persuade them to go to Captain
Swan again, I had a great desire to have had the Prince's Company:
But Captain Read was afraid to let his fickle Crew lie long. That
very day that the Prince had promised to return to us, which was
November 2, 1687, we sailed hence, directing our course South-West,
and having the Wind at N.W.

[The course of the ship after leaving Mindanao may be seen from the
heading to this chapter. Of Australia (or New Holland, as it was then
called) Dampier says: "New Holland is a very large tract of Land. It
is not yet determined whether it is an Island or a main Continent;
but I am certain that it joyns neither to Asia, Africa, nor America."]

[From Australia (chap. xvii) the adventurers sail along until they
reach Nicobar Island, where Dampier and two others receive permission
to remain, together with four Malays and a Portuguese; and have various
adventures with the natives of that island. Finally leaving there
(chap. xviii), they go to Sumatra, where the small band is decimated
by the death of one Malay and the Portuguese. The two Englishmen go to
the English factory. Leaving the island, Dampier sets out as boatswain
of an English ship for Nicobar, but returns to Achin. Thence he makes
various voyages (in 1688 and 1689) in Eastern waters, and finally
becomes gunner at the English factory at Bencouli (1690); but, that
post proving uncongenial, he deserts and takes passage for England
(January 2, 1691). The journey to the Dutch colony at the Cape of Good
Hope (chap. xix--misnumbered xx) witnesses a slight engagement between
the French, with whom hostilities have broken out, and the Dutch and
English; and the mysterious death of many of the sailors on the English
vessel, from the bad water, Dampier thinks. England is finally reached
(chap. xx), and the author's long voyage is over, September 16, 1691.]



PETITION FOR DOMINICAN MISSIONARIES


Fray Francisco de Villalva of the Order of Preachers, and
procurator-general (in virtue of powers which he presents) of the
province of Santo Rosario, which the said order has in the Filipinas
Islands, declares: That, as is well known, the religious of his
order in the said islands have converted to the Catholic faith,
and now have in their charge, the provinces of Cagayan, Pangasinan,
Mandayas, part of Tagalos, Zambales, and the island of Babuyanes--in
which territory there is diversity of languages, and a great number
of convents provided with ministers for the instruction of the Indian
natives; from this labor always has been and still is gathered the
spiritual harvest which is well known. Moreover, those fathers have
made extensive conquests in various parts of those kingdoms, founding
many churches--as they actually are maintaining public worship at
this very time in the vast empire of Great China. There they are
suffering immense hardships and persecutions, shedding their blood in
the violent acts committed by tyranny, in order to plant there the
Christian faith and religion; for this cause, and in its defense,
seventy-eight religious have given their lives as martyrs in that
province, leaving the church made illustrious by this triumph. And
besides this, they have in the city of Manila their principal convent,
which continually maintains the practices of hearing confessions,
preaching, and giving consolation in the sicknesses and trials of the
citizens, with great comfort to all. They have also the college of
Santo Tomàs, in which are taught grammar, the arts, and scholastic
and moral theology, to the benefit of all that community and the
entire archipelago. They support students holding fellowships, usually
twenty-four to thirty, without receiving any stipend: and have thus
sent out, as they are still doing, graduates of much learning, for
the dignities and curacies of those islands. They have also another
college, that of San Juan de Letran, with more than a hundred orphan
boys, the sons of poor soldiers who have died in the service of your
Majesty--giving them all that is necessary for their support, and
instructing them in reading, writing, religious conduct, and virtue;
while those boys who are not inclined to study are aided in obtaining
positions as soldiers, artillerists, mariners, and in other occupations
in which they are employed to the service of your Majesty. Another
enterprise is also at the expense and charge of the said religious
order and province--the Parian, which is the silk-market of the
Chinese; it is close to the walls of Manila, and from five to six
thousand Chinamen usually reside in it. For the Christians preaching in
their own language is furnished every feast-day in their own church,
and there is continual preaching to the heathen through the streets;
with this labor they have made a great many conversions, and gained an
enormous number of souls. For this same nation those fathers maintain
a hospital, in which, with the good example of those religious, and
their instruction and continual assistance in the sicknesses of the
Chinese, they have gained so great a harvest that from its foundation
(which was in the former year of 1588) to the present year of 1677,
[29] seldom has a patient died without receiving the water of holy
baptism. This religious order also have at San Juan del Monte a
sanctuary which is the object of devotion of all that colony; and
at the port of Cavite, three leguas distant from Manila--where the
galleons and other vessels of smaller size are built--they have the
convent of San Thelmo, the religious of which assist the soldiers,
mariners, and sailors with their preaching and instruction, so that
all of them may live Christian and orderly lives.

This religious province administers the functions entrusted to
it without any worldly advantage, receiving neither imposts nor
fees for burials, marriages, feast-days, or sermons--its religious
being supported only by the stipend which your Majesty assigns to
the ministers in the mission villages; and from this amount they
spend much and distribute [alms] among the poor and needy Indians of
their districts. Nor is there in any convent of the said province any
fixed income; nor has the province ever accepted deposits or valuable
articles, or permitted its individual religious to keep these things
in their cells, or anything except a breviary and the holy Bible,
for the preaching of the holy gospel. Their clothing is of coarse,
rough frieze without, and their inner garments of what your Majesty
(whom may God guard) grants them as alms. All this is evident by the
publicity of the facts, and by official information which on various
occasions has been sent to the glorious Catholic sovereigns, your
Majesty's predecessors, and to their royal and supreme Council of
the Indias by the governor and royal Audiencia of the islands, and
the cabildos, ecclesiastical and secular, of the said city of Manila.

In consideration of these things, and of the fact that so numerous
Christian communities are persevering in the Catholic faith, and that
these are spreading with the new conversions, his Majesty who is now
in glory, moved by the fervent zeal which he always had for the good of
souls, continued to send to the said islands religious of the Order of
St. Dominic, in order that by their apostolic lives and doctrine they
might teach and preach the holy gospel. And finally, in the past year
of 1668 her Highness the queen-regent, the mother of your Majesty,
was pleased to grant permission that some of those religious should
go thither at the cost of the royal treasury; in accordance with this
thirty-three religious went to those islands, thirty priests and three
lay brethren. [30] But, although that permission and the number of
missionaries were enough for one shipment, they do not suffice for the
succor of so many souls as that province has in its charge, and for
the new conversions which continually present themselves. Moreover,
with the long voyage, the unaccustomed climates, the continual toil,
and the austerity which is observed by this province--which follows the
primitive rule of its order--the number of its members must necessarily
diminish. This has actually been the case, since from the time when
permission was given for the last shipload of religious, which was
nine years ago, a greater number have died than those who went to the
islands in that band, as was evident from the last reports which the
said province sent [to España], and which the petitioner will exhibit,
if necessary. And today, counting in the sick, crippled, and old men,
there are not ninety priests in the said province; and even though
there were many more, since more are actually necessary it is highly
expedient that other and fresh religious should go thither, that they
may be rendering themselves capable in the languages and ministries,
so that ready and intelligent laborers may never be lacking for the
instruction and teaching of the natives, and for the new conversions,
which our sovereigns the Catholic kings of España have so earnestly
striven to maintain and increase, sending religious every four or six
years, and sometimes every two years; without the ministries being
less than they are now, nor do fewer die now than then.

In order to provide those who should go, and to find the number for
whom your Majesty shall be pleased to grant permission, to obtain
information about them, to examine into their virtue and learning,
and to secure a judicious choice, the petitioner needs about a year,
in which time he can go personally to the convents of the three
provinces of España; for the importance of so delicate a matter will
not permit that it be entrusted to letters alone. Accordingly, he
should have at least the time until St. John's day next, or when the
first fleet shall be equipped; otherwise he cannot sail from España
and make a voyage to Filipinas with religious. To reach those islands,
two years are usually required, and at the very least more than one
year; and by that time eleven or twelve years will have passed since
the last permission [of that sort]. In that protracted course of time,
there must necessarily have occurred many deaths among the laborers
who work in that vineyard--of whose labor and conversion of souls
God has made watch-towers for our sovereigns the Catholic kings of
España, and for their royal and supreme Council of the Indias, upon
whom is laid this heavy weight of obligation--in fulfilling which they
have always made every exertion, giving permissions, orders, means,
and aid to the ministers who have gone thither to cultivate that field.

Therefore the said province, and the said Fray Francisco de Villalva
in its name, have recourse to the kindness and fervent zeal of your
Majesty, with which you have always striven for the preservation and
propagation of the Catholic faith; and prostrate at your royal feet
he entreats that your Majesty will be pleased to take pity on so many
souls and the conversions for which the religious of St. Dominic
are caring and in which they are laboring in the said Filipinas
Islands. They ask that you will grant to the said province forty
religious, [31] and a suitable number of lay brethren; and to the
petitioner permission to conduct them thither in his company, and the
necessary supplies for him and them, so that on the first opportunity
when there is a fleet they may embark for their voyage. In this, God
our Lord will regard himself as well served; and that poor and remote
province will be anew constrained, in return for this favor and grace,
to continue its prayers and sacrifices for the life and health of
your Majesty, and for the welfare and increase of your entire monarchy.



EVENTS IN FILIPINAS, 1686-88

Diary of new events in Filipinas, from June, 1686 to June in 87


On June 11, 1686, the galleon "Santo Niño" discovered, twenty-two
leguas from the island of San Juan, a new island, larger than any
of those discovered in Marianas; it is named San Bernabé, because it
was discovered on the day of that saint.

On July 11 the bells were rung in Manila for the arrival of the galleon
"Santa Rosa."

On the twelfth they hanged five Sangleys, who were found guilty in
the mutiny.

On the fourteenth news came that all the people who were in the lancha
that lost its course in Marianas had safely reached port in Cagayan.

On the eighteenth the courier [32] arrived with the mail.

On the nineteenth the auditor Don Diego Calderon died.

On the second of August, Licentiate Don Rafael Tome, a student in
San José, died.

On the twenty-seventh, the sloop for Marianas sailed from Cavite;
and Fathers Diego de Zarzosa and Jacinto Garcia, [33] and Brother
Melchor de los Reyes, embarked in it.

On the twenty-sixth, our mail reached Manila. On the twenty-eighth,
that from Roma was opened, and no [provision for our] government
was found.

At the beginning of September, the Augustinians brought suit against
us before the archbishop, regarding the administration of Mariquina.

On the sixth of October, Father Jose Lopez died in Palapag.

On the twelfth the father provincial, Francisco Salgado, [34] and
the father rector, Luis Pimentel, [35] were notified of the judicial
decision by the archbishop--who, declaring himself to be a competent
judge, notwithstanding [our] challenge of his cognizance, although he
had approved our licenses and our administration of the sacraments,
revoked the said licenses, and decreed that no one of the Society
should minister in Mariquina, [36] and that the ministry there should
devolve upon the Augustinians.

On the same day, the twelfth of October, it was decided in a provincial
council that the paths of government should be opened. The first was
entered by Father Geronimo de Ortega, and the second by Father Juan
Andres de Palavicino; but, on account of the death of both these,
Father Luis Pimentel--at the time, rector of the college of San
Ignacio--began to govern.

On the thirteenth of October, the armada entered the port of Cavite.

On the fifteenth, Father Antonio Jaramillo [37] began to officiate
as rector of the college of Manila.

On the eighteenth of October, a decree was made known to the provisor,
who had gone to Mariquina and Pasig, forbidding any official whatever
of the archbishopric from taking action in matters pertaining to the
lawsuit of Mariquina.

On the twenty-first, a decree was made known to the archbishop strictly
charging him that he must refrain from taking action in the lawsuit
of Mariquina, and that he must exhibit the records.

On the eighteenth of December, the archbishop was notified and charged
not to disturb us in the Mariquina affair. On the nineteenth, a similar
charge was laid upon the prior of Pasig; and another, on the twentieth,
on the prior-general of the Augustinians.

On the same day, the twentieth of December, the archbishop sent a
denunciation of excommunication, with the curse of God--Father, Son,
and Holy Spirit--and his own, and that of the apostles Peter and Paul,
to the governor and to Auditor Bolivar, in order that they should
not interfere in the Mariquina affair.



Year of 1687

On the twenty-first of January, 1687, General Don Juan de Zalaeta was
arrested by order of the governor, and thrust into the sulphur dungeon
[calabozo de azufre]. Item, they also arrested Licentiate Don Miguel
de Lozama, and conveyed him, wearing two pairs of fetters, to the
fort of San Gabriel. The goods of both were seized, and several of
their clerks arrested.

On the twenty-second, Doña Ynes, the wife of the said Don Miguel,
sent a petition to the said governor, who answered that the judge of
the suit was Don Francisco Velasco, alcalde-in-ordinary. Doña Ynes came
before the royal Audiencia, and that body passed an act providing that
the said alcalde should, after taking the confession of the accused,
present the documents within twenty-four hours. The governor, having
seen this decree, issued another, prohibiting further action by
the royal Audiencia, and ordering the alcalde to prosecute the case
without surrendering the documents. At night the governor summoned the
auditors and fiscal to a conference, and made an address to them--from
which resulted, as was noticed, great fear in the auditors, who almost
decided to forsake the Audiencia, and take refuge in sanctuary.

On the seventh of February, they arrested the auditor Don Diego
de Viga, put him on a vessel, and conveyed him to the island of
Mariveles. At the same time they made the most careful search, in
order to seize the auditor Don Pedro de Bolivar; but by that time he
had fled to sanctuary.

On the fourteenth of February, they took from his house, where she
had remained with guards, Doña Josefa Moran de la Cueva, the wife
of the auditor Don Pedro de Bolivar, and carried her into banishment
at Abucay.

On the sixteenth, they also seized Doña Ynes, sister of the said Doña
Josefa, and wife of Licentiate Don Miguel de Lezama, and carried her
to the same place, Abucay.

On the twenty-sixth of February, the college of the Society of Jesus
was surrounded [by soldiers], to remove thence the person of the
auditor Don Pedro de Bolivar; and not finding him, the men remained
on guard, both within and without the college, for the space of nine
days. In that time they searched the house eleven times--four of
these with violence, wrenching the locks from doors, and breaking open
tables; but they did not find the said Don Pedro. At the end of the
nine days, he showed himself, of his own accord, and they arrested
him and took him to Mariveles; several days before they had removed
from the said island the auditor Don Diego de Viga, and transferred
him to that of Lucban.

Just about this time a new Audiencia was formed, which was thus
arranged: the governor was its president; the royal fiscal became
an auditor, Captain Don Jose Cervantes was judge of Audiencia, and
Captain Juan de Agulo attorney-general.

On the fourth of March--the day on which [the college of] the Society
was first searched with violence--the English pirate captured a sloop
of the king's, which was coming from Pangasinan laden with three
thousand cabans of cleaned rice. Item, he also captured a champan
belonging to the alcalde of Pangasinan, which came laden with rice
and other products. [38]

On the same day, the fourth of March, the archbishop sent to Mariquina
to investigate whether Father Diego de Ayala was officiating as
cura; the latter prevented the notary from doing so, and, when other
people went to make the said investigation, he told them that they
need not take that trouble--that he was acting as cura in virtue of
the bull of St. Pius V and of his assignment [to that parish] by the
[royal] patron.

On the fifth of March there was preaching in the royal chapel by a
Recollect friar, against whom the governor issued a royal decree very
sharply rebuking him, which he caused to be read to all the religious
orders. A few days later, the archbishop sent an act to the prior of
Pasig, ordering him to officiate as cura to the people of Cainta. [39]

About Christmas, the royal magazines in Panay were burned, and in them
some six thousand cabans of rice. On the first of March, Saturday, the
Augustinians set fire to the cottage on the ranch which the college
of the Society of Jesus at Yloilo owns in Suaraga. On the following
Saturday, March 8, fire visited the Augustinians, destroying a visita,
a church and convent, and more than forty houses in the village. Item,
and the following Saturday, March 15, the church and house were
burned in the village of Dumangas, without their being able to save
their valuables, or to prevent the burning of the pious offerings
[colectas] of Cebu, which had been stored [in that convent]; and,
besides this, more than two thousand cabans of rice.

On the sixteenth of March, Passion Sunday, while Father Diego de
Ayala was saying mass in the village, the church was entered by armed
men, with Bachelor Teodoro de Aldana, the notary of the archbishop;
the prior of Pasig, with two laymen; and other people. After mass
was ended, they read to the Indians an act by the archbishop, which
commanded them, under penalty of flogging and the galleys, to appear
within three days before the prior of Pasig, resorting to the latter
for religious ministrations, and to repeat the sacraments.

On the seventeenth of March, the father procurator, Antonio de Borja,
[40] presented a petition to the governor that he, as vice-patron,
should take measures regarding the violent spoliation which the
archbishop had inflicted on the Society. The governor referred the
petition to the royal fiscal, as being his Lordship's counselor,
but the said fiscal excused himself. Then it was referred to Doctor
Cervantes, to Fray Francisco de Santa Ynes, and to many other persons,
both ecclesiastics and laymen, but all excused themselves; and in
these proceedings much time passed, so that it was the end of May
before anything was accomplished.

On the nineteenth of March, in the afternoon, the secretary came to
deliver in behalf of the royal court a verbal message to the father
procurator [sic] Antonio Jaramillo, advising him of the oversight of
the preacher, who that morning in the sermon--at which the governor
and the king's fiscal were present--had omitted to use the phrase,
"very potent sir." The same message was sent to the superiors of the
other religious orders, because, several days before, the prior of
St. Augustine and another religious, a Dominican, had fallen into
the same offense, when preaching in the royal chapel.

On the twenty-seventh of March, Holy Thursday, the monument [41]
of the Tagálogs in the church of Santo Domingo was burned. On
the twenty-eighth, Good Friday, there was a fire in Binondo and
part of Tondo; and one thousand two hundred and sixty houses were
destroyed--two hundred and fifty-eight in the village of Tondo, and one
thousand and two in that of Binondo. Thirteen persons were burned to
death, and many others escaped only with serious injuries. The fire
caught three times in the church of Binondo, but the Indians of San
Miguel and Dilao put it out.

On the twelfth of April the archbishop demanded aid from the governor,
and with it arrested the cantor Don Geronimo de Herrera, and placed
him in the fort of Santiago. Soon afterward, the governor caused the
arrest of Don Juan de Cordoba and one Carcano, respectively procurator
and receptor in the royal Audiencia; and afterward, on the twentieth
of April, of Blas de Armenta, secretary of the court, and of Captain
Diego de Vargas and others.

On the twenty-second of April Father Ferragut died in the college.

On the eighteenth of April, Domingo Diaz came to give the father
rector, Antonio Jaramillo, a copy of a petition by the Augustinians;
the father rector, before he knew that the said Domingo Diaz had come,
had made, in scriptis [i.e., in writing], his protest of incompetency
of the judge, and of challenge and appeal.

On the twenty-third of April, the father procurator, Antonio de
Borja, sent to the archbishop a document in which was set forth in
due form the said protest, challenge, and appeal. He also presented
to the governor a petition that he would give proper attention to the
disturbance which the Society had suffered, and the injury inflicted
on the royal patronage.

On the twenty-eighth of April, Domingo Diaz came again to give Father
Borja a copy of another petition from the Augustinians, who said that
the challenge and appeal which he had interposed were of no force.

On the fourth of May, they brought Captain Mateo Perea under arrest
from the Lake [of Bay], and left him in his own house with guards. On
the sixth of May, Domingo Diaz came to make known to Father Borja an
act of the archbishop--who declaring that there was no occasion for
the challenge and appeal interposed, commanded that the parties should
make their complaint; and that within six days the documents for the
sentence should be brought to his illustrious Lordship. On the tenth
of May, Father Antonio Borja presented before the royal Audiencia a
plea of fuerza, in order that he might make known the injury which
the archbishop had done to the Society and the royal patronage.

On the fourteenth of May, Domingo Diaz came to summon for the
sentence of the archbishop the father rector, Pedro de Oriol, [42]
who replied that he did not regard himself as summoned, or acknowledge
his illustrious Lordship as a competent judge. On the same day, the
fourteenth, Licentiate Don Antonio Roberto was brought a prisoner
from Marinduque; and they placed him in the provisor's house, with
a pair of very heavy fetters.

On the fifteenth of May, the father rector, Pedro de Oriol, presented
a petition to the governor, asking him to issue a juridical testimony
of his recourse [to the Audiencia] with a plea of fuerza; and that
notification be sent to the archbishop that his illustrious Lordship
must not take any further action until the royal court should decide
what must be done.

On the seventeenth of May, Domingo Diaz came to make known the sentence
of the archbishop, which declared that the Augustinians were the lawful
parish priests of Mariquina, and that the sacraments administered by
the fathers of the Society since October 12, 1686, had no force. The
reply to all was, [that such proceeding was] null, and contrary to
law. On the nineteenth of May, Father Borja came before the royal
court a second time with a plea of fuerza. On the twentieth of May,
the royal court resolved to issue a royal decree to the archbishop,
commanding him to deliver up the documents in the Mariquina lawsuit.

On the twenty-third of May, they arrested the dean, Don Miguel Ortiz
de Cobarrubias, by order of the archbishop; they placed him in the
provisor's house, and seized his goods. At the end of May, they
carried the two auditors, and soon afterward Don Juan de Zalaeta and
Don Miguel de Lezama, to Cagayan, as exiles; and they were placed one
in each of the four garrisons that are maintained in the said province.

On the third of June, a notary came from the archbishop with a petition
from the Augustinians, who were asking his illustrious Lordship to
confirm the sentence that he had pronounced. Father Borja made a reply,
more than two sheets in length.

On the fifth of June, a royal decree was made known to the archbishop
that he must exhibit the documents in the Mariquina lawsuit, and
his illustrious Lordship said that he would reply and would send the
papers--which were in regard to the value of the sacraments.

On the eighth of June the archbishop held a consultation with the
royal Audiencia, asking its aid to arrest and punish Fathers Diego
de Ayala and Pedro Cano. [43] Up to today, June 24, the archbishop
has not exhibited the documents in the Mariquina lawsuit.



News of this year of 1688 and part of the last one, with an appendix
of other points

1. The ship "Santo Niño" which sailed from Cavite last year, 1687,
put back to the port of Bagatao, to the grief of everyone--not only
on account of the deterioration of property and the very considerable
damages, but also this greatly delayed the remedy which is needed
by the public calamities and the oppression under which this colony
lies. The ship's return to port is attributed to the excessive lading
which it carried, to careless arrangements and lack of proper outfit,
and to the undue timidity of those who had charge of the vessel.

2. The Recollect fathers made a raid through the lands of Silang,
which they call Alipaopao, Oyaye, Malinta, etc.; and, trying to adjudge
them to the ranch of Sarmiento, which they had recently bought through
the agency of General Endaya, they committed unheard-of atrocities
in the houses and grain-fields of the Indians--burning and ravaging
them as furiously and horribly as if an army of Camucones had raided
them. The Indians lost, as appears from a juridical statement that
was drawn up, more than three thousand pesos.

3. A Dominican friar in Cagayan refused to absolve a Spaniard at the
hour of death, in spite of all his entreaties for absolution. Although
the friar had begun to hear his confession, the dying man could not
proceed with it, being stopped by the nausea which comes at death,
and he therefore died without absolution. I do not know all the
circumstances in this case.

4. Another friar in the same province refused to absolve Auditor
Don Diego de Viga, unless he would first express I know not what
protestations and detestations. The auditor replied that, for what
concerned the banishment of the archbishop, his conscience had not
given him any uneasiness, because he had understood that he acted
in regard to it in accordance with the laws and decrees of our king
a sovereign so Catholic as is that of España; and that in affairs
in which he had felt scruples, and had proceeded according to human
judgment, there was nothing for which to employ the friar's zeal,
and still less occasion for his trying to have him make those
detestations and protestations. Nevertheless, the friar persisted
[se estuvó en sus trece] in refusing to absolve him; and Don Diego,
embracing the holy Christ and uttering fervent acts of contrition,
said that he appealed to the mercy of God, and thus he died. He was
buried in consecrated ground, although afterward, it is reported,
the archbishop sent orders that his bones should be disinterred,
and removed from consecrated ground.

5. Doña Josefa de la Cerda, the wife of Auditor Bolivar, died [44]
in her exile, from anxiety and grief and despair. She asked for
a confessor from the Society, which was not granted to her. The
Dominican friar who served as parish priest in the village where
she was an exile refused to absolve her unless she would comply with
certain conditions, with which those fathers are wont to fetter and
hinder souls. She was not minded to comply with these, or to make
her confession to a religious of that order; and while a Franciscan
who had been granted to her was on his way, she died. They spread the
report that she had died impenitent, and buried her on the seashore.

6. The archbishop, since he came back from his exile, has not ceased
to wage war on this city. He demanded aid for arresting the religious
of the seraphic father St. Francis, who preached in favor of the royal
patronage; item, for arresting those who were ministering in Mariquina,
the fathers of the Society; item, for seizing Father Cano; and all
these acts proceed from the fury and partiality of Father Verart.

7. The bishop of Sinopolis died, and orders were given that he be
buried in [the church of] the Society of Jesus. This the archbishop
and his friars took so ill that the latter refused to go to his
funeral and burial, to the surprise and scandal of the whole city;
and the archbishop prevented the cabildo from paying the last honors
to the bishop in the church of the said order, declaring that it was
polluted by [containing] the remains of Señor Grimaldos, who in the
opinion of the said fathers died excommunicate.

8. The archbishop forcibly took from the fathers of the Society the
administration of the village of Cainta and Jesus de la Peña, and
gave it to the Augustinian fathers--thus revenging himself on those
of the Society, whom he regarded as enemies; and for this cause he
commanded them to tear down their buildings at Jesus de la Peña,
to the foundations--the governor aiding him in this atrocious act,
contrary to the laws and privileges of the royal patronage.



Appendix

1. The goods which the governor shipped as contraband, of which the
accountant made a written statement, are two hundred and thirty-five
packages.

2. The vessels which Endaya has built, with the authority that he
possesses, are two pataches and a champan.

3. The amount which the governor received from the Marques de la
Laguna, at Santa Rosa, was one hundred thousand pesos.

4. What the governor did with Blas Rodriguez [45] on account of the
quantity of gold taels which he gave him.

5. Of the Dominican friar who went to look at the bulls of Don
Fernando, that he might enter as a Franciscan.

6. How not even this gentleman has escaped from the anger of the
archbishop and Verart.

7. Of the inundation in Cagayan; of the locusts, famine, earthquakes,
and drouths; of disturbances, etc. [46]

8. Of the rosary entirely made of silver coins, [47] one hundred and
fifty thousand in number, which, it is said, the blessed Dominican
fathers gave to the governor.

9. Of the imprisonment of Roberto; and why and how the provisor went,
with great clatter of weapons and constables, to arrest a brother of
the Society.

10. How Father Pedroche, who had been banished from these islands,
escaped from Acapulco, and came back dressed as a Recollect.

11. Of the Dominican friar who killed another in Cagayan. [48]



THE PARDO CONTROVERSY


Brief relation of events in the city of Manila, in the Filipinas
Islands


The fiscal of the royal Audiencia of these islands, Licentiate Don
Diego Viga, received two letters and an official report, with many
depositions of witnesses, which were sent to him by the alcalde-mayor
of the province of Ilocos. [49] These letters and documents were to
the effect that by the continued residence of Bachelor Sebastian
Arqueros de Robles, ecclesiastical head of the bishopric of Nueva
Segovia, in the village of Vigan (which is the capital of the said
province of Ilocos)--under the pretext of ministering ad interim to
the natives of the village of Bangues, [50] which had for many years
remained vacant--the natives were becoming uneasy and disturbed. This
was hindering in the exercise of their duties not only the officers of
justice, but also Licentiate Diego de Espinosa Marañón, the proprietary
beneficed cura of the said village of Vigan, with whom the said acting
bishop had notorious disputes. [According to the aforesaid documents],
all the trouble arose from the fact that the said ecclesiastical
ruler maintained his brothers and relatives in the said village, who
with his authority and presence there were causing notable injuries
and annoyances; and a decree was asked from the royal Audiencia,
providing that the said acting bishop should nominate in the usual
form persons for presentation to the benefice of Bangues, and that
he should change his residence to the capital of his diocese, [51]
and should not live at the village of Vigan, except during the period
which is allowed to the ecclesiastical visitors by the holy Council.

This royal decree was accordingly issued, and the said acting bishop
replied that his residence in the village of Vigan was by the order
and command of the archbishop, and that he had no way in which to
fulfil the decree; and he presented the warrant and order which he
held for the said residence, and some informal certificates by a few
religious. This royal Audiencia, considering the disturbances and
troubles which might result from issuing the second royal decree,
ordered that it be temporarily suspended; and that meanwhile the
president, governor, and captain-general should discuss and confer
with the archbishop as to measures for securing peace, and those most
expedient for a good example to the community.

This verbal reply [52] which the said archbishop gave to the said
governor gave occasion for the issue of a royal decree that the said
archbishop should command the ecclesiastical ruler of Nueva Segovia
to go to reside at the capital of his bishopric; but the latter would
not obey, excusing himself with various pretexts. The said archbishop
and his attorney-general [promotor fiscal] repeatedly urged that he
be furnished with certified copies of the acts in virtue of which the
royal decrees had been issued; and in the last petition, presented
by the said attorney-general, he inserted the following clause:

"In order that his Majesty may apply the needed corrective, and
remove the violence and oppression experienced by the ecclesiastical
jurisdiction; for, if one of its ministers attempts to administer
justice to a subordinate, the culprit finds shelter in the royal
Audiencia--not only to free himself from ecclesiastical justice, but
also that they may begin legal proceedings against, and even exile, his
superior and judge, who rightly desires and strives to punish him. And
all the above was made evident by the aforesaid acts; and it has come
to our knowledge through trustworthy persons that, in the petitions
which were presented for the issuance of the said decrees, the respect
due to the archbishop and to his high office was forgotten; and that,
in the investigations which were made for this purpose, inquiries
were directed into the hidden faults of ecclesiastical persons,
and attempt had been made to punish them with the first of the said
decrees, without punishing the chief authors [of those evil acts],
who were laymen. Moreover, decrees had been issued only against the
ecclesiastical judge on account of their own hidden faults, or those
of other persons, intimidating him therewith in order that he should
not administer justice in future; and a satisfactory account ought to
be given to the said archbishop of the reasons which had influenced
this royal Audiencia to issue the decrees. After [the publication of]
the royal and canonical decrees, the archbishop had a right to command
the clerk of the court to give him the said copy; but for the sake of
the quiet and comfort of this community, he had commanded him first
to request the acts from this royal Audiencia, making the proper and
necessary requisitions therefor, and asking that the said secretary
of the Audiencia be ordered and commanded to give him the said copy."

As it was evident that the motives which existed for the despatch of
the first royal decree were still further justified by such writings,
the second was issued, which the said archbishop obeyed no better;
on the contrary he said, in the reply that he made to this second
royal decree, that he entreated the royal Audiencia to give little
hope for aid to the ecclesiastics. [53]

The royal Audiencia, influenced by the report made to it by the
fiscal, and considering the disrespectful and indecorous character
of the attorney-general's communication, and that it was entirely
directed against the reputation and equitable procedure of the supreme
tribunal and its ministers, issued a royal decree that the archbishop
should punish his attorney-general, and should be warned how much
he had derogated from his own dignity by having allowed such lack
of respect. To this the archbishop replied that the attorney-general
did not deserve punishment, because the petition had been presented
by his own order and mandate.

At this time the ecclesiastical cabildo presented themselves in
recourse to the royal Audiencia, with a paper signed by their dean,
[54] the dignitaries, the canons, and the other prebends, imploring
the royal aid against the archbishop on account of the acts of fuerza
and violence which were suffered by the cabildo, its members, and all
the clergy. [55] They declared that the worst of these were due to the
fact that the said archbishop had at his side a religious of the Order
of St. Dominic, named Fray Raymundo Verart; [56] that the archbishop
had retained him, ever since he came from Spain, under the title of
counselor [asesor] and director; that he had gained such influence
that he directed all the actions of the said archbishop; and that
his decisions were so extraordinary that he kept all minds in a state
of notable disquiet--to such a degree that he even refused recourse
from the acts of fuerza, endeavoring to render the jurisdiction of the
archbishop absolute, and to exclude his Majesty (as represented in the
Audiencia) from his highest prerogative, that of aid to his oppressed
ecclesiastical vassals. They represented that the archbishop acted as
an advocate in the very suits in which he was judge; that he lived
outside the city, in a hospital of Sangleys [57] which is in charge
of the religious of St. Dominic, from which resulted injury and delay
in the despatch of business; that he could think of nothing but his
friars, and behaved as one of them--for on the day of election of
provincial he had rendered obedience to the father who was elected,
and in the procession he walked in the fifth rank--regarding himself
as first of all a friar, although he was archbishop-elect; and that
he treated the cabildo and its members ill, showing aversion to them.

With this petition for relief the dean and cabildo presented a
mass of records in proof of their argument, asking that decrees be
issued: one for the archbishop, that he should remove from his side
the said Fray Raymundo; [58] and another for the father provincial
of St. Dominic, that he should send the said religious to the remote
parts of the missions in charge of his order, agreeably to the purpose
and vocation for which he had come to these islands at the cost of
the royal exchequer.

In this matter both first and second decrees were issued for the said
archbishop and the father provincial of St. Dominic, neither of whom
was willing to render obedience, the archbishop returning some very
uncivil answers. [59] Finally, the latter took exception to Doctor
Don Diego Calderon, assigning as the cause of this proceeding his
remarks about the ecclesiastical jurisdiction; he also challenged Don
Diego Antonio de Viga [the fiscal] for the mode of expression which
he had used in his writings. By this expedient the proceedings of
the Audiencia were suspended, for lack of judges--for at that time
it contained only the two gentlemen, Don Francisco de Montemayor and
Don Diego Calderon--until Doctors Don Christoval de Grimaldo and Don
Pedro Sebastian de Bolivar y Mena, the recently-arrived [auditors],
[60] could examine the question of the said challenge. At the petition
of Doctor Don Estevan Lorenzo de la Fuente y Alanis, who also had just
arrived, they declared that there was no cause for it; and without
doubt it would result thus, since the challenge was not sworn to, or
presented, in accordance with the regulations of the royal laws. They
likewise commanded that the said archbishop be requested and charged to
maintain in all things friendly relations with the [royal] ministers,
not only in writing to them but in speech. When he was notified of
this royal decree, he gave a very sharp answer, and concluded by
saying that his own behavior would be governed in accordance with
the actions of the ministers, as he thus tells them in all his replies.

This royal Audiencia, considering his insolent replies and disobedience
to the royal decrees, and the scandals thus caused, and that the whole
arose from the influence of Father Raymundo Verart, determined, for
the more thorough justification and proof of the whole matter; that
an investigation should be made by the auditor Don Pedro de Bolivar,
with regard to the injuries and other pernicious consequences which
were being caused to the public welfare, and which gave occasion to the
complaint of the ecclesiastical cabildo about the assistance rendered
to the archbishop by the said father Fray Raymundo Verart--[all the
more] as his illustrious Lordship had, before the said father came to
these islands, conducted himself in entire harmony and most friendly
intercourse with the royal Audiencia, the ecclesiastical cabildo,
and the other courts. The affair being in this condition, the said
father provincial, Fray Baltasar de Santa Cruz, was summoned before
the royal [court in] session, where they related to him the pernicious
consequences to the public welfare which were accruing from the said
assistance [of Father Verart], and were steadily increasing on account
of his acts of disobedience. The said provincial was admonished to
the fulfilment and execution of what was charged upon him in the said
two royal decrees, making him responsible for all the difficulties
that might result; but he resisted them at every point, repeating his
[former] replies. This bold attitude caused the Audiencia, on even more
justifiable grounds, to despatch a third decree, which the said father
provincial, Fray Baltasar de Santa Cruz, persisted in disobeying.

In the midst of these proceedings, another decree against the said
archbishop was claimed and demanded by Bachelor Diego de Espinosa
Marañón, saying that his Lordship had denied the just appeal that he
had made from an act which entailed [on him] an irreparable hardship;
and a royal decree was issued for him that the said archbishop must
grant the said appeal; or, even if he were not obliged to grant it,
his acts must be sent [to the Audiencia], in order to know whether
he committed fuerza in denying the appeal. [61] The said archbishop
did not obey this decree; before this, he had not, at the outset,
consented to let a receptor of this royal Audiencia enter to make
known to him one of its acts; and the matter was not followed up
(although in this recourse they went so far as to despatch the second
decree), for Bachelor Diego de Espinosa Marañón desisted from it,
at the instance of certain persons.

To the above-mentioned changes and indispensable acts of assistance
granted by this royal Audiencia, is added that which was secured by
the illustrious bishop-elect of Nueva Segovia, Doctor Don Francisco
Pizarro de Orellana, who came before the royal Audiencia, saying
that the archbishop had, in the credentials which he had given to the
bishop, reserved for his own cognizance the case of Bachelor Diego de
Espinosa Marañón--although this was a trial in the first instance,
and the said bachelor was under the bishop's parochial care and was
cura of the benefice of Vigan, one of the parishes belonging to his
bishopric. The said bishop requested a royal decree that the papers
should be furnished to him by the said archbishop in the customary
form, and that the said cases should be referred to him. In this
affair they went so far as to issue the fourth royal decree; but the
said archbishop did not obey one of them. [62]

The same resistance was encountered by four other royal decrees issued
against the said archbishop, at the demand, and appeal from fuerza,
interposed by Master Don Geronimo de Herrera y Figueroa, cantor of
this holy cathedral church. He was a prisoner of the said archbishop
in the college of Santo Tomás of this city, an indictment having been
brought against him, charging him with being guilty of disrespect for
the archiepiscopal dignity, and having at the session of the cabildo
concurred in their demand for relief, [63] of which mention has
been made--that the said archbishop should remove from his side Fray
Raymundo Verart, and the rest that is stated above. The said Master
Don Geronimo had alleged that the said archbishop was not competent
to act as judge, of which exception he had notified the prelate; but
the latter without settling this question--which, as pre-judicial,
[64] ought to have been summarily decided--proceeded in the case. Even
if he were a competent judge, he ought to proceed with the adjunct
judges, [65] as ordained by the holy Council of Trent; but, [not]
heeding these considerations, the said archbishop proceeded with
fuerza and violence, which he wreaked on Don Geronimo's person. This
case was decidedly within the cognizance of this royal Audiencia, and
to its organization and civil jurisdiction belongs the removal of the
fuerza with which the prelate had oppressed Don Geronimo. Upon this
ground they issued the said four decrees, to attain their object, in
order that the said archbishop should send them the acts, so that it
might be ascertained whether or not he had committed fuerza, or else
should send these with his notary; but he refused to obey the decrees.

The royal Audiencia, striving, in whatever pertained to its side,
to avoid inflicting the chastisement which his actions demanded, in
order to see whether their tolerance would constrain him to lay aside
his arbitrary proceedings, had suspended, with the clause "for the
present," the execution of the penalties of banishment which he was
declared to have incurred. [66] This suspension had been attributed
to negligence of the Audiencia--at which all the people were quite
disconsolate; afterward it was known that the court had not acted
without very deliberate resolution, which had been influenced no
little by the zealous efforts of the governor; when all were hoping
for a change in the sentiments of the archbishop, the courage of the
auditors was still further strengthened. For the Order of the Society
[of Jesus] presented an executory decree, issued by the royal and
supreme Council of Indias, in regard to the precedence of the college
of San Joseph over that of Santo Tomas, which is in charge of the
Dominican religious--in which matter the Society has encountered much
opposition from that order; they have even gone so far as to break out
in threats, which the Society has seen carried out. But immediately
the ecclesiastical attorney-general, with license from the archbishop
(who had made legal complaint), demanded in the royal Audiencia aid
and the proper documents against the decree, [67] in order that the
commander of the capitana "Santa Rosa"--which had just put back through
stress of weather, and had not yet reached the port--might be furnished
with a warrant for the seizure of the bales [of merchandise] which,
he said, were coming in the said ship on the account of the Society
of Jesus. At the same time the reverend Father Francisco Salgado,
provincial of the said order of the Society, came before the said
royal Audiencia with a plea of appeal, on account of which the said
archbishop instituted suit against that father's order, opposing the
numerous privileges and bulls of exemption which aid it. While these
actions were pending, and before anything had been decided in them,
the said father provincial made representations that, notwithstanding
the said questions were still (as I have said) unsettled, he was
informed that a notary of the said archbishop had gone to the said
ship on various matters of business, thus showing lack of respect to
this royal Audiencia. He urged that documents should be issued, in
order that no further proceedings be taken in this matter, and that
the commander of the ship should not permit [the seizure of goods]
until the points at issue were settled. But, although these decrees
were issued, they produced no result; for, as is evident from competent
testimony, the agents of the archbishop went to the said ship, on the
day following that on which the attorney-general had demanded aid,
and, without presenting any warrant to the commander, had undertaken
and proceeded to make seizures and deposits of bales. [68] This affair
was not finally decided, because it was known outside of court that
the archbishop had relinquished his claims therein. [69]

In this royal Audiencia a suit was pending for a long time
between Captain Don Pedro de Sarmiento y Leoz, as husband of Doña
Michaela de Lisarralde [70]--daughter of Don Juan de Lisarralde,
and great-granddaughter of Doña Maria de Roa, deceased, who had been
executrix for the said Don Juan de Lisarralde, and guardian of the
said Doña Michaela--against Father Geronimo de Ortega of the Society
of Jesus (who had been executor [71] for Bachelor Nicolás Cordero, and
is executor for the said Doña Maria de Roa), over the guardianship and
inheritance which belonged to the said Doña Michaela, and the account
which had been demanded for all the above affairs. The said father,
in conformity with the acts which had been made known to him in this
regard, presented the accounts in the royal Audiencia, after the
appointment, acceptance, and oath-taking of auditors therefor. This
suit, as stated, lasted a long time, [72] and in it came up revised
acts of the said royal Audiencia ordering that all who were interested
in the said executorships should prefer their claims in the said royal
Audiencia. The affair being in this condition, the said captain Don
Pedro Sarmiento--urged on by Licentiate Nicolàs de la Vega Caraballo,
[73] an ally of the archbishop--demanded before the said archbishop
that the said Father Ortega should be commanded, under penalty of
censure, to furnish him the said accounts. This command was laid
upon him by repeated acts; nevertheless, the said father refused
[the ecclesiastical] jurisdiction, since he had [the case] in a
competent tribunal, pending judgment, and the said accounts had
been presented--in proof of which he presented sworn statements to
the said archbishop. Nevertheless, the latter persisted in ordering
the said father to give him the said accounts--even going so far as
to denounce him as excommunicated. The ground for this action was,
that in the ecclesiastical court demand had been made by the said Don
Pedro for the surrender of the bequest [74] to the said Archdeacon
Cordero. Father Ortega made appeal in the proper quarter from this
censure, but the archbishop refused to allow the said appeal; from
this arose the recourse to royal aid from the act of fuerza in having
denied to the father the said appeal and attempted to compel him
to what he had no right to do--the surrender of the said accounts,
which had already been presented in the said royal Audiencia. [75]
On that account, and because of the very nature of the case, it was
wholly within the cognizance of the royal Audiencia, and concerned
laymen. For this reason, the usual royal decree was issued, in order
that the notary should come to make report. This being made known
to the archbishop, he made a very prolix reply, taking the ground,
in very disrespectful language, that the appeal was not legitimate,
and that he was not obliged to send the documents; but saying that,
upon the necessary declarations, and with the stipulation that the acts
should not pass into the possession of any official of the Audiencia,
but must remain in the hands of his own notary, he would give orders
that the latter should go to make the report, whenever the Audiencia
should command it, but he must refuse to absolve the said father. The
Audiencia, in order to avoid new occasions for controversy with this
prelate, overlooked his imposing upon it a condition, and one which
was so unusual. Domingo Diaz [76] having made the report, and noted
in the course of it two false assertions--which he discovered while
inspecting the acts, having read them through--the said notary went
away, carrying them with him, without waiting for the opinion and
decision of the said royal Audiencia on them to be affirmed. That
tribunal declared the said suit, [77] and the cognizance of it, as it
concerned laymen, to be altogether secular--as were also questions
of guardianship, inheritance, the charge of property, dowries,
and other matters of that nature; and that, by virtue of this, all
[episcopal] acts regarding these questions be suspended in this royal
Audiencia. As for the pious legacies contained in the said testaments,
the archbishop was declared to have committed fuerza in not granting to
Father Ortega the appeal which he had interposed before the delegate
of his Holiness; and the Audiencia resolved that, in consequence of
all the above facts, the prelate should absolve the said father, and
immediately remove his name from the list of excommunicated persons,
and that a royal decree [to this effect] be issued in his behalf. When
this was made known to the archbishop, he gave an extremely insolent
and uncivil reply, opposing the authority of this royal Audiencia,
the royal jurisdiction, the governor, and the auditors. He refused
to send the acts [to the Audiencia], or to absolve the said father,
and declared in plain terms that he would persist in this opposition,
and that the Audiencia might therefore inflict whatever violence they
chose on him and his dignity.

Another instance: Sargento-mayor Don Juan Gallardo--who was chief
magistrate, castellan, and commander of the seamen and sailors,
in the port of Cavite (the most important port in these islands,
and its command one of the highest military posts)--had a prisoner,
an artillerist named Lorenço Magno. [78] The said archbishop sent
him a letter of requisition, demanding that Don Juan hand over to
him the said prisoner and the suit that had been brought against him;
or that he should declare under oath whether or not that suit was in
his hands. In this letter of requisition the archbishop did not state
the cause for which his illustrious Lordship said he had accused the
aforesaid [prisoner, which was] bigamy. The said castellan, moreover,
noticed in it certain imperative expressions and the archbishop
addressed him as vos [i.e., "you"], [79] in the manner which is
customary in the royal decrees. The said castellan sent the prisoner to
the archbishop, who issued another letter of requisition, in the same
form as the preceding, at the petition of Francisca Ignacia, wife of
the said Lorenço Magno--against whom, it was declared, he was carrying
on a suit for divorce--demanding that immediately, without any delay,
under penalty of excommunication and a fine of five hundred pesos,
the said castellan should within three hours deliver to the notary a
certified statement of the suit which he had instituted against the
said Lorenço Magno. The castellan came before the royal Audiencia with
his deposition regarding these two letters of requisition, demanding
that the said archbishop be requested and charged to observe, in the
communications that he might send to the judicial officers of his
Majesty, the forms ordained by law, treating the magistrates with the
courtesy due to their position. These acts having been considered in
the Audiencia, a royal decree was despatched requiring that the said
archbishop must, in the requisitions which he might send to the royal
magistrates, treat them with due politeness, conforming to the forms
of law and usage--not using imperative terms, or the word vos. When
the archbishop was notified of this royal decree, he gave an answer
full of uncivil, improper, and disrespectful expressions against the
royal jurisdiction, the governor, and the auditors. The latter had
issued an act that Doctor Don Joseph Zervantes and Master Nicolas de
la Vega Caravallo should not meddle with the profession of advocate,
into which they had thrust themselves--from which resulted consequences
pernicious to the public welfare, since they had not taken the courses
of study in the school of law. When notified of the act, they replied
that the archbishop had already ordered them not to plead in secular
tribunals, and the said Caravallo added that he was the only one
who could issue such commands. On the following day the archbishop
issued an act in opposition to that of the Audiencia, commanding that
no petitions should be accepted in his court that were not signed by
the said Doctor Zervantes and Master Caravallo. The fiscal, when all
the replies had been shown to him, demanded that, without giving
opportunity for any further acts of disobedience or disrespect,
they should execute upon the person of the reverend archbishop the
penalties which he had been declared to have incurred--banishment,
and the loss of his secular revenue [temporalidades]; and that, for
this purpose, the clause "for the present," contained in the act of
October 1 in the past year of 82, be revoked and erased, and the act
put into execution on May 1 of the said year [i.e., 1683]. These acts
having been considered by the royal Audiencia with the attention and
mature deliberation which so grave a matter demanded, it was decided
that sentence of banishment should be executed on the archbishop, and
that he should be sent to the village of Lingayen, in the province of
Pangasinan, a village of Christian Indians in charge of the Dominican
religious. This charge was committed to Doctor Don Christòval Grimaldo
de Herrera and Sargento-mayor Juan de Veristain, alcalde-in-ordinary,
who fulfilled it with the utmost discretion, quietness, and moderation;
[80] and the archbishop was embarked in a barcoluengo, in which the
forethought of the governor had provided all his kitchen equipment,
with everything else that was necessary for his support and the needs
of the voyage. [81]

The royal Audiencia had proceeded very cautiously, for, foreseeing the
tumults or disturbances that are wont to arise on such occasions, and
endeavoring to avoid whatever could serve as an incentive thereto, they
recognized that the ringing of the bells in making any demonstrations
might act as such incentive; and they asked the governor to command
that guards be posted in the bell-tower of the church, and in the house
of Master Juan Gonçalez de Guzman, the provisor, so that the latter
could not order any demonstration to be made while the sentence of
banishment was being executed. On the same day when this was done, the
royal Audiencia sent a decree to the cabildo, ordering that they should
conduct themselves in all respects amicably with the royal Audiencia
and the other royal officials, not allowing any acts of violence to
be inflicted on the vassals of his Majesty, or hindering them from
appealing to the Audiencia in cases of fuerza. The cabildo were also
warned not to accept any documents of appointment from the ruler
of the archbishopric, or allow him to exercise jurisdiction, until
the person appointed should present himself before the royal court,
where he must take the customary oath. To this decree the cabildo
rendered obedience; and, the very illustrious master Don Fray Ximenez
Barrientos, bishop of Troya and assistant bishop of these islands,
having presented himself before the cabildo with the appointment
of ruler [of the archdiocese]--which the archbishop had conferred
upon him on the twenty-seventh of March, when the said archbishop
was already declared an exile--he was referred by the cabildo to the
Audiencia. Being present there, his appointment was, in consequence
of the demand made by the fiscal that license should not be granted
to him, suspended in that court, for weighty reasons there presented,
and it was referred to the Council, in order that his Majesty might
decide according to his pleasure; and [it was declared that] in the
interim the cabildo should govern the archdiocese. [82] And here it
occurs to me to remark, parenthetically, that, although the secrets
and the justifiable motives of the Audiencia are inscrutable, we may
regard it as probable that their principal reason for this action
was their knowledge of the fact that this bishop, a few days after
arriving in this city, had preached in the convent of Santo Domingo,
on the day of the naval battle, [83] and the entire tendency of his
sermon was to disparage the royal jurisdiction and rebuke those who
would appeal to it. He said that this entire city was a university of
vices, although of that he could have had no experience; and it was
he who had exerted most influence on the actions of the archbishop,
over and over again strengthening him in acts of disobedience [to the
secular government]. The cabildo, since the Audiencia had not accepted
the said bishop as ecclesiastical ruler, declared that the see was
vacant by interpretation [of that act]; and the bishop of Troya replied
that they could not have sent him better news, as he did not desire to
take charge of other men's flocks. Thereupon he immediately went back
to the convent of San Juan del Monte, outside the walls of this city;
[84] and on the following day a Dominican religious set out to stir
up the other religious orders (except the Society), that after sunset
prayers they should ring the bells for an interdict. This was done by
[the convent of] Santo Domingo. [85] [He also told them] that Master
Juan Gonzalez de Guzmàn, provisor of the said archbishop, would post
as excommunicated the dean, Master Don Miguel Ortiz de Cobarrubias,
whom the cabildo had appointed ecclesiastical ruler. At this, the dean
asked the governor for the aid of some infantry, to go to the convent
of Santo Domingo, to which the said master had retreated, to remove
him thence. This was granted; but, on going to the said convent,
they encountered much opposition to their entrance, on the part of
the religious. The dean was so insolently treated by them that he was
obliged, in order to prevent greater troubles, to return and inform
the governor and the royal Audiencia, then in session. That court
issued a royal decree to notify the superiors of the religious orders
that in publishing an interdict [86] they must follow the metropolitan
church [matriz]; and thus was prevented a great scandal, disturbance,
and popular commotion in this city--in which, since the said sentence
of banishment was carried out, the utmost peace has been experienced,
nor has there occurred the slightest disturbance.

I must not omit, since it is a part of this account, the following
information: On Epiphany [dia de Reyes; in 1682] while the royal
Audiencia were present in the holy cathedral church, a sermon was
preached there by father Fray Francisco de Villalva, a Dominican
religious, whose language was insolent in the highest degree. He
spoke openly and expressly against the governor, the auditors, and
the ecclesiastical cabildo (which he pointed out as the source of
disturbances in the community), saying to the archbishop: "Let not your
illustrious Lordship concern himself with the secular revenues; look to
God [for maintenance]." He tried to disparage the royal jurisdiction,
and rebuked appeals to the Audiencia--saying so much that he gave cause
for that tribunal to send by its chaplain a message to the archbishop,
asking him to order the preacher to cease. His illustrious Lordship
replied that the preacher was doing his duty, and the latter, in
the face of these demonstrations, went on with the sermon even to
the end. Afterward, by order of the court, the auditor Don Pedro de
Bolivar put the said father on a ship, to be taken to the province
of Cadbalogan--in which he must remain until the opportunity should
arrive, by the departure of a ship [from Manila], for him to embark
for Madrid, whither the acts were to be sent. This was carried out,
and, although the ship was driven back to port, he is now going on
board the capitana. [87] May God conduct these affairs for our good,
and preserve your Grace [88] for many years. Manila, June 15, 1683.


Juan Sanchez



A curious relation of events in the city of Manila since the arrival
of the ships in the year 1684.

On the ninth of July the bells were rung for the [arrival of the]
ship "Santa Rosa," with certain news that it was opposite Baco, and
had brought the new governor, Admiral Don Gabriel de Curucelaegui
y Arriola--who, on account of the fury of the storms, would not be
able to make his entrance into this city until August 24. [On that
occasion] he was received with loud applause, triumphal arches, and
laudatory speeches. On that day occurred some memorable events. At
five o'clock in the morning there was a severe earthquake, although
it caused but little damage to the city. In the afternoon, while
his Lordship, before entering through the Puerta Real, was taking
the customary oath in order that the keys might be delivered to him,
the horse of his Majesty's fiscal became unruly, and attacked those
who were near him with kicks and bites. He who came out worst from
this was the secretary whom his Lordship brought over; he was injured
in one leg by some kicks, from the effects of which he suffered for
several days. [89] When the governor had entered the city, and when
he was about two pike-lengths from the gate, the balcony above it,
which was full of people, fell; some were killed, others crippled or
maimed, and others bruised. Among them were friars and lay-brothers,
negroes and whites. With these events, the common people began to
indulge in much gossip.

When Don Gabriel had taken possession of his government, his first act
was to retire Captain Mateo Lopez Perea, and to make Captain Miguel
Sanchez government secretary, quite contrary to their wishes. The
second was to appoint as chief chaplain of the royal chapel the canon
Master Don Pablo de Aduna, as a reward for having always withdrawn
himself from the cabildo, without choosing to acknowledge it as
ecclesiastical ruler. The third (and the source of many others) was
to bring back our troubles, so that the whole pancake [tortilla] was
turned bottom upwards--even going so far as to revoke the sentence
of banishment on the archbishop, and bring him to Manila. This, as
those say who understand the matter, is the most extraordinary thing
that has occurred anywhere in the Spanish domain; for he was exiled
for disobeying sixteen royal decrees and I have given an account
to his Majesty of these sixteen points of disobedience, or [rather]
this disobedience of sixteen points. The preambles of these points,
or their history, required much time and no little paper; but they
will be summarized as briefly as possible.

After the exile of the archbishop, the actions, conversations,
and sermons of the Dominican fathers were so wild and extravagant,
against the members of the Audiencia, the ecclesiastical cabildo,
and the Theatins [i.e., the Jesuits], that their mildest act was to
call all of the latter Pharisees or heretics, and utter other jests
of that sort, even from the pulpit. Consequently the royal Audiencia
felt obliged to advise its president, then Don Juan de Vargas, that
he should apply a corrective to these acts. This was a royal decree,
requesting and charging the [Dominican] provincial to send to the
port of Cavite the friars Bartolome Marron, [90] Raimundo Verart,
and P. Pedroche, [91] and to make them ready, at the cost of the
order, for [the journey to] España; and to send to Cagayan the two
lecturers in theology, Fray Juan de Santo Domingo [92] and Fray
Francisco de Vargas, [93] and not allow them to leave that province
without a special order from the government. The provincial answered
that those religious had not done any of the things that were alleged
of them except by his order, and that therefore the blame, if there
were any, was his and not theirs; and that all of them were ready
to die for the faith. Again he was requested and charged as before,
the provincial [94] also being summoned to go to España, to give
account of his acts. These orders were resisted, whereupon the convent
was surrounded with infantry. As the provincial and Fray Pedroche
refused to go out afoot, the soldiers took them from the convent,
carrying them with the utmost propriety and respect, by order of
the provisor, who was summoned for this function. They went away,
Father Pedroche hurling excommunications, from which escaped only the
alcalde-in-ordinary Pimentel, who conveyed them to Cavite, because
he had given them excellent bread and pastries. At this, not only the
Dominican fathers and their friends took to flight, but Quintero [95]
and his barangay--especially when they saw some embarked for España,
and others for Cagayan. Then, the news of the change in government
having come, was begun the fabrication of a scheme or plot, well
covered up, as follows:

They fully persuaded the governor that this [96] one was a
schismatic--as it were, another Inglaterra in the time of Henry VIII;
and, to forward their schemes--as he had, before all the religious
orders, recognized the cabildo as ecclesiastical ruler--they persuaded
the father provincial of St. Augustine, Father José Duque, to render,
and command all his friars to render, obedience to the bishop of Troya
[97]--who had been nominated as head of the diocese by the archbishop,
but whose appointment the royal Audiencia had suspended. The father
provincial did so, in a circular letter sent to all the friars of
his order, arousing the resentment that might be expected in the
ecclesiastical cabildo, and much more in the royal Audiencia.

As soon as the news of the ship arrived, the Troyan wrote and made
public a document with this title: "Advice to those who come as
strangers to these islands, that they may not err in their judgment of
things pertaining to the banishment of the archbishop." This paper had
no solidity, and answer to it was made in another, in which the former
was utterly demolished [98] with sharp arguments. The provincial made
another reply, over his signature, of the same quality as the former
document, but with not slight attacks on the authority and patronage
of our king. On the same day when the governor entered the city [i.e.,
August 24] in the afternoon, on that morning came into Manila Fray
Bartolome Marron (who went about secretly), and Fathers Juan de Santo
Domingo and Juan de Vargas, who were the lecturers exiled to Cagayan;
the latter went publicly through the city, scorning the royal authority
by which they were exiled. Immediately began the intrigue--which,
according to report, came already planned from Mejico.

The governor questioned the religious orders, requesting and charging
them to answer the points that go with this letter, which were set
forth by the bishop of Troya. The fathers of St. Francis in their
paper declared themselves for the king our sovereign, and approved
what had been done by the royal court. The Augustinian fathers said,
"Viva Troya!" [99] with a document full of depositions--some made
by so evil a brain as that of Fray Raimundo Verart (but signed by
the father provincial Duque); some by two stray (that is, recently
arrived) lecturers, one of whom confessed that he had never heard
of the works of Solorzano; and the last who signed the paper was
Fray Gaspar de San Agustin, the procurator-general, who on account
of being learned in grammar, thought that, as versed in the art of
Nebrija [100] (who was an auditor), it was the same to know how to
conjugate past tenses as to comprehend futures. [101] The Recollect
fathers followed their brethren, but with so few depositions that
I judge the number did not reach the plural of the Greeks. [102]
This paper was much commended, and it is something which I admired,
knowing that it was the work of their provincial, Fray Ysidro; and
when it was seen it was recognized as his by the style and manner
of expression--the stamp of the pulpit, which is that [vocation] for
which God has given him grace. The Theatins evaded a reply, recognizing
the game (or rather flame) [juego, o fuego] that was being started;
but they say that in their apology they explained this omission, and
expressed their opinions with no little care--saying that they were
ignorant of what had passed in the sessions of the royal court; and
that, as it was to be inferred that the royal Audiencia had informed
his Majesty of everything, they could not pass judgment on those acts.

These papers, or collections of papers, were going about, when the
Troyan plunged in medias res and decided the question. One Sunday
morning at five o'clock, he went with his notary Caraballo, and
fiscals, and an escort of soldiers, and entered all the churches
(except the cathedral), where he published himself as ecclesiastical
ruler, and commanded that they should not recognize the cabildo as
such. To this [he added] the penalty of major excommunication and of
being considered schismatics, if they did not go to render obedience
within three days; and he left posted in all the churches copies of
his act. [103] This was an action so extraordinary that, if this
were a town of the common people, a riot would have occurred. All
the members of the ecclesiastical cabildo repaired to the governor,
who received them with scant welcome, and without giving them the
title of "Lordship," [Señoría] which is their due when they appear
officially as the cabildo. He told the dean to tell his story;
and when the latter replied that that cabildo was not going to tell
stories, the governor again told him to go on with his story. They
told him in few words what had occurred, and what had just been done;
but when they again told him that the bishop of Troya had taken with
him an escort of soldiers, he said that he had no knowledge of such
a thing. In conclusion, they stated that by three royal decrees they
had been charged with the government [of the see]; and that he should
give them another decree, commanding them to surrender it to the
bishop of Troya, or that he should approve the bishop's appointment,
and immediately they would surrender the government to him; and
with that they went away. Immediately the governor held a session
(or rather sessions) of the Audiencia, which lasted three days;
and at the end of that time "the mountain brought forth," [104]
by a majority of votes. It resulted that, at ten o'clock at night,
there was a peal of bells, as if for a ship from Castilla; and the
members of the cabildo, escorted by many personages, went to render
obedience to the Troyan. He informed them that he could not absolve
them unless they would swear obedience to the archbishop, which they
must also render to his provisor, Juan Gonzalez, on their knees, asking
his pardon for the injuries that they had done him, and making amends
for the losses that he had suffered. When they resisted, laymen came
in among them and undertook to surround them (as they did); and after
they fell on their knees they placed their hands on the missal, and,
as good men who stood in fear of God, they were granted absolution,
but ad reincidentiam, until the archbishop should decree what would
be most expedient. On another day the Troyan was received in the
cathedral, with military display, the long ringing of the bells, etc.

The governor, who had already decided to restore the archbishop to his
see [105]--but without showing the least indication of rehabilitating
the royal jurisdiction, and establishing obedience to what had been
commanded--despatched General Don Tomas de Andaya and Sargento-mayor
Don Gonzales Samaniego [106] for his illustrious Lordship; they were
accompanied by the Dominican father Fray Baltasar de Santa Cruz.

His illustrious Lordship came here, and was received with military
display, a salvo of artillery, etc. He entered the city clad in his
pontifical robes, and went to the palace of the governor, who was
awaiting him; [107] they remained a short time in conversation, the
governor straitly charging him [to maintain] peace. Then he went to
his own house, where he found the superiors of the religious orders,
who also had gathered in the cathedral with many other religious to
welcome him. He remained two days within Manila, and, without visiting
the superiors, or returning their visit to him, he contented himself
with calling on Generals Tejada, Andaya, and Quintero; and he crossed,
near San Gabriel, to the house of Don Francisco de Atienza, who is
sargento-mayor of the army.

Everyone promised himself an Octavian peace; but in ten or twelve days
war made its appearance, and the more experienced were continually
in dread. On the twenty-eighth of November, the eve of the feast
of the table of the blessed sacrament, notification was sent to the
cabildo, the superiors of the religious orders, and all the curas and
missionaries within and without the walls, that no one should admit
into any of their churches the auditors, Don Juan de Vargas Hurtado,
and many other persons, both citizens and military officers, [108]
as having incurred the penalties in the bull De la cena. At this the
entire community felt as the pious reader can understand, recognizing
that the royal authority had been trampled under foot and outraged--and
the more so, that some persons who promptly came to him for absolution
were required to swear upon the holy gospels that they would never
aid in the banishment, exile, or imprisonment of an ecclesiastic, even
though this be ordered by the king himself, in person. Thereupon, they
frankly declared that they would not take such an oath, and returned
to their homes, scandalized at such a reply. Those who most resented
this stroke were the auditors, especially as, on the following day,
when their platform was already placed in the cathedral, and all
had resolved to go there, the archbishop sent them a message that
they should suspend their attendance there for a time, until these
affairs were adjusted. Thereupon, coram omni populo [i.e., "in the
presence of all the people"] who had gathered to see what was going on,
the platform was removed [from the cathedral]. The auditors keenly
resented this; but since they are to blame in having done what they
could not be forced to do, let them pay the penalty.

The governor astonished at a thing so unexpected, again questioned
the religious orders, in the strictest manner, on various points; the
principal of these was in regard to the royal ministers [comision],
whether or not they had incurred censure by having acted according
to the laws of his Majesty--which was the same as inquiring whether
the said laws were just or unjust. The Augustinians and Recollects
evaded answering this. The Franciscans were doubtful; but, learning
that the Jesuits had answered and publicly declared that now was the
time to stand by our king and give blood and life for him, and that
they all would do so in what was not contrary to the law of God, the
fathers of St. Francis were also encouraged, and they came to the same
resolution. The Theatins gave notice of their decision to the governor;
but they told him that sometimes it was necessary to make the occasion
and whet the blade; and, since now they were drawing the sword, they
would strike a sure blow and draw blood. Considering the feelings of
the Audiencia, and its embarrassed condition, they sent one of their
fathers even to its hall of assembly, to make known their resolution
to the auditors; those gentlemen were much relieved, and thanked the
Jesuits for their courtesy. This was made known throughout the city,
and the people expected that this document would be circulated; but
it seems that the threat alone was as effectual as the stroke could
have been. For, at the instance of the governor, his illustrious
Lordship went to the royal court on the sixth day of December, on
which was celebrated the fiesta of St. Francis Javier; and, as the
result of his visit, the session was closed and all [the auditors]
went to the fiesta, to the great joy of the entire city. We do not
know what occurred in the session of the Audiencia; [109] only one
[writer] mentions that its members were absolved, and others state,
more explicitly, that the absolution was only given in the archbishop's
mind, and explained by himself with a sort of benediction. It seems
that, as a result, they put an end to the lawsuits; but, when the
water stopped falling, it rained pebbles.

On Saturday, December 10, the ecclesiastical cabildo, which had
governed the see, was notified of all these matters, and that it
must be regarded as suspended and under censure [110] for having
accepted the government. At the same time, edicts were posted making
null all the confessions made to the members of the cabildo or to
those persons to whom they had given license [to hear confessions],
and all other things that had been effected by their authority--as
marriages, [the bestowal of] chaplaincies and curacies, etc. [111]
These edicts commanded that, under penalty of major excommunication,
latæ sententiæ, all [persons concerned] should present themselves
within six days, with the documents and other papers [in the case];
[112] thereupon many men who were dissatisfied with their wives, and
women tired of their husbands, tried to find other spouses who were
more congenial. The scruples of people regarding their confessions
may well be imagined; and this, too, when Lent was past. But the
most astute (although harsh) measure was the command, under the same
penalty, that no one should speak, assert, or teach anything contrary
to the tenor of the said edict. The Dominican fathers, moreover,
even said in the pulpits, when exultant tanquam victores capta preda,
[113] that there is no person in these islands, except the Dominican
religious, who has the ability or learning to make a decision in a case
of morals. Thus the poor prebends are suspended; nor have they any
recourse, since the royal Audiencia is now disarmed. The archbishop
proceeded to welcome them with much kindness, telling them that now
they came to his illustrious Lordship, because they had recourse in
no other direction--words which have aroused much comment, as being
insulting to the king and inimical to his royal patronage; and he
added, that they deserved to be degraded from office and handed over
to the secular power. Above all, he tried to deprive them of their
prebends, and to thrust into the cathedral that dealer in fireworks,
Caraballo, and others of that stamp. The worst is, that he declares
that they cannot be dispensed from their irregular administration [of
the see]--nor can appeal be taken to the delegate of his Holiness,
or to any other--by any bishop of these islands, since all four are
Dominicans and follow the lead of the archbishop; and all the four
cities and bishoprics of these islands are entirely unsettled with
lawsuits and excommunications at every step. No attention is paid to
the officials of his Majesty, the more discreet of whom acquiesce. It
is necessary to apply a very exemplary corrective; for they [i.e.,
the ecclesiastical authorities] have gone to such an extreme that
to issue royal decrees to them is the same as to throw caps at the
tarasca. [114] They act with contempt for the royal authority, which
even the most remote barbarians fear and reverence.

On the first of December was published the residencia of Don Juan de
Vargas Hurtado; and a fortnight later the city challenged the judge
of residencia, by saying that it was conducted with fraud, as the
said judge was bribed. The challenge was admitted, and he named for
his associate Señor Calderon; as the latter declined, he named Señor
de Viga, and then Señor Bolivar, both of whom did the same. The judge
continued to nominate other persons, and all excused themselves. [115]
As a result, it seems, Don Juan de Vargas was anchored to his island
[116] for several years. He himself has caused this, since he has not
the dexterity to apply a curb of silver with the royal arms to Captain
Quintanilla, the scrivener of the residencia--who still endeavors to
urge it on, although he does not lead the plot.

A second embassy came from Borney; and General Don Juan de Morales is
going with the title of ambassador, to establish peace at once. [117]
They say a Theatin will accompany him, to pave the way for introducing
the faith into that kingdom.

The commander [of the galleon] for Castilla is Don Francisco
Zorrilla; the sargento-mayor, Don Bernardo de Andaya; the chief
pilot, Lazcano. [Here is the list of] alcaldes-mayor: Of Tondo,
Don Pedro Lozano; of Pampanga, Samaniego; of Bulacan, Armijo; of
Bay, Don Antonio de Ortega; of Balayan, Don Juan Antonio de Tabara;
of Tayabas, Captain Conde; of Albay, Captain Ariola; of Pangasinan,
Arcega; of Ylocos, the former sargento-mayor of Cavite; of Calamianes,
Don Alonso de Leon; of Mindoro, Prada; of Panay, Don Agustin Crespo;
of the island of Negros, Captain Adriano; of Caraga, Captain Blas
Rodriguez. For accountant of his Majesty, Juan del Pozo y Gatica;
for castellan of Cavite, Don Alonso de Aponte; for sargento-mayor of
that port, Francisco Sanchez.

Considerable is being done on the galleon in Sorsogon, where the
"Santelmo" was wrecked; they say that General Don Tomas de Andaya
will go there for its construction, with title of lieutenant-governor
and commander-in-chief for Mariveles; he is in high favor with the
governor.

The bishop of Sinopolis is coming from Cebu, his patience quite
exhausted with the follies and impertinences of Don Diego de Aguilar,
who has worn out that unfortunate community with his extravagant
actions, all originating in his insatiable greed. The ecclesiastical
ruler of Cagayan is the bishop of Troya.

On the twenty-third of December the members of the cabildo came again
to cast themselves at the feet of the archbishop; and, after a long
harangue of misereres and entreaties, he replied to them by asking
if they were not ashamed to show their faces, and other things of the
like sort, in the tone of a tercerilla, [118] and then left them. It
may well be imagined with what joy they must have celebrated the
Christmas feasts.

The evil genius of the archbishop at present is Fray Juan Ybañez,
otherwise named de San Domingo; he is the lecturer that was exiled to
Cagayan. He has made strenuous efforts to deprive the members of the
chapter of their prebends--regarding which the archbishop had three
times sent advice to the governor; the latter replied, to the third of
these communications, that the archbishop should say no more on this
point, because he would not do what he asked. It is a great pity that
this gentleman should have meddled by recalling the archbishop from
banishment, since that act has been the source of the disturbances
in this unhappy community, troubles which will exist for many years;
for it cannot be doubted that he has in other respects conducted the
government well, and with unwearying efforts--especially in what
concerns the increase of the royal revenues. But he is thoroughly
repentant for his error, at seeing his hopes of peace frustrated,
which was the purpose in his decision.



1685

The prebendaries remained suspended until the fourth Sunday in
Lent [i.e., March 25], when the [censure for] irregular government
was removed from them; but for this purpose a conference was first
summoned by the archbishop. It included the bishop of Sinopolis, the
superiors and masters of the religious orders--and with them crowded
in all the swarm of doctors and masters of Santo Tomas, to the no
little annoyance of the bishop and the religious orders. In this
conference the question was asked whether the members of the cabildo
were worthy of being absolved for their irregular acts. All answered
in the affirmative, except little Master Caraballo; and he said that
his illustrious Lordship could not grant the dispensation, as these
were cases that concerned the faith, specifying his declaration in
the document which was drawn up. The Dominican fathers gave the same
opinion; but the bishop of Sinopolis replied to them, saying that if
this were a matter contrary to the faith, as they seemed to imagine,
they could not discuss it, since that pertained to another tribunal;
it was finally decided that the absolution should be given to the
prebendaries. When we were all expecting that this would be done,
as it ought to be, within the body of the ecclesiastical cabildo,
the fourth Sunday of Lent having arrived, the archbishop commanded
that there should be no preaching in any of the churches of this
city, or in those without the walls; and that all the people should
repair to the cathedral in the afternoon. He commanded that two seats
should be made ready there--one outside the church, in order that the
countless multitude who were present might enjoy this so edifying act;
and the other at the great altar itself. The altar and the cibary
were covered with a canopy.

At ten in the morning, he declared the members of the cabildo to be
excommunicated; and, the facts being as I have already stated above,
they were now absolved ad reincidentiam, by the bishop of Troya;
such relapse [reincidencia] had not occurred in any instance, and
therefore the declaration of the canons was without cause, and only
directed at a very scandalous paper on the absolution--which was
performed with great ostentation, in the following manner.

At four in the afternoon, the archbishop being seated on the chair
which stood outside the holy church, assisted by his provisor, Juan
Gonzalez, and a racionero, the prebends went to him, and, while they
knelt there, a judicial record was read to them of all the offenses
committed--that is, all the enactments made--by them while governing
the archbishopric; and, while they were there before the public in
that embarrassing condition, [en calzas y en jubon] [119] the names
of all those who supported the cabildo, and recognized that body as
the ecclesiastical ruler, were read. He even published the Theatins,
on account of an opinion that they gave to the cabildo at the latter's
request, on the question whether the cabildo could release on bail
the cantor Herrera from prison--since he did not appear, nor could
his case be prosecuted, nor was there hope that he would appear soon,
for it was more than a year and a half that he had spent in prison;
the Theatins decided this query in the affirmative, saying that the
cabildo not only could, but ought to, release him. Those who signed
the paper were the past provincials, Javier Riquelme, former rector of
San José, and Tomas de Andrade, [120] rector of the great college and
of their university; Fathers Alejo Lopez [121] and Jaime Vestart, at
present masters in theology; Ysidro Clarete [122] and Pedro Lope. [123]
Although the matter was so plain, and the paper was signed by so many
fathers, the archbishop annulled that act, as if he were the supreme
pontiff of the Church. This is a matter at which the Theatins have
smiled much, but with a smile that but conceals their annoyance. [124]
The members of the chapter expressed their detestation of all that
they had done, and took oath upon the holy gospels that they would not
again commit such crimes, besides many other oaths that they took,
which were required from them--oaths very offensive to the king our
sovereign. Finally, they were absolved as if they were heretics--the
harshness of the archbishop reaching such a pitch that he wished to
flog them, and already held in his hand the rattan for doing this;
but, after many entreaties from their relatives, he refrained from
carrying out this threat. This inquisitional act being finished, the
archbishop entered the church with them, and, seated on his chair
while they stood, he delivered a speech in which he treated them,
and the religious orders that recognized them as ecclesiastical
rulers, as if they were heretics--although the Dominican fathers,
who also had thus recognized them, escaped from this. Those who were
most offended were the Theatins; and although they are now silent,
one may be sure that they are gathering up their stones. Thus ended
this act, which grieved the hearts of all; and on the following
day the archbishop commanded that they should go to the convent
of Santo Domingo to sing a mass, as a thanksgiving for such absurd
performances. It was sung by the treasurer Valencia, assisted by his
illustrious Lordship; and the sermon was by the father vicar-general,
Fray Bartolome Marron--who, carried away by his fervent spirit,
emptied his sack of foolish ideas. Among other things, he declared
(besides making many threats) that the Order of St. Dominic was the
sister of the clergy, and in proof of this alleged that his convent
was ruled by the cathedral clock (although this was a matter generally
known, and of no great importance).

Don Juan de Vargas was excommunicated, and interdicted from entering
the church, but he was not posted as such. The archbishop would not
allow them to go to say mass in his house, without heeding the wretched
health of his wife, or his having so large a family--and he suffered
the more hardship, as he remained in his house on the island. [125]
Besides, when he went out of his house he took with him, as always, his
trumpeter; this the archbishop could not endure, for it sounded ill to
the Dominicans. Accordingly, they notified him of an act that he should
not be accompanied with trumpets, because he was scandalizing those
who were weak in the faith--although it was a fact that such scandal
was not presented before either the weak or the great. With this,
Vargas undertook recourse to the royal Audiencia; and, the document
being drawn up, he sent it to the governor, with the request that it
be considered in the session of that court. His Lordship withheld it,
desiring to settle once for all with the archbishop that he should
recall the excommunication or interdict; but, this settlement being
somewhat delayed, his Lordship returned the petition to Don Juan, with
the message that he must have patience for a few days, while he would
make every effort (as he did) to secure a settlement; but that, if he
should not accomplish it in that time, Don Juan should avail himself
of his right. During the four days, various arguments and letters
passed between his Lordship and the archbishop; and at the end of
that time the latter, urged by the diligent efforts of the governor,
consented to yield, but in the wrong direction; for he threatened
Don Juan de Vargas with being posted as publicly excommunicated,
to the great annoyance of his Lordship. Don Juan de Vargas did not
resort a second time to the royal tribunal; but instead he went to
the archbishop and demanded absolution. The prelate commanded him to
go to Father Marron and Father Verart, and ask their pardon, and to
do what they should order him to do. He did so, and they commanded
him to go to the provisor on the same errand; and the latter sent him
to little Caraballo, the dealer in fireworks. All this he fulfilled,
even to signing a letter for the king, in which he retracted all that
he had written against the Dominicans; in one word, he signed what they
placed before him, already written. We all supposed that he would be
quickly absolved, and he himself demanded this; but answer was made
to him that his illustrious Lordship would notify him of it, and of
the time and manner thereof. All this was to give time for the return
from Cagayan of the bishop of Troya, so that Don Juan should ask his
pardon and compensate him for the injuries which that prelate judged
Don Juan had inflicted on him. He came from Cagayan about Holy Week,
and that time passed without any mention of absolution, until, on Holy
Saturday, the archbishop going to give the Easter salutations to the
governor, the latter addressed him very fittingly--telling him that it
seemed very wrong that at a time when Christ our Lord suffered for men,
and not only pardoned but even excused those who were tormenting him,
his Lordship, who stood in the place of Christ, was incriminating Don
Juan de Vargas, and refusing to pardon him even after he had obeyed,
in so edifying a manner, all the commands that had been laid upon him,
although those commands were unjust, and ought not to be obeyed. This
was the substance of the discourse, which lasted more than an hour;
and they discussed therein the question of the absolution, with the
warmth which will be related.

The archbishop summoned an assembly, by means of the document which
I send you with this, full of contemptuous remarks about the royal
authority--as the paper itself shows, without further explanation. The
good old man is obliged to decide with the Troyan and his friars what
he has to do, and then seek the support of the religious orders. For
this conference a letter was written to the bishop of Sinopolis,
and the latter told the fireworks secretary his poor opinion of such
conferences; that if he must do what was there determined by the
friars, and if this was to be like the former conference--so many
black-gowns [negritos] crowding in, and, when one asked a question,
its stirring up fifteen hundred other things--it was best to cease
having such assemblies. The bishop remained at home, but sent his
written opinion that the archbishop ought to absolve Don Juan de
Vargas, and that privately. The Franciscans and Theatins did not
attend the conference, nor did they send their opinions--excusing
themselves by letter, with various pretexts, which did not taste like
honey to him. The archbishop wrote to the guardian of St. Francis
an ill-tempered letter, threatening him with vengeance; but the
guardian was not asleep, nor did he forget the rule of "interrogation
and reply," etc. At the said conference were present the Troyan,
the Augustinian and Recollect provincials, and the two Dominicans
Marron and Verart, the axletrees of the other cart; these last and
the Troyan said that poor Vargas could not be absolved. Father Duque,
the Augustinian provincial, declared that he could and ought to be
absolved, and that privately, saying: "As for the offences of Vargas,
either they are or are not committed against the faith; if they are
against the faith, as is being assumed, they do not belong to your
illustrious Lordship or to us, and it is not allowable to discuss them
here." Verart sprang to his feet like a flash, and began to argue
with the Recollect. In such debates the entire afternoon went by,
without their reaching any decision. At the end of a week the sentence
was uttered, and Vargas was notified that for four months he must do
what follows: During the first month, he must go on every feast-day
to divine worship in the cathedral, clad in the sackcloth robe of
a penitent, and with a halter round his neck; and in this guise,
he must listen in public to mass. The second month, he must do the
same at the convent of San Domingo; the third month, at San Gabriel;
and the fourth, at Binondo--and this, when it had been decided in the
conference that he should be "absolved privately," which are the formal
terms of the sentence! When he was notified of this, he appealed from
that decree to the court where this matter legally belonged; [126]
but as all the bishops were Dominicans, where could he go where they
would not confirm his sentence? Accordingly, Vargas came before the
royal Audiencia, asking a laymen's decree. [127] His petition was
considered in the session of that court, and [afterward] shown to
the fiscal of his Majesty, who [at the time] was absent, inspecting a
Chinese ship. In this state (which is not one of innocence) the affair
remains at the time of this writing; but if it shall be decided before
the ship sails [for Acapulco] I will write further.

I only omitted to state that the first sentence of the archbishop was,
that Vargas might choose between the punishment above described and
the following one (which is not to be talked about): He should erect
in the plaza, at his own expense, a scaffold or stage, and then give
notice that it was there; and the archbishop would go to absolve
him thereon. Vargas must go thither naked from the girdle upward,
wearing yellow hose, and carrying a green candle; and on the stage he
would be flogged. And in truth he deserved the lash, since, by not
sending to España, as the royal Audiencia decided, the two friars
who made war on him, he finds himself today in so great affliction,
which also occasions the royal authority to be insulted as never
before has been seen in all the [Spanish] realm.

At this same time poor Don Juan de Vargas finds himself in the fray
of his residencia. [128] For this investigation the governor named,
as associates of the judge, his Majesty's accountant, Captain Don Juan
del Pozo Gattica, and Sargento-mayor Lucas Mateo de Urquiza. The secret
inquiry ended a week ago, but they have not made known the findings
therein, which are said to be favorable. Only the Dominican fathers,
in whom he trusted for this emergency, have aided him by contributing
[a document of] fifty-three sections, regarding his entire life and
character--many of these concerning the Zambals of Playahonda, whom
he had assigned to the Dominicans; [129] and the first section goes
to show that he "lacked the chief qualifications of a knight"--the
way in which they speak of him. The city, through its attorney,
made fifty-six charges against him; and among these they demanded
from him damages for the losses that this community had suffered
from the return to port of the ship or galleon "Santa Rosa"--because
instead of ballast they placed in it wax, and for fifteen hundred
other articles that were included in the lading of the ship. As soon
as the secret inquiry was ended, Admiral Faura was arrested in the
fort, and Sargento-mayor Gallardo at the entrance of the bastion;
and all their goods were seized--but not much of their property was
found; if there had been, it would have showed that they were fools,
and certainly they are not of that sort. All agree that six hundred
thousand pesos would not suffice Don Juan de Vargas for what they
demand from him. [130]

In Camarines there are great controversies between the bishop and
the Franciscans, whose commissary, Fray Ysidro de la Madre de Dios,
made very sarcastic [saladas] remarks to the bishop who, it seems,
does not relish so much salt. The former acted so that the bishop
demanded from the royal Audiencia that they should send that friar to
España. It is to be noticed that this good religious is so devout that
his friars, on account of his modest behavior, call him "the Theatin"
[i.e., "the Jesuit"]; but seeing himself accused on such a ground,
he was furiously angry, going so far as to tell the bishop that
everything was going to destruction since bishops so ignorant as his
illustrious Lordship were appointed, etc. The royal Audiencia made
no answer to the bishop's demand, except in general terms; for that
religious has a well-established reputation, and it is acknowledged
that he has cause [for what he says].

By a loyal decree the bishop of Troya was notified that he must raise
the censures that he had laid upon the alcaldes-mayor, the collectors
[of tribute], and the rest of the officers of justice throughout
the bishopric of Cagayan. Up to the time of this writing, he has not
replied; if he shall do so, I will add a note of it.

The royal court soon responded to the petition by Don Juan de Vargas,
by a royal decree which was sent to the archbishop, to the effect
that he should absolve Vargas ad reincidentiam, and send them the
acts. It was doubted whether the governor would sign it, because he
disliked lawsuits and controversies, and because this was to decide
the point at issue; but he signed it. The secretary of the court went
to make the decree known, and the good old man took the document for
the ceremony of kissing it and placing it on his head--but, placing it
in his breast, told the secretary that he needed time to reply to it;
that those gentlemen [of the Audiencia] took their time for planning
these decrees, and expected that he would reply in haste; and that
he must send him stamped paper for a reply. The secretary replied
that he had orders not to leave the royal decree with the bishop,
and that his illustrious Lordship could answer that he heard it,
and afterward reply by means of a long letter whatever he chose; but
the latter was obstinate, [131] and refused to give back the decree,
and told him to wait for his answer. Since this will be actually made
by Fray Marron and Fray Verart, it will make much trouble. In fine, he
has, however, already explained extra-judicially his intention--which
is, that even if they cut off his head he will not lower a shred
of sail; and if he posts the governor and auditors on the list of
excommunicated persons, it will be [not only] what can be demanded,
but what they deserve. It is expected that the contest will be renewed,
[132] and affairs point to nothing less.

The archbishop has now replied to the decree, and his answer was
to send a bunch, or olla podrida, [133] of papers which he calls
"acts." Regarding the absolution, he says therein that he cannot
absolve Don Juan de Vargas, since it is a matter which concerns the
Inquisition. The Audiencia held a session on the first of the month,
regarding the archbishop's reply; their conclusion has not been
made public.

A military council was held to deliberate upon the reëstablishment
of [a fort at] Zamboanga, and all voted that this should be
accomplished. The city was informed of this, as a command of his
Majesty, in order that the citizens might aid the enterprise; but
they were of a contrary opinion, for reasons which it is said, are
frivolous. The truth is, according to report, that they do not like to
be exiled [there]. The governor demanded the opinion of the Theatins,
which they gave in accordance with that of the military council,
very energetically demolishing the reasons adduced by the city. The
whole matter, it seems, is going before the royal Council. Manila,
June 8, 1685.



Occurrences during the term of government of Cruzalaegui

1. With the publication in Manila of the coming of Admiral Don Gabriel
de Cruzalaegui in the ship "Santa Rosa," to govern these islands,
was revealed the obligation which he brought from Mejico to restore
the archbishop.

2. Before the said governor arrived, the bishop of Troya published
a document with the title, "Advice to those who come newly to these
islands, that they may not err in judgment regarding the banishment
of the archbishop." In this writing there were propositions opposed
to the Audiencia, the cabildo, and the royal decisions.

3. Reply was made to this by an anonymous writer, against whom Fray
Raimundo Verart came out with drawn sword, issuing a manifesto that
was full of assertions hostile to the royal jurisdiction and to
the cabildo.

4. The governor entered Manila on August 24, 1684. There was an
earthquake on that day, an unusual occurrence for that time; and
soon after he had passed through the Puerta Real the balcony fell,
and with it more than one hundred persons--of whom many were injured,
some died, and others were crippled.

5. The governor soon manifested the partiality that he felt for the
Dominicans, intriguing with Fray Francisco de Vargas and Fray Juan
de Ybañez, who had been sent out of the city by the royal Audiencia,
but had returned to it before the entry of the said governor; he
did the same with Verart and Marron, who had been banished, but left
their hiding-places and appeared [in the city] when he entered it.

6. Under cover of the favor which the governor showed to the
Dominicans, they made impudent speeches in the pulpits against the
royal Audiencia and the cabildo; and they refused to join them in
public functions, regarding them as excommunicated. For the same
reason, they would not go to the procession for the publication of
the bull, even when they were commanded to do so by the commissary
of the Crusade.

7. The cabildo rendered account to the governor, in a very learned
document, of their government during the absence of the archbishop;
the Audiencia also made him a very suitable report of what they had
done. But the governor paid no attention to either of the two reports,
in order to carry his own point, the restitution of the archbishop.

8. The governor endeavored to influence the auditors at his will,
doing them some favors and making some approaches to them, which
they, faithful to their king, resisted. Not being able to subdue
them by this method, he arranged that a demand be contrived by means
of Don Tomas de Endaya and Don Francisco de Atienza (both of them
regidors and belonging to his faction), that the city should sign a
letter of advice to the governor, in which they should represent to
him the difficulties arising from the banishment of the archbishop,
and the uneasiness of the people occasioned by their uncertainty as
to what would be done in regard to the government of the cabildo,
etc.; and request his Lordship to adopt such measures as should be
most opportune to put an end to their anxiety. Those of the governor's
following signed this paper very readily; those who follow the truth,
reluctantly; and there was one who refused to sign.

9. The governor consulted the religious orders upon this point, and
upon the excommunications which the Dominicans were [word blotted
in MS.]. The Society of Jesus excused themselves from responding
to such a consultation, because they observed the malicious design
with which it was asked. The Franciscans at first excused themselves,
but afterward answered in favor of the cabildo. The Augustinians were
ready to suit the pleasure of the governor, on account of being very
intimate with the Dominicans; and the same was done by the Recollects,
who follow the Augustinians in everything.

10. With the said opinions, obtained by pressure, the governor ordered
that the bishop of Troya should begin to rule the archbishopric, under
the protection of the governor. This he did, one Sunday, which they
fixed, October 22; and he was styled governor of the archbishopric, and
personally went about posting in the churches certain edicts in which
he summoned the entire cabildo to appear before the ecclesiastical
court within the next three days, under penalty of being regarded as
publicly excommunicated, to give satisfaction for having arrogated
to themselves the government; and on the same day he took away Juan
Gonzalez, who was a prisoner in his own house, and carried him to
[the convent of] San Agustín; and to the persons whom he found there
he intimated that they would have this man as provisor.

11. This so violent mode of proceeding caused much disquiet in the
community; and if the cabildo, desiring to maintain the peace which
the bishop of Troya and his friars were disturbing, had not yielded,
some tumult among the people would have resulted, so great was their
excitement.

12. The ecclesiastical cabildo repaired to the governor in regard to
this case, and were coldly received by him. A session of the royal
Audiencia was held; the fiscal set forth the right of the cabildo,
and justified their government; but notwithstanding this the governor
declared himself for the bishop of Troya, and displayed the [written]
opinions mentioned above, with which he confirmed the former pretension
of restoring the archbishop.

13. During the four days while the sessions of the Audiencia lasted,
there were long debates in the palace, and much confusion among the
people. The governor talked loudly, and expressed opinions that the
cabildo must not govern. The fiscal stripped off his robe, indignant
that the royal patronage was not respected. During those days, no
receptor or court secretary was allowed to enter the session, so that
no testimony of the proceedings should be taken. The Dominican friars
[went] in crowds to the palace. Marcos Quintero, who is entirely for
them, had offered to the governor, it is said, to pay whatever fine
he might impose for this.

14. [The bishop of] Troya governed the archbishopric in the interval
before the archbishop was restored to his see. Endaya went on this
errand with a royal decree, obtained by the utmost violence, and
given very reluctantly by the auditors, who were afraid, because the
governor intimidated them by the language he used. He received the
archbishop with [salvos of] artillery and muster of the troops.

15. The archbishop, instigated by his friars, began to take his
revenge on November 22 of the same year. He sent notifications to the
ecclesiastical cabildo, the religious orders, etc., of an act ordering
that they should not admit into their churches the master-of-camp
Don Juan de Vargas Hurtado, or the auditors, or many other persons
and military officers who had a share in his banishment, or in the
deportation of the Dominican provincial and other friars.

16. The cabildo wrote to the archbishop to inquire whether entrance
to the church should be denied to the auditors if they came in a body
as the Audiencia, as they go on communion days [dias de tabla]; and
he replied that this should be done, in whatever manner they might
go to church. In consequence of this, the Audiencia did not attend
at two communion feasts; these were the commemoration of the blessed
sacrament in the cathedral, and the day of St. Andrew the Apostle.

17. The governor showed a desire to settle with the bishop his
relations with the Audiencia; and he arranged that on the sixth of
December all the auditors should be present together in the palace,
and that the archbishop should come to meet them, as if by chance,
and talk with them, and thus have a sort of absolution conferred--a
mummery [mogiganga] by which they could attend that day the feast of
St. Javier, which was celebrated at the church of the Society of Jesus.

18. All those proscribed in the archbishop's act went to ask for
absolution; and he commanded them to take oath that they would not
obey the ministers of the king in matters pertaining to ecclesiastical
persons. For others, the formula of the oath was, that they must swear
to observe the sacred canons. This proceeding caused great disquiet
in the minds of the citizens.

19. Some disturbances led to others. On the ninth of December
notification was served on the dean and four dignitaries of the
cabildo, with a canon, that they must be regarded as under censure
as irregular, for having assumed the government of the church, and
for having arrested Juan Gonzalez and Don Pablo de Aduna.

20. The cabildo found itself entirely defenseless against the
manifest anger of the archbishop, without power to appeal either to
[the ecclesiastical court of] Camarines--since its bishop, the head
of that court, was of the Dominican faction--or to [the court of]
Cagayan, since Troya was there; or to the Audiencia, since recourse to
that body was prohibited, and the governor did not wish to interfere
with the archbishop.

21. On the same day, the ninth of December, an edict of the
archbishop was posted in which were annulled the sacraments of
penance administered by the said prebends, and the licenses which
they had given for hearing confessions, preaching, etc.; item,
the marriages solemnized without the permission of his provisor,
Juan Gonzalez--and they rained down censures, excommunications,
and threats by the thousand, according to the fury of Father Verart,
who directed all these. By another edict, dated January 8, all the
legal causes and suits which had been tried before the cabildo and
its provisor were declared null and void.

22. The said measures produced innumerable perplexities. Soon
afterward, the archbishop attempted to deprive the said prebends
of their appointments; and to this end he held a conference with
the governor, proposing most unworthy persons in the place of those
prebends. This proposal was considered in the session of the Audiencia,
and censured as irregular and out of order; and it went no further.

23. The archbishop issued an act against the trumpet of Don Juan
de Vargas, commanding that he conduct himself as an excommunicated
person. Soon afterward (on February 10, 1685), he posted Don Juan
on all the church doors as publicly excommunicated. The latter had
recourse to the royal aid, and wrote an excellent document in his
defense; but the governor did nothing for him, and only commanded
him to obey the archbishop and be reconciled with him.

24. Seeing himself deprived of recourse, the poor gentleman did all
that he could to procure a reconciliation with the archbishop and
the Dominican friars. He was commanded to beg the pardon of all the
aggrieved parties, even from the most inferior lay brethren; and he did
this, at the cost of many rebuffs. After this, the archbishop obliged
him to swear, declare, and attest that when he sent the archbishop in a
vessel to his exile he had sent him away without supplies of everything
necessary, although this was manifestly false, for provision was made
as if for a royal person. Even when he had done what was demanded
from him, the archbishop would not even take his name from the list
of excommunicates, such was his hatred for Don Juan. Ab ira et odio
et mala voluntate monachi dominici libera nos, Domine. [134]

25. The archbishop claimed that the senior auditor, Doctor Don Diego
Calderon, should [not] be absolved from the censures which, the
archbishop informed him, he had incurred because of the demand which
he made, when he was fiscal, against Bishop Palú, [135] who landed in
these islands, with whom the Dominicans had secret dealings. Calderon
replied to the archbishop, setting forth the reasons which induced him
to act as he did with Palú; and for the time the archbishop desisted
from his intentions.

26. The prebends endured this persecution with incredible
patience. Again the governor wrote a letter, [endeavoring] to mediate
in the question of granting a dispensation [to the cabildo] for their
irregular government, and engaged the bishop of Sinopolis as his
agent. Ybañez went to the dean to tell him that all would be settled
according to his satisfaction, but this was nothing but a falsehood
and invention; for the dispensation [136] was conferred with the
utmost ignominy for the cabildo and prebends, for the greater glory
and triumph of the Dominicans, the managers of this scene-shifting.

27. They obliged the prebends to make certain declarations, which
were fraudulent and misleading, so that it was difficult not to
blunder in the replies, which were directed by Father Verart, the
mainspring of all these plots. They made the prebends take an oath;
the latter consented to this, and submitted to everything, in order
to extricate themselves from so much annoyance and to be free from
enemies so powerful and so persistent.

28. The archbishop commanded the prebends to make a statement
of detestation [of their errors], in which were contained things
prejudicial and inimical to the royal jurisdiction and prerogatives;
and others, complimenting the archbishop and his friars and various
private persons. On the same day a conference had been held in which
it was asked whether the said prebends were worthy of being dispensed;
it was decided that they were, because those who were following the
current with the archbishop were very influential, but those who were
more judicious and learned thought that there was no reason why the
said dispensation was necessary. [137]

29. On the following day the archbishop again declared the members of
the cabildo to be excommunicated, alleging that although the bishop
of Troya had absolved them, he had done so only ad reincidentiam,
for such time as the bishop should choose. In the said act he also
commanded that in the afternoon of the same day they should go to
the cathedral to receive absolution and dispensation; and on the next
day they must all go to the church of Santo Domingo, to make amends
to the friars for imagined injuries.

30. The function of the absolution and dispensation was celebrated with
the greatest publicity, and in a very marked, offensive, and injurious
manner. An enormous number of the lower class of people were called in,
from the neighboring villages--and especially from Binondoc, which is
a village in charge of the Dominicans; for that purpose, the sermons
which would occur that afternoon in some churches were suppressed,
so that all the people could go to see a performance that would so
exalt the Dominican fathers.

31. The prebends went to the church, ignorant of the measures taken
for exposing them to ignominy. They found two tribunals erected,
one at the church door, and the other inside, at the great altar; and
there was an enormous concourse of people. Of the religious orders,
the Dominicans were there in great numbers; from the colleges, only
the members of Santo Thomas [Tomistas]. The archbishop occupied his
judgment-seat at the door of the church, and at either side were
his beloved Juan Gonzalez and Aduna. He called the prebends and
made them kneel before him in order to be absolved, as if they were
heretics. He handled a ferule while the Miserere lasted, although
he did not, on account of the entreaties of those who were present,
strike the capitulars with it. Then he went inside the church,
and after performing other ceremonies, took his seat on the second
platform, where he made an address, in which he gave many and sharp
stabs to those who favored the cause of the cabildo; and after that
the performance came to an end, with much gossiping among the people,
who regarded these actions as revengeful.

32. The archbishop prepared a feast in order to regale the prebends,
quite contrary to his usual manner and harsh temper; the prebends
attended it unwillingly, seeing that they had been treated like boys,
and that this banquet was only a device to shut their mouths. He made
them elect another secretary for that same cabildo's corporation,
and afterward inflicted punishment on him who was secretary while they
governed; this was a poor cleric, whom he declared excommunicated and
suspended, [138] and seized his little property, for having acted
officially in the proceedings brought against Don Juan Gonzalez by
the dean as provisor.

33. Troya returned from Cagayan, where he had gone, on the
pretext of administering confirmations, during the time of these
transactions. There he deprived of their curacies, and loaded with
censures, Licentiate Diego de las Navas and Bachelor Diego de Espinosa
Marañon; and having sent them to Manila, he placed friars in their
stead. Afterward he imposed excommunications on the alcaldes-mayor and
collectors of tribute who might buy and sell goods with the Indians
of those provinces.

34. Don Juan de Vargas, after his name had been on the list of
excommunicates two months, and he had been interdicted for four months
from entrance into the churches, solicited absolution, by a petition
to the archbishop; the latter sent it to Troya, so that he might
poison it. Troya pushed Don Juan farther toward ruin, and--paying
no attention to the reasons which the said master-of-camp Vargas
brought forward as having influenced him to banish the archbishop,
in behalf of the prerogatives of the king our sovereign--he made
answer furiously, that Don Juan must be absolved with publicity; and,
although the governor advised him, the bishop paid no heed to this.

35. At Lent in 1685, the archbishop suspended three fathers of the
Society, to whom the cabildo while it governed had given permission
to preach and hear confessions; he did this not only because of the
aversion which he had taken for the cabildo, but on account of the
enmity which he had always felt toward the Society. The governor
compelled two foreign ships to pay very exorbitant imposts, at which
they were greatly dissatisfied.

36. Don Juan de Vargas was not ready for absolution. The archbishop
called together the theologians, to tell him whether the absolution
should be given privately; this was decided in the affirmative by the
majority of votes, but the Dominicans opposed it. The archbishop,
in order to defeat the resolution, decreed that Vargas must first
perform the following penance: During an entire month, he must be
present in the cathedral, from morning until high mass, clothed in
sackcloth and in the garb of a penitent, with a halter round his neck;
and for another month he must, in the same manner, attend the church
of Santo Domingo; another, the hospital of San Gabriel; and another,
the church of Binondoc. Then, the said penance being accomplished, he
would be absolved by Domingo Diaz, a mestizo of infamous character. The
said Don Juan de Vargas appealed, but the appeal was not allowed him,
and he remains in the same condition up to the present time.



Paragraphs of a letter written from Manila, June 15, 1685, by Auditor
Don Pedro Sebastian de Bolivar y Mena to his agent at Madrid, Don
Diego Ortiz de Valdes.

In this ship came as governor of these islands Don Gabriel de
Curuzalegui y Arriola, a knight of excellent abilities, very
disinterested, and intent on the service of his Majesty--whose royal
revenues from the department of customs, which were so impaired,
have been enormously increased, of which he will, I doubt not,
send statements to the Council. The trouble is, that this place is
so corrupt that, even though a very good man comes here, with the
best intentions, people make him fail in his duty. Even if I had not
had a letter from you for the purpose, he would show indignation
against me. For, having spoken to the governor at various times,
and asked if you had hinted anything about me, either personally
or through Don Tomas, he has replied that such was not the case;
but this did not happen to Don Diego de Viga, for he carried the
recommendations of Don Tomas, and therefore has a place in [the
governor's] affection--although he shows all kindness to me also, and
I endeavor to serve him as far as I can reasonably. As soon as this
knight arrived, he made strenuous efforts to secure the restoration
of the archbishop to his see--for which he made a proposition, or
offered his opinion, to the royal court, finding occasion for this in
one which the secular cabildo had offered on the same subject. And,
although, in the private conferences which he held with each one of us
upon this matter, it was represented to him that such a solution [of
the difficulty] was impossible--since account of it had been rendered
to his Majesty, and the acts therein referred to him; and also since
the circumstances and facts which had given cause for the archbishop's
banishment still existed; and that no restitution had been or would
be made to the royal jurisdiction for the injury that he had done
it, nor had he offered any betterment in the future--he nevertheless
insisted that it must be done. And as here there is no [opportunity
for any] will, save that of a governor, since he is absolute, we all
had to acquiesce, under compulsion and pressure, in the restitution of
the archbishop--and not only that, but also in accepting the bishop
of Troya as governor ad interim until his illustrious Lordship came
back. As soon as the latter arrived, he began to unsheathe the sword,
against all the human race; for he declared that all three of us
auditors had incurred the excommunications imposed by the bull of
Cena [Domini; i.e., the Lord's Supper] and by the canon, commanding
that we should not be admitted into the churches. This we reported
to the governor, and reminded him of the inconveniences which, as we
had represented to him, would follow from such restitution; and he,
while acknowledging this, talked of availing himself of extrajudicial
measures to hinder those that were judicial; consequently we were
interdicted from the church for several days. At the end of that
time, he sent to summon me, on an occasion when I was alone in the
Audiencia, and told me that he had the matter settled; that the act [of
excommunication] should be recalled--with only [the stipulation] that
the archbishop should go to the palace at a time when we all were there
together with his Lordship; and that, the archbishop entering with
him, we should kiss his hand, and everything would remain settled. I
informed my associates of this, and all agreed to it, provided that
the word "absolution" should not be used, because if it were, all
of us would leave the room; moreover, we supposed that Don Juan de
Vargas would be included in this act, for, as he had concurred with
us, as our president, it would be very proper that he should do the
same as we. I gave this reply to the governor, and he told me that
as for what concerned Don Juan de Vargas, he had already arranged
it, and that for this he was responsible. In accordance with this
[agreement], we assembled at the palace. The archbishop came, and we
went forward to receive him, making the obeisance due to the prelate;
with that, the prohibition was recalled, and we remained free to enter
the churches. But it was continued with Don Juan; and to this day his
name remains on the list of excommunicated persons. It is intended,
as I understand, that his absolution shall be made in public, with
all the ancient ceremonial forms.

He published an act declaring that all persons who had directed
the cabildo during his absence were under censure as irregular; and
annulling the marriages celebrated, the licenses given to confessors,
and the confessions that had been made to them, and whatever else had
been done during the time of his banishment. The prebends were regarded
as irregular for more than three months; at the end of that time he
erected a stage at the main doors of the holy cathedral church, and
thereon publicly absolved them--having previously published an edict
that at the said function should assemble all the Indians, Sangleys,
mestizos, and negroes of the neighboring villages, which occasioned
astonishing disturbances.

All affairs thus remain as they were, and these vassals are without any
recourse, since they dare not interpose that plea before the Audiencia,
as it is so powerless to exercise its functions; consequently, to
state the case in few words, the archbishop does whatever suits his
whim, without there being any one to restrain him.

These proceedings keep me in the utmost anxiety, as I fear that so
unreasonable an act as this restitution will be very ill received in
the Council, which will lose respect for the authorities here, as the
matter was pending in that body. Accordingly, and on account of what
may be carried to España, I give you this information, so that you
may, if opportunity offers, make it known, as I dare not write to the
Council about it, for my letters may not be sent forward--as happened
to Don Juan de Vargas, while of the letters that were written against
him copies were sent to the Council. If this should occur [now], it
would result in ruining us all. Notwithstanding these difficulties,
I am on very good terms with the archbishop, so much so that in any
event, whatever I may do, they will stand up in my favor; and they
have even gone so far as to tell me that they are writing this year
to his Majesty, assuring him of my excellent mode of procedure, and
how incorrect was the information to the contrary. Your Grace will
inquire at the secretary's office, and let me know whether this is
really so; for one cannot trust in friars, and, in order that they
may not imagine that I distrust them, I have not asked them for the
letter, in order to send [a copy of it to you].

The viceroy of Nueva España having appointed, in accordance with the
permission given him by the Council, Don Juan de Zalaeta, the castellan
of Acapulco, as judge of residencia for Don Juan de Vargas, he came
here and presented all his credentials in the royal court--where,
without any contention, it was ordered that they be put into force
and carried out. Among the despatches came a royal decree forbidding
this royal Audiencia from taking cognizance of anything belonging to
the said residencia; but, this being granted, twelve days after its
publication the said judge was challenged by the city on account of the
entire case. As he had not been declared to be judge for that, but only
an associate, the city hastened to the Audiencia in order that this
court might declare the said judge to be thus challenged. Among other
reasons that the city alleged for this proceeding was the statement
that in the port of Acapulco, the viceroy having commissioned the said
judge to seize the bales and merchandise which were going in the ships
on account of the said Don Juan de Vargas and his servants and friends,
the judge had not carried out the said seizure, on account of fifty
thousand pesos which they had given him. Although it is certain that
the reasons adduced were very forcible, the Audiencia, recognizing
the force of the inhibitory decree, declared that they could not
intermeddle by giving a decision on the said challenge; and that
the governor should appoint associates [adjuntos] for him, in order
that they might continue the said residencia with the said judge;
and that the original documents connected with the said challenge
should be sent to the Council. Although the residencia was prosecuted,
the charges [against Vargas] have not yet been published. It seems to
me that it is being settled very conformably to justice, although the
proceedings cannot fail to show many defects on account of the judge's
inexperience; for he is not a learned man, and here the lawyers are
very few, and the conduct of [such] a case is exceedingly difficult.

As soon as the city brought forward in the court the challenge against
the judge, Don Juan de Vargas challenged all three of us auditors; and
in the course of the proceedings I introduced a document acknowledging
myself as challenged; [I did this] not only on account of what Don
Juan de Vargas had done for me, but because it was a brother-in-law
of mine who was under residencia, and his advocate also bore that
relation to me. They must have had good reasons for not regarding me as
challenged, and so I had to vote. I give you information of all this,
in order that if any reparation be proposed there, it may be in this;
for I judge that the points and articles of this residencia will
cause the utmost embarrassment in the Council, and that it will be
necessary to command that it be taken again. I give thanks to our Lord
that it has not reached me; for it would cause me the utmost injury
and perplexity--partly on account of his wrong acts, partly because
those who had written unpleasant letters to the Council now turn tail,
and explain nothing. This, it may be, is attributed to the judge, who
is not to blame--for here there are only false witnesses, now on one
side and now on the other; and you will confirm this information by
what goes there, which you will not fail to know. For it seems to me
that in all the lands discovered [by Spaniards] there is no country
like this, or where its inhabitants are so inconstant. Accordingly,
I assert that here neither friendship nor enmity is permanent;
for if now, for example, some persons are my enemies, and on that
account my actions are pointed out in the Council, when [the news
of] my vindication--through this or that accident--comes from there
we become reconciled, and eat, as they say, from one plate; and the
same on the other side. It is useless, therefore, to take notice of
anything in this little edition of hell [abreviado infierno].

I have no other request or greater desire than to leave this place; and
although (for since I arrived in these islands I have written to you
at every opportunity) I have sufficiently wearied you regarding this,
I cannot cease continuing [my efforts to go away]--without urging any
fixed and assigned place, or where or how it shall be accomplished. For
every day, Don Diego, I find myself more disconsolate, and I would by
this time be desperate if I could not trust in the good opinion that
I have of you; and therefore, hoping for your protection and stationed
at your feet, I entreat you with the utmost earnestness [for a change
in my position], without heeding whether or not it be a promotion. For
me the best promotion will be to go away, wherever it may be; and if
it cannot be accomplished in this way, [please] endeavor to secure
for me permission, for such time as may seem proper to the Council,
to pass over to Nueva España, in accordance with what I wrote last
year, as there was no room for either of these expedients to secure
my departure. I send a special power of attorney for you to make
in my name surrender and renunciation of this post, for the causes
and reasons which I will allege in the Council, either personally
or by my attorney; I do not do so now, on account of the damage and
risk which thus may be occasioned to me because I do not desire a
post in which there is so much corruption as there is in this. And
more, I would almost rather go to get a living by some petition or
commission than to be auditor of Filipinas; and this, Don Diego,
is the truth. Here there is no liberty for anything; there is no
authority, no respect, and, above all, not an atom of profit. Then,
what is such a post good for? It is only fit for ruining honor and
reputation, and for this it is notorious. In case I shall get away
from here by any of the aforesaid ways, you will ask that a judge of
residencia may be appointed for me, so that he may take it before I
shall go; for I do not wish to leave behind these sorrapas. You will
previously challenge Don Diego de Viga and Don Esteban de la Fuente
y Alanis; for these two gentlemen, each in his own way, are very
malicious, and have very little affection for colleagues. I know
them well, by experience of what they have done to other persons;
and I do not wish that they do the same to me. It is also necessary
to obtain for me a royal decree, so that I may not be hindered by
the governor or any one else, that all the persons in my household,
and those who came with me to these islands, may return in my company;
and that I may be assigned a small room for storage of my provisions
for the voyage. For here it is not the same as in the north, [139]
where there are general accommodations for the passengers; but each
one furnishes his own provisions; and, unless a place is assigned
in which these may go, the transportation charges cost more than one
thousand pesos; but, as those who ship bales pay for them at the rate
of twelve and fifteen pesos, they have many advantages [over the rest].


Don Pedro Sebastian de Volibar y Mena



Extract from a letter written by Father Luis Pimentel to Father Manuel
Rodriguez, procurator-general of Indias, from Manila, February 8, 1686.

Don Juan de Vargas was excommunicated and placed on the public list
by Archbishop Pardo; he thereupon came before the Audiencia. That
court demanded that the archbishop show them his acts, which he did
not do. A royal decree was sent to him; he replied that he could not
send the act that he had issued against Don Juan de Vargas, since he
had to send it to a superior tribunal--that is, to the tribunal of the
Inquisition. The auditors sent him a second decree; he replied that he
was encumbered with affairs of more importance than those of Don Juan
de Vargas, and could not make [formal] answer. They sent a third one,
commanding him to send such answer; he replied that the doings of Don
Juan de Vargas were public and manifest, so that it was not necessary
to enact anything against him, and accordingly he had no documents to
send them. The secretary of the Audiencia notified him of the fourth
decree, and had orders to read it to the archbishop, but not to give
it to him, because the three former decrees had remained in his hands
without his making any answer. The secretary was told, however, that if
the archbishop should demand a certified copy, he should give him one
and bring back the royal decree; but the archbishop declared that if
the decree were not surrendered to him he would not answer it. As he
did not render obedience to the four decrees, his Majesty commanded,
by his royal decrees, that the archbishop should be declared banished
from the kingdoms. The governor went to talk with him, to start him,
as they say on the road; and it is said that he found him obstinate.

Now follows the fiction that they made arrangements, in order that
the governor might not consider himself obliged to undo what had been
done, [140] by recalling the sentence of banishment, and bringing
the archbishop to Manila. They ordered that all the estates of this
community should go to entreat the governor that the archbishop
should not be exiled; and the same persons went on this errand who
[afterward] bemired themselves in causing the archbishop to return to
Manila. These men went about talking and declaiming to everyone in the
community about the great difficulties, both spiritual and temporal,
which must follow from [the banishment]; but in reality all these were
fantastical, since there would be no further difficulties than those
which the governor chose--as there were none when the archbishop was
banished the previous time; [141] for one would hardly believe how
great is the hatred that most persons feel toward the archbishop and
his officials, and to the Dominican friars. The Order of St. Francis
was remiss in making this request, but an auditor brought them to
terms, as well as the members of the cabildos, both ecclesiastical
and secular. The most difficult thing was to subdue the Jesuits. A
bishop who was a great friend of ours charged himself with this task,
and easily persuaded the vice-provincial and the consultors; but I
always have been of opinion that we ought to pursue an even course--for
I immediately saw the trick, and that he was setting a trap for us,
as actually happened. Finally the vice-provincial and another father
went, because I excused myself from going in company with the other
orders. With them went Don Fray Juan Duran, a religious of the Order
of Mercy and bishop of Sinopolis; it was he who in the name of all the
orders made the address, setting forth the serious difficulties that
must ensue in spiritual and temporal affairs. This petition being
ended, the snare began; the governor told them to draw up a paper
in which they were to set forth the causes that led them to make the
request, and that all the orders should sign it--which converted the
petition into advice, and he did the same with the other estates,
even with the military leaders.

The [preparation of the] paper which the orders were to sign was
entrusted to one of the bemired ones, the provincial of the Augustinian
Recollects; but what he wrote was so unsatisfactory that even the
bishop of Sinopolis--who was active in carrying on this affair for the
governor, on account of being his intimate friend--did not like it;
and the bishop himself therefore drew up the paper, which was signed
by all the orders except the Society. Ours preferred to make its own
answer, separately; we did so, and I send [a copy of it] with this.



News since the year 1688

1. It is asked that the contents of this document may be read
attentively; the writer asserts that it is not his intention that
corporal injury shall come to the guilty, but only that the truth
may be known and these many evils be set forth.

2. Early in January of the said year, very secret conferences were
held in the palace, in which Bobadilla, Atienza, and Cervantes took
part--all opposed to the auditors, to Zalaeta and Lezama, and to Don
Juan de Vargas. They began to favor the designs of the archbishop, and
the governor to act despotically, according to the dictation of Verart.

3. The result of the said conferences was the imprisonment of
Zalaeta and Lezama, on the twenty-second of January. Their property
was sequestered, and with great cruelty their papers were seized;
and they were very closely confined in the fort. He [142] asked for
a confessor from the Society, but the governor would not grant this,
only consenting that he might confess to one of three fathers whom he
designated; these were Juan Gonzalez, Don Esteban Olmedo--adherents
of himself and the Dominicans--and Doctor Atienza, brother of the
Atienza already named.

4. Toledo denounced Don Juan Zalaeta, saying that he gave him a
pasquinade so that he could publish it, which was of the following
tenor: The governor was seated on a chair, with his favorites Endaya
and Verart at his side; at his feet lay the king, his head cut off,
and his hands disjointed. This picture explains the state of affairs,
which is expressed by the verses that appear below. [143]

5. The cause of Lezama's imprisonment was a paper which they attributed
to him, although it was not known with certainty that he had written
it; and both tribunals proceeded against him--the government with
imprisonment and sequestration, the archbishop with censures; the
two powers agreed very well.

6. Guards were placed in the house of Lezama, from which resulted some
extravagant remarks by Doña Josefa, the wife of Bolivar; and these set
in motion what will be hereafter related. The wife of Lezama presented
a document to the governor, asking for what reason her husband had
been imprisoned; he sent the paper to an alcalde-in-ordinary. The said
wife had recourse to the Audiencia, who commanded the said alcalde
to deliver up the documents under penalty of five hundred pesos, but
he resorted to the governor, who forbade him to obey, and imposed a
penalty of two thousand pesos if he should surrender the documents.

7. On the same day the governor summoned the auditors to a session and
conference, and with language of anger and rage informed them that
the alcalde was proceeding by his orders in the said imprisonments,
and ever, that they were involved in the same charges. At this they
were struck with great fear, with good reason dreading the governor's
outrageous manner of proceeding; and to this fear that some calamity
would happen to them also were added the reports that were current
of the dungeons that were being prepared, of various persons whom he
was arresting and examining, etc.

8. The auditors, now terrorized, secretly retired one night to the
college of the Society of Jesus, and carried with them the fiscal,
in order to consult as to the measures of which they should avail
themselves to secure their persons from the tyranny of the governor,
and whether they should remain in the said college in order to
administer justice from that place, etc. They could not reach a
decision in the matter, and with the same secrecy they returned to
their houses; and afterward the fiscal sold them.

9. The reasons for the governor's hatred against Don Diego de
Viga were: his having proposed that the ship which served for the
armada should make a voyage in the year 1686, which was contrary to
the governor's purposes; and his proposal in the Audiencia that a
consultation should be held with the governor in regard to a packet
of letters from the king which were said to have arrived, in which
there were decisions of the utmost importance--which letters, it is
supposed, the governor tried to hold back and conceal.

10. He entertained ill-will against Bolivar for having replied
with independence and decision to an act of which he was notified
on the part of the bishop, in which he threatened the auditor with
fearful excommunications and pecuniary fine, because the said auditor
protected the interests of the royal patronage in the suit which the
Augustinians brought against the Society in regard to the village
of Jesus de la Peña, and challenged the jurisdiction of the said
archbishop in this case.

11. The governor [144] set spies on the steps and actions of the
auditors, and seized a bit of paper, without signature, which
Bolivar was sending to Viga, in which he informed the latter that
they could not trust the fiscal, who had that very day taken dinner
with the governor; and that he presumed the fiscal had betrayed them,
disclosing their consultation above mentioned.

12. The governor conjured from this bit of paper many mysteries;
he arrested the page who carried it, and commanded that the fiscal
be summoned. He planned the exile of the auditors, with the seizure
of their property and papers--in all of which meddled Cervantes,
who was an enemy of the royal Audiencia, and known as such; and now
was elevated to be the favorite of the governor by the favor of the
Dominicans, in order to be judge in the most important lawsuits of
this commonwealth.

13. On February 7 of the said year, the day following the above
incident, they seized Don Diego de Viga, and conveyed him to
Mariveles, a village in charge of the Dominicans, where he stayed in
a mean hut. From that place he went to Lucban, a village belonging
to the same friars, where he remained in close confinement and
lacking the necessary comforts; they allowed him not even an
Indian servant who had remained with him. All this severity was
practiced on him, notwithstanding that (as was notorious) the said
auditor was so burdened with sickness and infirmities that in the
judgment of intelligent persons he could not hold out three months in
Lucban. The commandant shamefully treated a brother of the Society,
who accidentally passed through that place, because he gave the said
auditor a little linen and some paper, which the prisoner entreated
for the love of God--which it is said, was taken from him and sent
to the governor; and that sacrilegious man even had the brother sent
there a prisoner and in fetters.

14. On the same day and the following one, they searched for Bolivar in
various houses; for, when he learned what was being plotted against
them, he had concealed himself. They surrounded his house, with
a large force of soldiers; and because Doña Josefa and her sister
spoke some saucy words, in regard to certain questions that were
asked them, they were banished with much severity, and conveyed to
the village of Abucay, a village in charge of the Dominicans. [145]
Doña Josefa was sent first, and afterward her sister Doña Ynes, on
account of the latter being very ill when they carried away her sister.

15. The governor learned that Don Pedro Bolivar was in the college
of the Society of Jesus, and availed himself of his good friend
the archbishop to remove the auditor from sanctuary. The archbishop
readily assented to whatever he demanded; indeed, he has left no stone
unturned to injure the Society of Jesus. They surrounded the college
of the Society with a great number of soldiers, within and without,
who caused the religious incredible vexations and troubles during the
nine days while this blockade lasted. The [archbishop's] provisor was
on hand to incite the soldiers and make mischief; and he notified the
rector of an act by the archbishop requiring him to surrender Bolivar.

16. The city and all the religious orders, except that of St. Dominic,
showed great resentment at this performance and felt exceedingly
scandalized. The governor, as obstinate as Pharaoh, said that he would
not remove the blockade from the Society's house until Bolivar should
make his appearance, if it lasted a year; and that he intended to
destroy the auditor. The latter, seeing the constraint and uneasiness
of the religious, and the obstinacy of the governor and the archbishop,
gave himself up of his own accord; and they took him away from
sanctuary in great haste, and carried him to the municipal building;
and afterward, near midnight, he was sent by boat to Mariveles,
with the same harshness which they had showed to Auditor Viga.

17. The convenient pretext and imaginary reasons which they gave
for these seizures were that those auditors intended to depose the
governor, and hand over his office to General Zalaeta. It was proved
that this plan would not suit the actual condition of affairs, even
in the judgment of a man of mediocre ability, much less in that of
the auditors; and even if such a thing were intended, they would
find it impossible to secure the means for its execution, since all
the military leaders were of the governor's faction and opposed to
the auditors.

18. Crafty actions, intrigues, seizures, and severities were employed
with persons of various stations, in order to give some semblance of
proof to the above fantastic idea; and they terrorized many persons
to make them relate, if possible, what suited their purpose, and no
more. Some they tortured; others were left without food for two or
three days, and one they deprived of drink for seventeen days. Most of
the persons thus examined had little courage, and were sons of fear,
so they found it easy to tell lies; and if they were under compulsion
they would say that Judas and Mahoma were in heaven.

19. The governor soon found himself embarrassed by the lack of an
Audiencia; he therefore formed one in his own way, which was thoroughly
accommodated to his opinions. It was composed thus: a fiscal so
terrified and possessed by fear that, if he were commanded to flog
an image of Christ, apparently he would not hesitate to do so; one
Cervantes, as coadjutor to the fiscal, a young fellow of malicious
disposition and perverse inclinations, who not many years before
had been condemned to death; one Angulo, in everything a man after
Cervantes's own heart--young and of little understanding; and of so
little ability that neither when he was a receptor of the Audiencia,
nor now when filling the office of attorney-general [promotor-fiscal],
did he know what to do, etc.

20. Among the papers of Zalaeta was found one which was imputed to the
cantor Herrera, in which he spoke ill of Endaya; and on this account
the archbishop demanded aid from the governor, seized Herrera, [146]
and placed him in the fort--treating him with ignominy unusual for
[a member of] the cabildo, placing him under the guard of secular
officials, and treating him like a highwayman. Yet the said archbishop
had previously favored him, and regarded lightly other offenses of
his--for no other reason than because Herrera had, to please the
archbishop and his friars, drawn up documents expressing in positive
terms, detestation of appeals to the royal Audiencia.

21. With these scandals and harsh measures, the city experienced
profound affliction; the minds of the people were appalled, and
they were so shut in by fears and terrors that no one considered
himself safe even in his own house. No one opened his lips, seeing
the two powers of the commonwealth thus jumbled together, and that
in the greatest calamities there was no recourse except to God. The
inhabitants could not communicate with one another, without criticism;
nor was it even lawful to breathe, since rigorous scrutiny was made
of the most trifling acts.

22. Great were the calamities which at this time came unexpectedly
upon this commonwealth--epidemics, famines, vessels returning to
port, [attacks by] enemies, losses of vessels. The governor the more
pretended that his conduct was influenced by an imaginary conspiracy;
for on the night of Holy Thursday, when he went to visit the stations
[of the cross], a multitude of soldiers went with him as escort,
besides his usual guard, and he was accompanied by the personages
who were in league with him.

23. Royal decrees were despatched against the preachers who zealously
proclaimed from the pulpits the arbitrary and malicious character
of the recent acts, and the Dominicans alone had the privilege to
utter whatever absurdities they pleased in the pulpits. There is no
counterpart to the satire against the Society which a [father from]
Santo Tomas preached one day.

24. Recourse to the royal Audiencia was entirely barred, as was seen
in the case of Don Juan de Vargas, who thus far had been posted on
the list of excommunicates, and all persons who held intercourse
with him threatened with punishment. Tardiness and delay followed
him until the fourth decree [was issued] in regard to his absolution,
and it had no result--as little carried out as was the king's decree
which he issued in regard to the banishment of the archbishop.

25. In Cagayan Fray Raimundo de Rosa killed Fray Juan Zambrano, his
vicar and superior; but the archbishop has not made any demonstration
[of displeasure], although he has so often done so in the more venial
offenses of the clerics. The Order of St. Dominic has honored the
Dominicans who were most rebellious against the king with the best
offices in the provincial chapter; and those of their following, like
Aduna, Gonzalez, Carballo, Cervantes, and others, are now in high
favor, although they are hostile to the prerogatives of his Majesty.

26. No authentic statement of the evil deeds of these years can be
sent to the court; for the scriveners are intimidated and will not give
official statements of anything of what occurs, except what may be in
favor of the governor and the archbishop. Item, [this] is written in
much distrust and fear, on account of the numerous spies who go about
prying into and noting everything that is done. One notary is in prison
on account of a statement that he drew up; and another is in exile.

27. The governor causes many scandals in the matter of chastity,
not sparing any woman, whatever may be her rank or condition; and he
keeps some worthless women who serve as procuresses for conveying to
him those whose society will give him most pleasure. In this scandal
the zeal of neither the archbishop nor his friars is active.

28. The governor will hinder the voyage of the ship to Nueva España,
on account of the fabulous ships which, it is reported, have been
seen, according to the statement of an Indian, although there is no
confirmation of such news. The great amount that was spent in the
despatch of the armada, as the capitana of which the ship "Santo Niño"
sailed, without having the desired result; the malicious purpose with
which the said despatch was conducted, on account of his having had
information by way of Yndia which caused this government to hasten.

29. As the archbishop would not absolve Don Juan de Vargas, the
Audiencia again decided to banish him; but the governor kept the
royal decree signed and sealed, without being willing that it be put
into execution. Instead, he joined with the bishop of Sinopolis to
convoke the religious orders, planning that they demand that he be
not banished. An inquiry was made among his partisans, who swore that
they knew nothing of it, and had not imagined it.

30. The archbishop prevented the confirmation of three prebends which
his Majesty had presented--to Don Francisco Gutierrez Briceno,
Bachelor Domingo de Valencia, and Doctor Pedro de Silva; the
first-named for cantor, the second for schoolmaster, the third for
treasurer. He refused to give them canonical installation, because
they are not among his admirers; and the last two are graduates from
the university of the Society of Jesus.

31. The Augustinians, in alliance with the archbishop and his friars,
brought suit against the Society in regard to the administration
of Jesus de la Peña, or Mariquina. The numerous disputes [dares et
tomares] which have occurred in this lawsuit, and the great eagerness
with which the archbishop has tried to favor the Augustinians;
and finally, against all the right that the Society had to such
ministry--by royal decree, by permission from Señor Arce, and by permit
of the vice-patron, etc.--he has despoiled them of it with violence,
and by the aid which the governor allowed him for tearing down and
demolishing the church of the said fathers; and he has adjudged it
to the Augustinians, because the hatred and aversion which he has to
the said order [of the Jesuits] is implacable.

32. The archbishop mortified the religious of St. Francis; on account
of regarding them as favorable to the royal patronage, he forbade them
[to celebrate] the feast of the tears of that saint, and he has not
granted them many permissions which they asked from him. He deprived
them of the celebration of the feast of the Conception in the jail; and
finally, on the day of St. Stephen the protomartyr, he gave them his
congratulations on that feast by causing to be read an edict against
them, in which he suspended their licenses to hear confessions and
preach. All this caused great uneasiness in the minds of the people,
and gave just cause for the murmur against the said archbishop that
he had, by the measures here related, undertaken to revenge himself
on all those persons who, as he fancied, had taken part in his exile,
or had in any way approved it.

33. They attempt to absolve Auditor Calderon in the hour of death in
what he replied, and what the Dominicans did, and how the governor
pretended not to notice it. It seems as if the governor had come to
the islands for nothing else than to encourage the Dominicans in their
rebellious acts, to trample on the laws, to abolish recourse to the
royal Audiencia, to sow dissension, to be a tyrant, to disturb the
peace, and to enable the archbishop to secure whatever he wishes, even
though he imposes so grievous a captivity on the commonwealth. [147]



Felipe Pardo as archbishop

[The Dominican side of this controversy is related by Salazar, one of
the official historians of that order, in his Hist. Sant. Rosario,
pp. 490-513 (chapters xviii-xxi); as this account is long, it is
presented here partly in full translation, partly in synopsis.]

On the fourth day of August in the year 1677, dedicated to our
glorious patriarch St. Dominic, a royal decree was received in
Manila in which our Catholic monarch Don Carlos II appointed for
archbishop of Manila father Fray Felipe Pardo--who that year had
completed his second provincialate and now was filling the post of
commissary of the Holy Office. In the latter office he had given,
before this second provincialate, such proofs of good judgment that
report of his abilities had reached Madrid; and these alone, without
any other backing, had procured for him so high a dignity. The
choice of him [as bishop] was received in this community with
universal acclamation and applause, on account of the esteem that
was merited by his abilities, accredited by the experience that all
had of his success and discretion in government--not only in the two
provincialates which he had obtained, but also, as I have indicated, in
the commissariat of the Inquisition; all therefore confidently expected
in him a prelate discreet and accomplished in all respects. Our
father Fray Felipe Pardo alone, distrustful of his suitability for
that office--either on account of his sixty-seven years of age, or
in view of the difficulty of the task--was greatly perplexed about
accepting it. Indeed, it was necessary at the end of two months, to
make requisition on him, in accordance with the rules established by
the councils regarding immediate acceptance by those thus appointed,
under penalty of the appointment being annulled, and the see being
again declared vacant. [He finally accepts (November 11 of that year)
the dignity of archbishop, and by special decree of the king enters
on his duties before being consecrated (which occurs on October 28,
1681), "the first archbishop who has governed this archbishopric
without being consecrated, and the first who has been consecrated in
these islands." Having spent thirty years in that country, he has
much knowledge of it and of its moral and social conditions, and
much experience in ecclesiastical government. "He was very learned
in theology, whether speculative or practical, moral or scholastic;
and very expert in the despatch of business." He is aided in his
duties by Fray Raymundo Berart, very learned in canon and civil law,
who has left great opportunities of advancement in España "to come to
this poor province, to serve in the ministry of souls--as he actually
learned the Tagal language, and spent some time in ministering to
the Indians in the district of Batan."]

The church of this archbishopric was in great need of reform, being
full of pernicious abuses, which had been introduced by vicious
practices, shielded by permitted usage; so that now these alleged
right of possession, and that which was public and practiced by many
was regarded as lawful and allowable. False oaths were regarded, not
heeding this despite to the holy name of God, as a matter of kindness,
in exchange for not injuring another person by the denunciation of
his sins; and the oath which the judges take not to engage in trade
was regularly broken, without there being any one who had scruples
in doing so. The friendships and intimacies between the two sexes
were so prevalent that the excessive familiarity which was causing
so many scandals was already no occasion for them [i.e., in public
opinion]. Executorships were hereditary, despoiling minors of their
property, and never rendering accounts [of those trusts]. Trading had
found its way among the ecclesiastics, notwithstanding the ordinance
[constitucion] of Clement IX recently published in these islands; and
at like pace all the vices gained sway, without the least scruple or
reparation, since established practice and custom had now rendered
those vices tolerated. [To remedy these evils, the archbishop
vigorously devotes his energies, notwithstanding his age.]

The first action with which his illustrious Lordship began to carry
out this plan in the government of his archbishopric was, to reconcile
his cabildo with the royal Audiencia in a certain controversy between
them. This was, whether they should give the gospel to be kissed,
not only by the auditor who then provisionally held the government
of these islands (he was Don Francisco Mansilla), but also by his
associate, Doctor Don Diego Calderon. As soon as the archbishop began
to rule, he settled this dispute with great sagacity, and much to the
satisfaction of both sides. Afterward another strife arose between
the ecclesiastical estate and the royal officials, because, at the
time of paying the former their stipends, these were curtailed on
account of the exemption from the mesada which had been conceded
by his Holiness to our Catholic king; and, the amount of what the
ecclesiastics ought to contribute on account of this privilege not
being liquidated, the official royal judges had acted illegally in
the collection of the said mesada, making themselves judges in their
own cause by explaining the bull of his Holiness without consenting
to show it to the interested parties, although the latter had several
times demanded this. But our archbishop, recognizing that what the
royal officials were collecting was excessive, and that it belonged
to his office and dignity to explain the doubts that might arise in
the text of the apostolic bulls, compelled the royal official judges,
by dint of monitory decrees and censures, to display that privilege;
and when it was seen, it was found that they had collected more than
they should for several years past. All this he made them restore,
with considerable advantage to the ecclesiastics, who were extremely
grateful for the zealous activity of his illustrious Lordship.

In almost all the Indias were being celebrated the masses which
they call "masses for Christmas," [148] mingling with them certain
abuses which contaminated these masses with practices that were
superstitious, and contrary to the holy rites of the church. These
were tolerated under the cloak of devotion, and, although to some
they appeared mischievous, they did not dare to rebuke these rites
in public lest they excite against themselves the pious feelings of
the common people, and as this matter was one of those which belong
to the zeal and foresight of the ecclesiastical superiors. Finally
the holy Congregation of Rites, in consequence of the representations
made by zealous persons, on January 16 in the year 1677 declared the
said "masses for Christmas" to be not only opposed to the rubrics,
but also cause for scandals, and of superstitious nature, on account
of certain ballads that were interwoven with them, and other like
abuses. This decree of the Congregation arrived in these islands
in the year eighty; acting in conformity thereto, the archbishop
prohibited the said masses in his archbishopric. They were no longer
celebrated while his illustrious Lordship lived, although afterward
they were again established, but with some abatement--I know not
whether it was so everywhere--of the abuses which formerly were
customary. He also prohibited under severe penalties the practice
of bringing sick persons to the church to receive holy communion
by way of viaticum--a custom introduced into these islands from
the infancy of their Christian faith. It had never been entirely
uprooted, although ordinances against it had been issued by various
zealous prelates in their decrees, and by our Catholic monarchs in
their royal cedulas--commanding that the holy viaticum should be
carried to the houses of the sick, even though they were poor and
of low estate, as are the natives of these islands. And because the
previous ordinances of the king our sovereign on this subject had not
had the desired effect, his Majesty again repeated his commands in a
royal decree of July 28, 1681, in which he charged our archbishop to
banish this abuse, the custom of carrying the sick to the church to
receive the holy viaticum, on account of the difficulties which might
follow from it. In accordance with this, our archbishop promulgated
an edict throughout his diocese, dated September 5, 1682, commanding
that all the parish priests should carry the viaticum to the sick,
without permitting them to be brought to the church; and although
he received from the parish priests entreaties and arguments on
this point, his illustrious Lordship did not listen to them, but
courageously proceeded in his holy undertaking.

Besides those exceedingly just measures, at the instance of the royal
Audiencia of these islands his illustrious Lordship promulgated an
edict--which was affixed to the doors of the churches, with penalty
of major excommunication--that all executors of wills must within two
months present before his tribunal the said wills, which had not been
inspected for fourteen years past; and so numerous were those that
were presented--not to mention others dating back to forgotten times,
which were not yet accomplished--that they gave him work sufficient
for several years. He issued other edicts and monitory decrees in
regard to the denunciation of various crimes, and so many of these
were continually disclosed that soon the ecclesiastical tribunal was
tilled with cases, and the numerous officials in its employ could not
make room for the legal proceedings therein. Very scandalous lives
were revealed, and criminal suits were begun; but these could not be
prosecuted on account of appeals and subterfuges which caused delay.

He who attempts to correct abuses and scandals finds it necessary
to equip himself with courage to meet the hostilities which he will
encounter; for abuses which have already become inveterate, and
scandals favored by indulgence, cannot be overcome without strenuous
efforts and repeated conflicts. Such was the case of a certain prebend
whom the predecessor of his illustrious Lordship had tried to correct,
but had never been able to do so on account of the support that the
delinquent received from a certain potent personage; accordingly the
archbishop's zeal contented itself with giving information of the
whole matter to the king our sovereign--who issued on this matter a
royal decree commanding the said archbishop to correct the scandalous
acts of that prebend, without fear or regard for any power. As
this royal decree arrived at Manila when the said archbishop was
already dead, the king our sovereign despatched another decree to our
archbishop-elect, Don Fray Felipe Pardo, very earnestly recommending
to him the correction of the transgressions of the said prebend. [149]
Notwithstanding the activity of our archbishop, he could not end the
proceedings in this case for eight years, on account of the evasions
of the culprit, and the protection that he found in the officials of
the royal Audiencia, who at every step forbade our archbishop to take
any further steps in the prosecution of the suits, thus preventing
his holy zeal from successfully checking abuses and scandals.

This was made more plainly evident in the suit regarding another
ecclesiastic, the cura of Bigan, against whom the provisor appointed
by his illustrious Lordship (since the government of that bishopric
pertained to him) began to institute proceedings in a criminal suit,
in consequence of various denunciations and accusations. As the
culprit was on intimate terms with one of the auditors, the latter
managed the affair so dexterously that he caused the issue of a
royal decree in which the royal Audiencia commanded the archbishop
to remove thence [i.e., from Vigan] the said provisor and oblige
him to reside in the city of Lalo all to the end that he should not
proceed in the suit. This measure was ineffectual, on account of
the reply and representations made by the archbishop; the provisor
therefore proceeded in his suit. The delinquent, finding himself
in a tight place, fled from Bigan and came to Manila; and, when he
was arrested by the archbishop for this flight, he demanded to be
released on bail--which his illustrious Lordship granted, by an act
in which he designated the city as the prisoner's bounds until his
suit should be ended. The culprit consented to this, thanking his
illustrious Lordship for this concession, and therewith submitting to
his tribunal. Affairs being in this condition, there came [in 1680],
with proprietary appointment as bishop-elect of Nueva Segovia,
a prebend of this holy church, who was an intimate friend of the
culprit; the latter, availing himself of this opportunity, undertook
to shake off the yoke of his illustrious Lordship's authority with an
appeal to the new bishop-elect--who, desiring to shelter the other,
demanded from the archbishop the acts [which he had issued]. As his
illustrious Lordship did not choose to furnish these--as this suit
was firmly established, by the consent of the delinquent himself,
in his metropolitan tribunal--the new bishop had recourse to the
royal Audiencia, asking them to command the archbishop to deliver the
acts. In virtue of the representation made by the new bishop, a royal
decree was despatched to Señor Pardo, in which he was commanded to
deliver the said acts to the bishop of Nueva Segovia; his illustrious
Lordship answered this by saying that the suit proceedings therein
were already established in his own tribunal by the delinquent
having accepted certain acts, and the law, therefore, afforded no
occasion for removing this suit and the proceedings therein from
the tribunal of the metropolitan, and restoring it to the culprit's
ordinary judge. His illustrious Lordship well knew that all these
were frivolous measures of delay, so that the case might not reach the
point of sentence, and the scandals should be left without restraint,
accordingly, although the second and the third royal decrees on this
matter were served upon him, he never consented to yield his rights,
or to acquiesce in the illegal commands laid upon him. For this cause
the officials of the royal Audiencia issued a fourth royal ordinance
and decree, condemning our archbishop to exile; this sentence was not
executed at the time, but with occasion of the new emergencies which
afterward arose, it was enforced with severity in the following year.

Now that the archbishop was on bad terms with the royal Audiencia,
it was easy for the subordinates of his illustrious Lordship to
have recourse to this supreme tribunal in order to challenge the
jurisdiction or appeal from the proceedings of the ecclesiastical
judge; and therefore royal decrees were continually emanating,
forbidding our archbishop to prosecute suits and proceedings, and
commanding him to deliver up the documents regarding them--by which the
course of the suits was hindered or delayed. His illustrious Lordship
answered these requisitions with so much clearness and proof that the
officials who issued them often considered themselves vanquished, and
did not follow up their efforts; and although they resented what they
called rebellion and audacity, they found his opposition so justified
by law that they did not dare to condemn him for disobedience,
no matter how much they chose to give his conduct this title to
outsiders--for these tribunals are not accustomed to hear "no" to
what they ordain in the name of the king our sovereign. And knowing
that the greater force of the replies and representations of the
archbishop depended on the assistance of the consultor, father Fray
Raymundo Berart, they strove to separate the latter from his side,
in order that his illustrious Lordship, destitute of this aid, might
be reduced with more blind submission to the decrees and despatches
of the royal Audiencia; and therefore that court issued a mandate
demanding and requiring our archbishop to remove from his side Father
Berart, and another to the same effect, addressed to our provincial,
to assign that father to a ministry among the Indians. Suitable reply
was made to both these decrees, without causing any change, for the
time, in the aspect of affairs--until, a new occasion and emergency
arising, they again insisted upon this point.

At the first foundation of Manila, only two parishes were formed for
the Spaniards--one for those who lived within the walls, and another
for those who lived outside the city, this latter being located in a
place where at that time most of them were wont to live. Afterward that
site appeared to them unsuitable for the conveniences of human life,
and so they went to live in another part of the city, and even on
the other side of the river which washes it. Consequently, they lived
very far from their parish church, and suffered great inconvenience in
attending it, because it was necessary for the administration of the
sacraments that the parish priest should cross the entire city, or make
the circuit of its walls, and finally he had to cross the river. As
this often had to be done at night, and at other times with the risk
of being drowned through the fury of the winds and waves, it was soon
evident how great difficulty there must be in giving prompt aid to
the sick--especially as the distance of the parish church was so great
that many parishioners lived half a legua from it. On this account the
burials also were solemnized with extreme inconvenience, and without
the processional order which is the custom of the church. Besides
this, it caused great confusion that the Spaniard who was owner of
the house should belong to the said parish, and the servants, whether
Indians or negroes, to that of the territory in which they happened
to be. The Spaniards also were ashamed of having a parish church so
poor and in so wretched a condition, for it was only a shelter of
bamboos covered with nipa. For these reasons the parishioners had at
various times asked that they might be joined to the parishes in which
they lived; and now, on the occasion of a controversy which arose
between the said cura and another parish priest over the question,
to which of them belonged [the interment of] a deceased person,
the Spaniards publicly appeared before the ordinary, asking that he
would assign the parish churches according to the territories, in
accordance with the custom throughout the church. When this request
was considered by his illustrious Lordship, he gave information of it,
and a copy of the petition, to the vice-patron, to whom this matter
pertained by law. The governor showed this to the fiscal of his
Majesty, who approved the desired change; and with this decision the
governor decreed that the parishes should be divided according to the
territories. He gave commission for this to his illustrious Lordship,
who divided and allotted the parishes in the suburbs of Manila, with
the system and order which are observed to this day declaring that to
each parish church belonged all the persons who dwelt in its territory,
whether Spaniards, Indians, or negroes.

Notwithstanding that this arrangement was in every way so judicious,
and had been made by the order of the vice-patron, with the approval
and advice of the auditor fiscal, the former cura of the Spaniards
considered it an injury and injustice, casting the blame for it all on
his illustrious Lordship; and, making common cause with the clergy,
he continued to disturb and disquiet their minds, until finally
the cabildo arrogated to itself authority, interposing a letter to
his illustrious Lordship that was very offensive to his dignity,
complaining of the severity of his government, in terms that libeled
his uprightness, and other expressions that were very unbecoming and
inappropriate to the dignity of a cabildo. Accordingly, for the sake
of their reputation, his illustrious Lordship was not willing to make
the document public, and he only showed it privately to the governor
of these islands--who was deeply irritated at what they had done,
and promised all his protection to the archbishop for correcting
his prebends. The archbishop did not choose to avail himself of
this aid, because he intended to bring them back to sober judgment
by means of kindness and gentle treatment. He therefore replied to
his cabildo with another pastoral letter, couched in affectionate
terms, and full of learning and paternal affection in which he gently
admonished them to recognize and correct their error. Again they
wrote to his illustrious Lordship, in more submissive tone, although
it was apparently only to pay him compliments; for almost on the same
day they appeared before the royal Audiencia with another document,
making complaint against their prelate of injuries, and saying that
although they had represented these to his illustrious Lordship,
he had not answered them to the point. The effect of this petition
was, that the royal Audiencia issued new commands, not only to the
archbishop but to the father provincial of this province, that father
Fray Raymundo Berart (of whom the cabildo bitterly complained) must
leave his association with his illustrious Lordship, and depart to the
ministries among the Indians; this was carried out (at the instance of
the father himself), in order to wreak the wrath of those who were in
power. On this occasion the royal Audiencia also ordered that a secret
investigation be made of the lives and conduct of our religious,
commencing with the archbishop; and, although a beginning was made
in the fabrication of this information, the plan soon fell through on
account of another and public report which was made, by command of the
archbishop, in favor of the religious--in which their reputation was
so well vindicated by testimony that those who undertook to blacken
it through the secret inquiry were left confounded and abashed.

All these occurrences that we have mentioned were preludes and omens
of some outbreak; for the minds of the people were disquieted, and
jealousy of the archbishop was plainly evident on the part, not only
of the clergy, but of the secular government. They were eager for some
fresh opportunity to arise for them to take extreme measures at once
against the archbishop, or at least against the religious of this
province. This soon occurred, in a sermon that was preached in the
cathedral by a certain religious, [150] in which he explained moral
principles that were pertinent to the disorders then prevailing. The
auditors, who were present, began to resent this; and one of them
urged the governor to send a message to his illustrious Lordship,
asking him to order the preacher to leave the pulpit. The governor
did so, in fact: but he himself assumed authority to do this, before
his illustrious Lordship's answer came, and ordered the preacher to
stop his sermon, and proceed with mass--an act extremely injurious
to the dignity of the archbishop, that in his own church, and before
his eyes, the governor (a secular official, too) should interfere
to give commands to the ministers of the church. But his illustrious
Lordship was obliged to overlook this, in order not to cause greater
disturbances or expose his episcopal dignity to the insults of those
who had already, it appears, pronounced judgments in defiance of the
courts of the church, and were only awaiting an opportunity to assail
his jurisdiction and dignity. His illustrious Lordship did not choose
to afford this to them, at that time, although zeal stimulated him to
defend the honor of the mitre; for affairs were now in such condition
that he would [by doing so] cause more injury than benefit.

Notwithstanding the tolerance and patience of the archbishop, on the
second day after the sermon sentence was passed in the royal Audiencia,
in accordance with the representations made by the ecclesiastical
cabildo, against the preacher, condemning him to imprisonment and to
banishment from these islands. This was carried out on the following
day; Villalba was arrested in his convent of Binondoc and conveyed
through the public streets, being finally placed on board a vessel,
in which he was sent to a remote island until the time should come
for embarking him for Nueva España. This was accomplished in due time,
with great injury and hardship to that religious, and not less grief
to the archbishop at seeing such dreadful disorders, and even his
zeal powerless to remedy them; for these disturbances had now reached
such a point, and his subordinates had now become so hard-hearted and
rebellious, that they had already lost their dread of [committing]
sacrilegious acts, and did not fear to lay violent hands on the
persons of ecclesiastics and religious. Accordingly, foreseeing from
these acts of violence that which might result to his own person if
some new occasion should arise, his prudence caused him to prepare
beforehand for what might occur in such an emergency, by an act which
he drew up with the utmost secrecy, dated on the twenty-second of the
same month of January in the year 1682. By this act he appointed, for
any such occasion, as governor of the archbishopric the illustrious
Don Fray Gines Barrientos, bishop of Troya and his own assistant; and
made other arrangements--which were mild and reasonable, and worthy of
his apostolic zeal, piety, and gentleness--that would tend to quiet
the disturbances which would arise from any such act of violence,
and to favor absolution from the censures which would necessarily be
incurred by persons who should commit such acts of irreverence. All
this was laid away and kept with great secrecy until the following
year, in which occurred the imprisonment of the archbishop.

These melancholy events did not daunt the fervent courage of his
illustrious Lordship; rather, with apostolic valor and zeal he
proceeded in the correction of evil deeds, notwithstanding that he
had reliable information that his case was already concluded in the
royal Audiencia and sentence of banishment pronounced against him. He
was continually menaced with the execution of this sentence, at every
new difficulty which might arise--in this being like the great pastor
Jesus Christ, who, the nearer He foresaw His arrest, so much the
more freely rebuked vices. It is true that our archbishop in order to
give place to wrath and avoid hostilities, judiciously dissimulated
in some points which concerned his person or his privileges--for many
were the incivilities shown to him at every turn by the members of his
cabildo, who disregarded the customary forms of politeness toward him;
and again, at critical moments in the controversies which arose between
the governor and the archbishop, the latter tried to yield what was his
right, or to overlook the lack of courtesy. But when offenses against
God, or attacks on his church or his episcopal dignity, came in his
way, his apostolic zeal did not allow him to overlook these--the
more, as he was needed by the aggrieved party on account of points
of justice intervening at the time. And of such character were the
events which occurred in the course of this year, and were the final
incentive to the acts of violence committed against his illustrious
Lordship--his zealous attempt to restrain certain ecclesiastics from
carrying on trade and traffic, to which they were greatly addicted and
devoted, in contravention of the pontifical decrees, especially of
a recent ordinance by Clement IX which prohibited the said commerce
to ecclesiastics; and likewise his having endeavored to compel an
executor to render an account of the estate which he had in his charge.

These were the chief motives for the arrest and banishment of our
archbishop; for, the same persons [i.e., the Jesuits] being concerned
in both of those incidents, they again disturbed people's minds, and
stirred them up anew against his illustrious Lordship. Past disputes
seemed lulled, and affairs had been smoothed over and adjusted,
although anger against the firmness and activity of his illustrious
Lordship remained alive; and now the unusual character of these
incidents revived again the old complaints--those who were parties in
this affair uniting with those who were angry at what had previously
occurred. All joined in clamors against the archbishop, treating him
as turbulent, seditious, prejudiced, contumacious, and the like; and
from various speeches and conversations this opinion steadily grew--all
regarding as already certain and evident what originated only in their
mistaken prejudices, and with this basis easily reaching a conclusion
(as occurred with the majesty of Christ)--that it was necessary to
remove his illustrious Lordship from their midst, in order to quiet
the anxieties and disturbances which had grieved all the estates of
the commonwealth. So in the execution of this their undertaking they
did not observe the method and plan which is prescribed in the laws
for cases of so great importance--for there was now no disobedience
or contumacy to a second or third royal decree, or interference with
the royal patronage, or other like causes or motives which could
justify so audacious an act. And solely at hearing the reply of his
illustrious Lordship to two royal decrees, which at the very same time
were communicated to him in regard to different matters--each one of
these being the first one which was issued, in both cases--all the
officials of the royal Audiencia were so irritated that immediately
they proceeded to decree that the sentence of banishment and [loss of]
secular revenues, [temporalidades] which had been pronounced against
his illustrious Lordship in the preceding year, must be executed.

But the controversy of that year was now ended, and the parties
now reconciled, and therefore the cause of this action was not past
but present disputes. These were: that his illustrious Lordship had
refused to absolve a contumacious executor whose name he had posted
as excommunicate; and that he had replied to the royal decrees with
apostolic freedom and liberty--in both these acts displaying his
constancy, and zeal for maintaining his jurisdiction unimpaired. [On
March 29, 1683, the Audiencia decree that the sentence of banishment
be carried out, but it is suspended for two days, that the necessary
preparations may be made secretly, in order to avoid disturbances
like those connected with Archbishop Guerrero's banishment. Pardo
is arrested at midnight, by a large body of officials and soldiers,
and immediately deported to Pangasinán, [151] "where the alcalde of
that province had strict orders to detain his illustrious Lordship
there, without allowing him to leave the provincial capital, or to
perform any act of jurisdiction [152] or authority pertaining to his
episcopal dignity, or to correspond by letter with Manila." On the
same day, various persons are arrested as officials or near friends of
the archbishop. The provisor takes refuge in the Dominican convent,
which is at once surrounded by soldiers, an auditor threatening to
demolish it with artillery; at this, the provisor surrenders himself
to the assailants, but "with certain precautions and securities," and
is kept under guard in his own house. Guards are also placed "at the
bell-towers of certain churches, so that the bells might not be rung
for an interdict. All the household furniture and personal property
[espolio] of the archbishop was confiscated, and placed in the royal
magazines--scrutiny being first made of the most private papers of
his illustrious Lordship, without finding in them anything by which
his enemies could calumniate him."]

The bishop of Troya, Don Fray Gines Barrientos, who had been appointed
governor of the archbishopric by his illustrious Lordship for this
emergency, when he learned of the arrest of the archbishop immediately
presented to the cabildo the document appointing him; but that body
appealed to the royal Audiencia, and, with either their expressed
or their tacit approval, took possession of the government of the
archbishopric. They declared that the banishment of the archbishop must
be construed as the vacation of his see, although their action might
better be called a spiritual adultery--for, while the spouse of this
church was still living, the cabildo intruded their presence in order
to abuse her; and, although in reality they were but sons and subjects,
they had the audacity to occupy their father's marriage-bed. At the
head of this action was the dean, who with dexterity and artifice
lured on the rest to consent to this monstrous deed; and because
one, a racionero, would not consent, they thrust him out of the
chapter-room. Government by the cabildo having been declared, it
was an easy thing for this same dean to cause them to appoint him
as provisor; and in virtue of this fantastical jurisdiction he went
on undoing what had been done, and making blunders--liberating all
those who had been imprisoned by the [ecclesiastical] tribunal,
[153] giving permission to all the clerics to hear confessions,
absolving ad cautelam the excommunicated (especially the executor
[i.e., Ortega] who had been publicly posted), and promulgating an
Octavian peace, like that of which the prophet says, Dicunt, "pax,
pax," et non erat pax. [154]

Among this confusion of affairs, the perplexity that existed in the
consciences of men was very noticeable: for some, endeavoring to
flatter those who were in power, gave their approval to all that
these had done, saying that they had not incurred any censure,
and that the jurisdiction of the cabildo was valid; but others,
with more pious judgment, regarded the said jurisdiction as either
fanciful or monstrous, and therefore felt scruples regarding all
their transactions--and not least in regard to intercourse with
those persons who had taken part in the arrest of the archbishop
and other ecclesiastics. This was the feeling of our religious, and
therefore they endeavored to refrain from intercourse with [those]
secular persons, that they might not incur danger from having
communication with excommunicated persons. [155] This withdrawal
being resented by the parties concerned, they began to calumniate us
as inciters of sedition, saying that with our scruples we disturbed
the peace which the cabildo and their dean had striven to introduce
in this community. In consequence of this, the father provincial was
notified, in the following year, of a decree by the royal Audiencia
in which he was charged and commanded to banish three religious,
the most prominent in his province, to the kingdom of Nueva España;
and to send to the province of Cagayán two others, who were lecturers
in theology--all because the Audiencia had concluded that the said
religious, as being the most learned and serious, would persuade the
rest to their own opinion. The father provincial replied to this that
the said religious were not at all to blame, since he had ordered
them to withdraw from intercourse with those who were excommunicated;
[156] then they pronounced against him also sentence of banishment,
which was executed with great severity on the father provincial
and his associate, accompanied by the acts of violence which are
mentioned in the first book. [157] ... The archbishop was very
contented in that place of his banishment, but so poor and needy
in temporal revenues that for his ordinary support he was confined
to what was given him for food by the religious who was minister in
that village; he therefore resided in the convent, like any private
brother in the order, and practiced the duties of [a member of] the
community as if he were a subordinate of the vicar of that house. But
outside of food and clothing he had nothing even for almsgiving; and
therefore in the letter that I have mentioned--written to a lay friend,
a citizen of this city of Manila--his illustrious Lordship asks that,
for the love of God, his friend will send him some rosaries, medals,
and like articles, so that he can make some return for the little
presents which the Indians give him. And by way of acknowledgment for
the hospitality which they had showed him in the convent of Lingayen,
he left in it his sole possession, a piece of the wood of the holy
cross--which he valued highly because it had been sent to him by the
supreme pontiff when the latter issued the bulls for his appointment
to this see. In this exile our archbishop remained during a period
of about twenty months, until at last a new opportunity arose, by
which he was restored to his see by the royal Audiencia.

In the year 1684 a new governor came to these islands, and as soon
as he entered upon his office he began, as an unprejudiced party,
to recognize the blind way in which action had been taken in these
proceedings, and the injuries and bad consequences which might
be feared if affairs continued in this state, especially as the
ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the cabildo was losing repute [estando
en opiniones]. For the remedy of so many evils, he made arrangements
with the ministers of the royal Audiencia that the archbishop should
be restored to his see; and this was actually carried out, by decree
of that royal tribunal, in which the ministers of the royal Audiencia
admit that the ecclesiastical jurisdiction had been snatched from
the archbishop--as if this could be thus taken away, and especially
by lay and secular officials!

Notwithstanding that the decree for the restitution of the archbishop
had gone out from the royal Audiencia, it took much persuasion to
make him acquiesce in returning to his see. One reason was, that he
was not willing to return until his Holiness and the Council should
decide his cause; the other, that he saw the affairs of his church in
such a condition that it was almost impossible to set them right. But
finally, at the entreaties of good men, and as persons very influential
in this colony had gone to bring back his illustrious Lordship, he
made the decision to return to Manila, where he was received with
universal rejoicing and applause.... The holy pastor went about,
looking up his flock, and when he saw it so injured and despoiled by
the abuses, errors, and evil consequences which had been occasioned
by the usurping jurisdiction of the cabildo--and, above all, by the
censures in which so many were involved, affecting the liberty of
their consciences, with disregard for our holy mother the Church--he
undertook to procure the reconciliation of the accused persons,
inducing them first to acknowledge their errors. First of all,
through the intercession of the new governor absolution was given
in private to the auditors (who had been active in his arrest and
in those of other ecclesiastical persons), they humbling themselves
to ask for absolution with certain demonstrations of reverence. The
members of his cabildo he absolved in public, with all the customary
preparations and ceremonies; and the same thing was done with other
persons, laymen, who had been concerned in the said arrests--especially
with the preceding governor [i.e., Vargas] the principal author of
these acts of violence, who, being now a private person, was not on
the same footing as the auditors, who were royal ministers and were
actually governing this commonwealth. There was much to overcome in
this point, in order that the said governor should humble himself;
for he attempted by various means and pretexts to exempt himself from
the jurisdiction of the archbishop--until, finding all paths barred,
he was obliged to subject himself to that prelate's correction, and
to make the necessary declarations in acknowledgement and detestation
of his errors. But at the time of imposing on him public penance he
showed that his repentance was feigned; for he never was willing to
accept that penance, or to submit to the commands of his illustrious
Lordship. On this account he had much to suffer--although the pain
that he had inflicted on the holy archbishop was incomparably greater
than this--seeing how rebellious was his heart, and how little regard
he paid to the censures.

The decision in the archbishop's cause from the courts of Roma and
Madrid could not arrive here as soon as it was desired; for those of
the party opposed to his illustrious Lordship had managed so well
that they seized all the mails in which anything was going that
was favorable to the archbishop, and they only sent to those courts
whatever would contribute to his injury. Accordingly, the good name of
that holy prelate suffered greatly, and he was regarded as restless,
seditious, and disobedient to the royal ministers. But as there was no
allegation made on the side of his illustrious Lordship, and as the
sentence that would be just could not be pronounced without hearing
both sides, the Council were unwilling to settle so important a matter
until all the documents that were in favor of the archbishop should
arrive there. And in view of the allegations made on each side,
although (it is said) the royal Council had uttered the sentence
against his illustrious Lordship, the king our sovereign obliged them
to revoke it, because at Roma the sentence was of contrary tenor, and
his Holiness earnestly charged him to protect the cause of the Church,
and to reflect very carefully on all the events which had occurred
in this case. In consequence of these admonitions from his Holiness,
it is said, our most Catholic king Carlos II summoned the president
of the Council of the Indias, and gave him a severe and sharp rebuke
for having declared sentence against the archbishop--saying, among
other things: "How you have deceived me!" at which the said president
was so grieved that (according to report) he died on the third day
after. Thereupon these matters were again considered in the Council,
with more deliberation; and revoking the previous sentence, declared
that all the irregular measures enacted by this royal Audiencia
were arbitrary and illegal; they also removed from office all the
auditors, for having been concerned in this proceeding [i.e., against
the archbishop]. In the same manner, the supreme pontiff declared
that all those who had taken any part in the arrest and banishment
of his illustrious Lordship, and of the other ecclesiastics were
publicly excommunicated; and he made the archbishop his deputy
judge, in order to absolve them and reconcile them to the Church,
after they should render such satisfaction as, in the judgment of
his illustrious Lordship, was necessary. And to our archbishop he
despatched an apostolic letter, praising his fortitude in defending
the ecclesiastical immunity, exhorting him to continue with the
same courage in any future difficulties that he might encounter;
and to follow his own good example, acting with the same constancy
that he had previously displayed. [Here follows the Latin text of the
brief; before it arrives, Pardo has a fresh opportunity to follow its
injunctions.] Notwithstanding that all the affairs of this commonwealth
were for the time in peace, a new difficulty and occasion arose for the
archbishop to display his constancy in defense of the ecclesiastical
immunity; and, without fearing the threats of a new banishment, he
showed himself steadfast and brave in defending the privileges of
his jurisdiction--so much so, that the royal Audiencia again passed
sentence, of banishment anew, against his illustrious Lordship. They
would have carried this into execution, if it had not been for the
intercession of both cabildos (the ecclesiastical and the secular)
and the holy religious orders who all fell at the governor's feet,
entreating him not to take such a step, which would cause so great
injury to this commonwealth; with this the rigorous intention of his
Lordship was moderated, and this new blow was not inflicted.

Not for this did the valor of his illustrious Lordship grow weak:
rather, in new emergencies (and many of these arose) he bore himself
with invincible courage; nor could his constancy be overcome,
either by regard for meritorious persons, or by dangers, perils, or
threats. For he had a heart and courage of steel (as may be gathered
from his letters written to the governor regarding various affairs)
for defending the rights of the Church--in these letters showing
fortitude like that of a St. Ambrose, of a St. John Chrysostom, and of
other like holy prelates. The holy archbishop was gentle as a lamb;
and all those who knew him affirm that he was merciful and affable;
but in matters touching the honor of God and the immunities and rights
of His Church he was transformed into a spirited lion, nor did he
ever swerve from his course or accept any [personal] advantage. And
it seems that God approved his apostolic zeal and the justness of his
cause, by coming to its defense with the exemplary punishments which
He inflicted on the enemies of the holy archbishop; so that, before
the final settlement of these disputes arrived from Roma and Madrid,
He made evident to the world his innocence, and the injustice of those
who persecuted him--taking just vengeance upon them by their miserable
and violent deaths, and other like calamities. These are not repeated
here, since they are already related at length in the eighteenth [158]
chapter of the preceding book; and God, almost by a miracle, preserved
the life of the holy archbishop so that he might before his death see
his cause concluded in his favor. Thus, if before all the world--or, to
speak more correctly, all hell--had conspired against him, at the last
he was able to see in his own day the union, in his favor and defense,
of the apostolic see on one hand, and the king our sovereign with his
royal Council on the other; and, besides, the Supreme Judge of mortal
men taking just vengeance on his enemies, by which the ministers of
the secular government were warned not to insult again the dignity of
the holy archbishop. And, although various collisions were not lacking,
they did not reach violence and hostilities; for every one feared him,
and regarded him as a holy man whom God assisted and favored.

No other judgment is merited by the exemplary virtues of his
illustrious Lordship; for even those most blind and obstinate in their
prejudices were obliged to confess that the archbishop was a saintly
man--as was said by the auditor who went to arrest him, as has been
previously stated. The holy archbishop was much given to prayer and
meditation, and inclined to silence; he was modest and sedate in
his actions; and he was very watchful in whatever he did that all
should be ordered by the divine law--continually keeping in mind the
account that he must render to God of his ministry, a consideration
which frequently shines out through his letters and other documents
pertaining to the affairs of his high office. And this was the most
potent stimulus which constrained him to act with so much firmness
in the affairs pertaining to his ministry, as is noticeable in the
letters which he wrote thereon to the governor, and are found in
the authentic relation of his acts. In eating he was always very
sparing, not only that he might observe religious abstinence, but
because the delicate condition of his stomach could not endure the
least excess. The holy archbishop lived in extreme poverty, behaving
like the poorest religious in regard to his table, clothing, bed,
and everything else. The province supplied his clothing, of rough,
coarse frieze; and when a garment was torn he himself mended it with
his own hands, as the members of his household have often seen. He
employed the income of his see in doing good to the poor, in aiding
the missions of his diocese, and in the adornment and repair of the
churches. In the university of Santo Thomas he endowed a chair of
canonical law, on account of the need in his church for training in
this knowledge--to the end that the ecclesiastics of this archbishop
might in future be better instructed in a subject so important for
the management of the business in the ecclesiastical court; but this
foundation was not enough to be effective, on account of unexpected
accidents in the country. [159]

At last God chose to reward his labors, and his zeal in defense
of the Church; and thus, the previous storms calmed, God took him,
triumphant over impiety and injustice, from this life to that which
is eternal, with a holy and enviable death. This occurred on the last
day of December in the year 1689, when he was seventy-eight years
of age, most of these employed in the service of God our Lord. [160]
He was given honorable burial at the steps of the clergy-house of our
church of Santo Domingo at Manila: and at his funeral were present
the royal Audiencia and the ecclesiastical and secular cabildos, all
the religious orders, and the rest of this community, all bitterly
sorrowing for the loss of such a pastor and prelate. Although his
government at first ran counter to many who were discontented,
as he seemed to them excessive in his rectitude, yet finally--his
cause justified, and the truth declared by so many tribunals; and
his blameless and holy life being seen [by all]--they hailed him
unanimously as a holy prelate, and an example worthy of imitation. And
even those who formerly regarded his rule as grievous now felt the
lack of such a father, and were grieved that they had not treated him
with more respect, their prejudice not having allowed them to know
his virtue and holiness. The cabildo was left with the government
of the cabildo, and transferred it to the bishop of Troya, Don Fray
Gines Barrientos, a member of our own order--not only to show their
affection for the deceased archbishop, but to make some amends for
the resistance which in past times they had made to his rule, when,
at the time of the banishment and exile of the archbishop, he had
left the bishop with appointment as his governor. Thus the cabildo
made acknowledgment of their past errors, for now were lacking in
their number the two prebends who had been the principal authors of
that resistance, and of all the incivilities shown to his illustrious
Lordship; and these two seditious persons being removed, the rest
professed filial reverence to the mitre and to his episcopal dignity.



OFFICIAL VISITATION BY VALDIVIA

    An account of the occurrences in Manila on the occasion of
    the arrival of the [royal] visitor, Don Francisco Campos
    de Valdivia.


The said gentleman arrived in this city, [161] and on the same
day he arrested the fiscal, Don Esteban de la Puente y Alanis,
seizing his goods. He did the same with the notaries who had
aided [the proceedings] against the church, and with the military
leaders--beginning with Don Juan de Vargas, whom he left with guards
in his own house. He made inquiries into many facts which had gone
forth on the part of the archbishop, and many lies on the part of the
Audiencia; many false statements in the acts, and many other things
by which people in Manila have been undeceived regarding the just
acts of the archbishop--who is lauded by that visitor as upright,
just, and holy; and who told all who entered his house what was going
on. He sent for the auditor Bolivar, the only one of the four who
was yet alive, who had been for another reason banished to Cagayan;
he was very repentant, according to report, and was absolved with
his solemn declarations--which were published, by command of the
archbishop, in all the pulpits of Manila--expressing detestation of
all his actions against the church, in detail, up to his neglect to
give aid for seizing the two hundred or more bales belonging to the
Society. He came with the intention of dying, if it were necessary,
in professing what he had detested; but in Ylocos he died suddenly and
without the sacraments, while still near Pangasinan. Of his property
and of that of Viga, little or nothing has appeared.

The archbishop, seeing that all that he had done had pleased the
Council at Madrid and that at Roma, proceeded to lay aside his
scruples, by imposing and declaring an interdict against the church
of the Society, because the body of Auditor Grimaldos [162] reposed
therein; and it was kept closed from the eve of St. Ignatius's day
for the space of two months, until the conclusion of the lawsuit
which the widow of the said Grimaldos undertook to defend. They went
to bring out the bones for sentence, and these were so intermingled
with others--they say, it was done purposely or by artifice--that,
in order not to deprive of asylum those of the just, the bones of
Grimaldos were left in the church. It was blessed by the provisor
with much solemnity, and the doors were opened with a peal of bells
and the universal joy. Seeing this obstacle removed, on account of
which that order were not entering that church, the Catholic visitor
spoke in reconciliation of the two orders. At the first movement
for peace, our order [i.e., the Dominican] declared that we desired
it; and an agreement was reached, all the Society repairing to our
convent on the octave of the naval feast. Our provincial preached,
the archbishop and the Audiencia being present, and, I think, all
Manila; for never was seen such a crowd of people. In a few days, I
think in that same week, the feast of St. Ignatius was celebrated at
the house of the Society; it had not been done [at the proper time],
since on the eve of that day the church of the Society was placed
under interdict. They had the same large attendance; Father Cani
[163] preached, delivering a very spiritual and appropriate sermon.

The archbishop, seeing that God was on his side, concluded to give
a public atonement to the church. In the courtyard of our church
was erected a stage, on which sat his illustrious Lordship and his
cabildo; one day at twelve o'clock he laid an interdict throughout
the city, and on the following day were present all the culprits who
had concurred in violating the sacred persons and places--in a body,
without swords. They were absolved, with scourges [varillas] and
miserere, and afterward his illustrious Lordship restored them to
the church. Then the next day a procession was formed, accompanied
by our Lady of the Rosary. For the morrow there was a sermon, at
which the governor and the city were present; and in the afternoon,
for the procession, all the Audiencia, and the archbishop, etc.

The visitor sent Don Juan de Vargas to Pangasinan, as excommunicated,
since he had refused to submit to the sentence of his illustrious
Lordship; he is still there, and will remain there. He is not going
to España, as he has not paid the amount to which he was sentenced,
which the visitor imposed upon him on account of the residencia, in
either silver or jewels; nor has he provided securities for it. As
for what concerns the residencia, the sum will be about one hundred
thousand pesos; in this decision the judge has, in the opinion of all,
proceeded most mercifully. The king's fiscal has been banished to the
island of Mariveles until the ship sails. The dean, Don Miguel Ortiz
de Cobarrubias, was involved in the libels that were current last
year, and in other matters against the archbishop, in contravention
of what he had decreed--as he said under oath when they absolved him;
accordingly he was arrested, and came out of prison deprived of all
ecclesiastical benefice. Our Fray Raimundo Bertist [i.e., Berart]
also is going to España. The schoolmaster, Don Francisco Briçeno, was
also deprived of all benefice on account of his talk, and sentenced
to perpetual seclusion in a convent, from which he will not emerge
unless he takes the vows; they say that he is going into [the convent
of] San Agustin. Very recently occurred the fall of another member
of the usurping cabildo, who in my opinion was the worst of them;
but he has escaped, through his crafty devices. This is Don José de
Nava y Albiz, a racionero. They discovered that some sessions of the
cabildo had been held without informing the new dean and canons, in
opposition to his illustrious Lordship; also they found a libel against
the archbishop and our religious order. The treasurer Valencia is also
entangled in this matter. I do not know how the affair will end; they
will find themselves in bad health if God preserves the archbishop.

Of the four dignitaries who came with the visitor, the two auditors
and the fiscal ranged themselves on the side of the governor, Don
Juan de Vargas; and when excommunication was laid on those who should
have intercourse with him, these persons went in and out, entirely
disregarding this, and causing great scandal. On this account the
visitor challenged them in a suit which the party of Vargas carried to
the Audiencia; and for the same reason the archbishop kept challenging
them in regard to ecclesiastical affairs. The fiscal married the
widow of the auditor Grimaldos. The other of those auditors--who is
the senior, and who is now governing--has much fear of God; and he is
all the more discreet and experienced for having been judge in Burgos.

Among other calamities which this community has suffered, not the
least is the death of the governor, Don Gabriel de Curuzalegui, who
died April 27; for the political government depends on so many heads
that, as there is little concord among them and they are young men,
much trouble is feared.

In this year, toward the end of January, God sent us an epidemic of
influenza, very malignant, from which many children and old persons
died throughout the islands. The prominent persons who have died
in this city are: Don Francisco Beza, archdeacon of the cathedral;
Gallardo, who died suddenly in prison; Master Don Pablo de Aduna, Don
Francisco de Ocampo, and others. The governor died poor, and with many
debts--a proof of his upright conduct. All feel that these islands have
not had [in that post] a man who was more disinterested, or who took
better care of the royal exchequer and the credit of the church. God
repaid him for this, since our king sent him several letters of thanks
for what he had accomplished--especially for having brought back the
archbishop to his see, and secured the removal of that monster, the
usurping government of the cabildo. The supreme pontiff wrote letters
to the archbishop, thanking him for what he had done and suffered,
and encouraging him for what was before him--saying that he himself
is imitating him, and using very affectionate terms.



Relation of events in Filipinas arising from the coming of a visitor

While all these islands were in the disconsolate and afflicted
condition of which an account was given last year, at the beginning
of July arrived the patache that was despatched from Nueva España to
bring the usual aid. It had a quick voyage, and in this vessel came
an entire Audiencia, and a visitor. [164] The latter, disembarking at
Bagatao, set out for this city with the utmost speed, in a fragata
belonging to the alcalde-mayor of Leyte; and left orders in the
patache that no one should go ashore or write letters. He arrived at
Manila very quickly, and, landing at Cavite--where he was received
with a salvo of artillery--he went to the fort only. Having spent
three-quarters of an hour with Don Fernando, without going anywhere
else, he continued his journey to this city, where he arrived at two
o'clock, and was received with a salvo. He entered the coach of the
governor, and going from the fort of Santiago (by the postern gate of
which he made his entry), he reached the palace. On the plaza a body
of troops had been formed in order, who received him with a general
salute of arquebus-shots. He spent about an hour with the governor,
at the time making known to him only the commissions which he bore;
meanwhile, the faces of various persons expressed their wonder,
for it began to be rumored that whatever the archbishop and governor
had done received the visitor's entire approval. This statement was
very soon confirmed; for the said visitor, leaving the palace, asked
for some soldiers, and, riding in the coach, went first to the house
of the former governor, Don Juan de Vargas, but did not find him at
home because he was outside the city, in his country house, by order
of the governor. Leaving some guards there, and sending orders to
Don Juan to come within the city, the visitor went to the house of
Don Pedro de Bolivar; and when he asked for him and for his goods,
he was told that Don Pedro was banished, and confined in the fort at
Cagayan, and his goods had been confiscated and sold at public auction,
by order of the governor. The visitor proceeded thence to the house
of Don Diego de Calderon, and asking for him and for his goods, he
was answered that Don Diego was dead, and they did not know of any
goods. He left that place and went to the house of Don Diego de Viga,
where he made the same inquiry and answer was made that he had died
in exile and prison in Cagayan, and his goods also had been sold
and confiscated by the governor. He finally proceeded to the house
of the king's fiscal, Don Esteban de la Fuente Alanis, whom he found
at home in great fear and perturbation. Immediately the visitor told
him that he might regard the house as his prison, and withdrawing
him to an apartment, he seized all Don Esteban's goods; by this time
the afternoon was ended. On the following day, Don Juan de Vargas,
having returned to the city, was promptly visited; and after a polite
visit, he was told that he must remain a prisoner in his own house,
without leaving it, under a penalty of one thousand ducados. On this
day, it was published that all acts by the royal Council in favor
of the archbishop, the governor, and the Dominicans were approved;
that the auditors were suspended; that the ex-governor was fined two
thousand pesos; that all were summoned to Nueva España--where they
must await their sentence, in the place that had been selected,
twenty leguas distant from Mejico; and, until a ship was ready,
they were all banished from Manila to the same places where the
archbishop and the other Dominican religious had been confined. They
all were stupefied with fear, at hearing a decision so unexpected;
and those of the [archbishop's] following and partners were full of
satisfaction and triumph. Fear increased, and no one felt any security
in so fierce a storm, thinking that the said visitor was in the place
of the governor and the Dominicans. With this it was expected that
affairs would be in worse confusion than before, and that the truth
of events would be disguised and covered as those personages might
choose, with the fraudulent statements made in the earlier accounts.

The said visitor began his investigation, and for it demanded
that the court notaries should immediately surrender to him the
original documents of all the past disputes between the Audiencia and
archbishop, appeals [on the ground] of fuerza, and other causes; of
these he furnished a list. Then, in a few days, taking the declaration
of the said fiscal of the king, the visitor brought charges against
him, and commanded that he should go into banishment on the island
of Mariveles, and from that place should answer the charges. In the
intervening time while his cause was being prepared, a chaplain said
mass in his house; and the archbishop despatched a letter threatening
to place him on the public list of the excommunicated, unless he
first drew up and signed the same expressions of detestation that
Don Pedro de Bolivar had made, commanding that no priest should be
allowed to say mass for him; and thus was repaid his good services to
his illustrious Lordship during the entire term of the governor Don
Gabriel. At the beginning, Don Esteban resisted; but seeing that he
had no human recourse, and that, when he demanded counsel from the
visitor, that person gave him to understand that he must do it, he
had to yield under compulsion, and do what was commanded him. Another
strong reason why he consented to do it was, that he might not go
to his destination as an excommunicate; he went thither absolved,
leaving the said act of detestation dated and signed, to the pleasure
and satisfaction of the archbishop.

So frequent were now the visits of the reverend Verart, and so close
was his intimacy with the visitor, that he did not leave the latter's
house by day or even by night--so that it was soon rumored that the
said Father Verart was the one who acted and took the management in the
inquiries, investigations, and charges which were made in regard to
those who were included therein by the worthy visitor. This has been
made more certain by time, not only by information and occurrences
which have come to our knowledge, but by seeing how ignorant and
unlearned the said visitor was; and if Verart did not draw up the
allegations and other documents, many will doubt that the visitor
could succeed in doing anything to advantage. We shall see how the
whole affair will turn out, and how thoroughly investigated the truth
as to affairs in these islands will go to the Council. The governor,
the archbishop, the visitor, and the Dominicans [will figure] tied
together by pairs, and Fray Raimundo Verart as the leader [corifeo]
of the dance.

When the patache reached the port, and the auditors this city,
various mails from his Majesty were opened, and it was found that the
remedy was worse than the disease itself; since the Dominicans and the
archbishop, like headlong furies, began a fierce tempest of vengeance
against all those who were not of their faction and at their disposal,
without heeding or fearing any one who might restrain them in whatever
they might attempt. Accordingly, they made the first attack, or rather
continued the old persecution, against the fathers of the Society
(using a pretext, in order to close our church for a long time),
the archbishop declaring that it had been profaned, meaning that in
it was interred [the body of] Don Cristobal Grimaldos--who, he said,
had died an excommunicate by having incurred that penalty in the
archbishop's banishment--although it was five years since he had died,
and only now for the first time did his illustrious Lordship begin
to have scruples, which he could not lay aside. In order to conceal
better his revengeful spirit against the Society, he waited until the
day of most publicity and greatest attendance [at our church], which
was the day of our great patriarch St. Ignatius; choosing this day,
he waited until the hour of nine, when the church was full of people,
including all the religious communities of this city, and only the
arrival of the royal Audiencia was awaited to begin high mass for
the saint. For that time and hour, then, his illustrious Lordship
reserved his scruples; and, sending two notaries, they published and
posted on the church door his edict, declaring the church of the
Society of Jesus to be polluted--declaring under penalty of major
excommunication, latæ sententiæ, that no faithful Christian should
attend divine worship in the said church. All the people, therefore,
were obliged to go out, and the doors were locked for two months
and two days, from July 31 to October 2; and, although Doña Manuela
Barrientos, formerly the wife of the said Señor Grimaldos, came out
in our defense--proving not only by the confessors who assisted him,
but by the testimony of other witnesses, that he had died with all the
sacraments and with great contrition--nothing of this was sufficient
to prevent the archbishop from pronouncing notices that he had died
impenitent and excommunicate. He therefore commanded that the bones
should be exhumed, for which purpose the provisor, Juan Gonzalez,
went one afternoon, October 2, with other officials and some negroes
with spades, and opened the tomb; but, finding many bones, and among
them three skulls, they had to leave these in their place, as they
could not distinguish which were those of the auditor Grimaldos. On the
following day the said provisor came to bless our church, and the gates
were again opened, to the great joy and consolation of the people.

At this time, when the archbishop was engaged in disinterring the
bones of the said auditor Grimaldos, the visitor--who had been
declared investigating judge for special suits and commissions
only--was going about in another direction, making his secret
inquiries about past affairs. In everything he proceeded greatly in
favor of the archbishop, governor, and Dominicans, but with general
complaints from all the witnesses, who said that the examiner had
come not to ascertain the truth, but to confirm the fraudulent and
malicious reports of the archbishop and the friars--for, as soon as
they said anything against the latter, they were immediately checked,
and what was set down in the document was moderated; but if it was
anything in favor of them, the examiner heard it at much length,
and employed his rhetoric to dilate upon it very extensively. He very
soon gave orders that Captain Lerma (who took the place of Armenta,
the secretary of the Audiencia, who was banished to Pangasinan) and
Sargento-mayor Juan Sanchez (who was secretary of that court in the
time of the controversies between the Audiencia and the archbishop)
should enter the fort as prisoners. Every day his friendship and
intercourse with the governor grew more and more intimate, so much
so that not a night passed when he did not inform the governor of all
that he had accomplished that day, praising himself for having gained
control of everything [de hechar todo a su barda]. This was seen by
what occurred in the country; and he took away life from whomever he
chose, as easily as if he had been a governor. It being necessary for
his investigation that Auditor Bolivar should come to this city, the
examiner demanded that he be brought from Cagayan, where he was at the
time; and the latter while coming, in good health, upon entering the
province of Pangasinan from that of Ylocos fell dead, from [drinking]
one cup of chocolate, without obtaining the sacraments. This rumor of
poisoning was so widely spread in all this region that the governor,
notwithstanding all his efforts, could not stop the mouths of all;
accordingly the worthy examiner was full of fear and dread lest
they should do as much more to him, and did all that the governor,
archbishop, and Dominicans desired--if before with some concealment,
from that day with entire publicity--calling the archbishop a saintly
old man.

The residencia of the ex-governor was published, and in the course
of it and of other investigations (all which were proceeding at the
same time) the goods of most of the prominent citizens of Manila were
seized and detained--some having incurred blame in certain charges
of the residencia, and others because they had been commanded by the
[former] royal Audiencia and its governor and captain-general, under
grave penalties in the decrees, to find and seize the Dominican
religious. Consequently the people were in great perplexity, not
knowing what was to be done; for it went ill with them if they obeyed
the king, and still worse if they did not obey. They showed the
[former] orders and decrees, but nothing availed them; consequently
all went out after several days of imprisonment (in which time died
Sargento-mayor Don Juan Gallardo), mulcted in amounts of three hundred,
four hundred, and even five hundred pesos [each].

At the beginning of the month of October, the examiner took greatly
to heart the establishment of peace between the Dominican fathers
and those of the Society, in which negotiation the governor and the
archbishop were active, since now the latter found no longer the means
for annoying us. The affair was very diligently conducted, but always
with the claim of advantages for the other side. The worthy man was
quite deceived, having been told that the Dominican fathers had only
broken off their former intercourse with our church inasmuch as it
had been polluted from the time when Auditor Grimaldos was interred
in it; but this was a great lie, and quite notorious, since, a year
before the said auditor died, since the controversy over the arms,
[165] they had ceased intercourse [with us]. Notwithstanding all this,
they always directed their efforts to the end that the Society should
yield; and, the octave of the naval feast falling on the very day of
St. Francis de Borgia, we had to delay until the octave the feast
and sermon for the saint, and went in a body to the church. Great
rejoicing was displayed in the city; much artillery was fired; the
[Dominican] provincial Marron preached; the archbishop, governor,
and Audiencia were present. All this was repeated on the day of the
octave of St. Francis Borgia, when Father Cani preached; and from
that day the Dominican fathers and their archbishop have displayed,
at least externally, their former friendliness.

A little while afterward, on the day of St. Peter [of] Alcantara,
[166] occurred the most fearful earthquake that ever, according to
report, was known in these islands, the shocks being repeated at
various times. The father rector went to the archbishop to ask his
permission to offer the act of contrition, but he refused to allow
it--saying that he had thought of something else that was better,
which was, to carry the Virgin of the Rosary through the streets,
all reciting the rosary aloud. Moreover, in order to make peace with
God and placate His just anger, he commanded one day that a general
interdict be rung, publishing as excommunicated all those who had in
any manner been concerned in the banishment of his illustrious Lordship
and the other Dominican religious, and all the officers who had taken
part in the blockade of the convent of Santo Domingo. Afterward,
having erected a scaffold or stage in the courtyard of his convent,
he published the absolution--for which they went past him one by one
to be absolved, without sword or hat. In this were ranked all the
military and officials of Manila--all solemnly swearing never again to
take action or render obedience for such occasions, even though the
king should command them to. All those who were absent were likewise
absolved, Don Juan de Vargas being excepted, nominatim. This function
was ended by the promise that with this God would be placated, and the
earth rendered quiet--although His Divine Majesty, for [the ends of]
His lofty judgments, continued the incessant tremblings of the earth.

It seems that with this the tragedies were ended, all [the culprits]
absolved, and the earth blessed; but his illustrious Lordship and
the friars, recalling to mind the former preposterous attempt to
change all the [members of the] cabildo and arrange it according to
their own humor and taste, and seeing themselves masters of the field,
without any one remaining who could resist them, undertook to put that
scheme into execution, bringing against all the prebends such suits
as they pleased. Commencing with the dean, after a long imprisonment
they passed sentence on him that he should be deprived of his dignity
and should go to España; and, being meanwhile suspended from office,
he should remain in Manila. Then they put in his place, and made dean,
the provisor Juan Gonzalez--a person of the qualifications that we all
know. Soon they attacked in the rear the good old archdeacon, Doctor
Francisco Deza, and brought against him a very infamous complaint,
entirely unworthy of his exemplary life and gray hairs, in order
to deprive him of his prebend. God chose, rather, to take him to
himself; but on the day when he died they seized all his goods,
and placed in the prebend the cura of Quiapo, Caraballo--a Visayan
by birth, and a notorious [167] mestizo. By way of courtesy, they
passed then to the schoolmaster, Don Francisco Gutierrez; and, not
finding any worse fault than the report that he had spoken ill of his
prelate, it was enough for their purpose. After a long imprisonment,
his sentence was pronounced--the loss of his prebend, and perpetual
seclusion in a religious order, which he might choose; accordingly,
he entered the convent of San Agustin. Thus they had a position into
which to thrust a student from Santo Tomas, named Altamirano--of whom,
when I say that he is a nephew of Cervantes, there is nothing more
to be added. Another prebend, a racionero, named Don Jose de Nava,
they got into their clutches a little while ago--because it is known
that he wrote to his Majesty the excellent qualifications of those
whom his illustrious Lordship was placing in the cabildo, which are
admirable and undoubted--and seized all his goods. They are keeping
him in fetters, in a place where he does not even know whether it is
day or night, without [allowing him to] communicate with a soul. That
they might more effectually form the entire cabildo from their own
faction, and to suit themselves, his illustrious Lordship posted
edicts regarding the two canonries, the doctoral and the magistral,
saying that his Majesty commands that these prebends shall be given by
competition in this cathedral, as in the others. Those who competed
for them were the Japanese Naito, the little Visayan Caraballo,
the mulatto Rocha, and Altamirano; and although Doctor Don Jose de
Atienza entered the competition, and gave his competitive discourse
in public, and preached on short notice to the admiration of his
hearers, no one in the city doubts that he will not succeed in
obtaining anything, as he is not of their faction and was graduated
by the Society. He felt so certain of this that he said so in his
sermon. For they will strive to form the entire cabildo of their own
men and from their following, so that, even if the archbishop dies,
the Dominican fathers will not cease to rule, which is the object
at which they aim. Thus far the canonries have not been conferred;
it seems that they are waiting until the ship shall sail, so that
they may send word [to España that the matter remains] in doubt; but
no one has any doubt that two will surely enter upon these prebends,
and that Atienza has no chance at all. That clique are proceeding,
in regard to everything, in a reckless and very insolent manner,
and without any caution, for there is no one who can resist them; and
therefore they have rendered themselves formidable in this country,
and the arbitrators of all matters. It is hoped that the storm will
not be so severe now, with the entrance of the royal Audiencia upon
the government--on account of the very unexpected and sudden death of
the governor, Don Gabriel de Curuzelaegui, the abettor of all these
doings. This occurred in the month of April last, and was caused by
a retention of urine, which ended his life in three days. At that
time, governor, archbishop, investigating judge, and Dominicans were
preparing a farrago of documents to mislead the Council and to further
their own reckless proceedings; they even notified the ex-governor,
Don Juan de Vargas, that he must go into exile to Pangasinan, to
which place he had banished the archbishop. He made an urgent plea
for his absolution, in view of his Majesty's decree which ordered the
archbishop to absolve him, but the latter would not listen to it. On
the day when they carried him into exile, he entered the house of the
archbishop, and, ascending the stairs on his knees until he reached
the prelate's feet, Don Juan begged him, with tears in his eyes, to
absolve him; but the archbishop, with a heart like a tiger's, refused
to hear him, and answered him only with harsh words. He told Don Juan
that he must submit to the penance imposed, which required him to wear
the sackcloth robe, the halter round his neck, the yellow breeches,
etc., going through the churches, as he had been commanded to do;
and that, if he did not consent to this, he must go to Lingayen
without absolution. Thence he repaired to the royal Audiencia, who
issued a royal decree to the archbishop that he must absolve Don
Juan; but immediately the governor and archbishop joined hands to
avert this pressure, and drew up an iniquitous accusation against the
auditors, containing many falsehoods and charges. Among other things,
they brought forward evidence that the auditors had illicit relations
with Doña Isabel, the wife of Don Juan de Vargas, and this by several
witnesses. It may be imagined what sort of a country this is, and how
much credit is due to the accusations that are made here--and to the
witnesses in Manila, who swear to anything that suits a governor. This
done, the archbishop replied to the royal decree by challenging the
auditors, for the causes which he proved against them. This answer
was made a very short time before the governor's death; it was sent to
him sealed, and afterward was found with the above accusation--which
as some declared, was for the purpose of ruining this Audiencia as
he had destroyed the other.

In this condition are affairs at present. Father Fray Raimundo Verart,
the instigator of so many disturbances, is going there [i.e., to
España], summoned by his Majesty. May it please God that now the
misfortunes of this unhappy land may cease.



Information from Filipinas and Nueva España

With the arrival of the galleon from Filipinas in this Nueva España
has been unladen a raft [flota] of news, which other pens, less
awkward than mine, will relate; I can only tell what I have known. In
the year 1687 the examiner [pesquisidor]--as the Chinese say, the
fisherman [pescador]--Don Francisco Campos y Valdivia arrived at
Manila; according to the reports, it would seem that he went there
to encourage anew and continue the malignant acts of the archbishop
and the Dominicans, and to pillage the wealth of that community and
finally squeeze out of it the little blood that it has. He immediately
joined hands with Governor Curuzealegui, the archbishop, and the
Dominicans; he selected as his adviser, director, and counselor the
Dominican Fray Raimundo Verart, the source of so many disturbances;
and--without heeding that his Majesty, on account of the latter's
turbulent disposition, had commanded that the said religious should
proceed to the court [at Madrid]--he immediately took possession of
the said religious, who was with him at all hours of day and night, in
his house. [He did so] in order that the religious should prepare for
him the documents, acts, and inquiries for which he was commissioned,
on account of the illiterate manner in which the fisherman usually
drew them up. From this may be interred what documents he will carry
to the court, with a hand so malicious and bold--but with the safety
of the father confessor's broad shoulders, and the cunning tendencies
of the chief, of vast piety.

There are more than three hundred thousand pesos, in jewels and
commodities, that he has carried away, well guarded; and he is full of
confidence of new rewards. I do not doubt that the chief distributor
will enjoy a very pleasant time, knowing that the Jesuits remain
humbled, trampled down, and without recourse--they, to whom on so
many grounds he ought to show himself at least indifferent.

He discharged his fury against the governor, Don Juan de Vargas,
and, without allowing him to defend himself--since hardly had Don
Juan chosen a lawyer or notary when he awoke in exile--he banished
him to a distant place, and among Dominicans. And, to soften this
humiliation, the archbishop denied him the absolution that he sought
(going up to the prelate's house on his knees), without paying any
attention to the strict injunction of his Majesty, or urging the
visitor to secure its fulfilment; and demanding an order to carry Don
Juan to Mexico, notwithstanding the securities [that he had given]
for his residencia. He was left in the hands of the Dominicans and
the archbishop, in order that the latter might satiate himself more
at leisure with Don Juan's sorrows.

The visitor turned his attention to the auditors, whom he found
already exiled by the governor; and, two of them having died a little
while before, he sent for the auditor Bolivar. It is reported that
the governor, fearing this man, gave orders that they should put him
to death on the route. [168] What is certain is, that as he finished
drinking a cup of chocolate, he fell dead, and his finger-nails and
lips made known the poison; and it is noted that in the following
year, about the same time, the said governor died very suddenly, and
in melancholy circumstances--according to rumor and letters, like
a beast. The last of the officials, the fiscal Alanis, the visitor
brought with him to Nueva España, after having confiscated all his
goods and inflicted on him a thousand annoyances--as also the dean,
Don Miguel Ortiz. With him came the Dominican Verart, in order that
with his assistance the visitor might continue the management of
his documents.

About this time began the fury of the archbishop and the Dominicans
against the Society. [The remains of] Auditor Grimaldos having reposed
five years in the sepulcher of the college at Manila, the archbishop
was pricked by scruples on the day of St. Ignatius; and, when the
church was full, and the governor and the Audiencia were expected
for the fiesta, a notary came in, publishing the declaration that the
church was polluted--that the auditor Grimaldos had died impenitent,
and that everyone should go out of the church, under penalty of
excommunication. The church remained closed until the second day of
October. On that day the provisor went and opened the sepulcher, and,
seeing therein three corpses, among which he could not distinguish
the one that he sought, he proceeded to bless what he called the
"contaminated" church. The examiner [i.e., Campos y Valdivia], playing
the rôle of a reconciler, obliged the fathers of the Society to go to
attend a feast-day of the Dominicans, and the latter to be present at
another in the Society's house. Afterward the archbishop arranged the
cabildo to suit himself, without accepting or noticing the prebends
who came appointed by his Majesty, and replaced all of them from his
own college of Santo Tomas; and among these were men most unworthy
[of such posts], mestizos who were half negro. His principal object
is, that if he should die the cabildo may appoint the bishop of
Troya as ruler [of the diocese], in order that the disturbances may
not cease; and very strung recommendations are going for the court,
to appoint in that church the said bishop of Troya, in order that he
may more vigorously continue the disputes and lawsuits, which do not
cease. Meanwhile, at court let not efforts cease to persuade that
this religious order is not suited for sees [mitras] so remote--as
the father confessor sets forth, and that boldly. In every Dominican
there is a bishop, a governor, and an absolute monarch; nor will he
acknowledge himself to be a vassal--as is shown by a fiscal reply
that comes from Filipinas and will go to the court, in the terms of
which is recognized the intention of that prelate [i.e., Barrientos].

In the course of the investigation the visitor did not spare the
[belongings required by] decency for the governor's wife, Doña Isabel
de Ardila, taking away from her at public auction even the bed and
the jewels that she used, and from her husband even the sword that he
carried at his belt. The annoyances inflicted upon the citizens are
innumerable; and in order that the jewels and other valuables which
he obtained from the seizures of goods should not be sold at a low
price, at auctions, he caused them to be knocked down to himself,
but in the names of other persons, and he is becoming, therefore,
enormously wealthy.

Nor was the archbishop idle at this time. He proceeded to give
rules to the new Audiencia as to the manner in which it was to
conduct itself, declaring that recourse to it in cases of fuerza
and banishment was faulty; and a little later, when urged to absolve
Governor Vargas, he replied that he challenged the new auditors for
cause, since he considered them all to be in love with the governor's
wife. Consequently, it would be necessary that another Audiencia
should come, or that, to check lawsuits, they delegate the authority
to him--which they refused, since the ecclesiastics are vassals.

In this so tangled web of mischiefs occasioned by his cause, died
very suddenly Governor Don Gabriel de Curuzaelegui; so many pecuniary
obligations of his were made public that they seem incredible, even to
those who do not know the opportunities for profit of that governmental
post. He left the administration of his estate to the man who had
been the mainstay of his government, Don Tomas de Andaya--a native of
Andaya in France, [169] however much he has tried to persuade people
that he was born in Viscaya.

On December 19, 1689, the ship "Santo Niño" cast anchor in
Acapulco, and in it came the dean of Manila, Don Miguel Ortiz
de Cobarrubias; the fiscal, Don Lorenzo de Alanis; the Dominican
father Fray Raimundo Verart; and the examiner, Don Francisco Campos y
Valdivia. The last-named was detained in the said port, continuing some
investigations with which he was charged--especially that concerning
the registration [of the galleon's cargo] for the year 1684; and in
regard to the seizure in the same year of the property of Governor
Don Juan de Vargas, in which he supposed there had been some formal
act of the royal officials, with information from the viceroy,
Marques de la Laguna--investigations all upon uncertain matters,
little praised by his subordinates, or acceptable to them. On occasion
of receiving a declaration, the examiner compelled General Antonio
de Aztina to surrender his authority, at the same time appointing,
de plenitudine potestatis [i.e., "in the fulness of his power"], as
commander Captain Oriosola--who enjoyed this new favor no long time;
for the viceroy, Conde de Galvez, being informed of this, immediately
gave the appointment of commander to Don Juan de Garaicochea.

On the fourteenth of January, 1690, his investigations being concluded,
the examiner left Acapulco, and sent ahead by the fast carriers as
many as twenty loads of his own equipage, with a servant, and verbal
orders that the guards should give them free passage. Information of
this exemption reached the custom-house of this city, and its special
judge, Don Juan Jose de Ciga y Linage, stationed officers on the
route for safety. The examiner set out, by easy stages, because he
was conveying a woman who had lately become a mother--one of his two
maidservants, with whom he traveled, whom he had secretly married while
in the bay, a little before landing at Vera Cruz; and the said lady
died, a few days after leaving Acapulco, and was buried in the town
of Cuernavaca. The said freight and equipage arrived at Mexico, and,
notwithstanding the orders of the examiner, the following articles
were unloaded in the custom-house: twenty-one chests, four boxes,
two escritoires, three boxes, one screen, four china jars [tibores],
[170] one trunk of clothes, and four civet-cats. Permission was given
that the animals be sent to the house of Don Geronimo de Chacon, to
whom the above goods came directed; but the rest was kept [at the
custom-house], the packages being opened, and a list of the goods
being made. The said examiner being asked for a load that had gone
astray on the journey, he replied, desiring to shield himself and
another person, that it did not belong to him, and he knew nothing
about it. The cause of this search was, it seems, that secret warning
had been given [to the customs officers] of perfumes, fine stuffs,
and other goods improper for [the possession of] an examiner.

On the fifteenth of February, 1690, after various protests and
threatening statements that the said boxes contained only his
clothing, and especially that three contained only the private
papers and documents of his visitation and commission, as he resisted
surrendering the keys the locks were broken of the said three boxes;
and in them was found not one paper. The contents of these, as in the
boxes above mentioned, were as follows: three ornamental boxes and two
writing-desks of lacquered wood, perfume-caskets, trays, combs, fans,
porcelain cups, and curious articles of japanned ware. Besides these,
there were forty cases of fans; item, eighty-six bundles of untwisted
silk, and several libras more of spun silk; item, two hundred and
seventy-five pieces of stuffs--satin, lampotes, ribbed silk, Chinese
silk, velvets, and other wares from Canton; item, one hundred and
fifty-eight onzas of musk; item, three hundred and forty-four pairs
of silk hose.

They are sure that he is bringing many more packets in the names of
Commander Aztina and Captain Oriosola, the source of these being the
fines--which, they say, he regulated more by the wealth than by the
faults of the citizens of Manila, levying the fines in merchandise
at low prices, by a third hand, that of the said commander. It is
currently reported that the bales which he is bringing on his own
account, under the names of other persons, exceed one hundred and fifty
in number. It is certain that in the custom-house were opened two lots
of goods [shipped] in the name of the said commander--one of forty
bales of various commodities, and another of thirty bales of Canton
silk stuffs, both without invoices; also packets, which show little
care and arrangement. This almost entirely confirms the suspicions
entertained, all the more as it is well known that the said commander
has no wealth, and even hardly enough to eat. But as the merchants of
China are here--who have come, like many of the citizens of Mejico,
frightened by the extortions imposed in Manila--it is difficult to
declare the [contents of the] said packets while the examiner remains
in these kingdoms.



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA


The sources of the documents in the present volume are thus indicated:

1. Dampier in the Philippines.--This document is here concluded from
Vol. XXXVIII, q.v.

2. Petition for missionaries.--A printed pamphlet in the British
Museum, found in a volume of MSS. and pamphlets, of which this
constitutes fol. 710-711; pressmark, "13,992; Plut. CXCI.D."

3. Events in Filipinas.--From Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library),
iii, pp. 625-638, 727-732.

4. The Pardo controversy.--The matter in this document is obtained from
Retana's Archivo, i, no. iv; Ventura del Arco MSS., iii, pp. 29-56,
523-571, 621-624, 695-726; and Salazar's Hist. Sant. Rosario,
pp. 490-513.

5. Visitation by Valdivia.--From Ventura del Arco MSS., iii,
pp. 589-596, 641-673.



NOTES


[1] The Mindanayans are the Mindanaos or Maguindanaos, the Hilanoones
are the Ilanos; the Sologues cannot well be identified. "Alfoores"
is a corruption of the Portuguese "Alforas," which is derived from the
Arabic "al" and the preposition "fora" without. The term was applied
by the Portuguese to all natives beyond their authority, and hence
to the wild tribes of the interior. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 10.

[2] Apparently referring, if one may trust to Dampier's points of
compass, to the region about Dapitan, as the Indians of that quarter
were among the first subdued by the Spaniards in Mindanao.

[3] The Tagálog word for "banana" is "saguing," which is thus almost
identical with the Mindanaon term as reported phonetically by Dampier.

[4] Cf. Dyak pangan ("kinsman, comrade, or fellow"), also panggal
("pillow"), and panggan ("bedstead"); see Ling Roth's Natives
of Sarawak, ii, p. xxvii. See Porter's Primer and Vocabulary of
Moro Dialect (Washington, 1903) p. 65, where the Moro phrase for
"sweetheart" is given as babay ("woman") a magan pangaluman.

[5] Corralat had two sons, Tiroley and Uadin, but they died young
(see Retana's edition of Combés's Hist. Mindanao, col. 738, 739). The
"sultan" mentioned by Dampier is probably the Curay who in 1701
fought a sort of duel with the sultan of Joló, in which both were
killed. (Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, viii, pp. 301, 302.)

[6] Apparently referring to the weapon known as kris, which Dampier
would liken to a bayonet.

[7] Sarangani and Balut Islands; the large bay beyond is Sarangani.

[8] The Meangis Islands are a group in the Malaysian Archipelago,
in about latitude 5° North, ninety miles southeast of Mindanao. The
chief island is Nanusa.

[9] The Lizard Point, the southernmost point of England, located
in Cornwall.

[10] This native was taken to England finally by Dampier, he having
obtained a half-interest in him, and was there exhibited. He died at
Oxford. See Dampier's Voyage, pp. 511, 513-517.

[11] Dampier describes the Acapulco ships and their route as
follows (chapter ix): "The Ships that Trade hither are only three,
two that constantly go once a Year between this [i.e., Acapulco]
and Manila and Luconia, one of the Philippine Islands, and one Ship
more every Year to and from Lima. This from Lima commonly arrives
a little before Christmas; she brings them Quick-silver, Cacao,
and Pieces of Eight. Here she stays till the Manila Ships arrive,
and then takes in a Cargo of Spices, Silks, Callicoes, and Muslins,
and other East-India Commodities, for the use of Peru, and then
returns to Lima. This is but a small Vessel of 20 Guns, but the two
Manila Ships are each said to be above 1000 Tun. These make their
Voyages alternately, so that one or other of them is always at the
Manila's. When either of them sets out from Acapulco, it is at the
latter end of March, or the beginning of April; she always touches to
refresh at Guam, one of the Ladrone Islands, in about 60 Days space
after she sets out. There she stays but two or three Days, and then
prosecutes her Voyage to Manila, where she commonly arrives some
time in June. By that time the other is ready to sail from thence,
laden with East-India Commodities. She stretcheth away to the North
as far as 36, or sometimes into 40 degrees of North lat. before she
gets a Wind to stand over to the American shoar. She falls in first
with the Coast of California, and then Coasts along the shoar to the
South again, and never misses a Wind to bring her away from thence
quite to Acapulco. When she gets the length of Cape St. Lucas, which
is the Southernmost point of California, she stretcheth over to Cape
Corientes, which is in about the 20th degree of North lat. from thence
she Coasts along till she comes to Sallagua, and there she sets ashoar
Passengers that are bound to the City of Mexico. From thence she makes
her best way, Coasting still along shoar, till she arrives at Acapulco,
which is commonly about Christmas, never more than 8 or 10 days before
or after. Upon the return of this Ship to Manila, the other which
stayeth there till her arrival, takes her turn back to Acapulco. Sir
John Narborough therefore was imposed on by the Spaniards, who told
him that there were 8 Sail, or more, that used this Trade."

[12] The Galapagos (or "Islands of the Tortoise") belong to the
government of Ecuador, and are located seven hundred and thirty miles
west of that country in the Pacific. They consist of six principal
and seven smaller islands. The largest is Albemarle. They are all
volcanic. Of them Dampier says (chapter v): "The Gallapagos Islands
are a great Number of uninhabited Islands, lying under, and on both
sides of the Equator. The Eastermost of them are about 110 Leagues
from the Main. They are laid down in the Longitude of 181, reaching
to the Westward as far as 176, therefore their Longitude from England
Westward is about 68 degrees. But I believe our Hydrographers do
not place them far enough to the Westward. The Spaniards who first
discovered them, and in whose draught alone they are laid down, report
them to be a great number, stretching North-West from the Line, as far
as 5 degrees N. but we saw not above 14 or 15. They are some of them
7 or 8 leagues long and 3 or 4 broad. They are of a good heighth,
most of them flat or even on the top; 4 or 5 of the Eastermost are
rocky, barren and hilly, producing neither Tree, Herb, nor Grass,
but a few Dildo-trees, except by the Sea side."

[13] Captain Davis was one of the Privateers with whom Dampier had
sailed the Spanish Main. When Captains Davis and Swan parted company
at Realejo, Dampier went with the latter in order to become acquainted
with the northern part of Mexico, in whose waters Captain Swan designed
to sail.

[14] The town of Realejo or Realexo, a seaport town of Nicaragua
situated on Realejo Bay of the Pacific Ocean, and twenty miles from
the city of León, whose seaport it is.

[15] The town of Copiapó or Porto Copiapó, a small seaport of Chili,
in the province of Atacama, on Copiapó Bay.

[16] Captain Harris was commander of one of the privateer ships
sailing in Spanish-American waters. When Captains Swan and Davis
parted company he accompanied the latter. See Dampier's Voyage, p. 224.

[17] Pigafetta in his relation of the first circumnavigation
(VOL. XXXIV, p. 86) notes the word used by the inhabitants of the
Moluccas for "one and the same thing" as "siama siama."

[18] A ship captain whom Dampier (see chapter xviii) met at Achin
on the island of Sumatra. Dampier and two of his companions started
for Nicobar with him, but rough weather forced them to abandon the
voyage. He importuned Dampier to make a voyage with him to Persia, but
the latter declined, preferring to go to Tonquin with Captain Welden.

[19] Captain Philip Carteret, commander of the royal British sloop
"Swallow," in his account of his circumnavigation (1766-69) devotes
his eighth chapter to "Some account of the Coast of Mindanao,
and the Islands near it, in which several Mistakes of Dampier are
corrected." See this account in Collection of Voyages (printed for
Richard Phillips, London, 1809), iii, pp. 352-361.

[20] Referring to the Basilan group, ten miles from the Mindanao coast;
the largest island is Basilan, which has an area of four hundred
and seventy-eight square miles, and there are forty-four dependent
islands (fifty-seven, according to U. S. Gazetteer). (See Census of
Philippines, i, p. 283.)

[21] Probably the small island of Guimaras, which lies between Negros
and Panay, and which is approximately as described by Dampier. Sebo
is, of course, Cebú; but Dampier evidently means Negros Island. The
bay was Igan.

[22] Dampier here describes the bejuco, or rattan.

[23] The name Mindoro is by some writers derived from mina de oro,
as it was supposed to be rich in gold. In the document showing that
the Spaniards took formal possession of it (for reference to which
see our VOL. III, p. 105, note 32), it is called Luzon le menor
("Luzón the less;" cf. p. 74).

"This island was formerly called Mainit, and the Spaniards gave it
the name of Mindoro, on account of a village called Minolo, which
lay between Puerto de Galeras and the harbor of Ylog." (Concepción,
Hist. de Philipinas, viii, p. 8.)

[24] From 1603 the English, as well as the Dutch, had a factory at
Bantam for the purchase of pepper, which they maintained for eighty
years. In 1683 the Dutch sent a considerable force from Batavia and
expelled the English from Bantam; the latter, after being baffled at
Achin, made a settlement at Bencoolen (1685), where they built Fort
York. This site proved insalubrious, and in 1714 its successor, Fort
Marlborough, was erected, away from the river. In 1824, Bencoolen
and the factories dependent on it were given over to the Dutch,
in exchange for Malacca and some factories in India. (Crawfurd's
Dict. Ind. Islands, p. 48). Sellebar was a village not far east
from Bencoolen.

[25] The Bashee or Bachi Islands form the northern cluster of
the northern group of islands, called Batanes, which lie north of
Luzón. They are the most northern of all the American possessions in
the Orient, and are separated from Formosa by the strait of Bachi. The
islands composing the cluster are Mabudis, Misanga, Siayan, Tanan,
and Y'Ami (all inhabited), the last being the most northern. The
Batanes are composed in all of ten named islands and forty unnamed
islets and rocks, the southern cluster including Bachi Rocks; Batán,
the central and most important island of the group; Déquez; Diamis
Rocks; Diego; Ibayat (or Isbayat), the largest of these islands;
Ibugos; North; and Sabtán. The name of Bachi is sometimes extended
to the entire group, and it is probable that Dampier's five islands,
or at least some of them, were among the southern cluster; for Déquez
Island is also called Goat; Ibayat, Orange; and Ibugos, Bachi. The
group is separated on the south from the Babuyanes by the Balingtán
Channel. The larger islands bear indications of a late volcanic origin;
the smaller islands are generally low, and rest upon foundations of
coral. In this group are a number of good harbors; but communication
between the islands is difficult because of the strong currents
in the channels and the scarcity of anchorages. The exports of the
islands consist of lard, cocoanut oil, hogs, horses, goats, and some
valuable woods. The soil is fertile, especially of Batán, and many
vegetables are produced. Some of the products of the United States can
be successfully raised. The chief industry is the raising of cattle,
hogs, goats, and horses, the last being of superior quality and in
demand. A catechism of the dialect spoken in the Batanes was published
by a friar in 1834, an examination of which has led Dr. Pardo de Tavera
to the conclusion that the aboriginal tongue differed considerably
from the other Filipino dialects, as it contains the sound "tsch"
and a nasal sound like the French "en." It is probable, however, that
the present population of the Batanes, as well as of the Babuyanes,
is composed very largely of Ibánag from the Cagayán Valley (Luzón),
introduced there as colonists by the Dominican friars. This population
is Christian. The earlier population must have borne considerable
resemblance to the natives of Formosa. See Gazetteer of Philippine
Islands, and Census of the Philippines, i, pp. 264, 448.

[26] Pillau or pilau, a Turkish dish consisting of boiled rice and
mutton fat.

[27] An anchor carried at the bow of a ship.

[28] The Babuyanes Islands. Salazar relates (Hist. Sant. Rosario,
pp. 361-369) in detail a raid made by an English pirate (August, 1685)
on the islands of Babuyanes, Bari, and Camiguin, then in charge of
Dominican missionaries. They plundered the village of Babuyanes and
its church; and this raid caused the deaths of two of the missionaries
there.

[29] So in the text; probably a typographical error, since Villalba
did not leave the Philippines until 1683, and remained in Nueva
España until at least 1686 (Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 79-80). It is
probable that this document was written at least as late as 1687,
for confirmation of which see Villalba's own statement, post, that
the mission band for which he was asking would go about eleven or
twelve years after the last concession of this sort had been made;
the mission before this one had reached Manila in August, 1679.

[30] In the Dominican mission of 1671 came thirty-five religious
(Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 101-194).

[31] The mission which came to the islands in 1694 contained
forty-three religious, besides four others who remained in Nueva
España. (Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 363-457.)

[32] Spanish, gentilhombre: an obsolete word, meaning a person
sent to the king with important despatches (Velázquez's Dictionary,
Appleton's ed.).

[33] Jacinto Garcia was born in Castellar, November 6, 1654, and at
the age of twenty-one entered the Jesuit order. Four years later
he joined the Philippine mission, he was procurator of the Manila
college for three years, and superior in Marinduque for the same
time. He died at Manila, May 1, 1710. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 397 b.)

[34] Fiancisco Salgado was born in Galacia, April 2, 1629, and at
the age of nineteen became a Jesuit novice. In 1662 he went to the
Philippines. He spent several years as a teacher, and afterwards as
vice-rector, in the college of St. Joseph, and later was rector of
Silang. He went to Europe (about 1674?) as procurator for his order,
and returned in 1679 with a band of missionaries; later, he was rector
of the Manila college, and provincial (1683). His death occurred at
Manila, July 14, 1689. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 357.)

[35] Luis Pimentel was born in Portillo, on May 30, 1612. In 1632 he
entered the Jesuit order, and eleven years later joined the Philippine
mission. He was a teacher in the college at Manila for two years,
and afterward was at the head of various Jesuit residences. He was
sent to Europe as procurator (about 1656?), and came back in 1666
with a band of missionaries; and afterward was three times rector of
St. Joseph college, and three times provincial (1670, 1675, 1687). He
died at San Miguel on July 5, 1689. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 356 b.)

[36] On account of a ranch which the college of San Ignacio at Manila
possesses in the land of Meybonga, not far from the said city--its name
being Jesus de la Peña, or Mariquina--the Society began to administer
the sacraments, establishing the mission village of Mariquina, or
Jesus de la Peña, by authority from Don Fray Pedro de Arce, bishop of
Zebù and apostolic ruler of the archbishopric of Manila, on April 16,
1630; this was confirmed by the vice-patron, Don Juan Niño de Tabora,
governor of these islands, on April 22, 1630. The said village was
cared for by the minister stationed in Santa Cruz, or by a father
sent by the rector of the college of Manila, who was the director of
the said village; for this no stipend was asked from his Majesty,
because the minister was not permanently established there, and
therefore the said college maintained him, without suspending, for
lack of a stipend, the ministry in the said village. In the year 1675,
the Society was confirmed in this administration by a royal decree,
dated July 26, on account of the Society's right to the said parish
having been disputed by the religious of St. Augustine, from November,
1669. In 1681, the number of parishioners having increased, it was
judged necessary to station a permanent minister there, for the better
administration of the sacraments, and to build a house and a larger
church; and, as it was thus necessary to incur larger expenses, the
Society asked, in 1685, that to this minister be given the stipend
which his Majesty assigns to the parish priests, in accordance with
the number of tributes. The fiscal of his Majesty replied that in
view of what the Society was accomplishing there, a suitable stipend
should be given. In the year 1686, the religious of St. Augustine
claimed that that Indian village belonged to them, as an annex to the
ministry of Pasig. The archbishop issued an act, on October 11, 1686,
in which, while admitting as valid the sacraments administered by
the Society, he took from all its religious permission to minister in
Jesus de la Peña; and on March 10, 1687, he declared that the lawful
parish priest of the mission of Jesus de la Peña was the prior of
Pasig, a religious of St. Augustine. In this spoliation concurred
also, through complaisance, the governor Don Gabriel Curuzelaegui,
who on March 23 of the said year decreed that Don Juan Pimentel,
alcalde of Tondo, should begin proceedings against the Society in
the mission of Jesus de la Peña, as the king commanded; and that he
should assist the provisor in tearing down our church--which he did,
commanding the Indians to demolish that temple. "What obedience! the
monster of the Indias, an unnatural birth of remoteness, of power,
and of prejudice." (Murillo Velarde, Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 345 b.)

[37] Antonio Mateo Xaramillo was born at Zafra February 23, 1648,
and became a Jesuit novice at the age of seventeen. He was sent to
the Marianas Islands in 1678, and spent sixteen years in missionary
labors. While rector at Manila he was sent to Spain as procurator;
and he died at Ocaña, on December 30, 1707. (Sommervogel, Bibliothèque
Comp. Jésus, viii, col. 1321.)

[38] The English pirate here alluded to was probably the ship on which
Dampier voyaged to the Philippines, as that vessel was, at the time
here mentioned, cruising off the coast of Luzón (see his own account of
this, ante, p. 91). The name of Captain Swan's vessel in which Dampier
sailed was the "Cygnet." That ship separated from Captain Davis in the
"Batchelor's Delight" in Realejo Harbor, August 27, 1685. See Lionel
Wafer's Voyage and description of Isthmus of America (London, 1699),
p. 189.

[39] "Soon after the beginning of the spiritual conquest of Tagalos,
the Society undertook the administration of Cainta, a village close
to Mariquina. Because the rectitude of its minister, Father Miguel
Pareja, restrained some Indian chiefs, so that they should not use
for themselves the property of the community, to the injury of the
rest, they, seeing the excellent opportunity afforded to them by
the ecclesiastical tribunal, endeavored to avail themselves of it,
instigated by one who should, on account of his character and his
obligations, have restrained them. They are an insolent people,
and a seditious person (who is never lacking) can easily disturb the
minds of the crowd. They hastened to complain to the archbishop of his
ministers, and he, without hearing the Society, despoiled it of that
administration, on March 16, 1688, and bestowed it on the religious of
St. Augustine. The archbishop demanded aid from the governor in order
to arrest Father Diego de Ayala and Father Pedro Cano, on complaints
either frivolous or false, without having made any specific charges
against them, or notifying their superiors." (Murillo Velarde,
fol. 345.)

"From the first conquest Cainta was a visita of Taytay, the
ministry of both villages being the very same, until, its population
increasing--Indians, and creoles or morenos (thus they designate the
black negroes [negros atezados])--it seemed expedient to give Cainta
its own minister." (Murillo Velarde, fol. 406b.)

[40] Antonio de Borja was born at Valencia in 1644, and at the
age of twenty-seven went to the Philippine missions. He acted as
rector of various Jesuit colleges, and died at Manila on January 27,
1711. (Sommervogel.) He is only mentioned incidentally by Murillo
Velarde (fol. 383), as being an envoy to the kings of Mindanao
and Joló.

[41] "An altar raised in churches on Holy Thursday to resemble a
sepulchre" (Velázquez).

[42] Pedro de Oriol was born at Urgel in Cataluña, August 15, 1639;
at the age of nineteen he entered the Jesuit novitiate, and in 1663
joined the Philippine mission. "He was two years rector of Bohol,
three of Zebu, and two of Yloylo; seven years vice-provincial,
and twice filled that office for Pintados; was two years rector of
Cavite, and one year vice-rector of the college of Manila, where also
he was minister; and, being chosen provincial, would not accept that
office." He died September 27, 1705. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 389 b-393.)

[43] Pedro Cano was born in the archbishopric of Toledo, on February
22, 1649. In 1670 he entered the Jesuit order at Sevilla, in order
to join the province of Filipinas, where he arrived in the following
year. He was procurator of the college, and of the province. Being
appointed procurator for Madrid and Rome, he died while on the voyage
thither, near Acapulco, December 18. 1692. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 369.)

[44] On September 28, 1687 (Diaz, p. 788).

[45] This man held the office of sargento-mayor, and had been (before
1683) alcalde-mayor of Cagayán.

[46] In 1687 "there was an increase in the calamities of the
country, which suffered great scarcity of provisions on account
of the grain-fields having been ruined by the heavy and constant
rains which fell--which injured the salt springs even more, so that
a half-fanega of salt, which usually is worth two or three reals,
reached the price of twelve pesos. In La Estacada there was a great
conflagration on Good Friday, in the night, which destroyed many
houses. In the following year the scarcity of food was increased by
a plague of locusts, which swept away all [vegetation]; and a caban
of rice came to be worth twenty and twenty-four reals. But what
caused the most suffering was the havoc made by the catarrh, in the
year 1687-88; it was a sort of epidemic sickness, which killed many
persons, especially children and the aged; and so many were sick that
they could hardly cultivate the fields, or do other things necessary
for human life." (Murillo Velarde, fol. 345 b, 346.)

[47] Spanish patacones; "a silver coin weighing one onza, and current
in Batavia, Brazil, and Turkey." (Dominguez).

[48] These seem to be memoranda intended by the writer of this document
to be expanded and written out in detail.

[49] Diaz says (p. 752) that the alcalde-mayor of Ilocos was a personal
friend of the cura Marañón; and that Banguet had remained vacant
so long because it was a very poor living, and had an unwholesome
climate. Arqueros de Robles was probably a son of the Lorenzo Arqueros
so noted in the native insurrections of 1660-61.

[50] In the Ventura del Arco MSS. (iii, pp. 29, 30) this name
appears as Benguet; and in Diaz's Conquistas (p. 752) as Banguet and
Banget. The modern form is Bangued.

[51] This was at first Nueva Segovia (in Cagayán), which has always
given name to the diocese; the episcopal seat was removed (before
Pardo's time) to Lal-lo, not far from Nueva Segovia, and later to
Vigan, which is still the capital of that diocese.

[52] Thus in Retana's print, and in the copy of this document in
Ventura del Arco MSS.; it apparently indicates an omission in the
original print.

The hiatus is supplied by Diaz (p. 752), who says that Pardo informed
the auditors, unofficially, that the decree of the Audiencia sent
to Arqueros ought to have been addressed to himself, as being the
ruler of the vacant see of Nueva Segovia. He also states that Pardo
ordered Arqueros (who had come to Manila to consult him) to set out
within a week for Ilocos and finish up his business there; but the
latter could not obey this order in so short a time.

[53] Alonzo Sandin, procurator-general for the Dominicans, wrote
a long reply to Sanchez's account of the controversy between the
Audiencia and Archbishop Pardo; therein he cites the latter's reply,
here alluded to, which makes clear this last sentence. Pardo asks the
Audiencia to cease giving his clerics the aid of the royal court,
since otherwise he cannot properly control them, or maintain the
episcopal authority in due force.

[54] The dean then was Miguel Ortiz de Covarrubias; the archdeacon,
Licentiate Francisco Deza.

[55] Diaz states (pp. 754, 755) that the cabildo were angry with
the archbishop because he had separated from the curacy of Santiago
(then held by Gregorio Diaz de Isla) the Spaniards who lived in
Tondo, Binondo, Santa Cruz, and other places so far away that the
cura could not properly fulfil his duties toward them, especially to
the dying. The archbishop acted thus, however, with the approval of
the governor and other officials.

[56] Raimundo Berart was a Catalan, and came from the Dominican
convent at Barcelona. He was teaching law in the university of Lerida
when he resolved to enter the Philippine mission; he arrived in 1679,
when twenty-eight years old. He was vice-rector (1684-86) and rector
(1686-89) of Santo Tomás; in 1689, it appears that he went to Spain,
and in 1696 was in Mexico. Later, he was probably procurator of
the Philippine province in Europe; and he died in Atocha, Spain,
on April 13, 1713. See sketch of his career in Reseña biográfica,
ii, pp. 195-206, where are copied several documents relating to him.

[57] Several of Pardo's decrees were dated "from our palace of San
Gabriel" (the name of the hospital).

[58] A petition to this effect from the cabildo to the archbishop,
dated April 10, 1681, is reproduced in Reseña biográfica, ii,
pp. 196-198, followed by Pardo's "pastoral letter" in reply. The
editor claims that Juan Gonzalez (afterward provisor of the see)
signed the petition under compulsion.

[59] Diaz states (p. 755) that the archbishop replied that he would
send Verart to Spain as his attorney, which would be sufficient to
remove him from Manila; he informed the Audiencia that Verart had not
only rendered him great service, but had reformed many abuses in the
ecclesiastical courts. The Dominican provincial said that the Audiencia
must show cause for Verart's removal, or he could do nothing; for
Verart had been assigned to the post of associate to the archbishop.

[60] These men came in 1681. The last named, Fuente y Alanis, came
as fiscal of the Audiencia.

[61] Diaz states (pp. 752, 753) that Marañón came to Manila (but
without permission to do so), a few days after Arqueros, to complain
of the latter to the archbishop. The latter demanded an account
of Arqueros's proceedings in the case; Arqueros presented documents
which proved, by the complaints of many Indians, that Marañón deserved
punishment. The archbishop therefore sustained Arqueros, and ordered
Marañón's arrest.

[62] According to Diaz (p. 756), Pardo answered that he had
reserved Marañón's case as being the metropolitan, and because
the cura's offenses had been committed in the territory of the
archbishopric; moreover, that the parties in this case had accepted
his jurisdiction. Finally, "to avoid controversies he offered to
surrender to the bishop-elect the person of Licentiate Diego Espinosa
Marañón--which the bishop did not accept; but afterward, without
telling the archbishop, he sent Marañón to his curacy of Vigan,
removing him from his prison-bounds of the city [of Manila]."

[63] Diaz says (p. 757) that Pardo informed the Audiencia that he
had not punished Herrera for these reasons, but because the latter,
in his quarrel with Archbishop López, had treated that prelate with
insolence and even posted him as excommunicate (Diaz, p. 705); and
when afterward he had been treated with great kindness by Pardo,
he had conspired with the cabildo against him.

[64] i.e., Requiring a previous judicial decision before the final
sentence (Velázquez's Dictionary, Appleton's ed., 1901).

[65] Adjuntos: "a body of judges commissioned or appointed jointly to
try a cause" (Velázquez). Pardo claimed that the cabildo of Manila
was not an exempted one (i.e., from submission to the ordinary),
and therefore its members did not enjoy the privilege of the adjunct
judges (Diaz, p. 757).

[66] "And these two suits, of the bishop and the cantor, were the
ones which influenced the auditors to [decide upon] his banishment,
which was decreed on the first of October [1682]." (Murillo Velarde,
Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 342 b.)

[67] There is an apparent omission here, as the decree previously cited
referred to the priority of San José college over that of Santo Tomás;
the reference here would seem to indicate another decree, in regard to
privileges and exemptions allowed to the Jesuits in regard to trading.

[68] Salazar states (Hist. Sant. Rosario, p. 235) that this action
was taken because "certain persons were greatly devoted to trading,
in contravention of the pontifical decrees, and especially of
the recent constitution of Clement IX--the said enactment giving
the ordinary full authority to proceed against the transgressors,
seize their goods and property, and apply these to hospitals and
other pious purposes." Accordingly, Archbishop Pardo instituted a
secret investigation, conducted by his notary, who threatened major
excommunication (by a decree affixed to the ship's mast) for any
person who refused to tell what he might know about the aforesaid
trading. Abundant proof was found, and the goods were seized. It
is said that there were one hundred and fifty bales belonging to
the Jesuits.

[69] Probably in view of the arguments adduced by Concepción (Hist. de
Philipinas, viii, pp. 41-43), showing that the decree of Clement IX
forbade trade to all ecclesiastics, but did not authorize the ordinary
to inflict penalties therefor on the members of the religious orders,
that being reserved to their own superiors--the ordinary, in such
cases, being empowered only to apply the confiscated goods for pious
purposes.

[70] Murillo Velarde and Concepción give this name as Pizarraldi;
and Diaz makes it Lizarraldi.

[71] In the Dominican chapter-session of 1673, it was enacted that
no religious of that order should become executor of a deceased
person's estate, or undertake the charge of his last will. This was
to prevent risk of accusations against the friars, so general was the
dishonest administration of executorships in Manila--so much so that
it occasioned no surprise in the minds of the people, although all
complained of the grievances thus caused. "There are few fortunes
which have not some executorship as the foundation." See Salazar's
Hist. Sant. Rosario (Manila, 1742), p. 43.

[72] It had begun in 1672, in the time of Archbishop López, under
whom judgment was rendered in favor of Sarmiento; but López's death in
1674 prevented the execution of the sentence. Various delays ensued,
and Cordero died, being succeeded by Ortega as executor. (Salazar,
Hist. Sant. Rosario, p. 236.)

[73] Also written Carballo, Carvallo, and Caballero.

[74] Spanish dote, usually meaning "dowry;" but as the ecclesiastic
Cordero was the legatee of Doña Maria de Roa (Montero y Vidal, i,
p. 368), the word evidently means the bequest to him, perhaps for
the pious purposes mentioned later in this document.

[75] See Concepción's account of this affair (Hist. de Philipinas,
viii, pp. 45-50), in considerable detail; he states that he presents
it thus in order to vindicate the course of the Audiencia, and that
Pardo in some of his acts exceeded his jurisdiction.

[76] Diaz was a priest, and secretary of the archbishopric.

[77] See accounts of this affair in Diaz's Conquistas, pp. 758, 759;
Murillo Velarde's Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 342 b, 343; Concepción,
cited supra; Salazar's Hist. Sant. Rosario, pp. 236, 237.

[78] A mestizo, who, to escape the punishment that awaited him,
was denounced (at his own instance) to the archbishop as a bigamist,
so that the latter might claim the case within his own jurisdiction,
and the prisoner thus escape civil penalties.

[79] Diaz says (Conquistas, p. 760): "Where the letter of requisition
says, 'For doing otherwise, you will be excommunicated,' the Audiencia
desired it to say, 'Your Grace will be excommunicated.'" Salazar says
(p. 237) that the castellan felt insulted at this, as only the governor
and the Audiencia had the right to use such terms to him.

[80] Diaz relates this affair in detail (p. 761), and says that the
soldiers broke open the windows and doors of the hospital (where
the archbishop then was) to obtain entrance; also that the decree
of banishment gave the alternative of the Babuyanes Islands, or
Cagayán, or Pangasinán as his place of exile. Diaz cites (p. 762),
this sentence in Sanchez's account, as proof that the latter could
not have written it, since he took part in the arrest of Pardo.

[81] According to Diaz (p. 762), the governor had given money for the
expenses of this voyage, but on reaching Mariveles no provisions of
any sort could be found; and the archbishop would have had no food
if a Dominican friar who happened to be there had not quickly gone
back to Manila to procure supplies for the prelate, and returned at
midnight with them to Mariveles. Diaz says that this friar was not
allowed even then to go aboard the vessel in which Pardo had embarked,
or to exchange any word with him.

[82] Spanish, vsasse de su derecho--literally, "exercise its right,"
i.e., to govern the vacant see.

[83] Diaz calls this (p. 764) "the principal fiesta of the Dominicans"
in Manila. Santa Cruz (Hist. Sant. Rosario, p. 106) says that every
year, when the eight days' fiesta in honor of the Virgin of the
Rosary is celebrated in their convent, the eighth day is devoted
to thanksgiving to Mary for the victories won by the Spaniards over
the Dutch in 1646 (see our VOL. XXXV), which were attributed by the
people to her miraculous aid. That fiesta of eight days was apparently
instituted in 1637, to celebrate the dissolution of Collado's new
congregation in Filipinas (see Santa Cruz, ut supra, p. 4; and our
VOL. XXIX, pp. 25-27).

[84] "The bishop of Troya, knowing well that the true spiritual
jurisdiction resided in himself by the appointment of the archbishop,
sent a Dominican religious to the convents to inform on his part their
superiors that he gave, to those confessors whom the said superiors
should choose, his own authority and right, so that they could absolve
those persons who by command or compulsion had taken part in the
arrest of the archbishop from the excommunication which they might
have thus incurred--excepting the principal offenders--until he should
be restored to liberty and they should perform public penance and
give juratory security, as is ordained by the sacred canons." (Diaz,
Conquistas, p. 764.)

[85] The interdict was not only an ecclesiastical censure, but a
penalty, entailing usually privation of certain sacraments (save in
cases of strict necessity), of all the divine offices, and of church
burial. All solemnities and public festivals were suspended, except on
the five great feasts of Christmas, Easter, Pentecost, the Assumption
of our Lady, and Corpus Christi. The churches remained closed, the
crucifix and statues veiled, the bells and organ mute. This penalty
might be general, over the whole city, kingdom, or country; or merely
particular, indicted on a named corporation, see, church, or the like;
again, it might be either local or personal as to its effects. It might
be imposed not only by a pope, but by any competent church prelate,
even by a bishop; and could apply to any secular or ecclesiastical
ruler (except of course the pope), to a university or college, or
to any body of clergy, regular or secular. The earliest mention of
a church interdict apparently is Ferraris's allusion to one in the
fourth century, of which, however, no details are available. In
Frankish chronicles, interdicts date from the sixth century, the
first of these being at Rouen, in 588; Bishop Prætextatus having been
murdered, by order of Queen Fredegonda, while officiating in his own
church, the senior suffragan of that province, Leudovald of Bayeux,
after consultation with his fellow-bishops, laid all the churches
of Rouen under interdict until the assassin of the bishop should be
discovered. But prior to the eleventh century general interdicts are
but rarely mentioned in church history. It does not appear that there
was any ritual for either general or particular interdicts, apart from
the usually concomitant sentence of excommunication--which in former
ages itself entailed also interdict on the persons or places named in
the decree of penalty. The interdict was usually laid under conditions
that amendment, reparation, or restitution should atone for the wrong
done, at which the interdict would be lifted. According to present
church law, bishops are empowered, as delegates of the Holy See, to
put under interdict particular churches, and the like. See Moroni's
Dizionario (Venezia, 1845), xxxvi, p. 49; Ferraris's Bibliotheca
(Paris, 1853), article "Interdictum;" Guerin, Les Petits Bollandistes
(Paris, 1878), iv, pp. 378-382; and Addis and Arnold's Catholic
Dictionary, article "Interdict."--Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

[86] Diaz states (ut supra) that the archbishop's provisor,
Juan Gonzalez, took refuge in the Dominican convent, which was
soon surrounded with armed soldiers. At the advice of friends,
Gonzalez gave himself up, and was kept a close prisoner in his own
house--"guards being placed there at his cost; and penalty was imposed
of major excommunication and 500 pesos, if he should talk with any
person outside." As soon as Santo Domingo was blockaded, a decree of
the Audiencia was made known to all the convents that they must not
ring the bells for an interdict. To prevent this being done at Santo
Domingo, "they scaled the convent through the hall of the Inquisition,
which is above the main entrance, and ten soldiers went up to the
bell-tower." Next day, the friars rang a small bell to call the people
to mass, but the guards would not allow any person to enter the church.

[87] Salazar gives, a detailed account of Villalba's imprisonment
(Hist. Sant. Rosario, pp. 233, 234), and claims that he was hurried
from his convent at Binondoc, without cloak or hat, or bed, although
he was in poor health; and that, when the ship was compelled to put
back to Manila, the Audiencia would not allow him to remain there, but
at once despatched him to the Franciscan infirmary at Nueva Caceres,
where he remained until the next galleon sailed for Acapulco.

[88] This document, as being written by Sanchez, the secretary of
the Audiencia of Manila, was probably addressed to the president of
the royal Council of the Indias.

Sandin (Respuesta, fol. 3 b) asserts that this relation by Sanchez
was printed at the Jesuit college in Manila, with the date here given;
that it had not been published there when the Acapulco galleon sailed;
but that in Mexico City many copies of it were already in circulation
before the royal mails reached that city from Acapulco.

[89] Apparently referring to Francisco de Arcocha; but Diaz calls him
(p. 775) equerry (caballerizo) of the new governor.

[90] Bartolomé Marrón, a native of Asturias, made his profession in
the Dominican convent at Valladolid, July 8, 1667, and came to the
Philippines in 1671, at the age of twenty-five. Having studied two
years at Santo Tomás, he was a lecturer in that college until 1680,
and in 1684 was appointed its rector. In 1686 he became provincial,
and afterward was in charge of a mission in Pangasinan, and of the
church in Binondoc; and was again (1696-1700) rector of Santo Tomás. He
filled many other important offices in his order, at various times;
and finally died in Manila, January 22, 1717. See sketch of his life in
Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 145-155--including an account of a notable
lawsuit brought against him, and the regulations made by him for the
inmates of Dominican convents in and near Manila.

[91] Cristobal Pedroche made his profession at Toledo, January
22, 1659, and arrived in the Philippines in 1667. He spent many
years in labors among the Chinese, in the Parián and San Gabriel;
and at various times filled high offices in his order--among them,
that of provincial. In June, 1684, he was imprisoned at Cavite, and
afterward sent to Mexico; but the viceroy permitted him to return
to the Philippines. He died at Manila on August 20, 1715, at the
age of seventy. See sketch of his life in Reseña biográfica, ii,
pp. 82-100--which includes a letter by him (June 20, 1684) on the
ecclesiastical disturbances of that time.

[92] Juan de (Ibañez) Santo Domingo was born (about 1640) near
Calatayud. His early education was obtained in a Dominican convent
at Zaragoza, and he was afterward a member of the household of Bishop
Palafox y Mendoza. Later, he entered the Dominican convent at Ocaña,
where he made profession in 1661. At the age of twenty-six he came
to the Philippines, and spent eighteen years in the missions of
Pangasinan. After 1686, he lived at Manila, being twice provincial
(1690 and 1706), and occupying other important posts. He died there
January 15, 1726. (Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 26-34.)

[93] Francisco Antonio de Bargas, a native of Madrid, professed in the
Dominican convent at Salamanca, in 1673, at the age of nineteen. Six
years later, he arrived at the Philippines. The first nine years he
spent in Manila, mainly as a teacher in Santo Tomás; from 1688 to
1696, he labored in the missions of Bataán, and afterward in those of
Zambales--except 1698-1702, which he spent at Manila. He died there,
on October 7, 1708. (Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 219, 220.)

[94] Antonio Calderon professed in the Dominican convent at Salamanca
(in 1664, erroneously says Reseña), and came to the Philippines in
1658. He labored in the Cagayan missions until 1682, when he was
elected provincial. He, with Fray Pedroche was arrested on June 3,
1684, and sent to Mexico. Thence he returned to Spain, and died at
Mombeltrán, at the end of December, 1685.

[95] Alluding to General Marcos Quintero, a friend of the Dominicans,
who at his death (1703) appointed Fray Bartolomé Marrón (note 90,
ante) executor of his estate. This led to a notable lawsuit, brought
against Marrón by the heirs of Quintero, which was appealed to Mexico
and even to Rome; the proceedings continued for many years, the suit
coming to an end only in 1726, nine years after Marrón's death. (See
Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 151-154.)

"Barangay," as used here, is evidently a bit of slang meaning "gang"
or "clique," in modern phrase.

[96] From the context, esto here seems to designate the former
governor, Vargas.

[97] Gines de Barrientos, titular bishop of Troya, who was assistant to
the archbishop. Juan Duran, titular bishop of Sinopolis, was assistant
to the bishop of Cebú (then Diego de Aguilar). Andres Gonzalez was
bishop of Nueva Caceres (or Camarines); and Francisco Pizarro, of
Nueva Segovia. These were Dominicans, save Duran, who belonged to the
Order of Our Lady of Mercy; and Pizarro, who in 1681 was a member of
the cabildo of Manila cathedral.

[98] Spanish, se le picaba sobradissimamente la retaguardia--literally,
"its rearguard was entirely cut to pieces."

[99] i.e., "Hurrah for [the bishops of] Troya!"

[100] Elio Antonio de Nebrija (or Lebrija) was a celebrated linguist
and great Latinist, who wrote various works. He was born about the
year 1444, and died in 1522. (Dominguez, Diccionario nacional.)

[101] Apparently a play on words, mingled with a sarcastic comment
on Fray Gaspar. One may hazard the conjecture that the latter (who
was a noted grammarian) is here mentioned in contempt as knowing more
of grammar than of current affairs, and being able only to understand
events actually completed and past, without the foresight to perceive
how these affect the future.

[102] i.e., no more than two--referring to the "dual" number in
Greek declension.

[103] A copy of this act may be found in Ventura del Arco MSS.,
iii, pp. 513-515; it is dated "at our house on the river of Manila,
October 22, 1684."

[104] An allusion to the well-known quotation, Parturiunt montes,
nascetur ridiculus mus (line 139 of the Ars poetica of Horatius).

[105] The decree of the Audiencia which ordered the restoration of
the archbishop to his see was dated October 24, 1684. He returned to
Manila on November 16.

[106] This man was delegated by the city of Manila, being one of its
regidors, according to Diaz (Conquistas, pp. 776, 777).

[107] Diaz states (Conquistas, p. 777) that Curuzelaegui declared on
this occasion that if the home government should be offended at his
restoring the archbishop, he would consider punishment by them for
this cause "a great honor, even if it be capital." Diaz praises him as
"one of the best governors that these islands have had; affable, pious,
magnanimous, wholly disinterested, and very liberal. He also said that
he had come to Filipinas to be poor, where other governors had come
to be rich. This he said very truly, for in España and Indias he had
possessed much wealth--gained in the many voyages that he had made as
commander of the fleet and galleons to Perú and Nueva España--which
his ostentation and liberality had consumed."

[108] Diaz gives (ut supra, pp. 778, 779) the list of these: the
auditors and Governor Vargas; the preceding alcalde-mayor of Manila
(either Morales, Camacho or Pimentel), and that of Camarines (Juan de
Verastein); Juan Sánchez, secretary of the Audiencia; Juan Gallardo,
castellan of Cavite; Sargento-mayor Alonso de Aponte y Andrade,
and Captains José de Somonte, Francisco de Urrutia, Diego del Pozo
y Gatica, and Miguel Machuca; Admiral Pedro de la Peña; and Captain
Baltasar de Lerma, notary-public. The military officers were readily
absolved, as not having been free to act, when ordered to proceed
against the ecclesiastics.

[109] Diaz says (p. 779) that the archbishop at this time "absolved the
auditors ad reincidentiam, within the palace, with no other witnesses
than the governor, and embraced them and gave them the kiss of peace."

[110] Spanish, irregular. In this usage irregularidad means, according
to Dominguez, "a canonical impedimenta for receiving or exercising
holy orders, on account of certain natural defects which produce
incapacity, or of crimes or illegal acts which are committed."

[111] See copy of this edict in Ventura del Arco MSS., iii,
pp. 517-521. The statement in our text regarding penalties is
inaccurate. The edict required that all confessions made to members
of the cabildo be made anew; all persons married by them must appear
before the archbishop within three days (or ten days for those without
the jurisdiction of the city), under penalty of excommunication for
European Christians, and for all others fifty lashes and three months
in jail; and the same penalties for those on whom the cabildo had
conferred holy orders, licenses to preach, chaplaincies, etc. This
act was dated November 29, 1684.

[112] Diaz says (p. 779): "But this caused so many dissensions,
and opinions from the theologians, that it was found necessary to
issue another act (January 8, 1685) in which the archbishop declared
the former act null, and ordered that those [married persons] should
again appear in court for the revalidation of their marriages."

[113] i.e., "they are exulting, as do the victors when they have
seized their prey."

[114] "An image of a monstrous serpent which is displayed in front
of the procession on Corpus Christi Day--doubtless alluding to the
eternal humiliation of the demon, conquered for ever by Jesus Christ"
(Dominguez, Diccionario nacional).

[115] Among these were the Franciscan provincial, Francisco de Santa
Inés, and the Augustinian writer Casimiro Diaz (as the latter states
in his Conquistas, p. 782).

[116] "Vargas then alleged his being exempt, as a knight of Santiago;
but even then the archbishop did not revoke the excommunication, the
ex-governor-general of the islands being required to live alone in a
solitary house on the islet of the Pasig River, without dealings or
communication with any person" (Montero y Vidal, Hist. de Filipinas,
i, p. 372).

[117] This affair had been initiated by Vargas. "The sultan of Borneo
sent an ambassador, soliciting the establishment of commercial dealings
with Filipinas. Vargas responded with another and distinguished
embassy, his agent being Don Juan Morales de Valenzuela, who [later]
brought about the cession of the island of Paragua which that sovereign
made in 1705." (Montero y Vidal, ut supra, p. 364.)

[118] A metrical composition which is measured in three verses,
of which two form a rhyme (Dominguez).

[119] Spanish, en calxas y en jubon: literally, "in breeches and
jacket."

[120] Tomas de Andrade was born in Toledo, December 2, 1619,
and entered the Jesuit order at the age of seventeen. In 1643 he
departed for the Philippines, where he professed in 1654. He was
connected with San José college some twenty years, twice as rector;
acted as provincial during six months; and rector at Antipolo and
Cavite, and minister among the Tagals. He died at Manila on May 15,
1689. (Murillo Velarde, Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 356 b.)

[121] Alejo Lopez was born July 16, 1645, at Albalate, Spain, and
at the age of seventeen became a Jesuit novice. Four years later,
he came to Manila, and spent three years in the Visayan missions,
being afterward connected with the college in Manila in various
capacities. Finally going to Europe on business of the order, he died
while on the return journey, September 18, 1693 (Murillo Velarde,
fol. 369).

[122] Isidro Clarete was born in 1627, and came to the islands in
1662, where he completed his studies, and became a teacher in the
college at Manila (Murillo Velarde, ut supra).

[123] Pedro Lopez a native of Malvenda, Spain, was born on November
21, 1613. When nineteen years old, he entered the Jesuit order,
and in 1643 came to the Philippines. He spent most of his life in
ministering to the Tagálog Indians, and translated into their language
(in which he was remarkably proficient) the Roman catechism and other
writings. He died at Indang on February 13, 1689. (Murillo Velarde,
ut supra, fol. 356 b.)

[124] Spanish, con la risa del conejo; literally, "with the smile
of a rabbit." Dominguez describes it as "the apparent smile which
comes to some creatures at death, as the rabbit; and, by extension,
the phrase is applied to a person who smiles when he has cause for
sorrow or resentment."

[125] Diaz (p. 781) expresses pity for Vargas as thus situated, "unable
to have conversation or dealings with any one except the officials of
his residencia, and mostly through an agent; deserted by every one,
for his servants, as being also under residencia, had enough to do
in attending each to his own defense. His only consolation was the
companionship of his spirited wife, Doña Isabel de Ardila, who inspired
him with courage and strength. It is certain that Don Juan de Vargas
was not the worst governor of Filipinas; but he was unfortunate in his
disagreeable and harsh manner," and his friend Francisco Guerrero, "a
very astute and sagacious man," whose aid would have been invaluable,
was then in Nueva España, having deserted his patron to save himself.

[126] Apparently referring to the "ordinary," or usual ecclesiastical
court.

[127] Spanish, auto de legos; a decree issued by a superior tribunal,
prohibiting to an ecclesiastical judge the cognizance of a suit that
is purely civil, and between laymen, referring it to a competent judge.

[128] Diaz says (Conquistas, pp. 781, 782) that this residencia,
taken by Juan de Zalaeta, was the most bitter and obstinate ever known
in the islands, for it lasted four years, and its records occupied
twenty large volumes.

[129] Salazar (Hist. Sant. Rosario, pp. 131-133) gives an account of
this assignment. He asserts that the Zambals had formerly been under
the charge of the Recollects, who in more than seventy years had been
unable to convert that tribe. In 1676 the natives themselves asked for
Dominican teachers; some were sent, at which the Recollects complained,
as an intrusion on their field, and the Dominicans withdrew. In 1678
Juan de Vargas came as governor, and, the Zambals again asking for
Dominicans, the governor induced the Recollects to accept Mindoro in
lieu of Zambales, making over the latter to the Dominican order. The
latter gave up these missions in 1712. (See Reseña biográfica, i,
pp. 486-504.)

Concepción (Hist. Philipinas, viii, pp. 47) declares that the
Recollects were unwilling to surrender their Zambal missions, yielding
to the compulsion and threats of the archbishop and the governor;
and that the natives themselves were angry at the proposed change,
but were pacified by their Spanish alcalde-mayor.

[130] A loose note in Ventura del Arco MSS. (iii, p. 555), evidently
made by that compiler from some writing of 1685, states that the
citizens complained of the lack of vessels every year for their trade,
and for this blamed his henchmen. Two of these, whom he employed in
business affairs, were arrested, Fabra and Gallardo.

[131] Spanish, dijó tijeratas; literally, "talked scissors."

[132] Spanish, que vuelvan las nueces al cantaro; literally, "the
nuts will roll back into the jar."

[133] A dish composed of various kinds of meat and vegetables boiled
together--used figuratively for any medley or miscellaneous collection.

[134] i.e., "From the anger and hatred and ill-will of a Dominican
friar, deliver us, O Lord."

[135] Some account of Palú's coming to Manila will be found in
VOL. XLII, in Diaz's history of the Augustinian missions.

[136] In the text, deposicion, an obvious error of the transcriber.

[137] Spanish, sentian no haber materia sobre que cayesse dicha
dispensacion. That is, the prebends had not deserved censure, and
therefore ought not to need dispensation.

[138] This was José de Nava y Albis.

[139] That is, on the route by the "Northern Sea," the Atlantic Ocean.

[140] The Spanish phrase inverts this order of thought, hacer lo que
habia deshecho.

[141] Referring to the exile of Archbishop Guerrero in 1636.

[142] Thus in the text, indicating some omission, probably by the
transcriber.

[143] The verses do not appear in our text. Diaz states (p. 787) that
Zalaeta gave the pasquinades to Captain José de Toledo to distribute
among the soldiers; but instead of doing so Toledo gave them to
Endaya, who handed them to the governor. It was afterward proved that
the author of the lampoons was the cantor Herrera, who was thereupon
imprisoned; later, he was sent to the fort of Paynauen in the Zambal
country, where Zalaeta had been sent after his arrest for conspiracy.

The Jesuit Father Pedro de Salazar wrote from (Manila) Taitay, on
the nineteenth [sic] of 1687, to the procurator-general at Madrid,
Luis de Morales, that he was warned from Manila to be careful of what
he wrote, since they feared that there would be an inspection of the
letters [in the mails]. He said that since the return of Archbishop
Pardo from banishment many arrests were made: of the auditors, to whom
they attributed a pasquinade which had been posted; of negroes and
Indians, servants and slaves, who were put to the torture, in order
that they might say what suited the convenience [of the authorities];
and of ecclesiastics. Also, that a pasquinade had been published,
in which was represented the king, stretched upon the ground, with
the archbishop drawing off his breeches; the governor was stabbing
him with a dagger, or else cutting off his head; Father Verart held
him by the legs; and Andaya, who was the minion, was helping them. It
concluded with the verses:


    "A Catalan and a Frenchman,
    A foolish governor,
    A pastor who is no pastor--
    These hold me as you see."


Finally, the Dominican friars have entire sway over the archbishops,
and are talking of finding out who are the authors of the papers
that were published against them. (Ventura del Arco MSS., iii,
pp. 639, 640.)

[144] Diaz says (p. 787) that the governor himself, concealed in a
window of his palace, watched Viga's house, and saw Bolivar's servant
enter it; this man was arrested on leaving the house, and searched,
a letter from Viga to Bolivar being found in his shoe. Thereupon the
auditors and Zalaeta were promptly arrested.

[145] Diaz says (pp. 786, 788) that Doña Josefa "ruled her husband
more than was desirable," and that "she uttered such contemptuous
reproaches against the governor and the archbishop, as she was a very
resolute and spirited woman, and extremely haughty and fearless,"
that the governor felt obliged to send her into banishment.

[146] Regarding Herrera's arrest, see note 63, ante, p. 159.

[147] This and several other documents that are unsigned are
presented here--accepting them as credible, on account of their
evident authenticity--in order to fill out the relation of the Pardo
controversy with relations made at the time, and by participants in
those events. All except the final extract from Salazar are obtained
from Ventura del Arco's transcripts from MSS. in the collection
of Jesuit papers that was seized by the Spanish government when it
expelled that order from Spain and her colonies.

[148] Spanish, missas de Aguinaldo means "a Christmas or New Year's
present;" the word is derived, according to Echegaray's Diccionario
general etimológico (Madrid, 1887), from the Celtic word eguinand,
of the above meaning. Evidently these masses were made the vehicle
for heathen allusions or symbols, if not for actual rites.

[149] This was the treasurer (and afterward cantor) of the cathedral,
Jerónimo de Herrera y Figueroa.

[150] This was the Dominican friar Francisco Villalba.

[151] Pardo was sent to Lingayén, "certainly not to give him the
consolation of residing among his brethren of the order, but to
keep him under the authority of the notorious Don Francisco Pizarro,
bishop of Vigan [i.e., of Nueva Segovia], with whom he had just had
an annoying controversy" (Reseña biográfica, i, p. 476).

[152] "Under penalty of 4,000 pesos; on the ground that his spiritual
jurisdiction was suspended and barred, by virtue of his banishment"
(Diaz, Conquistas, p. 762).

[153] "The dean opened all the prisons of his tribunal, liberating
all the prisoners therein--although among these there were several
bigamists; and one who was not only a heretic but a leader of
heretics. For, among other heresies which he taught, one was
that God had a beginning, [a doctrine] which only very learned men
understood. Another was a prebend whom his illustrious Lordship held
as a recluse in our college, for heinous and atrocious crimes, whose
final end was a sentence of degradation, and delivery to the secular
arm; the dean settled this case, without examining the documents
in the case (which they did not find), by condemning him to six
months of banishment to a country house of recreation." (Salazar,
Hist. Sant. Rosario, p. 242.)

[154] "They say, peace, peace: when there was no peace" (Jeremias
6: 14).

[155] Salazar gives some instances of this (p. 245): in the Dominican
churches the minister refused to say mass until certain persons
who had injured or offended ecclesiastics should go out of the
consecrated walls.

[156] Salazar states (pp. 246-249) that the provincial Calderon was
making his visitation in Cagayán at the time of Pardo's banishment;
that on his return to Manila (September, 1683) he called a council
of the most prominent Dominicans, and asked their opinions as to
Pardo's exile, the government by the cabildo, and their own duty
toward those concerned in these events; and that, in accordance with
their decision, he ordered all his friars to remain in their convents,
and hold no intercourse with those persons.

[157] Salazar here alludes to the relation of all these ecclesiastical
affairs in the first part of his history, pp. 224-268. As it is so long
and detailed, we have preferred to use here the account which he gives
in his biography of Pardo; but have preserved, in our annotations,
the most important and interesting matter found in the former one.

[158] Thus in the text, but it should read "forty-eighth." Salazar
there relates how Vargas, "in the same year in which he banished the
archbishop," suffered the confiscation at Acapulco of all the goods
that he had shipped, "with little credit to his reputation and notable
expense to his estate;" and, as excommunicated by the Church, Vargas
had much to atone for and to suffer until his death. The auditor
Grimaldos died, soon after Pardo's banishment, "from a painful
disease, in which the tongue with which he had spoken so much evil
of his illustrious Lordship became rotten, and the arm with which he
had seized the anointed of the Lord was withered." The auditor Viga,
who went to seize the Dominican provincial, Calderon, died in exile,
in Cagayan, without having consented to make his confession. He and
his colleague Bolivar had been sent there "for a certain sedition
which they were plotting" against Cruzalaegui. [Murillo Velarde says
(fol. 344) that they were plotting to put Zalaeta in the governor's
place.] The wife of Bolivar "died at Orion, impenitent, unwilling
to confess; when her husband heard of this, he performed condign
penitence for his sins, and publicly professed his detestation of his
transgressions, and thus he gained absolution from the censures--but,
returning from his exile, he died on the way." Calderon "also died very
suddenly, although at the hour of death he acknowledged his errors,
and, to secure absolution from the censures, made the usual profession
of detestation." The fiscal Alanis, "the only one who experienced,
while living, the punishment from the king our sovereign which deprived
of their offices all the members of the royal Audiencia, died in Mexico
in great poverty and humiliation. The same fate befell the usurping
dean," Miguel Ortiz de Covarrubias. The cantor Figueroa was sentenced
to degradation, and to be delivered to the secular powers, "which was
afterward commuted, for valid reasons, to perpetual banishment to the
Marianas Islands, where he ended his days in a thousand miseries." The
bishop of Cagayan died so suddenly that he could not be confessed or
absolved. The Jesuit Ortega died at sea, while en route to Madrid
to complain of Pardo; and although he received the viaticum, his
mind was so occupied, first and last, with accusations against the
archbishop, that he scandalized all the people in the ship. He died
practically an excommunicate, not having rendered his accounts for
the executorship to the archbishop, and having been absolved only by
"the usurping Dean, who had no jurisdiction." "The two soldiers who
carried out the father provincial died suddenly," being stabbed to
death, one by an infidel Chinese, the other on leaving the house of
his mistress. A man who wounded the provisor--in trying to murder him;
his name was Manuel Ortafán, and his wife had brought suit against him
for divorce, before the ecclesiastical tribunal (Diaz, Conquistas,
p. 766)--was sentenced to a short exile; "but God was not satisfied
with that light punishment, and accordingly took upon Himself vengeance
against that man, afflicting him with leprosy. This made him blind,
and he finally reached the utmost poverty, begging alms, with a boy
to guide him, before the gates of the convents."

The spirit of this account is echoed--rather curiously, for so late
a date as 1891--in Reseña biográfica, i, pp. 478-480.

[159] Pardo offered to his Dominican province the sum of thirteen
thousand pesos, to be used as endowment for three chairs--law,
medicine, and pharmacy--and for some scholarships in Santo Tomás; but
the gift was declined, as the province was neither able nor willing
to take the responsibility of administering in (Reseña biográfica,
i, pp. 477, 478.)

[160] In the Ventura del Arco MSS. (iii, p. 761) is an extract from
a letter by the Jesuit Pedro Cano, dated May 26, 1690, which says:
"On December 31, 1689, they found Archbishop Pardo dead in his bed,
sine cruce et sine luce, without any sacrament, through the negligence
of the people of his household and his own confidence that he was
to live a long time. For some days all his body had been swollen,
and he said that, thanks to the Lord, he was gaining flesh. In
the agonies of death, he called to his servants, who were buried in
sleep; no one heard him except Don Juan de Cazorla, a cleric whom the
archbishop kept a prisoner under his own apartment, in fetters--who
did not dare to go upstairs, lest the archbishop should learn that
his fetters were removed at night. The prelate's body, wrapped in a
loose gown, was carried to the house where Auditor Grimaldos died;
and from there to Santo Domingo, where four days later it was buried."

[161] He came with commission to bring suit against the auditors who
had banished the archbishop.

[162] He had died toward the end of the year 1683, aged more than
seventy years.

[163] Nicolas Cani was born in 1611, a Sardinian by nation; and became
a Jesuit novice March 27, 1628. In 1653 he entered the Philippine
missions, and labored in the Visayan Islands. Murillo Velarde states
(fol. 367 b) that he was unable to learn further particulars as
to Cani's life and ministries, except vague statements as to his
admirable character and some few incidents in which he figured. The
date of his death is not recorded, but signatures by him existed that
were made in 1671.

[164] The letter following this says that the visitor and Audiencia
reached Manila in 1687; Montero y Vidal says 1688; and Diaz's editor,
1689. It seems more probable that 1688 is the correct date, from
various allusions made in these letters and by Diaz.

[165] Referring to the dispute between the two universities of San
José and Santo Tomás; and the placing, by the latter, of the royal
arms over its entrance.

[166] That is, October 19. This saint was Pedro Garavito, born at
Alcántara in 1499; at the age of fifteen he entered the Franciscan
order, and was ordained in 1524. In 1554 he instituted a reform,
exceedingly austere and rigorous, in his order, and erected the
first convent for these discalced Franciscans at Pedroso. Other
houses adopted this rule, and in 1562 these reformed convents were
freed by papal orders from the jurisdiction of the general of the
Franciscan order. Garavito died on October 18 of that same year;
he was canonized in 1669 as St. Peter of Alcántara. (Baring-Gould's
Lives of the Saints, xii, pp. 487-494.)

[167] Spanish buen; but obviously used with satirical meaning.

[168] When Bolivar was arrested, he was sent to "a small fortified post
in the province of Cagayán, called Tuao, where he remained until the
investigating judge who came to Manila in 1688 ordered him to return
[to that city], but he died on the way" (Diaz, p. 788).

[169] Andaye, a fortified town at the mouth of the Bidassoa River,
which forms part of the boundary between Spain and France and empties
into the Bay of Biscay. Andaye is directly opposite Fontarabia
in Spain.

[170] These jars are still highly valued by the Malays; see Furness's
mention of this, with photographic illustration, in his Borneo
Head-Hunters, pp. 125, 126.





*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898—Volume 39 of 55 - Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the - Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of - The Catholic Missions, As Related in Contemporaneous Books - and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial - and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their - Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Close of - the Nineteenth Century, Volume XXXIX: 1683-1690" ***

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