The History of Woman Suffrage, Volume IV

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Title: The History of Woman Suffrage, Volume IV
Author: Harper, Ida Husted, 1851-1931 [Editor], Anthony, Susan B. (Susan Brownell), 1820-1906 [Editor]
Language: English
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[Illustration: Susan B. Anthony. (Signed: Affectionately Yours Susan B. Anthony)]

THE HISTORY

WOMAN SUFFRAGE

EDITED BY

SUSAN B. ANTHONY &
IDA HUSTED HARPER

ILLUSTRATED WITH COPPERPLATE AND PHOTOGRAVURE
ENGRAVINGS

_IN FOUR VOLUMES_

VOL. IV.

1883-1900

"PERFECT EQUALITY OF RIGHTS FOR WOMAN, CIVIL, LEGAL
AND POLITICAL"

SUSAN B. ANTHONY
17 MADISON STREET, ROCHESTER, N. Y.

THE HOLLENBECK PRESS
INDIANAPOLIS

* * * * Make me respect my material so much that I dare not slight my
work. Help me to deal very honestly with words and with people,
because they are both alive. Show me that, as in a river, so in
writing, clearness is the best quality, and a little that is pure is
worth more than much that is mixed. Teach me to see the local color
without being blind to the inner light. Give me an ideal that will
stand the strain of weaving into human stuff on the loom of the real.
Keep me from caring more for books than for folks, for art than for
life. Steady me to do my full stint of work as well as I can, and when
that is done, stop me, pay me what wages thou wilt, and help me to say
from a quiet heart a grateful Amen.

HENRY VAN DYKE.

PREFACE

After the movement for woman suffrage, which commenced about the
middle of the nineteenth century, had continued for twenty-five years,
the feeling became strongly impressed upon its active promoters, Miss
Susan B. Anthony and Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, that the records
connected with it should be secured to posterity. With Miss Anthony,
indeed, the idea had been ever present, and from the beginning she had
carefully preserved as far as possible the letters, speeches and
newspaper clippings, accounts of conventions and legislative and
congressional reports. By 1876 they were convinced through various
circumstances that the time had come for writing the history. So
little did they foresee the magnitude which this labor would assume
that they made a mutual agreement to accept no engagements for four
months, expecting to finish it within that time, as they contemplated
nothing more than a small volume, probably a pamphlet of a few hundred
pages. Miss Anthony packed in trunks and boxes the accumulations of
the years and shipped them to Mrs. Stanton's home in Tenafly, N. J.,
where the two women went cheerfully to work.

Mrs. Stanton was the matchless writer, Miss Anthony the collector of
material, the searcher of statistics, the business manager, the keen
critic, the detector of omissions, chronological flaws and
discrepancies in statement such as are unavoidable even with the most
careful historian. On many occasions they called to their aid for
historical facts Mrs. Matilda Joslyn Gage, one of the most logical,
scientific and fearless writers of her day. To Mrs. Gage Vol. I of the
History of Woman Suffrage is wholly indebted for the first two
chapters--Preceding Causes and Woman in Newspapers, and for the last
chapter--Woman, Church and State, which she later amplified in a book;
and Vol. II for the first chapter--Woman's Patriotism in the Civil
War.

When the allotted time had expired the work had far exceeded its
original limits and yet seemed hardly begun. Its authors were amazed
at the amount of history which already had been made and still more
deeply impressed with the desirability of preserving the story of the
early struggle, but both were in the regular employ of lecture bureaus
and henceforth could give only vacations to the task. They were
entirely without the assistance of stenographers and typewriters, who
at the present day relieve brain workers of so large a part of the
physical strain. A labor which was to consume four months eventually
extended through ten years and was not completed until the closing
days of 1885. The pamphlet of a few hundred pages had expanded into
three great volumes of 1,000 pages each, and enough material remained
unused to fill another.[1]

It was almost wholly due to Miss Anthony's clear foresight and
painstaking habits that the materials were gathered and preserved
during all the years, and it was entirely owing to her unequaled
determination and persistence that the History was written. The demand
for Mrs. Stanton on the platform and the cares of a large family made
this vast amount of writing a most heroic effort, and one which
doubtless she would have been tempted to evade had it not been for the
relentless mentor at her side, helping to bear her burdens and
overcome the obstacles, and continually pointing out the necessity
that the history of this movement for the emancipation of women should
be recorded, in justice to those who carried it forward and as an
inspiration to the workers of the future. And so together, for a long
decade, these two great souls toiled in the solitude of home just as
together they fought in the open field, not for personal gain or
glory, but for the sake of a cause to which they had consecrated their
lives. Had it not been for their patient and unselfish labor the story
of the hard conditions under which the pioneers struggled to lift
woman out of her subjection, the bitterness of the prejudice, the
cruelty of the persecution, never would have been told. In all the
years that have passed no one else has attempted to tell it, and
should any one desire to do so it is doubtful if, even at this early
date, enough of the records could be found for the most superficial
account. In not a library can the student who wishes to trace this
movement to its beginning obtain the necessary data except in these
three volumes, which will become still more valuable as the years go
by and it nears success.

Miss Anthony began this work in 1876 without a dollar in hand for its
publication. She never had the money in advance for any of her
undertakings, but she went forward and accomplished them, and when the
people saw that they were good they usually repaid the amount she had
advanced from her own small store. In this case she resolved to use
the whole of it and all she could earn in the future rather than not
publish the History. Mrs. Elizabeth Thompson, of New York, a generous
patron of good works, gave her the first $1,000 in 1880, but this did
not cover the expenses that had been actually incurred thus far in its
preparation. She was in nowise discouraged, however, but kept steadily
on during every moment which could be spared by Mrs. Stanton and
herself, absolutely confident that in some way the necessary funds
would be obtained. Her strong faith was justified, for the first week
of 1882 came a notice from Wendell Phillips that Mrs. Eliza Jackson
Eddy, of Boston, had left her a large legacy to be used according to
her own judgment "for the advancement of woman's cause." Litigation by
an indirect heir deprived her of this money for over three years, but
in April, 1885, she received $24,125.

The first volume of the History had been issued in May, 1881, and the
second in April, 1882. In June, 1885, Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony
set resolutely to work and labored without ceasing until the next
November, when the third volume was sent to the publishers. With the
bequest Miss Anthony paid the debts that had been incurred, replaced
her own fund, of which every dollar had been used, and brought out
this last volume. All were published at a time when paper and other
materials were at a high price. The fine steel engravings alone cost
$5,000. On account of the engagements of the editors it was necessary
to employ proofreaders and indexers, and because of the many years
over which the work had stretched an immense number of changes had to
be made in composition, so that a large part of the legacy was
consumed.

The money which Miss Anthony now had enabled her to carry out her
long-cherished project to put this History free of charge in the
public libraries. It was thus placed in twelve hundred in the United
States and Europe. Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Gage, who had contributed
their services without price, naturally felt that it should be sold
instead of given away, and in order to have a perfectly free hand she
purchased their rights. In addition to the libraries, she has given it
to hundreds of schools and to countless individuals, writers,
speakers, etc., whom she thought it would enable to do better work for
the franchise. For seventeen years she has paid storage on the volumes
and the stereotype plates. During this time there has been some demand
for the books from those who were able and willing to pay, but much
the largest part of the labor and money expended were a direct
donation to the cause of woman suffrage.

From the time the last volume was finished it was Miss Anthony's
intention, if she should live twenty years longer, to issue a fourth
containing the history which would be made during that period, and for
this purpose she still preserved the records. As the century drew near
a close, bringing with it the end of her four-score years, the desire
grew still stronger to put into permanent shape the continued story of
a contest which already had extended far beyond the extreme limits
imagined when she dedicated to it the full power of her young
womanhood with its wealth of dauntless courage and unfailing hope. She
resigned the presidency of the National Association in February, 1900,
which marked her eightieth birthday, in order that she might carry out
this project and one or two others of especial importance. Among her
birthday gifts she received $1,000 from friends in all parts of the
country, and this sum she resolved to apply to the contemplated
volume. One of the other objects which she had in view was the
collecting of a large fund to be invested and the income used in work
for the enfranchisement of women. Already about $3,000 had been
subscribed.

By the time the first half year had passed, nature exacted tribute for
six decades of unceasing and unparalleled toil, and it became evident
that the idea of gathering a reserve fund would have to be abandoned.
The donors of the $3,000 were consulted and all gave cordial assent to
have their portion applied to the publication of the fourth volume of
the History. The largest amount, $1,000, had been contributed by Mrs.
Pauline Agassiz Shaw, of Boston. Dr. Cordelia A. Greene, of Castile,
N. Y., had given $500 and Mrs. Emma J. Bartol, of Philadelphia, $200.
The other contributions ranged all the way down to a few dollars,
which in many cases represented genuine sacrifice on the part of the
givers. It is not practicable to publish the list of the women in
full. They will be sufficiently rewarded in the consciousness of
having helped to realize Miss Anthony's dream of finishing the story,
to the end of her own part in it, of a great progressive movement in
which they were her fellow-workers and loyal friends.

Mrs. Gage passed away in 1898. Although Mrs. Stanton is still living
as this volume goes to the publishers in 1902, and evinces her mental
vigor at the age of eighty-seven in frequent magazine and newspaper
articles, she could not be called upon for this heavy and exacting
task. It seemed to Miss Anthony that the one who had recently
completed her Biography, in its preparation arranging and classifying
her papers of the past sixty years, and who necessarily had made a
thorough study of the suffrage movement from its beginning, should
share with her this arduous undertaking. The invitation was accepted
with much reluctance because of a full knowledge of the great labor
and responsibility involved. It must be confessed that even a strong
sense of obligation to further the cause of woman's enfranchisement
would not have been a sufficient incentive, but personal devotion to a
beloved and honored leader outweighed all selfish considerations. It
is to Miss Anthony, however, that the world is indebted for this as
well as the other volumes. It was she who conceived the idea; through
her came the money for its publication; for several years her own home
has been given up to the mass of material, the typewriters, the coming
and going of countless packages, the indescribable annoyances and
burdens connected with a matter of this kind. In addition she has
borne from her private means a considerable portion of the expenses,
and has endured the physical weariness and mental anxiety at a time
when she has earned the right to complete rest and freedom from care.
There is not a chapter which has not had the inestimable benefit of
her acute criticism and matured judgment.

The peculiar difficulties of historical work can be understood only by
those who have experienced them. General information is the easiest of
all things to obtain--exact information the hardest, and a history
that is not accurate has no practical utility. If a reader discover
one mistake it vitiates the whole book. Every historian knows how
common it is to find several totally different statements of the same
occurrence, each apparently as authentic as the others. He also knows
the eel-like elusiveness of dates and the flat contradictions of
statistics which seem to disprove absolutely the adage that "figures
do not lie." He has suffered the nightmare of wrestling with proper
names; and if he is conscientious he has agonized over the attempt to
do exact justice to the actors in the drama which he is depicting and
yet not detract from its value by loading it with trivial details, of
vital moment to those who were concerned in them but of no importance
to future readers. All of these embarrassments are intensified in a
history of a movement for many years unnoticed or greatly
misrepresented in the public press, and its records usually not
considered of sufficient value to be officially preserved. None,
however, has required such supreme courage and faithfulness from its
adherents and this fact makes all the more obligatory the preserving
of their names and deeds.

To collect the needful information from fifty States and Territories
and arrange it for publication has required the careful and constant
work of over two years. It has been necessary many times to appeal to
public officials, who have been most obliging, but the main dependence
has been on the women of various localities who are connected with the
suffrage associations. These women have spent weeks of time and labor,
writing letters, visiting libraries, examining records, and often
leaving their homes and going to the State capital to search the
archives. All this has been done without financial compensation, and
it is largely through their assistance that the editors have been able
to prepare this volume. To give an idea of the exacting work required
it may be stated that to obtain authentic data on one particular point
the writer of the Kansas chapter sent 198 letters to 178 city clerks.
The meager record of Florida necessitated about thirty letters of
inquiry. Several thousand were sent out by the editors of the History,
while the number exchanged within the various States is beyond
computation.

The demand is widespread that the information which this book contains
should be put into accessible shape. Miss Anthony herself and the
suffrage headquarters in New York are flooded with inquiries for
statistics as to the gains which have been made, the laws for women,
the present status of the question and arguments that can be used in
the debates which are now of frequent occurrence in Legislatures,
universities, schools and clubs in all parts of the country.
Practically everything that can be desired on these points will be
found herein. The first twenty-two chapters contain the whole argument
in favor of granting the franchise to women, as every phase of the
question is touched and every objection considered by the ablest of
speakers. It has been a special object to present here in compact form
the reasons on which is based the claim for woman suffrage. In Chapter
XXIV and those following are included the laws pertaining to women,
their educational and industrial opportunities, the amount of suffrage
they possess, the offices they may fill, legislative action on matters
concerning them, and the part which the suffrage associations have had
in bringing about present conditions. There are also chapters on the
progress made in foreign countries and on the organized work of women
in other lines besides that of the franchise. All the care possible
has been taken to make each chapter accurate and complete.

Beginning with 1884, where Vol. III closes, the present volume ends
with the century. This is not a book which must necessarily wait upon
posterity for its readers, but it is filled with live, up-to-date
information. Its editors take the greatest pleasure in presenting it
to the young, active, progressive men and women of the present day,
who, without doubt, will bring to a successful end the long and
difficult contest to secure that equality of rights which belongs
alike to all the citizens of this largest of republics and greatest of
nations.

I. H. H.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The reader can not fail to be interested in the personal story of
the writing of these books as related in the Reminiscences of
Elizabeth Cady Stanton and the Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony--the
many journeys made by the big boxes of documents from the home of one
to that of the other; the complications with those who were gathering
data in their respective localities; the trials with publishers; the
delays, disappointments and vexations, all interspersed and brightened
with many humorous features.

INTRODUCTION.

It has been frequently said that the first three volumes of the
History of Woman Suffrage, which bring the record to twenty years ago,
represent the seed-sowing time of the movement. They do far more than
this, for seeds sown in the early days which they describe would have
fallen upon ground so stony that if they had sprung up they would soon
have withered away. The pioneers in the work for the redemption of
women found an unbroken field, not fallow from lying idle, but arid
and barren, filled with the unyielding rocks of prejudice and choked
with the thorns of conservatism. It required many years of labor as
hard as that endured by the forefathers in wresting their lands from
undisturbed nature, before the ground was even broken to receive the
seed. Then followed the long period of persistent tilling and sowing
which brought no reaping until the last quarter of the century, when
the scanty harvest began to be gathered. The yield has seemed small
indeed at the end of each twelvemonth and it is only when viewed in
the aggregate that its size can be appreciated. The condition of woman
to-day compared with that of last year seems unchanged, but contrasted
with that of fifty years ago it presents as great a revolution as the
world has ever witnessed in this length of time.

If the first organized demand for the rights of woman--made at the
memorable convention of Seneca Falls, N. Y., in 1848--had omitted the
one for the franchise, those who made it would have lived to see all
granted. It asked for woman the right to have personal freedom, to
acquire an education, to earn a living, to claim her wages, to own
property, to make contracts, to bring suit, to testify in court, to
obtain a divorce for just cause, to possess her children, to claim a
fair share of the accumulations during marriage. An examination of
Chap. XXIV and the following chapters in this volume will show that in
many of the States all these privileges are now accorded, and in not
one are all refused, but when this declaration was framed all were
denied by every State. For the past half century there has been a
steady advance in the direction of equal rights for women. In many
instances these have been granted in response to the direct efforts of
women themselves; in others without exertion on their part but through
the example of neighboring States and as a result of the general trend
toward a long-delayed justice. Enough has been accomplished in all of
the above lines to make it absolutely certain that within a few years
women everywhere in the United States will enjoy entire equality of
legal, civil and social rights.

Behind all of these has been the persistent demand for political
rights, and the question naturally arises, "Why do these continue
to be denied? Educated, property-owning, self-reliant and
public-spirited, why are women still refused a voice in the
Government? Citizens in the fullest sense of the word, why are they
deprived of the suffrage in a country whose institutions rest upon
individual representation?"

There are many reasons, but the first and by far the most important is
the fact that this right, and this alone of all that have had to be
gained for woman, can be secured only through Constitutional Law. All
others have rested upon statute law, or upon the will of a board of
trustees, or of a few individuals, or have needed no official or
formal sanction. The suffrage alone must be had through a change of
the constitution of the State and this can be obtained only by consent
of the majority of the voters. Therefore this most valuable of all
rights--the one which if possessed by women at the beginning would
have brought all the others without a struggle--is placed absolutely
in the hands of men to be granted or withheld at will from women. It
is an unjust condition which does not exist even in a monarchy of the
Old World, and it makes of the United States instead of a true
republic an oligarchy in which one-half of the citizens have entire
control of the other half. There is not another country having an
elected representative body, where this body itself may not extend the
suffrage. While the writing of this volume has been in progress the
Parliament of Australia by a single Act has fully enfranchised the
800,000 women of that commonwealth. The Parliament of Great Britain
has conferred on women every form of suffrage except that for its own
members, and there is a favorable prospect of this being granted long
before the women of the United States have a similar privilege.

Not another nation is hampered by a written Federal Constitution which
it is almost impossible to change, and by forty-five written State
constitutions none of which can be altered in the smallest particular
except by consent of the majority of the voters. Every one of these
constitutions was framed by a convention which no woman had a voice in
selecting and of which no woman was a member. With the sole exception
of Wyoming, not one woman in the forty-five States was permitted a
vote on the constitution, and every one except Wyoming and Utah
confined its elective franchise strictly to "male" citizens.

Thus, wherever woman turns in this boasted republic, from ocean to
ocean, from lakes to gulf, seeking the citizen's right of
self-representation, she is met by a dead wall of constitutional
prohibition. It has been held in some of the States that this applies
only to State and county suffrage and that the Legislature has power
to grant the Municipal Franchise to women. Kansas is the only one,
however, which has given such a vote. A bill for this purpose passed
the Legislature of Michigan, after years of effort on the part of
women, and was at once declared unconstitutional by its Supreme Court.
Similar bills have been defeated in many Legislatures on the ground of
unconstitutionality. It is claimed generally that they may bestow
School Suffrage and this has been granted in over half the States, but
frequently it is vetoed by the Governor as unconstitutional, as has
been done several times in California. In New York, after four Acts of
the Legislature attempting to give School Suffrage to all women, three
decisions of the highest courts confined it simply to those of
villages and country districts where questions are decided at "school
meetings." Eminent lawyers hold that even this is "unconstitutional."
(See chapter on New York.) The Legislature and courts of Wisconsin
have been trying since 1885 to give complete School Suffrage to women
and yet they are enabled to exercise it this year (1902) for the first
time. (See chapter on Wisconsin.) Some State constitutions provide, as
in Rhode Island, that no form even of School Suffrage can be
conferred on women until it has been submitted as an amendment and
sanctioned by a majority of the voters.

The constitutions of a number of States declare that it shall not be
sufficient to carry an amendment for it to receive a majority of the
votes cast upon it, but it must have a majority of the largest vote
cast at the election. Not one State where this in the case ever has
been able to secure an amendment for any purpose whatever. Minnesota
submitted this question itself to the electors in 1898 in the form of
an amendment and it was carried, receiving a total of 102,641, yet the
largest number of votes cast at that election was 251,250, so if its
own provisions had been required it would have been lost. Nebraska is
about to make an effort to get rid of such a provision, but, as this
can be done only by another amendment to the constitution, the dilemma
is presented of the improbability of securing a vote for it which
shall be equal to the majority of the highest number cast at the
general election. Since it is impossible to get such a vote even on
questions to which there is no special objection, it is clearly
evident that an amendment enfranchising women, to which there is a
large and strong opposition, would have no chance whatever in States
making the above requirement.

It then remains to consider the situation in those States where only a
majority of the votes cast upon the amendment itself is required. One
or two instances will show the stubborn objection which exists among
the masses of men to the very idea of woman suffrage. In 1887 the
Legislature of New Jersey passed a law granting School Suffrage to
women in villages and country districts. After they had exercised it
until 1894 the Supreme Court declared it to be unconstitutional, as
"the Legislature can not enlarge or diminish the class of voters." The
women decided it was worth while to preserve even this scrap of
suffrage, so they made a vigorous effort to secure from the
Legislature the submission of an amendment which should give it to
them constitutionally. The resolution for this had to pass two
successive Legislatures, and it happened in this case that by a
technicality three were necessary, but with hard work and a petition
signed by 7,000 the amendment was finally submitted in 1897. The
unvarying testimony of the school authorities was that the women had
used their vote wisely and to the great advantage of the schools
during the seven years; there was no organized opposition from the
class who might object to the Full Suffrage for women lest their
business should be injured, or that other class who might fear their
personal liberty would be curtailed; yet the proposition to restore to
women in the villages and country districts the right simply to vote
for school trustees was defeated by 75,170 noes, 65,029 ayes--over
10,000 majority.

South Dakota as a Territory permitted women to vote for all school
officers. It entered the Union in 1889 with a clause in its
constitution authorizing them to vote "at any election held solely for
school purposes." They soon found that this did not include State and
county superintendents, who are voted for at general elections, and
that in order to get back their Territorial rights an amendment would
have to be submitted to the electors. This was done by the Legislature
of 1893. There had not been the slightest criticism of the way in
which they had used their school suffrage during the past fourteen
years, no class was antagonized, and yet this amendment was voted down
by 22,682 noes, 17,010 ayes, an opposing majority of 5,672.

With these examples in two widely-separated parts of the country, the
old and the new, representing not only crystallized prejudice in the
one but inborn opposition in both to any step toward enfranchising
women, and with this depending absolutely on the will of the voters,
is it a matter of wonder that its progress has been so slow? If the
question were submitted in any State to-day whether, for instance, all
who did not pay taxes should be disfranchised, and only taxpayers were
allowed to vote upon it, it would be carried by a large majority. If
it were submitted whether all owning property above a certain amount
should be disfranchised, and only those who owned less than this, or
nothing, were allowed to vote, it would be carried unanimously. No
class of men could get any electoral right whatever if it depended
wholly on the consent of another class whose interests supposedly lay
in withholding it. Political, not moral influence removed the property
restrictions from the suffrage in order to build up a great party--the
Democratic--which because of its enfranchisement of wage-earning men
has received their support for eighty years. After the Civil War,
although the Republican party was in absolute control, amendments to
the State constitutions for striking out the word "white," in order
to enfranchise colored men, were defeated in one after another of the
Northern States, even in Kansas, the most radical of them all in its
anti-slavery sentiment. It finally became so evident that this
concession would not be granted by the voters that Congress was
obliged to submit first one and then a second amendment to the Federal
Constitution to secure it. But even then the ratification of the
necessary three-fourths of the Legislatures could be obtained only
because it was positively certain that through this action an immense
addition would be made to the Republican electorate. Now after a lapse
of thirty years this same party looks on unmoved at the violation of
these amendments in every Southern State because it is believed that
thus there can be, through white suffrage, the building up of the
party in that section which the colored vote has not been able to
accomplish.

The most superficial examination of the conditions which govern the
franchise answers the question why, after fifty years of effort, so
little progress has been made in obtaining it for women. Of late years
every new or "third" party which is organized declares for woman
suffrage. This is partly because such parties come into existence to
carry out reforms in which they believe women can help, and partly
because in their weak state they are ready to grasp at straws. While
giving them full credit for such recognition, whatever may be its
inspiring motive, it is clearly evident that the franchise must come
to women through the dominant parties. If either of these could have
had assurance of receiving the majority of the woman's vote it would
have been obtained for her long ago without effort on her part, just
as the workingman's and the colored man's were secured for them, but
this has been impossible. Even in the four States where women now have
the full suffrage neither party has been able to claim a distinct
advantage from it. At the last Presidential election two of the four
went Democratic and two Republican. In Colorado, where women owed
their enfranchisement very largely to the Populists, that party was
deposed from power at the first election where they voted and never
has been reinstated. Although there was no justification for holding
women responsible, they were so held, and the party consequently did
not extend the franchise to women in other States where it might have
done so. Many consider that the principles of the Republican party in
general would be more apt to commend themselves to women than those of
the Democratic, but others believe that, so great is their antipathy
to war and all the evils connected with it and the consequences
following it, they would have opposed the party responsible for these
during the past four years. It may be accepted, however, as the most
probable view that women will divide on the main issues in much the
same proportion as men. From this standpoint neither party will see
any especial advantage in their enfranchisement, and both will look
with disfavor upon adding to the immense number of voters who must now
be reckoned with in every campaign an equally great number who are
likely to require an entirely different management. There is a certain
element in the leadership of all parties which is not especially
objectionable to men, but would not be tolerated by women. Candidates
who would be perfectly acceptable to men if they were sound on the
political issues might be wholly repudiated by the women of their own
party. If temperance and morality were made requisites many leaders
and officials who now hold high position would be permanently retired.
These are all reasons which appeal to politicians for deferring the
day of woman suffrage as long as possible.

Each of the two dominant parties is largely controlled by what are
known as the liquor interests. Their influence begins with the
National Government, which receives from them billions of revenue; it
extends to the States, to which they pay millions; to the cities,
whose income they increase by hundreds of thousands; to the farmers,
who find in breweries and distilleries the best market for their
grain. There is no hamlet so small as not to be touched by their
ramifications. No "trust" ever formed can compare with them in the
power which they exercise. That their business shall not be interfered
with they must possess a certain authority over Congress and
Legislatures. They and the various institutions connected with them
control millions of votes. They are among the largest contributors to
political campaigns. There are few legislators who do not owe their
election in a greater or less degree to the influence wielded by these
liquor interests, which are positively, unanimously and unalterably
opposed to woman suffrage. This can be gained only by the submission
of an amendment to the National or State constitutions, and for that
women must go to the Congress or the Legislatures. What can they offer
to offset the influences behind these bodies? They have no money to
contribute for party purposes. They represent no constituency and can
not pledge a single vote, a situation in which no other class is
placed. They ask men to divide a power of which they now have a
monopoly; to give up a sure thing for an uncertainty; to sacrifice
every selfish interest--and all in the name of abstract justice, a
word which has no place in politics. Was there ever apparently a more
hopeless quest?

With the exception of the three amendments made necessary by the Civil
War, the Federal Constitution has not been amended for ninety-eight
years, and there is strong opposition to any changes in that
instrument. If Congress would submit an article to the State
Legislatures for the enfranchisement of women the situation would be
vastly simplified and eventually the requisite three-fourths for
ratification could be secured, but undoubtedly a number of States will
have to follow the example of those in the far West in granting the
suffrage before this is done. The question at present, therefore, may
be considered as resting with the various Legislatures. With all the
powerful influences above mentioned strongly intrenched and pitted
against the women who come empty-handed, it is naturally a most
difficult matter to secure the submission of an amendment where there
is the slightest chance of its carrying. With the two exceptions of
Colorado and Idaho, it may be safely asserted that in every case where
one has been submitted it has been done simply to please the women and
to get rid of them, and with the full assurance that it would not be
carried. Two conspicuous examples of the impossibility of obtaining an
amendment where it would be likely to receive a majority vote are to
be found in California and Iowa. In the former State one went before
the electors in 1896, and, although the conditions were most
unfavorable and the strongest possible fight was made against it, so
large an affirmative sentiment was developed that it was clearly
evident it would be carried on a second trial. Up to that time the
women of this State had very little difficulty in securing suffrage
bills, but since then the Legislature has persistently refused to
submit another amendment. (See chapter on California.)

In probably no State is the general sentiment so strongly in favor of
woman suffrage as in Iowa, and yet for the past thirty years the women
have tried in vain to secure from the Legislature the submission of an
amendment--simply an opportunity to carry their case to the electors.
(See chapter on Iowa.) The politics of that State is practically
controlled by the great brewing interests and the balance of power
rests in the German vote. It is believed that woman suffrage would be
detrimental to their interests and they will not allow it. Here, as in
many States, a resolution for an amendment must be acted upon by two
successive Legislatures. If a majority of either party should pass
this resolution, the enemy would be able to defeat its nominees for
the next Legislature before the women could get the chance to vote for
them. In other words, all the forces hostile to woman suffrage are
already enfranchised and are experienced, active and influential in
politics, while the women themselves can give no assistance, and the
men in every community who favor it are very largely those who have
not an aggressive political influence. This very refusal of certain
Legislatures to let the voters pass upon the question is the strongest
possible indication that they fear the result. If women could be
enfranchised simply by an Act of Congress they would have an
opportunity to vote for their benefactors at the same time as the
enemies would vote against them, and thus the former would not, as at
present, run the risk of personal defeat and the overthrow of their
party by espousing the cause of woman suffrage.

If, however, Legislatures were willing to submit the question it is
doubtful whether, under present conditions, it could be carried in any
large number of States, as the same elements which influence
legislators act also upon the voters through the party "machines."
Amendments to strike the word "male" from the suffrage clause of the
Constitution have been submitted by ten States, and by five of these
twice--Kansas, 1867-94; Michigan, 1874; Colorado, 1877-93; Nebraska,
1882; Oregon, 1884-1900; Rhode Island, 1886; Washington, 1889-98;
South Dakota, 1890-98; California, 1896; Idaho, 1896. Out of the
fifteen trials the amendment has been adopted but twice--in Colorado
and Idaho. In these two cases it was indorsed by all the political
parties and carried with their permission. Wyoming and Utah placed
equal suffrage in the constitution under which they entered
Statehood. In both, as Territories, women had had the full
franchise--in Wyoming twenty-one and in Utah seventeen years--and
public sentiment was strongly in favor. In the States where the
question was defeated it had practically no party support.

Aside from all political hostility, however, woman suffrage has to
face a tremendous opposition from other sources. The attitude of a
remonstrant is the natural one of the vast majority of people. Their
first cry on coming into the world, if translated, would be, "I
object." They are opposed on principle to every innovation, and the
greatest of these is the enfranchisement of women. To grant woman an
equality with man in the affairs of life is contrary to every
tradition, every precedent, every inheritance, every instinct and
every teaching. The acceptance of this idea is possible only to those
of especially progressive tendencies and a strong sense of justice,
and it is yet too soon to expect these from the majority. If it had
been necessary to have the consent of the majority of the men in every
State for women to enter the universities, to control their own
property, to engage in the various professions and occupations, to
speak from the public platform and to form great organizations, in not
one would they be enjoying these privileges to-day. It is very
probable that this would be equally true if they had depended upon the
permission of a majority of women themselves. They are more
conservative even than men, because of the narrowness and isolation of
their lives, the subjection in which they always have been held, the
severe punishment inflicted by society on those who dare step outside
the prescribed sphere, and, stronger than all, perhaps, their
religious tendencies through which it has been impressed upon them
that their subordinate position was assigned by the Divine will and
that to rebel against it is to defy the Creator. In all the
generations, Church, State and society have combined to retard the
development of women, with the inevitable result that those of every
class are narrower, more bigoted and less progressive than the men of
that class.

While the girls are crowding the colleges now until they threaten to
exceed the number of boys, the demand for the higher education was
made by the merest handful of women and granted by an equally small
number of men, who, on the boards of trustees, were able to do so,
but it would have been deferred for decades if it had depended on a
popular vote of either men or women. The pioneers in the professions
found their most trying opposition from other women, instigated by the
men who did their thinking for them to believe that the whole sex was
being disgraced. Married women almost universally were opposed to laws
which would give them control of their property, being assured by
their masculine advisers that this would deprive them of the love and
protection of their husbands. Public sentiment was wholly opposed to
these laws and no such objections ever have been made in Legislatures
even to woman suffrage as were urged against allowing a wife to own
property. The contest was won by the smallest fraction of women and a
few strong, far-seeing men, the latter actuated not alone by a
sentiment of justice but also by the desire of preventing husbands
from squandering the property which fathers had accumulated and wished
to secure to their daughters, and fortunate indeed was it that this
action did not have to be ratified by the voters.

There are in the United States between three and four million women
engaged in wage-earning occupations outside of domestic service. Would
this be possible had they been obliged to have the duly recorded
permission of a majority of all the men over twenty-one years old? If
the question were submitted to the votes of these men to-day whether
women should be allowed to continue in these employments and enter any
and all others, would it be carried in the affirmative in a single
State?

And yet this prejudiced, conservative and in a degree ignorant and
vicious electorate possesses absolutely the power to withhold the
suffrage from women. A large part of it is composed of foreign-born
men, bringing from the Old World the most primitive ideas of the
degraded position which properly belongs to woman. Another part is
addicted to habits with which it never would give women the chance to
interfere. Boys of twenty-one form another portion, fully imbued with
a belief in woman's inferiority which only experience can eradicate.
Men of the so-called working classes vote against it because they fear
to add to the power of the so-called aristocracy. The latter oppose it
because they think the suffrage already has been too widely extended
and ought to be curtailed instead of expanded. The old fogies cast a
negative ballot because they believe woman ought to be kept in her
"sphere," and the strictly orthodox because it is not authorized by
the Scriptures. A large body who are "almost persuaded," but have some
lingering doubts as to the "expediency," satisfy their consciences for
voting "no" by saying that the women of their family and acquaintance
do not want it. Thus is the most valuable of human rights--the right
of individual representation--made the football of Legislatures, the
shuttlecock of voters, kicked and tossed like the veriest plaything in
utter disregard of the vital fact that it is the one principle above
all others on which the Government is founded.

Nevertheless there is abundant reason for belief that, in the face of
all the forces which are arrayed against it, this measure could be
carried in almost any State where the women themselves were a unit or
even very largely in the majority in favor of it. In the indifference,
the inertia, the apathy of women lies the greatest obstacle to their
enfranchisement. Investigation in States where a suffrage amendment
has been voted on has shown that practically every election precinct
where a thorough canvass was made and every voter personally
interviewed by the women who resided in it, was carried in favor. Some
men of course can not be moved, but many who never have given the
subject any thought can be set to thinking; while there is in the
average man a latent sense of justice which responds to the persuasion
of a woman who comes in person and says, "I ask you to grant me the
same rights which you yourself enjoy; I am your neighbor; I pay taxes
just as you do; our interests are identical; give me the same power to
protect mine which you possess to protect yours." A man would have to
be thoroughly hardened to vote "no" after such an appeal, but if he
were let alone he could do so without any qualms. The same situation
obtains in the family and in social life. The average man would not
vote against granting women the franchise if all those of his own
family and the circle of his intimate friends brought a strong
pressure to bear upon him in its favor. The measure could be carried
against all opposition if every clergyman in every community would
urge the women of his congregation to work for it, assuring them of
the sanction of the church and the blessing of God, and showing them
how vastly it would increase their power for good.

Every privilege which has been granted women has tended to develop
them, until their influence is incomparably stronger at the present
time than ever before. Their great organizations are a power in every
town and city. If these throughout a State would unite in a determined
effort to secure the franchise, bringing to bear upon legislators the
demands of thousands of women, high and low, rich and poor, of all
classes and conditions, they would be compelled to yield; and the same
amount of influence would carry the amendment with the voters. But the
petitioners for the suffrage are in the minority. There are many
obvious reasons for this, and one of them, paradoxical as it may seem,
is because so much already has been gained. Woman in general now finds
her needs very well supplied. If she wants to work she has all
occupations to choose from. If she desires an education the schools
and colleges are freely opened to her. If she wishes to address the
public by pen or voice the people hear her gladly. The laws have been
largely modified in her favor, and where they might press they are
seldom enforced. She may accumulate and control property; she may set
up her own domestic establishment and go and come at will. If the
workingwoman finds herself at a disadvantage she has not time and
often not ability to seek the cause until she traces it to
disfranchisement, and if she should do so she is too helpless to make
a contest against it. Those women who "have dwelt, since they were
born, in well-feathered nests and have never needed do anything but
open their soft beaks for the choicest little grubs to be dropped into
them," can not be expected to feel or see any necessity for the
ballot. Nor will the woman half way between, absorbed in her church,
her clubs, her charities and her household, make the philosophical
study necessary to show that she could do larger and more effective
work for all of these if she possessed the great power which lies in
the suffrage. Even women of much wealth who are not idle,
self-centered and indifferent to the needs of humanity, but are giving
munificently for religious, educational and philanthropic purposes,
have not been aroused in any large number to the necessity of the
suffrage, for reasons which are evident.

Reforms of every kind are inaugurated and carried forward by a
minority, and there is no reason why this one should prove an
exception. In not an instance has a majority of any class of men
demanded the franchise, and there is no precedent for expecting the
majority of women to do so. It will have to be gained for them by the
foresight, the courage and the toil of the few, just as all other
privileges have been, and they will enter into possession with the
same eagerness and unanimity as has marked their acceptance of the
others.

With this mass of prejudice, selfishness and inertia to overcome is
there any hope of future success? Yes, there is a hope which amounts
to a certainty. Nothing could be more logical than a belief that where
one hundred privileges have been opposed and then ninety-nine of them
granted, the remaining one will ultimately follow. While women still
suffer countless minor disadvantages, the fundamental rights have
largely been secured except the suffrage. This, as has been pointed
out, is most difficult to obtain because it is intrenched in
constitutional law and because it represents a more radical revolution
than all the others combined. The softening of the bitter opposition
of the early days through the general spirit of progress has been
somewhat counteracted by a modern skepticism as to the supreme merit
of a democratic government and a general disgust with the prevalent
political corruption. This will continue to react strongly against any
further extension of the suffrage until men can be made to see that a
real democracy has not as yet existed, but that the dangerous
experiment has been made of enfranchising the vast proportion of
crime, intemperance, immorality and dishonesty, and barring absolutely
from the suffrage the great proportion of temperance, morality,
religion and conscientiousness; that, in other words, the worst
elements have been put into the ballot-box and the best elements kept
out. This fatal mistake is even now beginning to dawn upon the minds
of those who have cherished an ideal of the grandeur of a republic,
and they dimly see that in woman lies the highest promise of its
fulfilment. Those who fear the foreign vote will learn eventually that
there are more American-born women in the United States than
foreign-born men and women; and those who dread the ignorant vote will
study the statistics and see that the percentage of illiteracy is much
smaller among women than among men.

The consistent tendency since the right to individual representation
was established by the Revolutionary War has been to extend this
right, until now every man in the United States is enfranchised. While
a few, usually those who are too exclusive to vote themselves, insist
that this is detrimental to the electorate, the vast majority hold
that in numbers there is the safety of its being more difficult to
purchase or mislead; that even the ignorant may vote more honestly
than the educated; that more knowledge and judgment can be added
through ten million electors than through five; and also that by this
universal male suffrage it is made impossible for one class of men to
legislate against another class, and thus all excuse for anarchy or a
resort to force is removed. Added to these advantages is the
developing influence of the ballot upon the individual himself, which
renders him more intelligent and gives him a broader conception of
justice and liberty. All of these conditions must lead eventually to
the enfranchising of the only remaining part of the citizenship
without this means of protection and development.

The gradual movement in this direction in the United States is seen in
the partial extension of the franchise which has taken place during
the past thirty-three years, or within one generation. During this
time over one-half of them have conferred School Suffrage on women;
one has granted Municipal Suffrage; four a vote on questions of
taxation; three have recognized them in local matters, and a number of
cities have given such privileges as were possible by charter. Since
1890 four States, by a majority vote of the electors, have
enfranchised 200,000 women by incorporating the complete suffrage in
their constitutions, from which it never can be removed except by a
vote of women themselves. During all these years there have been but
two retrogressive steps--the disfranchising of the women of Washington
Territory in 1888 by an unconstitutional decision of the Supreme
Court, dictated by the disreputable elements then in control; and the
taking away of the School Suffrage from all women of the second-class
cities in Kentucky by its Legislature of 1902 for the purpose of
eliminating the vote of colored women. In every other Legislature a
bill to repeal any limited franchise which has been extended has been
overwhelmingly voted down.

Another favorable sign is the action taken by Legislatures on bills
for the full enfranchisement of women. Formerly they were treated with
contempt and ridicule and either thrown out summarily or discussed in
language which the descendants of the honorable gentlemen who used it
will regret to read. Now such bills are treated with comparative
courtesy; a discussion is avoided wherever possible, members not
wishing to go on record, but if forced it is conducted in a respectful
manner; and, while usually rejected, the opposing majority is small,
in many instances only just large enough to secure defeat, and
frequently members have to change their votes to the negative as they
find the measure is about to be carried. Several instances have
occurred in the last year or two where the bill passed but during the
night the party whip was applied with such force that the affirmative
was compelled to reconsider its action the next day. There is little
doubt that even now if members were free to vote their convictions a
bill could be carried in many Legislatures.

A most encouraging sign is the attitude of the Press. Although the
country papers occasionally refer to the suffrage advocates as hyenas,
cats, crowing hens, bold wantons, unsexed females and dangerous
home-wreckers--expressions which were common a generation ago--these
are no longer found in metropolitan and influential newspapers. Scores
of both city and country papers openly advocate the measure and scores
of others would do so if they were not under the same control as the
Legislatures. Ten years ago it was almost impossible to secure space
in any paper for woman suffrage arguments. To-day several of the
largest in the country maintain regular departments for this purpose,
while the report of the press chairman of the National Association for
1901 stated that during the past eight months 175,000 articles on the
subject had been sent to the press and a careful investigation showed
that three-fourths of them had been published. In addition different
papers had used 150 special articles, while the page of plate matter
furnished every six weeks was extensively taken. New York reported 400
papers accepting suffrage matter regularly; Pennsylvania, 368; Iowa,
253; Illinois, 161; Massachusetts, 107, and other States in varying
numbers. Since this question is very largely one of educating the
people, the opening of the Press to its arguments is probably the most
important advantage which has been gained.

The progress of public sentiment is strikingly illustrated in a
comparison of the votes in those States which have twice submitted an
amendment to their constitution that would give the suffrage to women.
In Kansas such an amendment in 1867 received 9,070 ayes, 19,857 noes;
in 1894, 95,302 ayes, 130,139 noes. The second time it was indorsed by
the Populists and not by the Republicans, therefore the latter, who in
that State are really favorable to the measure, largely voted against
it in order that the Populists might not strengthen their party by
appearing to carry it, and yet the percentage of opposition was
considerably decreased. In Colorado in 1877 the vote stood 6,612 ayes,
14,055 noes; in 1893 the amendment was carried by 35,698 ayes, 29,461
noes--a majority of 6,237. Oregon in 1884 gave 11,223 ayes, 28,176
noes; in 1900, 26,265 ayes, 28,402 noes--an increase of 226 opponents
and 15,042 advocates. The vote in Washington in 1889 was 16,527 ayes,
35,917 noes; in 1898, 20,171 ayes, 30,497 noes--the opposing majority
reduced from 19,396 to 10,326, or almost one-half.

One is logically entitled to believe from these figures that the
question will be carried in each of those States the next time it is
voted on. It must be remembered that women go into all these campaigns
with no political influence and practically no money, not enough to
employ workers and speakers to make an approach to a thorough
organization and canvass of the State; totally without the aid of
party machinery; with no platform on which to present their cause
except such as is granted by courtesy; and with no advocacy of it by
the speakers on the platforms of the various parties. The increased
majorities indicate solely that men are emerging from the bondage of
tradition, prejudice and creed, and that when they can escape from the
bondage of politics they will grant justice to women.

The very fact that women themselves are arousing from their inertia to
the extent of organizing in opposition to what they term "the danger
of having the ballot thrust upon them" shows life. While their
enrollment is infinitesimal it has set women to thinking, and a number
who have signed the declaration that they do not want the franchise,
have for the first time been compelled to give the matter
consideration and have decided that they do want it. The facts also
that within a few years the membership of the National Suffrage
Association has doubled; that auxiliaries have been formed in every
State and Territory; that permanent headquarters have been established
in New York; and that the revenues (almost wholly the contributions of
women) have risen from the $2,000 or $3,000 per annum, which it was
barely possible to secure half-a-dozen years ago, to $10,345 in 1899,
$22,522 in 1900 (including receipts from Bazar), $18,290 in
1901--these facts are indisputable evidence of the growth of the
sentiment among women. In this line of progress must be placed also
the thousands of other organizations containing millions of women,
which, although not including the suffrage among their objects, are
engaged in efforts for better laws, civic improvements and a general
advance in conditions that inevitably will bring them to realize the
immense disadvantage of belonging to a class without political
influence.

Nothing could be more illogical than the belief that a republic would
confer every gift upon woman except the choicest and then forever
withhold this; or that women would be content to possess all others
and not eventually demand the one most valuable. The increasing number
who are attending political conventions and crowding mass meetings
until they threaten to leave no room for voters, are unmistakable
proof that eventually women themselves and men also will see the utter
absurdity of their disfranchised condition. The ancient objections
which were urged so forcibly a generation or two ago have lost their
force and must soon be retired from service. The charge of mental
incapacity is totally refuted by the statistics of 1900 showing the
percentage of girls in the High Schools to be 58.36 and of boys,
41.64; the number of girl graduates, 39,162; boys, 22,575; 70 per
cent. of the public school teachers women; 40,000 women college
graduates scattered throughout the country and 30,000 now in the
universities, with the percentage of their increase in women students
three times as great as that of men, and 431,153 women practicing in
the various professions.

The charge of business incompetency is disproved by the 503,574 women
who are engaged in trade and transportation, the 980,025 in
agriculture and the 1,315,890 in manufacturing and mechanical
pursuits. Every community also furnishes its special examples of the
aptitude of women for business, now that they are allowed a chance to
manifest it. Statistics show further that one-tenth of the
millionaires are women and that they are large property holders in
every locality. Whether they earned or inherited their holdings, the
fact remains that they are compelled to pay taxes on billions of
dollars without any representation.

The military argument--that women must not vote because they can not
fight--is seldom used nowadays, as it is so clearly evident that it
would also disfranchise vast numbers of men; that the value of women
in the perpetuation of the Government is at least equal to that of the
men who defend it; and that there is no recognition in the laws by
which the franchise is exercised of the slightest connection between a
ballot and a bullet.

The most persistent objection--that if women are allowed to enter
politics they will neglect their homes and families--is conclusively
answered in the four States where they have had political rights for a
number of years and domestic life still moves on just as in other
places. In two of the four while Territories women had exercised the
franchise from seventeen to twenty-one years, and yet a large majority
of the men voted to grant it perpetually. Women do not love their
families because compelled to do so by statute, or cling to their
homes because there is no place for them outside. This same direful
prediction was made at every advanced step, but, although the entire
status of women has been changed, and they are largely engaged in the
public work of every community, they are better and happier wives,
mothers and housekeepers because they are more intelligent and live a
broader life. But they are learning, and the world is learning, that
their housekeeping qualities should extend to the municipality and
their power of motherhood to the children of the whole nation, and
that these should be expressed through this very politics from which
they are so rigorously excluded.

The objections of the opponents have been so largely confuted that
they have for the most part been compelled to make a last defense by
declaring: "When the majority of women ask for the suffrage they may
have it." By this very concession they admit that there is no valid
reason for withholding it, and in thus arbitrarily doing so they are
denying all representation to the minority, which is wholly at
variance with republican principles. This is excused on the ground
that the franchise is not a "right" but a privilege to be granted or
not as seems best to those in power. This was the Tory argument before
the American Revolution, and, carried back to its origin, it upholds
"the divine authority of kings." The law to put in force the one and
only amendment ever added to our National Constitution to extend the
franchise was entitled, "An act to enforce the _right_ of citizens of
the United States to vote;" and the amendment itself reads, "The
_right_ of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied
or abridged." (See Chap. I.)

The readers of the present volume will not find such a story of cruel
and relentless punishment inflicted upon advocates of woman suffrage
as is related in the earlier volumes of this History, but the passing
of rack and thumbscrew, of stake and fagot, does not mean the end of
persecution in the world. Those who stand for this reform to-day do
not tread a flower-strewn path. It is yet an unpopular subject, under
the ban of society and receiving scant measure of public sympathy, but
it must continue to be urged. If the assertion had been accepted as
conclusive, that a measure which after years of advocacy is still
opposed by the majority should be dropped, the greatest reforms of
history would have been abandoned. The personal character of those who
represent a cause, however, sometimes carries more weight than the
numbers, and judged by this standard none has had stronger support
than the enfranchisement of women[2].

The struggle of the Nineteenth Century was the transference of power
from one man or one class of men to all men, it has been said, and
while but one country in 1800 had a constitutional government, in 1900
fifty had some form of constitution and some degree of male
sovereignty. Must the Twentieth Century be consumed in securing for
woman that which man spent a hundred years in obtaining for himself?
The determination of those engaged in this righteous contest was thus
expressed by the president of the National Suffrage Association in her
address at the annual convention of 1902:

Before the attainment of equal rights for men and women there
will be years of struggle and disappointment. We of a younger
generation have taken up the work where our noble and consecrated
pioneers left it. We, in turn, are enlisted for life, and
generations yet unborn will take up the work where we lay it
down. So, through centuries if need be, the education will
continue, until a regenerated race of men and women who are equal
before man and God shall control the destinies of the earth.

But have we not reason to hope, in this era of rapid fulfilment--when
in all material things electricity is accomplishing in a day what
required months under the old régime--that moral progress will keep
pace? And that as much stronger as the electric power has shown itself
than the coarse and heavy forces of the stone and iron periods, so
much superior will prove the _noblesse oblige_ of the men and women of
the present, achieving in a generation what was not possible to the
narrow selfishness and ignorant prejudice of all the past ages?

A part of the magnificent plan to beautify Washington, the capital of
the nation, is a colossal statue to American Womanhood. The design
embodies a great arch of marble standing on a base in the form of an
oval and broken by sweeps of steps. On either side are large bronze
panels, bearing groups of figures. One of these will be a symbolic
design showing the spirit of the people descending to lay offerings on
woman's altar. Lofty pillars crowned by figures representing Victory,
are to be placed at the approaches. Surmounting the arch will be the
chief group of the composition, symbolizing Woman Glorified. She is
rising from her throne to greet War and Peace, Literature and Art,
Science and Industry, who approach to lay homage at her feet. Inside
the arch is a memorial hall for recording the achievements of women.

How soon this symbol shall become reality and woman stand forth in all
the glory of freedom to reach her highest stature, depends upon the
use she makes of the opportunities already hers and the fraternal
assistance she receives from man. Fearless of criticism, courageous in
faith, let each take for a guide these inspiring words which it has
been said the Puritan of old would utter if he could speak: "I was a
radical in my day; be thou the same in thine! I turned my back upon
the old tyrannies and heresies and struck for the new liberties and
beliefs; my liberty and my belief are doubtless already tyranny and
heresy to thine age; strike thou for the new!"

FOOTNOTES:

[2] For partial list, see Appendix--Eminent Advocates of Woman
Suffrage.

ILLUSTRATIONS

ANTHONY, SUSAN B. _Frontispiece_
ANTHONY, MARY S. 848
AVERY, RACHEL FOSTER 270
AVERY, SUSAN LOOK 678
BLACKWELL, ALICE STONE 270
BLANKENBURG, LUCRETIA L. 750
CATT, CARRIE CHAPMAN 388
CHAPMAN, MARIANA W. 848
CLAY, LAURA 270
COGGESHALL, MARY J. 948
EATON, DR. CORA SMITH 518
GORDON, KATE M. 678
GREENLEAF, JEAN BROOKS 848
GREGG, LAURA A. 518
HALL, FLORENCE HOWE 750
HARPER, IDA HUSTED 1042
HATCH, LAVINA A. 750
HAYWARD, MARY SMITH 948
HOWARD, EMMA SHAFTER 518
HOWLAND, EMILY 848
JENKINS, HELEN PHILLEO 678
JOHNS, LAURA M. 948
MCCULLOCH, CATHARINE WAUGH 270
MEREDITH, ELLIS 518
MILLS, HARRIET MAY 750
NELSON, JULIA B. 948
OSBORNE, ELIZABETH WRIGHT 848
SHAW, REV. ANNA HOWARD 128
SOUTHWORTH, LOUISA 678
SPENCER, REV. ANNA GARLIN 750
STANTON, ELIZABETH CADY 188
SWIFT, MARY WOOD 518
THOMAS, MARY BENTLEY 678
UPTON, HARRIET TAYLOR 270
WELLS, EMMELINE B. 948

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

List of Illustrations XXXIV

INTRODUCTION.

REVIEW OF THE SITUATION xiii-xxxiii

Pioneers break the ground -- All their demands now practically
conceded except the Franchise -- Why is this still refused? --
All other rights depend on Statute Law, suffrage on change of
Constitution -- No other nation thus fettered -- Further almost
insurmountable obstacles -- Experience in many States -- Either
dominant party would enfranchise women if it were sure of their
votes -- Liquor interests and political "machines" allied in
opposition -- They control the situation -- Figures of votes on
Amendments -- Majority of people born opponents of all
innovations -- Character of electorate on which women must depend
-- Indifference of women themselves -- Reaction against a
democratic government -- Facts showing steady progress of Woman
Suffrage -- All signs favorable -- Women in education and
business -- Old objections dying out -- Personal character of
advocates -- Persecution not obsolete but the enfranchisement of
women inevitable.

CHAPTER I.

WOMAN'S CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT TO VOTE 1-13

Early State constitutions provided against Woman Suffrage --
First demand for it -- Women after the Civil War -- "Male" first
used in National Constitution -- Fourteenth Amendment -- Endeavor
to make it include women -- They attempt to vote -- Susan B.
Anthony's trial -- Case of Virginia L. Minor -- Supreme Court
decisions -- Suffrage as a right -- Arguments for the Federal
Franchise -- National Association decides to try only for new
Amendment -- Hearings before Congressional Committees -- Reports
of these committees -- Debate in Congress.

CHAPTER II.

THE NATIONAL SUFFRAGE CONVENTION OF 1884 14-30

Forming of National Association in 1869 -- Washington selected
for annual conventions -- Call for that of '84 -- Extracts from
speeches on Kentucky Laws for Women -- Woman before the Law --
Outrage of Disfranchisement -- Ethics of Woman Suffrage --
England vs. the United States -- Bishop Matthew Simpson in Favor
of Woman's Enfranchisement -- Resolutions and Plan of Work --
Memorial to Wendell Phillips -- Miss Anthony on Disfranchisement
a Disgrace -- Matilda Joslyn Gage on The Feminine in the
Sciences.

CHAPTER III.

CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS AND REPORTS OF 1884 31-55

Debate in the House on a Special Woman Suffrage Committee --
Extracts from speeches of John H. Reagan on Awful Effects of
Woman Suffrage -- James B. Belford on Woman's Right to a Special
Committee -- J. Warren Keifer on Justice of the Enfranchisement
of Women -- John D. White on Woman's Right to be Heard -- Hearing
before Senate Committee -- Interdependence of Men and Women --
Woman Suffrage a Paramount Question -- A Right does not Depend on
a Majority's Asking for It -- Woman's Ballot for the Good of the
Race -- Preponderance of Foreign Vote -- Miss Anthony on Action
by Congress vs. Action by Legislatures -- Elizabeth Cady Stanton
on Self-Government the Best Means of Self-Development; moral need
of woman's ballot, men as natural protectors, inherent right of
self-representation -- Favorable Senate Report -- Adverse House
Report by William C. Maybury -- Editorial comment -- Luke P.
Poland on Men Should Represent Women -- Strong Report in Favor by
Thomas B. Reed, Ezra B. Taylor, Moses A. McCoid, Thomas M.
Browne.

CHAPTER IV.

THE NATIONAL SUFFRAGE CONVENTION OF 1885 56-69

Startling descriptions of delegates' attire -- Mrs. Stanton on
Separate Spheres an Impossibility -- Discussion on resolution
denouncing Religious Dogmas -- Criticism by ministers -- Great
speech in favor of Woman Suffrage in the U. S. Senate by Thomas
W. Palmer; action by Congress a necessity, Scriptures not opposed
to the equality of woman, figures of women's vote, State needs
woman's ballot.

CHAPTER V.

THE NATIONAL SUFFRAGE CONVENTION OF 1886 70-84

Relation of the Woman Suffrage Movement to the Labor Question --
Take Down the Barriers -- German and American Independence
Contrasted -- Resolution condemning Creeds and Dogmas again
discussed -- Woman's Right to Vote under Fourteenth Amendment --
Disfranchisement Cuts Women's Wages -- One-half No Right to a
Vote on Liberties of Other Half -- Woman Suffrage Necessary for
Life of Republic -- America lags behind in granting political
rights to women -- Minority House Report in favor of a Sixteenth
Amendment by Ezra B. Taylor, W. P. Hepburn, Lucian B. Caswell, A.
A. Ranney; men hold franchise by force, women require it for
development, history of woman one of wrong and outrage,
Government needs woman's vote, no excuse for waiting till
majority demand it.

CHAPTER VI.

FIRST DISCUSSION AND VOTE IN U. S. SENATE, 1887 85-111

Joint Resolution for Sixteenth Amendment extending Right of
Suffrage to Women -- Able speech of Henry W. Blair; Government
founded on equality of rights, no connection between the vote and
ability to fight, property qualification an invasion of natural
right, man's deification of woman a shallow pretense, no such
thing as household suffrage here, maternity qualifies woman to
vote, fear of family dissension not a valid excuse -- Joseph E.
Brown replies; Creator intended spheres of men and women to be
different, man qualified by physical strength to vote, caucuses
and jury duty too laborious for women, they are queens,
princesses and angels, they would neglect their families to go
into politics, the delicate and refined would feel compelled to
vote, only the vulgar and ignorant would go to the polls, ballot
would not help workingwomen, husbands would compel wives to vote
as they dictated -- Editorial comment -- Joseph N. Dolph supports
the Resolution; if but one woman wants the suffrage it is tyranny
to refuse it, neither in nature nor revealed will of God is there
anything to forbid, contest for woman suffrage a struggle for
human liberty, its benefits where exercised -- James B. Eustis
objects -- George G. Vest depicts the terrible dangers, negro
women all would vote Republican ticket, husband does not wish to
go home to embrace of female ward politician, women too emotional
to vote, suffrage not a right, we must not unsex our mothers and
wives -- Editorial comment -- George F. Hoar defends woman
suffrage; arguments against it are against popular government,
Senators Brown and Vest have furnished only gush and emotion --
Senator Blair closes debate with an appeal that women may carry
their case to the various Legislatures -- Vote on submitting an
Amendment, 16 yeas, 34 nays.

CHAPTER VII.

THE NATIONAL SUFFRAGE CONVENTION OF 1887 112-123

Bishop John P. Newman favors Woman Suffrage -- Mrs. Stanton's
sarcastic comments on the speeches of Senators Brown and Vest --
Lillie Devereux Blake's satire on the Rights of Men -- Isabella
Beecher Hooker on the Constitutional Rights of Women -- Woman of
the Present and Past -- Delegate Joseph M. Carey on Woman
Suffrage in Wyoming -- Authority of Congress to Enfranchise Women
-- Zerelda G. Wallace on Woman's Ballot a Necessity for the
Permanence of Free Institutions; the lack of morality in
Government has caused the downfall of nations -- Resolutions --
U. S. Treasurer Spinner first to employ women in a Government
department.

CHAPTER VIII.

INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF WOMEN -- HEARING OF 1888 124-142

Origin of the Council -- Call issued by National Suffrage
Association -- Official statistics of this great meeting --
Eloquent sermon of the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw on the Heavenly
Vision; release of woman from bondage of centuries, crucifixion
of reformers, the visions of all ages -- Miss Anthony opens the
Council -- Mrs. Stanton's address; psalms of women's lives in a
minor key, sympathy as a civil agent powerless until coined into
law, women have been mere echoes of men -- Council demands all
employments shall be open to women, equal pay for equal work, a
single standard of morality -- Forming of permanent National and
International Councils -- Convention of Suffrage Association --
Mrs. Stanton expounds National Constitution to Senate Committee
and shows the violation of its provisions in their application to
women -- Mrs. Ormiston Chant makes address -- Also Julia Ward
Howe -- Frances E. Willard pleads for enfranchisement.

CHAPTER IX.

THE NATIONAL SUFFRAGE CONVENTION OF 1889 143-157

Official Call shows non-partisan character of the demand for
Woman Suffrage -- Senator Blair makes clear presentation of
woman's right to vote for Representatives in Congress under the
Federal Constitution -- Mrs. Stanton ridicules women for passing
votes of thanks to men for restoring various minor privileges
which they had usurped -- Hebrew Scriptures not alone the root of
woman's subjection -- Representative William D. Kelley speaks --
Foreign and Catholic vote contrasted with American and Protestant
-- The Position of Woman in Marriage -- Miss Anthony on Woman's
Attempt to Vote under the Fourteenth Amendment -- The Coming Sex
-- Woman's Bill of Rights -- Favorable report from Committee,
Senators Blair, Charles B. Farwell, Jonathan Chace, Edward O.
Wolcott.

CHAPTER X.

NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1890 158-174

Mrs. Stanton addresses Senate Committee; the South has not
treated negro men more unjustly than the North has treated all
women, women never can fully respect themselves or be respected
while degraded legally and politically, Queen Victoria contrasted
with American women who do not wish to vote -- Zebulon B. Vance
questions Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony -- Committee reports in
favor -- Celebration of Miss Anthony's Seventieth Birthday --
First convention of the two united associations -- Striking
resolutions -- Address of Wm. Dudley Foulke; fundamental right of
self-government, equal rights never conceded to women, a just man
accords to every other human being the rights he claims for
himself, if one woman insists upon the franchise the justice of
America can not afford to deny it -- Miss Anthony demands free
platform -- Chivalry of Reform -- Mrs. Wallace on A Whole
Humanity; woman is teacher, character-builder, soul-life of the
race, not a question of woman's rights but of human rights --
Washington _Star's_ tribute to Miss Anthony.

CHAPTER XI.

NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1891 175-184

Triennial meeting of National Council -- Hail to Wyoming! -- Mrs.
Stanton on the Degradation of Disfranchisement; women suffer from
the disgrace just as men would, State, Church and Society uphold
their subordination, all must be brought into harmony with the
idea of equality -- Lucy Stone speaks -- The Rev. Frederick A.
Hinckley on Husband and Wife are One; together they must
establish justice, temperance and purity -- U. S. Senator Carey
tells of the admission of Wyoming, first State with full suffrage
for women; tribute to their influence in government -- The Rev.
Miss Shaw describes recent campaign in South Dakota, Indians
given preference over women.

CHAPTER XII.

NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION AND HEARINGS OF 1892 185-201

Discussion on Sunday opening of Columbian Exposition -- Last
appearance of Mrs. Stanton at a national convention after an
attendance of forty years -- Miss Anthony elected President --
Value of Organizations for Women -- First hearing before a
Democratic House Committee -- Mrs. Stanton on the Solitude of
Self; the right of individual conscience, individual citizenship,
individual development, man and woman need the same preparation
for time and eternity -- Lucy Stone pleads for the rights of
women, for justice and fair play, for the feminine as well as the
masculine influence in Government -- Mrs. Hooker speaks -- Senate
Committee addressed by Carrie Chapman Catt, and other noted women
-- Miss Shaw on an Appeal to Deaf Ears; time will come when ears
will be unstopped, voice of the people is voice of God, but voice
of the whole people never has been heard -- Miss Anthony
compliments Senator Hoar -- Committee report in favor by Senators
Hoar, John B. Allen, Francis E. Warren; Vance and George dissent.

CHAPTER XIII.

NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1893 202-220

Washington _Evening News_ pays a compliment to the Association --
Memorial service for George William Curtis, John G. Whittier and
others -- Frederick Douglass speaks of other days -- Miss Shaw on
Mrs. Ralph Waldo Emerson and the Rev. Anna Oliver -- Miss Anthony
tells what has been gained in fourscore years -- Woman
Independent only when She Can Support and Protect Herself -- The
Girl of the Future -- Opinions of Governors of States on Woman
Suffrage -- Last Message from Lucy Stone -- U. S. Commissioner of
Labor, Carroll D. Wright, on the Industrial Emancipation of Women
-- Miss Anthony on publishing a paper -- Discussion on Sunday
Observance -- Resolutions -- Miss Anthony opposes national
conventions outside of Washington -- Majority votes for alternate
meetings elsewhere -- Bishop John F. Hurst in favor of Woman
Suffrage.

CHAPTER XIV.

NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1894 221-235

Interesting picture of convention in _Woman's Journal_ -- Miss
Anthony describes forty years' wandering in the wilderness --
Colorado women present her with flag -- She declares the suffrage
association knows no section, no party, no creed -- Memorial
service for Lucy Stone and other distinguished members, with
addresses by Mrs. Howe, Mr. Foulke, Mr. Blackwell and others --
Many interesting speeches -- Miss Shaw's anecdotes -- Her Sunday
sermon, "Let no man take thy crown;" this was written to the
church and includes woman, responsibility should be placed on
women to steady them in the use of power -- Letter commending
Woman Suffrage from Gov. Davis H. Waite of Colorado -- Rachel
Foster Avery tells of Miss Anthony's part in securing the World's
Fair Board of Lady Managers -- Discussion on Federal Suffrage --
Kate Field states her position.

CHAPTER XV.

NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1895 236-251

The Atlanta convention first one held outside of Washington --
Cordial reception by press and people -- Miss Anthony's charm as
presiding officer -- Examples of bright informal business
meetings -- Addresses of welcome by Mayor and others -- Woman as
a Subject -- Out of Her Sphere -- The New Woman of the New South
-- Woman Suffrage a Solution of the Negro Problem -- Good
suggestions for Organization and Legislative Work -- Three
Classes of Opponents.

CHAPTER XVI.

NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1896 252-269

The Rev. Miss Shaw's account of Miss Anthony's and her trip to
the Pacific Coast -- Philosophy of Woman Suffrage -- Universal
not Limited Suffrage -- Memorial service for Frederick Douglass,
Theodore Lovett Sewall, Ellen Battelle Dietrick and others --
Welcome to Utah, a new State with Full Suffrage for Women --
Response by Senator Frank J. Cannon and Representative C. E.
Allen -- Contest over the resolution against Mrs. Stanton's
Woman's Bible -- Miss Anthony's eloquent protest -- Resolution
adopted -- Women as Legislators -- Charlotte Perkins Stetson on
The Ballot as an Improver of Motherhood -- Congressional Hearings
-- Representative John F. Shafroth on the good effects of Woman
Suffrage in Colorado -- Paper of Mrs. Stanton picturing dark page
which present political position of woman will offer to historian
of the future.

CHAPTER XVII.

NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1897 270-287

Annual meeting in Des Moines welcomed by the Governor, the Mayor,
the Rev. H. O. Breeden and others -- Miss Anthony in her
president's address describes campaigns the previous year in
Idaho, where Woman Suffrage was carried, and in California where
it was defeated -- Eulogized by the _Leader_ -- Mrs. Chapman Catt
receives an ovation -- Mrs. Colby presents memorial resolutions
for nearly forty faithful friends -- President George A. Gates of
Iowa College advocates woman suffrage -- Maternal Love High but
Narrow -- Domestic Life of Suffragists -- Should the Advocates of
Woman Suffrage Be Strictly Non-Partisan? -- Celebration in honor
of the Free States, Wyoming, Colorado, Utah and Idaho -- All
God's Works Recognize Co-equality of Male and Female -- Letter
from daughter of Speaker Reed -- Press Work -- Presidential
Suffrage.

CHAPTER XVIII.

NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1898 288-321

Fiftieth Anniversary of First Woman's Rights Convention -- Chief
obstacle to organization is women themselves -- Gains of
half-a-century -- Miss Anthony's birthday luncheon -- Mrs.
Stanton's paper on Our Defeats and Our Triumphs -- The
Distinguished Dead -- Mrs. Hooker and Miss Anthony in pretty
scene -- Roll-call of Pioneers -- Letter from Abigail Bush,
president of first convention -- Greetings from Lucinda H. Stone,
Dr. Elizabeth Blackwell and many individuals and associations --
Addresses by Mrs. Cannon, a woman State Senator from Utah, Mrs.
Conine, a woman State Representative from Colorado, Miss Reel,
State Superintendent of Instruction from Wyoming, U. S. Senators
Teller and Cannon, and others -- Senate Hearing -- Wm. Lloyd
Garrison on The Nature of a Republican Form of Government -- May
Wright Sewall on Fitness of Women to Become Citizens from the
Standpoint of Education and Mental Development -- The Rev. Anna
Garlin Spencer on Moral Development -- Laura Clay on Physical
Development -- Harriot Stanton Blatch on Woman as an Economic
Factor -- Florence Kelley, State Factory Inspector of Illinois,
on the Workingwoman's Need of the Ballot -- Mariana W. Chapman on
Women as Capitalists and Taxpayers -- Elizabeth Burrill Curtis,
Are Women Represented in Our Government? -- Henry B. Blackwell,
Woman Suffrage and the Home -- Mrs. Stanton, The Significance and
History of the Ballot -- House Hearing -- Practical Working of
Woman Suffrage -- Alice Stone Blackwell on The Indifference of
Women -- Miss Anthony Closes Hearing.

CHAPTER XIX.

NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1899 322-348

Excellent arrangements at Grand Rapids -- Welcome from women's
organizations -- Miss Anthony's response; counting negro men and
refusing them representation no worse than counting all women and
refusing them representation, not discouraged, help of the press
-- The Rev. Anna Garlin Spencer on Our Duty to Our New
Possessions; strong protest against giving their men political
power and refusing it to their women -- Discussion; commissions
sent to investigate commerce, finance, everything but social
conditions, demand for commission of women, in all savage tribes
women superior to men, they should have ballot in Hawaii and the
Philippines -- Letter from Samuel Gompers -- Care to secure
soldiers' votes -- Effects of Suffrage Teaching -- Mrs. Sewall on
True Civilization -- Miss Shaw speaks -- Mrs. Stanton on Women
Alone Left to Fight their own Battles -- Women and War --
Epigrams from Southern women--Miss Anthony on Every Woman Can
Help -- Resolutions of encouragement -- Memorial services for
Parker Pillsbury, Robert Purvis, Matilda Joslyn Gage and many
others, with Mrs. Stanton's tribute -- Efforts of the National
Association to secure equal rights for Hawaiian women -- Shameful
action of Congressional Committee -- Unimpeachable testimony from
the Philippines.

CHAPTER XX.

NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1900 349-384

Woman suffrage editorial in Washington _Post_ -- Large number of
young college women present -- Miss Anthony's last opening
address as President -- Miss Shaw tells joke on her and then
describes International Council of Women in London -- Miss
Anthony reports as delegate to the Council, which was in effect a
big suffrage meeting -- The Winning of Educational Freedom for
Women -- Woman Suffrage in Colorado -- New Professions for Women
Centering in the Home -- Justice of Woman Suffrage -- Federation
of Labor for woman's enfranchisement -- Conditions of
Wage-earning Women -- Miss Shaw's sermon on the Rights of Women
-- Woman Suffrage in the South -- Work done in Congress and Miss
Anthony's part in it -- Congressional Hearings -- Woman's
Franchise in England -- Mrs. Chapman Catt on Why We Ask for the
Submission of an Amendment -- Miss Anthony closes Senate hearing
with touching appeal -- Constitutional Argument before House
Committee by Mrs. Blake -- Mrs. Stanton's annual State paper --
The Economic Basis of Woman Suffrage -- The Protective Power of
the Ballot -- Miss Shaw's plea for justice and liberty -- First
appearance of Anti-Suffragists -- Their amusing inconsistencies
-- Charges made by them officially refuted -- Miss Anthony's
reception by President and Mrs. McKinley.

CHAPTER XXI.

NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1900 CONTINUED 385-405

Miss Anthony's determination to resign the presidency -- Her
address to the convention -- Affecting scene at the election of
Carrie Chapman Catt -- Her acceptance -- Press notices of the new
President -- Birthday gifts to Miss Anthony -- Interesting
occurrences of the last session -- The retiring president
introduces her successor, who makes a strong address -- Miss
Anthony's Farewell -- Birthday Celebration in Lafayette Opera
House -- Program and _Woman's Tribune_ report -- Women in all
professions bring tributes of gratitude -- Organizations of women
send greetings -- Colored women express devotion -- Presents from
the "four free States" and from the District of Columbia -- Mrs.
Coonley-Ward's poem -- Mrs. Stanton's daughter brings her
mother's love -- Miss Shaw's inspiring words -- Miss Anthony's
beautiful response -- Evening reception at Corcoran Art Gallery
attended by thousands -- Great changes wrought in one life-time.

CHAPTER XXII.

THE AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION 406-433

Annual meeting of 1884 in Chicago -- Lucy Stone's account in
_Woman's Journal_ -- Work in the South -- Resolutions and plan of
work -- Memorial service for Wendell Phillips, Frances Dana Gage
and others -- List of officers -- Annual meeting of 1885 --
Welcomed by Mayor of Minneapolis -- Julia Ward Howe responds --
Letters from Louisa M. Alcott, Mary A. Livermore, Chancellor Wm.
G. Eliot, Dr. Mary F. Thomas -- Major J. A. Pickler tells of
Woman Suffrage in South Dakota -- Need of converting women --
Lucy Stone on Fair Play -- Annual meeting of 1886 -- Cordial
greeting of Topeka -- Addresses of welcome review history of
Woman Suffrage in Kansas -- President Wm. Dudley Foulke and Mrs.
Howe respond with tributes to men of Kansas -- Speech of Prof. W.
H. Carruth -- Mr. Foulke on the Value of Dreamers -- Many letters
and telegrams -- Annual meeting of 1887 -- State Senator A. D.
Harlan gives welcome of Philadelphia -- Col. T. W. Higginson's
address -- Report of Lucy Stone, chairman of executive committee
-- Resolutions congratulating Kansas women on the granting of
Municipal Suffrage -- Great suffrage bazar in Boston -- Annual
meeting of 1888 -- Favorable comment of Cincinnati papers --
Letter from Clara Barton -- Address of Henry B. Blackwell -- Lucy
Stone's description -- Large amount of work done -- Committee to
arrange for union with National Suffrage Association -- In 1889
delegates from both organizations perfect arrangements -- Appeal
of Mrs. Stone, Mrs. Howe and Mrs. Livermore to constitutional
conventions of Dakota, Washington, Montana and Idaho -- Visit of
Mr. Blackwell to first three to secure Woman Suffrage Amendments
-- In 1890 the two associations hold joint convention in national
capital.

CHAPTER XXIII.

SUFFRAGE WORK IN POLITICAL AND OTHER CONVENTIONS 434-449

Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony make first appeal to political
conventions in 1868 -- Faint recognition of National Republican
Convention in 1872, 1876, 1888, 1892, 1896 -- No Democratic
national platform ever noticed women -- Record of Populists on
Woman Suffrage -- Course pursued by Prohibition and other parties
-- Women as delegates -- Miss Anthony's work in various
conventions -- Unusual efforts made in 1900 -- Letters and
Memorial to all parties -- Amazing result in Republican platform
-- Ignored by Democrats and Populists -- Sentiment developed
among delegates -- Petitions to non-political conventions --
Approval of Labor organizations -- Effect in Brewers' Convention
-- Strong testimony from Wyoming -- Thousands of letters
written--Petitions for Woman Suffrage representing millions of
individuals sent to Congress.

CHAPTER XXIV.

THE RIGHTS OF WOMEN IN THE STATES 450-464

Status of woman at close of the century as shown in Organization,
Legislative Action, Laws, Suffrage, Office-holding, Occupations
and Education -- Part of different associations in securing
present conditions -- Every State shows progress -- Legal and
civil rights of women now approximate those of men -- Property
laws for wives -- Guardianship of children -- Causes for divorce
in various States -- "Age of protection" for girls -- The amount
of suffrage women now possess -- Women in office in various
States -- Occupations open to women -- Educational advantages.

CHAPTER XXV.

ALABAMA 465-469

Organization for suffrage -- Legislative action and laws --
Office-holding -- Occupations -- Education -- Clubs.

CHAPTER XXVI.

ARIZONA 470-474

Same as above -- (School Suffrage).

CHAPTER XXVII.

ARKANSAS 475-477

Same as above.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

CALIFORNIA 478-494

Early efforts for the suffrage -- Woman's Congress -- Amendment
submitted to voters -- Great campaign of 1896 -- National
officers go to its assistance -- Experience with State political
conventions -- Favorable attitude of the Press -- Liquor dealers
fight Woman Suffrage -- Treachery of party managers -- Defeat and
its causes.

SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA 494-508

First suffrage society -- Woman's Parliament -- Organization and
work for the great campaign -- Methods worthy of imitation --
Friendly spirit of the press and many associations -- Southern
California declares for Woman Suffrage -- Laws for women -- Ellen
Clark Sargent's test case in San Francisco for the franchise --
Large donations of women for education.

CHAPTER XXIX.

COLORADO 509-534

Organization for Woman Suffrage -- Question submitted to voters
-- Endorsed by all political parties -- Work of women in the
campaign -- Eastern anti-suffragists and Western liquor dealers
join hands -- Amendment carries by over 6,000 -- Reasons for
success -- After the battle -- Political work of women -- Only
three per cent. failed to vote in 1900 -- Laws -- Legislature of
1899 urges all States to enfranchise women -- General effects of
woman suffrage.

CHAPTER XXX.

CONNECTICUT 535-542

Organization for suffrage -- Legislative action and laws --
School Suffrage -- Office-holding of women -- Occupations --
Education -- Clubs.

CHAPTER XXXI.

DAKOTA 543-544

Suffrage work in the Territory.

NORTH DAKOTA 544-552

Efforts of women for the franchise in first constitutional
convention -- Organization of suffrage clubs to secure amendment
of constitution -- Legislative action and laws -- School Suffrage
-- Office-holding of women -- Occupations -- Education -- Clubs.

SOUTH DAKOTA 552-562

Same as above -- Campaign of 1890 to secure Woman Suffrage
Amendment -- Assistance of National Association -- Hardships of
the canvass -- Treachery of politicians -- Amendment defeated by
nearly 24,000 -- Second attempt in 1898 -- Defeated by 3,285.

CHAPTER XXXII.

DELAWARE 563-566

Organization for suffrage -- Legislative action and laws --
School Suffrage -- Office-holding of women -- Occupations --
Education -- Clubs.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA 567-576

Peculiar position of women -- Work of Suffrage Association with
Congressional Committees -- Property rights secured -- Women on
School Board -- Women in Government Departments -- Woman's
College of Law -- Other things accomplished by women of the
District.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

FLORIDA 577-580

Organization for suffrage -- Effort to raise "age of protection"
for girls and its failure -- Laws -- Occupations -- Education.

CHAPTER XXXV.

GEORGIA 581-588

Same as above -- Annual convention of National Association in
1895.

CHAPTER XXXVI.

IDAHO 589-597

First work for woman suffrage -- Submission of Amendment --
Campaign of 1896 -- Favored by all political parties -- Carried
by large majority -- Favorable decision of Supreme Court -- Women
elected to office -- Percentage of women voting -- Effects of
woman's vote -- Endorsement of prominent men -- Laws, etc.

CHAPTER XXXVII.

ILLINOIS 598-613

Organization -- Obtaining School Suffrage -- Supreme Court gives
wide latitude to Legislature -- Women trustees for State
University -- Equal guardianship of children for mothers -- Many
women in office -- Women's part in Columbian Exposition --
Remarkable achievement of two teachers in compelling corporations
to pay taxes -- Education.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

INDIANA 614-627

Early suffrage organization -- Efforts in political conventions
-- Work in Legislature -- Laws -- Amazing decisions of Supreme
Court on the right of women to practice law, keep a saloon and
vote -- Struggle for police matrons -- Women organized in fifty
departments of work.

CHAPTER XXXIX.

IOWA 628-637

Long years of organized work -- Continued refusal of Legislature
to submit a Woman Suffrage Amendment to voters -- Convention of
the National Association in 1897 -- Liberal laws for women --
Many holding office -- Bond Suffrage.

CHAPTER XL.

KANSAS 638-664

Organization work and large number of conventions -- Granting of
Municipal Suffrage -- Alliance with parties -- Efforts for Full
Suffrage -- Amendment submitted -- Republicans fail to endorse --
Campaign of 1894 -- National Association and officers assist --
Amendment defeated by defection of all parties -- Attempt to
secure suffrage by statute -- A pioneer in liberal laws for women
-- They hold offices not held by those of any other State --
Official statistics of woman's vote -- Many restrictions placed
on Municipal Suffrage -- Class of women who use the franchise.

CHAPTER XLI.

KENTUCKY 665-677

Organization -- Efforts to secure Full Suffrage from
Constitutional Convention -- State Association succeeds in
revolutionizing the property laws for women -- School Suffrage --
Educational facilities, etc.

CHAPTER XLII.

LOUISIANA 678-688

Women's work at Cotton Centennial and in Anti-lottery Campaign --
Organization for suffrage -- Efforts in Constitutional Convention
of 1898 -- Taxpayer's Suffrage granted to women -- Campaign in
New Orleans for Sewerage and Drainage -- Measure carried by the
women -- Napoleonic code of laws.

CHAPTER XLIII.

MAINE 689-694

Organization for suffrage -- Legislative action and laws --
Office-holding of women -- Occupations -- Education -- Clubs.

CHAPTER XLIV.

MARYLAND 695-700

Same as above -- Pioneers in Woman's Rights -- Women vote in
Annapolis -- Contest of Miss Maddox to practice law -- Work of
women for Medical Department of Johns Hopkins University.

CHAPTER XLV.

MASSACHUSETTS 701-750

Pioneer work for suffrage -- New England and State Associations
and May Festivals -- List of Officers -- Death of Lucy Stone --
Anti-Suffrage Association formed -- Fifty years of Legislative
Work -- Republicans declare for Woman Suffrage -- Submission of
Mock Referendum -- Campaign in its behalf -- Activity of the
"antis" -- Measure defeated, but woman's vote more than ten to
one in favor in every district -- Laws -- Equal guardianship of
children -- School Suffrage -- Women in office -- Education --
Pay of women teachers.

NATIONAL SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION OF MASSACHUSETTS 750-754

Organization -- Efforts to secure large school vote --
Legislative work -- Assistance in Referendum Campaign -- Press
work -- Many meetings held.

CHAPTER XLVI.

MICHIGAN 755-771

Organization -- Efforts in political conventions -- Municipal
Suffrage granted to women -- Declared unconstitutional by Supreme
Court -- Coarse methods of opponents -- Convention of National
Association in 1899 -- Laws -- School Suffrage -- Woman can not
be prosecuting attorney -- Education, etc.

CHAPTER XLVII.

MINNESOTA 772-782

Organization -- Legislative action and laws -- School and Library
Suffrage -- Women in office -- Occupations -- Education -- Clubs.

CHAPTER XLVIII.

MISSISSIPPI 783-789

Organization -- Legislative action -- Good property laws --
Efforts to secure suffrage for women from Constitutional
Convention -- Fragmentary franchise -- Education.

CHAPTER XLIX.

MISSOURI 790-795

Organization -- Legislative action and laws -- Office-holding --
Education.

CHAPTER L.

MONTANA 796-801

Organization -- Attempt to obtain Woman Suffrage from first
Constitutional Convention -- School and Taxpayers' Suffrage
granted -- Legislative action and laws -- Office-holding --
Women's work for location of capital and at World's Fair.

CHAPTER LI.

NEBRASKA 802-809

Same as above -- (School Suffrage).

CHAPTER LII.

NEVADA 810-814

Same as above.

CHAPTER LIII.

NEW HAMPSHIRE 815-819

Same as above -- School Suffrage.

CHAPTER LIV.

NEW JERSEY 820-834

Organization -- Attempt for amendment for School Suffrage --
Defeated by 10,000 majority -- Legislative action and laws --
First State in which women voted -- How they were deprived of the
ballot -- Franchise now possessed -- Office-holding -- Women in
professions.

CHAPTER LV.

NEW MEXICO 835-838

Organization -- Legislative action and laws -- Office-holding --
Education -- Equal rights for women among Spanish-Americans.

CHAPTER LVI.

NEW YORK 839-873

Battle-ground for Woman Suffrage -- Conventions for fifty years
-- Great campaign in 1894 to secure amendment from Constitutional
Convention -- Governors Hill and Flower recommend women delegates
-- Parties refuse to nominate them -- Miss Anthony speaks in all
the sixty counties -- Vast amount of work by other women -- In
New York and Albany women organize in opposition -- 600,000
petition for suffrage, 15,000 against -- Convention refuses to
submit Amendment to voters -- Long-continued efforts in
Legislature -- Liberal laws for women -- School and Taxpayers'
Suffrage -- Many women in office -- Superior educational
advantages -- Political and other clubs.

CHAPTER LVII.

NORTH CAROLINA 874-876

Agitation of suffrage question -- Legislative action and laws --
Education.

CHAPTER LVIII.

OHIO 877-885

Organization -- Mrs. Southworth's excellent scheme of enrollment
-- Legislative action and laws -- Successful contest in
Legislature and Supreme Court for School Suffrage -- Women on
School Boards -- Education -- Clubs -- Rookwood pottery.

CHAPTER LIX.

OKLAHOMA 886-890

Organization -- Legislative action and laws -- Attempt to secure
Full Suffrage from Legislature of 1899 -- Eastern "antis" and
Oklahoma liquor dealers co-operate -- Treachery of a pretended
friend -- Office-holding -- School Suffrage.

CHAPTER LX.

OREGON 891-897

Organization -- Congress of Women -- Legislature submits Suffrage
Amendment -- Defeated in 1900 by only 2,000 votes, nearly all in
Portland -- Excellent laws for women -- School Suffrage --
Occupations.

CHAPTER LXI.

PENNSYLVANIA 898-906

Organization -- Press work -- Philadelphia society -- Women
taxpayers -- Legislative action and laws -- Office-holding --
Hannah Penn a Governor -- Women in professions -- Oldest Medical
College for Women -- Educational advantages -- Clubs.

CHAPTER LXII.

RHODE ISLAND 907-921

Early organization -- State officers -- Legislative action and
laws -- Campaign for Woman Suffrage Amendment in 1887 -- Ably
advocated but defeated -- Efforts to secure Amendment from
Constitutional Convention in 1897 -- Women in office -- Admitted
to Brown University -- Clubs and Local Council of Women.

CHAPTER LXIII.

SOUTH CAROLINA 922-925

Organization -- Legislative action and laws -- Office-holding --
Education.

CHAPTER LXIV.

TENNESSEE 926-930

Organization -- Protest of women against disfranchisement --
Legislative action -- Cruel laws for women -- Occupations --
Education.

CHAPTER LXV.

TEXAS 931-935

Organization -- Laws -- Office-holding -- Occupations --
Education.

CHAPTER LXVI.

UTAH 936-956

Women enfranchised by Territorial Legislature in 1870 -- _Woman's
Exponent_ -- Congress disfranchises women in 1887 -- They
organize to secure their rights -- Canvass the State and hold
mass meetings -- Appear before Constitutional Convention and ask
for Suffrage Amendment, which is granted--Miss Anthony and the
Rev. Anna Howard Shaw visit Salt Lake City--Amendment carried by
large majority in 1895--Official statistics of woman's
vote--Laws--Office-holding--Women legislators--Women
delegates--Education--Clubs.

CHAPTER LXVII.

VERMONT 957-963

Organization -- Legislative action and laws -- School Suffrage --
Women office-holders -- Education -- Progressive steps.

CHAPTER LXVIII.

VIRGINIA 964-966

Agitation of suffrage question -- Laws for women -- Education --
Woman head of family.

CHAPTER LXIX.

WASHINGTON 967-979

Women enfranchised by Territorial Legislature in 1883 -- Figures
of vote -- Unconstitutionally disfranchised by Supreme Court --
Suffrage Amendment refused in Constitutional Convention for
Statehood -- Submitted separately and defeated in 1889 -- Action
of political conventions in 1896 -- Experience in Legislature --
Amendment again submitted -- Campaign of 1898 -- Defeated by
majority less than one-half that of nine years before --
Organization -- Legislative action and laws -- School suffrage --
Office-holding -- Occupations.

CHAPTER LXX.

WEST VIRGINIA 980-984

Organization -- Legislative action and laws -- Office-holding --
Education.

CHAPTER LXXI.

WISCONSIN 985-993

Organization -- Canvass of State -- Long but successful struggle
to secure School Suffrage -- Decisions of Supreme Court -- Laws
-- Women in office -- Education.

CHAPTER LXXII.

WYOMING 994-1011

First place in the United States to enfranchise women --
Territorial Legislature gave Full Suffrage in 1869 -- People
satisfied with it -- Constitutional Convention for Statehood
unanimously includes Woman Suffrage -- Strong speeches in favor
-- Fight against it in Congress -- Debate for amusement of
present and wonder of future generations -- Men of Wyoming stand
firm -- Finally admitted to the Union -- Celebration in new State
-- Honors paid to women -- Miss Anthony and the Rev. Anna Howard
Shaw visit Cheyenne -- Interesting scene -- Highest testimony in
favor of Woman Suffrage -- Legislature of 1901 urges every State
to enfranchise its women -- Women on juries -- Effects of woman's
vote -- Laws -- Office-holding.

CHAPTER LXXIII.

GREAT BRITAIN.

EFFORTS FOR PARLIAMENTARY FRANCHISE 1012-1037

Household suffrage for men proves a disadvantage to women --
Primrose League and Liberal Federation -- Women in politics --
Vote on Suffrage Bill in 1886 -- _Nineteenth Century_ and
_Fortnightly Review_ open their columns to a discussion --
Parliamentary tactics in 1891 to defeat the Bill -- Vote in 1892
shows opposing majority of only 17 out of 367 -- Great efforts of
women in 1895-6 -- Petition of 257,796 presented -- In 1897 the
Bill passes second reading by majority of 71 -- Kept from a vote
since then by shrewd management -- Its friends and its enemies --
Franchise given to women in Ireland -- Efforts of wage-earning
women -- Death of Queen Victoria.

LAWS SPECIALLY AFFECTING WOMEN 1021

Guardianship of Children, Property Rights of Wives, etc.

LAWS RELATING TO LOCAL GOVERNMENT 1022

Municipal Franchise for Women of England, Scotland and Ireland --
Women on school boards, county councils, poor-law boards, etc. --
Deprived of seats in borough councils.

WOMEN IN PUBLIC WORK 1023

On Royal Commissions, as factory, school and sanitary inspectors.

STEPS IN EDUCATION 1024

Admission to Universities and opening of Woman's Colleges.

THE ISLE OF MAN 1025

Full Suffrage granted to women.

NEW ZEALAND 1025

Steps for the Parliamentary Franchise -- Granted in 1893 --
Statistics of woman's vote.

SOUTH AUSTRALIA 1027

As above -- Granted in 1894.

WEST AUSTRALIA 1029

As above -- Granted in 1899.

NEW SOUTH WALES 1029

As above -- Granted in 1902.

VICTORIA 1031

Efforts for Parliamentary Franchise.

QUEENSLAND 1032

As above.

TASMANIA 1033

As above.

SOUTH AFRICAN AND OTHER COLONIES 1033

DOMINION OF CANADA 1034

Efforts for Parliamentary Franchise -- Present political
conditions -- Municipal and School Suffrage in the various
Provinces -- Right of women to hold office.

CHAPTER LXXIV.

WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN OTHER COUNTRIES 1038-1041

A limited vote granted in most places -- Situation in Germany --
Woman's franchise in Russia -- Advanced action in Finland --
Situation in Belgium -- Many rights in Sweden and Norway.

CHAPTER LXXV.

NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS OF WOMEN 1042-1073

First societies on record -- Progress by decades -- Women's club
houses -- Changed status of women's conventions -- List of
National Associations -- Evolution of their objects -- Women
gradually learning the disadvantages of disfranchisement --
4,000,000 enrolled in organized work for the good of humanity --
Must necessarily become great factor in public life -- Government
will be obliged to have their assistance.

APPENDIX.

EMINENT ADVOCATES OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE 1075-1085

Presidents, Vice-presidents, Supreme Court Judges, U. S. Senators
and Representatives, Governors of States, Presidents of
Universities, Clergymen and other noted individuals who advocate
the enfranchisement of women.

TESTIMONY FROM WOMAN SUFFRAGE STATES 1085-1094

Signed statements from the highest authorities in Colorado,
Idaho, Utah and Wyoming as to the value of woman's vote in public
affairs and the absence of predicted evils.

NEW YORK 1094-1096

Legal opinion on Suffrage and Office-holding for Women.

WASHINGTON 1096-1098

Detailed statement of women's voting and their unconstitutional
disfranchisement by the Territorial Supreme Court.

CONSTITUTION OF NATIONAL-AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION 1098-1104

Résumé of its principal points -- Officers -- Standing and
Special Committees -- Life Members -- List of delegates to
national conventions.

ALPHABETICAL INDEX OF SUBJECTS 1105-1121

ALPHABETICAL INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 1122-1144

CHAPTER I.

WOMAN'S CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT TO VOTE.

In the early days of the movement to enfranchise women, no other
method was considered than that of altering the constitution of each
individual State, as it was generally accepted that the right to
prescribe the qualifications for the suffrage rested entirely with the
States and that the National Constitution could not be invoked for
this purpose. While the word "male" was not used in this document, yet
with the one exception of New Jersey, where women exercised the full
suffrage from the adoption of its first constitution in 1776 until
1807, there is no record of any woman's being permitted to vote. At
the inception of the republic women were almost wholly uneducated;
they were unknown in the industrial world; there were very few
property owners among them; the manifold exactions of domestic duties
absorbed all their time, strength and interest; and for these and many
other causes they were not public factors in even the smallest sense
of the word. One could readily believe that the founders of the
Government never imagined a time when women would ask for a voice were
it not for the significant fact that every State constitution, except
the one mentioned above, was careful to put up an absolute barrier
against such a contingency by confining the elective franchise
strictly to "male" citizens--and there it has stood impassable down to
the present day.

It was almost the exact middle of the nineteenth century before the
first demand was made by women for the right to represent
themselves--the right for which their forefathers had fought a
seven-years' war, and the one which had been made the corner-stone of
the new Government. The complete story of the startling results which
followed this demand never has been told but once, and that was when
Vol. I of this History of Woman Suffrage was written. It was related
then by the two who were the principal personages in a period which
tried women's souls as they were never tried before--Elizabeth Cady
Stanton and Susan B. Anthony.[3]

This movement for the freedom of women was scarcely launched when the
long-threatened Civil War broke forth and precipitated the struggle
for the liberty of another class whose slavery seemed far more
terrible than the servitude of white women. The five years' ordeal
which followed developed women as all the previous centuries had not
been able to do, and when peace reigned once more, when an entire race
had been born into freedom and the republic had been consecrated anew,
the whole status of the American woman had been changed and the lines
which circumscribed her old sphere had been forever obliterated. Women
were studying laws, constitutions and public questions as never before
in all history, and, as they saw millions of colored men endowed with
the full prerogatives of citizenship, they began to ask, "Am I not
also a citizen of this great republic and entitled to all its rights
and privileges?"

Up to this time the word "male" never had appeared in the Federal
Constitution. In 1865, when the leaders among women were beginning to
gather up their scattered forces, and the Fourteenth Amendment was
under discussion, they saw to their amazement and indignation that it
was proposed to incorporate in that instrument this discriminating
word. Miss Anthony was the first to sound the alarm, and Mrs. Stanton
quickly came to her aid in the attempt to prevent this desecration of
the people's Bill of Rights. The thrilling account of their efforts to
thwart this highhanded act, their abandonment in consequence by nearly
all of their co-workers before and during the war, their anger and
humiliation at seeing the former slaves, whom they had helped to free,
made their political superiors and endowed with a personal
representation in Government which women had been pilloried for
asking--all this is graphically told in Vol. II of the History of
Woman Suffrage, Chaps. XVII and XXI. The story with many personal
touches is also related in the Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony,
Chaps. XV and XVI.

The Fourteenth Amendment was declared adopted July 28, 1868,[4] and
the women felt that the ground had been swept from beneath their feet,
as now the barriers opposed to their enfranchisement by all the State
constitutions had been doubly and trebly strengthened by sanction of
the National Constitution. The first ray of encouragement came in
October, 1869, when, at a State woman suffrage convention held in St.
Louis, Mo., Francis Minor, a leading attorney of that city, declared
that this very Fourteenth Amendment in enfranchising colored men had
performed a like service for all women. His argument was embodied
concisely in the following resolutions, which were adopted by that
convention with great enthusiasm, and by the National Association at
its annual convention in Washington, D. C., the next January:

WHEREAS, All persons born or naturalized in the United States,
and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the
United States and of the State wherein they reside; therefore be
it

_Resolved_, 1. That the immunities and privileges of American
citizenship, however defined, are national in character and
paramount to all State authority.

2. That while the Constitution of the United States leaves the
qualification of electors to the several States, it nowhere gives
them the right to _deprive_ any citizen of the elective franchise
which is possessed by any other citizen--to _regulate_ not
including the right to _prohibit_.

3. That, as the Constitution of the United States expressly
declares that no State shall make or enforce any laws that shall
abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United
States, those provisions of the several State constitutions which
exclude women from the franchise on account of sex are violative
alike of the spirit and letter of the Federal Constitution.

4. That, as the subject of _naturalization_ is expressly withheld
from the States, and as the States clearly have no right to
deprive of the franchise naturalized citizens, among whom women
are expressly included, still more clearly have they no right to
deprive native-born women citizens of the franchise.

In support of these resolutions various portions of the National
Constitution were quoted, including Article IV, Section 2: "The
citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and
immunities of citizens in the several States;" and Section 4: "The
United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a
republican form of government." Many other authorities were cited,
including numerous court decisions, as to the right of women to the
suffrage now that their citizenship had been clearly established and
the protection of its privileges and immunities guaranteed.

This position was sustained by many of the best lawyers in the United
States, including members of Congress. The previous May the National
Woman Suffrage Association had been formed in New York City, and
henceforth this right to vote under the Fourteenth Amendment was made
the keynote of all its speeches, resolutions, etc., as will be seen in
the History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. II, Chap. XXIII.

For the first time the Federal Constitution had defined the term
"citizen," leaving no doubt that a woman was a citizen in the fullest
meaning of the word. Until now there had been but one Supreme Court
decision on this point--that of Chief Justice Taney in 1857, in the
Dred Scott Case, which declared that citizens were "the political body
who, according to our republican institutions, form the sovereignty
and hold the power, and conduct the Government through their
representatives." This plainly had barred negroes and white women from
citizenship.

At the next general election, in 1872, women attempted to vote in many
parts of the country, in some cases their votes being received, in
others rejected.[5] The vote of Miss Anthony was accepted in
Rochester, N. Y., and she was then arrested for a criminal offense,
tried and fined in the U. S. Circuit Court at Canandaigua, by
Associate Justice Ward Hunt of the U. S. Supreme Court. There is no
more flagrant judicial outrage on record. The full account of this
case, in which she was refused the right of trial by jury as
guaranteed by the Constitution, will be found in Vol. II, History of
Woman Suffrage, p. 627 and following; also much more in detail in the
Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony, p. 423, with her great
Constitutional Argument delivered in fifty of the postoffice districts
of the two counties before the trial, p. 977 and following.

The vote of Mrs. Virginia L. Minor was refused in St. Louis and she
brought suit against the inspectors of election. The case was decided
against her in the Circuit Court of the county and the Supreme Court
of Missouri. She then carried it to the Supreme Court of the United
States--_Minor vs. Happersett et al._ No. 182, October term, 1874. The
case was argued by her husband, Francis Minor, and after the lapse of
a quarter of a century it is still believed that his argument could
not have been excelled. The decision was delivered by Chief Justice
Waite, March 29, 1875, and was in brief: "The National Constitution
does not define the privileges and immunities of citizens. The United
States has no voters of its own creation. The Constitution does not
confer the right of suffrage upon any one, but the franchise must be
regulated by the States. The Fourteenth Amendment does not add to the
privileges and immunities of a citizen; it simply furnishes an
additional guarantee to protect those he already has. Before the
passage of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments the States had the
power to disfranchise on account of race or color. These Amendments,
ratified by the States, simply forbade that discrimination but did not
forbid that against sex."

The full text of argument and decision will be found in the History of
Woman Suffrage, Vol. II, p. 715 and following. In making this decision
the Court was compelled to reverse absolutely its own finding of three
years previous in what was known as the _Slaughter House Cases_ (16
Wallace) which said: "The negro having by the Fourteenth Amendment
been declared to be a citizen of the United States, _is thus made a
voter_ in every State in the Union."

The Fifteenth Amendment says: "The right of citizens of the United
States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or
by any State on account of race, color or previous condition of
servitude." No right is conferred by this amendment. It simply
guarantees protection for a right already existing in the citizen, and
the negro having been declared a citizen by the Fourteenth Amendment
is thus protected in his right to vote. But whence did he obtain this
right unless from the National Constitution, which the Supreme Court
in the Minor decision declares "does not confer the right of suffrage
upon any one"? Volume II of this History of Woman Suffrage, containing
nearly 1,000 pages, is devoted mainly to a recital of the efforts on
the part of women to obtain and exercise the franchise through the
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. This decision of the Supreme
Court destroyed the last hope, although it did not shake the belief of
the leaders of this movement in the justice and legality of their
claim.

A number of the women contended that, if the National Constitution did
not confer Full Suffrage, it did at least guarantee Federal
Suffrage--the right to vote for Congressional Representatives--and in
this opinion they were sustained by eminent lawyers. The National
Association, however, never made an issue of this question,
considering that it would be useless, but it has a Standing Committee
on Federal Suffrage empowered to make such efforts in this direction
as it deems advisable.[6]

The assertion is made that if Congress had no authority over the
election of its own members, it would be wholly unable to perpetuate
itself should the States at any time decide that they no longer care
to be under the authority of a central governing body, and refuse to
elect Representatives. Many able reports have been made by this
Standing Committee, and the question was clearly stated in an article
in _The Arena_, December, 1891, by Francis Minor, who gave the
question of woman suffrage a more thorough legal examination,
perhaps, than any other man. He prepared the following bill which was
presented in the House of Representatives, April 25, 1892, by the Hon.
Clarence D. Clark, member from Wyoming:

AN ACT TO PROTECT THE RIGHT OF CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES TO
REGISTER AND TO VOTE FOR MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

WHEREAS, The right to choose Members of the House of
Representatives is vested by the Constitution in the people of
the several States, without distinction of sex, but for want of
proper legislation has hitherto been restricted to one-half of
the people; for the purpose, therefore, of correcting this error
and of giving effect to the Constitution:

_Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled:_ That at all
elections hereafter held in the several States of this Union for
members of the House of Representatives, the right of citizens of
the United States, of either sex, above the age of twenty-one
years, to register and to vote for such Representatives shall not
be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on
account of sex.

The argument for the authority of Congress to pass this law is based
partly on Article I of the Federal Constitution:

SECTION 2. The House of Representatives shall be composed of
members chosen every second year by the people of the several
States; and the electors in each State shall have the
qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch
of the State Legislature.

SECTION 4. The time, place and manner of holding elections for
Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each State by
the Legislature thereof, but the Congress may at any time by law
make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of
choosing Senators.[7]

Congress is here endowed unquestionably with the right to regulate the
election of Representatives. James Madison, one of the framers of the
Constitution, when asked the intention of this clause, in the Virginia
convention of 1788, called to ratify this instrument, answered that
the power was reserved to Congress because "should the people of any
State by any means be deprived of the right of suffrage, it was judged
proper that it should be remedied by the General Government."
[Elliott's Debates, Vol. II, p. 266.]

Again Madison said in _The Federalist_ (No. 54), in speaking of the
enumeration for Representatives:

The Federal Constitution, therefore, decides with great propriety
in the case of our slaves when it views them in the mixed
character of persons and property. This is in fact their true
character. It is the character bestowed on them by the laws under
which they live; and it will not be denied that these are the
proper criteria; because it is only under the pretext that the
laws have transformed the negroes into subjects of property, that
_a place is disputed them in the computation of numbers_; and it
is admitted that, if the laws were to restore the rights which
have been taken away, _the negroes could no longer be refused an
equal share of representation_.

Therefore, as women _are_ counted in the enumeration on which the
Congressional apportionment is based, they are legally entitled to an
equal share in direct representation.

In 1884 the case of Jasper Yarbrough and others who had been sentenced
to hard labor in the penitentiary in Georgia for preventing a colored
man from voting for a member of Congress, was brought to the U. S.
Supreme Court by a petition for a writ of _habeas corpus_. The
decision rendered March 2, virtually nullified that given by this
court in the case of Mrs. Minor in 1875, as quoted above, which held
that "the National Constitution has no voters," for this one declared:

But it is not correct to say that the right to vote for a member
of Congress does not depend on the Constitution of the United
States. The office, if it be properly called an office, is
created by the Constitution and by that alone. It also declares
how it shall be filled, namely, by election. Its language is:
"The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen
every second year by the people of the several States; and the
electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite
for electors of the most numerous branch of the State
Legislature."

The States in prescribing the qualifications of voters for the
most numerous branch of their own Legislature, do not do this
with reference to the election for members of Congress. Nor can
they prescribe the qualifications for those _eo nomine_ [by that
name].

They define who are to vote for the popular branch of their own
Legislature, and the Constitution of the United States says the
same persons shall vote for members of Congress in that State.

It adopts the qualification thus furnished as the qualification
of its own electors for members of Congress. _It is not true,
therefore, that the electors for members of Congress owe their
right to vote to the State law in any sense which makes the
exercise of the right to depend exclusively on the law of the
State._

Counsel for petitioners seizing upon the expression found in the
opinion of the Court in the case of _Minor vs. Happersett_, "that
the Constitution of the United States does not confer the right
of suffrage upon any one," without reference to the connection in
which it is used, insists that the voters in this case do not owe
their right to vote in any sense to that instrument. But the
Court was combating the argument that this right was conferred on
all citizens, and therefore upon women as well as men.(!)

In opposition to that idea it was said the Constitution adopts,
as the qualification for voters for members of Congress, that
which prevails in the State where the voting is to be done;
therefore, said the opinion, the right is not definitely
conferred on any person or class of persons by the Constitution
alone, because you have to look to the law of the State for the
description of the class. But the Court did not intend to say
that, when the class or the person is thus ascertained, his right
to vote for a member of Congress was not _fundamentally based
upon the Constitution which created the office of member of
Congress_, and declared it should be elective, and pointed to the
means of ascertaining who should be electors.

The Fifteenth Amendment of the Constitution, by its limitation of
the power of the States in the exercise of their right to
prescribe the qualifications of voters in their own elections,
and by its limitation of the power of the United States over that
subject, clearly shows that the right of suffrage was considered
to be of supreme importance to the National Government and _was
not intended to be left within the exclusive control of the
States_.

In such cases this Fifteenth Article of amendment does _proprio
vigore_ [by its own force] substantially _confer on the negro the
right to vote_, and Congress has the power to protect and enforce
that right. In the case of _United States vs. Happersett_, so
much relied on by counsel, this Court said, in regard to the
Fifteenth Amendment, that it has invested the citizens of the
United States with a new constitutional right which is within the
protecting power of Congress. That right is an exemption from
discrimination in the exercise of the elective franchise on
account of race, color or previous condition of servitude.

This new constitutional right was mainly designed for [male]
citizens of African descent. The principle, however, that the
protection of the exercise of this right _is within the power of
Congress_, is as necessary to the right of other citizens to vote
in general as to the right to be protected against
discrimination.

This legal hair-splitting is beyond the comprehension of the average
lay mind and will be viewed by future generations with as much
contempt as is felt by the present in regard to the infamous decision
of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case in 1857. If it decides
anything it is that the right to vote for Congressional
Representatives is a Federal right, vested in all the people by the
National Constitution, and one which it is beyond the power of the
States to regulate. Therefore, no State has the power to deprive women
of the right to vote for Representatives in Congress.

Those who hold that women are already entitled to Federal Suffrage
under the National Constitution, further support their claim by a
series of decisions as to the citizenship of women and the inherent
rights which it carries. They quote especially the case of the _United
States vs. Kellar_. The defendant was indicted by a Federal grand jury
in Illinois for illegal voting in a Congressional election, as he
never had been naturalized. He and his mother were born in Prussia,
but came to the United States when he was a minor, and she married a
naturalized citizen. The case was tried in June, 1882, in the Circuit
Court of the United States for the Southern District of Illinois, by
Associate Justice Harlan of the U. S. Supreme Court, who discharged
the defendant. He held that the mother, having become a citizen by
marriage while the son was a minor, transferred citizenship to him. In
other words she transmitted a Federal Citizenship including the right
to vote which she did not herself possess, thus enfranchising a child
born while she was an alien. The whole matter was settled not by State
but by Federal authority.[8] If a mother can confer this right on a
son, why not on a daughter? But why does she not possess it herself?
The clause of the National Constitution which established suffrage at
the time that instrument was framed, does not mention the sex of the
elector.

The argument for Federal Suffrage was presented in a masterly manner
before the National Convention of 1889 by U. S. Senator Henry W. Blair
(N. H.); and it was discussed by Miss Anthony and Mrs. Minor. See
present volume, Chap. IX.

From this bare outline of the claim that women already possess Federal
Suffrage, or that Congress has authority to confer it without the
sanction of the States, readers can continue the investigation.
Notwithstanding its apparent equity, the leaders of the National
Association, including Miss Anthony herself, felt convinced after the
decision against Mrs. Minor that it would be useless to expect from
the Supreme Court any interpretation of the Constitution which would
permit women to exercise the right of suffrage. They had learned,
however, through the passage of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth
Amendments, that it had been possible to amend this document in such a
way as to enfranchise an entire new class of voters--or in other words
to protect them in the exercise of a right which it seemed that in
some mysterious way they already possessed. As the Fourteenth
Amendment declared the negroes to be citizens, and the Fifteenth
forbade the United States or any State to deny or abridge "the right
of citizens of the United States to vote, on account of race, color or
previous condition of servitude," it was clearly evident that this
right inhered in citizenship. This being the case women must already
have it, but as there was no national authority prohibiting the States
from denying or abridging it, each of them did so by putting the word
"male" in its constitution as a qualification for suffrage; just as
many of them had used the word "white" until the adoption of the
Fifteenth Amendment by a three-fourths majority made this
unconstitutional. Therefore, since the _Minor vs. Happersett_
decision, the National Association has directed its principal efforts
to secure from Congress the submission to the several State
Legislatures of a Sixteenth Amendment which should prohibit
disfranchisement on account of "sex," as the Fifteenth had done on
account of "color."

The association does not discourage attempts in various States to
secure from their respective Legislatures the submission of an
amendment to the voters which shall strike out this word "male" from
their own constitutions. On the contrary, it assists every such
attempt with money, speakers and influence, but having seen such
amendments voted on sixteen times and adopted only twice (in Colorado
and Idaho), it is confirmed in the opinion that the quickest and
surest way to secure woman suffrage will be by an amendment to the
Federal Constitution. In other words it holds that women should be
permitted to carry their case to the selected men of the Legislatures
rather than to the masses of the voters.

From 1869 until the decision in the Minor case in 1875, the National
Association went before committees of every Congress with appeals for
a Declaratory Act which would permit women to vote under the
Fourteenth Amendment. Since that decision it has asked for a Sixteenth
Amendment. In both cases it has been supported by petitions of
hundreds of thousands of names.

The ablest women this nation has produced have presented the arguments
and pleadings. Many of the older advocates have passed away, but new
ones have taken their place. It is the unvarying testimony of the
Senate and House Committees who have granted these hearings, that no
body of men has appeared before them for any purpose whose dignity,
logic and acumen have exceeded, if indeed they have equaled, those of
the members of this association. They have been heard always with
respect, often with cordiality, but their appeals have fallen, if not
upon deaf, at least upon indifferent ears. They have asked these
committees to report to their respective Houses a resolution to submit
this Sixteenth Amendment. Sometimes the majority of the committee has
been hostile to woman suffrage and presented an adverse report:
sometimes it has been friendly and presented one favorable; sometimes
there have been an opposing majority and a friendly minority report,
or vice versa; but more often no action whatever has been taken.
During these thirty years eleven favorable reports have been
made--five from Senate, six from House Committees.[9]

In the History of Woman Suffrage, Vols. II and III, will be found a
full record of various debates which occurred in Senate and House on
different phases of the movement to secure suffrage for women previous
to 1884, when the present volume begins. In 1885 Thomas W. Palmer gave
his great speech in the United States Senate in advocacy of their
enfranchisement; and in 1887 occurred the first and only discussion
and vote in that body on a Sixteenth Amendment for this purpose, both
of which are described herein under their respective dates.

In the following chapters will be found an account of the annual
conventions of the National Suffrage Association since 1883, and of
the American until the two societies united in 1890, with many of the
resolutions and speeches for which these meetings have been
distinguished. They contain also portions of the addresses, covering
every phase of this subject, made at the hearings before Congressional
Committees, and the arguments advanced for and against woman suffrage
in the favorable and adverse reports of these committees, thus
presenting both sides of the question. Readers who follow the story
will be obliged to acknowledge that the very considerable progress
which has been made toward obtaining the franchise is due to the
unceasing and long-continued efforts of this association far more than
to all other agencies combined; and that the women who compose this
body have demonstrated their capacity and their right to a voice in
the Government infinitely beyond any class to whom it has been granted
since the republic was founded.

FOOTNOTES:

[3] The part of this record with which Miss Anthony herself was
directly connected, and which comprises by far the greater portion of
the whole, is given with many personal incidents in her Life and Work.
[Husted-Harper.]

[4] ARTICLE XIV.

_Section 1._ All persons born or naturalized in the United States and
subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States
and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce
any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens;
nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty or property,
without due process of law, or deny to any person within its
jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.

_Section 2._ Representatives shall be apportioned among the several
States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole
number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when
the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for
President and Vice-President of the United States, Representatives in
Congress, the Executive and Judicial officers of a State, or the
members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the _male_
inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens
of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation
in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall
be reduced in the proportion which the number of such _male_ citizens
shall bear to the whole number of _male_ citizens twenty-one years of
age in such State.

[5] Women also had attempted to vote in local and State elections in
1870 and 1871. An account of the trials and decisions which followed
will be found in the History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. II, Chap. XXV.

[6] The most earnest advocates of the constitutional right of women to
Federal Suffrage are Mrs. Sallie Clay Bennett, Ky.; Mrs. Clara B.
Colby, D. C.; Mrs. Martha E. Root, Mich.; Miss Sara Winthrop Smith,
Conn. They have done a large amount of persistent but ineffectual work
in the endeavor to obtain a recognition of this right.

[7] Senator John Sherman did at one time introduce a bill for this
purpose.

[8] This is precisely what was done in the case of Susan B. Anthony
above referred to.

[9] The first report, in 1871, was signed by Representatives Benjamin
F. Butler (Mass.) and William A. Loughridge (Ia.): History of Woman
Suffrage, Vol. II, p. 464.

The second, in 1879, was signed by Senators George F. Hoar (Mass.),
John H. Mitchell (Ore.), Angus Cameron (Wis.): Id., Vol. III, p. 131.

The third, in 1882, was signed by Senators Elbridge G. Lapham (N. Y.),
Thomas W. Ferry (Mich.), Henry W. Blair (N. H.), Henry B. Anthony (R.
I.): Id., p. 231.

The fourth, in 1883, was signed by Representative John D. White (Ky.):
Id., p. 263.

For the fifth and sixth, in 1884, see Chap. III of present volume; for
the seventh and eighth, in 1886, Id., Chap. V. (See also, Chap. VI.);
for the ninth and tenth, in 1890, Id., Chap. X; for the eleventh, in
1892, Id., Chap. XII.

It is worthy of notice that from 1879 to 1891, inclusive, Miss Susan
B. Anthony was enabled to spend the congressional season in Washington
[see pp. 188, 366], and during this time nine of these eleven
favorable reports were made.

For adverse reports see History of Woman Suffrage: 1871, Vol. II, p.
461; 1878, Vol. III, p. 112; 1882, Id., p. 237; 1884, present volume,
Chap. III (see also, Chap. VI); 1892, Id., Chap. XII; 1894, Id., Chap.
XIV; 1896, Id., Chap. XVI.

CHAPTER II.

THE NATIONAL SUFFRAGE CONVENTION OF 1884.

The first Woman's Rights Convention on record was held in Seneca
Falls, N. Y., in July, 1848; the second in Salem, O., in April, 1850;
the third in Worcester, Mass., in October, 1850. By this time the
movement for the civil, educational and political rights of women was
fully initiated, and every year thenceforth to the beginning of the
Civil War national conventions were held in various States for the
purpose of agitating the question and creating a favorable public
sentiment. These were addressed by the ablest men and women of the
time, and the discussions included the whole scope of women's wrongs,
which in those days were many and grievous.

Immediately after the war the political disabilities of the negro man
were so closely akin to those of all women that the advocates of
universal suffrage organized under the name of the Equal Rights
Association. The "reconstruction period," however, engendered so many
differences of opinion, and a platform so broad permitted such
latitude of debate, the women soon became convinced that their own
cause was being sacrificed. Therefore in May, 1869, under the
leadership of Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Miss Susan B. Anthony,
the National Woman Suffrage Association was formed in New York City,
having for its sole object the enfranchisement of women. From this
time it held a convention in Washington, D. C., every winter.

The above mentioned associations and conventions, as well as the
American Woman Suffrage Association, formed at Cleveland, O., in
November, 1869, under the leadership of Mrs. Lucy Stone, are described
in detail in the preceding volumes of this History. The present volume
begins with the usual convention of the National Association in
Washington in 1884. This place was selected for a twofold purpose:
because here a more cosmopolitan audience could be secured than in any
other city, including representatives from every State in the Union
and from all the nations of the world; and because here the
association could carry directly to the only tribunal which had power
to act, its demand for a submission to the State Legislatures of an
amendment to the Federal Constitution which should forbid
disfranchisement on account of sex. During each of these conventions
it was the custom for committees of the Senate and House to grant
hearings to the leading advocates of this proposition.

The Sixteenth of these annual conventions met in Lincoln Hall, in
response to the usual Call,[10] March 4, 1884, continuing in session
four days.[11]

On the evening before the convention a handsome reception was given at
the Riggs House by Charles W. and Mrs. Jane H. Spofford to Miss Susan
B. Anthony, which was attended by several hundred prominent men and
women. Delegates were present from twenty-six States and
Territories.[12] Miss Anthony was in the chair at the opening session
and read a letter from Mrs. Stanton, who was detained at home, in
which she paid a glowing tribute to Wendell Phillips, the staunch
defender of the rights of women, who had died the preceding month.

Mrs. Mary B. Clay, in speaking of the work in her State, said:

In talking to a Kentuckian on the subject of woman's right to
qualify under the law, you have to batter down his self-conceit
that he is just and generous and chivalric toward woman, and
that she can not possibly need other protection than he gives her
with his own right arm--while he forgets that it is from man
alone woman needs protection, and often does she need the right
to protect herself from the avarice, brutality or neglect of the
one nearest to her. The only remedy for her, as for man himself,
in this republic, is the ballot in her hand. He thinks he is
generous to woman when he supplies her wants, forgetting that he
has first robbed her by law of all her property in marriage, and
then may or may not give her that which is her own by right of
inheritance....

A mother, legally so, has no right to her child, the husband
having the right to will it to whom he pleases, and even to will
away from the mother the unborn child at his death. The wife does
not own her own property, personal or real, unless given for her
sole use and benefit. If a husband may rent the wife's land, or
use it during his life and hers, and take the increase or rental
of it, and after her death still hold it and deprive her children
of its use, which he does by curtesy, and if she can not make a
will and bequeath it at her death, then I say she is robbed, and
insulted in the bargain, by such so-called ownership of land. "A
woman fleeing from her husband and seeking refuge or protection
in a neighbor's house, the man protecting her makes himself
liable to the husband, who can recover damages by law." "If a
husband refuse to sue for a wife who has been slandered or
beaten, she can not sue for herself." These are Kentucky laws.

Mrs. Harriette R. Shattuck closed her record for Massachusetts by
saying: "The dead wall of indifference is at last broken down and the
women 'remonstrants,' by their active resistance to our advancing
progress, are not only turning the attention of the public in our
direction and making the whole community interested, but also are
paving the way for future political action themselves. By
remonstrating they have expressed their opinion and entered into
politics."

Mrs. Abigail Scott Duniway gave a full report of the situation in
Oregon, and a hopeful outlook for the success of the pending suffrage
amendment.[13] This was followed later by a strong address. A letter
was read from Mrs. Sallie Clay Bennett (Ky.). Dr. Clemence S. Lozier
(N. Y.) spoke briefly, saying that for eleven years her parlor had
been opened each month for suffrage meetings, and that "this question
is the foundation of Christianity; for Christians can look up and
truly say 'Our Father' only when they can treat each other as brothers
and sisters." Mrs. Mary Seymour Howell (N. Y.) gave an eloquent
address on The Outlook, answering the four stock questions: Why do not
more women ask for the ballot? Will not voting destroy the womanly
instincts? Will not women be contaminated by going to the polls? Will
they not take away employment from men?

At the opening of the evening session Miss Anthony read a letter from
Mrs. Millicent Garrett Fawcett of England, and an extract from a
recent speech by her husband, Henry Fawcett, member of Parliament and
Postmaster General, strongly advocating the removal of all political
disabilities of women. Mrs. Elizabeth Boynton Harbert (Ills.) spoke on
The Statesmanship of Women, citing illustrious examples in all parts
of the world. Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake (N. Y.) gave a trenchant and
humorous speech on The Unknown Quantity in Politics, showing the
indirect influence of women which unfortunately is not accompanied
with responsibility. She took up leading candidates and their records,
criticising or commending; illustrated how in every department women
are neglected and forgotten, and closed as follows:

It is better to have the power of self-protection than to depend
on any man, whether he be the Governor in his chair of State, or
the hunted outlaw wandering through the night, hungry and cold
and with murder in his heart. We are tired of the pretense that
we have special privileges and the reality that we have none; of
the fiction that we are queens, and the fact that we are
subjects; of the symbolism which exalts our sex but is only a
meaningless mockery. We demand that these shadows shall take
substance. The coat of arms of the State of New York represents
Liberty and Justice supporting a shield on which is seen the sun
rising over the hills that guard the Hudson. How are justice and
liberty depicted? As a police judge and an independent voter? Oh,
no; as two noble and lovely women! What an absurdity in a State
where there is neither liberty nor justice for any woman! We ask
that this symbolism shall assume reality, for a redeemed and
enfranchised womanhood will be the best safeguard of justice.

Mrs. Blake was followed by Mrs. Martha McClellan Brown, of Cincinnati
Wesleyan College, who spoke on Disabilities of Woman. Miss Anthony
read the report from Missouri by Mrs. Virginia L. Minor, who strongly
supported her belief in the constitutional right of women to the
franchise. A letter of greeting was read from Miss Fannie M. Bagby,
managing editor St. Louis _Chronicle_; Miss Phoebe W. Couzins (Mo.)
gave a brilliant address entitled What Answer?

At the evening session the hall was crowded. The speech of Mrs. Belva
A. Lockwood (D. C.), the first woman admitted to practice before the
Supreme Court, was a severe criticism on the disfranchising of the
women in Utah as proposed by bills now before Congress. It was a clear
and strong legal argument which would be marred by an attempt at
quotation.

In an address on Women Before the Law, the report says:

Mrs. Helen M. Gougar of Indiana traced the development of human
liberty as shown in the history of the ballot, which was at first
given to a certain class of believers in orthodox religions, then
to property holders, then to all white men. She showed how class
legislation had been gradually done away with by allowing
believer and unbeliever, rich and poor, white and black, to vote
unquestioned and unhindered, and as a result of this onward march
of justice, the last remaining form of class legislation, now
shown by the sex ballot, must pass away. She declared the
sex-line to be the lowest standard upon which to base a privilege
and unworthy the civilization of the present time. She answered
many of the popular objections to woman suffrage by showing that
if education were to be made the test of the ballot, women would
not be the disfranchised class in America, as three-fifths of all
graduates from the public schools in the last ten years have been
women. If morality were to be made a test, women would do more
voting than men. The ratio of law-abiding women to men is as one
to every 103; of drunken women to drunken men, one to every
1,000. Reasoning from these facts, if sobriety, virtue and
intelligence were necessary qualifications, women enfranchised
would largely reflect these elements in the Government.

At noon on March 6 the delegates were courteously received at the
White House by President Chester A. Arthur.

During the afternoon session the Pennsylvania report was presented by
Edward M. Davis, son-in-law of Lucretia Mott, and an exhaustive
account of Woman's Work in Philadelphia by Mrs. Lucretia L.
Blankenburg. A letter from Mrs. Anna C. Wait (Kas.) was read by Mrs.
Bertha H. Ellsworth, who closed with a tribute to Mrs. Wait and a poem
dedicated to Kansas.

The guest of the convention, Mrs. Jessie M. Wellstood of Edinburgh,
presented a report made by Miss Eliza Wigham, secretary of the
Scotland Suffrage Association, prefaced with some earnest remarks in
which she said:

To those who are sitting at ease, folding their hands and sweetly
saying: "I have all the rights I want, why should I trouble about
these matters?" let me quote the burning words of the grand old
prophet Isaiah, which entered into my soul and stirred it to
action: "Rise up, ye women that are at ease; hear my voice, ye
careless daughters, give ear unto my speech; many days shall ye
be troubled, ye careless women, etc." It is just because we fold
our hands and sit at ease that so many of our less fortunate
fellow creatures are leading lives of misery, want, sin and
shame.

In the evening Mrs. May Wright Sewall (Ind.) delivered a beautiful
address on Forgotten Women, which she closed with these words: "It was
not a grander thing to lead the forlorn hope in 1776, not a grander
thing to strike the shackles from the black slaves in 1863, than it
would be in 1884 to carry a presidential campaign on the basis of
Political Equality to Women. The career, the fame, to match that of
Washington, to match that of Lincoln, awaits the man who will espouse
the cause of forgotten womanhood and introduce that womanhood to
political influence and political freedom."

Interesting addresses were made by Mrs. Mary E. Haggart (Ind.), Why Do
Not Women Vote? and by the Rev. Phebe A. Hanaford, pastor of the
Second Universalist Church, Jersey City, on New Jersey as a
Leader--the first to grant suffrage to women. They voted from 1776
until the Legislature took away the right in 1807.

At the afternoon session of the last day Mrs. Lizzie D. Fyler, a
lawyer of Arkansas, gave an extended résumé of the legal and
educational position of women in that State, which was shown to be in
advance of many of the eastern and western States. George W. Clark,
one of the old Abolition singers contemporaneous with the Hutchinsons,
expressed a strong belief in woman suffrage and offered a tribute of
song to Wendell Phillips. Brief addresses were made by Mrs. J. Ellen
Foster (Ia.) and Mrs. Morrison (Mass.). A letter of greeting was read
from the corresponding secretary, Rachel G. Foster, Julia and Mrs.
Julia Foster (Penn.), written in Florence, Italy. Mrs. Caroline Gilkey
Rogers described School Suffrage in Lansingburgh, N. Y.

An eloquent address was made by Mrs. Caroline Hallowell Miller (Md.),
in which she said:

There are a great many excellent people in the world who are
strongly prejudiced against what they designate "isms," but who
are always glad of any opportunity of serving God, as they
express it. I ask what can finite beings do to serve Omnipotence
unless it be to exert all their powers for the good of humanity,
for the uplifting of man, which, if aught of ours could do, must
rejoice our Creator. When we see more than one-half of the adult
human family--reasonably industrious and intelligent, if we make
for them no larger claim, and certainly the _raison d'etre_ of
the other half--called to account by the laws of the land and
held in strict obedience to them without the slightest voice in
their making, with neither form nor shadow of representation
before State or country, do we not see that there rests upon the
entire race a stigma that materialist and idealist, agnostic and
churchman, should each and all hasten to remove?

"Behold, the fields are white unto harvest, but the laborers are
few!" How can it be longer tolerated that the wives and mothers,
the sisters and daughters, of a land claiming the highest degree
of civilization and boasting of freedom as its watchword, should
still rank before the law with criminals, idiots and slaves? I
feel as confident as I do of my existence, that the apathy which
we are now fighting against, especially among our own sex,
springs mainly from want of thought; the women of culture
throughout the country placidly accept the comfortable conditions
in which they find themselves. They receive without question the
formulated theories of woman's sphere as they accept the
formulated theories of the orthodox religions into which they may
chance to have been born; occasionally an original thinker steps
out of the ranks and finds herself after a while with a few
followers. They remain but few, however, for it is too much
trouble to think.

At the evening session the Rev. Florence Kollock (Ills.) spoke on The
Ethics of Woman Suffrage, saying in part:

By what moral right stands a law upon the statute books that
infringes upon the rights and duties of womanhood, that prohibits
a mother from the full discharge of the duties of her sacred
office, as all are prohibited through the law that forbids them
the opportunity of throwing their whole moral strength, influence
and convictions against the existence and growth of social and
political iniquities and in defense of truth and purity? The
great evils of our day are of such a nature that all, regardless
of moral principles or sex, suffer from their effects, proving
clearly that all have a moral obligation in these matters, and
the fact that one human being suffers from an evil carries with
it the highest authority to remove that evil.

The silent influence of woman has failed to accomplish the
desired good of humanity, has failed to bring about the needed
moral reforms, and all observing persons are ready to concede
that posing is a weak way of combating giant evils--that
attitudism can not take the place of activity. To suppress the
full utterance of the moral convictions of those who so largely
mold the character of the race is a crime against humanity,
against progress, against God.

Mrs. Shattuck, in discussing the question, said:

It is absolutely necessary for the improvement of the race that
the manly and womanly elements shall be side by side in all walks
of life, and the fact that our social status, our literature and
our educational systems have been greatly improved by woman's
co-operation with man, points to the eternal truth that man and
woman must work hand in hand in the State also, in order that it
shall be uplifted and saved. Woman herself will not be harmed by
the ballot, for the acquisition of greater responsibilities
improves and not degrades the recipient thereof. If the ballot
has made man worse it will make woman worse, and not otherwise.
Whoever studies the history of the race from age to age and
nation to nation finds the world has advanced and not retrograded
by giving responsibility to the individual. The opposition to
woman suffrage strikes a blow at the foundation-stone of this
republic, which is self-representation by means of the ballot. At
the bottom of this opposition is a subtle distrust of American
institutions, an idea of "restricted suffrage" which is creeping
into our republic through so-called aristocratic channels.

A distinguishing feature of this convention was the large number of
letters and reports sent from abroad, undoubtedly due to the fact that
Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony had spent the preceding year in Europe,
making the acquaintance and arousing the interest of foreign men and
women in the status of the suffrage question in the United States.
Among these letters was one from Miss Frances Power Cobbe in which she
said: "The final and complete emancipation of our sex ere long, I
think, is absolutely certain. All is going well here and I hope with
you in America; and with all my heart, dear Miss Anthony, I wish you
and the woman's convention triumphant success."

Miss Jane Cobden, daughter of Richard Cobden, said in the course of
her letter: "I feel all the more certain of the righteousness of the
work in which I am so much engaged, because I know from words spoken
and written by my father as far back as 1845, that had he been living
at the present day I should have had his sympathy. He was nothing if
not consistent, and so he said in a speech delivered in London that
year on Free Trade: 'There are many ladies present, I am happy to say.
Now it is a very anomalous and singular fact that they can not vote
themselves and yet they have the power of conferring votes upon other
people. I wish they had the franchise, for they would often make a
much better use of it than their husbands.'"

Miss Caroline Ashurst Biggs, for many years editor of the
_Englishwoman's Review_, sent a full report of the situation in
England. There was a letter of greeting also from Miss Lydia Becker,
editor of the _Women's Suffrage Journal_ and member of the Manchester
School Board. John P. Thomasson and Peter A. Taylor, members of
Parliament, favored woman suffrage in the strongest terms, the latter
saying: "Justice never can be done to the rising generations till the
influence of the mother is freed from the ignominy of exclusion from
the great political and social work of the day." Mrs. Thomasson,
daughter of Margaret Bright Lucas, and Mrs. Taylor, known as the
organizer of the women's suffrage movement in England, also sent
cordial good wishes.[14]

The wife of Jacob Bright, who was largely responsible for the Married
Women's Property Bill, presented a review of present suffrage laws;
his sister, Mrs. Priscilla Bright McLaren, wife of Duncan McLaren, M.
P., and the great Abolitionist, Mrs. Elizabeth Pease Nichol of
Edinburgh, sent long and valuable letters. Mrs. McLaren wrote:

I was in Exeter Hall, London, on the day our Parliament
assembled; a prayer-meeting was held there the whole of that day.
Earnest were the intercessions that the hearts of our rulers
might be influenced to repeal every vestige of the Contagious
Diseases Acts; and the women especially prayed that our men might
be led to send representatives to Parliament of much higher
morality than such Acts testified to, and that the eyes of the
women of their country might be opened to see the iniquity of
such legislation. I venture to express that the burden of my
prayer had been, whilst sitting in that meeting, that the eyes of
the women there assembled, and of the women throughout our
country, might be opened to see that we could not expect men who
did not consider morality to be a necessary part of their own
character, to regard it as needful for the men who were to
represent them in Parliament; that we needed a new moral power
to be brought into exercise at our elections, and as Parliament
was meeting that day and one of its first acts would be to bring
in a new reform bill, that we might unite in prayer that the
petitions so long put forth by many of the women of this land,
that their claim to the suffrage should be included in this new
Act for the extended representation of the people, might be
righteously answered; and the power given to women not only to
pray for what was just and right, but to have by the
Parliamentary vote a direct power to promote that higher
legislation which they all so much desired. I know nothing which
calls for more faith and patience than to hear women pleading for
justice, and refusing to help get it in the only legitimate
way....

Whilst we have our anomalies here, you have a glaring
inconsistency in your country. It is not a property qualification
which gives a vote in America. Is not every human being, who is
of age, according to your Constitution, entitled to equal justice
and freedom? Are you women not human beings? The lowest and most
ignorant man who leaves any shore and lands on yours, ere he has
earned a home or made family ties, becomes a citizen of your
great country; whilst your own women, who during a life-time may
have done much service and given much to the State, are denied
the right accorded to that man, however low his condition may be.
You are fighting to overcome this great monopoly of citizenship.
We watch your proceedings with deep interest. We rejoice in your
successes and sympathize with you in your endeavors to gain fresh
victories.

Congratulatory letters were received from Ewing Whittle, M. D., of the
Royal Academy, Liverpool, and Miss Isabella M. S. Tod, the well-known
reformer of Belfast. M. Leon Richer, the eminent writer of Paris, and
Mlle. Hubertine Auclert, editor of _La Citoyenne_, sent cordial words
of co-operation. There were also greetings from Mrs. Ernestine L.
Rose, a Polish exile, one of the first women lecturers in America;
from the wife and daughter of A. A. Sargent, U. S. Minister to Berlin;
from Theodore Stanton; Miss Florence Kelley, daughter of the Hon.
William D. Kelley; the wife of Moncure D. Conway; Rosamond, daughter
of Robert Dale Owen; Mrs. Charlotte B. Wilbour and Dr. Frances E.
Dickinson, all Americans residing abroad.

Among the noted men and women of the United States who sent letters
endorsing equal suffrage, were George William Curtis, William Lloyd
Garrison, U. S. Senators Henry B. Anthony and Henry W. Blair, the Hon.
George W. Julian, the Hon. William I. Bowditch, Robert Purvis, the
Rev. Anna Oliver, Mrs. Zerelda G. Wallace, the "mother" of Ben Hur,
and Mrs. Abby Hutchinson Patton.[15]

To this assembly Bishop Matthew Simpson, of the Methodist Episcopal
Church, sent almost his last public utterance:

For more than thirty years I have been in favor of woman
suffrage. I was led to this position not by the consideration of
the question of natural rights or of alleged injustice or of
inequality before the law, but by what I believed would be the
influence of woman on the great moral questions of the day. Were
the ballot in the hands of women, I am satisfied that the evils
of intemperance would be greatly lessened, and I fear that
without that ballot we shall not succeed against the saloons and
kindred evils in large cities. You will doubtless have many
obstacles placed in your way; there will be many conflicts to
sustain; but I have no doubt that the coming years will see the
triumph of your cause; and that our higher civilization and
morality will rejoice in the work which enlightened woman will
accomplish.

The resolutions presented by Mrs. Elizabeth Boynton Harbert (Ills.),
chairman of the committee, were adopted.

WHEREAS, The fundamental idea of a republic is the right of
self-government, the right of every citizen to choose her own
representatives to enact the laws by which she is governed; and

WHEREAS, This right can be secured only by the exercise of the
suffrage; therefore

_Resolved_, That the ballot in the hand of every qualified
citizen constitutes the true political status of the people, and
to deprive one-half of the people of the use of the ballot is to
deny the first principle of a republican government.

_Resolved_, That it is the duty of Congress to submit a
Sixteenth Amendment to the National Constitution, securing to
women the right of suffrage; first, because the disfranchisement
of one-half of the people deprives that half of the means of
self-protection and support, limits their resources for
self-development and weakens their influence on popular thought;
second, because giving all men the absolute authority to decide
the social, civil and political status of women, creates a spirit
of caste, unrepublican in tendency; third, because in depriving
the State of the united wisdom of man and woman, that important
"consensus of the competent," our form of government becomes in
fact an oligarchy of males instead of a republic of the people.

_Resolved_, That since the women citizens of the United States
have thus far failed to receive proper recognition from any of
the existing political parties, we recommend the appointment by
this convention of a committee on future political action.

_Resolved_, That as there is a general awakening to the rights of
women in all European countries, the time has arrived to take the
initiative steps for a grand International Woman Suffrage
Convention, to be held in either England or America, and that for
this purpose a committee of three be appointed at this convention
to correspond with leading persons in different countries
interested in the elevation of women.

Miss Couzins submitted the following, which was unanimously accepted:

_Resolved_, That in the death of Wendell Phillips the nation has
lost one of its greatest moral heroes, its most eloquent orator
and honest advocate of justice and equality for all classes; and
woman in her struggle for enfranchisement has lost in him a
steadfast friend and wise counselor. His consistency in the
application of republican principles of government brought him to
the woman suffrage platform at the inauguration of the movement,
where he remained faithful to the end. The National Woman
Suffrage Association in convention assembled, would express their
gratitude for his brave words for woman before the Legislatures
of so many States and on so many platforms, both in England and
America, and would extend their sincere sympathy to her who was
his constant inspiration to the utterance of the highest truth,
his noble wife, Ann Green Phillips.

_Resolved_, That the services of Anna Ella Carroll of Maryland,
who directed the armies of the republic up the Tennessee river
and then southward to the center of the Confederate power to its
base in northern Alabama, cutting the Memphis and Charleston
railroad and thus breaking the backbone of the rebellion, entitle
her justly to the name of the military genius of the war; that
her long struggle for recognition at the hands of our Government
commends her to the sympathy of all who believe in truth and
justice; and the continued refusal of the Government to
acknowledge this woman's service, which saved to us the Union,
defeated national bankruptcy and prevented the intervention of
foreign powers, merits the condemnation of all lovers of right,
and we hereby not only send to her our loving recognition and
sympathy, but pledge ourselves to arouse this nation to the fact
of her services.[16]

The plan of work submitted by Mrs. Gougar, chairman of the committee,
was adopted.[17] This was supplemented by suggestions of the national
board as to methods of organization.[18]

The following officers were elected: president, Elizabeth Cady
Stanton, N. Y.; vice-presidents-at-large, Susan B. Anthony, Matilda
Joslyn Gage, N. Y., the Rev. Olympia Brown, Wis., Phoebe W. Couzins,
Mo., Abigail Scott Duniway, Ore.; recording secretaries, Ellen H.
Sheldon, D. C., Julia T. Foster, Penn.; Pearl Adams, Ills.;
corresponding secretary, Rachel G. Foster (Avery), Penn.; foreign
corresponding secretaries, Caroline Ashurst Biggs, Lydia E. Becker,
England; Marguerite Berry Stanton, Hubertine Auclert, France;
treasurer, Jane H. Spofford, D. C.; auditors, Ruth C. Dennison, Julia
A. Wilbur, D. C.; chairman of executive committee, May Wright Sewall,
Ind., and vice-presidents in every State.

The financial report showed the receipts for 1884 to be in round
numbers $2,000, and a balance of $300 still remaining in the treasury.

In her address closing the convention Miss Anthony said:

The reason men are so slow in conceding political equality to
women is because they can not believe that women suffer the
humiliation of disfranchisement as they would. A dear and noble
friend, one who aided our work most efficiently in the early
days, said to me, "Why do you say the 'emancipation of women?'" I
replied, "Because women are political slaves!" Is it not strange
that men think that what to them would be degradation, slavery,
is to women elevation, liberty? Men put the right of suffrage for
themselves above all price, and count the denial of it the most
severe punishment. If a man serving a term in State's prison has
one friend outside who cares for him, that friend will get up a
petition begging the Governor to commute his sentence, if for not
more than forty-eight hours prior to its expiration, so that,
when he comes out of prison he may not be compelled to suffer the
disgrace of disfranchisement and may not be doomed to walk among
his fellows with the mark of Cain upon his forehead. The only
penalty inflicted upon the men, who a few years ago laid the
knife at the throat of the Nation, was that of disfranchisement,
which all men, loyal and disloyal, felt was too grievous to be
borne, and our Government made haste to permit every one, even
the leader of them all, to escape from this humiliation, this
degradation, and again to be honored with the crowning right of
United States citizenship. How can men thus delude themselves
with the idea that what to them is ignominy unbearable is to
women honor and glory unspeakable.[19]

An able address from Mrs. Matilda Joslyn Gage (N. Y.) arrived too late
for the convention. It was a denial of the superiority of man from a
scientific standpoint, and was so original in thought that it deserves
to be reproduced almost in full:

....We must bear in mind the old theologic belief that the earth
was flat, the center of the universe, around which all else
revolved--that all created things animate and inanimate, were
made for man alone--that woman was not part of the original plan
of creation but was an after-thought for man's special use and
benefit. So that a science which proves the falsity of any of
these theological conceptions aids in the overthrow of all.

The first great battle fought by science for woman was a
Geographical one lasting for twelve centuries. But finally,
Columbus, sustained and sent on his way by Isabella in 1492,
followed by Magellan's circumnavigation of the globe twenty years
later, settled the question of the earth's rotundity and was the
first step toward woman's enfranchisement.

Another great battle was in progress at the same time and the
second victory was an Astronomical one. Copernicus was born, the
telescope discovered, the earth sank to its subordinate place in
the solar system and another battle for woman was won.

Chemistry, long opposed under the name of Alchemy, at last gained
a victory, and by its union of diverse atoms began to teach men
that nature is a system of nuptials, and that the feminine is
everywhere present as an absolute necessity of life.

Geology continued this lesson. It not only taught the immense age
of creation, but the motherhood of even the rocks.

Botany was destined for a fierce battle, as when Linnæus declared
the sexual nature of plants, he was shunned as having degraded
the works of God by a recognition of the feminine in plant life.

Philology owes its rank to Catherine II of Russia, who, in
assembling her great congress of deputies from the numerous
provinces of her empire, gave the first impetus to this science.
Max Müller declares the evidence of language to be irrefragable,
and it is the only history we possess prior to historic periods.
Through Philology we ascend to the dawn of nations and learn of
the domestic, religious and governmental habits of people who
left neither monuments nor writing to speak for them. From it we
learn the original meaning of our terms, father and mother.
Father, says Müller, who is a recognized philological authority,
is derived from the root "Pa," which means to protect, to
support, to nourish. Among the earliest Aryans, the word _mater_
(mother), from the root "Ma," signified maker; creation being
thus distinctively associated with the feminine. Taylor, in his
Primitive Culture says the husband acknowledged the offspring of
his wife as his own as thus only had he a right to claim the
title of father.

While Philology has opened a new fount of historic knowledge,
Biology, the seventh and most important witness, the latest
science in opposition to divine authority, is the first to deny
the theory of man's original perfection. Science gained many
triumphs, conquered many superstitions, before the world caught a
glimpse of the result toward which each step was tending--the
enfranchisement of woman.

Through Biology we learn that the first manifestation of life is
feminine. The albuminous protoplasm lying in silent darkness on
the bottom of the sea, possessing within itself all the phenomena
exhibited by the highest forms of life, as sensation, motion,
nutrition and reproduction, produces its like, and in all forms
of life the capacity for reproduction undeniably stamps the
feminine. Not only does science establish the fact that
primordial life is feminine, but it also proves that a greater
expenditure of vital force is requisite for the production of the
feminine than for the masculine.

The experiments of Meehan, Gentry, Treat, Herrick, Wallace,
Combe, Wood and many others, show sex to depend upon environment
and nutrition. A meager, contracted environment, together with
innutritious or scanty food, results in a weakened vitality and
the birth of males; a broad, generous environment together with
abundant nutrition, in the birth of females. The most perfect
plant produces feminine flowers; the best nurtured insect or
animal demonstrates the same law. From every summary of vital
statistics we gather further proof that more abundant vitality,
fewer infantile deaths and greater comparative longevity belong
to woman. It is a recognized fact that quick reaction to a
stimulus is proof of superior vitality. In England, where very
complete vital statistics have been recorded for many years, it
is shown that while the mean duration of man's life within the
last thirty years has increased five per cent. that of woman has
increased more than eight per cent. Our own last census (tenth)
shows New Hampshire to be the State most favorable for longevity.
While one in seventy-four of its inhabitants is eighty years old,
among native white men the proportion is but one to eighty, while
among native white women, the very great preponderance of one to
fifty-eight is shown.

That the vitality of the world is at a depressed standard is
proven by the fact that more boys are born than girls, the per
cent. varying in different countries. Male infants are more often
deformed, suffer from abnormal characteristics, and more speedily
succumb to infantile diseases than female infants, so that within
a few years, notwithstanding the large proportion of male births,
the balance of life is upon the feminine side. Many children are
born to a rising people, but this biological truth is curiously
supplemented by the fact that the proportion of girls born among
such people, is always in excess of boys; while in races dying
out, the very large proportion of boys' births over those of
girls is equally noticeable.

From these hastily presented scientific facts it is manifest that
woman possesses in a higher degree than man that adaptation to
the conditions surrounding her which is everywhere accepted as
evidence of superior vitality and higher physical rank in life;
and when biology becomes more fully understood it will also be
universally acknowledged that the primal creative power, like the
first manifestation of life, is feminine.

FOOTNOTES:

[10] The Call ended as follows: "The satisfactory results of
Unrestricted Suffrage for Women in Wyoming Territory, of School
Suffrage in twelve States, of Municipal and School Suffrage in England
and Scotland, of Municipal and Parliamentary Suffrage in the Isle of
Man, with the recent triumph in Washington Territory; also the
constant agitation of the suffrage question in this country and in
England, and the demands that women are everywhere making for larger
liberties, are most encouraging signs of the times. This is the
supreme hour for all who are interested in the enfranchisement of
women to dedicate their time and money to the success of this
movement, and by their generous contributions to strengthen those upon
whom rests the responsibility of carrying forward this beneficent
reform.

"ELIZABETH CADY STANTON, President.
"SUSAN B. ANTHONY, Vice-Pres't at Large.
"MAY WRIGHT SEWALL, Ch. Ex. Committee.
"JANE H. SPOFFORD, Treasurer."

[11] The report of this convention, edited by Miss Anthony and Mrs.
Stanton, is the most complete of any ever issued by the association
and has been placed in most of the public libraries of the United
States.

[12] A list of delegates and those making State reports from year to
year will be found in the last chapter of the Appendix.

[13] The history of the work in the various States, as detailed more
or less fully in these reports from year to year, will be found
recorded in the State chapters.

[14] Letters were received from S. Alfred Steinthal, treasurer of the
Manchester society; F. Henrietta Müller, member of the London School
Board; Frances Lord, poor-law guardian in London; Eliza Orme,
England's first woman lawyer; Dr. Agnes McLaren, Hannah Ford, Mary A.
Estlin, Anna M. and Mary Priestman, Margaret Priestman Tanner, Rebecca
Moore, Margaret E. Parker, all distinguished English women.

[15] California--Clarina I. H. Nichols, Mrs. S. J. Manning, Sarah Knox
Goodrich; Colorado--Dr. Alida C. Avery, Henry C. Dillon;
Connecticut--Frances Ellen Burr; District of Columbia--Cornelia A.
Sheldon; Illinois--Dr. Alice B. Stockham, Ada H. Kepley, Pearl Adams,
Lucinda B. Chandler, Annette Porter, M. D.; Iowa--Caroline A. Ingham,
Jonathan and Mary V. S. Cowgill, M. A. Root; Kansas--Ex-Governor and
Mrs. J. P. St. John, Mary A. Humphrey, Lorenzo Westover, Susan E.
Wattles, Mrs. Van Coleman; Kentucky--Ellen B. Dietrick;
Massachusetts--Lilian Whiting; Michigan--Catharine A. F. Stebbins,
Mrs. R. M. Young, Cordelia F. Briggs; Maine--Ellen French Foster,
Lavina M. Snow; Minnesota--Eliza B. Gamble, Laura Howe Carpenter, Mrs.
T. B. Walker; Missouri--Elizabeth Avery Meriwether, Annie R. Irvine;
Nebraska--Judge and Mrs. A.D. Yocum, Madame Charlton Edholm, Harriet
S. Brooks; New Jersey--Theresa Walling Seabrook, Augusta Cooper; New
Hampshire--Armenia S. White, Eliza Morrill; New York--Madame Clara
Neymann, Mary F. Seymour, Jean Brooks Greenleaf, Mary F. Gilbert,
Mathilde F. Wendt, Helen M. Loder, Augusta Lilienthal, Amy Post, Sarah
H. Hallock, Elizabeth Oakes Smith; Ohio--Frances Dana Gage;
Pennsylvania--Adeline Thomson, Deborah A. Pennock, Matilda Hindman,
Hattie M. Du Bois, Mrs. Lovisa C. McCullough; Rhode Island--Catherine
C. Knowles; Texas--Jennie Bland Beauchamp; Virginia--N. O. Town;
Washington Ty.--Barbara J. Thompson; Wisconsin--Almeda B. Gray,
Evaleen L. Mason, Mathilde Anneke; Canada--Dr. Emily H. Stowe.

[16] For a full account of Miss Carroll's services and such
congressional action as was taken, see History of Woman Suffrage, Vol.
II, pp. 3 and 863. It is the story of a national disgrace.

[17] _Resolved_, That we hold a convention in every unorganized State
and Territory during the present year, as far as possible, at the
capital.

_Resolved_, That we consider the enfranchisement of the women citizens
of the United States the paramount issue of the hour, therefore

_Resolved_, That we will, by all honorable methods, oppose the
election of any presidential candidate who is a known opponent to
woman suffrage, and we recommend similar action on the part of our
State associations in regard to State and congressional candidates and
further

_Resolved_, That the officers of this convention shall communicate
with presidential nominees of the several political parties and
ascertain their position upon this question.

_Resolved_, That all Legislatures shall be requested to memorialize
Congress upon the submission of a Sixteenth Amendment to the
Constitution, this to be the duty of the vice presidents of the States
and Territories.

WHEREAS, The National Government, through Congress and the Supreme
Court, has persistently refused to protect the women of the several
States and Territories in "the right of the citizen to vote,"
therefore

_Resolved_, That this association most earnestly protests against
national interference to abolish the right where it has been secured
by the Legislature--as, for example, the Edmunds Tucker Bill, which
proposes to disfranchise all the women of Utah, thus inflicting the
most degrading penalty upon the innocent equally with the guilty, by
robbing them of their most sacred right of citizenship.

[18] The method of organization must be governed by circumstances. In
some localities it is best to call a public meeting, in others to
invite the friends of the movement to a private conference. Both women
and men should be members and co-operate, and the society should be
organized on as broad and liberal a basis as possible.

Hold conventions, picnics, teas, and occasionally have a lecture from
some one who will draw a large crowd. Utilize your own talent,
encourage your young women and men to speak, read essays and debate on
the question. Hold public celebrations of the birthdays of eminent
women, and in that way interest many who would not attend a pronounced
suffrage meeting.

Persons who can not be induced to attend a public meeting will often
accept an invitation to a parlor conference or entertainment where
woman suffrage can be made the subject of conversation. Cultured women
and men, who "have given the matter no thought," can be interested
through a paper presenting the life and work of such women as Margaret
Fuller, Abigail Adams, Lucretia Mott, etc., or showing the rise and
progress of the woman suffrage movement, giving short biographies of
the leaders.

Advocate suffrage through your local papers. Send them short, pithy
communications, and, when possible, secure a column in each, to be
edited by the society.

Invite pastors of churches to select from the numerous appropriate
texts in the Bible and preach occasionally upon this subject.

A strong effort should be made to circulate literature. Every society
should own a copy of the Woman Question in Europe, by Theodore
Stanton, of the History of Woman Suffrage, by Mrs. Stanton, Miss
Anthony and Mrs. Gage, of Mrs. Robinson's Massachusetts in the Woman
Suffrage Movement, of T. W. Higginson's Common Sense for Women, of
John Stuart Mill's Subjection of Women, and of Frances Power Cobbe's
Duties of Women. These will furnish ammunition for arguments and
debates.

Suffrage leaflets should be circulated in parlors and places of
business, and "pockets" should be filled and hung in railroad
stations, post-offices and hotels, that "he who runs may read." Over
these should be printed "Woman Suffrage--Take and Read."

All the above methods aim rather at the education of the popular mind
than the judiciary and legislative branches of the Government. The
next step is to educate the representatives in Congress and on the
bench of the Supreme Court in the principles of constitutional law and
republican government, that they may understand the justice of the
demands for a Sixteenth Amendment which shall forbid the several
States to deny or abridge the rights of women citizens of the United
States.

[19] Miss Anthony never wrote her addresses and no stenographic
reports were made. Brief and inadequate newspaper accounts are all
that remain.

CHAPTER III.

CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS AND REPORTS OF 1884.

Both Senate and House of the preceding Congress had appointed Select
Committees on Woman Suffrage to whom all petitions, etc., were
referred.[20] The Senate of the Forty-eighth Congress renewed this
committee, but the House declined to do so. Early in the session, Dec.
19, 1883, the Committee on Rules refused to report such a committee
but authorized Speaker Warren Keifer of Ohio to present the question
to the House. A spirited debate followed which displayed the sentiment
of members against the question of woman suffrage itself. John H.
Reagan of Texas was the principal opponent, saying in the course of
his remarks:

I hope that it will not be considered ungracious in me that I
oppose the wish of any lady. But when she so far misunderstands
her duty as to want to go to working on the roads and making
rails and serving in the militia and going into the army, I want
to protect her against it. I do not think that sort of employment
suits her sex or her physical strength. I think also, when we
attempt to overturn the social status of the world as it has
existed for six thousand years, we ought to begin somewhere where
we have a constitutional basis to stand upon....

But I suppose whoever clamors for action here finds a warrant for
it in the clamor outside, and it is not necessary to look to the
Constitution for it; it is not necessary to regard the interests
of civilization and the experience of ages in determining our
social as well as our political policy; but we will arrange it so
that there shall be no one to nurse the babies, no one to
superintend the household, but all shall go into the political
scramble, and we shall go back as rapidly as we can march into
barbarism. That is the effect of such doings as this,
disregarding the social interests of society for a clamor that
never ought to have been made.

Mr. Reagan then rambled into a long discussion of the rights allowed
under the Constitution, although no action had been proposed except
the mere appointment of a Select Committee, to whom all questions
relating to woman suffrage might be referred, such as already existed
in the Senate.

James B. Belford of Colorado in an able reply said:

I have no doubt that this House will be gratified with the
profound respect which the gentleman from Texas has expressed for
the Constitution of the country. The last distinguished act with
which he was connected was its attempted overthrow; and a man who
was engaged in an enterprise of that kind can fight a class to
whom his mother belonged. I desire to know whether a woman is a
citizen of the United States or an outcast without any political
rights whatever....

What is the proposition presented by the gentleman from Ohio?
That we will constitute a committee to whom shall be referred all
petitions presented by women. Is not the right of petition a
constitutional right? Has not woman, in this country at least,
risen above the horizon of servitude, discredit and disgrace, and
has she not a right, representing as she does in many instances
great questions of property, to present her appeals to this
National Council and have them judiciously considered? I think it
is due to our wives, daughters, mothers and sisters to afford
them an avenue through which they can legitimately and judicially
reach the ear of this great nation.

Moved by Mr. Reagan's attacks, Mr. Keifer made a strong plea for the
rights of women, which deserves a place in history, saying in part:

We must remember that we stand here committed in a large sense to
the matter of woman suffrage. In the Territories of Wyoming and
Utah for fifteen years past women have had the right to vote on
all questions which men can vote upon; and the Congress of the
United States has stood by without disapproving the legislative
acts of those Territories. And we now have before us a law passed
at the last session of the Legislature of Washington, giving to
its women the right to vote. We have not passed upon the question
one way or the other, but we have the right to pass upon it.
This, I think, seems to dispose sufficiently of the question of
constitutional legislative power without trampling upon the toes
of any State-rights man.

The right of petition belongs to all persons within the limits of
our republic, and with the right of petition goes the right on
the part of the Congress through constitutional means to grant
relief. Do gentlemen claim it is unconstitutional to amend the
Constitution? I know that claim was made at one time on the floor
of this House and on the floor of the Senate. When it was
proposed to abolish slavery in the United States, distinguished
gentlemen argued that it was unconstitutional to amend the
Constitution so as to abolish slavery. But all that has passed
away and we now find ourselves, in the light of the present,
seeing clearly that we may amend the Constitution in any way we
please, pursuing always the proper constitutional methods of
doing so.

There are considerations due to the women of this country which
ought not to be lightly thrust aside. For thirty-five years they
have been petitioning and holding conventions and demanding that
certain relief should be granted them, to the extent of allowing
them to exercise the right of suffrage. In that thirty-five years
we have seen great things accomplished. We have seen some of the
subtleties of the Common Law, which were spread over this
country, swept away. There is hardly anybody anywhere who now
adheres to the doctrine that a married woman can not make a
contract, and that she has no rights or liabilities except those
which are centered in her husband. Even the old Common-Law maxim
that "husband and wife are one, and that one the husband," has
been largely modified under the influence of these patriotic,
earnest ladies who have taken hold of this question and
enlightened the world upon it. There are now in the vaults of
this Capitol _hundreds of thousands of petitions_ for relief,
sent in here by women and by those who believed that women ought
to have certain rights and privileges of citizenship granted to
them. For sixteen years there has been held in this city,
annually, a convention composed of representative women from all
parts of the country. These conventions, as well as various State
and local conventions, have been appealing for relief; and they
ought not to be met by the statement that we will not even give
them the poor privilege of a committee to whom their petitions
and memorials may be referred.

We have made some progress. In 1871 there was a very strong
minority report made in this House in favor of woman suffrage.
Notwithstanding the notion that we must stand by all our old
ideas, the Supreme Court of the United States, after deliberately
considering the question, admitted a woman to practice at the bar
of that Court.[21] A hundred years ago, in the darkness of which
some gentlemen desire still to live, I suppose they would not
have done this. Favorable reports on this subject were made by
the Committee on Privileges and Elections in the Senate of the
Forty-fifth Congress, and in the last Congress by a Select
Committee of the Senate and of the House. The Legislatures of
many of the States have expressed their judgment on the matter.
There has been a great deal of progress in that direction. The
Senate and the House of Representatives of the last Congress
provided Select Committees to whom all matters relating to woman
suffrage could be referred. Will this House take a step backward
on this question?

I want especially to notify the gentleman from Texas that we are
not standing still on this matter. Eleven States--New Hampshire,
Vermont, Massachusetts, New York, Michigan, Kentucky, Minnesota,
Nebraska, Kansas, Colorado and Oregon--have authorized women to
vote for school trustees and members of school boards. Kentucky
extends this right to widows who have children and pay taxes.
Women are nominated and voted for not only in the eleven States
and three Territories, but in nearly all the Northern and Western
States. Pennsylvania, Illinois, Iowa and other States have large
numbers of women county superintendents of public schools. And
let me say, for the benefit of the Democratic party, that in the
great, progressive western State of Kansas the Democracy rose so
high as to nominate and vote for a woman for State Superintendent
of Public Instruction at the last election. So there has been a
little growing away from those old ideas and notions, even among
the Democracy. We are permitting women to fill public offices.
Why should they not participate in the election of officers who
are to govern them? We require them to pay taxes and there are a
great many burdens imposed upon them. Kansas, Michigan, Colorado
and Nebraska have in recent years submitted the question of woman
suffrage to a vote of the people and more than one-third of the
electors of each voted in favor. Oregon has now a similar
proposition pending.

By the laws of all the States women are required to pay taxes;
but we are practically working on the theory that these women
shall be taxed without the right of representation. Taxation
without representation led to the separation of the colonies from
the mother country. They were not so much opposed to being taxed
as they were to being taxed without representation. The patriots
of that day conceived the idea that there was a principle
somewhere involved in the right of representation. So they
evolved and formulated that Revolutionary maxim, "Millions for
defense, but not one cent for tribute." The basis of that maxim
was that they would not give to the payment of taxes without the
right of representation. Revolution and war made representation
and taxation correlative. But the States tax all women on their
property. For illustration, 8,000 women of Boston and 34,000 in
Massachusetts pay $2,000,000 of taxes, one-eleventh of the entire
tax of that great and wealthy State. The same ratio will be found
to prevail in all the other States.

Progress has gone on elsewhere than in the United States. England
has been moving forward in this matter, and we should not stand
behind her in anything....

I am one of those who do not believe that to give to women common
rights and privileges will degrade them, but on the contrary I
believe it will ennoble them; and I believe further that to put
them on an equality in the matter of rights and privileges with
men will enhance their charms and not lessen their beauty.

The vote resulted--yeas, 85; nays, 124; not voting, 112. Of the
affirmative votes 72 were Republican, 13 Democratic; of the negative,
4 were Republican, 120 Democratic.

In January, 1884, after the return of the members from their holiday
recess, Miss Anthony addressed letters to the 112 absentees, asking
each how he would have voted had he been present. Fifty-two replies
were received, 26 from Republicans, all of whom would have voted yes;
26 from Democrats, 10 of whom would have voted yes, 10, no, and 6
could not tell which way they would have voted.

In the hope that this respectable minority could be increased to a
majority, the Hon. John D. White (Ky.) made a further attempt, Feb. 7,
1884, to secure the desired committee, saying in his speech upon this
question:

It seems to me to be an anomalous state of affairs that in a
great Nation like this one-half of the people should have no
committee to which they could address their appeals.

Women consider they have the same political rights as men. I
might read from such distinguished authority as Miss Susan B.
Anthony, whose name has been jeered in her native State, and who
has been prosecuted there for voting, but who stands before the
American people to-day the peer of any woman in the nation, and
the superior of half the men occupying a representative capacity.
It does seem to me hard that when a woman like this comes to
Congress, instructed by thousands and tens of thousands of her
sex, in order to be heard she should be compelled to hang around
the doors of the Judiciary Committee, or of some other committee,
pre-eminently occupied with other matters. But we are told there
is no room. Yet we have a room where lobbyists of every sort are
provided for. And are we to be told that no room in this wing of
the Capitol can be had where respectable women of the nation can
present arguments for the calm consideration of their friends in
this body? I ask simply for the opportunity to be afforded the
representatives of the political rights of women to be heard in
making respectful argument to the law-making power of the nation.

Byron M. Cutcheon (Mich.) also spoke in favor of the committee,
saying:

Ever since the organization of this House I have received
petitions from my constituents in regard to this matter of the
political rights of women, but there seems to be no committee to
which they could properly be referred. A few years since, when
this question of woman suffrage was submitted to the people in my
State, more than 40,000 electors were in favor of it. It seems to
me, without committing ourselves on the question of the political
rights of women, it is but respectful to a very large number of
people in all our States that there should be a committee to
receive and consider and report upon these petitions which come
to us from time to time.

The House refused to allow a vote.

The Senate Committee on Woman Suffrage granted a hearing March 7,
1884, at 10:30 a. m., in the Senate reception room, to the speakers
and delegates in attendance at the convention, the entire committee
being present.[22] In introducing the speakers Miss Anthony said:
"This is the sixteenth year that we have come before Congress in
person, and the nineteenth by petitions, asking national protection
for the citizen's right to vote, when the citizen happens to be a
woman."

MRS. HARRIET R. SHATTUCK (Mass.): We canvassed four localities in
the city of Boston, two in smaller cities, two in country
districts and made one record also of school teachers in nine
schools of one town. The teachers were unanimously in favor of
woman suffrage, and in the nine localities we found that the
proportion of women in favor was very much larger than of those
opposed. The total of women canvassed was 814. Those in favor
were 405, those opposed, 44; indifferent, 166; refused to sign,
160; not seen, 39. These canvasses were made by respectable,
responsible women, and they swore before a Justice of the Peace
as to the truth of their statements. Thus we have in
Massachusetts this reliable canvass of women showing those in
favor are to those opposed as nine to one....

MRS. MAY WRIGHT SEWALL (Ind.): ... My friend has said that men
have always kept us just a little below them where they could
shower upon us favors and they have done that generously. So they
have, but, gentlemen, has your sex been more generous to women
than they have been generous toward you in their favors? Neither
can dispense with the service of the other, neither can dispense
with the reverence of the other or with the aid of the other in
social life. The men of this nation are rapidly finding that they
can not dispense with the service of woman in business life. I
know that they are also feeling the need of the moral support of
woman in their political life.

You, gentlemen, by lifting the women of the nation into political
equality would simply place us where we could lift you where you
never yet have stood--upon a moral equality with us. I do not
speak to you as individuals but as the representatives of your
sex, as I stand here the representative of mine, and never until
we are your equals politically will the moral standard for men be
what it now is for women, and it is none too high. Let woman's
standard be still more elevated, and let yours come up to match
it.

We do not appeal to you as Republicans or as Democrats. We were
reared with our brothers under the political belief and faith of
our fathers, and probably as much influenced by that rearing as
they were. We shall go to strengthen both the parties, neither
the one nor the other the more, probably. So this is not a
partisan measure; it is a just measure, which is our due, because
of what we are, men and women both, by virtue of our heritage and
our one Father, our one Mother eternal.

MRS. HELEN M. GOUGAR (Ind.): I maintain there is no political
question paramount to that of woman suffrage before the people of
America to-day. Political parties would have us believe that
tariff is the great question of the hour. It is an insult to the
intelligence of the present to say that when one-half of the
citizens of this republic are denied a direct voice in making the
laws under which they shall live, that the tariff, the civil
rights of the negro, or any other question which can be brought
up, is equal to the one of giving political freedom to women.

I ask you to let me have a voice in the laws under which I shall
live because the older empires of the earth are sending to the
United States a population drawn very largely from their asylums,
penitentiaries, jails and poor-houses. They are emptying those
men upon our shores, and within a few months they are intrusted
with the ballot, the law-making power in this republic, and they
and their representatives are seated in official and legislative
positions. I, as an American-born woman, enter my protest at
being compelled to live under laws made by this class of men
while I am denied the protection that can only come from the
ballot. While I would not have you take this right from those men
whom we invite to our shores, I do ask you, in the face of this
immense foreign immigration, to enfranchise the tax-paying,
intelligent, moral, native-born women of America.

....We have in our State the signatures of over 5,000 of the
school teachers asking for woman's ballot. I ask you if the
Government does not need the voice of those 5,000 educated
teachers as much as it needs the voice of the 240 criminals who
are, on an average, sent out of the penitentiary of Indiana each
year, to go to the ballot-box upon every question, and make laws
under which those teachers must live, and under which the mothers
of our State must keep their homes and rear their children?

On behalf of the mothers of this country I demand that their
hands shall be loosened before the ballot-box, and that they
shall have the privilege of throwing the mother heart into the
laws which shall follow their sons not only to the age of
majority, but even after their hair has turned gray and they have
seats in the United States Congress; yes, to the very confines of
eternity. This can be done in no indirect way; it can not be done
by silent influence; it can not be done by prayer. While I do not
underestimate the power of prayer, I say give me my ballot with
which to send statesmen instead of modern politicians into our
legislative halls. I would rather have that ballot on election
day than the prayers of all the disfranchised women in the
universe!

....Our forefathers did not object to taxation, but they did
object to taxation without representation, and we object to it.
We are willing to contribute our share to the support of this
Government, as we always have done; but we demand our little yes
and no in the form of the ballot so that we shall have a direct
influence in distributing the taxes.

I am amenable to the gallows and the penitentiary, and it is no
more than right that I shall have a voice in framing the laws
under which I shall be rewarded or punished. It is written in the
law of every State in this Union that a person tried in the
courts shall have a jury of his peers; yet so long as the word
"male" stands as it does in the Constitution of the United States
and the States, no woman can have a jury of her peers. I protest
in the name of justice against going into the court-room and
being compelled to run the gauntlet of the gutter and
saloon--yes, even of the police court and of the jail--as is done
in selecting a male jury to try the interests of woman, whether
relating to life, property or reputation....

The political party that presumes to fight the moral battles of
the future must have the women in its ranks. We are non-partisan.
We come as Democrats, Republicans, Prohibitionists and
Green-backers, and if there were half a dozen other political
parties some of us would affiliate with them. We ask this
beneficent action upon your part, because we believe the
intelligence and justice of the hour demand it. We ask you in the
name of equity and humanity alone, and not in that of any
party....

You ask us if we are impatient. Yes; we are impatient. Some of us
may die, and I want our grand old standard-bearer, Susan B.
Anthony, whose name will go down to history beside those of
George Washington, Abraham Lincoln and Wendell Phillips--I want
that woman to go to Heaven a free angel from this republic. The
power lies in your hands to make all women free.

MRS. CAROLINE GILKEY ROGERS (N. Y.): It is often said to us that
when _all_ the women ask for the ballot it will be granted. Did
_all_ the married women petition the Legislatures of their States
to secure to them the right to hold in their own name the
property which belonged to them? To secure to the poor forsaken
wife the right to her earnings? _All_ the women did not ask for
these rights, but _all_ accepted them with joy and gladness when
they were obtained, and so it will be with the franchise. Woman's
right to self-government does not depend upon the numbers that
demand it, but upon precisely the same principles on which man
claims it for himself. Where did man get the authority which he
now exercises to govern one-half of humanity; from what power the
right to place woman, his helpmeet in life, in an inferior
position? Came it from nature? Nature made woman his superior
when it made her his mother--his equal when it fitted her to hold
the sacred position of wife. Did women meet in council and
voluntarily give up all their right to be their own law-makers?
The power of the strong over the weak makes man the master. Thus,
and thus only, does he gain the authority.

It is all very well to say, "Convert the women." While we most
heartily wish they could all feel as we do, yet when it comes to
the decision of this great question they are mere ciphers, for if
it is settled by the States it will be left to the men, not to
the women, to decide. Or if suffrage comes to women through a
Sixteenth Amendment to the National Constitution, it will be
decided by Legislatures elected by men only. In neither case will
women have an opportunity of passing upon the question. So reason
tells us we must devote our best efforts to converting those to
whom we must look for the removal of the barriers which now
prevent our exercising the right of suffrage....

MRS. MARY SEYMOUR HOWELL (N. Y.): We ask for the ballot for the
good of the race. Huxley says: "Admitting, for the sake of
argument, that woman is the weaker, mentally and physically, for
that very reason she should have the ballot and every help which
the world can give her." When you debar from your councils and
legislative halls the purity, the spirituality and the love of
woman, then those councils are apt to become coarse and brutal.
God gave us to you to help you in this little journey to a better
land, and by our love and our intellect to help make our country
pure and noble, and if you would have statesmen you must have
stateswomen to bear them....

MRS. LILLIE DEVEREUX BLAKE (N. Y.): It is often said that we have
too many voters; that the aggregate of vice and ignorance among
us should not be increased by giving women the right of suffrage.
In the enormous immigration which pours upon our shores every
year, numbering nearly half a million, there come twice as many
men as women. What does this mean? It means a constant
preponderance of the masculine over the feminine; and it means
also, of course, a preponderance of the voting power of the
foreign men as compared to the native born men. To those who fear
that our American institutions are threatened by this gigantic
inroad of foreigners, I commend the reflection that the best
safeguard against any such preponderance of foreign influence is
to put the ballot in the hands of the American born woman, and of
all other women also, so that if the foreign born man
overbalances us in numbers we shall be always in a majority on
the side of the liberty which is secured by our institutions....

MRS. ELIZABETH BOYNTON HARBERT: From the great State of Illinois
I come, representing 200,000 men and women of that State who have
recorded their written petitions for woman's ballot, 90,000 of
these being citizens under the law, male voters; those 90,000
have signed petitions for the right of woman to vote on the
temperance question; 90,000 women also signed those petitions;
50,000 men and women signed the petitions for the school vote,
and 60,000 more have signed petitions that the full right of
suffrage might be accorded to woman.

This growth of public sentiment has been occasioned by the needs
of the children and the working women of that great State. I come
here to ask you to make a niche in the statesmanship and
legislation of the nation for the domestic interests of the
people. You recognize that the masculine thought is more often
turned to material and political interests. I claim that the
mother-thought, the woman-element needed, is to supplement the
statesmanship of American men on political and industrial affairs
with domestic legislation.

In her closing address Miss Anthony took up the question of obtaining
suffrage for women through the States instead of Congress and said:

My answer is that I do not wish to see the women of the
thirty-eight States of this Union compelled to leave their homes
to canvass each one of these, school district by school district.
It is asking too much of a moneyless class. The joint earnings of
the marriage co-partnership in all the States belong legally to
the husband. It is only that wife who goes outside the home to
work whom the law permits to own and control the money she earns.
Therefore, to ask of women, the vast majority of whom are without
an independent dollar of their own, to make a thorough canvass of
their several States, is asking an impossibility.

We have already made the experiment of canvassing four
States--Kansas in 1867, Michigan in 1874, Colorado in 1877,
Nebraska in 1882--and in each, with the best campaign possible
for us to make, we obtained a vote of only one-third. One man out
of every three voted for the enfranchisement of the women of his
household, while two out of every three voted against it....

We beg, therefore, that instead of insisting that a majority of
the individual voters must be converted before women shall have
the franchise, you will give us the more hopeful task of
appealing to the representative men in the Legislatures of the
several States. You need not fear that we shall get suffrage too
quickly if Congress submits the proposition, for even then we
shall have a long siege in going from Legislature to Legislature
to secure the vote of three-fourths of the States necessary to
ratify the amendment. It may require twenty years after Congress
has taken the initiative step, to obtain action by the requisite
number, but once submitted by Congress it always will stand until
ratified by the States.

Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton's paper on Self-Government the Best Means
of Self-Development was read to the committee. A few extracts will
serve to show its broad scope:

The basic idea of a republic is the right of self-government, the
right of every citizen to choose his own representatives and to
have a voice in the laws under which he lives. As this right can
be secured only by the exercise of the suffrage, the ballot in
the hand of every qualified citizen constitutes the true
political status of the people in a republic.

The right of suffrage is simply the right to govern one's self.
Every human being is born into the world with this right, and the
desire to exercise it comes naturally with the feeling of life's
responsibilities. Those only who are capable of appreciating this
dignity, can measure the extent to which women are defrauded, and
they only can measure the loss to the councils of the nation of
the wisdom of representative women. They who say that women do
not desire the right of suffrage, that they prefer masculine
domination to self-government, falsify every page of history,
every fact in human experience.

It has taken the whole power of the civil and canon law to hold
woman in the subordinate position which it is said she willingly
accepts. If woman naturally has no will, no self-assertion, no
opinions of her own, what means the terrible persecution of the
sex under all forms of religious fanaticism, culminating in
witchcraft in which scarce one wizard to a thousand witches was
sacrificed? So powerful and merciless has been the struggle to
dominate the feminine element in humanity, that we may well
wonder at the steady, determined resistance maintained by woman
through the centuries. To every step of progress which she has
made from slavery to the partial freedom she now enjoys, the
Church and the State alike have made the most cruel opposition,
and yet, under all circumstances she has shown her love of
individual freedom, her desire for self-government, while her
achievements in practical affairs and her courage in the great
emergencies of life have vindicated her capacity to exercise this
right....

The right of suffrage in a republic means self-government, and
self-government means education, development, self-reliance,
independence, courage in the hour of danger. That women may
attain these virtues we demand the exercise of this right. Not
that we suppose we should at once be transformed into a higher
order of beings with all the elements of sovereignty, wisdom,
goodness and power full-fledged, but because the exercise of the
suffrage is the primary school in which the citizen learns how to
use the ballot as a weapon of defense; it is the open sesame to
the land of freedom and equality. The ballot is the scepter of
power in the hand of every citizen. Woman can never have an equal
chance with man in the struggle of life until she too wields this
power. So long as women have no voice in the Government under
which they live they will be an ostracised class, and invidious
distinctions will be made against them in the world of work.
Thrown on their own resources they have all the hardships that
men have to encounter in earning their daily bread, with the
added disabilities which grow out of disfranchisement. Men of the
republic, why make life harder for your daughters by these
artificial distinctions? Surely, if governments were made to
protect the weak against the strong, they are in greater need
than your stalwart sons of every political right which can give
them protection, dignity and power....

The disfranchisement of one-half the people places a dangerous
power in the hands of the other half. All history shows that one
class never did legislate with justice for another, and all
philosophy shows they never can, as the relations of class grow
out of either natural or artificial advantages which one has over
the other and which it will maintain if possible. It is folly to
say that women are not a class, so long as there is any
difference in the code of laws for men and women, any
discrimination in the customs of society, giving advantages to
men over women; so long as in all our State constitutions women
are ranked with lunatics, idiots, paupers and criminals. When you
say that one-half the people shall be governed by the other half,
surely the class distinction is about as broad as it can be....

The disfranchisement of one-half the people deprives the State of
the united wisdom of man and woman--that "consensus of the
competent" so necessary in national affairs--making our
Government an oligarchy of males, instead of a republic of the
people, thus perpetuating with all its evils a dominant masculine
civilization. But in answer to this it is said that although
women do not vote, yet they have an indirect influence in
Government through their husbands and brothers. Yes, an
"irresponsible power," of all kinds of influence the most
dangerous....

The dogged, unreasonable persecutions of sex in all ages, the
evident determination to eliminate, as far as possible, the
feminine element in humanity, has been the most fruitful cause of
the moral chaos the race has suffered, under every form of
government and religion.... The loss to women themselves of the
highest development of which they are capable is sad, but when
this involves a lower type of manhood and danger to our free
institutions, it is still more sad. The primal work in every
country, for its own safety, should be the education and freedom
of woman.

The arguments before the Judiciary Committee of the House were given
the next morning, March 8, twelve of the fifteen members being
present.[23] Miss Anthony opened the hearing with an earnest address
in which she referred to the hundreds of thousands of petitions which
had been sent to Congress for woman suffrage--far more than for any
other measure--and continued:

Negro suffrage was again and again overwhelmingly voted down in
various States--New York, Connecticut, Ohio, etc.--and you know,
gentlemen, that if the negro had never had the right to vote
until the majority of the rank and file of white men,
particularly foreign-born men, had voted "Yes," he would have
gone without it till the crack of doom. It was because of the
prejudice of the unthinking majority that Congress submitted the
question of the negro's enfranchisement to the Legislatures of
the several States, to be adjudicated by the educated, broadened
representatives of the people. We now appeal to you to lift the
decision of woman suffrage from the vote of the populace to that
of the Legislatures, that you may thereby be as considerate, as
just, to the women of this nation as you were to the male
ex-slaves.

Every new privilege granted to women has been by the
Legislatures. The liberal laws for married women, the right of
the wife to own and control her inherited property and separate
earnings, the right of women to vote at school elections in a
dozen States, the right to vote on all questions in three
Territories, have all been gained through the Legislatures. Had
any one of these beneficent propositions been submitted to the
masses, do you believe a majority would have placed their
sanction upon them? I do not.

It takes all too many of us women, and too much of our hard
earnings, from our homes and from the works of charity and
education of our respective localities, even to come to
Washington, session after session, until Congress shall have
submitted the proposition, and then to go from Legislature to
Legislature, urging its adoption; but when you insist that we
shall beg at the feet of each and every individual voter of each
and every one of the thirty-eight States, native and foreign,
white and black, educated and ignorant, you doom us to
incalculable hardships and sacrifices and to most exasperating
insults and humiliations. I pray you, therefore, save us from the
fate of working and waiting for our freedom until we shall have
educated the masses of men to consent to give their wives and
sisters equality of rights with themselves. You surely will not
compel us to wait the enlightenment of all the freedmen of this
nation and all the newly-made voters from the monarchial
governments of the Old World!

Liberty for one's self is a natural instinct possessed alike by
all, but to be willing to accord liberty to another is the result
of education, of self-discipline, of the practice of the golden
rule--"Do unto others as you would that others should do unto
you." Therefore we ask that the question of equality of rights to
women shall be arbitrated upon by the picked men of the nation in
Congress, and the picked men of the several States in their
respective Legislatures.

THE REV. FLORENCE KILLOCK (Ills.): ... Called as I am into the
homes of the people through the requirements of my office, I know
whereof I speak when I say that I am as faithfully fulfilling its
sacred duties when I come before you urging this claim, as when,
on my bended knees, I plead at the throne of God for the
salvation of souls.

I know too well the suffering that might be alleviated, the
terrible wrongs that might be righted, the sins that might be
punished, could the moral power of the women of our land be
utilized--could it be brought to bear on those great questions
which affect so vitally the welfare of society. The gigantic evil
of intemperance is prostrating the finest powers of our country
and threatening the life of social purity; it is in truth the
fell destroyer of peace, virtue and domestic and national safety,
and upon the unoffending the blow falls with the greatest weight.
Why should not they who suffer the most deeply through this evil,
be authorized before the law of the land to protect themselves
and their loved ones from its fearful ravages? Is it other than
simple justice which I ask for them? I have listened to too many
sad stories from heart-broken wives and mothers not to know that
the demand which the women of the land make in this matter comes
not from love of power, is not prompted by false ambition,
springs not from unwomanly aspirations, but does come from a
direful need of self-protection and an earnest desire to protect
those dearer than life itself.

Gentlemen of the Judiciary Committee, in the same spirit in which
I seek the aid of Heaven in my endeavor to promote the spiritual
welfare of mankind, I now and here seek your aid in promoting the
highest moral welfare of every man, woman and child. This you
will do in giving your vote and influence for the equality of
women before the law, and as you thus confer this new power upon
the women of our land, like the bread cast upon the waters, it
shall come to you in a higher, nobler type of womanhood, in
sweeter homes, in purer social life, in all that contributes to
the welfare of the individual and the state.

MRS. MARY B. CLAY (Ky.): We do not come here to plead as
individual women with individual men, but as a subject class with
a ruling class; nor do we come as suffering individuals--though
God knows some of us might do that with propriety--but as the
suffering millions whom we represent....

We are born of the same parents as men and raised in the same
family. We are possessed of the same loves and animosities as our
brothers, and we inherit equally with them the substance of our
fathers. So long as we are minors the Government treats us as
equals, but when we come of age, when we are capable of feeling
and knowing the difference, the boy becomes a free human being,
while the girl remains a slave, a subject, and no moral heroism,
no self-sacrificing patriotism, ever entitles her to her freedom.
Is this just? Is it not, indeed, barbarous?

If American men intend always to keep women slaves, political and
civil, they make a great mistake when they let the girl, with the
boy, learn the alphabet, for no educated class will long remain
in subjection. We are told that men protect us; that they are
generous, even chivalric in their protection. Gentlemen, if your
protectors were women, and they took all your property and your
children, and paid you half as much for your work, though as well
or better done than your own, would you think much of the
chivalry which permitted you to sit in street-cars and picked up
your pocket-handkerchief?

Each one of you is responsible for these laws continuing as they
are, and you can not avoid responsibility by saying that you did
not help to make them. Great injustice is done us in the fact
that we are not tried by a jury of our peers. Great injustice is
done us everywhere by our not having a vote. Human nature is
naturally selfish, and, as woman is deprived of the ballot, and
powerless either to punish or reward, man, loving his bread and
butter more than justice, will ever thrust her aside for the
benefit of those who can help him, those with ballots in their
hands.

....All that is good in the home, and largely the highest
principles taught in your youth, were given by your mothers. How
then it is possible for you to return this love and interest, as
soon as you are capable of acting, by riveting the chains which
hold them still slaves, politically and civilly?

You need woman's presence and counsel in legislation as much as
she needs yours in the home; you need the association and
influence of woman; her intuitive knowledge of men's character
and the effect of measures upon the household; you need her for
the economical details of public work; you need her sense of
justice and moral courage to execute the laws; you need her for
all that is just, merciful and good in government. But above all,
women themselves need the ballot for self-protection, and as we
are by common right and the laws of God free human beings, we
demand that you no longer hold us your subjects--your political
slaves.

MRS. MARY E. HAGGART (Ind.): When Abraham Lincoln penned the
immortal emancipation proclamation he did not stop to inquire
whether every man and every woman in Southern slavery did or did
not want to be free. Whether women do or do not wish to vote does
not affect the question of their right to do so. The right of man
to the ballot is a logical deduction from the principles
enunciated in the Declaration of Independence. And singular to
say, while this inheres in all people alike, the privilege of
exercising it is withheld from women by a class who have no right
to say whether they are willing or not that women should vote.
Their right to the ballot was long ago settled beyond a quibble,
by laws and principles of justice which are superior to the codes
of men, who have usurped the power to regulate the voting
privileges of citizens. If this right be inherent and existing in
the great body of society before governments are formed, it
follows that all citizens of a republic, be they male or female,
are alike entitled to its exercise.

....Is there a man among you willing to resign his own right to
the ballot and to place his own business interests and general
welfare at the mercy of the votes of others? Would you not resent
an attempt on the part of any man, or set of men, to fix your
mental status, assign your work in life and lay out with
mathematical precision your exact sphere in the world? And yet
men undertake to adjust the limitations of the Elizabeth Cady
Stantons, the Susan B. Anthonys, the Harriet Beecher Stowes, the
Frances E. Willards, the Harriet Hosmers of the world, and
continue to talk with patronizing condescension of female
retirement, female duties and female spheres.

The question is not whether women want or do not want to vote,
but how can republican inconsistencies be wiped out, justice
universally recognized and impartially administered, and the
civil and political errors of the past effectually repaired.
Whoever admits that men have a right to the franchise must
include in the admission women also, for there are no reasons
capable of demonstrating an abstract right in behalf of one sex
which are not equally applicable to the other....

The assertion that women do not want to vote is absolutely
without authority, so long as each individual woman does not
speak out for herself. In Ohio 225,000, and in Illinois 185,000,
have signified a desire to use the ballot for home protection,
and yet it is still asserted in those States that women do not
want it. Over 100,000 women have already notified this Congress
that they desire equality of political rights, and still it is
declared all around us that women do not want to vote. Gentlemen,
this is most emphatically an assertion which no individual can be
justified in making for another.

Since the elective franchise is the parent stem from which branch
out legal, industrial, social and educational enterprises
necessary to the welfare of the citizens, it will be readily seen
how women engaged in reforms, public charities, social
enterprises, are hampered and trammeled in their progress without
the ballot. Women have beheld their plans frustrated, their
Herculean labor undone, their lives wasted, for want of
legislative power through the citizen's emblem of sovereignty....

All ranks and occupations are beginning to realize that monstrous
evils must ever crowd upon both classes while one side of
humanity only is represented, and while one sex has the
irresponsible keeping of the rights and privileges of the other.
To-day, throughout the length and breadth of our land, woman
finds the greatest need of the ballot through an almost
overpowering desire to have her wishes and opinions crystallized
into law.

I have no hesitancy in saying that if the conditions which
surround the women of this nation to-day were the conditions of
the male citizens of the country, they would rise up and
pronounce them the exact definition of civil and political
slavery, instead of the true interpretation of natural justice
and civil equity.

Many persons claim that men are born with the right to vote, as
they are to the right of life, liberty and happiness; that
suffrage is the gift of the State, and that the State has a right
to regulate it in any way that it may deem best for the common
good. If men are born with the right to life, liberty and
happiness, they are also born with the right to give expression
as to how these are to be maintained; and in this nation, which
professes to rest upon the consent of the governed, this
expression is given through the ballot. Consequently the
expression of a freeman's will is as God-given as his right to be
free. Since the year of Magna Charta we have repudiated the idea
of representation by proxy.

We all know that there are thousands of women in this nation who
are owners of property, mothers of children, devoted to their
homes and families and to all the duties and responsibilities
which grow out of social life, and hence are most deeply
interested in the public welfare. They have just as much at
stake in this Government, which affords them no opportunity of
giving or withholding their consent, as men who are consulted.
John Quincy Adams said in that grand speech in defense of the
petitions of the women of Plymouth: "The women are not only
justified, but exhibit the most exalted virtue, when they do
depart from the domestic sphere and enter upon the concerns of
their country, of humanity and of God."

Miss Phoebe W. Couzins (Mo.) in closing her address said: "At the
gateway of this nation, the harbor of New York, there soon shall stand
a statue of the Goddess of Liberty, presented by the republic of
France--a magnificent figure of a woman, typifying all that is grand
and glorious and free in self-government. She will hold aloft an
electric torch of great power which is to beam an effulgent light far
out to sea, that ships sailing towards this goodly land may ride
safely into harbor. So should you thus uplift the women of this
nation, and teach these men, at the very threshold, when first their
feet shall touch the shore of this republic, that here woman is
exalted, ennobled and honored; that here she bears aloft the torch of
intelligence and purity which guides our Ship of State into the safe
harbor of wise laws, pure morals and secure institutions."

It had been the custom of these committees, when they reported at all,
to delay doing so until the following year. In 1884, however, those of
both Senate and House submitted reports soon after the hearings. The
favorable recommendation was presented March 28, 1884, signed by
Thomas W. Palmer, Henry W. Blair, Elbridge G. Lapham and Henry B.
Anthony. Senators Francis Marion Cockrell and Joseph E. Brown
dissented.[24] The name of Senator James G. Fair does not appear on
either document, but he had signed an adverse report in 1882.

An adverse majority report from the House Judiciary Committee was
presented by William C. Maybury (Mich.) and began thus:

The right of suffrage is not and never has, under our system of
government, been one of the essential rights of citizenship....

What class or portion of the whole people of any State should be
admitted to suffrage, and should, by virtue of such admission,
exert the active and potential control in the direction of its
affairs, was a question reserved exclusively for the
determination of the State.

[The report loses sight entirely of the point that this question was
not and never has been left to "the people" of a State, but that men
alone usurped the right to decide who should be admitted to the
suffrage, arbitrarily excluded women and have kept them excluded.]

Under the influence of a just fear that without suffrage as a
protective power to the newly-acquired rights and privileges
guaranteed to the former slave he might suffer detriment, and
with this dominant motive in view, originated the Fifteenth
Amendment. It will be noted that by this later amendment the
privilege of suffrage is not sought to be _conferred_ on any
class; but an inhibition is placed upon the States from
_excluding_ from the privilege of suffrage any class on account
of race, color or previous condition of servitude.

[The Fifteenth Amendment does not mention the "privilege" of suffrage.
It says expressly, "The _right_ of citizens of the United States to
vote shall not be denied or abridged." But whether it be a "right" or
a "privilege," where did the negro get that which the States are
forbidden to deny or abridge, if it does not inhere in citizenship?
The report is incorrect in saying that the State is prohibited from
excluding any "class;" it is only the "males" of any class who are
protected from exclusion. The same right or privilege belongs to
women, but they are not protected in the exercise of it. Women never
have asked Congress to grant them any _new_ right or privilege, but
only to prohibit the States from denying or abridging what is already
theirs, as it did in the case of negro men.]

Woman's true sphere is not restricted, but is boundless in
resources and consequences. In it she may employ every energy of
the mind and every affection of the heart, while within its
limitless compass, under Providence, she exercises a power and
influence beyond all other agencies for good. She trains and
guides the life that is, and forms it for the eternity and
immortality that are to be. From the rude contact of life, man is
her shield. He is her guardian from its conflicts. He is the
defender of her rights in his home, and the avenger of her wrongs
everywhere.

[That is, what man considers her true sphere is not restricted, but
she is not allowed to decide for herself what shall be its
dimensions. "Her power for good is beyond all other agencies," but it
is not wanted in affairs of State, where surely it is needed quite as
badly as in any place in the world. "Man is her shield, guardian,
defender and avenger." Witness the Common Law of England, made by men,
under which women lived for centuries and which is still in force in a
number of the States; witness the records of the courts with the
wife-beaters and slayers, the rapists, the seducers, the husbands who
have deserted their families, the schemers who have defrauded widows
and orphans--witness all these and then say if all men are the natural
protectors of women. But even if they were, witness the millions of
women who are not legally entitled to the protection and assistance of
any man. However, the report does not forget these women.]

The exceptional cases of unmarried females are too rare to change
the general policy, while expectancy and hope, constantly being
realized in marriage, are happily extinguishing the exceptions
and bringing all within the rule which governs wife and matron.

To permit the entrance of political contention into the home
would be either useless or pernicious--useless if man and wife
agree, and pernicious if they differ. In the former event the
volume of ballots alone would be increased without changing
results. In the latter, the peace and contentment of home would
be exchanged for the bedlam of political debate and become the
scene of base and demoralizing intrigue.

[What a breadth of statesmanship, what a grasp of the principles of a
republican form of government, to see in the voting of husband and
wife only an "increase of ballots"; what a reflection upon men to
assume that if there were an honest difference of opinion "the home
would become a scene of base and demoralizing intrigue"; what a
recognition of justice to decree that, since possibly there might be a
disagreement, the man should do the voting and the woman should be
forbidden a voice!]

In respect to married women, it may well be doubted whether the
influences which result from the laws of property between husband
and wife, would not make it improbable that the woman should
exercise her suffrage with freedom and independence. This, too,
in despite of the fact that the dependence of woman under the
Common Law has been almost entirely obliterated by statutory
enactments.

[Almost, but not quite, and it would still prevail everywhere had its
obliteration depended upon the committee making this report. Think of
saying in cold blood that, as the husband holds the purse-strings, the
wife would not dare vote with freedom and independence!]

Your committee are of the opinion that while a few intelligent
women, such as appeared before the committee in advocacy of the
pending measure, would defy all obstacles in the way of their
casting the ballot, yet the great mass of the intelligent,
refined and judicious, with the becoming modesty of their sex,
would shrink from the rude contact of the crowd and, with the
exceptions mentioned, leave the ignorant and vile the exclusive
right to speak for the gentler sex in public affairs.

[This opinion has been wholly disproved by the experience of States
where women do vote. The "intelligent and judicious" have learned that
there is more "rude contact" in going to the market, the theater, the
train and the ferry-boat, than in a quiet booth where no man is
permitted to come within a hundred feet. But women are not so "modest
and refined" as to shrink from "rude contact" even, if it would give
them the opportunity to control the conditions which surround and
influence their husbands, their children, their homes and their
community.]

Your committee are of the opinion that the general policy of
female suffrage should remain in abeyance, in so far as the
general Government is concerned, until the States and communities
directly chargeable under our system of government with the
exercise and regulation of this privilege, shall put the seal of
affirmation upon it; and there certainly can be no reason for an
amendment of the Constitution to settle a question within the
jurisdiction of the States, and which they should first settle
for themselves.

[Of course, according to this logic, after the States settle the
question and put the seal of affirmation on it, then the general
Government will take a hand!]

This House Report (No. 1330) was not drastic enough to suit the Hon.
Luke P. Poland (Vt.), so he made his own, in which he said:

No government founded upon the principle that sovereignty resides
in the people has ever allowed all the people to vote, or to
directly participate in making or administering the laws.
Suffrage has never been regarded as the natural right of all the
people or of any particular class or portion of the people.
Suffrage is representation, and it has been given in free
governments to such class of persons as in their judgment [whose
judgment?] would fairly and safely represent the rights and
interests of the whole. The right has generally, if not
universally, been conferred on men above twenty-one years of age,
and often this has been restricted by requiring the ownership of
property or the payment of taxes. [Which?]

The great majority of women are either under the age of
twenty-one, or are married and therefore _under such influence
and control_ as that relation implies and confers. Is there any
necessity for the protection and preservation of the rights of
women, that they must be allowed to vote and, of course, to hold
office and directly to participate in the administration of the
laws?

Nearly every man who votes has a wife or mother or sisters or
daughters; some sustain all these relations or more than one. I
think it certain that the great majority of men when voting or
when engaged as legislators or in administering the laws in some
official character, are fully mindful of the interests of all
that class with whom they are so closely connected, and whose
interests are so bound up with their own, and that, therefore,
they fairly represent all the rights and interests of women as
well as their own. Persons who have been accustomed to see legal
proceedings in the courts, and occasionally to see a female
litigant in court, know very well whether they are apt to suffer
wrong because their rights are determined wholly by men.[25]
There is just as little reason for suspicion that their rights
are not carefully guarded in legislation, and in every way where
legislation can operate.

There is another reason why I think this proposal to enlist the
women of the country as a part of its active political force, and
to cast upon them an equal duty in the political meetings,
campaigns and elections--to make them legislators, jurors, judges
and executive officers--is all wrong. I believe it to be utterly
inconsistent with the very nature and constitution of woman, and
wholly subversive of the sphere and function she was designed to
fill in the home and in society. The office and duty which nature
has devolved upon woman during _all the active and vigorous
portion_ of her life would often render it impossible, and still
more often indelicate, for her to appear and act in caucuses,
conventions or elections, or to act as a member of the
Legislature or as a juror or judge.

I can not bring myself to believe that any large portion of the
intelligent women of this country desire any such thing granted
them, or would perform any such duties if the chance were offered
them.

[To comment upon this would be "to gild refined gold, to paint the
lily, to throw a perfume on the violet." It would be positively
"indelicate."]

William Dorsheimer (N. Y.) agreed with the committee to table the
resolution, but did not endorse their arguments. He signed the
following statement: "I think it probable that the interests of
society will some time require that women should have the right of
suffrage, and I am not willing to say more than that the present is
not an opportune time for submission to the States of the proposed
amendment."

In this, it will be observed, there is no recognition of woman's right
to represent herself, no disposition to grant her petition for her own
sake, but simply the opinion that should there ever be a crisis when
her suffrage was needed it should be allowed as a matter of
expediency.

In the eyes of posterity the Judiciary Committee of this Forty-eighth
Congress will be redeemed from the disgrace of these reports by that
of the minority, signed by Thomas B. Reed, afterwards for many years
Speaker of the House; Ezra B. Taylor (O.); Moses A. McCoid (Ia.);
Thomas M. Browne (Ind.). The question of woman suffrage never has been
and never can be more concisely and logically stated.

No one who listens to the reasons given by the superior class for
the continuance of any system of subjection can fail to be
impressed with the noble disinterestedness of mankind. When the
subjection of persons of African descent was to be maintained,
the good of those persons was always the main object. When it was
the fashion to beat children, to regard them as little animals
who had no rights, it was always for their good that they were
treated with severity, and never on account of the bad temper of
their parents. Hence, when it is proposed to give to the women of
this country an opportunity to present their case to the various
State Legislatures to demand equality of political rights, it is
not surprising to find that the reasons on which the continuance
of the inferiority of women is urged are drawn almost entirely
from a tender consideration of their own good. The anxiety felt
lest they should thereby deteriorate would be an honor to human
nature were it not an historical fact that the same sweet
solicitude has been put up as a barrier against all the progress
which women have made since civilization began.

There is no doubt that if to-day in Turkey or Algiers, countries
where woman's sphere is most thoroughly confined to the home
circle, it was proposed to admit them to social life, to remove
the veil from their faces and permit them to converse in open day
with the friends of their husbands and brothers, the conservative
and judicious Turk or Algerine of the period, if he could be
brought even to consider such a horrible proposition, would point
out that the sphere of woman was to make home happy by those
gentle insipidities which education would destroy; that by
participating in conversation with men they would debase their
natures, and men would thereby lose that ameliorating influence
which still leaves them unfit to associate with women. He would
point out that "nature" had determined that women should be
secluded; that their sphere was to raise and educate the
man-child, and that any change would be a violation of the divine
law which, in the opinion of all conservative men, ordains the
present but never the future.

So in civilized countries when it was proposed that women should
own their own property, that they should have the earnings of
their own labor, there were not wanting those who were sure that
such a proposition could work only evil to women, and that
continually. It would destroy the family, discordant interests
would provoke dispute, and the only real safety for woman was in
the headship of man; not that man wanted superiority for any
selfish reason, but to preserve intact the family relation for
woman's good. To-day a woman's property belongs to herself; her
earnings are her own; she has been emancipated beyond the wildest
hopes of any reformer of twenty-five years ago. Almost every
vocation is open to her. She is proving her usefulness in spheres
which the "nature" worshiped by the conservative of the last
generation absolutely forbade her to enter. Notwithstanding all
these changes the family circle remains unbroken, the man-child
gets as well educated as before, and the ameliorating influence
of woman has become only the more marked.

Thirty years ago hardly any political assemblage of the people
was graced by the presence of women. Had it needed a law to
enable them to be present, what an argument could have been made
against it! How easily it could have been shown that the
coarseness, the dubious expressions, the general vulgarity of the
scene, could have had no other effect than to break down that
purity of thought and word which women have, and which
conservative and radical are alike sedulous to preserve. And yet
the actual presence of women at political meetings has not
debased them but has raised the other sex. Coarseness has not
become diffused through both sexes but has fled from both. To put
the whole matter in a short phrase: The association of the sexes
in the family circle, in society, and in business, having
improved both, there is neither history, reason nor sense to
justify the assertion that association in politics will lower the
one or demoralize the other.

Hence, we would do well to approach the question without
trepidation. We can better leave the "sphere" of woman to the
future than confine it in the chains of the past. Words change
nothing. Prejudices are none the less prejudices because we
vaguely call them "nature," and prate about what nature has
forbidden, when we only mean that the thing we are opposing has
not been hitherto done. "Nature" forbade a steamship to cross the
Atlantic the very moment it was crossing, and yet it arrived just
the same. What the majority call "nature" has stood in the way of
all progress of the past and present, and will stand in the way
of all future progress. It is only another name for conservatism.
With conservatism the minority have no quarrel. It is essential
to the stability of mankind, of government and of social life.
To every new proposal it rightfully calls a halt, demanding
countersign, whether it be friend or foe. The enfranchisement of
women must pass this ordeal like everything else. It must give
good reason for its demand to be, or take its place among the
half-forgotten fantasies which have challenged the support of
mankind and have not stood the test of argument and discussion.

The majority of the committee claim that suffrage is not a right
but a privilege to be guarded by those who have it, and to be by
them doled out to those who shall become worthy. That every
extension of suffrage has been granted in some form or other by
those already holding it is probably true. In some countries,
however, it has been extended upon the simple basis of
expediency, and in others in obedience to a claim of right. If
suffrage be a right, if it be true that no man has a claim to
govern any other man except to the extent that the other man has
a right to govern him, then there can be no discussion of the
question of Woman Suffrage. No reason on earth can be given by
those who claim suffrage as a right of manhood which does not
make it a right of womanhood also. If the suffrage is to be given
man to protect him in his life, liberty and property, the same
reasons urge that it be given to woman, for she has the same
life, liberty and property to protect. If it be urged that her
interests are so bound up in those of man that they are sure to
be protected, the answer is that the same argument was urged as
to the merging in the husband of the wife's right of property,
and was pronounced by the judgment of mankind fallacious in
practice and in principle. If the natures of men and women are so
alike that for that reason no harm is done by suppressing women,
what harm can be done by elevating them to equality? If the
natures be different, what right can there be in refusing
representation to those who might take juster views about many
social and political questions?

Our Government is founded, not on the rule of the wisest and
best, but upon the rule of all. The learned and the ignorant, the
wise and the unwise, the judicious and the injudicious are all
invited to assist in governing, and upon the broad principle that
the best government for mankind is not the government which the
wisest and best would select, but that which the average of
mankind would select. Laws are daily enacted, not because they
seem the wisest even to those legislators who pass them, but
because they represent what the whole people wish. And, in the
long run, it may be just as bad to enact laws in advance of
public sentiment as to hold on to laws behind it. Upon what
principle in a Government like ours can one-half the minds be
denied expression at the polls? Is it because they are untrained
in public affairs? Are they more so than the slaves were when the
right of suffrage was conferred on them? It is objected that to
admit women would be temporarily to lower the suffrage on account
of their lack of training in public duties. What is now asked of
us is not immediate admission to the right, but the privilege of
presenting to the Legislatures of the different States the
amendment, which can not become effective until adopted by
three-fourths of them. It may be said that the agitation and
discussion of this question will, long before its adoption, have
made women as familiar with public affairs as the average of men,
for the agitation is hardly likely to be successful until after a
majority, at least, of women are in favor of it.

We believe in the educating and improving effect of participation
in government. We believe that every citizen in the United States
is made more intelligent, more learned and better educated by his
participation in politics and political campaigns. It must be
remembered that education, like all things else, is relative.
While the average American voter may not be all that impatient
people desire, and is far behind his own future, yet he is
incomparably superior to the average citizen of any other land
where the subject does not fully participate in the government.
Discussions on the stump, and above all the discussions he
himself has with his fellows, breed a desire for knowledge which
will take no refusal and which leads to great general
intelligence. In political discussion, acrimony and hate are not
essential, and have of late years quite perceptibly diminished
and will more and more diminish when discussions by women, and in
the presence of women, become more common. If, then, discussion
of public affairs among men has elevated them in knowledge and
intelligence, why will it not lead to the same results among
women? It is not merely education that makes civilization, but
diffusion of education. The standing of a nation and its future
depend not upon the education of the few, but of the whole. Every
improvement in the status of woman in the matter of education has
been an improvement to the whole race. Women have by education
thus far become more womanly, not less. The same prophecies of
ruin to womanliness were made against her education on general
subjects that are now made against her participation in politics.

It is sometimes asserted that women now have a great influence in
politics through their husbands and brothers. This is undoubtedly
true. But that is just the kind of influence which is not
wholesome for the community, for it is influence unaccompanied by
responsibility. People are always ready to recommend to others
what they would not do themselves. If it be true that women can
not be prevented from exercising political influence, is not that
only another reason why they should be steadied in their
political action by that proper sense of responsibility which
comes from acting themselves?

We conclude then, that every reason which in this country bestows
the ballot upon man is equally applicable to the proposition to
bestow the ballot upon woman, and that in our judgment there is
no foundation for the fear that woman will thereby become
unfitted for all the duties she has hitherto performed.

FOOTNOTES:

[20] For an interesting account of the struggle to secure these
committees see History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. III, p. 198.

[21] But it was after five years of persistent appeal to Congress by
Mrs. Belva A. Lockwood, and the enactment of a law, by overwhelming
majorities in both Houses, prohibiting the Supreme Court from denying
admission to lawyers on account of sex, that this act of justice was
accomplished.

[22] This committee was composed of Senators Cockrell (Mo.), Fair
(Nev.), Brown (Ga.), Anthony (R. I.), Blair (N. H.), Palmer (Mich.),
Lapham (N. Y.).

[23] J. Randolph Tucker, Va.; Nathaniel J. Hammond, Ga.; David B.
Culberson, Tex.; Samuel W. Moulton, Ills.; James O. Broadhead, Mo.;
William Dorsheimer, N. Y.; Patrick A. Collins, Mass.; George E. Seney,
O.; William C. Maybury, Mich.; Thomas B. Reed, Me.; Ezra B. Taylor,
O.; Moses A. McCoid, Ia.; Thomas M. Browne, Ind.; Luke P. Poland, Vt.;
Horatio Bisbee, Jr., Fla.

[24] Their report, dated April 23, 1884, was used entire by Senator
Brown in the debate on woman suffrage which took place in the Senate
of the United States January 25, 1887, and will be found in Chapter
VI, which contains also a portion of the majority report included in
the speech of Senator Blair.

[25] Would the men whose crimes very often have sent these "female
litigants" into the courts, be willing to have their cases tried
before a jury of women?

CHAPTER IV.

THE NATIONAL SUFFRAGE CONVENTION OF 1885.[26]

The Seventeenth of the national conventions was held in Lincoln Hall,
Washington, D. C., Jan. 20-22, 1885, preceded by the usual brilliant
reception, which was extended by Mr. and Mrs. Spofford each season for
the twelve years during which the association had its headquarters at
the Riggs House.

It is rather amusing to note the custom of the newspaper reporters to
give a detailed description of the dress of each one of the speakers,
usually to the exclusion of the subject-matter of her speech. On this
occasion the public was informed that one lady "spoke in dark bangs
and Bismarck brown;" one "in black and gold with angel sleeves,
boutonnière and ear-drops;" another "in a basque polonaise and snake
bracelets;" another "in black silk dress and bonnet, gold eye-glasses
and black kid gloves." One lady wore "a small bonnet made of
gaudy-colored birds' wings;" one "spoke with a pretty lisp, was
attired in a box-pleated satin skirt, velvet newmarket basque
polonaise, hollyhock corsage bouquet;" another "addressed the meeting
in low tones and a poke bonnet;" still another "discussed the question
in a velvet bonnet and plain linen collar." "A large lady wore a green
cashmere dress with pink ribbons in her hair;" then there was "a slim
lady with tulle ruffles, velvet sacque and silk skirt." Of one it was
said: "Her face, though real feminine in shape, was painted all over
with business till it looked like a man's, and her hair was shingled
and brushed in little banglets." "Miss Anthony," so the report said,
"wore a blue barbe trimmed in lace," while Mrs. Stanton "was attired
in a black silk dress with a white handkerchief around her throat."
One record declares that "there was not a pair of earrings on the
platform, but most of the ladies wore gold watch-chains."

These extracts are taken verbatim from the best newspapers of the
day. The conventions had passed the stage where, according to the
reporters, all of the participants had short hair and wore bloomers,
but, according to the same authority, they had reached the wonderful
attire described above. This was fifteen years ago. The proceedings of
the national convention of 1900 occupied from four to seven columns
daily in each of the Washington papers, and one or more columns were
telegraphed each day to the large newspapers of the United States, and
yet it may be safely said that there was not one line of reference to
the costumes of the ladies in attendance. The business meetings,
speeches, etc., were reported with the same respect and dignity as are
accorded to national conventions of men. The petty personalities of
the past were wholly eliminated and women were presented from an
intellectual standpoint, to be judged upon their merits and not by
their clothes. This result alone is worth the fifty years of endeavor.

Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton presided over all of the sessions. Mrs.
Lillie Devereux Blake gave a full report of the legislative work done
in New York during the past year. In the address of Mrs. Harriette R.
Shattuck (Mass.) she laid especial stress on the need for women to be
invested with responsibility. Mrs. Matilda Joslyn Gage (N. Y.)
discussed the woman question from a scientific standpoint. She was
followed by Mrs. Laura de Force Gordon, the second woman admitted to
practice before the U. S. Supreme Court, who answered the question, Is
our Civilization Civilized? and described the legal status of women in
California. Mrs. Caroline Gilkey Rogers (N. Y.) gave a spirited talk
on the Aristocracy of Sex. The principal address of the evening was by
Mrs. Stanton, a long and thoughtful paper in which she said:

Those people who declaim on the inequalities of sex, the
disabilities and limitations of one as against the other, show
themselves as ignorant of the first principles of life as would
that philosopher who should undertake to show the comparative
power of the positive as against the negative electricity, of the
centrifugal as against the centripetal force, the attraction of
the north as against the south end of the magnet. These great
natural forces must be perfectly balanced or the whole material
world would relapse into chaos. Just so the masculine and
feminine elements in humanity must be exactly balanced to redeem
the moral and social world from the chaos which surrounds it.
One might as well talk of separate spheres for the two ends of
the magnet as for man and woman; they may have separate duties in
the same sphere, but their true place is together everywhere.
Having different duties in the same sphere, neither can succeed
without the presence and influence of the other. To restore the
equilibrium of sex is the first step in social, religious and
political progress. It is by the constant repression of the best
elements in humanity, by our false customs, creeds and codes,
that we have thus far retarded civilization....

There would be more sense in insisting on man's limitations
because he can not be a mother, than on woman's because she can
be. Surely maternity is an added power and development of some of
the most tender sentiments of the human heart and not a
"limitation." "Yes," says another pertinacious reasoner, "but it
unfits woman for much of the world's work." Yes, and it fits her
for much of the world's work; a large share of human legislation
would be better done by her because of this deep experience....

If one-half the effort had been expended to exalt the feminine
element that has been made to degrade it, we should have reached
the natural equilibrium long ago. Either sex, in isolation, is
robbed of one-half its power for the accomplishment of any given
work. This was the most fatal dogma of the Christian
religion--that in proportion as men withdrew from all
companionship with women, they could get nearer to God, grow more
like the Divine Ideal.

Telegrams of greetings were received from many associations and
individuals. Miss Frances Ellen Burr, who made a fine stenographic
report of the entire convention, spoke for Connecticut, closing with
an ideal picture of civilization as it might be with the wisdom of
both sexes brought to bear on the problems of society. The following
resolutions were written by Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby:

WHEREAS, The dogmas incorporated in the religious creeds derived
from Judaism, teaching that woman was an afterthought in
creation, her sex a misfortune, marriage a condition of
subordination, and maternity a curse, are contrary to the law of
God as revealed in nature and the precepts of Christ; and,

WHEREAS, These dogmas are an insidious poison, sapping the
vitality of our civilization, blighting woman and palsying
humanity; therefore,

_Resolved_, That we denounce these dogmas wherever they are
enunciated, and we will withdraw our personal support from any
organization so holding and teaching; and,

_Resolved_, That we call upon the Christian ministry, as leaders
of thought, to teach and enforce the fundamental idea of creation
that man was made in the image of God, male and female, and given
equal dominion over the earth, but none over each other. And
further we invite their co-operation in securing the recognition
of the cardinal point of our creed, that in true religion there
is neither male nor female, neither bond nor free, but all are
one.

The resolutions were introduced and advocated by Mrs. Stanton, who
said: "Woman has been licensed to preach in the Methodist church; the
Unitarian and Universalist and some branches of the Baptist
denomination have ordained women, but the majority do not recognize
them officially, although for the first three centuries after the
proclamation of Christianity women had a place in the church. They
were deaconesses and elders, and were ordained and administered the
sacrament. Yet through the Catholic hierarchy these privileges were
taken away in Christendom and they have never been restored. Now we
intend to demand equal rights in the church."

This precipitated a vigorous discussion which extended into the next
day. Miss Anthony was opposed to a consideration of the resolutions
and in giving her reasons said:

I was on the old Garrisonian platform and found long ago that
this matter of settling any question of human rights by people's
interpretation of the Bible is never satisfactory. I hope we
shall not go back to that war. No two can ever interpret alike,
and discussion upon it is time wasted. We all know what we want,
and that is the recognition of woman's perfect equality--in the
Home, the Church and the State. We all know that such recognition
has never been granted her in the centuries of the past. But for
us to begin a discussion here as to who established these dogmas
would be anything but profitable. Let those who wish go back into
the history of the past, but I beg it shall not be done on our
platform.

Mrs. Mary E. McPherson (Ia.) insisted that the Bible did not ignore
women, although custom might do so. The Rev. Dr. McMurdy (D. C.)
declared that women were teachers under the old Jewish dispensation;
that the Catholic church set apart its women, ordained them and gave
them the title "reverend"; that the Episcopal church ordained
deaconesses. He hoped the convention would not take action on this
question. John B. Wolf upheld the resolution. Mrs. Shattuck thought
the church was coming around to a belief in woman suffrage and it
would be a mistake to antagonize it.

Mrs. Colby insisted the resolutions did not attack the Bible, but the
dogmas which grew out of man's interpretation of it, saying:

This dogma of woman's divinely appointed inferiority has sapped
the vitality of our civilization, blighted woman and palsied
humanity. As a Christian woman and a member of an orthodox
church, I stand on this resolution; on the divine plan of
creation as set forth in the first chapter of Genesis, where we
are told that man was created male and female and set over the
world to have equal dominion; and on the gospel of the new
dispensation, in which there is neither male nor female, bond nor
free, but all are one. This resolution avows our loyalty to what
we believe to be the true teachings of the Bible, and the
co-operation of the Christian ministry is invited in striving to
secure the application of the golden rule to women.

Edward M. Davis (Penn.) declared that, while individual members might
favor woman suffrage, not one religious body ever had declared for it,
and the convention ought to express itself on this subject. Mrs.
Gordon pointed out the difference between religion and theology. Mrs.
Stanton, being called on for further remarks, spoke in the most
earnest manner:

You may go over the world and you will find that every form of
religion which has breathed upon this earth has degraded woman.
There is not one which has not made her subject to man. Men may
rejoice in them because they make man the head of the woman. I
have been traveling over the old world during the last few years
and have found new food for thought. What power is it that makes
the Hindoo woman burn herself on the funeral pyre of her husband?
Her religion. What holds the Turkish woman in the harem? Her
religion. By what power do the Mormons perpetuate their system of
polygamy? By their religion. Man, of himself, could not do this;
but when he declares, "Thus saith the Lord," of course he can do
it. So long as ministers stand up and tell us that as Christ is
the head of the church, so is man the head of the woman, how are
we to break the chains which have held women down through the
ages? You Christian women can look at the Hindoo, the Turkish,
the Mormon women, and wonder how they can be held in such
bondage. Observe to-day the work women are doing for the
churches. _The church rests on the shoulders of women._ Have we
ever yet heard a man preach a sermon from Genesis i:27-28, which
declares the full equality of the feminine and masculine element
in the Godhead? They invariably shy at that first chapter. They
always get up in their pulpits and read the second chapter.

Now I ask you if our religion teaches the dignity of woman? It
teaches us that abominable idea of the sixth century--Augustine's
idea--that motherhood is a curse; that woman is the author of
sin, and is most corrupt. Can we ever cultivate any proper sense
of self-respect as long as women take such sentiments from the
mouths of the priesthood?... The canon laws are infamous--so
infamous that a council of the Christian church was swamped by
them. In republican America, and in the light of the nineteenth
century, we must demand that our religion shall teach a higher
idea in regard to woman. People seem to think we have reached the
very end of theology; but let me say that the future is to be as
much purer than the past as our immediate past has been better
than the dark ages. We want to help roll off from the soul of
woman the terrible superstitions that have so long repressed and
crushed her.

Through the determined efforts of Miss Anthony and some others the
resolution was permitted to lie on the table.

Miss Matilda Hindman (Penn.) gave an address on As the Rulers, So the
People, well fortified with statistics. The Rev. Olympia Brown (Wis.)
made a stirring appeal under the title All Are Created Equal. Among
the many excellent addresses were those of Mrs. Colby, Mrs. Annie L.
Diggs (Kas.) and Dr. Alice B. Stockham (Ills.). The usual resolutions
were adopted, and the memorial called forth a number of eulogies:

_Resolved_, That in the death of the Hon. Henry Fawcett, of
England, Senator Henry B. Anthony, the Rev. William Henry
Channing, ex-Secretary of the Treasury Charles J. Folger, Bishop
Matthew Simpson, Madame Mathilde Anneke, Kate Newell Doggett,
Frances Dana Gage, Laura Giddings Julian, Sarah Pugh and
Elizabeth T. Schenck, the year 1884 has been one of irreparable
losses to our movement.

Among the many interesting letters written to the convention was one
from Wm. Lloyd Garrison, inclosing letters received in times past
expressing sympathy with the efforts of the suffrage advocates, from
his father, from Ralph Waldo Emerson and from the Rev. William Henry
Channing, whose body at this very time was being borne across the
ocean to its resting place in this country. A touching message was
read from that faithful and efficient pioneer, Clarina I. H. Nichols,
of California, which ended: "My last words in the good work for
humanity are, 'God is with us.' There can be no failure and no defeat
outside ourselves." The writer passed away before it reached the
convention. Other encouraging letters were received from the Reverends
Anna Garlin Spencer (R. I.), Ada C. Bowles and Phebe A. Hanaford
(Mass.); from Mrs. Julia Foster and her daughters, Rachel and Julia,
in Berlin; from Mrs. Caroline E. Merrick (La.), Mrs. Emma C. Bascom,
of Wisconsin University, and friends and workers in all parts of the
country.

The convention adopted a comprehensive plan of work submitted by Mrs.
Blake, Miss Hindman and Mrs. Colby.[27] At the last session Miss
Anthony made a strong, practical speech on the Present Status of the
Woman Suffrage Question, and Mrs. Stanton closed the convention.

A number of ministers on the following Sunday took as a text the
resolution which had been discussed so vigorously, and used it as an
argument against the enfranchisement of women, some of them going so
far as to denounce the suffrage advocates as infidels and the movement
itself as atheistic and immoral. They wholly ignored the facts--first,
that the resolution was merely against the dogmas which had been
incorporated into the creeds, and was simply a demand that Christian
ministers should teach and enforce only the fundamental declarations
of the Scriptures; second, that there was an emphatic division of
opinion among the members on the resolution; third, that by consent it
was laid on the table; and fourth, that even had it been adopted, it
was neither atheistic nor immoral.

On February 6, 1885, Thomas W. Palmer (Mich.) brought up in the Senate
the joint resolution for a Sixteenth Amendment which had been
favorably reported by the Select Committee on Woman Suffrage the
previous winter, and in its support made a masterly argument which has
not been surpassed in the fifteen years that have since elapsed,
saying in part:

This resolution involves the consideration of the broadest step
in the progress of the struggle for human liberty that has ever
been submitted to any ruler or to any legislative body. Its
taking is pregnant with wide changes in the pathway of future
civilization. Its obstruction will delay and cripple our
advancement. The trinity of principles which Lord Chatham called
the "Bible of the English Constitution," the Magna Charta, the
Petition of Rights, and the Bill of Rights, are towering
landmarks in the history of our race, but they immediately
concerned but few at the time of their erection.

The Declaration of Independence by the colonists and its
successful assertion, the establishment of the right of petition,
the abolition of imprisonment for debt, the property
qualification for suffrage in nearly all the States, the
recognition of the right of women to earn, hold, enjoy and devise
property, are proud and notable gains.

The emancipation of 4,000,000 slaves and the subsequent extension
of suffrage to the male adults among them were measures enlarging
the possibilities of freedom, the full benefits of which have yet
to be realized; but the political emancipation of 26,000,000 of
our citizens, equal to us in most essential respects and superior
to us in many, it seems to me would translate our nation, almost
at a bound, to the broad plateau of universal equality and
co-operation to which all these blood-stained and prayer-worn
steps have surely led.

Like life insurance and the man who carried the first umbrella,
the inception of this movement was greeted with derision. Born of
an apparently hopeless revolt against unjust discrimination,
unequal statutes, and cruel constructions of courts, it has
pressed on and over ridicule, malice, indifference and
conservatism, until it stands in the gray dawn before the most
powerful legislative body on earth and challenges final
consideration.

The laws which degraded our wives have been everywhere repealed
or modified, and our children may now be born of free women. Our
sisters have been recognized as having brains as well as hearts,
and as being capable of transacting their own business affairs.
New avenues of self-support have been found and profitably
entered upon, and the doors of our colleges have ceased to creak
their dismay at the approach of women. Twelve States have
extended limited suffrage through their Legislatures, and three
Territories admit all citizens of suitable age to the ballot-box,
while from no single locality in which it has been tried comes
any word but that of satisfaction concerning the experiment.

The spirit of inquiry attendant upon the agitation and discussion
of this question has permeated every neighborhood in the land,
and none can be so blind as to miss the universal development in
self-respect, self-reliance, general intelligence and increased
capacity among our women. They have lost none of the womanly
graces, but by fitting themselves for counselors and mental
companions have benefited man, more perhaps than themselves.

In considering the objections to this extension of the suffrage
we are fortunate in finding them grouped in the adverse report of
the minority of your committee, and also in confidently
assuming, from the acknowledged ability and evident earnestness
of the distinguished Senators who prepared it, that all is
contained therein in the way of argument or protest which is left
to the opponents of this reform after thirty-seven years of
discussion. I wish that every Senator would examine this report
and note how many of its reasonings are self-refuting and how few
even seem to warrant further antagonism.

They cite the physical superiority of man, but offer no amendment
to increase the voting power of a Sullivan or to disfranchise the
halt, the lame, the blind or the sick. They regard the manly head
of the family as its only proper representative, but would not
exclude the adult bachelor sons. They urge disability to perform
military service as fatal to full citizenship, but would hardly
consent to resign their own rights because they have passed the
age of conscription; or to question those of Quakers, who will
not fight, or of professional men and civic officials, who, like
mothers, are regarded as of more use to the State at home.

They are dismayed by a vision of women in attendance at caucuses
at late hours of the night, but doubtless enjoy their presence at
balls and entertainments until the early dawn. They deprecate the
appearance of women at political meetings, but in my State women
have attended such meetings for years upon the earnest
solicitation of those in charge, and the influence of their
presence has been good. Eloquent women are employed by State
committees of all parties to canvass in their interests and are
highly valued and respected....

They object that many women do not desire the suffrage and that
some would not exercise it. It is probably true, as often
claimed, that many slaves did not desire emancipation in
1863--and there are men in most communities who do not vote, but
we hear of no freedman to-day who asks re-enslavement, and no
proposition is offered to disfranchise all men because some
neglect their duty.

The minority profess a willingness to have this measure
considered as a local issue rather than a national one, but those
who recall the failures to extend the ballot to black men, in the
most liberal Northern States, by a popular vote, may be excused
if they question their frankness in suggesting this transfer of
responsibility. The education of the people of a whole State on
this particular question is a much more laborious and expensive
work than an appeal to the several Legislatures. The subject
would be much more likely to receive intelligent treatment at the
hands of the picked men of a State, where calm discussion may be
had, than at the polls where prejudice and tradition oftentimes
exert a more potent influence than logic and justice. To refuse
this method to those to whom we are bound by the dearest ties
betrays an indifference to their requests or an inexplicable
adhesion to prejudice, which is only sought to be defended by an
asserted regard for women, that to me seems most illogical.

I share no fears of the degradation of women by the ballot. I
believe rather that it will elevate men. I believe the tone of
our politics will be higher, that our caucuses will be more
jealously guarded and our conventions more orderly and decorous.
I believe the polls will be freed from the vulgarity and
coarseness which now too often surround them, and that the
polling booths, instead of being in the least attractive parts of
a ward or town, will be in the most attractive; instead of being
in stables, will be in parlors. I believe the character of
candidates will be more closely scrutinized and that better
officers will be chosen to make and administer the laws. I
believe that the casting of the ballot will be invested with a
seriousness--I had almost said a sanctity--second only to a
religious observance.

The objections enumerated above appear to be the only profferings
against this measure excepting certain fragmentary quotations and
deductions from the sacred Scriptures; and here, Mr. President, I
desire to enter my most solemn protest. The opinions of Paul and
Peter as to what was the best policy for the struggling churches
under their supervision, in deferring to the prejudices of the
communities which they desired to attract and benefit, were not
inspirations for the guidance of our civilization in matters of
political co-operation; and every apparent inhibition of the
levelment of the caste of sex may be neutralized by selections of
other paragraphs and by the general spirit and trend of the Holy
Book.... Sir, my reverence for this grandest of all compilations,
human or divine, compels a protest against its being cast into
the street as a barricade against every moral, political and
social reform; lest, when the march of progress shall have swept
on and over to its consummation, it may appear to the superficial
observer that it is the Bible which has been overthrown and not
its erroneous interpretation.

If with our present experience of the needs and dangers of
co-operative government and our present observation of woman's
social and economic status, we could divest ourselves of our
traditions and prejudices, and the question of suffrage should
come up for incorporation into a new organic law, a distinction
based upon sex would not be entertained for a moment. It seems to
me that we should divest ourselves to the utmost extent possible
of these entanglements of tradition, and judicially examine three
questions relative to the proposed extension of suffrage: First,
Is it right? Second, Is it desirable? Third, Is it expedient? If
these be determined affirmatively our duty is plain.

If the right of the governed and the taxed to a voice in
determining by whom they shall be governed and to what extent and
for what purposes they may be taxed is not a natural right, it is
nevertheless a right to the declaration and establishment of
which by the fathers we owe all that we possess of liberty. They
declared taxation without representation to be tyranny, and
grappled with the most powerful nation of their day in a
seven-years' struggle for the overthrow of such tyranny. It
appears incredible to me that any one can indorse the principles
proclaimed by the patriots of 1776 and deny their application to
women.

Samuel Adams said: "Representation and legislation, as well as
taxation, are inseparable, according to the spirit of our
Constitution and of all others that are free." Again, he said:
"No man can be justly taxed by, or bound in conscience to obey,
any law to which he has not given his consent in person or by his
representative." And again: "No man can take another's property
from him without his consent. This is the law of nature; and a
violation of it is the same thing whether it is done by one man,
who is called a king, or by five hundred of another
denomination."

James Otis, in speaking of the rights of the colonists as
descendants of Englishmen; said they "were not to be cheated out
of them by any phantom of virtual representation or any other
fiction of law or politics." Again: "No such phrase as virtual
representation is known in law or constitution. It is altogether
a subtlety and illusion, wholly unfounded and absurd."

The Declaration of Independence asserts that, to secure the
inalienable rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness,
governments are instituted among men, "deriving their just powers
from the consent of the governed."

Benjamin Franklin wrote that "liberty or freedom consists in
having an actual share in the appointment of those who frame the
laws and who are the guardians of every man's life, property and
peace;" that "they who have no voice nor vote in the electing of
representatives do not enjoy liberty, but are absolutely enslaved
to those who have votes and to their representatives."

James Madison said: "Under every view of the subject, it seems
indispensable that the mass of the citizens should not be without
a voice in making the laws which they are to obey, and in
choosing the magistrates who are to administer them." ...

The right of women to personal representation through the ballot
seems to me unassailable, wherever the right of man is conceded
and exercised. I can conceive of no possible abstract
justification for the exclusion of the one and the inclusion of
the other.

Is the recognition of this right desirable? The earliest mention
of the Saxon people is found in the Germany of Tacitus, and in
his terse description of them he states that "in all grave
matters they consult their women." Can we afford to dispute the
benefit of this counseling in the advancement of our race?

The measure of the civilization of any nation may be no more
surely ascertained by its consumption of salt than by the social,
economic and political status of its women. It is not enough for
contentment that we assert the superiority of our women in
intelligence, virtue, and self-sustaining qualities, but we must
consider the profit to them and to the State in their further
advancement.

Our statistics are lamentably meager in information as to the
status of our women outside their mere enumeration, but we learn
that in a single State 42,000 are assessed and pay one-eleventh
of the total burden of taxation, with no voice in its
disbursements. From the imperfect gleaning of the Tenth Census we
learn that of the total enumerated bread-winners of the United
States more than one-seventh are women.... That these 2,647,157
citizens of whom we have official information labor from
necessity and are everywhere underpaid is within the knowledge
and observation of every Senator upon this floor. Only the
Government makes any pretense of paying women in accordance with
the labor performed--without submitting them to the competition
of their starving sisters, whose natural dignity and self-respect
have suffered from being driven by the fierce pressure of want
into the few and crowded avenues for the exchange of their labor
for bread. Is it not the highest exhibit of the moral superiority
of our women that so very few consent to exchange pinching penury
for gilded vice?

Will the possession of the ballot multiply and widen these
avenues to self-support and independence? The most thoughtful
women who have given the subject thorough examination believe it,
and I can not but infer that many men, looking only to their own
selfish interests, fear it.

History teaches that every class which has assumed political
responsibility has been materially elevated and improved thereby,
and I can not believe that the rule would have an exception in
the women of to-day. I do not say that to the idealized women so
generally described by obstructionists--the dainty darlings whose
prototypes are to be found in the heroines of Walter Scott and
Fenimore Cooper--immediate awakening would come; but to the
toilers, the wage-workers and the women of affairs, the
consequent enlargement of possibilities would give new courage
and stimulate to new endeavor, and the State would be the gainer
thereby.

The often-urged fear that the ignorant and vicious would swarm to
the polls while the intelligent and virtuous would stand aloof,
is fully met by the fact that the former class has never asked
for the suffrage or shown interest in its seeking, while the
hundreds of thousands of petitioners are from our best and
noblest women, including those whose efforts for the amelioration
of the wrongs and sufferings of others have won for them
imperishable tablets in the temple of humanity. Would fear be
entertained that the State would suffer mortal harm if, by some
strange revolution, its exclusive control should be turned over
to an oligarchy composed of such women as have been and are
identified with the agitation for the political emancipation of
their sex? Saloons, brothels and gaming-houses might vanish
before such an administration; wars avoidable with safety and
honor might not be undertaken, and taxes might be diverted to
purposes of general sanitation and higher education, but neither
in these respects nor in the efforts to lift the bowed and
strengthen the weak would the right to life, liberty and the
pursuit of happiness be placed in peril. Women have exercised the
highest civil powers in all ages of the world--from Zenobia to
Victoria--and have exhibited statecraft and military capacity of
high degree without detracting from their graces as women or
their virtues as mothers....

The preponderance of women in our churches, our charitable
organizations, our educational councils, has been of such use as
to suggest the benefit of their incorporation into our voting
force to the least observant. A woman who owns railroad or
manufacturing or mining stock may vote unquestioned by the side
of the brightest business men of our continent, but if she
transfers her property into real estate she loses all voice in
its control.

Their abilities, intellectual, physical and political, are as
various as ours, and they err who set up any single standard,
however lovely, by which to determine the rights, needs and
possibilities of the sex. To me the recognition of their capacity
for full citizenship is right and desirable, and it only remains
to consider whether it is safe, whether it is expedient. To this
let experience answer to the extent that the experiment has been
made.

During the first thirty years of the independence of New Jersey,
universal suffrage was limited only by a property qualification;
but we do not learn that divorces were common, that families were
more divided on political than on religious differences, that
children were neglected or that patriotism languished, although
the first seven years of that experiment were years of decimating
war, and the remaining twenty-three of poverty and
recuperation--conditions most conducive to discontent and erratic
legislation.

The reports from Wyoming, which I have examined, are uniform in
satisfaction with the system, and I do not learn therefrom that
women require greater physical strength, fighting qualities or
masculinity to deposit a ballot than a letter or visiting card;
while in their service as jurors they have exhibited greater
courage than their brothers in finding verdicts against
desperadoes in accordance with the facts. Governors, judges,
officers and citizens unite in praises of the influence of women
upon the making and execution of wholesome laws.

In Washington Territory, last fall, out of a total vote of 40,000
there were 12,000 ballots cast by women, and everywhere friends
were rejoiced and opponents silenced as apprehended dangers
vanished upon approach. Some of the comments of converted
newspaper editors which have reached us are worthy of
preservation and future reference. The elections were quiet and
peaceable for the first time; the brawls of brutal men gave place
to the courtesies of social intercourse; saloons were closed, and
nowhere were the ladies insulted or in any way annoyed. Women
vote intelligently and safely, and it does not appear that their
place is solely at home any more than that the farmer should
never leave his farm, the mechanic his shop, the teacher his
desk, the clergyman his study, or the professional man his
office, for the purpose of expressing his wishes and opinions at
the tribunal of the ballot-box.

To-day--and to a greater extent in the near future--we are
confronted with political conditions dangerous to the integrity
of our nation. In the unforeseen but constant absorption of
immigrants and former bondmen into a vast army of untrained
voters, without restrictions as to the intelligence, character or
patriotism, many political economists see the material for
anarchy and public demoralization. It is claimed that the
necessities of parties compel subserviency to the lawless and
vicious classes in our cities, and that, without the addition of
a counterbalancing element, the enactment and enforcement of
wholesome statutes will soon be impossible. Fortunately that
needed element is not far to seek. It stands at the door of the
Congress urging annexation. In its strivings for justice it has
cried aloud in petitions from the best of our land, and more than
one-third of the present voters of five States have indorsed its
cause. Its advocates are no longer the ridiculed few, but the
respected many. A list of the leaders of progressive thought of
this generation who espouse and urge this reform would be too
long and comprehensive for recital.

Mr. President, I do not ask the submission of this amendment, nor
shall I urge its adoption, because it is desired by a portion of
the American women, although in intelligence, property and
numbers that portion would seem to have every requisite for the
enforcement of their demands; neither are we bound to give undue
regard to the timidity and hesitation of that possibly larger
portion who shrink from additional responsibilities; but I ask
and shall urge it because the nation has need of the co-operation
of women in all directions.

The war power of every government compels, upon occasion, all
citizens of suitable age and physique to leave their homes,
families and avocations to be merged in armies, whether they be
willing or unwilling, craven or bold, patriotic or indifferent,
and no one gainsays the right, because the necessities of State
require their services. We have passed the harsh stages incident
to our permanent institution. We have conquered our independence,
conquered the respect of European powers, conquered our neighbors
on the western borders, and at vast cost of life and waste have
conquered our internal differences and emerged a nation
unchallenged from without or within. The great questions of the
future conduct of our people are to be economic and social ones.
No one doubts the superiority of womanly instincts, and
consequent thought in the latter, and the repeated failures and
absurdities exhibited by male legislators in the treatment of the
former, should give pause to any assertion of superiority there.

The day has come when the counsel and service of women are
required by the highest interests of the State, and who shall
gainsay their conscription? We place the ballot in the keeping of
immigrants who have grown middle-aged or old in the environment
of governments dissimilar to the spirit and purpose of ours, and
we do well, because the responsibility accompanying the trust
tends to examination, comparison and consequent political
education; but we decline to avail ourselves of the aid of our
daughters, wives and mothers, who were born and are already
educated under our system, reading the same newspapers, books and
periodicals as ourselves, proud of our common history, tenacious
of our theories of human rights and solicitous for our future
progress. Whatever may have been wisest as to the extension of
suffrage to this tender and humane class when wars of assertion
or conquest were likely to be considered, to-day and to-morrow
and thereafter no valid reason seems assignable for longer
neglect to avail ourselves of their association.

FOOTNOTES:

[26] This chapter closes with the speech in favor of woman suffrage by
Thomas W. Palmer in the U. S. Senate.

[27] The primal object of the National Woman Suffrage Association has
been from its foundation to secure the submission by the Congress of a
Sixteenth Amendment which shall prohibit the several States from
disfranchising United States citizens on account of sex. To this end
all State societies should see that senators and members of Congress
are constantly appealed to by their constituents to labor for the
passage of this amendment by the next Congress.

Woman suffrage associations in the several States are advised to push
the question to a vote in their respective Legislatures. The time for
agitation alone has passed, and the time for aggressive action has
come. It will be found by a close examination of many State
constitutions that by the liberal provisions of their Bill of
Rights--often embodied in Article I--the women of the State can be
enfranchised without waiting for the tedious and hopeless proviso of a
constitutional amendment....

In States where there has been little or no agitation we recommend the
passage of laws granting School Suffrage to women. This first step in
politics is an incentive to larger usefulness and aids greatly in
familiarizing women with the use of the ballot.

We do not specially recommend Municipal Suffrage, as we think that the
agitation expended for the fractional measure had better be directed
towards obtaining the passage of a Full Suffrage Bill, but we leave
this to the discretion of the States.

The acting Vice-President in every State must hold a yearly convention
in the capital or some large town. No efficient organization can exist
without some such annual reunion of the friends.

In each county there should be a county woman suffrage society
auxiliary to the State; in each town or village a local society
auxiliary to the county. Friends desirous of forming a society should
meet, even though few in number, and organize.

CHAPTER V.

THE NATIONAL SUFFRAGE CONVENTION OF 1886.

The Eighteenth national convention met in the Church of Our Father,
Washington, D. C., Feb. 17-19, 1886, presided over by Miss Susan B.
Anthony, vice-president-at-large, with twenty-three States
represented. In her opening address Miss Anthony paid an eloquent
tribute to her old friend and co-laborer, their absent president, Mrs.
Elizabeth Cady Stanton; sketched the history of the movement for the
past thirty-six years, and described the first suffrage meeting ever
held in Washington. This had been conducted by Ernestine L. Rose and
herself in 1854, and the audience consisted of twenty or thirty
persons gathered in an upper room of a private house. To-night she
faced a thousand interested listeners.

The first address was given by Mrs. Sarah M. Perkins (O.), Are Women
Citizens? "While suffrage will not revolutionize the world," she said,
"the door of the millennium will have a little child's hand on the
latch when the mothers of the nation have equal power with its
fathers."

In the evening Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby addressed the audience on The
Relation of the Woman Suffrage Movement to the Labor Question. She
began by saying, "All revolutions of thought must be allied to
practical ends." After sketching those already attained by women, she
continued:

The danger threatens that, having accomplished all these so
thoroughly and successfully that they no longer need our help and
already scarcely own their origin, we will be left without the
connecting line between the abstract right on which we stand and
the common heart and sympathy which must be enlisted for our
cause ere it can succeed. Why is it that, having accomplished so
much, the woman suffrage movement does not force itself as a
vital issue into the thoughts of the masses? Is it not because
the ends which it most prominently seeks do not enlist the
self-interest of mankind, and those palpable wrongs which it had
in early days to combat have now almost entirely disappeared?...

We need to vitalize our movement by allying it with great
non-partisan questions, and many of these are involved in the
interests of the wage-earning classes.... We need to labor to
secure a change of the conditions under which workingwomen live.
We need to help them to educative and protective measures, to
better pay, to better knowledge how to make the most of their
resources, to better training, to protection against frauds, to
shelter when health and heart fail. We must help them to see the
connection between the ballot and better hours, exclusion of
children from factories, compulsory education, free
kindergartens; between the ballot and laws relating to liability
of employers, savings banks, adulteration of food and a thousand
things which it may secure when in the hands of enlightened and
virtuous people.

Miss Ada C. Sweet, who for a number of years occupied the unique
position of pension agent in Chicago, supplemented Mrs. Colby's
remarks by urging all women to work for the ballot in order to come to
the rescue of their fellow-women in the hospitals, asylums and other
institutions. She emphasized her remarks by recounting instances of
personal knowledge.

The Rev. Rush R. Shippen, pastor of All Souls Unitarian Church of
Washington, a consistent advocate of equal suffrage, spoke on woman's
advance in every department of the world's work, on the evolution of
that work itself and the necessity for a continued progress in
conditions.

Mrs. May Wright Sewall presented a comprehensive report of the year's
work of the executive committee. The Edmunds Bill had been a special
point of attack because of its arbitrary disfranchisement of Utah
women, and Mrs. Zerelda G. Wallace (Ind.) had written a personal plea
against it to every member of the House. At the close of this report a
vote on woman suffrage was called for. The audience voted unanimously
in favor, except one man whose "no" called forth much laughter. Miss
Anthony said she sympathized with him, as she had been laughed at all
her life.

Mrs. Sallie Clay Bennett (Ky.), whose specialty was the Bible argument
for woman's equality, said in the course of her remarks: "I am filled
with shame and sorrow that from listening to men, instead of studying
the Bible for myself, I did once think that the God who said He came
into the world to preach glad tidings to the poor, to break every
yoke and to set the prisoners free, had really come to rivet the
chains with which sin had bound the women, and to forge a gag for them
more cruel and silencing than that put into their mouths by heathen
men; for in many heathen nations women were once selected to preside
at their most sacred altars."

Miss Mary F. Eastman (Mass), in an impressive address, said:

I asked a friend what phase of the subject I should talk about
to-night. She answered, "The despair of it.".. Can you conceive
what it is to native-born American women citizens, accustomed to
the advantages of our schools, our churches and the mingling of
our social life, to ask over and over again for so simple a thing
as that "we, the people," should mean women as well as men; that
our Constitution should mean exactly what it says?...

Men tell us that they speak for us. There is no companionship of
women as equals permitted in the State. A man can not represent a
woman's opinion. It was in inspiration that magnificent
Declaration of Independence was framed. Men builded better than
they knew; they were at the highest perception of principles; but
after declaring this magnificent principle they went back on
it....

Although I hold the attitude of a petitioner, I come not with the
sense that men have any right to give. Our forefathers erected
barriers which exclude women. I want to press it into the
consciousness of the legislator and of the individual citizen
that he is personally responsible for the continuance of this
injustice. We ask that men take down the barriers. We do not come
to pledge that we will be a unit on temperance or virtue or high
living, but we want the right to speak for ourselves, as men
speak for themselves.

Mrs. Caroline Hallowell Miller (Md.) spoke strongly on A Case in
Point. Mrs. Elizabeth Avery Meriwether, of St. Louis, devoted her
remarks chiefly to a caustic criticism of Senator George G. Vest, who
had recently declared himself uncompromisingly opposed to woman
suffrage. He was made the target of a number of spicy remarks, and
some of the newspaper correspondents insisted that the presence of the
suffrage convention in the city was responsible for the Senator's
severe illness, which followed immediately afterwards. Mrs.
Meriwether's son, Lee, paid a handsome tribute to "strong-minded
mothers".

Mrs. Harriette R. Shattuck (Mass.) addressed the convention on The
Basis of Our Claim, the right of every individual to make his
personality felt in the Government. Madame Clara Neymann (N. Y.) gave
a scholarly paper on German and American Independence Contrasted, in
which she said:

The difference between the German and the American is simply
this: Germans believe in monarchism, in the rule of the Emperor
and Prince Bismarck, while Americans believe in the government by
all the people, high or low, rich or poor. You have conferred the
blessings of free citizenship upon the negro; you invite the
humblest, the lowest men to cast their vote; you make them feel
that they are sovereign human beings; you place those men above
the most virtuous, intelligent women; you set them above your own
daughters. Yes, your own child, if born a girl on this free soil,
is not free, for she stands without the pale of the Constitution.
She, and only she, is deprived of her rightful heritage.

Oh, shame upon the short-sightedness, the delinquency of American
statesmen, who will quietly look on and suffer such an injustice
to exist! Nowhere in the world is woman so highly respected as in
free America, and nowhere does she feel so keenly and deeply her
degradation. The vote--you know it full well--is the insignia of
power, of influence, of position. And from this position the
American woman is debarred.

Do you wonder at the low estimate of American politics? The
exclusion of women means the exclusion of your best men. Not
before the husband can take his wife, the brother his sister, the
father his daughter to the primary meeting, to the political
assembly and to the polls, will he himself become interested and
fulfil his duty as a voter and a citizen....

"Look at the homes of the wealthy, or even of the large
middle-class", it is often said; "what shallowness and pretense
among the women; how they shrink from the responsibility of
motherhood; how they spend their days in idle gossip, in hollow
amusements; how they waste their hours in frivolities; see what
extravagant, unhallowed lives they lead". Sad and true enough!
For there is no aristocracy so pernicious as a moneyed
aristocracy--no woman so dangerous as she who has privileges and
no corresponding duties. There is nothing so wasteful as wasted
energies, nothing so harmful as powers wrongfully directed; and
the gifts and powers of our wealthy, well-to-do women are
wrongfully directed. They are employed in the interest of vanity,
of worldly ambition, of public display, of sense gratification.

From whence arises this misdirected ambition? The harm is caused
by the false standard man holds up to woman. If men would no
longer admire the shallowness of such women they would
undoubtedly aim higher. On the one side man subordinates himself
to woman's whims and caprices, and on the other side she is made
conscious all the time of her dependence and subordination in all
that pertains to the higher interests of life; and while he makes
a slave of her, she revenges herself and makes a slave of him.
See how these women hold men down to their own low level; for
women who have no higher aspirations than their own immediate
pleasure will induce men to do the same. There is an even-handed
justice that rules this world. For every wrong society permits to
exist, society must suffer. Look what fools men are made by
foolish women--women who are brought up with the idea that they
must be ornamental, a beautiful toy for man to play with. See how
they turn around and make a toy of him, an instrument to play
upon at their leisure.

What we ask in place of all this indulgence is simple justice, a
recognition of woman's higher endowment. In giving her larger
duties to perform, nobler aims to accomplish--in making her a
responsible human being--you not only will benefit her, but will
regenerate the manhood of America....

To make the advocates of suffrage responsible for the sins of
American women is simply atrocious, since it is from these very
advocates that every reform for and among women has started; it
is they who preach simplicity, purity, devotion, and who would
gird all womanhood with the armor of self-respect and true
womanliness. That such women are compelled to come before the
public, before the Congress and the Legislatures, and pray for
such rights as are freely given to every unenlightened foreigner
is a burning shame and reflects badly upon the intelligence, the
righteousness of Legislatures and people.

Much indignation was expressed during the convention over the recent
action of Gov. Gilbert A. Pierce, of the Territory of Dakota. The
Legislature, composed of residents, the previous year passed a bill
conferring Full Suffrage on women, which was vetoed by the Governor,
an outsider appointed a short time before by President Chester A.
Arthur. With a stroke of the pen he prevented the enfranchisement of
50,000 women.

Hundreds were turned away at the last evening session and there was
scarcely standing room within the church. A witty and vivacious speech
by Mrs. Helen M. Gougar (Ind.) was the first number on the program.
Mrs. Julia B. Nelson (Minn.) followed in an original dialect poem,
Hans Dunderkopf's Views of Equality. Mrs. Sewall showed the Absurdity
of the American Woman's Disfranchisement:

The inconsistency of the present position of the American woman
is forcibly shown in that she is now making such an advance in
education, studying political science under the best teachers of
constitutional law, and enjoying such advantages at the expense
of the Government, yet is not allowed to make use of this
knowledge in the Government....

Much has been said about the need of the ballot to protect the
industrial interests of men, but is it not as ungallant as it is
illogical that they should have the ballot for their protection
while women, pressed by the same necessities, should be denied
it?...

I may perhaps put it that man is composed of brain and heart and
woman of heart and brain. We must have the brain of man and the
heart of woman employed in the higher developments to come. There
can be no great scheme that does not require to be conceived by
our brains, quickened by our hearts and carried into execution by
our skilled hands. The activities which are considered the
especial sphere of woman need more brain; the realm of State
developed by the brain of man needs more heart. Home and State
have been too long divided. Man must not neglect the interests of
home, woman must care for the State. Our public interests and
private hopes need all the subtle forces of brain and heart.

An interesting feature of these national conventions was the State
reports, which contained not only valuable specific information, but
often felicitous little arguments quite equal to those of the more
formal addresses. Such reports were received in 1886 from thirty
different States. A large number of interesting letters also were
read, among them one from George W. Childs, inclosing check; John W.
Hutchinson, Belva A. Lockwood, the Hon. J. A. Pickler, Madame
Demorest, Dr. Mary F. Thomas, Lucinda B. Chandler, the Rev. Olympia
Brown, Mary E. Haggart, Armenia S. White, Emma C. Bascom, Almeda B.
Gray and many others.

A letter from Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton urged that the question of
woman suffrage should now be carried into the churches and church
conventions for their approval, and that more enlightened teaching
from the pulpit in regard to women should be insisted upon. The letter
was accompanied by a resolution to this effect, both expressed in very
strong language. They were read first in executive session. The
following extracts are taken from the stenographic report of the
meeting:

Mrs. Helen M. Gougar (Ind.) moved that the resolution be laid
upon the table, saying: "A resolution something like this came
into the last convention, and it has done more to cripple my work
and that of other suffragists than anything which has happened in
the whole history of the woman suffrage movement. When you look
this country over you find the slums are opposed to us, while
some of the best leaders and advocates of woman suffrage are
among the Christian people. A bishop of the Roman Catholic Church
stood through my meeting in Peoria not long since. We can not
afford to antagonize the churches. Some of us are orthodox, and
some of us are unorthodox, but this association is for suffrage
and not for the discussion of religious dogmas. I can not stay
within these borders if that resolution is adopted, from the fact
that my hands would be tied. I hope it will not go into open
convention for debate.

MRS. PERKINS (O.): I think we ought to pay due consideration and
respect to our beloved president. I have no objection to sending
missionaries to the churches asking them to pay attention to
woman suffrage; but I do not think the churches are our greatest
enemies. They might have been so in Mrs. Stanton's early days,
but to-day they are our best helpers. If it were not for their
co-operation I could not get a hearing before the public. And now
that they are coming to meet us half way, do not throw stones at
them. I hope that resolution, as worded, will not go into the
convention.

MRS. MERIWETHER (Mo.): I think the resolution could be amended so
as to offend no one. The ministers falsely construe the
Scriptures. We can overwhelm them with arguments for woman
suffrage--with Biblical arguments. We can hurl them like shot and
shell. Herbert Spencer once wrote an article on the different
biases which distort the human mind, and among the first he
reckoned the theological bias. In Christ's time and in the early
Christian days there was no liberty, every one was under the
despotism of the Roman Cæsars, but women were on an equality with
men, and the religion that Christ taught included women equally
with men. He made none of the invidious distinctions which the
churches make to-day.

MRS. SHATTUCK (Mass.): We did not pass the resolution of last
year, so it could not have harmed anybody. But I protest against
this fling at masculine interpretation of the Scriptures.

MRS. MINOR (Mo.): I object to the whole thing--resolution and
letter both. I believe in confining ourselves to woman suffrage.

MRS. COLBY (Neb.): I was on that committee of resolutions last
year and wrote the modified one which was presented, and I am
willing to stand by it. I have not found that it hurts the work,
save with a few who do not know what the resolution was, or what
was said about it. The discussion was reported word for word in
the _Woman's Tribune_ and I think no one who read it would say
that it was irreligious or lacked respect for the teachings of
Christ. I believe we must say something in the line of Mrs.
Stanton's idea. She makes no fling at the church. She wants us to
treat the Church as we have the State--viz., negotiate for more
favorable action. We have this fact to deal with--that in no high
orthodox body have women been accorded any privileges.

EDWARD M. DAVIS (Penn.): I think we have never had a resolution
offered here so important as this. We have never had a measure
brought forward which would produce better results. I agree
entirely with Mrs. Stanton on this thing, that the church is the
greatest barrier to woman's progress. We do not want to proclaim
ourselves an irreligious or a religious people. This question of
religion does not touch us either way. We are neutral.

MADAME NEYMANN (N. Y.): Because the clergy has been one-sided, we
do not want to be one-sided. I know of no one for whom I have a
greater admiration than for Mrs. Stanton. Her resolution
antagonizes no one.

MRS. BROOKS (Neb.): Let us do this work in such a way that it
will not arouse the opposition of the most bigoted clergyman. All
this discussion only shows that the old superstitions have got to
be banished.

MRS. SNOW (Me.): Mrs. Stanton wishes to convert the clergy.

MRS. DUNBAR (Md.): I don't want the resolution referred back to
the committee, out of respect to Mrs. Stanton and the manner in
which she has been treated by the clergy. I do not want to lose
the wording of the original resolution, and therefore move that
it be taken up here.

MRS. GOUGAR: I think it is quite enough to undertake to change
the National Constitution without undertaking to change the
Bible. I heartily agree with Mrs. Stanton in her idea of sending
delegates to church councils and convocations, but I do not
sanction this resolution which starts out--"The greatest barrier
to woman's emancipation is found in the superstitions of the
church." That is enough in itself to turn the entire church,
Catholic and Protestant, against us.

MRS. NELSON (Minn.): The resolution is directed against the
superstitions of the church and not against the church, but I
think it would be taken as against the church.

MISS ANTHONY (N. Y.): As the resolution contains the essence of
the letter, I move that the whole subject go to the Plan of Work
Committee.

The meeting adjourned without action, and on Friday morning the
same subject was resumed. A motion to table Mrs. Stanton's
resolution was lost. Miss Anthony then moved that both letter and
resolution be placed in her hands, as the representative of the
president of the association, to be read in open convention
without indorsement. "I do not want any one to say that we young
folks strangle Mrs. Stanton's thought."

THE REV. DR. MCMURDY (D. C.): I do not intend to oppose or favor
the motion, but as a clergyman and a High Church Episcopalian, I
can not see any particular objections to Mrs. Stanton's letter.
The Scriptures must be interpreted naturally. Whenever Paul's
remarks are brought up I explain them in the light of this
nineteenth century as contrasted with the first.

It was finally voted that the letter be read without the
resolution.

The resolution was brought up later in open convention and the final
vote resulted in 32 ayes and 24 noes. This was not at that time a
delegate body, but usually only those voted who were especially
connected with the work of the association. Before the present
convention adjourned a basis of delegate representation was adopted,
and provision made that hereafter only regularly accredited delegates
should be entitled to vote.

The resolution calling upon Congress to take the necessary measures to
secure the ballot for women through an amendment to the Federal
Constitution, was vigorously opposed by the Southern delegates as
contrary to States' Rights, but was finally adopted. There was some
discussion also on the resolution which condemned the disfranchising
of Gentile as well as Mormon women, but which approved the action of
Congress in making disfranchisement a punishment for the crime of
polygamy. A difference of opinion was shown in regard to the latter
clause. This closed the convention.

As a favorable Senate report was pending, no hearing was held before
that committee.

The House Judiciary Committee[28] granted a hearing on the morning of
February 20. The speakers, as usual, were introduced to the chairman
of the committee by Miss Anthony. The first of these, Mrs. Virginia L.
Minor, had attempted to vote in St. Louis, been refused permission,
carried her case to the Supreme Court and received an adverse
decision.[29] Miss Anthony said in reference to this decision: "Chief
Justice Waite declared the United States had no voters. The Dred Scott
Decision was that the negro, not being a voter, was not a citizen. The
Supreme Court decided that women, although citizens, were not
protected in the rights of citizenship by the Fourteenth Amendment."
Mrs. Minor said in part:

I do not stand here to represent rich women but poor women.
Should you give me the right to vote and deny it to my sister I
should spurn the gift. Without the ballot no class is so helpless
as the working women. If the ballot is necessary for man, it is
necessary for woman. We must have one law for all American
citizens.

The Supreme Court has half done the work. When my case came up,
and I asked them that the same law should protect me as protected
the negro, the court said, "When the State gives you the right to
vote, we will perpetuate it; the United States has no voters." I
want to ask you one question. If there are no United States
voters, what right has the U. S. Court to go into the State of
New York, arrest Susan B. Anthony and condemn her under Federal
Law?[30]

Another decision of the Supreme Court said in relation to the
Fourteenth Amendment, that the negro, because of citizenship, was
made a voter in every State of the Union. The court went on to
say that it had a broader significance, that it included the
Chinese or any nationality that should become citizens. That
court has said we are citizens. If the Chinese would have the
right to vote if they were citizens, have not we the right to
vote because of citizenship?

A third decision was in the case of the United States vs. Kellar
in the State of Illinois. A man arrested for illegal voting was
brought before the court; he was born abroad and was the son of
an American woman. Justice Harlan held that because his mother
was a citizen, she had transmitted citizenship to her son,
therefore he had a right to vote. This right must have been
inherent in the mother, else she could not have transmitted it to
her son.

Mrs. Julia B. Nelson (Minn.), who had been for many years teaching the
freed negroes of the South, said:

What are the obligations of the Government to me, a widow,
because my husband gave his life for it? I have been forced to
think. As a law-abiding citizen and taxpayer and one who has
given all she could give to the support of this Government, I
have a right to be heard. I am teaching for it, teaching
citizens. I began teaching freedmen when it was so unpopular that
men could not have done it. The voting question met me in the
office of the mission, which sends out more women than men
because better work is done by them. A woman gets for this work
$15 per month; if capable of being a principal she has $20. A man
in this position receives $75 a month. There must be something
wrong, but I do not need to explain to you that an unrepresented
class must work at a disadvantage.

If it were granted to women to fill all positions for which they
are qualified, they would not be so largely compelled to rush
into those occupations where they are unfairly remunerated. As so
many people have faith that whatever is is right, the law as it
stands has great influence. If it puts woman down as an inferior,
she will surely be regarded as such by the people. If I am
capable of preparing citizens, I am capable of possessing the
rights of a citizen myself. I ask you to remove the barriers
which restrain women from equal opportunities and privileges with
men.

Mrs. Meriwether pointed out the helplessness of mothers to obtain
legal protection for themselves and their children, or to influence
the action of municipal bodies, without the suffrage. Miss Eastman
said in the course of her address:

The first business of government is foreshadowed in the
Constitution, that it is to secure justice between man and man
by allowing no intrusion of any on the rights of others. This
principle is large in application although simple in statement.
The first words, "We, the people," contain the foundation of our
claim. If we limit the application of the word "people," all the
rest falls to the ground. Whatever work of government is referred
to, it all rests on its being managed by "We, the people." If we
strike that out, we have lost the fundamental principle. Who are
the people? I feel that it is not my business to ask men to vote
on my right to be admitted to the franchise. I have been debarred
from my right. You hold the position to do me justice. Why should
I go to one-half of the people and ask whether so clear and
explicit a declaration as this includes me? The suffrage is not
theirs to give, and I would not get it from them easily if it
were. Neither would you get even education if you had to ask them
for it. This question is not for the people at large to settle.
Justice demands that we should be referred to the most
intelligent tribunals in the land, and not remanded to the
popular vote.

Mrs. Clay Bennett based her argument largely on the authority of the
Scriptures. Mrs. Gougar said:

We do not come as Democrats or Republicans, not as Northern or as
Southern, but as women representing a great principle. This is in
line with the Magna Charta, with the Petition of Rights, with the
Articles of Confederation, with the National Constitution. This
is in direct line of the growth of human liberty. The Declaration
of Independence says, "Governments derive their just powers from
the consent of the governed." Are you making a single law which
does not touch me as much as it does you?

Questions are upon you which you can not solve without the moral
sentiment of womanhood. You need us more than we need suffrage.
In our large cities the vicious element rules. The reserve force
is in the womanhood of the nation. Woman suffrage is necessary
for the preservation of the life of the republic. To give women
the ballot is to increase the intelligent and law-abiding vote.
The tramp vote is entirely masculine. By enfranchising the women
of this country, you enfranchise humanity.

Mrs. Colby thus described to the committee the recent vote in Nebraska
on a woman suffrage amendment:

The subject was well discussed; the leading men and the majority
of the press and pulpit favored it. Everything indicated that
here at last the measure might be safely submitted to popular
vote. On election day the women went to the polling places in
nearly every precinct in the State, with their flowers, their
banners, their refreshments and their earnest pleadings. But
every saloon keeper worked against the amendment, backed by the
money and the power of the liquor league. The large foreign vote
went almost solidly against woman suffrage. Nebraska defies the
laws of the United States by allowing foreigners to vote when
they have been only six months on the soil of America. Many of
these, as yet wholly unfamiliar with the institutions of our
country, voted the ballot which was placed in their hands. The
woman suffrage amendment received but a little over one-third of
the votes cast.

Men were still so afraid women did not want to vote that only one
thing remained to convince them we were in earnest, and that was
for us to vote that way. So the next session we had another
amendment introduced, to be voted on by the men as before, but
not to take effect until ratified by a majority of the women. We
were willing to be counted if the Legislature would make it legal
to count us. It refused because the question, it said, had
already been settled by the people. Although we had worked and
pleaded and done all that women could do to obtain our rights of
citizenship, yet the Legislature looking at "the people" did not
see us, and refused to submit the question again. Having failed
to obtain our rights by popular vote, we now appeal to you.

Miss Anthony related the unsuccessful efforts of Mrs. Caroline E.
Merrick and other ladies of Louisiana to have women placed on the
school boards of that State, due wholly to their disfranchisement. In
a forcible speech Mrs. Sewall declared:

In coming here my sense of justice is satisfied, for we belong to
this nation as well as you. This room, this building, this
committee, the whole machinery of government is supported in part
by the money of women and is for their protection as well as for
that of men....

Our question should never be partisan. We do not wish to go
before our State Legislatures crippled with the fact that an
amendment has been submitted by one party rather than the other.
The Republican party gave the ballot to the negro and claimed its
vote in return. We do not wish any party to feel it has a right
to our vote. The Senate now has a majority of Republicans and the
House of Democrats, consequently any measure which is passed by
this Congress will be unpartisan. This question should receive
support of both parties by the higher laws of the universe.
Another name for life is helpfulness. Separation of parts
belonging to one whole is death. Separation of parties on
questions not of partisan interest is death to many issues. It is
in your power to bring the parties together by that higher law of
the universe on this proposition to submit a Sixteenth Amendment
to our Legislatures, that without entanglement of partisan
interests this question can be decided.

The committee were so interested in the address of Madame Neymann that
the time of the hearing was extended in order that she might finish
it. She said in part:

Why Americans, so keen in their sense of what is right and just,
should be so dull on this question of giving woman her due share
of independence, I can not comprehend. Is not this the land where
foreigners flock because they have heard the bugle call of
freedom? Why then is it that your own children, the patriotic
daughters of America, who have been reared and nurtured in free
homes, brought up under the guidance and amidst the blessings of
freedom--why is it that you hold them unworthy of the honor of
being enrolled as citizens and voters? England, Canada and even
Ireland have gone ahead of us, and was not America destined by
its tradition to be first and foremost in this important movement
of making women the equal, the true partner of man?

In a free country the national life stands in direct relation to
the home life, the public life reacts upon the family, and the
family furnishes the material for the State. The lives and the
characters of our children are influenced by the manners and
methods of our Government, and to say that mothers have no right
to be concerned in the politics of the country is simply saying
that the life and character of our children are of no concern to
us.

The citizen's liberty instead of being sacrificed by society has
to be defended by society. Who defends woman's individuality in
our modern State? Universal suffrage is the only guarantee
against despotism. Every man who believes in the subjection of
woman will play the despot whenever you give him an opportunity.

We have no right to ask if it is expedient to grant suffrage to
women. We recognize that the principle is just and justice must
be done though the heavens fall. It is small minds that bring
forth small objections. The man who believes in a just principle
trusts and confides in it, and thus we ask you to confide in
suffrage for women.

On May 6, 1886, the committee report, made by the Hon. John W. Stewart
(Vt.), stated that the resolution was laid on the table. The following
minority report was submitted:

In a Government by the people the ballot is at once a badge of
sovereignty and the means of exercising power. We need not for
our present purpose define the right to vote, nor inquire whence
it comes. Whether it is a natural or a political right, one
arising from social relations and duties, or a necessity
incidental to individual protection and communal welfare, is
immaterial to the discussion. Let the advocates of man's right to
participate in governmental affairs choose their own ground and
we will be content. The voting franchise exists, and it exists
because it has been seized by force or because of some right
antedating its sanction by law. Nativity does not confer it,
because aliens exercise it; it does not arise from taxation, for
many are taxed who can not vote and many vote who are not taxed.
Ability to bear arms is not the test of the voting franchise, as
many legally vote who were never able to bear arms, and others
who have become unable to do so by reason of sickness, accident
or age; nor does education mark the line, for the learned and the
illiterate meet at the ballot box.

With us a portion of the adult population have assumed to
exercise the right, admitted to exist somewhere, of governing,
and have forced another portion into the position of the
governed. That this assumption is just and wise is averred by
some and denied by others. If we call upon these rulers for a
copy of their commission they present one written by themselves.

Children, idiots and convicted felons properly belong to the
governed and not to the governing class, as they are
intellectually or morally unfit to govern. Necessity only places
them there; necessity is an absolute monarch and will be
everywhere obeyed. To this governed class has been added woman,
and we beg the House and the country to inquire why. They are
also "people" and we submit that they are neither moral nor
intellectual incapables, and no necessity for their
disfranchisement can be suggested; on the contrary, we believe
that they are now entitled to immediate and absolute
enfranchisement.

First: Because their own good demands it. Give woman the ballot
and she will have additional means and inducements to a broader
and better education, including a knowledge of affairs, of which
she will not fail to avail herself to the uttermost; give her the
ballot and you add to her means of protection of her person and
estate. The ballot is a powerful weapon of defense sorely needed
by those too weak to wield any other, and to take it from such
and give to those already clothed in strength and fully armed,
would appear to be unjust, unfair and unwise to one unaccustomed
to the sight. Long usage "sanctions and sanctifies" wrongs and
abuses, and causes cruelty to be mistaken for kindness.

The history of woman is for the most part a history of wrong and
outrage. Created the equal companion of man, she early became his
slave, and still is so in most parts of the world. In many
so-called Christian nations of Europe she is to-day yoked with
beasts and is doing the labor of beasts, while her son and
husband are serving in the army, protecting the divine right of
kings and men to slay and destroy. In the farther East she is
still more degraded, being substantially excluded from the world.
Man has not been consciously unjust to woman in the past, nor is
he now, but he believes that she is in her true sphere, not
realizing that he has fixed her sphere, and not God. This is as
true of the barbarian as of the Christian, and no more so. If the
"unspeakable Turk" should be solicited to open the doors of his
harem and let the inmates become free, he would be indignant,
doubtless, and would swear by the beard of the Prophet that he
never would so degrade lovely woman, who, in her sphere, was
intended to be the solace of glorious, superior man.

Yet, as man advances, woman is elevated, and her elevation in
turn advances him. No liberty ever given her has been lost or
abused or regretted. Where most has been given she has become
best. Liberty never degrades her; slavery always does. For her
good, therefore, she needs the ballot.

Second: Woman's vote is needed for the good of others. Our
horizon is misty with apparent dangers. Woman may aid in
dispelling them. She is an enemy of foreign war and domestic
turmoil; she is a friend of peace and home. Her influence for
good in many directions would be multiplied if she possessed the
ballot. She desires the homes of the land to be pure and sober;
with her help they may become so. Without her what is the
prospect in this regard?

We do not invite woman into the "dirty pool of politics," nor
does she intend to enter that pool. Politics is not necessarily
unclean; if it is unclean she is not chargeable with the great
crime, for crime it is. Politics must be purified or we are lost.
To govern this great nation wisely and well is not degrading
service; to do it, all the wisdom, ability and patriotism of all
the people is required. No great moral force should be
unemployed.

But it is sometimes said that women do not desire the ballot.
Some may not; very many do not, perhaps a majority. Such
indifference can not affect the right of those who are not
indifferent. Some men, for one or other insufficient reason,
decline to vote; but no statesman has yet urged general
disfranchisement on that account. It may be true, and in our
judgment it is, that those individuals who so fail to appreciate
the rights and obligations of freemen as to deliberately refuse
to vote should be disfranchised and made aliens, but their
offense should not be visited on vigilant and patriotic citizens.
Neither male nor female suffragists can be forced to use the
ballot, and while the individuals of each class may fail to
appreciate the privilege or recognize the duty the franchise
confers, in the main it will result otherwise.

The conservative woman who feels that her present duties are as
burdensome as she can bear, when she realizes what she can
accomplish for her country and for mankind by the ballot, will as
reverently thank God for the opportunity and will as zealously
discharge her new obligations, as will her more radical sister
who has long and wearily labored and fervently prayed for the
coming of the day of equality of rights, duties and hopes.

E. B. TAYLOR.
W. P. HEPBURN.
L. B. CASWELL.

I concur in the opinion of the minority that the resolution ought
to be adopted.

A. A. RANNEY.

FOOTNOTES:

[28] John Randolph Tucker, Va.; Nathaniel J. Hammond, Ga.; David B.
Culberson, Tex.; Patrick A. Collins, Mass.; George E. Seney, O.;
William C. Oates, Ala.; John H. Rogers, Ark.; John R. Eden, Ill.;
Risden T. Bennett, N. C.; Ezra B. Taylor, O.; Abraham X. Parker, N.
Y.; Ambrose A. Ranney, Mass.; William P. Hepburn, Ia.; John W.
Stewart, Vt.; Lucien B. Caswell, Wis.

[29] See History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. II, p. 715.

[30] This had been done when Miss Anthony voted in Rochester, N. Y.,
in 1872.

CHAPTER VI.

FIRST DISCUSSION AND VOTE IN THE U. S. SENATE--1887.

Although the Senate Select Committee on Woman Suffrage had reported
several times in favor of a Sixteenth Amendment to the Federal
Constitution which should prohibit disfranchisement on account of sex,
and although Thomas W. Palmer, in 1885, had delivered a speech on the
question in the Senate, it never had been brought to a discussion and
vote.[31] Urged by the members of the National Association, and by his
own strong convictions as to the justice of the cause, Senator Henry
W. Blair (N. H.), on Dec. 8, 1886, called up the following, which he
had reported for the majority of the committee on February 2 of that
year:

JOINT RESOLUTION PROPOSING AN AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITUTION OF
THE UNITED STATES EXTENDING THE RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE TO WOMEN.

_Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled (two-thirds of
each House concurring therein)_, That the following article be
proposed to the Legislatures of the several States as an
amendment to the Constitution of the United States; which, when
ratified by three-fourths of the said Legislatures, shall be
valid as part of said Constitution, namely:

SECTION 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote
shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any
State on account of sex.

SECTION 2. The Congress shall have power, by appropriate
legislation, to enforce the provisions of this article.

Senator Blair supported this resolution in a long and comprehensive
speech, that will be recorded in history as one of the ablest ever
made on this subject, in the course of which he said:[32]

Upon solemn occasions concerning grave public affairs, and when
large numbers of the citizens of the country desire to test the
sentiments of the people upon an amendment of the organic law in
the manner provided by the provisions of that law, it may well
become the duty of Congress to submit the proposition to the
amending power, which is the same as that which created the
original instrument itself--the electors of the several States.
It can hardly be claimed that two-thirds of each branch of
Congress must necessarily be convinced that the Constitution
should be amended, before it submits the same to the judgment of
the States.

If there be any principle upon which our form of government is
founded, and wherein it is different from aristocracies,
monarchies and despotisms, that principle is this: Every human
being of mature powers, not disqualified by ignorance, vice or
crime, is the equal of and is entitled to all the rights and
privileges which belong to any other human being under the law.

The independence, equality and dignity of all human souls is the
fundamental assertion of those who believe in what we call human
freedom. But we are informed that women are represented by men.
This can not reasonably be claimed unless it first be shown that
their consent has been given to such representation, or that they
lack the capacity to consent. But the exclusion of this class
from the suffrage deprives them of the power of assent to
representation even when they possess the requisite ability....
The Czar represents his whole people, just as much as voting men
represent women who do not vote at all.

True it is that the voting men, in excluding women and other
classes from the suffrage, by that act charge themselves with the
trust of administering justice to all, even as the monarch whose
power is based upon force is bound to rule uprightly. But if it
be true that "all just government is founded upon the consent of
the governed," then the government of woman by man, without her
consent given in a sovereign capacity, even if that government be
wise and just in itself, is a violation of natural right and an
enforcement of servitude against her on the part of man. If
woman, like the infant or the defective classes, be incapable of
self-government, then republican society may exclude her from all
participation in the enactment and enforcement of the laws under
which she lives. But in that case, like the infant and the idiot
and the unconsenting subject of tyrannical forms of government,
she is ruled and not represented by man. This much I desire to
say in the beginning in reply to the broad assumption of those
who deny women the suffrage by saying that they are already
represented by their fathers, their husbands, their brothers and
their sons.

The common ground upon which all agree may be stated thus: All
males having certain qualifications are in reason and in law
entitled to vote. These qualifications affect either the body or
the mind or both. The first is the attainment of a certain age.
The age in itself is not material, but maturity of mental
development is material, although soundness of body in itself is
not essential, and want of it never works forfeiture of the
right. Age as a qualification for suffrage is by no means to be
confounded with age as a qualification for service in war.
Society has well established the distinction, and also that one
has no relation whatever to the other--the one having reference
to physical prowess, while the other relates only to the mental
state. This is shown by the ages fixed by law, that of eighteen
years as the commencement of the term of presumed fitness for
military service and forty-five as the period of its termination;
while the age of presumed fitness for the suffrage, which
requires no physical superiority certainly, is set at twenty-one
years when still greater strength of body has been attained than
at the period when liability to the dangers and hardships of war
begins. There are at least three million more male voters in our
country than of the population liable by law to the performance
of military duty. It is still further to be observed that the
right of suffrage continues as long as the mind lasts, while
ordinary liability to military service ceases at a period when
the physical powers, though still strong, are beginning to wane.
The truth is that there is no legal or natural connection between
the liability to fight and the right to vote.

The right to fight may be exercised voluntarily, or the liability
to fight may be enforced by the community, whenever there is need
for it, and the extent to which the physical forces of society
may be called upon in self-defense or in justifiable revolution
is measured not by age or sex, but by necessity, which may go so
far as to call into the field old men and women and the last
vestige of physical force. It can not be claimed that woman has
no right to vote because she is not liable to fight, for she is
so liable, and the freest government on the face of the earth has
the reserved power under the call of necessity to place her in
the forefront of the battle itself; and more than this, woman has
the right, and often has exercised it, to go there. If any one
could question the existence of this reserved power to call woman
to the common defense, either in the hospital or the field, it
would be woman herself, who has been deprived of participation in
the Government and in shaping public policies which have resulted
in dire emergency to the State. But in all times, and under all
forms of government and of social existence, woman has given her
body and her soul to the common defense.

The qualification of age, then, is imposed for the purpose of
securing mental and moral fitness for the suffrage on the part of
those who exercise it. It has no relation to the possession of
physical powers at all.

The property qualification for suffrage is, to my mind, an
invasion of natural right, which elevates mere property to an
equality with life and personal liberty, and it ought never to be
imposed. But, however that may be, its application has no
relation to sex, and its only object is to secure the exercise of
the suffrage under a stronger sense of obligation and
responsibility. The same is true of the qualifications of sanity,
education and obedience to the laws, which exclude dementia,
ignorance and crime from participation in the sovereignty. Every
condition or qualification imposed upon the exercise of the
suffrage, save sex alone, has for its only object or possible
justification the possession of mental and moral fitness, and has
no relation to physical power.

The question then arises why is the qualification of masculinity
required? The distinction between human beings by reason of sex
is a physical distinction. The soul is of no sex. If there be a
distinction of soul by reason of the physical difference, woman
is the superior of man. In proof of this see the minority report
of this committee with all the eulogiums of woman pronounced by
those who, like the serpent of old, would flatter her vanity that
they may continue to wield her power. I repeat that the soul is
of no sex, and that so far as the possession and exercise of
human rights and powers are concerned, sex is but a physical
property, whose possession renders the female just as important
as the male, and in just as great need of power in the government
of society. If there be a difference, however, her average
physical inferiority is really compensated for by a superior
mental and moral fitness to give direction to the course of
society and to the policy of the State. If, then, there be a
distinction between the souls of human beings resulting from sex,
woman is better fitted for the exercise of the suffrage than man.

It is asserted by some that the suffrage is an inherent natural
right, and by others that it is merely a privilege extended to
the individual by society at its discretion. However this may be,
its extension to any class must come through the exercise of the
suffrage by those who already possess it. Therefore, the appeal
by those who have it not must be made to those who are asked to
part with a portion of their own power. It is only human nature
that the male sex should hesitate to yield one-half of its power
to those whose cause, however strong in reason and justice, lacks
that physical force by which so largely the masses of men
themselves have wrung their own rights from rulers and kings.

It is not strange that when overwhelmed with argument and half
won by appeals to his better nature, and ashamed to refuse
blankly that which he finds no reason for longer withholding, man
avoids the dilemma by a pretended elevation of woman to a higher
sphere, where, as an angel, she has certain gauzy, ethereal
resources and superior attributes and functions which render the
possession of mere earthly, every-day powers and privileges
non-essential to her, however mere mortal men may find them
indispensable to their own freedom and happiness. But to the
denial of her right to vote, whether that denial be the blunt
refusal of the ignorant or the polished evasion of the refined
courtier and politician, woman can oppose only her most solemn
and perpetual appeal to the reason of man and to the justice of
Almighty God. She must continually point out the nature and
object of the suffrage and the necessity that she possess it for
her own and the public good.

What, then, is the suffrage, and why is it necessary that woman
should possess and exercise this function of freemen? I quote
briefly from the majority report of the Senate Committee:[33]

"The rights for the maintenance of which human governments are
constituted are life, liberty and property. These rights are
common to men and women alike and both are entitled to the
sovereign power to protect these rights. This right to the
protection of rights appertains to the individual, not to the
family, or to any form of association, whether social or
corporate. Probably not more than five-eighths of the men of
legal age, qualified to vote, are heads of families, and not more
than that proportion of adult women are united with men in the
legal merger of married life. It is, therefore, quite incorrect
to speak of the State as an aggregate of families duly
represented at the ballot-box by their male head. The relation
between the government and the individual is direct; all rights
are individual rights, all duties are individual duties.

"Government in its two highest functions is legislative and
judicial. By these powers the sovereignty prescribes the law and
directs its application to the vindication of rights and the
redress of wrongs. Conscience and intelligence are the only
forces which enter into the exercise of these primary and highest
functions of government. The remaining department is the
executive or administrative, and in all forms of government the
primary element of administration is force, but even in this
department conscience and intelligence are indispensable to its
direction.

"If, now, we are to decide who of our sixty millions of human
beings are, by virtue of their qualifications, to be the
law-making power, by what tests shall the selection be
determined? The suffrage is this great primary law-making power.
It is not the executive power. It is not founded upon force.
Never in the history of this or any other genuine republic has
the law-making power, whether in general elections or in the
framing of laws in legislative assemblies, been vested in
individuals by reason of their physical powers....

"The executive power of itself is a mere physical
instrumentality--an animal quality--and it is confided from
necessity to those who possess that quality, but always with
danger, except so far as wisdom and virtue control its exercise.
Therefore it is obvious that the greater the spiritual forces,
whether found in those who execute the law, or in the large body
by whom the suffrage is exercised, and who direct its execution,
the greater will be the safety and the surer will be the
happiness of the State.

"It is too late to question the intellectual and moral capacity
of woman to understand political issues and intelligently decide
them at the polls. Indeed the pretense is no longer advanced that
woman should not vote because of her mental or moral unfitness to
perform this legislative function; but the suffrage is denied to
her because she can neither hang criminals, suppress mobs nor
handle the enginery of war. We have already seen the untenable
nature of this assumption, because those who make it bestow the
suffrage upon very large classes of men who, however well
qualified they may be to vote, are physically unable to perform
any of the duties which appertain to the execution of the law and
the defense of the State. Scarcely a Senator on this floor is
liable by law to perform military or other administrative duty,
yet this rule set up against the right of women to vote would
disfranchise nearly this whole body.

"But it is unnecessary to grant that woman can not fight. History
is full of examples of her heroism in danger, of her endurance
and fortitude in trial, of her indispensable and supreme service
in hospital and field.... It is hardly worth while to consider
this trivial objection--that she is incompetent for purposes of
national murder or of bloody self-defense--as the basis for
denying a fundamental right, when we consider that if this right
were given to her she would by its very exercise almost certainly
abolish this great crime of the nations, which has always
inflicted upon woman the chief burden of woe."

Mr. Blair then demonstrated the intellectual ability of the woman of
the present day, proving in this respect her capacity and fitness to
vote. He quoted from the minority report of the Senate Committee,
which had been submitted by Senators Brown and Cockrell, saying:

It proceeds to show that both man and woman are designed for a
higher final estate--to-wit, that of matrimony. It seems to be
conceded that man is just as well fitted for matrimony as woman
herself, and the whole subject is illuminated with certain
botanical lore about stamens and pistils, which, however relevant
to matrimony, does not prove that woman should not vote unless at
the same time it proves that man should not vote. And certainly
it can not apply to those women, any more than to those men,
whose highest and final estate never is merged in the family
relation at all....

The right to vote is the great primitive right in which all
freedom originates and culminates. It is the right from which all
others spring, in which they merge, and without which they fall
whenever assailed. This right makes all the difference between
government by and with the consent of the governed, and
government without and against the consent of the governed; and
that is the difference between freedom and slavery. If the right
to vote be not that difference, what is? If either sex as a class
can dispense with the right to vote, then take it from the
strong and do not longer rob the weak of their defense for the
benefit of the strong. But it is impossible to conceive of the
suffrage as a right dependent at all upon such an irrelevant
condition as sex. It is an individual, a personal right, and if
withheld by reason of sex it is a moral robbery.

It is said that the duties of maternity disqualify for the
performance of the act of voting. It can not be, and I think is
not claimed by any one, that the mother who otherwise would be
fit to vote is rendered mentally or morally less fit to exercise
this high function in the State because of motherhood. On the
contrary, if any woman has a motive more than another person, man
or woman, to secure the enactment and enforcement of good laws,
it is the mother, who, besides her own life, person and
property--to the protection of which the ballot is as essential
as to those of man--has her little contingent of immortal beings
to conduct safely to the portals of active life through all the
snares and pitfalls woven around them by bad men and bad laws,
and to prepare rightly for the discharge of all the duties of
their day and generation, including, if boys, the exercise of the
very right denied to their mother.

Certainly if but for motherhood woman should vote, then ten
thousand times more necessary is it that the mother should be
armed with this great social and political power for the sake of
all men and women who are yet to be. It is said that she has not
the time. Let us see. By the best deductions I can make from the
census and from other sources, of the women of voting age in this
country not more than one-half are married and still liable to
the duties of maternity; for it will be remembered that a
considerable proportion of the mothers at any given time are
below the voting age, while another large proportion have passed
beyond the point of this objection. Then why disfranchise the
half to whom your objection, even if valid as to any, does not
apply at all; and most of these, too, the most mature and
therefore the best qualified to vote of any of their sex?

But how much is there of this objection of want of time or
physical strength to vote in its application to those women who
are bearing and training the coming millions?... The average
mother will attend church at least forty times yearly from her
cradle to her grave; and there is, besides, an infinity of other
social, religious and industrial obligations which she performs
because she is a married woman and a mother rather than for any
other reason whatever. Yet it is proposed to deprive all women
alike of an inestimable privilege for the reason that on any
given day of election perhaps one woman in twenty of voting age
may not be able to reach the polls....

When one thinks of the innumerable and trifling causes which keep
many of the best of men and the strongest opponents of woman
suffrage from the polls upon important occasions, it is difficult
to be tolerant of the objection that woman by reason of
motherhood has no time to vote....

It is urged that woman does not desire the privilege. If the
right exist at all it is an individual right, and not one which
belongs to a class or to the sex as such. Yet men tell us that
they will vote to give the suffrage to women whenever the
majority of women desire it. What would we say if it were
seriously proposed to recall the suffrage from all colored or
from all white men because a majority of either class should
decline or for any cause fail to vote? If one or many choose not
to claim their right it is no argument for depriving me of mine
or one woman of hers. There are many reasons why some women
declare themselves opposed to the extension of suffrage to their
sex. Some well-fed and pampered, without serious experiences in
life, are incapable of comprehending the subject at all. Vast
numbers, who secretly and earnestly desire it, from the long
habit of deference to the wishes of the other sex upon whom they
are so entirely dependent, and knowing the hostility of their
"protectors" to it, conceal their real sentiments. The "lord" of
the family referring this question to his wife, who has heard him
sneer or worse than sneer at suffragists for half a lifetime,
ought not expect an answer which she knows will subject her to
his censure and ridicule. It is like the old appeal of the master
to his slave to know if he would like to be free. Full well did
the wise and wary slave know that happiness depended upon
declaring contentment with his lot....

We are told that husband and wife will disagree and thus the
suffrage will destroy the family and ruin society. If a married
couple will quarrel at all, they will find the occasion, and it
would be fortunate indeed if their contention might concern
important affairs. There is no peace in the family save where
love is, and the same spirit which enables husband and wife to
enforce the toleration act between themselves in religious
matters will keep the peace between them in political
discussions. At all events this argument is unworthy of notice
unless we are to push it to its logical conclusion, and, for the
sake of peace in the family, to prohibit woman absolutely the
exercise of free speech and action. Men live with their
countrymen and yet disagree with them in politics, religion and
ten thousand of the affairs of life, as often the trifling as the
important. What harm, then, if woman be allowed her thought and
vote upon the tariff, education, temperance, peace, war, and
whatsoever else the suffrage decides.

We are told that no government of which we have authentic history
ever gave to women a share in the sovereignty. This is not true,
for the annals of monarchies and despotisms have been rendered
illustrious by queens of surpassing brilliance and power. But
even if it be true that no nation ever enfranchised woman--even
so until within one hundred years universal or even general
suffrage was unknown among men.

Has the millennium yet dawned? Is all progress at an end? If that
which is should therefore remain, why abolish the slavery of men?

We are informed that woman does not vote when she has the
opportunity. Wherever she has the unrestricted right she
exercises it. The records of Wyoming and Washington demonstrate
this fact.

Mr. Blair then quoted the statistics embodied in the report of the
committee, showing the slow but sure progress of the enfranchisement
of women, and concluded:

It is sometimes urged against this movement for the submission of
a resolution for a National Constitutional Amendment that women
should go to the States and fight it out there. But we did not
send the colored man to the States. No other amendment touching
the general national interest has been left to be fought out by
individual action in the separate States....

We only ask for woman an opportunity to bring her suit in the
great court for the amendment of fundamental law. It is
impossible for any right mind to escape the impression of solemn
responsibility which attaches to our decision. Ridicule and wit
of whatever quality are here as much out of place as in the
debates upon the Declaration of Independence. We are affirming or
denying the right of petition which by all law belongs as much to
women as to men....

Let us by our action to-day indorse, if we do not initiate, a
movement which, in the development of our race, shall guarantee
liberty to all without distinction of sex, even as our glorious
Constitution already grants the suffrage to every male citizen
without distinction of color or race.

As Senator Brown was absent, Senator Cockrell objected to a
consideration of the resolution and it was postponed. The minority
report of the Select Committee on Woman Suffrage signed by these two
Senators consisted wholly of extracts from a series of anonymous
articles which had appeared in the Chicago _Tribune_, entitled
"Letters from a Chimney-Corner."

On January 25, 1887, Senator Blair again called up his resolution and
a spirited debate followed. Senators Joseph E. Brown (Ga.) and George
G. Vest (Mo.) represented the negative; Henry W. Blair (N. H.) and
Joseph N. Dolph (Ore.) the affirmative. Senator Brown opened the
discussion by presenting, word for word, the report signed by Senator
Francis M. Cockrell (Mo.) and himself in 1884. It embodied the stock
objections to woman suffrage, practically all in fact which are ever
made, and was in part as follows:[34]

Mr. President, the joint resolution introduced by my friend, the
Senator from New Hampshire, proposing an amendment to the
Constitution of the United States, conferring the right to vote
upon the women of the United States, is one of paramount
importance, as it involves great questions far-reaching in their
tendency, which seriously affect the very pillars of our social
fabric, which involve the peace and harmony of society, the unity
of the family, and much of the future success of our
Government....

I believe that the Creator intended that the sphere of the males
and females of our race should be different, and that their
duties and obligations, while they differ materially, are equally
important and equally honorable, and that each sex is equally
well qualified by natural endowments for the discharge of the
important duties which pertain to each, and that each sex is
equally competent to discharge those duties.

We find an abundance of evidence, both _in the works of nature_
and in the Divine revelation, to establish the fact that the
family properly regulated is the foundation and pillar of
society, and is the most important of any other human
institution. In the Divine economy it is provided that the man
shall be the head of the family, and shall take upon himself the
solemn obligation of providing for and protecting the family.

Man, by reason of his physical strength, and his other endowments
and faculties, is qualified for the discharge of those duties
that require strength and ability to combat with the sterner
realities and difficulties of life. It is not only his duty to
provide for and protect the family, but as a member of the
community it is also his duty to discharge the laborious and
responsible obligations which the family owe to the State, and
which obligations must be discharged by the head of the family,
until the male members have grown up to manhood and are able to
aid in the discharge of those obligations, when it becomes their
duty each in turn to take charge of and rear a family, for which
he is responsible.

Among other duties which the head of the family owes to the State
is military duty in time of war, which he, _when able-bodied_, is
able to discharge and which the female members of the family are
unable to discharge.[35]

He is also under obligation to discharge jury duty,[36] and by
himself _or his representatives_ to perform his part of the labor
necessary to construct and keep in order roads, bridges, streets
and all grades of public highways.[37] And in this progressive
age upon the male sex is devolved the duty of constructing and
operating our railroads, and the engines and other rolling stock
with which they are operated; of building, equipping and
launching shipping and other water craft of every character
necessary for the transportation of passengers and freight upon
our rivers, our lakes, and upon the high seas.

The labor in our fields, sowing, cultivating and reaping crops
must be discharged _mainly_ by the male sex, as the female sex,
for want of physical strength, are generally unable to discharge
these duties. As it is the duty of the male sex to perform the
obligations to the State, to society and to the family, already
mentioned, with numerous others that might be enumerated, it is
also their duty to aid in the government of the State, which is
simply a great aggregation of families.[38] Society can not be
preserved nor can the people be prosperous without good
government. The government of our country is a government _of the
people_, and it becomes necessary that the _class_ of people upon
whom the responsibility rests should assemble together and
consider and discuss the great questions of governmental policy
which from time to time are presented for their decision.

This often requires the assembling of caucuses in the night time,
as well as public assemblages in the daytime. It is a _laborious
task_, for which the male sex is infinitely better fitted than
the female sex; and after proper consideration and discussion of
the measures that may divide the country from time to time, the
duty devolves upon those who are responsible for the government,
at times and places to be fixed by law, to meet and by ballot to
decide the great questions of government upon which the
prosperity of the country depends.

These are some of the _active and sterner duties_ of life to
which the male sex is by nature better fitted than the female
sex. If in carrying out the policy of the State on great measures
adjudged vital such policy should lead to war, either foreign or
domestic, it would seem to follow very naturally that those who
have been responsible for the management of the State should be
the parties to take the hazards and hardships of the
struggle.[39] Here again man is better fitted by nature for the
discharge of the duty--woman is unfit for it.

On the other hand, the Creator has assigned to woman very
laborious and responsible duties, _by no means less important_
than those imposed upon the male sex, though entirely different
in their character.[40] In the family she is a _queen_. She alone
is fitted for the discharge of the sacred trust of wife and the
endearing relation of mother. While the man is contending with
the sterner duties of life, _the whole time_ of the noble,
affectionate and true woman is required in the discharge of the
delicate and difficult duties assigned her in the family circle,
in her church relations and in the society where her lot is cast.
When the husband returns home weary and worn in the discharge of
the difficult and laborious tasks assigned him, he finds in the
good wife solace and consolation which is nowhere else afforded.

But a still more important duty devolves upon the mother. After
having brought into existence the offspring of the nuptial union,
the children are dependent upon the mother _as they are not upon
any other human being_. The trust is a most sacred, most
responsible and most important one. She molds the character. She
educates the heart as well as the intellect, and she prepares the
future man, now the boy, for honor or dishonor. Upon the manner
in which she discharges her duty depends the fact whether he
shall in future be a useful citizen or a burden to society. She
inculcates lessons of patriotism, manliness, religion and virtue,
_fitting the man by reason of his training_ to be an ornament to
society, or dooming him by her neglect to a life of dishonor and
shame. Society acts unwisely, when it imposes upon her the duties
that by common consent have always been assigned to the stronger
and sterner sex, and the discharge of which causes her to neglect
those sacred and all-important duties to her children and to the
society of which they are members.[41]

In the church, by her piety, her charity and her Christian
purity, she not only aids society by a proper training of her own
children, but the children of others, whom she encourages to come
to the sacred altar. In the Sunday-school room the good woman is
a _princess_ and she exerts an influence which purifies and
ennobles society. In the sick room and among the humble, the poor
and the suffering the good woman is an _angel_ of light....

If the wife and the mother is required to leave the sacred
precincts of home and to attempt to do military duty when the
State is in peril; or if she is to be required to leave her home
from day to day in attendance upon the court as a juror, and to
be shut up in the jury room from night to night with men who are
strangers, while a question of life or property is being
discussed; if she is to attend political meetings, take part in
political discussions and mingle with the male sex at political
gatherings; if she is to become an active politician; if she is
to attend political caucuses at late hours of the night; if she
is to take part in all the unsavory work that may be deemed
necessary for the triumph of her party; and if on election day
she is to leave her home and go upon the streets electioneering
for votes for the candidates who receive her support, and
mingling among the crowds of men who gather round the polls, she
is to press her way through them to the precinct and deposit her
ballot; if she is to take part in the corporate struggles of the
city or town in which she resides, attend to the duties of his
honor, the mayor, the councilman, or of policeman, to say nothing
of the many other like obligations which are disagreeable (!)
even to the male sex, how is she, with all these heavy duties of
citizen, politician and officeholder resting upon her shoulders,
to attend to the more sacred, delicate, refining trust to which
we have already referred, and for which she is peculiarly fitted
by nature? Who is to care for and train the children while she
is absent in the discharge of these masculine duties?[42]

But it has been said that the present law is unjust to woman;
that she is _often_ required to pay tax on the property she holds
without being permitted to take part in framing or administering
the laws by which her property is governed, and that she is taxed
without representation. _That is a great mistake._ It may be very
doubtful whether the male or female sex in the present state of
things has more influence in the administration of the affairs of
the government and the enactment of the laws by which we are
governed.[43]

While the woman does not discharge military duty, nor does she
attend courts and serve on juries, nor does she labor on the
public streets, bridges or highways, nor does she engage actively
and publicly in the discussion of political affairs, nor does she
enter the _crowded precincts of the ballot-box_ to deposit her
suffrage, still the intelligent, cultivated, noble woman is a
power behind the throne. All her influence is in favor of
morality, justice and fair dealing, all her efforts and her
counsel are in favor of good government, wise and wholesome
regulations and a faithful administration of the laws.[44] ...

It would be a gratification, and we are always glad to see the
ladies gratified, to many who have espoused the cause of woman
suffrage if they could take active part in political affairs and
go to the polls and cast their votes alongside the male sex; but
while this would be a gratification to a large number of very
worthy and excellent ladies who take a different view of the
question from that which we entertain, we feel that it would be a
great cruelty to a much larger number of the cultivated, refined,
delicate and lovely women of this country who seek no such
distinction, who would enjoy no such privilege, who would with
womanlike delicacy shrink from the discharge of any such
obligation, and who would sincerely regret that what they
consider the folly of the State had imposed upon them any such
unpleasant duties. But should female suffrage be once established
it would become an imperative necessity that the very large
class, indeed much the largest class, of the women of this
country of the character last described should yield, contrary to
their inclinations and wishes, to the necessity which would
compel them to engage in political strife.

We apprehend no one who has properly considered this question
will doubt, if female suffrage should be established, that the
more ignorant and less refined portions of the female population,
to say nothing of the baser class of females, laying aside
feminine delicacy and disregarding the sacred duties devolving
upon them, to which we have already referred, would rush to the
polls and take pleasure in the crowded association which the
situation would compel, of the two sexes in political meetings
and at the ballot-box....

It is now a problem which perplexes the brain of the ablest
statesmen to determine how we will best preserve our republican
system as against the demoralizing influence of the large class
of our present citizens and voters who by reason of their
illiteracy are unable to read or write the ballot they cast. If
our colored population, who were so recently slaves that even the
males who are voters have had but little opportunity to educate
themselves or to be educated, whose ignorance is now exciting the
liveliest interest of our statesmen, are causes of serious
apprehension, what is to be said in favor of adding to the voting
population all the females of that race, who, on account of the
situation in which they have been placed, have had much less
opportunity to be educated than even the males of their own
race?[45]

It may be said that their votes could be offset by the ballots of
the educated and refined ladies of the white race in the same
section; but who does not know that the ignorant female voters
would be at the polls _en masse_, while the refined and educated,
shrinking from public contact on such occasions, would remain at
home and attend to their domestic and other important duties?[46]
Are we ready to expose the country to the demoralization, and our
institutions to the strain, which would be placed upon them, for
the gratification of a minority of the virtuous and good of our
female population at the expense of the mortification of a very
large majority of the same sex?

It has been frequently urged that the ballot is necessary to
women to enable them to protect themselves in securing
occupations, and to enable them to realize the same compensation
for the like labor which is received by men. This argument is
plausible, but upon a closer examination it will be found to
possess but little real force. The price of labor is and must
continue to be governed by the law of supply and demand, and the
person who has the most physical strength to labor, and the most
pursuits requiring such strength open for employment, will always
command the higher prices.

Ladies make excellent teachers in public schools; many of them
are every way the equals of their male competitors, and still
they secure less wages than males. The reason is obvious. The
number of ladies who offer themselves as teachers is much larger
than the number of males who are willing to teach. The larger
number of females offer to teach _because other occupations are
not open to them_. The smaller number of males offer to teach
_because other more profitable occupations are open_ to most
males who are competent to teach....

The ballot can not impart to the female physical strength which
she does not possess, nor can it open to her pursuits which she
does not have physical ability to engage in; and as long as she
lacks the physical strength to compete with men in the different
departments of labor, there will be more competition in her
department, and she must necessarily receive less wages.[47]

But it is claimed again that females should have the ballot as a
protection against the tyranny of bad husbands. This is also
delusive. If the husband is brutal, arbitrary or tyrannical, and
tyrannizes over her at home, the ballot in her hands would be no
protection against such injustice, but the husband who compelled
her to conform to his wishes in other respects would also compel
her to use the ballot, if she possessed it, as he might please to
dictate. The ballot would, therefore, be of no assistance to the
wife in such case, nor could it heal family strifes or
dissensions. On the contrary, one of the gravest objections to
placing the ballot in the hands of the female sex is that it
would promote unhappiness and dissensions in the family circle.
There should be unity and harmony in the family.[48] ...

When woman becomes a voter she will be more or less of a
politician, and will form political alliances or unite with
political parties which will frequently be antagonistic to those
to which her husband belongs. This will introduce into the family
circle new elements of disagreement and discord which will
frequently end in unhappy divisions, if not in separation and
divorce. This must frequently occur when she becomes an active
politician, identified with a party which is distasteful to her
husband. On the other hand, if she unites with her husband in
party associations and votes with him on all occasions so as not
to disturb the harmony and happiness of the family, then the
ballot is of no service, as it simply _duplicates the vote of the
male_ on each side of the question and leaves the result the
same.[49] ...

It may be said, however, that there is a class of young ladies
who do not choose to marry, and who select professions or
avocations and follow them for a livelihood. This is true, but
this class, compared with the number who unite in matrimony with
the husbands of their choice, is comparatively very small, and it
is the duty of society to encourage the increase of marriages
rather than of celibacy. If the larger number of females select
pursuits or professions which require them to decline marriage,
society to that extent is deprived of the advantage resulting
from the increase of population by marriage.

It is said by those who have examined the question closely that
the largest number of divorces is now found in the communities
where the advocates of female suffrage are most numerous, and
where the _individuality_ of woman as related to her husband,
which such a doctrine inculcates, is increased to the greatest
extent.[50] ...

Senator Brown then introduced a long quotation from the
"Chimney-Corner," covering so exactly the ground of his speech and in
so nearly the same language as to suggest, if not collusion, at least
"two souls with but a single thought," which he thus emphasized in
closing:

The woman with the infant at the breast is in no condition to
plow on the farm, labor hard in the workshop, discharge the
duties of a juryman, conduct cases as an advocate in court,
preside in important cases as a judge, command armies as a
general, or bear arms as a private. These duties, and others of
like character, belong to the male sex; while the more important
duties of home, to which I have already referred, devolve upon
the female sex. We can neither reverse the physical nor the moral
laws of our nature, and as this movement is an attempt to reverse
these laws, and to devolve upon the female sex important and
laborious duties for which they are not by nature physically
competent, I am not prepared to support this bill.

He was followed by Senator Dolph, who said:

Mr. President, I shall not detain the Senate long. I do not feel
satisfied, when a measure so important to the people of this
country and to humanity is about to be submitted to a vote of the
Senate, to remain wholly silent.

Fortunately for the perpetuity of our institutions and the
prosperity of the people, the Federal Constitution contains a
provision for its own amendment. The framers of that instrument
foresaw that time and experience, the growth of the country and
the consequent expansion of the Government, would develop the
necessity for changes in it. Under this provision, at the first
session of the First Congress, ten amendments were submitted to
the Legislatures of the several States, in due time ratified by
the constitutional number, and thus became a part of the
Constitution. Since then there have been added to the
Constitution by the same process five different articles. To
secure an amendment requires the concurrent action of two-thirds
of both branches of Congress and the affirmative action of
three-fourths of the States. The question as to whether this
resolution shall be submitted to the Legislatures for
ratification does not involve the right or policy of the proposed
amendment....

No question in this country has been more ably discussed than
this has been by the women themselves. I do not think a single
objection which is made to woman suffrage is tenable. No one will
contend but that women have sufficient capacity to vote
intelligently. Sacred and profane history is full of the records
of great deeds by women. They have ruled kingdoms, and, my friend
from Georgia to the contrary notwithstanding, they have commanded
armies. They have excelled in statecraft, they have shone in
literature, and, rising superior to their environments and
breaking the shackles with which custom and tyranny have bound
them, they have stood side by side with men in the fields of the
arts and the sciences.

If it were a fact that woman is intellectually inferior to man,
which I do not admit, still that would be no reason why she
should not be permitted to participate in the formation and
control of the government to which she owes allegiance. If we are
to have as a test for the exercise of the right of suffrage a
qualification based upon intelligence, let it be applied to women
and to men alike. If it be admitted that suffrage is a right,
that is the end of controversy; there can no longer be any
argument made against woman suffrage; because, if it is her
right, then, if there were but one poor woman in all the United
States demanding the right it would be tyranny to refuse the
demand.

But our opponents say that suffrage is not a right; that it is a
matter of grace only; that it is a privilege which is conferred
upon or withheld from individual members of society by society at
pleasure. Society as here used means man's government, and the
proposition assumes that men have a right to institute and
control governments for themselves and for women. I admit that in
the governments of the world, past and present, men as a rule
have assumed to be the ruling class; that they have instituted
governments from participation in which they have excluded women;
that they have made laws for themselves and for women, and have
themselves administered them. But, that the provisions conferring
or regulating suffrage, in the constitutions and laws of
governments so constituted, have determined the question of the
_right_ of suffrage, can not be maintained.

Let us suppose, if we can, a community separated from all
others--having no organized government, owing no allegiance to
any existing governments, without any knowledge of the character
of those present or past, so that when they come to form one for
themselves they can do so free from the bias or prejudice of
custom or education--a community composed of an equal number of
men and women, having equal property rights to be defined and to
be protected by law. When such community came to institute a
government--and it would have an undoubted right to institute one
for itself, and the instinct of self-preservation would soon lead
it to do so--will my friend from Georgia tell me by what right,
human or divine, the male portion could exclude the female
portion, equal in number and having equal property rights, from
participation in the formation of such government and in the
enactment of its laws? I understand that the Senator, if he
would answer, would say that he believes the author of our
existence, the ruler of the universe, has given different spheres
to man and woman. Admit that; and still neither in nature nor in
the revealed will of God do I find anything to lead me to believe
that the Creator did not intend that a woman should exercise the
right of self-government.

During the consideration by this body, at the last session, of
the bill to admit Washington Territory into the Union, referring
to the fact that in that Territory woman already had been
enfranchised, I briefly submitted my views on this subject, which
I now ask the Secretary to read.

The Secretary read as follows: " ... I do not believe the
proposition so often asserted that suffrage is a political
privilege only, and not a natural right. It is regulated by the
constitution and laws of a State, I grant, but it needs no
argument to show that a constitution and laws adopted and enacted
by a fragment only of the whole body of the people, but binding
alike on all, are a usurpation of the powers of government.

"Government is but organized society. Whatever its form, it has
its origin in the necessities of mankind and is indispensable for
the maintenance of civilized society. It is essential to every
government that it should represent the supreme power of the
State, and be capable of subjecting the will of its individual
citizens to its authority. Such a government can derive its just
powers only from the consent of the governed, and can be
established only under a fundamental law which is self-imposed.
Every person of suitable age and discretion who is to be subject
to such a government has, in my judgment, a natural right to
participate in its formation. It is a significant fact that,
should Congress pass this bill and authorize the people of
Washington Territory to frame a State constitution and organize a
State government, the fundamental law of the State would be made
by all the citizens who were to be subject to it, and not by
one-half of them. And we shall witness the spectacle of a State
government founded in accordance with the principles of equality,
and have a State at last with a truly republican form of
government.[51]

"The fathers of the republic enunciated the doctrine 'that all
men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator
with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life,
liberty and the pursuit of happiness.' It is strange that any one
in this enlightened age should be found to contend that this
declaration is true only of men, and that a man is endowed by his
Creator with inalienable rights not possessed by a woman. The
lamented Lincoln immortalized the expression that ours is a
government 'of the people, by the people and for the people,' and
yet it is far from that. There can be no government by the people
where one-half of them are allowed no voice in its organization
and control. I regard the struggle going on in this country and
elsewhere for the enfranchisement of women as but a continuation
of the great struggle for human liberty which, from the earliest
dawn of authentic history, has convulsed nations, rent kingdoms
and drenched battlefields with human blood. I look upon the
victories which have been achieved in the cause of woman's
enfranchisement in Washington Territory and elsewhere, as the
crowning victories of all which have been won in the
long-continued, still-continuing contest between liberty and
oppression, and as destined to exert a greater influence upon the
human race than any achieved upon the battlefield in ancient or
modern times."

Mr. President, the movement for woman suffrage has passed the
stage of ridicule. The pending joint resolution may not pass
during this Congress, but the time is not far distant when in
every State of the Union and in every Territory women will be
admitted to an equal voice in the government, and that will be
done whether the Federal Constitution is amended or not....

No measure involving such radical changes in our institutions and
fraught with so great consequences to this country and to
humanity has made such progress as the movement for woman
suffrage. Denunciation will not much longer answer for arguments
by the opponents of this measure. The portrayal of the evils to
flow from woman suffrage such as we have heard pictured to-day by
the Senator from Georgia, the loss of harmony between husband and
wife and the consequent instability of the marriage relation, the
neglect of husbands and children by wives and mothers for the
performance of their political duties, in short the
incapacitating of women for wives and mothers and companions,
will not much longer serve to frighten the timid. Proof is better
than theory. The experiment has been made and the predicted evils
to flow from it have not followed. On the contrary, if we can
believe the almost universal testimony, wherever it has been
tried it has been followed by the most beneficial results.

In Washington Territory, since woman was enfranchised, there have
been two elections. At the first there were 8,368 votes cast by
women out of a total vote of about 34,000. At the second
election, which was held in November last, out of 48,000 votes,
12,000 were cast by women.

I desire also to inform my friend from Georgia that since women
were enfranchised in Washington Territory nature has continued in
her wonted course. The sun rises and sets; there are seed-time
and harvest; seasons come and go. The population has increased
with the usual regularity and rapidity. Marriages have been quite
as frequent and divorces have been no more so. Women have not
lost their influence for good upon society, but men have been
elevated and refined. If we are to believe the testimony which
comes from lawyers, physicians, ministers of the gospel,
merchants, mechanics, farmers and laboring men--the united
testimony of the entire people of the Territory--the results of
woman suffrage there have been all that could be desired by its
friends. Some of the results have been seen in its making the
polls quiet and orderly, awakening a new interest in educational
questions and those of moral reform, securing the passage of
beneficial laws and the proper enforcement of them, elevating
men, and doing so without injury to women.

Senator James B. Eustis (La.) inquired whether, if the right of
suffrage were conferred, women ought to be required to serve on
juries. To this Senator Dolph replied: "I can answer that very
readily. It does not necessarily follow that because a woman is
permitted to vote and thus have a voice in making the laws by which
she is to be governed and by which her property rights are to be
determined, she must perform such duty as service upon a jury. But I
will inform the Senator that in Washington Territory she does serve
upon juries, and with great satisfaction to the judges of the courts
and to all parties who desire to see an honest and efficient
administration of law." The following colloquy then ensued:

MR. EUSTIS: I was aware of the fact that women are required to
serve on juries in Washington Territory because they are allowed
to vote. I understand that under all State laws those duties are
considered correlative. Now, I ask the Senator whether he thinks
it is a decent spectacle to take a mother away from her nursing
infant and lock her up all night to sit on a jury?

MR. DOLPH: I intended to say before I reached this point of being
interrogated that I not only do not believe that there is a
single argument against woman suffrage which is tenable, but also
that there is not a single one which is really worthy of any
serious consideration. The Senator from Louisiana is a lawyer,
and he knows very well that a mother with a nursing infant, that
fact being made known to the court, would be excused. He knows
himself, and he has seen it done a hundred times, that for
trivial excuses compared to that, men have been excused from
service on a jury.

MR. EUSTIS: I will ask the Senator whether he knows that under
the laws of Washington Territory this is a legal excuse from
serving on a jury?

MR. DOLPH: I am not prepared to state that it is; but there is no
question in the world but that any Judge, this fact being made
known, would excuse a woman from attendance upon a jury. No
special authority would be required. I will state further that I
have not learned that there has been any serious objection on the
part of any woman summoned for jury service in that Territory to
performing that duty. I have not learned that it has worked to
the disadvantage of any family, but I do know that the judges of
the courts have taken especial pains to commend the women who
have been called to serve upon juries for the manner in which
they have discharged their duty.

I wish to say further that there is no connection whatever
between jury service and the right of suffrage. The question as
to who shall perform jury service, who shall perform military
service, who shall perform civil official duty, is certainly a
matter to be regulated by the community itself; but the question
of the right to participate in the formation of a government
which controls the life, the property and the destinies of its
citizens, I contend is one which goes back of these mere
regulations for the protection of property and the punishment of
offenses under the laws. It is a matter of right which it is a
tyranny to refuse to any citizen demanding it.

Now, Mr. President, I shall close by saying, God speed the day
when not only in all the States of the Union and in all the
Territories, but everywhere, woman shall stand before the law
freed from the last shackle which has been riveted upon her by
tyranny and the last disability which has been imposed upon her
by ignorance--not only in respect to the right of suffrage but in
every other respect the peer and equal of her brother, man.

Senator Vest then entered into a long and elaborate discussion of the
resolution, in which he said:

Mr. President, any measure of legislation which affects popular
government based on _the will of the people as expressed through
their suffrage_ is not only important but vitally so. If this
government which is based on _the intelligence of the people_,
shall ever be destroyed it will be by injudicious, immature or
corrupt suffrage. If the Ship of State launched by our fathers
shall ever be destroyed, it will be by striking the rock of
universal, unprepared suffrage. Suffrage once given can never be
taken away. Legislatures and conventions may do everything else;
they never can do that. When any particular class or portion of
the community is once invested with this privilege _it is fixed,
accomplished and eternal_.[52]

The Senator who spoke last on this question refers to the
successful experiment in regard to woman suffrage in the
Territories of Wyoming and Washington. It is not upon the plains
of the sparsely-settled Territories of the West that woman
suffrage can be tested. Suffrage in the rural districts and
sparsely-settled regions of this country must from the very
nature of things remain pure when corrupt everywhere else. The
danger of corrupt suffrage is in the cities, and those masses of
population to which civilization tends everywhere in all history.
Wyoming Territory! Washington Territory! Where are their large
cities? Where are the localities in which the strain upon popular
government must come?

The Senator from New Hampshire, who is so conspicuous in this
movement, appalled the country some months since by his ghastly
array of illiteracy in the Southern States.... He proposes to
give the negro women of the South this right of suffrage, utterly
unprepared as they are for it. In a convention some
two-years-and-a-half ago in the city of Louisville an
intelligent negro from the South said the negro men could not
vote the Democratic ticket because the women would not live with
them if they did. The negro men go out in the hotels and upon the
railroad cars; they go to the cities and by attrition they wear
away the prejudice of race; but the women remain at home, and
their emotional natures aggregate and compound the
race-prejudice, and when suffrage is given them what must be the
result?

Mr. President, it is not my purpose to speak of the
inconveniences, for they are nothing more, of woman suffrage.[53]
I trust that as a gentleman I respect the feelings of the ladies
and their advocates. I am not here to ridicule. My purpose only
is to use legitimate argument as to a movement which commands
respectful consideration if for no other reason than because it
comes from women. But it is impossible to divest ourselves of a
certain degree of sentiment when considering this question. I
pity the man who can consider any question affecting the
influence of woman with the cold, dry logic of business. What man
can, without aversion, turn from the blessed memory of that dear
old grandmother, or the gentle words and caressing hand of that
blessed mother gone to the unknown world, to face in its stead
the idea of a female justice of the peace or township constable?
For my part I want when I go to my home--when I turn from the
arena where man contends with man for what we call the prizes of
this paltry world--I want to go back, not to be received in the
masculine embrace of some female ward politician, but to the
earnest, loving look and touch of a true woman. I want to go back
to the jurisdiction of the wife, the mother; and instead of a
lecture upon finance or the tariff or the construction of the
Constitution, I want those blessed, loving details of domestic
life and domestic love.

I have said I would not speak of the inconveniences to arise from
woman suffrage--when the mother is called upon to decide as a
juryman or jurywoman rights of property or rights of life, whilst
her baby is "mewling and puking" in solitary confinement at home.
There are other considerations more important, and one of them to
my mind is insuperable. I speak now respecting women as a sex. I
believe that they are better than men, but I do not believe they
are adapted to the political work of this world. I do not believe
that the Great Intelligence ever intended them to invade the
sphere of work given to men, tearing down and destroying all the
best influences for which God has intended them.

The great evil in this country to-day is in emotional suffrage.
The great danger to-day is in excitable suffrage. If the voters
of this country could think always coolly, and if they could
deliberate, if they could go by judgment and not by passion, our
institutions would survive forever, eternal as the foundations of
the continent itself; but massed together, subject to the
excitement of mobs and of these terrible political contests that
come upon us from year to year under the autonomy of our
government, what would be the result if suffrage were given to
the women of the United States?

Women are essentially emotional. It is no disparagement to them
they are so. It is no more insulting to say that women are
emotional than to say that they are delicately constructed
physically and unfitted to become soldiers or workmen under the
sterner, harder pursuits of life. What we want in this country is
to avoid emotional suffrage, and what we need is to put more
logic into public affairs and less feeling.[54]

There are spheres in which feeling should be paramount. There are
kingdoms in which the heart should reign supreme. That kingdom
belongs to woman, the realm of sentiment, the realm of love, the
realm of the gentler and holier and kindlier attributes that make
the name of wife, mother and sister next to that of God himself.

I would not, and I say it deliberately, degrade woman by giving
her the right of suffrage. I mean the word in its full
signification, because I believe that woman as she is today, the
queen of home and of hearts, is above the political collisions of
this world, and should always be kept above them....

Sir, if it be said to us that this is a natural right belonging
to women, I deny it. The right of suffrage is one to be
determined by expediency and by policy, and given by the State to
whom it pleases. It is not a natural right; it is a right that
comes from the State.[55]

It is claimed that if the suffrage be given to women it is to
protect them. Protect them from whom? The brute that would invade
their rights would coerce the suffrage of his wife or sister or
mother as he would wring from her the hard earnings of her toil
to gratify his own beastly appetites and passions.[56]

It is said that the suffrage is to be given to enlarge the sphere
of woman's influence. Mr. President, it would destroy her
influence. It would take her down from that pedestal where she is
today, influencing as a mother the minds of her offspring,
influencing by her gentle and kindly caress the action of her
husband toward the good and pure.[57]

Senator Vest then presented a list of two hundred men from
Massachusetts, among them forty-five clergymen, remonstrating against
any further extension of suffrage to women. He next presented the
old-time letter of Mrs. Clara T. Leonard of that State protesting
against the enfranchisement of women. Senator Hoar called attention to
the fact that the writer herself was an office-holder, a member of the
State Board of Lunacy and Charity, to which Senator Vest answered:

Ah! but what sort of an office-holder? She held the office
delegated to her by God himself, a ministering angel to the sick,
the afflicted and the insane. What man in his senses would take
from woman this sphere? What man would close to her the
charitable institutions and eleemosynary establishments of the
country? That is part of her kingdom; that is part of her
undisputed sway and realm. Is that the office to which woman
suffragists of this country ask us now to admit them? Is it to be
the director of a hospital? Is it to the presidency of a board of
visitors of an eleemosynary institution? Oh, no; they want to be
President, to be Senators and Members of the House of
Representatives and, God save the mark, ministerial and executive
officers, sheriffs, constables and marshals. Of course, this lady
is found on this board of directors. Where else should a true
woman be found? Where else has she always been found but by the
fevered brow, the palsied hand, the erring intellect, aye, God
bless them, from the cradle to the grave the guide and support of
the faltering steps of childhood and the weakening steps of old
age.[58]

Oh, no, Mr. President, this will not do. If we are to tear down
all the blessed traditions, if we are to desolate our homes and
firesides, if we are to unsex our mothers and wives and sisters
and turn our blessed temples of domestic peace into ward
political-assembly rooms, pass this joint resolution. But for one
I thank God that I am so old-fashioned that I would not give one
memory of my grandmother or of my mother for all the arguments
that could be piled, Pelion upon Ossa, in favor of this political
monstrosity.

I now present a pamphlet sent to me by a lady. I do not know
whether she be wife or mother. She signs this pamphlet as Adeline
D. T. Whitney. I have read it twice, and read it to pure and
gentle and intellectual women. I shall not read it today for my
strength does not suffice.[59] ... There is not one impure,
unintellectual aspiration or thought throughout the whole of it.
Would to God that I knew her, that I could thank her on behalf of
the society and politics of the United States for this
production. She says to her own sex: "After all, men work for
women; or, if they think they do not, it would leave them but
sorry satisfaction to abandon them to such existence as they
could arrange without us."

Oh, how true that is, how true!

This pamphlet of over five thousand words which began, "What is the
law of woman-life? What was she made woman for, and not man?"--might
be described as the apotheosis of the sentimental effusions of
Senators Brown and Vest.

During the discussion Senator George F. Hoar (Mass.) said:

Mr. President, I do not propose to make a speech at this late
hour of the day, it would be cruel to the Senate, and I had not
expected that this measure would be here this afternoon. I was
absent on a public duty and came in just at the close of the
speech of my honorable friend from Missouri. I wish, however, to
say one word in regard to what seemed to be the burden of his
speech.

He says that the women who ask this change in our political
organization are not simply seeking to be put upon school boards
and upon boards of health and charity and to fulfil all the large
number of duties of a political nature for which he must confess
they are fit, but he says they will want to be President of the
United States, and Senators and marshals and sheriffs, and that
seems to him supremely ridiculous. Now I do not understand that
this is the proposition. What they want is simply to be eligible
to such public duty as a majority of their fellow-citizens may
think they are fitted for. The most of the public duties in this
country do not require robust, physical health, or exposure to
what is base or unhealthy; and when those duties are imposed upon
anybody it will be only upon such persons as are fit for them.

My honorable friend spoke of the French revolution and the
horrors in which the women of Paris took part, and from that he
would argue that American wives and mothers and sisters are not
fit for the calm and temperate management of our American
republican life. His argument would require him by the same logic
to agree that republicanism itself is not fit for human society.
The argument is against popular government, whether by men or
women, and the Senator only applies to this new phase of the
claim of equal rights what his predecessors would have argued
against the rights which men now enjoy.

But the Senator thought it was unspeakably absurd that woman with
her sentiment and emotional nature and liability to be moved by
passion and feeling should hold the office of Senator. Why, Mr.
President, the Senator's own speech is a refutation of its own
argument. Everybody knows that my honorable friend from Missouri
is one of the most brilliant men in this country. He is a
logician, he is an orator, he is a man of wide experience, he is
a lawyer entrusted with large interests; yet when he was called
upon to put forth this great effort of his, this afternoon, and
to argue this question which he thinks so clear, what did he do?
_He furnished the gush and the emotion and the eloquence, but
when he wanted an argument he had to call upon two women to
supply it._ If Mrs. Leonard and Mrs. Whitney have to make the
argument in the Senate of the United States for the
distinguished Senator from Missouri, it does not seem to me so
absolutely ridiculous that they should have, or that women like
them should have, seats in this body to make arguments of their
own.

Senator Blair closed the debate by saying in part:

I appeal to Senators not to decide this question upon the
arguments which have been offered here today for or against the
merits of the proposition. I appeal to them to decide it upon
that other principle to which I have adverted, whether one-half
of the American people shall be permitted to go into the arena of
public discussion in the various States, and before their
Legislatures be heard upon the issue, "Shall the Federal
Constitution be so amended as to extend this right of suffrage?"
If, with this opportunity, those who believe in woman suffrage
shall fail, then they must be content; for I agree with the
Senators upon the opposite side of the chamber and with all who
hold that if the suffrage is to be extended at all, it must be by
the operation of existing law. I believe it to be an innate
right; yet even an innate right must be exercised only by the
consent of the controlling forces of the State. That is all woman
asks--that an amendment be submitted.

The opposition had presented three documents, each representing the
views of one woman, and one of these anonymous. Senator Blair
presented a petition for the suffrage from the Woman's Christian
Temperance Union of 200,000 members, signed by Miss Frances E.
Willard, president, and the entire official board. This was
accompanied by a strong personal appeal from a number of distinguished
women, and hundreds of thousands of petitions had been previously
sent. The Senator also received permission to have printed in the
_Congressional Record_ the arguments made by the representatives of
the suffrage movement before the Senate committee in 1880 and
1884.[60]

A vote was then taken on the resolution to submit to the State
Legislatures an amendment to the Federal Constitution forbidding the
disfranchisement of United States citizens on account of sex, which
resulted in 16 yeas, 34 nays, 26 absent.[61] Of the absentees
Senators Chace, Dawes, Plumb and Stanford announced that they would
have voted "yea;" Jones of Arkansas and Butler that they would have
voted "nay."

Thus on January 25, 1887, occurred the first and only discussion and
vote in the United States Senate on the submission of an amendment to
the Federal Constitution which should forbid disfranchisement on
account of sex, that took place up to the end of the nineteenth
century.

FOOTNOTES:

[31] The only time the direct question of woman suffrage ever had been
discussed and voted on in the U. S. Senate was in December, 1866,
on the Bill to Regulate the Franchise for the District of
Columbia--History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. II, p. 102; and in May,
1874, on the Bill to Establish the Territory of Pembina--the same, p.
545; but these were entirely distinct from the submission of a
constitutional amendment.

[32] Extended space is accorded this discussion, as it might
reasonably be expected that on the floor of the United States Senate
would be made the most exhaustive arguments possible on both sides of
this important question.

[33] This report had been presented Mar. 28, 1884, by Senators T. W.
Palmer, H. W. Blair, E. G. Lapham and H. B. Anthony.

[34] The italics are made by the editors of the History.

[35] Senator Brown did not enter the army during the Civil War.

[36] As a lawyer Senator Brown was always exempt from jury service.

[37] Senator Brown had this done by his representatives, as any woman
could do.

[38] As every private family urgently needs the man and the woman, why
are both not needed in this "great aggregation?"

[39] Do women have no hardships or hazards in time of war?

[40] If her duties are just as laborious, responsible and important as
man's, do they not entitle her to a voice in the Government?

[41] Since this tremendous responsibility is placed upon woman, why
should she not have a voice in the conditions which surround these
children outside the home? Why should man alone determine these
conditions which often counteract all the mother's training?

[42] Senator Brown assumes that all women are wives and the mothers of
young children, and that the mother's sense of duty would not hold her
to the care of her children if she had a chance to go into politics.

[43] Would any man be willing to exchange his influence for that of a
woman in the affairs of government?

[44] This would seem to be the very influence which ought to be
enforced by a vote.

[45] In readjusting the qualifications for the suffrage the Southern
States have been very careful to secure the right to all the
illiterate _white_ men.

[46] Senator Brown says in the preceding paragraph that the "delicate
and lovely women" would not remain at home but would consider it an
imperative duty to go to the polls.

[47] Is it because women lack physical strength that they are not
allowed to practice law in Georgia or to act as notaries public or to
fill any office, even that of school trustee, and that no woman is
permitted to enter the State University? The men should at least give
their "queens" and "princesses" and "angels" an education.

[48] Yes, if the husband has to enforce it with a club. This paragraph
does not tally with the one in the early part of the Senator's speech
where all women were placed on a throne, and all men were declared to
be their natural protectors.

[49] The picture of family life in Georgia is not alluring, but the
Senator takes small account of the woman who does not happen to
possess a "male," or rather to be possessed by one.

[50] Therefore the wife should not be allowed any individuality.
Statistics, however, from the States where women do vote prove exactly
the opposite of this assertion in regard to divorce.

[51] For account of the unconstitutional disfranchisement of the women
of Washington Territory by its Supreme Court, see chapter on that
State.

[52] This does not seem to apply to negro suffrage in the Southern
States.

[53] One hearing Senator Brown's blood-curdling descriptions would
think they were more than "inconveniences."

[54] Observe that Senator Vest's entire argument against woman
suffrage is based wholly on sentiment and emotion and is entirely
devoid of logic.

[55] The Senator meant that it is a right which comes from the men of
the State, from one-half of its people.

[56] Because of a few such brutes millions of women must be deprived
of the suffrage. If women had some control over the conditions which
tend to make men brutes, might the number not be lessened? The Senator
ignores entirely the secret ballot which would prevent the aforesaid
brutes from knowing how the women voted.

[57] In the preceding paragraph she did not seem to be on a pedestal.

[58] The advocates of woman suffrage have repeatedly had bills in the
various Legislatures asking that women might be appointed on the
boards of all State institutions, and as physicians in all where women
and children are placed, but up to the present day not one woman is
allowed this privilege in Senator Vest's own State of Missouri.

[59] This does not accord with the argument of Senator Brown that man
must do the voting for the family on account of his superior physical
strength.

[60] These were Susan B. Anthony, Nancy R. Allen, Lillie Devereux
Blake, Lucinda B. Chandler, Abigail Scott Duniway, Helen M. Gougar,
Mary Seymour Howell, Elizabeth Boynton Harbert, Dr. Clemence S.
Lozier, Julia Smith Parker, Caroline Gilkey Rogers, Elizabeth Lyle
Saxon, May Wright Sewall, Mary A. Stuart, Sara Andrews Spencer,
Harriette R. Shattuck, Zerelda G. Wallace, Sarah E. Wall--nearly all
of national reputation.

[61] YEAS: Blair, N. H.; Bowen, Col.; Cheney, N. H.; Conger, Mich.;
Cullom, Ills.; Dolph, Ore.; Farwell, Ill.; Hoar, Mass.; Manderson,
Neb.; Mitchell, Ore.; Mitchell, Penn.; Palmer, Mich.; Platt, Conn.;
Sherman, O.; Teller, Col.; Wilson, Iowa--16. NAYS: Beck, Ky., Berry,
Ark, Blackburn, Ky., Brown, Ga., Call, Fla., Cockrell, Mo., Coke,
Tex., Colquitt, Ga., Eustis, La., Evarts, N. Y., George, Miss., Gray,
Del., Hampton, S. C., Harris, Tenn., Hawley, Conn., Ingalls, Kan.,
Jones, Nev., McMillan, Mich., McPherson, N. J., Mahone, Va., Morgan,
Ala., Morrill, Vt., Payne, O., Pugh, Ala., Saulsbury, Del., Sawyer,
Wis., Sewell, N. J., Spooner, Wis., Vance, N. C.; Vest, Mo., Walthall,
Miss., Whitthorne, Tenn., Williams, Cal., Wilson, Md.--34.

ABSENT: Aldrich, R. I., Allison, Ia., Butler, S. C., Camden, W. Va.,
Cameron, Penn., Chace, R. I., Dawes, Mass., Edmunds, Vt., Fair, Nev.,
Frye, Me., Gibson, La., Gorman, Md., Hale, Me., Harrison, Ind., Jones,
Ark., Jones, Fla., Kenna, W. Va., Maxey, Tex., Miller, N. Y., Plumb,
Kan., Ransom, N. C., Riddleberger, Va.; Sabin, Minn., Stanford, Cal.;
Van Wyck, Neb., Voorhees, Ind.--26.

CHAPTER VII.

THE NATIONAL SUFFRAGE CONVENTION OF 1887.

The Nineteenth national convention assembled in the M. E. Metropolitan
Church of Washington, Jan. 25, 1887, continuing in session three days.
On no evening was the building large enough to accommodate the
audience. The Rev. John P. Newman, pastor of the church, prayed
earnestly for the blessing of God "on these women, who, through good
and evil report, have been striving for the right."[62] Miss Susan B.
Anthony came directly from the Capitol and opened the convention by
reading a letter from Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who was in England.
She then referred to the fact that while this convention was in
session the United States Senate was discussing the question of woman
suffrage. There would be taken the first direct vote in that body on a
Sixteenth Amendment to enfranchise women. The attention of the
advocates of woman suffrage was directed to Congress for the first
time when the Fourteenth Amendment was under discussion in 1865. That
article in the beginning was broad enough to include women but
political expediency inserted the word "male," so that if any State
should disfranchise any of its _male_ citizens they should be counted
out of the basis of representation. She continued:

This taught us that we might look to Congress. We presented our
first petition in 1865. In December, 1866, came the discussion in
the Senate on the proposition to strike the word "male" from the
District of Columbia Suffrage Bill and nine voted in favor. From
that day we have gone forward pressing our claims on Congress.
Denied in the construction of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth
Amendments we have been trying for a Sixteenth Amendment. We have
gained so much as a special committee, who hear our arguments and
have four times reported in our favor; Senator Hoar, chairman in
1879, Senator Lapham in 1882, Senator Palmer in 1884, and Senator
Blair in 1886. This is the bill which is pending now. We are not
asking Congress to enfranchise us, because it does not possess
that power. We are asking it to submit a proposition to be voted
on by the Legislatures.

Mrs. Stanton's letter said in part:

For half a century we have tried appeals, petitions, arguments,
with thrilling quotations from our greatest jurists and
statesmen, and lo! in the year of our Lord, 1887, the best answer
we can wring from Senators Brown and Cockrell, in the shape of a
minority report, is a "chimney corner letter" written by a woman
ignorant of the first principles of republican government, which,
they say, gives a better statement of the whole question than
they are capable of producing. Verily this is a new departure in
congressional proceedings! Though a woman has not sufficient
capacity to vote, yet she has superior capacity to her
representatives in drawing up a minority report....

But if Senators Cockrell and Brown hope to dispose of the
question by remanding us to "the chimney corner" we trust their
constituents will send them to keep us company, that they may
enliven our retirement and make us satisfied 'in the sphere where
the Creator intended we should be' by daily intoning for us their
inspired minority report.

The one pleasant feature in this original document is the harmony
between the views of these gentlemen and their Creator. The only
drawback to our faith in their knowledge of what exists in the
Divine mind, is in the fact that they can not tell us when, where
and how they interviewed Jehovah. I have always found that when
men have exhausted their own resources, they fall back on "the
intentions of the Creator." But their platitudes have ceased to
have any influence with those women who believe they have the
same facilities for communication with the Divine mind as men
have.

The right and liability to be called on to fight, if we vote, as
continually emphasized by our opponents, is one of the greatest
barriers in our way. If all the heroic deeds of women recorded in
history and our daily journals, and the active virtues so
forcibly illustrated in domestic life, have not yet convinced our
opponents that women are possessed of superior fighting
qualities, the sex may feel called upon in the near future to
give some further illustrations of their prowess. Of one thing
they may be assured, that the next generation will not argue the
question of woman's rights with the infinite patience we have had
for half a century, and to so little purpose. To emancipate
woman from the fourfold bondage she has so long suffered in the
State, the church, the home and the world of work, harder battles
than we have yet fought are still before us.

Mrs. Caroline Hallowell Miller (Md.) paid a beautiful tribute to Miss
Anthony, "the Sir Galahad in search of the Holy Grail," and closed
with an eloquent prophecy of future success. Mrs. Lillie Devereux
Blake (N. Y.) gave a clever satire on The Rights of Men, which was
very imperfectly reported.

....Surely it is time that some one on this platform should say
something for this half of humanity, which we really must confess
after all is an important half. Ought we not admit that men have
wrongs to complain of? Are they not constantly declaring
themselves our slaves? Is it not a well known fact, conceded even
here, that women shine in all the tints of the rainbow while men
must wear only costumes of dull brown and somber black? Nor is
this because men do not like bright colors, for never a belle in
all the sheen of satin and glimmer of pearls looks half so
happily proud as does a man when he has on a uniform, or struts
in a political procession with a white hat on his head, a red
ribbon in his buttonhole and a little cane in his hand.

Then, too, have not men, poor fellows, had to do all the talking
since the world began? Have we not heretofore been the silent
sex? Even to-day a thousand men speak from pulpit and platform
where one woman uplifts her voice.

But let us pass to other and more important rights which have
been denied to man in the past. The first right that any man
ought to be allowed--a right paramount to all others--is the
right to a wife. But look how even in this matter he has been
hardly dealt with. Has he had just standards set before him as to
what a wife should be? No, but he has been led to believe that
the weak woman, the dependent woman, is the one to be desired....

Look again at the unhappy mess into which man all by himself has
brought politics and public affairs. Is it not too bad to leave
him longer alone in his misery? Like the naughty boy who has
broken and destroyed his toys, who needs mamma to help him mend
them, and perhaps also to administer to him such wholesome
discipline as Solomon himself has advised--so does man need woman
to come to his rescue. Look what politics is now. Who to-day can
tell the difference between a Democrat and a Republican? Even a
Mugwump is becoming a doubtful being....

Do not these wrongs which men suffer appeal to our tenderest
sympathies? Is it not evident that the poor fellows can't go on
alone much longer, that it is high time we should take the boys
in hand and show them what a correct government really is?

There is another question which deserves our gravest
consideration. Man sinks or rises with woman; if she is degraded
he is tempted to vice; if she is oppressed he is brutalized. What
is the industrial condition of women to-day?...

In behalf of the sons, the brothers and the husbands of these
wage-earning women we ask for that political power which alone
will insure equality of pay without regard to sex. For the sake
of man's redemption and morality we demand that this injustice
shall cease, for it is not possible for woman to be half-starved
and man not dwarfed; for many women to be degraded and all men's
lives pure; for women to be fallen and no man lost.

We all know that man himself has been most willing to grant to
women every right, every opportunity. If he has hesitated it has
been rather from love and admiration of woman than from any
tyrannical desire of oppression. He has said that women must not
vote because they can not perform military duty. Can they not
serve the nation as well as those men, who during the last war
sent substitutes and to-day hold the highest places in the
Government? But we ask one question: Which every year does most
for the State, the soldier or the mother who risks her life not
to destroy other life but to create it? Of the two it would be
better to disfranchise the soldiers and enfranchise the mothers.
For much as the nation owes to the soldiers, she owes far more to
the mothers who in endless martyrdom make the nation a
possibility....

Man deserves that we should consider his present unhappy
condition. In all ages he has proved his reverence for woman by
embodying every virtue in female form, and has left none for
himself. Truth and chastity, mercy and peace, charity and
justice, all are represented as feminine, and lately, as a proof
of his devotion, he has erected at the entrance to the harbor of
our greatest metropolis a statue of liberty and this too is
represented as a woman.... And so we hail the men, liberty
enlightening a world where woman and man shall alike be free.

One interesting address followed another throughout the convention,
presenting the question of suffrage for women with appeal, humor,
logic, statistics and every variety of argument.

Mrs. Harriette Robinson Shattuck (Mass.) presented in striking
contrast The Women Who Ask and the Women Who Object. Mrs. Elizabeth
Boynton Harbert in a fine address told of Our Motherless Government.
Mrs. Isabella Beecher Hooker (Conn.) gave for the first time her
masterly speech, The Constitutional Rights of the Women of the United
States, which has been so widely circulated in pamphlet form, and
which closed with this peroration:

There are those who say we have too many voters already. No, we
have not too many. On the contrary, to take away the ballot even
from the ignorant and perverse is to invite discontent, social
disturbance, and crime. The restraints and benedictions of this
little white symbol are so silent and so gentle, so atmospheric,
so like the snow-flakes that come down to guard the slumbering
forces of the earth and prepare them for springing into bud,
blossom, and fruit in due season, that few recognize the divine
alchemy, and many impatient souls are saying we are on the wrong
path--the Old World was right--the government of the few is safe;
the wise, the rich, should rule; the ignorant, the poor, should
serve. But God, sitting between the eternities, has said
otherwise, and we of this land are foreordained to prove His word
just and true. And we will prove it by inviting every newcomer to
our shore to share our liberties so dearly bought and our
responsibilities now grown so heavy that the shoulders which bear
them are staggering under their weight; that by the joys of
freedom and the burdens of responsibility they, with us, may grow
into the stature of perfect men, and our country realize at last
the dreams of the great souls who, "appealing to the Supreme
Judge of the world for the rectitude of their intentions," did
"ordain and establish the Constitution for the United States of
America"--the grandest charter of human rights that the world has
yet conceived.

In an impassioned address Mrs. Mary Seymour Howell (N. Y.) contrasted
The Present and the Past, saying:

The destiny of the world to-day lies in the hearts and brains of
her women. The world can not travel upward faster than the feet
of her women are climbing the paths of progress. Put us back if
you can; veil us in harems; make us beasts of burden; take from
us all knowledge; teach us we are only material; and humanity
will go back to the dark ages. The nineteenth century is closing
over a world arising from bondage. It is the grandest, sublimest
spectacle ever beheld. The world has seen and is still looking at
the luminous writing in the heavens--"The truth shall make you
free"--and for the first time is gathering to itself the true
significance of liberty. All the progress of these years has not
come easily or from conservatism, but from the persistent efforts
of enthusiastic radicals, men and women with ideas in their heads
and courage in their hearts to make them practical.

Ever since woman took her life in her own hands, ever since she
began to think for herself, the dawning of a great light has
flooded the world. We are the mothers of men. Show me the mothers
of a country and I will tell you of the sons. If men would ever
rise above their sensuality and materialism, they must have
mothers whose pure souls, brave hearts and clear intellects have
touched them deeply before their birth and equipped them for the
journey of life....

It is the evening of the nineteenth century, but the starlight is
clearer than the morning of its existence. I look back and see in
each year improvement and advancement. I see woman gathering up
her soul and personality and claiming them as her own against all
odds and the world. I see her asking that this personality may
be impressed upon her nation. I see her speaking her soul from
platforms, preaching in pulpits of a life of which this is the
shadow. I see her pleading before courts, using her brains to
solve the knotty questions of the law. Woman's sphere is the wide
world, her sceptre the mind that God has given her, her kingdom
the largest place that she has the brains to fill and the will to
hold. So is woman influencing the world, and as her sphere widens
the world grows better. With the freedom she now has, see how she
is arousing the public conscience on all questions of right....

What is conservatism? It is the dying faith of a closing century.
What is fanaticism? It is the dawning light of a new era. Yes, a
new era will dawn with the twentieth century. I look to that time
and see woman the redeeming power of the world.

Mrs. Pearson of Nottingham gave a glowing account of the progress of
suffrage in England and the work of the Primrose League; Madame Clara
Neymann (N. Y.) made a scholarly address entitled Skeptics and
Skepticism; Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby (Neb.), the Rev. Rush R. Shippen
of Washington City and Miss Phoebe W. Couzins (Mo.) were among the
speakers. Delegate Joseph M. Carey (Wy.) said in the course of his
address:

Eighteen years ago the right of suffrage was given to the women
of Wyoming. Women have voted as universally and as
conscientiously as men. I have had the honor of voting for women
and of being voted for by them. There are not three per cent. of
women old enough who do not vote in every part of the Territory.
In intelligence, beauty, grace, in perfection of home and social
duties, the women of Wyoming will compare favorably with those of
any other State. I have been asked if they neglect home affairs
on account of politics. I have never known an instance of this. I
have never known a controversy to arise from the wives voting
differently from their husbands, which they often do. If women
could vote in the States to-day they would vote as wisely as
men....

I will say to woman's credit she has not sought office, she is
not a natural office-seeker, but she desires to vote, has
preferences and exercises her rights. The superintendents in
nearly all the counties are women. They have taken a deep
interest in school matters and as a rule they control school
meetings. Three-fourths of the voters present at these are women.
In Cheyenne they alone seem to have the time to attend. Give
woman this right to vote and she will make out of the boys men
more capable of exercising it. I have seen the results and am
satisfied that every woman should have the suffrage.

Mrs. Carey sat on the platform with Miss Anthony, Mrs. Hooker and
other prominent members of the convention. The eloquent address of
Mrs. May Wright Sewall (Ind.) on The Conditions of Liberty attracted
special attention. Mrs. Caroline Gilkey Rogers (N. Y.) proved in an
original manner that There is Nothing New under the Sun. In a
statesmanlike paper Mrs. Matilda Joslyn Gage (N. Y.) set forth the
authority of Congress to secure to woman her right to the ballot:

To protect all citizens in the use of the ballot by national
authority is not to deprive the States of the right of local
self-government. When Andrew Jackson, who had been elected as a
State's Rights man, asserted the supremacy of the National
Government, that assertion, carried out as it was, did not
deprive States of their power of self-government. Neither did the
Reconstruction Acts nor the adoption of the Fourteenth and
Fifteenth Amendments. Yet in many ways it is proved that States
are not sovereign. Besides their inability to coin money, to
declare peace and war, they are proved by their own acts not even
to be self-protective. If women as individuals, as one-half of
the people, call upon the nation for protection, they are doing
no more nor less than so-called sovereign States themselves do.
National aid has been frequently asked to preserve peace, or to
insure that protection found impossible under mere local or State
authority....

In ratifying an amendment States become factors in the nation,
the same as by the acts of their representatives and senators in
Congress. A law created by themselves in this way can be no
interference with their local rights of self-government; because
in helping enact these laws, either through congressional action,
or by legislative ratification of amendments, each State has
arisen above and beyond itself into a higher national realm.

The one right above all others which is not local is the right of
self-government. That right being the corner stone on which the
nation was founded, is a strictly national right. It is not
local, it is not State....

It does not matter by what instrumentality--whether by State
constitution or by statute law--woman has been deprived of her
national right of self-government, it is none the less the duty
of Congress to protect her in regaining it. Surely her right to
govern herself is of as much value as the protection of property,
the quelling of riots, the destruction or establishment of banks,
the guarding of the polls, the securing of a free ballot for the
colored race or the taking of it from a Mormon voter.

In her address on The Work of Women, Miss Mary F. Eastman (Mass.)
said: "Men say the work of the State is theirs. The State is the
people. The origin of government is simply that two men call in a
third for umpire. The ideal of the State is gradually rising. No State
can be finer in its type of government than the individuals who make
it. We enunciate a grand principle, then we are timid and begin
restricting its application. We are a nation of infidels to
principle."

The leading feature of the last evening was the address of Mrs.
Zerelda G. Wallace (Ind.) on Woman's Ballot a Necessity for the
Permanence of Free Institutions. A Washington paper said: "As she
stood upon the platform, holding her hearers as in her hand, she
looked a veritable queen in Israel and the personification of womanly
dignity and lofty bearing. The line of her argument was irresistible,
and her eloquence and pathos perfectly bewildering. Round after round
of applause greeted her as she poured out her words with telling
effect upon the great congregation before her, who were evidently in
perfect accord with her earnest and womanly utterances."

An imperfect extract from a newspaper report will suggest the trend of
her argument:

In this Nineteenth annual convention, reviewing what these
nineteen years have brought, we find that we have won every
position in the field of argument for our cause. By its dignity
and justice we have overcome ridicule, although our progress has
been impeded by the tyranny of custom and prejudice.

I will ask the American question "will it pay" to enfranchise the
women of this nation--I will not say republic? The world has
never been blessed with a republic. Those who think this is a
narrow struggle for woman's rights have never conceived the
height, length and breadth of this momentous question.

The purpose of divinity is enunciated in that it is said He would
create humanity in His image. The purpose of the Creator is that
the two are to have dominion; woman is included in the original
grant. Free she must be before you yourselves will be free. The
highest form of development is to govern one's self. No man
governs himself who practices injustice to another....

We have passed through one Gethsemane because of our refusal to
co-operate with the Deity in His purpose to establish justice and
liberty on this continent. It took a hundred years and a Civil
War to evolve the principle in our nation that all men were
created free and equal. Will it require another century and
another Civil War before there is secured to humanity the
God-given inalienable right to "life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness?" The most superficial observer can see elements at
work, a confusion of forces, that can only be wiped out in blood,
unless some new, unifying power is brought into Government. No
class was ever known to extend a right or share the application
of a just principle as long as it could safely retain these
exclusively for itself.

We have no quarrel with men. They are grand and just and noble in
exact proportion as their spiritual nature is exalted. As sure
as you live down low to the animal that is in you, will the
animal dominate your nature. Woman is the first to recognize the
Divine. When God was incarnated in humanity, when the Word was
made flesh and born of a woman, the arsenal of Heaven was
exhausted to redeem the race....

Woman is your last resource, and she will not fail you. I have
faith that humanity is to be perfected. Examine the record for
yourselves. I do not agree with the view of some of our divines.
We find the Creator taking a survey, and man is the only creation
he finds imperfect. Therefore a helpmeet is created for him.
According to accepted theology the first thing that helpmeet does
is to precipitate him into sin. I have unbounded faith in the
plans of God and in His ability to carry them out, and when He
said He would make a helpmeet I believe He did it, and that Eve
helped Adam, gave him an impetus toward perfection, instead of
causing him to fall. Man was a noble animal and endowed with
intellectual ability, but Eve found him a moral infant and tried
to teach him to discriminate between good and evil. That is the
first and greatest good which comes to anybody, and Adam, instead
of falling down when he ate the apple, rose up. There is no moral
or spiritual growth possible without being able to discern good
from evil. Adam was an animal superior to all others that
preceded him, but it needed a woman to quicken his spiritual
perceptions.

Eve having taken it upon herself to teach man to know the
difference between good and evil, the responsibility rests upon
woman to teach man to choose the good and refuse the evil. She
will do this if she has freedom of opportunity.

Man has been given schools to develop brain power, and I do not
underrate their value. He has nearly entered into his domain as
far as the material forces are concerned, but there is a moral
and spiritual element in humanity which eludes his grasp in
practically everything he undertakes. This lack of the moral
element is to-day our greatest danger. We do not ask for the
ballot because men are tyrants, but because God has made us the
conservators of the race. To-day we are queens without a scepter;
the penalty to the nation is that men are largely indifferent to
its best interests and many do not vote. Men are under the
influence of women during the formative period of their lives,
first of their mothers, then of women teachers; how can they do
otherwise than underestimate the value of citizenship? How can
the young men of this nation be inspired with a love of justice?
It is a dangerous thing that the education of citizens is given
over to women, unless these teachers have themselves the rights
of citizens. How can you expect such women as have addressed you
here in this convention to teach the youth to honor a Government
which thus dishonors women?

The world has never known but one Susan B. Anthony. God and the
world needed her and God gave her to the world and to humanity.
The next Statue of Liberty will have her features. Of all the
newspaper criticisms and remarks which have been made about her I
read one the other day which exactly suited me; it called her
"that grand old champion of progress."

The women are coming and the men will be better for their coming.
Men say women are not fit to govern because they can not fight.
When men live upon a very low plane so there is only one way to
manage them and that is to knock them on the head, that is true.
It probably was true of government in the beginning, but we are
to grow up out of this low state.

When we reach the highest development, moral and spiritual forces
will govern. That women can and do govern even in our present
undeveloped condition is shown by the fact that three-fourths of
our educators are women. I remember when it used to be said, "You
can not put the boys and girls into the hands of women, because
they can not thrash them." To-day brute force is almost entirely
eliminated from our schools. That women should not take part in
government because they can not fight was probably true in ages
gone by when governments were maintained by brute force, but it
does not obtain in a government ruled by public opinion expressed
on a little piece of paper. Women as a class do not fight, and
that is the reason they are needed to introduce into government a
power of another kind, the power with which women govern their
children and their husbands, that beautiful law of love which is
to be the only thing that remains forever....

Our statesmen are doubting the success of self-government. They
say universal suffrage is a failure, forgetting that we have
never had universal suffrage. The majority of the race has never
expressed its sense in government. We are a living falsehood when
we compare the basic principles of our Government with things as
they are now. It is becoming a common expression, "The voice of
the people is not the voice of God." If you do not find God in
the voice of the people you can not find him anywhere. It is
said, "Power inheres in the people," and the nation is shorn of
half its power for progress as long as the ballot is not in the
hands of women.

What has caused heretofore the downfall of nations? The lack of
morality in government. It will eat out the life of a nation as
it does the heart of an individual. This question of woman's
equal rights, equal duties, equal responsibilities, is the
greatest which has come before us. The destiny of the whole race
is comprised in four things: Religion, education, morals,
politics. Woman is a religious being; she is becoming educated;
she has a high code of morals; she will yet purify politics.

I want to impress upon the audience this thought, that every man
is a direct factor in the legislation of this land. Every woman
is not a direct factor, but yet is more or less responsible for
every evil existing in the community. I have nothing but pity for
that woman who can fold her hands and say she has all the rights
she wants. How can she think of the great problem God has given
us to solve--to redeem the race from superstition and crime--and
not want to put her hand to the wheel of progress and help move
the world?

Mrs. Hannah Whitall Smith (Penn.) pronounced the benediction at the
closing session.

Sixteen States were represented at this Nineteenth convention, and
reports were sent from many more. Mrs. Sewall, chairman of the
executive committee, presented a comprehensive report of the past
year's work, which included appeals to many gatherings of religious
bodies. Conventions had been held in each congressional district of
Kansas and Wisconsin. She referred particularly to the completion of
the last of the three volumes of the History of Woman Suffrage by Miss
Anthony, Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Gage. An elaborate plan of work was
adopted for the coming year, which included the placing of this
History in public libraries, a continuation of the appeals to
religious assemblies, the appointment of delegates to all of the
approaching national political conventions, and the holding by each
vice-president of a series of conventions in the congressional
districts of her State. It was especially desired that arrangements
should be made for the enrollment in every State of the women who want
to vote, and Mrs. Colby was appointed to mature a suitable plan.

Among the extended resolutions adopted were the following:

WHEREAS, For the first time a vote has been taken in the Senate
of the United States on an amendment to the National Constitution
enfranchising women; and

WHEREAS, Nearly one-third of the Senators voted for the
amendment; therefore,

_Resolved_, That we rejoice in this evidence that our demand is
forcing itself upon the attention and action of Congress, and
that when a new Congress shall have assembled, with new men and
new ideas, we may hope to change this minority into a majority.

WHEREAS, The Anti-Polygamy bill passed by both Houses of Congress
provides for the disfranchisement of the non-polygamous women of
Utah; and

WHEREAS, The women thus sought to be disfranchised have been for
years in the peaceable exercise of the ballot, and no charge is
made against them of any crime by reason of which they should
lose their vested rights; therefore,

_Resolved_, That this association recognizes in these measures a
disregard of individual rights which is dangerous to the
liberties of all; since to establish the precedent that the
ballot may be taken away is to threaten the permanency of our
republican form of government.

_Resolved_, That we call the attention of the working women of
the country to the fact that a disfranchised class is always an
oppressed class and that only through the protection of the
ballot can they secure equal pay for equal work.

_Resolved_, That we recognize as hopeful signs of the times the
indorsement of woman suffrage by the Knights of Labor in national
assembly, and by the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union,
and that we congratulate these organizations upon their
recognition of the fact that the ballot in the hands of woman is
necessary for their success.

_Resolved_, That we extend our sympathy to our beloved president,
in the recent death of her husband, Henry B. Stanton; and we
recall with gratitude the fact that he was one of the earliest
and most consistent advocates of human liberty.

Thanks were extended to the United States Senators who voted for a
Sixteenth Amendment. A committee was appointed, Mrs. Blake, chairman,
to wait upon President Grover Cleveland and protest against the
threatened disfranchising of the women of Washington Territory; also
to secure a hearing before the proper congressional committee in
reference to the Edmunds-Tucker Bill, which proposed to disfranchise
both the Gentile and Mormon women of Utah. The usual large number of
letters were received.[63]

The following letter was read from ex-United States Treasurer F. E.
Spinner, the first official to employ women:

I am eighty-five years old, and I can no longer look forward for
future earthly happiness. All my joys are now retrospective, and
in the long vista of years that I constantly look back upon,
there is no time that affords me more pleasure than that when I
was in the Treasury of the United States. The fact that I was
instrumental in introducing women to employment in the offices of
the Government, gives me more real satisfaction than all the
other deeds of my life.

A committee consisting of the national board and chairman of the
executive committee was appointed to arrange for a great international
meeting the next year.

On the opening day of this convention a vote on woman suffrage was
taken in the United States Senate as described in the preceding
chapter; at its close a telegram was received that a Municipal
Suffrage Bill had been passed by the Kansas Legislature; and its
members separated with the consciousness that two distinctly
progressive steps had been taken.

FOOTNOTES:

[62] Dr. Newman was an advocate of suffrage for women. After he became
Bishop he wrote for publication, July 12, 1894: "The exalted mission
of Christianity is to reverse the verdict of the world on the rights
of woman. Until Christ came she had been regarded by State and Church,
in the most highly civilized lands, as the servant of man, created for
his pleasure and subordinated to his authority. Her rights of life,
property and vocation were in his hands for control and final
disposition.

"Against this tyranny we wage a war of extermination. Henceforth in
State and Church, in business and pleasure, whether married or single,
woman is to be esteemed an individual, one of the two equal units of
humanity, to count one the whole world over, and to possess and
exercise the rights of 'life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.'"

[63] Among the writers were Harriot Stanton Blatch of England, the
Rev. Frederick A. Hinckley, Philadelphia; Prudence Crandall Philleo
(Kan.); Mary V. Cowgill, Mary J. Coggeshall, editor _Woman's
Standard_, (Ia.); Belva A. Lockwood (D. C.); General and Mrs. Rufus
Saxton, Sallie Clay Bennett (Ky.); Alice M. Pickler (Dak.); Sarah R.
Langdon Williams, Sarah M. Perkins (O.); Mr. and Mrs. McClung (Tenn.);
telegram signed by Emmeline B. Wells and a long list of names from
Utah.

CHAPTER VIII.

INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF WOMEN--HEARING OF 1888.

The year 1888 is distinguished for the largest and most representative
woman's convention held up to that time--the International Council of
Women, which met in Washington, D. C., March 25, continuing until
April 1. The origin of this great body is briefly stated in the
official report as follows: "Visiting England and France in 1882, Mrs.
Stanton conceived the idea of an International Council of Women
interested in the movement for suffrage, and pressed its consideration
on the leading reformers in those countries. A few accepted the idea,
and when Miss Anthony arrived in England early the following year,
they discussed the question fully with each other, and seeing that
such a convention was both advisable and practicable, they resolved to
call it in the near future. On the eve of their departure, at a
reception given them in Liverpool, the subject was presented and
favorably received. Among the guests were Priscilla Bright McLaren,
Margaret Bright Lucas, Alice Scatcherd and Margaret E. Parker. The
initiative steps for an International Council were then taken and a
committee of correspondence appointed.[64]

"When Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony returned to America it was
decided, in consultation with friends, to celebrate the fourth decade
of the woman suffrage movement by calling an International Council.
At its nineteenth annual convention, January, 1887, the National
Suffrage Association had resolved to assume the entire responsibility
and to extend the invitation to all associations of women in the
trades, professions and reforms, as well as those advocating political
rights. The herculean task of making all the necessary arrangements
fell chiefly on Miss Anthony, Miss Rachel G. Foster (Avery) and Mrs.
May Wright Sewall, as Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Spofford were in Europe.
To say nothing of the thought, anxiety, time and force expended, we
can appreciate in some measure the magnitude of the undertaking by its
financial cost of nearly $12,000.

"This was the first attempt to convene an international body of women
and its conception would have been possible only with those to whom
the whole cause of woman is indebted for its most daring and important
innovations. The call for this meeting was issued in June, 1887:

The first public demand for equal educational, industrial,
professional and political rights for women was made in a
convention held at Seneca Falls, New York, in the year 1848.

To celebrate the Fortieth Anniversary of this event, an
International Council of Women will be convened under the
auspices of the National Woman Suffrage Association, in Albaugh's
opera house, Washington, D. C., on March 25, 1888.

It is impossible to overestimate the far-reaching influence of
such a Council. An interchange of opinions on the great questions
now agitating the world will rouse women to new thought, will
intensify their love of liberty and will give them a realizing
sense of the power of combination.

However the governments, religions, laws and customs of nations
may differ, all are agreed on one point, namely: man's
sovereignty in the State, in the Church and in the Home. In an
International Council women may hope to devise new and more
effective methods for securing in these three institutions the
equality and justice which they have so long and so earnestly
sought. Such a Council will impress the important lesson that the
position of women anywhere affects their position everywhere.
Much is said of universal brotherhood, but for weal or woe, more
subtle and more binding is universal sisterhood.

Women recognizing the disparity between their achievements and
their labors, will no doubt agree that they have been trammeled
by their political subordination. Those active in great
philanthropic enterprises sooner or later realize that, so long
as women are not acknowledged to be the political equals of men,
their judgment on political questions will have but little
weight.

It is, however, neither intended nor desired that discussions in
the International Council shall be limited to questions touching
the political rights of women. Formal invitations requesting the
appointment of delegates will be issued to representative
organizations in every department of woman's work. Literary
Clubs, Art Unions, Temperance Unions, Labor Leagues, Missionary,
Peace and Moral Purity Societies, Charitable, Professional,
Educational and Industrial Associations will thus be offered
equal opportunity with Suffrage Societies to be represented in
what should be the ablest and most imposing body of women ever
assembled.

The Council will continue eight days, and its sixteen public
sessions will afford ample opportunity for reporting the various
phases of woman's work and progress in all parts of the world,
during the past forty years. It is hoped that all friends of the
advancement of women will lend their support to this undertaking.

On behalf of the National Woman Suffrage Association:

ELIZABETH CADY STANTON, President.
SUSAN B. ANTHONY, First Vice-Pres.
MATILDA JOSLYN GAGE, Second Vice-Pres.
RACHEL G. FOSTER, Corresponding Sec'y.
ELLEN H. SHELDON, Recording Sec'y.
JANE H. SPOFFORD, Treasurer.
MAY WRIGHT SEWALL, Chairman Ex. Com.

"All of the intervening months from June until the next March were
spent in the extensive preparations necessary to the success of a
convention which proposed to assemble delegates and speakers from many
parts of the world. As the funds had to be raised wholly by private
subscription, no bureau with an expensive pay-roll was established but
the entire burden was carried by a few individuals, who contributed
their services."[65]

Fifty-three organizations of women, national in character, of a
religious, patriotic, charitable, reform, literary and political
nature, were represented on the platform by eighty speakers and
forty-nine delegates, from England, Ireland, France, Norway, Denmark,
Finland, India, Canada and the United States. Among the subjects
discussed were Education, Philanthropies, Temperance, Industries,
Professions, Organizations, Social Purity, Legal, Political and
Religious Conditions. While no restriction was placed upon the fullest
expression of the most widely divergent views upon these vital
questions of the age, the sessions, both executive and public, were
absolutely without friction.

A complete stenographic report of these fifty-three meetings was
transcribed and furnished to the press by a thoroughly organized corps
of women under the direction of Miss Mary F. Seymour of New York City,
an unexcelled if not an unparalleled feat.[66] The management of the
Council by the different committees was perfect in every detail, and
the eight days' proceedings passed without a break, a jar or an
unpleasant circumstance.

Saturday evening, March 23, Mr. and Mrs. Spofford, of the Riggs House,
gave a reception to enable the people of Washington to meet the
distinguished speakers and delegates. The large parlors were thrown
open and finally the big dining-room, but the throng was so dense that
it was almost impossible to move from one room to another.

President and Mrs. Grover Cleveland received the Council Friday
afternoon. Monday evening a reception was given by Senator and Mrs.
Thomas W. Palmer of Michigan, for which eight hundred invitations were
sent to foreign legations, prominent officials and the members of the
Council. Senator and Mrs. Leland Stanford opened their elegant home on
Tuesday afternoon in honor of the pioneers in the woman suffrage
movement. In addition to these many special entertainments were given
for the women lawyers, physicians, ministers, collegiate alumnae,
etc., and those of a semi-private nature were far too numerous for
mention.

Albaugh's Opera House was crowded to its capacity at all of the
sixteen sessions. Religious services were held on both Sundays,
conducted entirely by women representing many different creeds. Some
of the old-time hymns were sung, but many were from modern
writers--Whittier, Samuel Longfellow, John W. Chadwick, Elizabeth
Boynton Harbert, Julia Mills Dunn, etc. The assisting ministers for
the first Sunday were the Reverends Phebe A. Hanaford, Ada C. Bowles,
Antoinette Brown Blackwell, Amanda Deyo. The Rev. Anna Howard Shaw
gave the sermon, a matchless discourse on The Heavenly Vision.

"Whereupon, O, King Agrippa, I was not disobedient unto the
heavenly vision." Acts, xxvi:19.

In the beauty of his Oriental home the Psalmist caught the vision
of the events in the midst of which you and I are living to-day.
And though he wrought the vision into the wonderful prophecy of
the 68th Psalm, yet so new and strange were the thoughts to men,
that for thousands of years they failed to catch its spirit and
understand its power.

The vision which appeared to David was a world lost in sin. He
heard its cry for deliverance, he saw its uplifted hands.
Everywhere the eyes of good men were turned toward the skies for
help. For ages had they striven against the forces of evil; they
had sought by every device to turn back the flood-tide of base
passion and avarice, but to no purpose. It seemed as if all men
were engulfed in one common ruin. Patient, sphinx-like, sat
woman, limited by sin, limited by social custom, limited by false
theories, limited by bigotry and by creeds, listening to the
tramp of the weary millions as they passed on through the
centuries, patiently toiling and waiting, humbly bearing the pain
and weariness which fell to her lot.

Century after century came forth from the divine life only to
pass into the great eternity--and still she toiled and still she
waited. At last, in the mute agony of despair, she lifted her
eyes above the earth to heaven and away from the jarring strifes
which surrounded her, and that which dawned upon her gaze was so
full of wonder that her soul burst its prison-house of bondage as
she beheld the vision of true womanhood. She knew then it was not
the purpose of the Divine that she should crouch beneath the
bonds of custom and ignorance. She learned that she was created
not from the side of man, but rather by the side of man. The
world had suffered because she had not kept her
divinely-appointed place. Then she remembered the words of
prophecy, that salvation was to come to the race not through the
man, but through the descendant of the woman. Recognizing her
mission at last, she cried out: "Speak now, Lord, for thy servant
heareth thee." And the answer came: "The Lord giveth the Word,
and the women that publish the tidings are a great host."

[Illustration: THE REV. ANNA HOWARD SHAW.

Vice-President-at-Large of National-American Woman Suffrage
Association.]

To-day the vision is a reality. From every land the voice of
woman is heard proclaiming the word which is given her, and the
wondering world, which for a moment stopped its busy wheel of
life that it might smite and jeer her, has learned at last that
wherever the intuitions of the human mind are called into special
exercise, wherever the art of persuasive eloquence is demanded,
wherever heroic conduct is based upon duty rather than impulse,
wherever her efforts in opening the sacred doors for the benefit
of truth can avail--in one and all these respects woman greatly
excels man. Now the wisest and best people everywhere feel that
if woman enters upon her tasks wielding her own effective armor,
if her inspirations are pure and holy, the Spirit Omnipotent,
whose influence has held sway in all movements and reforms, whose
voice has called into its service the great workmen of every age,
shall, in these last days, fall especially upon woman. If she
venture to obey, what is man that he should attempt to abrogate
her sacred and divine mission? In the presence of what woman has
already accomplished, who shall say that a true woman--noble in
her humility, strong in her gentleness, rising above all
selfishness, gathering up her varied gifts and accomplishments to
consecrate them to God and humanity--who shall say that such an
one is not in a position to do that for which the world will no
longer rank her other than among the first in the work of human
redemption? Then, influenced by lofty motives, stimulated by the
wail of humanity and the glory of God, woman may go forth and
enter into any field of usefulness which opens up before her....

In the Scripture from which the text is taken we recognize a
universal law which has been the experience of every one of us.
Paul is telling the story of a vision he saw, which became the
inspiration of his life, the turning point where his whole
existence was changed, when, in obedience to that vision, he put
himself in relation with the power to which he belonged, and
recognizing in that One which appeared to him on his way from
Jerusalem to Damascus his Divine Master, he also recognized that
the purpose of his life could be fulfilled only when, in
obedience to that Master, he caught and assimilated to himself
the nature of Him, whose servant he was....

Every reformer the world has ever seen has had a similar
experience. Every truth which has been taught to humanity has
passed through a like channel. No one of God's children has ever
gone forth to the world who has not first had revealed to him his
mission, in a vision.

To this Jew, bound by the prejudices of past generations, weighed
down by the bigotry of human creeds, educated in the schools of
an effete philosophy, struggling through the darkness and gloom
which surrounded him, when as a persecutor he sought to
annihilate the disciples of a new faith, there came this vision
into his life; there dawned the electric light of a great truth,
which found beneath the hatred and pride and passion which filled
his life and heart, the divine germ that is implanted in the soul
of each one of God's children....

Then came crowding through his mind new queries: "Can it be that
my fathers were wrong, and that their philosophy and religion do
not contain all there is of truth? Can it be that outside of all
we have known, there lies a great unexplored universe to which
the mind of man can yet attain?" And filled with the divine
purpose, he opened his heart to receive the new truth that came
to him from the vision which God revealed to his soul.

All down through the centuries God has been revealing in visions
the great truths which have lifted the race, step by step, until
to-day womanhood, in this sunset hour of the nineteenth century,
is gathered here from the East and the West, the North and the
South, women of every land, of every race, of all religious
beliefs. But diverse and varied as are our races, our theories,
our religions, yet we come together here with one harmonious
purpose--that of lifting humanity into a higher, purer, truer
life.

To one has come the vision of political freedom. She saw how the
avarice and ambition of one class with power made them forget the
rights of another. She saw how the unjust laws embittered
both--those who made them and those upon whom the injustice
rested. She recognized the great principles of universal
equality, seeing that all alike must be free; that humanity
everywhere must be lifted out of subjection into the free and
full air of divine liberty.

To another was revealed the vision of social freedom. She saw
that sin which crushed the lives of one class, rested lightly on
the lives of the other. She saw its blighting effect on both, and
she lifted up her voice and demanded that there be recognized no
sex in sin.

Another has come hither, who, gazing about her, saw men
brutalized by the rum fiend, the very life of a nation
threatened, and the power of the liquor traffic, with its hand on
the helm of the Ship of State, guiding it with sails full spread
straight upon the rocks to destruction. Then, looking away from
earth, she beheld a vision of what the race and our nation might
become, with all its possibility of wealth and power, if freed
from this burden, and forth upon her mission of deliverance she
sped her way.

Another beheld a vision of what it is to be learned, to explore
the great fields of knowledge which the Infinite has spread
before the world. And this vision has driven her out from the
seclusion of her own quiet life that she might give this great
truth to womanhood everywhere....

And so we come, each bearing her torch of living truth, casting
over the world the light of the vision that has dawned upon her
soul.

But there is still another vision which reaches above earth,
beyond time--a vision which has dawned upon many, that they are
here not to do their own work, but the will of Him who sent them.
And the woman who sees the still higher truth, recognizes the
great power to which she belongs and what her life may become
when, in submission to that Master, she takes upon herself the
nature of Him whom she serves.

We will notice in the second place the purpose of all these
visions which have come to us. Paul was not permitted to dwell on
the vision of truth which came to him. God had a purpose in its
manifestation, and that purpose was revealed when He said to the
wonder-stricken servant, "Arise; for I have appeared unto thee
for this purpose, not that thou behold the truth for thyself, but
to make thee a minister and a witness both of that which thou
hast already seen and of other truths which I shall reveal unto
thee. Go unto the Gentiles. Give them the truth which thou shalt
receive that their eyes may be opened, and that they may be
turned from darkness to light; that they, too, may receive a like
inheritance with thyself...."

This, then, is God's lesson to you and to me. He opens before our
eyes the vision of a great truth and for a moment He permits our
wondering gaze to rest upon it; then He bids us go forth. Jacob
of old saw the vision of God's messengers ascending and
descending, but none of them standing still.

Herein, then, lies the secret of the success of the reformer.
First the vision, then the purpose of the vision. "I was not
disobedient unto the heavenly vision." This is the manly and
noble confession of one of the world's greatest reformers, and in
it we catch a glimpse of the secrets of the success of his
divinely-appointed mission. The difference between the Saul of
Tarsus and Paul the Prisoner of the Lord was measured by his
obedience. This, too, is a universal law, true of the life of
every reformer, who, having had revealed to him a vision of the
great truth, has in obedience to that vision carried it to
humanity. Though at first he holds the truth to himself, and
longs to be lifted up by its power, he soon learns that there is
a giving forth of that which one possesses which enriches the
giver, and that the more he gives of his vision to men the richer
it becomes, the brighter it grows, until it illuminates all his
pathway....

Yet Paul's life was not an idle dream; it was a constant struggle
against the very people whom he tried to save; his greatest foes
were those to whom he was sent. He had learned the lesson all
reformers must sooner or later learn, that the world never
welcomes its deliverers save with the dungeon, the fagot or the
cross. No man or woman has ever sought to lead his fellows to a
higher and better mode of life without learning the power of the
world's ingratitude; and though at times popularity may follow in
the wake of a reformer, yet the reformer knows popularity is not
love. The world will support you when you have compelled it to do
so by manifestations of power, but it will shrink from you as
soon as power and greatness are no longer on your side. This is
the penalty paid by good people who sacrifice themselves for
others. They must live without sympathy; their feelings will be
misunderstood; their efforts will be uncomprehended. Like Paul,
they will be betrayed by friends; like Christ in the agony of
Gethsemane, they must bear their struggle alone.

Our reverence for the reformers of the past is posterity's
judgment of them. But to them, what is that now? They have passed
into the shadows where neither our voice of praise or of blame
disturbs their repose.

This is the hardest lesson the reformer has to learn. When, with
soul aglow with the light of a great truth, she, in obedience to
the vision, turns to take it to the needy one, instead of finding
a world ready to rise up and receive her, she finds it wrapped in
the swaddling clothes of error, eagerly seeking to win others to
its conditions of slavery. She longs to make humanity free; she
listens to their conflicting creeds, and yearns to save them from
the misery they endure. She knows that there is no form of
slavery more bitter or arrogant than error, that truth alone can
make man free, and she longs to bring the heart of the world and
the heart of truth together, that the truth may exercise its
transforming power over the life of the world. The greatest test
of the reformer's courage comes when, with a warm, earnest
longing for humanity, she breaks for it the bread of truth and
the world turns from this life-giving power and asks instead of
bread a stone.

It is just here that so many of God's workmen fail, and
themselves need to turn back to the vision as it appeared to
them, and to gather fresh courage and new inspiration for the
future. This, my sisters, we all must do if we would succeed. The
reformer may be inconsistent, she may be stern or even impatient,
but if the world feels that she is in earnest she can not fail.
Let the truth which she desires to teach first take possession of
herself. Every woman who to-day goes out into the world with a
truth, who has not herself become possessed of that truth, had
far better stay at home.

Who would have dreamed, when at that great anti-slavery meeting
in London, some years ago, the arrogance and pride of men
excluded the women whom God had moved to lift up their voices in
behalf of the baby that was sold by the pound--who would have
dreamed that that very exclusion would be the keynote of woman's
freedom? That out of the prejudice of that hour God should be
able to flash upon the crushed hearts of those excluded the grand
vision which we see manifested here to-day? That out of a longing
for the liberty of a portion of the race, God should be able to
show to women the still larger vision of the freedom of all human
kind?

Grand as is this vision which meets us here, it is but the
dawning of a new day; and as the first beams of morning light
give promise of the radiance which shall envelop the earth when
the sun shall have arisen in all its splendor, so there comes to
us a prophecy of that glorious day when the vision which we are
now beholding, which is beaming in the soul of one, shall enter
the hearts and transfigure the lives of all.

The formal opening of the Council, Monday morning, March 25, was thus
described: "The vast auditorium, perfect in its proportions and
arrangements, was richly decorated with the flags of all nations and
of every State in the Union. The platform was fragrant with evergreens
and flowers, brilliant with rich furniture, crowded with distinguished
women, while soft music with its universal language attuned all hearts
to harmony. The beautiful portrait of the sainted Lucretia Mott,
surrounded with smilax and lilies of the valley, seemed to sanctify
the whole scene and to give a touch of pathos to all the proceedings."

This great meeting, like so many before and since that time, was
opened by Miss Anthony. After the invocation and the hymn, she said in
part:

Forty years ago women had no place anywhere except in their
homes; no pecuniary independence, no purpose in life save that
which came through marriage. From a condition, as many of you can
remember, in which no woman thought of earning her bread by any
other means than sewing, teaching, cooking or factory work, in
these later years the way has been opened to every avenue of
industry, to every profession, whereby woman to-day stands almost
the peer of man in her opportunities for financial independence.
What is true in the world of work is true in education, is true
everywhere.

Men have granted us, in the civil rights which we have been
demanding, everything almost but the pivotal right, the one that
underlies all other rights, the one with which citizens of this
republic may protect themselves--the right to vote.

I have the pleasure of introducing to you this morning the woman
who not only joined with Lucretia Mott in calling the first
convention, but who for the greater part of twenty years has been
president of the National Suffrage Association--Mrs. Elizabeth
Cady Stanton.

The entire audience arose with clapping of hands and waving of
handkerchiefs to greet this leader, who had come from England to
attend the Council. In the course of a long and dignified address of
welcome, she said:

Whether our feet are compressed in iron shoes, our faces hidden
with veils and masks; whether yoked with cows to draw the plow
through its furrows, or classed with idiots, lunatics and
criminals in the laws and constitutions of the State, the
principle is the same; for the humiliations of spirit are as real
as the visible badges of servitude. A difference in government,
religion, laws and social customs makes but little change in the
relative status of woman to the self-constituted governing
classes, so long as subordination in all countries is the rule of
her being. Through suffering we have learned the open sesame to
the hearts of each other. With the spirit forever in bondage, it
is the same whether housed in golden cages with every want
supplied, or wandering in the dreary deserts of life, friendless
and forsaken. Long ago we of America heard the deep yearnings of
the souls of women in foreign lands for freedom responsive to our
own. Mary Wollstonecraft, Madame de Stael, Madam Roland, George
Sand, Frederica Bremer, Elizabeth Barrett Browning, Frances
Wright and George Eliot alike have pictured the wrongs of woman
in poetry and prose. Though divided by vast mountain ranges,
oceans and plains, yet the psalms of our lives have been in the
same strain--too long, alas, in the minor key--for hopes deferred
have made the bravest hearts sometimes despairing. But the same
great over-soul has been our faith and inspiration. The steps of
progress already achieved in many countries should encourage us
to tune our harps anew to songs of victory....

I think most of us have come to feel that a voice in the laws is
indispensable to achieve success; that these great moral
struggles for higher education, temperance, peace, the rights of
labor, international arbitration, religious freedom, are all
questions to be finally adjusted by the action of government and
thus, without a direct voice in legislation, woman's influence
will be entirely lost.

Experience has fully proved that sympathy as a civil agent is
vague and powerless until caught and chained in logical
propositions and coined into law. When every prayer and tear
represents a ballot, the mothers of the race will no longer weep
in vain over the miseries of their children. The active interest
women are taking in all the great questions of the day is in
strong contrast with the apathy and indifference in which we
found them half a century ago, and the contrast in their
condition between now and then is equally marked. Those who
inaugurated the movement for woman's enfranchisement, who for
long years endured the merciless storm of ridicule and
persecution, mourned over by friends, ostracized in social life,
scandalized by enemies, denounced by the pulpit, scarified and
caricatured by the press, may well congratulate themselves on the
marked change in public sentiment which this magnificent
gathering of educated women from both hemispheres so triumphantly
illustrates....

We, who like the children of Israel, have been wandering in the
wilderness of prejudice and ridicule for forty years feel a
peculiar tenderness for the young women on whose shoulders we are
about to leave our burdens. Although we have opened a pathway to
the promised land and cleared up much of the underbrush of false
sentiment, logic and rhetoric intertwisted with law and custom,
which blocked all avenues in starting, yet there are still many
obstacles to be encountered before the rough journey is ended.
The younger women are starting with great advantages over us.
They have the results of our experience; they have superior
opportunities for education; they will find a more enlightened
public sentiment for discussion; they will have more courage to
take the rights which belong to them. Hence we may look to them
for speedy conquests. When we think of the vantage-ground woman
holds to-day, in spite of all the artificial obstacles placed in
her way, we are filled with wonder as to what the future mothers
of the race will be when free to have complete development.

Thus far women have been the mere echoes of men. Our laws and
constitutions, our creeds and codes, and the customs of social
life are all of masculine origin. The true woman is as yet a
dream of the future. A just government, a humane religion, a pure
social life await her coming....

At the close of this address Miss Anthony presented greetings from the
Woman's Liberal Association of Bristol, England, signed by many
distinguished names; from the Woman Suffrage Association of Norway,
and from a number of prominent women in Dublin.[67] There were also
individual letters from Mrs. Priscilla Bright McLaren and many other
foreigners.[68]

Dr. Elizabeth C. Sargent and eight other women physicians of San
Francisco sent cordial good wishes. Congratulations were received from
many Americans,[69] and a cablegram from Mrs. Harriot Stanton Blatch,
of England.

Miss Anthony then presented the foreign delegates: England, Mrs. Laura
Ormiston Chant, Mrs. Alice Scatcherd, Mrs. Ashton Dilke, Madame Zadel
B. Gustafson; Ireland, Mrs. Margaret Moore; France, Madame Isabella
Bogelot; Finland, Baroness Alexandra Gripenberg; Denmark, Madame Ada
M. Frederiksen; Norway, Madame Sophie Magelsson Groth; Italy, Madame
Fanny Zampini Salazar; India, Pundita Ramabai Sarasvati; Canada, Mrs.
Bessie Starr Keefer.

After all had acknowledged the introduction with brief remarks, Miss
Anthony presented, amid much applause, Lucy Stone, Frances E. Willard,
Julia Ward Howe, Isabella Beecher Hooker, Matilda Joslyn Gage, Clara
Barton--the most eminent galaxy of women ever assembled upon one
platform. Frederick Douglass and Robert Purvis were introduced as
pioneers in the movement for woman suffrage.

It would be impossible within the limits of one chapter to give even
the briefest synopsis of the addresses which swept through the week
like a grand procession. The program only could convey an idea of the
value of this intellectual entertainment which called together, day
after day and night after night, audiences that taxed the capacity of
the largest opera house in Washington.[70]

On the second Sunday afternoon, Easter Day, the services consisted of
a symposium conducted by sixteen women, of all religious faiths and of
none. In the evening, when as in the morning a vast and interested
audience was present, brief farewells were spoken by a number of the
foreign delegates. The leading address was by Mrs. Zerelda G. Wallace
on the Moral Power of the Ballot. Mrs. Stanton closed the meeting with
a great speech, and the following resolution was adopted:

It is the unanimous voice of this International Council that all
institutions of learning and of professional instruction,
including schools of theology, law and medicine, should, in the
interests of humanity, be as freely opened to women as to men,
and that opportunities for industrial training should be as
generally and as liberally provided for one sex as for the other.
The representatives of organized womanhood in this Council will
steadily demand that in all avocations in which both men and
women engage, equal wages shall be paid for equal work; and they
declare that an enlightened society should demand, as the only
adequate expression of the high civilization which it is its
office to establish and maintain, an identical standard of
personal purity and morality for men and women.

During the month of preparation for this International Council, the
idea came many times to Mrs. Sewall that it should result in a
permanent organization. The other members gave a cordial assent to
this proposition, and the necessary committees were appointed. Before
the delegates left Washington both a National and International
Council of Women were formed.[71]

Immediately following the Council the National Woman Suffrage
Association held its Twentieth annual convention in the Church of Our
Father, April 3, 4, 1888. As there had been eight days of continuous
speech-making this meeting was devoted principally to the presenting
of State reports and transacting of necessary business. There were,
however, a number of addresses from the distinguished women who
remained after the Council to attend this convention.

The Committee on National Enrollment, Mrs. Louisa Southworth of Ohio,
chairman, reported 40,000 names of adult citizens who favored equal
suffrage; 9,000 of these were from Ohio and 9,000 from Nebraska. Women
were urged to send petitions to members of Congress from their
respective States. Mrs. Stanton was requested to prepare a memorial to
be presented to each of the national political conventions to be held
during the year, and committees were appointed to visit each for the
purpose of securing in their platforms a recognition of woman
suffrage.

The most interesting feature was the hearing before the Senate
Committee on Woman Suffrage, which took place April 2.[72] Mrs.
Stanton made the opening address, in which she took up the provisions
of the Federal Constitution, one by one, and showed how they had been
violated in their application to women, saying:

Even the preamble of the Constitution is an argument for
self-government--"We, the people." You recognize women as people,
for you count them in the basis of representation. Half our
Congressmen hold their seats to-day as representatives of women.
We help to swell the figures by which you are here, and too many
of you, alas, are only figurative representatives, paying little
heed to our rights as citizens.

"No bill of attainder shall be passed." "No title of nobility
granted." So says the Constitution; and yet you have passed bills
of attainder in every State of the Union making sex a
disqualification for the franchise. You have granted titles of
nobility to every male voter, making all men rulers, governors,
sovereigns over all women.

"The United States shall guarantee to every State in the Union a
republican form of government." And yet you have not a republican
form of government in a single State. One-half the people have
never consented to one law under which they live. They have
rulers placed over them in whom they have no choice. They are
taxed without representation, tried in our courts by men for the
violation of laws made by men, with no appeal except to men, and
for some crimes over which men should have no jurisdiction....

Landing in New York one week ago, I saw 400 steerage passengers
leave the vessel. Dull-eyed, heavy-visaged, stooping with huge
burdens and the oppressions endured in the Old World, they stood
in painful contrast with the group of brilliant women on their
way to the International Council here in Washington. I thought,
as this long line passed by, of the speedy transformation the
genial influences of equality would effect in the appearance of
these men, of the new dignity they would acquire with a voice in
the laws under which they live, and I rejoiced for them; but
bitter reflections filled my mind when I thought that these men
are the future rulers of our daughters; these will interpret the
civil and criminal codes by which they will be governed; these
will be our future judges and jurors to try young girls in our
courts, for trial by a jury of her peers has never yet been
vouchsafed to woman. Here is a right so ancient that it is
difficult to trace its origin in history, a right so sacred that
the humblest criminal may choose his juror. But alas for the
daughters of the people, their judges, advocates, jurors, must be
men, and for them there is no appeal. But this is only one wrong
among many inevitable for a disfranchised class. It is
impossible for you, gentlemen, to appreciate the humiliations
women suffer at every turn....

You have now the power to settle this question by wise
legislation. But if you can not be aroused to its serious
consideration, like every other step in progress, it will
eventually be settled by violence. The wild enthusiasm of woman
can be used for evil as well as good. To-day you have the power
to guide and direct it into channels of true patriotism, but in
the future, with all the elements of discontent now gathering
from foreign countries, you will have the scenes of the French
Commune repeated in our land. What women, exasperated with a
sense of injustice, have done in dire extremities in the nations
of the Old World, they will do here....

I will leave it to your imagination to picture to yourselves how
you would feel if you had had a case in court, a bill before some
legislative body or a political aspiration for nearly half a
century, with a continual succession of adverse decisions, while
law and common justice were wholly on your side. Such, honorable
gentlemen, is our case....

In the history of the race there has been no struggle for liberty
like this. Whenever the interest of the ruling classes has
induced them to confer new rights on a subject class it has been
done with no effort on the part of the latter. Neither the
American slave nor the English laborer demanded the right of
suffrage. It was given in both cases to strengthen the Liberal
party. The philanthropy of the few may have entered into those
reforms, but political expediency carried both measures. Women,
on the contrary, have fought their own battles and in their
rebellion against existing conditions have inaugurated the most
fundamental revolution the world has ever witnessed. The
magnitude and multiplicity of the changes involved make the
obstacles in the way of success seem almost insurmountable....

Society is based on this fourfold bondage of woman--Church,
State, Capital and Society--making liberty and equality for her
antagonistic to every organized institution. Where, then, can we
rest the lever with which to lift one-half of humanity from these
depths of degradation, but on "that columbiad of our political
life--the ballot--which makes every citizen who holds it a full
armed monitor?"

Miss Anthony then introduced a number of the foreign delegates who had
been in attendance at the National Council. Mrs. Laura Ormiston Chant
of England, in an eloquent address, said:

I stand here as the grandniece of one of the greatest orators and
clearest and wisest statesmen that Europe has known, Edmund
Burke. It seems to me an almost overwhelming humility that I
should be compelled to echo the magnificent impeachment that he
made against Warren Hastings, in our House of Commons, on behalf
of the oppressed women of Hindostan, in this my passionate appeal
on behalf of oppressed women all over the world....

By all you have held most sacred and beautiful in the women who
have loved you and made life possible for you--for their sake and
in their name--I do intreat that you will not allow your grandest
women to plead for another half century. Say rather "the past has
been a long night of wrong, but the day has come and the hour in
which justice shall conquer."

Mrs. Alice Scatcherd, delegate from the Liberal and the Suffrage
Associations of Leeds and neighboring cities, gave an interesting
account of the manner in which Englishwomen exercise the franchise and
the influence they wield in politics.

Miss Anthony then said, "I have the pleasure of introducing to you the
woman who, twenty-five years ago, wrote the Battle Hymn of the
Republic, Mrs. Julia Ward Howe." Mrs. Howe spoke briefly, saying: "My
heart has been full with the words of others which have been here
uttered; but a single word will enable me to cast in my voice with
theirs with all the emphasis that my life and such power as I have
will enable me to add. Gentlemen, what a voice you have here to-day
for universal suffrage. Think that not only we American women, your
own kindred, appear here--and you know what we represent--but these
foremost women from other countries, representing not alone the native
intelligence and character of those countries, but deep and careful
study and precious experience, and think that between them and us who
ask for suffrage, there is entire unanimity. We all say the same
words; we are all for the same thing...."

Mrs. Caroline E. Merrick, wife of the former Chief Justice of
Louisiana, addressed the committee with that deep and touching
earnestness so characteristic of Southern women.

After saying that women were present from every State and Territory
who would add their pleadings if there were time, Miss Anthony
introduced Mrs. Bessie Starr Keefer of Canada, who told of the good
effects of woman suffrage in that country. Miss Anthony then said:
"Gentlemen of the committee, here stands before you one who is
commander-in-chief of an army of 250,000 women. It is said women do
not want to vote, but this woman has led this vast army to the
ballot-box, or to a wish to get there. I present to you Miss Frances
E. Willard."

This was the only time Miss Willard ever appeared before a Suffrage
Committee in the Capitol, and she was heard with much interest.
Beginning with the playful manner which rendered her speeches so
attractive, she closed with great seriousness:

I suppose these honorable gentlemen think that we women want the
earth, when we only want half of it. We call their attention to
the fact that our brethren have encroached upon the sphere of
woman. They have definitely marked out that sphere, and then they
have proceeded with their incursion by the power of invention.
They have taken away the loom and the spinning-jenny, and they
have obliged Jenny to seek her occupation somewhere else. They
have set even the tune of the old knitting-needle to humming by
steam. So that we women, full of vigor and desire to be active
and useful and to react upon the world around us, finding our
industrial occupations largely gone, have been obliged to seek
out a new territory and to pre-empt from the sphere of our
brothers some of that which they have hitherto considered their
own.

I know it is a sentiment of chivalry in some good men which
hinders them from giving us the ballot. They think we might not
be what they admire so much; they think we should be lacking in
womanliness of character. I ask you to notice if the women who
have been in this International Council, if the women who are
school teachers all over this nation, if these hundreds of
thousands are not a womanly set of women, and yet they have gone
outside of the old sphere. We believe that in the time of peace
women can come forward and with peaceful plans can use weapons
which are grand and womanly, and that their thoughts, winged with
hope and the force of the heart given to them, will have an
effect far mightier than physical power. For that reason we ask
you that they shall be allowed to stand at the ballot-box,
because we believe that there every person expresses his
individuality. The majesty or the meanness of a person comes out
at the ballot-box more than anywhere else. The ballot is the
compendium of all there is in civilization, and of all that
civilization has done for us. We believe that the mothers who had
the good sense to train noble men, like you who have achieved
high positions, had the good sense to train your sisters in the
same way, and that it is a pity the State has lost that other
half of the conservative power which comes from a Christian
rearing and a Christian character.

I have spoken thus on the principles which have made me, a
conservative woman, devoted to the idea of the ballot, and one in
heart with all these good and true suffrage women, though not one
in organic community. I represent before you the Woman's
Christian Temperance Union and not a suffrage society, but I
bring these principles to your sight, and I ask you, my brothers,
to be grand and chivalrous towards us in this new departure which
we now wish to make.

I ask you to remember that it is women who have given the
costliest hostages to fortune, and out into the battle of life
they have sent their best beloved into snares that have been
legalized on every hand. From the arms which held him long, the
boy has gone forever, for he will not come back again to the
home. Then let the world in the person of its womanhood go forth
and make a home in the State and in society. By all the pains and
dangers the mother has shared, by the hours of patient watching
over beds where little children tossed in fever and pain, by the
incense of ten thousand prayers wafted to God from earnest lips,
I charge you, gentlemen, give woman power to go forth, so that
when her son undertakes life's treacherous battle, his mother
will still walk beside him clad in the garments of power.

Miss Anthony, who knew better than anyone else when not another word
was needed, said at the close of Miss Willard's touching address:
"Now, gentlemen, we are greatly obliged to you. I feel very proud of
all my 'girls' who have come before you this morning, and you may
consider the meeting adjourned."

FOOTNOTES:

[64] The following report was prepared by Mrs. Parker: At a large and
influential gathering of the friends of woman suffrage, at Parliament
Terrace, Liverpool, November 16, 1883, convened by E. Whittle, M. D.,
to meet Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony prior to their return to
America, a resolution was proposed by Mrs. Parker of Penketh, seconded
by Mrs. McLaren of Edinburgh, and unanimously passed: "Recognizing
that union is strength and that the time has come when women all over
the world should unite in the just demand for their political
enfranchisement; therefore

"_Resolved_, That we do here appoint a committee of correspondence,
preparatory to forming an International Woman Suffrage Association.

"_Resolved_, That the committee consist of the following friends, with
power to add to their number.

"For the American Center--Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Miss Susan B.
Anthony, Miss Rachel G. Foster. For Foreign Centers--(An extended
committee was named of prominent persons in Great Britain, Ireland and
France)."

[65] There were printed and distributed by mail 10,000 Calls (four
pages each); 10,000 Appeals (two pages each); sketches were prepared
of the lives and work of a number of the delegates and circulated by
means of a Press Committee of over ninety persons in various cities of
many States. On March 10, the first edition (5,000) of the
sixteen-page program was issued; this was followed by five other
editions of 5,000 each and a final seventh edition of 7,000 copies.
Each edition required revision and the introduction of alterations
made necessary by changing conditions. There were written in
connection with the preparations about 4,000 letters. Including those
concerning railroad rates, there were not less than 10,000 more
circulars of various kinds printed and distributed. A low estimate of
the number of pages thus issued (circulars, calls, programs, etc.)
gives 672,000. During the week of the Council and the following
convention of the N. W. S. A., the _Woman's Tribune_ was published by
Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby eight times (four days sixteen pages, four
days twelve pages), the daily edition averaging 12,500 copies.

The receipts from contributions and memberships were in round numbers
$5,000; from sale of seats and boxes at opera-house $5,000, and from
sale of daily _Woman's Tribune_, photographs and badges, collections,
advertisements, etc., $1,500, making a total of nearly $12,000. The
largest sums were from Julia T. Foster, $400; Elizabeth Thompson,
$250; Mrs. Leland Stanford, $200; Rachel G. Foster, $200; and $100
each from Adeline Thomson, Ellen Clark Sargent, Emma J. Bartol,
Margaret Caine, Sarah Knox Goodrich, Mary Hamilton Williams, Lucy
Winslow Curtis, Mary Gray Dow, Jane S. Richards, George W. Childs and
Henry C. Parsons. The cost of the _Tribune_ (printing, stenographic
report, mailing, etc.) was over $3,600; hall rent, $1,800. When one
considers the entertainment of so many officers, speakers and
delegates, printing, postage, the salary of one clerk for a year
(whose board was a contribution from Miss Adeline Thomson and Miss
Julia Foster of Philadelphia), and the thousand et ceteras of such a
meeting, the total cost of about $12,000 is not surprising. An
international convention of men, held in Washington within the year,
cost in round numbers $50,000.

[66] After the Council Mrs. Stanton, Miss Anthony and Miss Foster
remained in Washington for six weeks preparing a complete report of
the addresses and proceedings which filled nearly 500 pages. Five
thousand copies of these were printed, a large number of which were
placed in the public libraries of the United States and foreign
countries.

[67] Anna Maria Haslam, Honorable Secretary Woman's Suffrage
Association; Mary Edmundson, Honorable Secretary Dublin Prison Gate
Mission; Hannah Maria Wigham, President Women's Temperance
Association, Dublin, and Member of Peace Committee; Wilhelmina Webb,
Member of Ladies' Sanitary Committee, Women's Suffrage, etc., Rose
McDowell, Honorable Secretary Women's Suffrage Committee, Isabella
Mulvany, Head Mistress Alexandra School, Dublin, Harriet W. Russell,
Member of Women's Temperance Association; Deborah Webb, late Honorable
Secretary Ladies' Dublin Contagious Diseases Act Repeal Association;
Lucy Smithson, Member of the Sanitary Committee and Women's Suffrage
Association; Emily Webb, Member of Women's Suffrage Association; Agnes
Mason, Medical Student and Member of the Women's Suffrage Committee;
Ellen Allen, Member of Women's Temperance and Peace Associations.

[68] Among these were Elizabeth Pease Nichol, Eliza Wigham, Edinburgh;
Mrs. Jacob Bright, Catherine Lucas Thomasson, Margaret E. Parker, Jane
Cobden, Margaret Bright Lucas, Caroline Ashurst Biggs, Frances Lord,
F. Henrietta Muller, England; Isabella M. S. Tod, Belfast, Caroline de
Barrau, Theodore Stanton, Hubertine Auclert, editor of _La Citoyenne_,
Maria Deraismes, Eugénie Potonié, M. Dupuis Vincent, France; Johanna
Frederika Wecket, Germany, Prince Kropotkin, Russia.

[69] John G. Whittier, T. W. Higginson, Oliver Johnson, George W.
Julian, Samuel E. Sewall, Amelia Bloomer, Dr. James C. Jackson,
Theodore D. Weld, Elizabeth Buffam Chace, Rev. T. De Witt Talmage,
Abigail Scott Dumway, Mrs. Frank Leslie, Dr. Laura Ross Wolcott,
Charlotte B. Wilbour, Dr. Agnes Kemp, Augusta Cooper Bristol, Dr. Seth
and Mrs. Hannah Rogers, Dr. Alida C. Avery, Harriet S. Brooks, Sarah
Burger Stearns, Helen M. Gougar, Caroline B. Buell, Lucy N. Colman.

[70] Among those not mentioned above who gave addresses were E.
Florence Barker, Susan H. Barney, Leonora M. Barry, Isabel C. Barrows,
Cora A. Benneson, Ada M. Bittenbender, Henry B. Blackwell, Lillie
Devereux Blake, Martha McClellan Brown, Dr. Mary Weeks Burnett, Helen
Campbell, Matilda B. Carse, Ednah D. Cheney, Sarah B. Cooper, "Jennie
June" Croly, Caroline H. Dall, Abby Morton Diaz, Mary F. Eastman,
Martha A. Everett, Martha R. Field, Alice Fletcher, J. Ellen Foster,
Caroline M. S. Frazer, Helen H. Gardiner, Anna Gordon, Elizabeth
Boynton Harbert, Frances E. W. Harper, Marilla M. Hills, Clara C.
Hoffman, Laura C. Holloway, John W. Hutchinson, Mary H. Hunt, Laura M.
Johns, Mary A. Livermore, Huldah B. Loud, Ella M. S. Marble, Marion
McBride, Laura McNeir, Prof. Rena A. Michaels, Harriet N. Morris,
Amelia Hadley Mohl, Mrs. John P. Newman, Clara Neymann, ex-U. S.
Senator S. C. Pomeroy, Anna Rice Powell, Amelia S. Quinton, Emily S.
Richards, Victoria Richardson, Harriet H. Robinson, Elizabeth Lisle
Saxon, Lita Barney Sayles, Harriette R. Shattuck, Hannah Whitall
Smith, Elizabeth G. Stuart, Prof. Louisa Reed Stowell, Dr. Sarah
Hackett Stevenson, M. Louise Thomas, Esther M. Warner, Dr. Caroline B.
Winslow, Jennie Fowler Willing, Dr. Ruth M. Wood, Anna M. Worden.

On Pioneers' Evening about forty of the most prominent of the old
workers were on the platform.

[71] The officers of the National Council were: President, Frances E.
Willard, Ill.; vice-president-at-large, Susan B. Anthony, N. Y.; cor.
sec., May Wright Sewall, Ind.; rec. sec., Mary F. Eastman, Mass.;
treas., M. Louise Thomas, N. Y. Officers of the International
Council: President, Millicent Garrett Fawcett, England;
vice-president-at-large, Clara Barton, United States; cor. sec. Rachel
G. Foster, United States; rec. sec., Kirstine Frederiksen, Denmark.

[72] This committee consisted of Senator Francis M. Cockrell, Mo.;
Joseph E. Brown, Ga.; Samuel Pasco, Fla.; Henry W. Blair, N. H.;
Thomas W. Palmer, Mich.; Jonathan Chace, R. I.; Thomas M. Bowen, Colo.
No hearing was held before the Judiciary Committee of the House, but
on April 24 Mrs. Sallie Clay Bennett of Kentucky obtained an audience
and made an extended and unanswerable argument from two points of
view, the Scriptural and the Constitutional. Her address is printed in
full in the _Woman's Tribune_ of April 28, 1888.

CHAPTER IX.

THE NATIONAL SUFFRAGE CONVENTION OF 1889.

The Twenty-first annual convention of the National Association met in
the Congregational Church at Washington, Jan. 21-23, 1889, in answer
to the official Call:

Neither among politicians, nor among women themselves, is this in
any sense a party movement. While the Prohibition party in Kansas
incorporated woman suffrage in its platform, the Republicans made
it a fact by extending municipal suffrage to the women of that
State. The Democrats of Connecticut on several occasions voted
for woman suffrage while Republicans voted against it. In the New
York Legislature Republicans and Democrats alike have advocated
and voted for the measure. In Congress the last vote in the House
stood eighty Republicans for woman suffrage and nearly every
Democrat against it, while not a single Democrat voted in favor
of it on the floor of the Senate. Both the Labor and Greenback
parties have uniformly recognized woman suffrage in their
platforms.... Our strength for future action lies in the fact
that woman suffrage has some advocates in all parties and that
we, as an association, are pledged to none.

The denial of the ballot to woman is the great political crime of
the century, before which tariff, finance, land monopoly,
temperance, labor and all economic questions sink into
insignificance; for the right of suffrage involves all questions
of person and of property.

While each party in power has refused to enfranchise woman, being
skeptical as to her moral influence in government, yet with
strange inconsistency they alike seek the aid of her voice and
pen in all important political struggles. While not morally bound
to obey the laws made without their consent, yet we find women
the most law-abiding class of citizens in the community. While
not recognized as a component part of the Government, they are
most active in all great movements for education, religion,
philanthropy and reform.

The magnificent convocation of women from the world over--held in
Washington last March--a Council more important than any since
the Diet of Worms--was proof of woman's marvelous power of
organization and her clear comprehension of the underlying
principles of all questions of government. With such evidence of
her keen insight and executive ability, we invite all interested
in good government to give us the inspiration of their presence
in the coming convention.

In the absence of Mrs. Stanton Miss Anthony presided, opening her
address with the sentence, "Here we have stood for the last twenty-one
years, demanding of Congress to take the necessary step to secure to
the women of this nation protection in the exercise of their
constitutional right to a voice in the government." She introduced the
Hon. Albert G. Riddle (D. C.), who in 1871 had made an argument before
the Joint Judiciary Committee in favor of woman's right to vote under
the Fourteenth Amendment; and later had argued before the Supreme
Court her right to vote in the District. In the course of his remarks
he said: "All the changes in favor of woman--everything indeed that
has been achieved--has been in consequence of this contest for woman
suffrage. Its advocates began it; they traveled along with it; and all
that has been gained in the statutes of the various States and of the
United States has been by their efforts; whatever has taken a
crystallized form of irrepealable law is because of this discussion,
because of this agitation."

Mrs. Isabella Beecher Hooker (Conn.) read the resolution demanding a
representation of women in the Centennial Celebration of the Adoption
of the United States Constitution soon to be held in New York City.
Miss Anthony then introduced Senator Henry W. Blair (N. H.), who was
received with much applause, as the unswerving champion of woman
suffrage. In an address considering the constitutional phase of the
question, he said:

There has been such progress in the formulation of the State and
the national law that it has become necessary for the Supreme
Court of the United States to decide that we are not a sovereign
people, that we have no nation at all, in order to prevent woman
from exercising the right of suffrage throughout this country. In
that decision which deprived Mrs. Virginia L. Minor of her right,
the Supreme Court was driven to the necessity of deciding in
express terms, "The United States has no voters of its own
creation." If the United States has no voters, then the old
doctrine of State sovereignty is the true one and there is no
nation. We are subservient and subordinate to the power of the
States to-day by virtue of this decision just exactly as it was
claimed we were prior to the recent war. We thought the war
established the fact that we were a nation; that the controversy
which led up to the war had been decided in favor of the
sovereignty of the nation. Under our republican form of
government the sovereignty is lodged in the masses of the people.
If, therefore, it is not in the man who votes by virtue of his
membership in the association of the people known as the United
States, then there is no sovereignty there....

As the law now is, in the Federal Constitution there must always
have been such a voter of the United States, for in the second
clause of the first article it is provided that there shall be a
House of Representatives "elected by the people in the States."
Where that provision is made it says that the electors shall have
the qualifications of the electors in the States. But it does not
say that they shall be the same individuals; it does not say that
they are to act in the same capacity. They might vary in
different portions of the country, in different States; but
nevertheless, in giving to the people of the States the right to
specify the qualifications which should belong to the electors of
the United States, the Constitution did not give up the power to
create electors itself....

Take the Fifteenth Amendment. There is the first instance in the
entire Constitution where we find the franchise declared to be a
"right," and in specific terms alluded to as such. And there it
is provided that a right already recognized as existing shall not
be abridged by the United States or by the States--a right
already _existing_, not _established_. And by virtue of that
amendment and the provision that this existing right shall not be
denied or abridged on account of "race, color or previous
condition of servitude," either by the United States or by the
States, the _national existence_ of the voter is established....

I think our great difficulty about this is that women perhaps do
not, to the extent that they should, place their cause upon the
platform that it is a right; that to uphold that it is not a
right is a wrong greater than any which has been perpetrated in
the past; that freedom to half the human race is a glorious
achievement which it still remains for mankind to accomplish....

There is no way in which you can do so much for this world as by
giving liberty to those who are the mothers of the generations
past and to come; so that freedom to think, freedom to formulate
opinions, freedom to decide by the majority of the whole of
mature human nature, shall be the universal boon as far as the
human race extends....

Miss Anthony then read a letter from Mrs. Stanton which embodied that
spirit of independence possessed by her almost beyond all other women:

I notice that in some of our conventions resolutions of thanks
are passed to senators, congressmen and legislators for
advocating some minor privileges which have been conceded to
women, such as admission to colleges and professions, limited
forms of suffrage, etc. Now I do not see any occasion for
gratitude to these honorable gentlemen who, after robbing us of
all our fundamental rights as citizens, propose to restore a few
minor privileges. There is not one impulse of gratitude in my
soul for any of the fragmentary privileges which by slow degrees
we have wrung out of our oppressors during the last half century,
nor will there be so long as woman is robbed of all the essential
rights of citizenship.

If strong appeals could induce the highway robber to return a
modicum of what he had stolen, it might mitigate the miseries of
his victim, but surely there would be no reason for gratitude,
and an expression of thanks to him would be quite as much out of
place as are complimentary resolutions passed in our conventions
to legislators for their concessions to women. They deserve
nothing at our hands until they make full restitution of all we
possessed in the original compact under the colonial
constitutions--rights over which in the nature of things men
could have no lawful jurisdiction whatever.... Woman has the same
right to a voice in this government that man has, and it is based
on the same natural desire and capacity for self-government and
self-protection....

Until woman is recognized as an equal factor in civilization, and
is possessed of her personal property, civil and political
rights, all minor privileges and concessions are but so many
added aggravations, and are insulting mockeries of that justice,
liberty and equality which are the birthright of every citizen of
a republic. "Universal suffrage," said Charles Sumner, "is the
first proof and only basis of a genuine republic."

Mrs. Stanton referred to the bravery of recent women writers in
attacking social problems, citing Mrs. Humphrey Ward, Margaret Deland,
Olive Schreiner, Mona Caird and Helen Gardiner. She closed with a
tribute to the co-laborers who had died during the past year, among
them the Rev. James Freeman Clarke, Judge Samuel E. Sewall, Dr.
Clemence S. Lozier, Dr. Mary F. Thomas, Miss Abby W. May and numerous
others.

During the second day's proceedings the Rev. Alexander Kent, of the
Church of Our Father (Universalist), addressed the convention, saying
in part:

It is not uncommon among writers on woman suffrage to find the
root of the trouble in those notions of the creation and fall set
forth in the ancient Jewish Scriptures--notions which have very
generally prevailed throughout Christendom until recently, and
which even yet have a large hold upon many people professing to
be Christians. In the account of the origin of evil given by the
ancient Hebrew writer, woman is the chief offender, and upon her
falls the burden of the penalty. In sorrow she is to bring forth
her children; her desire is to be to her husband and he is to
rule over her. Unquestionably this has tended to prolong the
reign of brute force in Christendom by perpetuating a belief in
the rightful headship of man in the family and State. But it is a
great mistake to see in this Scripture the root of the evil. It
is only the record of a theory offered to explain a fact--which
antedated both the theory and the record. We find the fact to-day
even where we do not find the record--the woman ruled by the man
in places where there is no knowledge whatever of the Hebrew
Scriptures. I doubt not that among the founders of our
Government--meaning the people generally--this doctrine of the
rightful headship of man and the subordination of woman was
sacredly held as a part of the revealed word of God, and that as
such it operated to keep the women as well as the men of that day
from perceiving the full significance, the comprehensive scope of
the principles affirmed by their leaders, in the Constitution and
the Declaration of Independence....

If the ballot in the hands of woman is to do a great work for
society, it will be first and foremost because of its wholesome
influence on herself--because it rouses in her more of hope, more
of laudable ambition, more of earnest purpose, more of
self-reliance, more independence of the fashions, frivolities and
conventionalities of society and the dictates of the church....

Praying for the speedy coming of this day, and hoping it may work
gradually toward a purer and happier social life, and a further
companionship in thought and feeling, in purpose and effort,
between men and women, and especially between husbands and wives
in the life of the home, I express my sympathy with the purpose
of this convention.

Mrs. Caroline Hallowell Miller (Md.) took the ground that, after fifty
years of argument, women now should unite in a continuous demand for
the rights of citizenship.

In introducing the Hon. William D. Kelley (Penn.) Miss Anthony said
that not only in Congress, where he was known as the Father of the
House, but years ago in his own State Legislature, he advocated the
political equality of women. After paying a tribute to his mother, to
Mary Wollstonecraft and to Frances Wright, he said: "I am here,
because I feel that I should again declare publicly the justice of the
enfranchisement of women, which, having cherished through youth and
early manhood, I asserted in a public address in Independence Hall, at
high noon on the Fourth of July, 1841, before there was any
organization for promoting woman's rights politically." He then
sketched results already achieved and urged women to keep the flame
burning for the benefits which would come to posterity.

The Rev. Olympia Brown (Wis.) spoke on Foreign Rule, and after
pointing out the glory of a country which offered a home to all, and
expressing a belief in universal suffrage, she continued:

In Wisconsin we have by the census of 1880 a population of
910,072 native-born, 405,425 foreign-born. Our last vote cast was
149,463 American, 189,469 foreign; thus you see nearly 1,000,000
native-born people are out-voted and out-governed by less than
half their number of foreigners. Is that fair to Americans? Is it
just to American men? Will they not, under this influence, in a
little while be driven to the wall and obliged to step down and
out? When the members of our Legislatures are the greater part
foreigners, when they sit in the office of mayor and in all the
offices of our city, and rule us with a rod of iron, it is time
that American men should inquire if we have any rights that
foreigners are bound to respect....

The last census shows, I think, that there are in the United
States three times as many American-born women as the whole
foreign population, men and women together, so that the votes of
women will eventually be the only means of overcoming this
foreign influence and maintaining our free institutions. There is
no possible safety for our free school, our free church or our
republican government, unless women are given the suffrage and
that right speedily.... The question in every political caucus,
in every political convention, is not what great principles shall
we announce, but what kind of a document can we draw up that will
please the foreigners?...

When we remember that the first foot to touch Plymouth Rock was a
woman's--that in the first settlement of this country women
endured trials and privations and stood bravely at the post of
duty, even fighting in the ranks that we might have a
republic--and that in our great Western world women came at an
early day to make the wilderness blossom as the rose, and rocked
their babies' cradles in the log cabins when the Indians'
war-whoop was heard on the prairies and the wolves howled around
their doors--when we remember that in the last war thousands of
women in the Northwest bravely took upon themselves the work of
the households and the fields that their husbands and sons might
fight the battles of liberty--when we recollect all this, and
then are told that loyal women, pioneer women, the descendants of
the Pilgrim Fathers, are not even to ask for the right of
suffrage lest the Scandinavians should be offended, it is time to
rise in indignation and ask, Whose country is this? Who made it?
Who have periled their lives for it?

Our American women are property holders and pay large taxes; but
the foreigner who has lived only one year in the State, and ten
days in the precinct, who does not own a foot of land, may vote
away their property in the form of taxes in the most reckless
manner, regardless of their interests and their rights. Women are
well-educated; they are graduating from our colleges; they are
reading and thinking and writing; and yet they are the political
inferiors of all the riff-raff of Europe that is poured upon our
shores. It is unbearable. There is no language that can express
the enormous injustice done to women....

We can not separate subjects and say we will vote on temperance
or on school matters, for all these questions are part of
government.... When women as well as men are voters, the church
will get some recognition. I marvel that all ministers are not in
favor of woman suffrage, when I consider that their audiences are
almost entirely composed of women and that the church to-day is
brought into disrepute because it is made up of disfranchised
members. The minister would stand a hundred-fold higher than he
does now if women had the suffrage. Everybody would want to know
what the minister was saying to those women voters.

We are in danger in this country of Catholic domination, not
because the Catholics are more numerous than we are, but because
the Catholic church is represented at the polls and the
Protestant church is not. The foreigners are Catholic--the
greater portion of them; the foreigners are men--the greater part
of them, and members of the Catholic church, and they work for it
and vote for it. The Protestant church is composed of women. Men
for the most part do not belong to it; they do not care much for
it except as something to interest the women of their household.
The consequence is the Protestant church is comparatively
unrepresented at the ballot-box....

I urge upon you, women, that you put suffrage first and foremost,
before every other consideration upon earth. Make it a religious
duty and work for the enfranchisement of your sex, which means
the growth and development of noble characters in your children;
for you can not educate your children well surrounded by men and
women who hold false doctrines of society, of politics, of
morals. Leave minor issues, leave your differences of opinion
about the Trinity, or the Holy Ghost, or endless misery; about
high license and low license; or Dorcas Societies and Chautauqua
Circles. Let them all go; they are of no consequence compared
with the enfranchisement of women.

Mrs. Mary Seymour Howell gave a humorous series of Suffrage Pictures
in New York, which was greatly relished by the audience. Mrs. Laura M.
Johns described Municipal Suffrage in Kansas in an enthusiastic and
interesting manner. The Rev. Anna Howard Shaw then delivered her
lecture, which has since become so famous, The Fate of Republics,
tracing the rise and fall of the republics of history, which grew
because of material prosperity and failed because of moral weakness.
All were in the hands of men, and women were excluded from any
share.[73]

Mrs. Harriette R. Shattuck gave an account of the recent school
election in Boston where 19,490 women voted, a much higher percentage
of those registered than of the men, and thus defeated the dangerous
attempt which had been made by the Church to interfere with the State.
Richard W. Blue, State Senator of Kansas, was called to the platform
by Mrs. Gougar as one who had greatly aided its Municipal Suffrage
Bill.

Mrs. May Wright Sewall (Ind.) spoke on Women in the Recent Campaign.
In the National Prohibition Convention they sat as delegates and
served on committees. In all parts of the country Republican and
Democratic women organized clubs and marched in processions; but she
called attention to the fact that these methods are not advocated by
the suffrage societies so long as women remain disfranchised. Over two
hundred clubs were formed for political study. All of the parties
placed women on their platforms to speak in behalf of the candidates.
A Central Republican Headquarters was opened in New York and put in
charge of a national committee of women who sent out hundreds of
thousands of campaign documents. When election day came not one of all
these women could put her opinion in the ballot-box.

At the evening session Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake (N. Y.) in her
trenchant way discussed Political Methods and pointed out the
inconsistent and illogical declarations of platforms and speakers when
applied to women, also the delight afforded to men by the tin horns
and fireworks. She suggested for President Harrison's Cabinet,
Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Secretary of State; Susan B. Anthony,
Secretary of War; May Wright Sewall, Secretary of the Treasury;
Zerelda G. Wallace, Secretary of the Navy; Clara Barton, Secretary of
the Interior; Laura de Force Gordon, Attorney-General.

Mrs. Sarah M. Perkins (O.) spoke on The Concentration of Forces,
showing how prone women are to organize for every object except
suffrage, and yet the majority of these workers would rejoice to have
the power which lies in the ballot and would be infinitely better
equipped for their work.

Mrs. Mary B. Clay (Ky.) opened the last day's session with a forcible
address entitled, Are American Women Civil and Political Slaves? She
proved the affirmative of her question by quoting the spoken and
written declarations of the greatest statesmen on the right of
individual representation and the exceptions made against women,
citing Walker, the legal writer: "This language applied to males would
be the exact definition of political slavery; applied to females,
custom does not so regard it."

Mrs. Abigail Scott Duniway (Ore.) described the recent arbitrary and
unwarranted disfranchisement of the women of Washington Territory.
Frederick Douglass was loudly called for and in responding expressed
his gratitude to women, "who were chiefly instrumental in liberating
my people from actual chains of bondage," and declared his full belief
in their right to the franchise.

Mrs. Helen M. Gougar (Ind.) made a strong speech upon Partisan or
Patriot? In her address on Woman in Marriage Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby,
editor of the _Woman's Tribune_, said:

It is customary to regard marriage as of even more importance to
woman than to man, since the maternal, social and household
duties involved in it consume the greater portion of the time and
thought of a large majority. Love, it is commonly said, is an
incident in a man's life, but makes or mars a woman's whole
existence. This, however, is one of the many popular delusions
crystallized into opinion by apt phraseology. To one who believes
in the divinely intended equality of the sexes it is impossible
to consider that any mutual relation is an incident for the one
and the total of existence for the other. We may lay it down as a
premise upon which to base our whole reasoning that all mutual
relations of the sexes are not only divinely intended to, but
actually do bring equal joys, pains, pleasures and sacrifices to
both. Whatever mistake one has made has acted upon the other, and
reacted equally upon the first.

The one great mistake of the ages--since woman lost her primal
independence and supremacy--to which is due all the sins and
sorrows growing out of the association of the sexes, has been in
making woman a passive agent instead of an equal factor in
arranging the laws, customs and conditions of this mutual state.
Whether marriage be a purely business partnership for the care
and maintenance of children, or whether it be a sacrament to
which the benediction of the church gives peculiar sanctity and
perpetuity and makes the parties "no more twain but one flesh,"
in either case it is an absurdity, which we only tolerate because
of custom, for men alone to make all the regulations and
stipulations concerning it.

This unnatural and strained assumption by one sex of the control
of everything relating to marriage, and the equally unnatural and
mischievous passivity on the part of the other, have given birth
to the meek maiden waiting for her fate, to the typical
disconsolate and forlorn "superfluous woman," to the two
standards of morality for the sexes, to the mercenary marriage
with all its attendant miseries, to the selfish, exacting,
querulous wife, to the disappointed or tyrannical husband; and of
late, with the wider possibilities of individual pleasure and
satisfaction, to the growing aversion of young people to
matrimony, and the rush of women to the divorce courts for
freedom from the galling bonds; all these and a thousand
variations of each, until the nature of both sexes is so
perverted that it is impossible to decide what is nature.

A letter was read from Mrs. Matilda Joslyn Gage (N. Y.) urging women
individually to petition Senators and Representatives for the removal
of their political disabilities, because by this means these men were
compelled to think on the question.

Mrs. Virginia L. Minor (Mo.) addressed the convention on The Law of
Federal Suffrage, a legal argument on the right to vote conferred by
the Constitution. Miss Anthony supplemented Mrs. Minor's argument with
a history of the Fourteenth Amendment, in which she said:

When that Fourteenth Amendment was under discussion--when it was
proposed to put the word "male" into the second section--it read:
"If any State shall disfranchise any of its citizens on account
of color, all of that class shall be counted out of the basis of
representation." But there were timid souls on the floor of
Congress at the close of the war, as well as at other periods of
our history, and to prevent the enfranchisement of women by this
amendment they moved to make it read: "If any State shall
disfranchise any of its _male_ citizens, all of that class shall
be counted out of the basis of representation." Male citizens!
For the first time in the history of our Government that
discriminating adjective was placed in the Constitution, and yet
the men on the floor of Congress, from Charles Sumner down, all
declared that this amendment would not in any wise change the
status of women!

We at once asserted our right to vote under this amendment: "All
persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to
the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and
of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce
any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of
citizens of the United States." Our first trial was on civil
rights, when Mrs. Myra Bradwell of Chicago, who had been for some
time publishing a law journal which every lawyer in the State
said he could not afford to do without, applied for admission to
the bar, and these same lawyers denied it. She appealed to the
Illinois Supreme Court and it confirmed the denial, because she
was not only a woman but a married woman. Then she appealed her
case to the Supreme Court of the United States, and a majority of
this court decided that the right to be a lawyer was not
especially a citizen's right and that therefore the State of
Illinois could legally abridge the privileges and immunities of
its women by denying them admission to the bar.

I shall never forget how our hearts sank when in 1871 that
decision came, declaring the powerlessness of the Federal
Constitution to protect women in their civil right of being
eligible to the legal profession. When we said if these rights
which it is meant to protect are not civil they must be political
rights, we thought we had the Supreme Court in a corner. But when
my trial for voting came on, Justice Hunt said that the right to
vote was a special right belonging to men alone. We didn't
believe that this decision could be confirmed, but it was, when
Mrs. Minor, who attempted to vote at the same election in her
State of Missouri, appealed her case to the Supreme Court of the
United States. It was argued by her husband, the ablest of
lawyers, and when the Judges brought in their decision it was to
the effect that the Constitution of the United States has no
voters. Thus it is that we have two Supreme Court decisions
relative to the powers of the Fourteenth Amendment to protect
women, and in both cases they have been excluded absolutely from
its provisions.

I remember, Mrs. Minor (turning to that lady), how we discussed
these questions in those early years. We weren't sleepy in our
talk as we were being cut off inch by inch from the protection of
the Constitution. I remember how Mrs. Stanton said in a public
address: "If you continue to deny to women the protection of this
amendment, you will finally come to the point when it will cease
to protect even black men," and we have lived to see that day.

The address on The Coming Sex by Mrs. Eliza Archard Connor, a
well-known journalist of New York, was declared by the press to be in
its delivery "the gem of the convention." She said in part:

It is my conviction that women are the natural orators of the
race. They have keener sympathies and quicker intuitions than
men. They have a gift of language that not even their worst
enemies will deny, and these are just the qualities which go to
make the orator.... The time is coming when we shall need all our
eloquence, all our intellectual power and all our love. The day
is approaching when men will come with ballots in their hands,
begging women to use them....

Wherever you go, wake women up, tell them to learn everything.
Tell them to study with all their might history, civil
government, political economy, social and industrial science--for
the time is coming when they will need them all....

This is the work before us. This is the meaning of the desperate
unrest and unhappiness of women. It is this that has drawn us
here to enter our protest against the wicked, old, one-legged
order of things. Our honored Miss Anthony has gone through fire
and hail while she worked for her convictions. All of us have
wrought as best we might for the higher education of women, for
their pecuniary independence, for their civil and political
rights, fighting the world, the flesh and the devil.

My own work has been in the field of journalism. For nearly
twenty years I have faced here every form of disability because I
am a woman, have met defeat after defeat, till the iron has
entered my soul. Yet every day I have thanked God that I have
been permitted to bear my share in the tremendous struggle for
the development of women in the nineteenth century. Struggle
means development; it can come in no other way, and this will be
the grandest since creation began--the crowned, perfected woman.
For this the cry of womanhood has risen out of the depths through
the centuries. Up through agony and despair it has come, through
sin and shame, through poverty and martyrdom, through torture
which has wrung drops of blood from woman's lips, still up, up,
till it has reached the great white throne itself.

The enrollment committee reported a list of about one hundred thousand
names of persons asking for woman suffrage. The treasurer announced
the receipts for 1888 to be $12,510. All of the expenses of the great
International Council had been paid and a balance of nearly $300
remained.

The resolutions might be described as an epitomized recital of wrongs
and a Bill of Rights.

WHEREAS, Women possessed and exercised the right of suffrage in
the inauguration of this Government; and,

WHEREAS, They were deprived of this right by the arbitrary Acts
of successive State Legislatures in violation of the original
compact as seen in the early constitutions; therefore,

_Resolved_, That it is the duty of the several States to make
prompt restitution of these ancient rights, recognized by
innumerable precedents in English history, and to-day by the
gradual extension of the suffrage over vast territories.

WHEREAS, Woman's title deed to an equal share in the inheritance
left her by the fathers of the Republic has been examined and
proved by able lawyers; and,

WHEREAS, This right is already exercised in some form in one
hundred localities in different parts of the world; therefore,

_Resolved_, That sex is no longer considered a bar to the
exercise of suffrage by civilized nations.

_Resolved_, That it is the duty of Congress to pass a declaratory
act, compelling the several States to establish a "republican
form of government" within their borders by securing to women
their right to vote, thus nullifying the fraudulent Acts of
Legislatures and making our Government homogeneous from Maine to
Oregon.

_Resolved_, That the question of enfranchising one-half the
people is superior to that of Indian treaties, admission of new
States, tariff, international copyright or any other subject
before the country, and that it is the foremost duty of the
Fiftieth Congress at this, its last session, to submit an
amendment to the Constitution forbidding States to disfranchise
citizens on account of sex.

_Resolved_, That as a question of ethics the difference between
putting a fraudulent ballot in the box and keeping a rightful
ballot out is nothing, and that we condemn the action which
prevents women from casting a ballot at any election as a
shameful evidence of the corruption of dominant political parties
in this country.

WHEREAS, The Legislature of Washington Territory has twice voted
for woman suffrage--women for the most part having gladly
accepted and exercised the right, Governor Squire in his report
to the Secretary of the Interior in 1884 having declared that it
met the approval of a large majority of the people; and,

WHEREAS, In 1887, after the women had voted for three and a half
years, the Territorial Supreme Court pronounced the law invalid
on the ground that the nature of the bill must be described in
the title of the act; and,

WHEREAS, In January, 1888, another bill passed by the Legislature
gave to this law an explicit title; and the bill, again granting
suffrage to women, was signed by Governor Semple, thus
triumphantly showing the approval of the people, the Legislature
and the Governor; and,

WHEREAS, The Territorial Supreme Court, in August, 1888, again
rendered a decision against the right of the women of the
Territory to vote, basing their decision upon the false
assumption that Congress had never delegated to the Territories
the right to define the status of their own voters; and,

WHEREAS, This decision strikes a blow at the fundamental powers
of the United States Congress, confounding laws delegated to the
Territories by the Organic Act of 1852, which vests in their
Legislatures the power to prescribe their qualifications for
voting and holding office--with State governments which limit
legislative enactments by constitutions of their own making--thus
setting at naught the will of the people; therefore,

_Resolved_, That we earnestly and respectfully petition Congress
that in passing an enabling act or acts for the admission of the
other Territories there be incorporated a clause allowing women
to vote for delegates to their constitutional conventions, and at
the election for the adoption of the constitution, in every one
where the Legislature has granted woman suffrage and such law has
not been repealed by a subsequent Legislature.

WHEREAS, In the year 1873 our leader, Susan B. Anthony, was
deprived of the right of trial by jury, by a Judge of the Supreme
Court of the United States, simply because she was a woman, it is
the duty of all women to resent the insult thus offered to
womanhood and demand of the men of this closing century of
constitutional government such condemnation of this infamous
decision of Judge Ward Hunt[74] as shall teach the coming
generation of voters that the welfare of the republic demands
that women be protected equally with men in the exercise of
citizenship; and,

WHEREAS, In the great Centennial Celebration of 1876 women were
denied all participation in the public proceedings commemorating
the birth of the Declaration of Independence, though they sought
earnestly and respectfully to declare their sentiments of loyalty
to the great principles of liberty and responsibility there
enunciated, they should now demand official recognition by
Congress and the State Legislature on all the Boards of
Commissioners which, at the public expense, are to initiate and
carry out the august ceremonials of the coming Constitutional
Celebration in New York in April, 1889, to the end that taxation
without representation shall no longer be acknowledged a just and
constitutional policy in this government nominally of the
_people_, therefore,

_Resolved_, That a committee be appointed by the National W. S.
A. to memorialize Congress on this subject, and to take such
other action as shall bring before the enlightened manhood of our
country their duty of chivalry no less than justice in this
important matter.[75]

WHEREAS, The question of woman's enfranchisement is fundamental
and of paramount importance; therefore,

_Resolved_, That, while the National Woman Suffrage Association
welcomes and claims the support of persons of all parties and
beliefs, it desires to strongly reassert the position which it
has held of being nonpartisan.

A hearing was granted by the Senate Committee on Woman Suffrage the
morning of January 24. Mrs. Hooker, Mrs. Minor, Mrs. Duniway, Mrs.
Johns, the Rev. Olympia Brown, the Rev. Miss Shaw and Miss Alice Stone
Blackwell were introduced to the committee by Miss Anthony, and each
from a different standpoint presented the arguments for the submission
of a Sixteenth Amendment enfranchising women.

On February 7, Senator Blair reported for the committee--Senators
Charles B. Farwell (Ill.), Jonathan Chace (R. I.), Edward O. Wolcott
(Col.), in favor of the amendment. After an able and exhaustive
argument the report closed as follows:

Unless this Government shall be made and preserved truly
republican in form by the enfranchisement of woman, the great
reforms which her ballot would accomplish may never be; the
demoralization and disintegration now proceeding in the body
politic are not likely soon to be arrested. Corruption of the
male suffrage is already a well-nigh fatal disease; intemperance
has no sufficient foe in the law-making power; a republican form
of government can not survive half-slave and half-free.

The ballot is withheld from women because men are not willing to
part with one-half the sovereign power. There is no other real
cause for the continued perpetration of this unnatural tyranny.

Enfranchise women or this republic will steadily advance to the
same destruction, the same ignoble and tragic catastrophe, which
has engulfed the male republics of history. Let us establish a
government in which both men and women shall be free indeed. Then
shall the republic be perpetual.

The women of the nation are deeply indebted to Senator Blair for his
able and persistent efforts in their behalf. Year after year, in the
midst of the great pressure of duties connected with his office, he
carefully prepared these constitutional and legal reports knowing that
they could have only the indirect results of educating public
sentiment and contributing to the history of this great movement for
the political rights of half the race.

The other members of the committee, Senators Zebulon B. Vance (N. C.),
Joseph E. Brown (Ga.), J. B. Beck (Ky.), announced that they should
present a minority report in opposition, but as "Letters from a
Chimney Corner," by Mrs. Caroline F. Corbin, and "The Law of Woman
Life," by Mrs. A. D. T. Whitney, apparently had been exhausted, and as
no other woman had provided them with the necessary ideas, the report
never materialized. Senator Vance, however, as chairman of this Select
Suffrage Committee asked for a clerk at this time, to be paid out of
the contingent fund.

The House Judiciary Committee granted a hearing January 28, which was
addressed by Miss Anthony, Mrs. Hooker, Mrs. Duniway, Mrs. Minor, the
Rev. Olympia Brown, Mrs. Colby, Miss Lavina A. Hatch (Mass.) and Mrs.
Ella M. Marble (Minn.). The committee took no action.

FOOTNOTES:

[73] It is a loss to posterity that Miss Shaw never writes her
addresses. She is beyond question the leading woman orator of this
generation, and is not surpassed in power by any of the men.

[74] See History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. II, p. 647.

[75] This was done, but no representation was allowed women in the
celebration.

CHAPTER X.

THE NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1890.

The winter of 1890 brought the usual crowd of eminent women to
Washington to attend the Twenty-second national convention of the
suffrage association, February 18-21. As the president, Mrs. Elizabeth
Cady Stanton, was to start for Europe on the 19th, the congressional
hearings took place previous to the convention and consisted only of
her address. The Senate hearing on February 8 was held for the first
time in the new room set apart for the Select Committee on Woman
Suffrage, but much objection was made because on account of its size
only a small audience could be admitted. Senators Vance, Farwell,
Blair and John B. Allen of the new State of Washington were present.
Mrs. Stanton said in part:

For almost a quarter of a century a body of intelligent and
law-abiding women have held annual conventions in Washington and
made their appeals before committees of the House and the Senate,
asking to be recognized as citizens of this Republic. A whole
generation of distinguished members, who have each in turn given
us aid and encouragement, have passed away--Seward, Sumner,
Wilson, Giddings, Wade, Garfield, Morton and Sargent--with
Hamlin, Butler and Julian still living, have all declared our
demands just, our arguments unanswerable.

In consulting at an early day as to the form in which our claims
should be presented, some said by an amendment to the
Constitution, others said the Constitution as it is, in spirit
and letter, is broad enough to protect the rights of every
citizen under our flag. But when the war came and we saw that it
took three amendments to make the slaves of the South
full-fledged citizens, we thought it would take at least one to
make woman's calling and election sure. So we asked for a
Sixteenth Amendment. But learned lawyers, Judges and Congressmen
took the ground that women were already enfranchised by the
Fourteenth Amendment. The House minority report in 1871, signed
by Benjamin F. Butler and William Loughridge, held that view. It
is an able, unanswerable argument on the whole question, based on
the oft-repeated principles of the Republican party at that
time. It stands to-day a living monument of the grossest
inconsistencies of which the Republican party ever was
guilty.[76] ...

We can not play fast and loose with the eternal principle of
justice without being caught sooner or later in the net of our
own weaving. The legitimate results of the war have been all
frittered away by political maneuvering. While Northern statesmen
have made a football of the rights of 12,000,000 women as voters,
and by Supreme Court decisions driven them from the polls, why
arraign the men in the South for treating 1,000,000 freedmen in
the same way? Are the rights of that class of citizens more
sacred than ours? Are the violations of the fundamental
principles of our Government in their case more dangerous than in
ours?...

In addressing those who already enjoy the right of suffrage, one
naturally would suppose that it would not be necessary to enlarge
on the advantages of having a voice in deciding the laws and the
rulers under which one lives. And neither would it if each member
of this committee understood that woman's wants and needs are
similar to his own; that the cardinal virtues belong to her as
well as to him; that personal dignity, the power of
self-protection, are as important for her as for him; that woman
loves justice, equality, liberty, and wishes the right to give
her consent to the Government under which she lives, as much as
man does. Matthew Arnold says: "The first desire of every
cultured mind is to take part in the great work of government."
...

If we would rouse new respect for womanhood in the hearts of the
masses, we must place woman in a position to respect herself,
which she can never do as long as her political status is beneath
that of the most degraded, ignorant classes of men. To make women
the political equals of their sons, or even of their gardeners
and coachmen, would add new dignity to their position; and to
change our laws and constitutions in harmony with the new status
would have its influence on the large class of young men now
devoting themselves to the study of the law. Lord Brougham said
long ago that the Common Law of England for women, and all the
statutes based on such principles, were a disgrace to the
Christianity and civilization of the nineteenth century. Do you
think our sons can rise from such studies with a high ideal of
womanhood? And with what feelings do you suppose women themselves
read these laws, and the articles in the State constitutions,
rating them with the disreputable and feeble-minded classes? Can
you not understand the dignity, the pride, the new-born
self-respect which would thrill the hearts of the women of this
nation in their enfranchisement? It would elevate their sphere of
action and every department of labor in which they are occupied;
it would give new force to their words as teachers, reformers and
missionaries, new strength to their work as guardians of the
young, the wayward and the unfortunate. It would transform them
from slaves to sovereigns, crowned with the rights of
citizenship, with the ballot, that scepter of power, in their own
right hands....

If there are any who do not wish to vote, that is the strongest
reason for their enfranchisement. If all love of liberty has been
quenched in their souls by their degraded condition, the duties
of citizenship and the responsibility of self-government should
be laid upon them at once, for their pitiful indifference is
merely the result of their disfranchisement. Would that I could
awake in the minds of my countrywomen the full significance of
this demand for the right of suffrage; what it is to be queens in
their own right, intrusted with the power of self-government,
possessed of all the privileges and immunities of American
citizens....

Whoever heard of an heir apparent to a throne in the Old World
abdicating her rights because some conservative politician or
austere bishop doubted woman's capacity to govern? History
affords no such example. Those who have had the right to a throne
have invariably taken possession of it and, against intriguing
cardinals, ambitious nobles and jealous kinsmen, fought even to
the death to maintain the royal prerogatives which by inheritance
were theirs. When I hear American women, descendants of
Jefferson, Hancock and Adams, say they do not want to vote, I
feel that the blood of the revolutionary heroes must long since
have ceased to flow in their veins.

Suppose when the day dawned for Victoria to be crowned Queen of
England she had gone before the House of Commons and begged that
such terrible responsibilities might not be laid upon her,
declaring that she had not the moral stamina nor intellectual
ability for the position; that her natural delicacy and
refinement shrank from the encounter; that she was looking
forward to the all-absorbing duties of domestic life, to a
husband, children, home, to her influence in the social circle
where the Christian graces are best employed. Suppose with a
tremulous voice and a few stray tears in her blue eyes, her head
drooping on one side, she had said she knew nothing of the
science of government; that a crown did not befit a woman's brow;
that she had not the physical strength even to wave her nation's
flag, much less to hold the scepter of power over so vast an
empire; that in case of war she could not fight and hence could
not reign, as there must be force behind the throne, and this
force must be centered in the hand which governed. What would her
Parliament have thought? What would other nations have
thought?...

None of you would admit, honorable gentlemen, that all the great
principles of government which center round our theories of
justice, liberty and equality in favor of individual sovereignty
have not as yet produced as high a type of womanhood as has a
monarchy in the Old World. We have a large number of women as
well fitted as Victoria for the most responsible positions in the
Government, who could fill the highest places with equal dignity
and wisdom.

There is no subject more intensely interesting to men than the
science of government, and when their wives are intelligent on
all the questions it comprises they will be far more valuable
companions than they are to-day. Marriage means companionship, a
similarity of tastes and opinions, and where one of the parties
has no interest in or knowledge of those subjects most absorbing
to the other, the bonds of union necessarily are weakened. So
long as woman's thought is centered in personal and family
aggrandizement, her strongest influence will be used to keep
man's interest there also. The virtue of patriotism would be far
greater among men, their devotion to the public good far more
earnest, if the influences of home life were not continually
drawing them into a narrow selfishness.

Women naturally take no interest in questions where their
opinions have no weight, in a sphere of action from which they
are excluded. They are not supposed to know what is necessary for
the public good, hence how could they influence their husbands to
make that their first duty when in public life? But when women
are enfranchised their interest in the State will deepen. They
will see that the welfare of their own children depends as much
on the conditions of the outside world as on the environments of
their own homes. This settled discontent of women is exerting an
insidious influence which is undermining the very foundations of
the home as well as the State. We must rouse them to new hopes,
new ambitions, new aspirations, through the enjoyment of the
blessings of freedom and self-government.

Moreover, an active participation in the practical duties of
government by educated women would bring a new and needed element
to the State. We can not overestimate the influence women exert,
whether for good or ill, hence the immense importance of their
having right views on all questions of public interest and some
knowledge of the requirements of practical politics. But their
power to-day is wholly irresponsible and hence dangerous. Lay on
them the responsibility of legislating, with all the criticism
and odium of a constituency and a party, in case they make some
blunder, and you render them wiser in judgment and more
deliberate in action. To secure this large disfranchised class as
allies to one of the leading parties would be a wise measure for
that party and bring a new element of morality and intelligence
into the body politic. Women are now taking a more active part in
public affairs than ever before and, with political freedom,
always will be the reserved moral power to sustain great men in
their best endeavors.

An interesting conversation followed. Chairman Zebulon B. Vance (N.
C.) asked Mrs. Stanton if women would be willing to go to war if they
had the ballot. She answered that they would decide whether there
should be war. He inquired whether women would not lose their refining
influence and moral qualities if they engaged in men's work. She
replied that there would have to be a definition of "men's work" and
that she found the latter in many avocations, such as washing,
cooking, and selling needles and tape, which might be considered the
work of women. "The moral qualities," she said, "are more apt to grow
when a human being is useful, and they increase in the woman who helps
to support the family rather than in the one who gives herself to
idleness and fashionable frivolities. The consideration of questions
of legislation, finance, free trade, etc., certainly would not degrade
woman, nor is her refinement so evanescent a virtue that it could be
swept away by some work which she might do with her hands. Queen
Victoria looked as dignified and refined in opening Parliament as any
lady one ever had seen."

Miss Susan B. Anthony, who was never so happy as when her beloved
friend was scoring a victory, said there would always be a division of
labor, in time of war as in time of peace. Women would do their share
in the hospitals and elsewhere, and if they were enfranchised, the
only difference would be that they would be paid for their services
and pensioned at the close of the war. Mrs. Colby reminded the
committee that the report of the U. S. Commissioner of Labor showed
that the largest proportion of immoral women came from home life and
the more feminine occupations.

Mrs. Stanton drew from the chairman the admission that his wife wanted
the franchise, and he laughingly admitted that he had had the worst of
the discussion. Senator Allen expressed himself in favor of woman
suffrage, and Senator Charles B. Farwell said, "The suffragists have
logic, argument, everything on their side."

Another heaping was granted by the Senate Committee, February 24, when
they were addressed by the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, Mrs. Sallie Clay
Bennett, Mrs. Virginia L. Minor and Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby.

Later in the session Senator Henry W. Blair (N. H.) presented the
majority report of the Committee (No. 1576), the usual strong,
dignified statement. It closed as follows: "To deny the submission of
this joint resolution to the action of the Legislatures of the States
is analogous to the denial of the right of justice in the courts. It
is to say that no plaintiff shall bring his suit; no claimant of
justice shall be heard; and whatever may be the result to the friends
of woman suffrage when they reach the Legislatures of the States, it
is, in our belief, the duty of Congress to submit the joint resolution
and give them the opportunity to try their case."

Mrs. Stanton presented the same address before the House Judiciary
Committee, February 11, with the result that for the first time in
history a majority House report in favor of a Sixteenth Amendment was
submitted. It was presented by Lucien B. Caswell (Wis.) and said in
conclusion: "The disfranchisement of twelve millions of people, who
are citizens of the United States, should command from us an immediate
action. Since the women of this country are unjustly deprived of a
right so essential to complete citizenship in a republic as the
elective franchise, common justice requires that we should submit the
proposition for a change in the fundamental law to the State
Legislatures, where the correction can be made."[77]

The fiftieth birthday of Susan B. Anthony had been celebrated in New
York City in 1870 by a large number of prominent men and women, the
first instance of the kind on record. It had been decided by her
friends that her seventieth birthday should receive a similar
recognition, but that it should be more national in character. The
arrangements were made by Mrs. May Wright Sewall and Mrs. Rachel
Foster Avery, and on the evening of February 15 a distinguished
company of two hundred sat around the banquet tables in the great
dining-room of the Riggs House. Miss Anthony occupied the place of
honor, on her right Senator Blair and Mrs. Stanton, on her left Robert
Purvis, Mrs. Isabella Beecher Hooker and Mrs. Sewall, who presided. In
addition to the after-dinner speeches of these distinguished guests
there were clever and sparkling responses to toasts by the Rev. Anna
Howard Shaw, Mrs. Matilda Joslyn Gage, Miss Phoebe W. Couzins, the
Rev. Frederick A. Hinckley, Representative J. A. Pickler (S. D.), Mrs.
Colby, Mrs. Stanton's two daughters--Mrs. Harriot Blatch and Mrs.
Margaret Lawrence--Mrs. Laura Ormiston Chant of England, and others.
Mrs. Stanton began her address by saying: "If there is one part of my
life which gives me more intense satisfaction than another, it is my
friendship of more than forty years' standing with Susan B. Anthony."
The key-note to Miss Anthony's touching response was struck in the
opening sentence: "The thing I most hope for is that, should I stay on
this planet twenty years longer, I still may be worthy of the
wonderful respect you have manifested for me to-night."

Among the more than two hundred letters, poems and telegrams received
were those of George William Curtis, William Lloyd Garrison, John G.
Whittier, George F. Hoar, Lucy Stone, Frances E. Willard, Speaker
Thomas B. Reed, Mrs. John A. Logan, Thomas W. Palmer, the Rev. Olympia
Brown, Harriet Hosmer, Elizabeth Boynton Harbert, Alice Williams
Brotherton, Charles Nordhoff, Frank G. Carpenter, U. S. Senator Henry
L. Dawes, Neal Dow, Laura M. Johns, T. V. Powderly and Leonora M.
Barry. Most of the prominent newspapers in the country contained
editorial congratulations, and the _Woman's Tribune_ issued a special
birthday edition.

The convention opened in Metzerott's Music Hall, February 18, 1890,
continuing four days. The feature of this occasion which will
distinguish it in history was the formal union of the National and the
American Associations under the joint name. For the past twenty-one
years two distinctive societies had been in existence, both national
as to scope but differing as to methods. Negotiations had been in
progress for several years toward a uniting of the forces and, the
preliminaries having been satisfactorily arranged by committees from
the two bodies,[78] the officers and members of both participated in
this national convention of 1890.

Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, the newly-elected president of the united
societies, faced a brilliant assemblage of men and women as she arose
to make the opening address. Having declared that in going to England
as president of the National-American Association she felt more
honored than if sent as minister plenipotentiary of the United States,
she spoke to a set of resolutions which she presented to the
convention.[79] After reviewing the history of the movement for the
rights of woman and naming some of its brilliant leaders she said:

For fifty years we have been plaintiffs in the courts of justice,
but as the bench, the bar and the jury are all men, we are
nonsuited every time. Some men tell us we must be patient and
persuasive; that we must be womanly. My friends, what is man's
idea of womanliness? It is to have a manner which pleases
him--quiet, deferential, submissive, approaching him as a subject
does a master. He wants no self-assertion on our part, no
defiance, no vehement arraignment of him as a robber and a
criminal. While the grand motto, "Resistance to tyrants is
obedience to God," has echoed and re-echoed around the globe,
electrifying the lovers of liberty in every latitude and making
crowned heads tremble on their thrones; while every right
achieved by the oppressed has been wrung from tyrants by force;
while the darkest page on human history is the outrages on
women--shall men still tell us to be patient, persuasive,
womanly?

What do we know as yet of the womanly? The women we have seen
thus far have been, with rare exceptions, the mere echoes of men.
Man has spoken in the State, the Church and the Home, and made
the codes, creeds and customs which govern every relation in
life, and women have simply echoed all his thoughts and walked in
the paths he prescribed. And this they call womanly! When Joan of
Arc led the French army to victory I dare say the carpet knights
of England thought her unwomanly. When Florence Nightingale, in
search of blankets for the soldiers in the Crimean War, cut her
way through all orders and red tape, commanded with vehemence and
determination those who guarded the supplies to "unlock the doors
and not talk to her of proper authorities when brave men were
shivering in their beds," no doubt she was called unwomanly. To
me, "unlock the doors" sounds better than any words of
circumlocution, however sweet and persuasive, and I consider that
she took the most womanly way of accomplishing her object.
Patience and persuasiveness are beautiful virtues in dealing with
children and feeble-minded adults, but those who have the gift of
reason and understand the principles of justice, it is our duty
to compel to act up to the highest light that is in them, and as
promptly as possible.

Mrs. Stanton urged that women should have more power in church
management, saying:

As women are taking an active part in pressing on the
consideration of Congress many narrow sectarian measures, such as
more rigid Sunday laws, the stopping of travel, the distribution
of the mail on that day, and the introduction of the name of God
into the Constitution; and as this action on the part of some
women is used as an argument for the disfranchisement of all, I
hope this convention will declare that the Woman Suffrage
Association is opposed to all union of Church and State, and
pledges itself as far as possible to maintain the secular nature
of our Government. As Sunday is the only day that the laboring
man can escape from the cities, to stop the street-cars,
omnibuses and railroad trains would indeed be a lamentable
exercise of arbitrary authority. No, no, the duty of the State is
to protect those who do the work of the world, in the largest
liberty, and instead of shutting them up in their gloomy tenement
houses on Sunday, to open wide the parks, horticultural gardens,
museums, libraries, galleries of art and the music halls where
they can listen to the divine melodies of the great masters.

She demanded that women declare boldly and decisively on all the vital
issues of the day, and said:

In this way we make ourselves mediums through which the great
souls of the past may speak again. The moment we begin to fear
the opinions of others and hesitate to tell the truth that is in
us, and from motives of policy are silent when we should speak,
the divine floods of light and life flow no longer into our
souls. Every truth we see is ours to give the world, not to keep
for ourselves alone, for in so doing we cheat humanity out of
their rights and check our own development.

As Mrs. Stanton finished she introduced her daughter, Mrs. Blatch, a
resident of England, who in a few impressive remarks showed that on
the great socialistic questions of the day--capital and labor, woman
suffrage, race prejudice--England was liberal and the United States
conservative; that the latter had beautiful ideas but did not apply
them, and tended too much to the worship of legislation.

The Hon. Wm. Dudley Foulke, retiring president of the American
Association, an uncompromising advocate of woman's enfranchisement,
then made a strong and scholarly address in the course of which he
said:

The fundamental rights of self-government, the right of each man
to cast his single vote and have it counted as it is cast, is of
greater and more lasting importance than any of the temporary
consequences which flow from the result of any election. Beyond
all matters of expediency and good administration lies the great
question of human liberty and equality, which can only be
maintained by the uncorrupted equal suffrage of every citizen;
and so sacred is this in the eyes of the law that years of
penitentiary service are prescribed for the interference with the
right of a single human being of the male sex to cast the vote
which the law allows him.

But there may be a moral guilt outside the law, of a character
quite similar to that which is so punished when it comes within
the terms of the statute, and it may be the crime, not of a
single lawbreaker, but of the entire community that establishes
the constitutions and enacts the statutes, which denies these
equal rights to citizens who are subject to equal burdens.
Wherever the rule of power is substituted for the just and
equitable principle that all who are subject to government should
have a voice in controlling it, we are guilty under the form of
law of the same violation of the just rights of others for which
the corruptor of elections and the forger of tally-sheets is
tried, convicted and incarcerated. Yet from the remotest times
the world has done this thing, for equal rights have never been
conceded to women, and so warped are our convictions by custom
and prejudice that a denial of their political equality seems as
natural as the breath we draw....

Paternalism in government, which seeks to do good to the people
against their will, is wrong in the Czar of Russia and in old
King George, but is quite right and just when it affects only our
wives, sisters and daughters! They have everything they need, why
ask the ballot? Ah, my friends, so long as they have not the
right to determine the thing they need, so long as the ultimate
sovereignty remains with men to say what is good and what is bad
for them, they are deprived of that which we, as men, esteem the
most precious of all rights. I suppose there never was a time
when men did not believe that women had everything they ought to
want; that they had as much as was good for them. The woman must
obey in consideration of the kind protection which her lord
vouchsafes to her. The wife's property ought to belong to the
husband, because upon him the law casts the burden of sustaining
the family. There must be a ruler, and the husband ought to be
that one. But this is the same principle which, during thousands
of years, maintained the divine right of kings. When we apply it
to our system of suffrage the number of sovereigns is increased,
that is all. It is a recognition of the divine right of man to
legislate for himself and woman too. It is only a difference in
the number of autocrats and the manner in which their decrees are
promulgated....

By what argument can a man defend his own suffrage as a right and
not concede an equal right to woman? A just man ought to accord
to every other human being, even his own wife, the rights which
he demands himself.

"But she has her sphere and she ought not go beyond it." My
friend, who gave you the right to determine what that sphere
should be? If nature prescribes it, nature will carry out her own
ordinances without your prohibitory legislation. I have the
greatest contempt for the sort of legislation which seeks to
enable nature to carry out her own immutable laws. I would have
very little respect for any decree, enacted with whatever
solemnity, which should prescribe that an object shall fall
towards the earth and not from it; and I have just as little
respect for any statute of man which enacts that women shall
continue to love and care for their children by shutting them out
from political action and preferment lest they should neglect the
duties of the household....

"But," say you, "woman is already adequately represented. She
does not form a separate class. She has no interests different
from those of her husband, brother or father." These arguments
have been used even by so eminent an authority as John Bright. Is
it indeed a fact? Wherever woman owns property which she would
relieve from unjust taxation; wherever she has a son whom she
would preserve from the temptations of intemperance, or a
daughter from the enticements of a libertine, or a husband from
the conscriptions of war, she has a separate interest which she
is entitled to protect.

"But she can control legislation by her influence." If it were
proposed to take away our right to vote, we would think it a
satisfactory answer that our influence would still remain? If she
has influence she is entitled to that and her vote too. You have
no right to burn down a man's house because you leave him his
lot.

"But woman does not want the suffrage." How do you know? have you
given her an opportunity of saying so? Wherever the right has
been accorded it has been generally exercised, and the best proof
of her wishes is the actual use which she makes of the ballot
when she has it. But it makes no difference whether all women
want to vote or whether most women want to vote, so long as there
is one woman who insists upon this simple right, the justice of
America can not afford to deny it....

At the close of Mr. Foulke's address Mrs. Stanton was obliged to leave
in order to reach New York City in time for her steamer. The entire
audience arose, the women waving handkerchiefs and the men joining in
three farewell cheers.

One splendid address followed another, morning and evening, while the
afternoons were occupied with business meetings, and even here there
were many little speeches which were worthy of preservation. Among
them was one of Miss Anthony's, in which she said: "If it is
necessary, I will fight forty years more to make our platform free for
the Christian to stand upon, whether she be a Catholic and counts her
beads, or a Protestant of the straightest orthodox sect, just as I
have fought for the rights of the 'infidels' the last forty years.
These are the principles I want to maintain--that our platform may be
kept as broad as the universe, that upon it may stand the
representatives of all creeds and of no creeds--Jew and Christian,
Protestant and Catholic, Gentile and Mormon, believer and atheist."

Mrs. Isabella Beecher Hooker (Conn.) discussed The Centennial of 1892,
demanding the recognition of women. Mrs. Mary Seymour Howell (N. Y.)
spoke on the Present, the Destiny of To-day. Mrs. Ormiston Chant
(Eng.) depicted the glory of The Coming Woman. Mrs. Carrie Chapman
Catt made her first appearance on the national platform with an
address on The Symbol of Liberty, describing political conditions with
a keen knowledge of the facts and showing their need of the
intelligence, morality and independence of women. The subject selected
by Miss Phoebe W. Couzins, herself an office-holder, was Woman's
Influence in Official Government.

Henry B. Blackwell made a strong speech on Woman Suffrage a Growth of
Civilization. He read a letter from Lucy Stone, his wife, who was to
have spoken on The Progress of Women but was prevented by illness, in
which she said: "The time is full of encouragement for us. We look
back to our small beginnings and over the many years of constant
endeavor to secure for women the application of the principles which
are the foundation of a representative government. Now we are a host.
Both Houses of Congress and the legislative bodies in nearly all the
States, have our questions before them. So has the civilized world.
Surely at no distant day the sense of justice which exists in
everybody will secure our claim, and we shall have at last a truly
representative government, of the people, by the people and for the
people. We may, therefore, rejoicing in what is already gained, look
forward with hope to the future."

A large audience listened to the address of Mrs. Julia Ward Howe on
The Chivalry of Reform, during which she said:

The political enfranchisement of woman has long been sought upon
the ground of abstract right and justice. This ground is surely
the soundest and safest basis for any claim to rest upon. But
mankind, after yielding a general obedience to the moral law,
will reserve for themselves a certain freedom in its application
to particular things. Even in so imperative a matter as the
salvation of their own souls they will not be content with
weights and measures. The touch of sentiment must come in,
uplifting what law knocks down, freeing what it trammels,
satisfying man's love for freedom by ministering to his sense of
beauty. When this subtle power joins itself to the demonstrations
of reason, the victory is sure and lasting.

It is in the grand order of these ideas that I stand here to
advocate the enfranchisement of my sex. Morally, socially,
intellectually equal with men, it is right that we should be
politically equal with them in a society which claims to
recognize and uphold one equal humanity. I do not say it is _our_
right. I say it is right--God's right and the world's.

In the name of high sentiment then, in the name of all that good
men profess, I ask that the gracious act may be consummated which
will admit us to the place that henceforth befits us, that of
equal participants with you in the sovereignty of the people. Do
this in the spirit of that mercy whose quality is not strained.
Remember that the neglect of justice brings with it the direst
retribution. Make your debt to us a debt of honor, and pay it in
that spirit; if you do not pay it, dread the proportions which
its arrears will assume. Remember that he who has the power to do
justice and refrains from doing it, will presently find it doing
itself, to his no small discomfiture....

Women, trained for the moral warfare of the time, armed with the
fine instincts which are their birthright, are not doomed to sit
forever as mere spectators in these great encounters of society.
They are to deserve the crown as well as to bestow it; to meet
the powers of darkness with the powers of light; to bring their
potent aid to the eternal conquest of right. And let me say here
to those women who not only hang back from this encounter but who
throw obstacles in the way of true reform and progress, that the
shallow ground upon which they stand is within the belt of the
moral earthquake, and that what they build upon it will be
overthrown....

The Rev. Miss Shaw, in an address filled with humor as well as logic,
treated of Our Unconscious Allies, among whom she included clergymen
who oppose equal suffrage, the women remonstrants with their weak
documents, the colleges which try to keep out girls, and the many
cases of outrage and wrong committed by "our motherless Government."
The Rev. Olympia Brown replied to the question, Where is the Mistake?
With great power and earnestness she pointed out the mistakes made by
our Government during the century of its existence and demanded the
correction of the greatest one of all--the exclusion of women.

The address of Mrs. Zerelda G. Wallace (Ind.), A Whole Humanity,
aroused the universal sympathy and appreciation of the audience,
permeated as it was with the spirit of love, charity and justice:

....The animus of this movement for woman's freedom has been
mistaken in the idea that it meant competition between women and
men; to my thought it simply means co-operation in the work of
the world. The man is to bring the physical forces, and he has
done that work magnificently. I never go over this continent and
see what men have done, that I do not feel like bowing my head in
reverence to their wisdom, their strength, their power, and I
think the nearest thing we see to divinity is the incarnation of
the God-head in a grand good man.

But there are other forces which must be brought into subjection
to humanity before we reach the highest development, and those
are the moral and spiritual forces. That is woman's share
largely, not that I exempt man, but pre-eminently woman is the
teacher of the race; in virtue of her motherhood she is the
character builder; she forms the soul life; she rears the
generations. It is not part of woman's work to contend with man
for supremacy over the material forces. It was never told to
woman that she should earn her bread by the sweat of her brow.
That was man's curse. He was to earn his bread and woman's too,
if he faithfully performed his duty, and we are not "dependents"
even if he does that. I never allow a man to say in my presence
that he "supports" his wife, and I want every woman to take the
same position. I would correct any man and tell him he was
mistaken in his phraseology if he should say anything of that
kind. You have something different to do, my sisters. You shall
hate evil, was said to woman, and evil shall hate you. There
shall go forth from you an influence which shall ultimately
exterminate evil.... The men of this nation would never have made
the success they have in the material world, if some stronger
force had limited them on all sides.

I said a moment ago that I do not like the idea of dependence of
women on men, or the dependence of men on women. I do not like
the word independence, but I do like the word interdependence. It
is said of this beautiful country, "United we stand, divided we
fall." It is the same with men and women. Men without women would
go back to barbarism, and women without men would be most
frivolous and vain. If we work not in competition but in
co-operation and harmony we shall bring the race to its ultimate
inheritance, which is rulership over the universe.

Now to deprive woman of the right to express her thought with
authority at the ballot-box in regard to the laws under which she
is governed, puts a mark of imbecility upon her at once. So far
as the Government is concerned we are held in perpetual tutelage,
we are minors always, and while good men will act justly towards
women, it is an excuse for every bad and foolish man to oppress
them, and every unfledged boy to make them the subject of
ridicule....

I believe the great majority of American men love our free
institutions; I believe they have hope and pride in the future of
this nation; but as sure as you live, every argument you use
against the enfranchisement of women deals a death-blow against
the fundamental principle which lies at the base of our
government, and it is treason to bring an argument against it.

Another thing which you permit is reacting now to the detriment
of our free institutions; if from prejudice or expediency you
think you have a right to withhold the ballot from the women of
this nation, you have but to go one step further and deprive any
other class of a right they already have, should you think it
expedient to do so. It is beginning to bear its fruit now in your
elections. You are becoming demoralized; ballots are bought and
sold; you have your blocks of five; and in some entire
communities the men are deprived of the right of suffrage. It is
simply a question of time how long you will be able to maintain
the freedom you cherish for yourselves.

If we women are citizens, if we are governed, if we are a part of
the people, according to the plain declarations of the
fundamental principles which underlie this nation, we are as much
entitled to vote as you, and you can not make an argument against
us that would not disfranchise yourselves.

I feel this phase of the question more acutely than any other
because I think from a fundamental standpoint the progress of the
race is bound up in republican institutions. It is not a question
of woman's rights, it is a question of human rights, of the
success or failure of these institutions, and the more highly
cultured a woman is the more deeply she feels this
humiliation....

I do not think it weakness to say that women love, and that love
predominates in their nature, because, my friends, love is the
only immortal principle in the universe. Love is to endure
forever. Faith will be swallowed up in knowledge after a while,
and hope in fruition, but love abides forever. It is peculiarly
an attribute of our feminine nature to love our offspring over
everything else; for them we would peril our lives; and for the
men of this nation, under our form of government, to say to us
that we shall not have the power which will enable us through
laws and legislation to decide the conditions which shall
surround them, and throw the mother love around these children
from the cradle to the grave, is an inhuman use of their
authority....

The Washington _Star_ said: "If the first day of the convention was
Mrs. Stanton's, the rest have belonged to Miss Anthony, 'Saint Susan,'
as her followers love to call her. As vice-president-at-large she
presided over every session, and never was in better voice or more
enthusiastic spirits. As she sat by the table clad in a handsome dress
of black satin, she was the life and soul of the meetings.... She does
not make much noise with her gavel,[80] nor does she have to use it
often, but she manages to keep the organization over which she
presides in a state of order that puts to shame many a convention of
the other sex. Business is transacted in proper shape, and every
important measure receives its due share of attention. There is no
filibustering. The speakers who have been invited to address the
convention are listened to with attention and interest. When speeches
are on the program they are made. When resolutions are desired they
are presented, discussed, rejected or adopted as the case may be....
There are no attempts to push through unsuitable measures in haste and
without the necessary attention. If any of those who have not attended
the meetings of the association are of the opinion that serious
breaches of parliamentary usage are committed through ignorance or
with intent, they are laboring under a decided delusion."

The business meeting devoted to a discussion of Our Attitude toward
Political Parties proved to be the most exciting of the series. Among
the speakers were Mr. Foulke, Mrs. Sewall, Mrs. Howe, Miss Blackwell,
Mrs. Blake, the Rev. Mr. Hinckley, Mrs. Alice M. A. Pickler, Mrs.
Ellen Sully Fray, Mr. Blackwell, Miss Shaw, Mrs. Martha McClellan
Brown, the Rev. Mrs. Brown, Mrs. Martha E. Root and Miss Mary Desha.
Without exception the sentiment was in favor of keeping strictly aloof
from all political alliances. It was pointed out that repeatedly the
promises made by politicians were violated and the planks in the
platforms ignored; it was shown that the suffrage can be gained only
through the assistance of men in all parties; and it was proved
beyond doubt that in the past, where members had allied themselves
with a political party it had injured the cause of woman suffrage.

In addition to the speakers already mentioned Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Col.
D. R. Anthony, Ellen Battelle Dietrick, Laura Clay, the Hon. J. A.
Pickler, Sallie Clay Bennett, Margaret W. Campbell, Laura M. Johns,
Frances Ellen Burr, Frances Stuart Parker, Dr. Frances Dickinson and
others participated in the various discussions of the convention.

A deep interest was felt in the pending woman suffrage amendment in
South Dakota. The subject was presented by Representative and Mrs.
Pickler, national speakers were appointed to canvass the State and a
fund of over $5,000 was eventually raised.

Tributes of respect were paid to Caroline Ashurst Biggs and Margaret
Bright Lucas of England, U. S. Senator Elbridge G. Lapham, Maria
Mitchell, the great astronomer, Prudence Crandall Philleo, Harriet
Winslow Sewall, Amy Post, Wm. D. Kelley, M. C., Dinah Mendenhall,
Emerine J. Hamilton, Amanda McConnell and other friends and supporters
of woman suffrage who had passed away during the year.

The vote for officers of the united association, which was limited
strictly to delegates, stood as follows: For president, Elizabeth
Cady Stanton, 131; Susan B. Anthony, 90; scattering, 2: for
vice-president-at-large, Susan B. Anthony, 213; scattering, 9.[81]
Rachel Foster Avery was elected recording secretary; Alice Stone
Blackwell, corresponding secretary; Jane H. Spofford, treasurer; Lucy
Stone, chairman of the executive committee by unanimous vote; Eliza T.
Ward and the Rev. Frederick A. Hinckley, auditors. The Rev. Anna
Howard Shaw was appointed national lecturer.

FOOTNOTES:

[76] See History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. II, p. 464.

[77] The other members in favor of this report were Ezra B. Taylor,
O., _Chairman_; George E. Adams, Ill.; James Buchanan, N. J.; Albert
C. Thompson, O.; H. C. McCormick, Penn., and Joseph R. Reed, Ia. The
six members from the Southern States were opposed.

[78] National:--May Wright Sewall, _Chairman_; Isabella Beecher
Hooker, Harriette R. Shattuck, Olympia Brown, Helen M. Gougar, Laura
M. Johns, Clara Bewick Colby, Virginia L. Minor, Abigail Scott
Duniway, Matilda Joslyn Gage, Mary B. Clay, Mary F. Eastman, Clara
Neymann, Sarah M. Perkins, Jane H. Spofford, Lillie Devereux Blake,
Elizabeth Boynton Harbert, Rachel Foster Avery, _Secretary_.
American:--Julia Ward Howe, _Chairman_; Wm. Dudley Foulke, Margaret W.
Campbell, Anna Howard Shaw, Mary F. Thomas, Hannah M. Tracy Cutler,
Henry B. Blackwell, _Secretary_.

[79] The resolutions declared the constitutional right of women to
vote, and continued:

_Resolved_, That as the fathers violated the principles of justice in
consenting to a three-fifths representation, and in recognizing
slavery in the Constitution, thereby making a civil war inevitable, so
our statesmen and Supreme Court Judges by their misinterpretation of
the Fourteenth Amendment, declaring that the United States has no
voters and that citizenship does not carry with it the right of
suffrage, not only have prolonged woman's disfranchisement but have
undermined the status of the freedman and opened the way for another
war of races.

WHEREAS, It is proposed to have a national law, restricting the right
of divorce to a narrower basis, and

WHEREAS, Congress has already made an appropriation for a report on
the question, which shows that there are 10,000 divorces annually in
the United States and the majority demanded by women, and

WHEREAS, Liberal divorce laws for wives are what Canada was for the
slaves--a door of escape from bondage, therefore,

_Resolved_, That there should be no farther legislation on this
question until woman has a voice in the State and National
Governments.

_Resolved_, That the time has come for woman to demand of the Church
the same equal recognition she demands of the State, to assume her
right and duty to take part in the revision of Bibles, prayer books
and creeds, to vote on all questions of business, to fill the offices
of elder, deacon, Sunday school superintendent, pastor and bishop, to
sit in ecclesiastical synods, assemblies and conventions as delegates,
that thus our religion may no longer reflect only the masculine
element of humanity, and that woman, the mother of the race, may be
honored as she must be before we can have a happy home, a rational
religion and an enduring government.

They concluded with a demand that the platform of the suffrage
association should recognize the equal rights of all parties, sects
and races.

[80] There is no woman in the world who has wielded the gavel at as
many conventions as has Miss Anthony.

[81] For account of Miss Anthony's determination not to accept the
presidency see her Life and Work, p. 631.

CHAPTER XI.

THE NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1891.

Immediately preceding the Twenty-third annual suffrage convention in
1891, the first triennial meeting took place of the National Council
of Women, which had been formed in 1888. It was held in Albaugh's
Opera House, Washington, beginning Sunday, February 22, and continuing
four days, an assemblage of the most distinguished women of the nation
in many lines of work. Miss Frances E. Willard presided and the other
officers contributed to the success of the Council--Miss Susan B.
Anthony, vice-president; Mrs. May Wright Sewall, corresponding
secretary; Miss Mary F. Eastman, recording secretary; Mrs. M. Louise
Thomas, treasurer. Ten national organizations were represented by
official delegates and forty sent fraternal delegates.

The Sunday services were conducted entirely by women, the Rev. Ida C.
Hultin giving the sermon from the text, "For the earth bringeth forth
fruit of herself; first the blade, then the ear, after that the full
corn in the ear." "And I saw a new heaven and a new earth". The
program of the week included Charities, Education, Temperance,
Religion, Organized Work, Political Status of Women, etc.[82] On
Saturday evening Mrs. Jane H. Spofford gave a large reception at the
Riggs House to the Council and the Suffrage Association. The latter
held its sessions February 26-March 1, occupying the same beautifully
decorated opera house which had been filled for four days by audiences
in attendance at the Council, who kept on coming, scarcely knowing the
difference.

The Call for this convention expressed the great joy over the action
of Congress during the past year in admitting Wyoming as a State with
woman suffrage in its constitution:

The admission of Wyoming into the Union as a State with equal
rights for women guaranteed in its organic law, not only sets a
seal of approval upon woman suffrage after a practical experience
of twenty-one years, but it makes woman a recognized factor in
national politics. Hereafter the Chief Executive and both Houses
of Congress will owe their election partly to the votes of women.
The injustice and absurdity of allowing women in one State to be
sovereign rulers, and across the line in every direction obliging
them to occupy the position of a subject class, taxed without
representation and governed without consent--and this in a nation
which by its Constitution guarantees equal rights to all the
States and equal protection to all their citizens--must soon be
manifest even to the most conservative and prejudiced. We
therefore congratulate the friends of woman suffrage everywhere
that at last there is one spot under the American flag where
equal justice is done to women. Wyoming, all hail; the first true
republic the world has ever seen!

The program attracted considerable attention from a design on the
cover showing a woman yoked with an ox to the plow, and, looking down
upon them a girl in a college cap and gown with the inscription,
"Above the Senior Wrangler," referring to the recent victory at
Cambridge University, England, by Philippa Fawcett, in outranking the
male student who stood highest in mathematics. The first session was
opened by the singing of Mrs. Elizabeth Boynton Harbert's inspiring
hymn, The New America. After a welcome by Mrs. Ella M. S. Marble,
president of the District W. S. A., Miss Anthony read the address of
Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who was in England, entitled, The
Degradation of Disfranchisement, which said in part:

Disfranchisement is the last lingering shadow of the old spirit
of caste which always has divided humanity into classes of
greater or less inferiority, some even below certain animals that
were considered special favorites with Heaven. One can not
contemplate these revolting distinctions among mankind without
amazement and disgust. This spirit of caste which has darkened
the lives of millions through the centuries still lives. The
discriminations against color and sex in the United States are
but other forms of this same hateful spirit, still sustained by
our religion as in the past. It is the outgrowth of the false
ideas of favoritism ascribed to Deity in regard to races and
individuals, but which have their origin in the mind of man.
Banish the idea of divine authority for these machinations of the
human mind, and the power of the throne and the church, of a
royal family and an apostolic order of succession, of kings and
queens, of popes and bishops, and man's headship in the State,
the Church, and the Home will be heard of no more forever....

All men of intelligence appreciate the power of holding the
ballot in their own hands; of having a voice in the laws under
which they live; of enjoying the liberty of self-government.
Those who have known the satisfaction of wielding political
influence would not willingly accept the degradation of
disfranchisement. Yet men can not understand why women should
feel aggrieved at being deprived of this same protection, dignity
and power. This is the Gibraltar of our difficulties to-day. We
can not make men see that women feel the humiliation of their
petty distinctions of sex precisely as the black man feels those
of color. It is no palliation of our wrongs to say that we are
not socially ostracized as he is, so long as we are politically
ostracized as he is not. That all orders of foreigners also rank
politically above the most intelligent, highly-educated
women--native-born Americans--is indeed the most bitter drop in
the cup of our grief which we are compelled to swallow....

Again, the degradation of woman in the world of work is another
result of her disfranchisement. Some deny that, and say the
laboring classes of men have the ballot yet they are still
helpless victims of capitalists. They have the power and hold the
weapon of defense but have not yet learned how to use it. The
bayonet, the sword, the gun, are of no value to the soldier until
he knows how to wield them. Yet without the weapons of defense
what could individuals and nations do in time of war for their
own protection? The first step in learning to use a gun or a
ballot is to possess one....

Man has the prestige of centuries in his favor, with the force to
maintain it, and he has possession of the throne, which is
nine-tenths of the law. He has statutes and Scriptures and the
universal usages of society all on his side. What have women? The
settled dissatisfaction of half the race, the unorganized
protests of the few, and the open resistance of still fewer. But
we have truth and justice on our side and the natural love of
freedom and, step by step, we shall undermine the present form of
civilization and inaugurate the mightiest revolution the world
has ever witnessed. But its far-reaching consequences themselves
increase the obstacles in the way of success, for the selfish
interests of all classes are against us. The rulers in the State
are not willing to share their power with a class over whom as
equals they could never obtain absolute control, whose votes they
could not manipulate to maintain the present conditions of
injustice and oppression....

Again, the rulers in the church are hostile to liberty for a sex
supposed for wise purposes to have been subordinated to man by
divine decree. The equality of woman as a factor in religious
organizations would compel an entire change in church canons,
discipline, authority, and many doctrines of the Christian faith.
As a matter of self-preservation, the church has no interest in
the emancipation of woman, as its very existence depends on her
blind faith....

Society at large, based on the principle that might makes right,
has in a measure excluded women from the profitable industries of
the world, and where she has gained a foothold her labor is at a
discount. Man occupies the ground and holds the key to the
situation. As employer, he plays the cheap labor of a
disfranchised class against the employe, thus in a measure
undermining his independence, making wife and daughter in the
world of work the rivals of husband and father.

The family, too, is based on the idea of woman's subordination,
and man has no interest, as far as he sees, in emancipating her
from that despotism by which his narrow, selfish interests are
maintained under the law and religion of the country.

Here, then, is a fourfold bondage, so many cords tightly twisted
together, strong for one purpose. To attempt to undo one is to
loosen all.... To my mind, if we had at first bravely untwisted
all the strands of this fourfold cord which bound us, and
demanded equality in the whole round of the circle, while
perhaps, we should have had a harder battle to fight, it would
have been more effective and far shorter. Let us henceforth meet
conservatives on their own ground and admit that suffrage for
woman does mean political, religious, industrial and social
freedom--a new and a higher civilization....

Woman's happiness and development are of more importance than all
man's institutions. If constitutions and statute laws stand in
the way of woman's emancipation, they must be amended to meet her
wants and needs, of which she is a better judge than man possibly
can be. If church canons and scriptures do not admit of woman's
equal recognition in all the sacred offices, then they must be
revised in harmony with that idea. If the present family life is
necessarily based on man's headship, then we must build a new
domestic altar, at which the mother shall have equal dignity,
honor and power; and we do not propose to wait another century to
secure all this; the time has come....

Miss Anthony, with an allusion to pioneer days, then introduced Lucy
Stone, who, amid much applause, said that, while this was the first
time she had stood beside Susan B. Anthony in a Washington suffrage
convention, she had stood beside her on more than one hard-fought
battle-field before many of those present were born. After sketching
briefly the progress of the last forty years and giving some trying
personal experiences, she said in conclusion: "The vote will not make
a man of a woman, but it will enable her to demand and receive many
things which are hers by right; to do the things which ought to be
done, to prevent what ought not to be done. Women and men can help
each other in making the world better. This is not an anti-man
movement, but an effort toward the highest good of the race. We can
congratulate ourselves upon what we have gained, but the root of the
evil still remains--the root of disfranchisement. All organizations of
women should join with us in pulling steadily at this deeply-planted
and obstinate root."

Mrs. Isabella Beecher Hooker (Conn.) read an able paper on Woman in
Politics and Jurisprudence, in which she showed the necessity in
politics and in law of a combination of the man's and the woman's
nature, point of view and distinguishing characteristics.

The second evening Mrs. Julia Ward Howe gave an address on The
Possibilities of the American Salon, and the Rev. Anna Garlin Spencer
considered The Democratic Principle. Mrs. Spencer pointed out that the
reason why the advance in the specific line of woman suffrage had not
been so great as in some other directions was because its advocates
had to contend with a reaction of disbelief in the democratic
principle. In expressing her own faith in this principle she said:
"There are wisdom enough and virtue enough in this country to take
care of all its ignorance and wickedness. The difficulty is that the
average American citizen does not know that he wears a crown. And oh,
the pity of it, and the shame of it, when some of us women, who do
feel the importance of the duty of suffrage and who need no man to
teach us patriotism, wish to help in this work that any man should say
us nay!"

Miss Florence Balgarnie, who brought the greetings of a number of
great English associations,[83] gave a comprehensive sketch of The
Status of Women in England. The Rev. Ida C. Hultin (Ills.) followed in
an eloquent appeal that there should be no headship of either man or
woman alone, but that both should represent humanity; government is a
development of humanity and if woman is human she has an equal right
in that development. Mrs. Ellen Battelle Dietrick (Mass.) showed that
the present supremacy of men was a reaction from the former undue
supremacy of women, and brought out many historical points of deep
interest. Mrs. Josephine K. Henry spoke on The Kentucky Constitutional
Convention, illustrating the terrible injustice of the laws of that
State in regard to women and the vain efforts of the latter to have
them changed. The Rev. Frederick A. Hinckley (R. I.) lifted the
audience to the delectable heights, taking as a text, "Husband and
Wife are One." After illustrating the tendency of all nature and all
science toward unity and harmony, he said:

Humanity is the whole. Men alone are half a sphere; women alone
half a sphere; men and women together the whole of truth, the
whole of love, the whole of aspiration. We have come to recognize
this thought in nearly all the walks of life. We want to
acknowledge it in the unity of mankind. The central thought we
need in our creeds and in our lives is that of the solidarity and
brotherhood of the race. This movement derives its greatest
significance not because it opens a place here and there for
women; not because it enables women to help men; but because in
all the concerns of life it places man and woman side by side,
hand in hand, shoulder to shoulder, putting their best thought,
their finest feeling, their highest aspiration, into the work of
the world. This reflection gives us a lasting and sublime
satisfaction amid defeat and derision. Whatever of fortune or
misfortune befalls the Suffrage Association in the carrying on of
its work, this belief is the root which is calculated to sustain
and inspire us--that this movement is the next step in the
progress of the race towards the unification of humanity....

I look forward to the time when men and women, labor and capital,
all classes and all sections, shall work side by side with one
great co-operative spirit, the denizens of the world and the
keepers of human progress. When that time comes we may not have
reached the millennium but we shall be nearer to it. We shall
then together establish justice, temperance, purity of life, as
never has been done before. Earth's aspirations then shall grow
to events. The indescribable--that shall then be done.

U. S. Senator Joseph M. Carey was introduced by Miss Anthony as "the
man who on the floor of Congress fought Wyoming's battle for
Statehood." His address on Wyoming, the True Republic, was a leading
feature of the convention. He said in part:

On the tenth day of July last, the State of Wyoming was born and
the forty-fourth star took its place on the old flag. Never was
first-born more warmly welcomed, for not only had a commonwealth
been created, but the principle of equality of citizenship
without regard to sex had been fully recognized and incorporated
as a part of the constitution of the new State.

The adoption of a woman suffrage bill by the first Territorial
Legislature was graphically described, and after relating the
subsequent efforts for its repeal, and its incorporation finally into
the State constitution, he told of the struggle in Congress and said:

While I would not make invidious distinctions by giving the names
of those in both branches of Congress who favored Wyoming's
admission, I wish to say that I was agreeably surprised to have
many of the ablest members, both in public and private, disclose
the fact that they firmly believed the time would come when women
would be permitted to exercise full political rights throughout
the United States. They rejoiced that an opportunity had
presented itself by which they could show they had no prejudice
or opposition in their hearts to women's exercising the rights of
citizenship.

He closed with the following strong argument for the enfranchisement
of women:

Suffrage should be granted to women for two reasons: first,
because it will help women; and second, because it will promote
the interests of the State. Whatever doubt I may have entertained
in the past concerning either the first or second proposition,
has entirely disappeared. From the experiment made under my own
eyes I can state in all candor that suffrage has been a real
benefit to women. It gives them a character and standing which
they would not otherwise possess. It does not lower a woman to be
consulted about public affairs, but is calculated to make her
more intelligent and thoughtful in matters that concern her own
household, especially in bringing up her sons and daughters. It
increases her interest in those things which concern the great
body of the people. Men in office and out of office, particularly
those who expect to serve the public, are compelled to be more
considerate of her wishes, and more desirous of doing those
things which will secure her approval. The greater the number of
persons living under a government who are interested in the
administration of its affairs, its well-being and the perpetuity
of its institutions, the stronger the government and the more
difficult it will be to compass its overthrow....

We frequently hear it said that women will not vote if they have
the opportunity; or, if permitted to vote, such an inconsiderable
number will exercise the privilege that it will not be worth
while to encumber the electoral system by granting it. In all
matters in which women have an interest, as large a percentage
vote as of the other sex. They have the same interest in all
which pertains to good government. They have exercised the
privilege of voting not in a careless and indifferent manner but
in a way reflecting credit on their good sense and judgment.

I know women who have exercised the fullest political rights for
a period of more than twenty years. They have taken the deepest
interest in the political affairs of the Territory and young
State. Neither in their homes nor in public places have they lost
one womanly quality; but their minds have broadened and they
have become more influential in the community in which they live.
During these years I have never heard of any unhappiness brought
into the home on account of women's exercising their political
rights. A fair and unbiased test of this question has been made
by the people of Wyoming, and no unprejudiced man or woman who
has seen its workings, can now raise a single honest objection.
Where women have voted, the family relation has not been
destroyed, men have loved them none the less, the mountains have
not been shaken from their foundations, nor have social
earthquakes or political convulsions taken place....

In order that women shall be more influential citizens of the
State and better qualified to raise noble men and women to fight
the battles of life, and to carry out the true purpose of this
republic, they must possess the full rights of citizenship.

At the close of his speech the Senator was presented with a large
basket of roses from the delegates.

Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake (N. Y.) spoke on The Right of a Citizen to
a Trial by a Jury of His Peers, showing that women never have
possessed this right; that in many criminal cases, such as seduction
and infanticide, women could better understand the temptations than
could men; that the feminine heart, the maternal influence, are needed
in the court-room as well as in the home. Mrs. Lida A. Meriwether
(Tenn.) spoke in a keen, sarcastic but humorous manner of The Silent
Seven, "the legally mute"--minors, aliens, paupers, criminals,
lunatics, idiots and women.

The Rev. Anna Howard Shaw took for her subject Women vs. Indians, and
reviewed the suffrage amendment campaign in South Dakota the previous
year. In an address brimming and bubbling over with wit, satire and
pathos, she showed how much greater consideration the Indians received
from the men of that State than did women. She told how 45 per cent.
of the votes cast the preceding year were for male Indian suffrage and
only 37 per cent. for woman suffrage; how Indians in blankets and
moccasins were received in the State convention with the greatest
courtesy, and Susan B. Anthony and other eminent women were barely
tolerated; how, while these Indians were engaged in their ghost
dances, the white women were going up and down the State pleading for
the rights of citizens; how the law in that State gives not only the
property but the children to the husband, in the face of all the
hardships endured by those pioneer wives and mothers. She suggested
that the solution of the Indian question should be left to a
commission of women with Alice Fletcher at its head, and said in
closing: "Let all of us who love liberty solve these problems in
justice; and let us mete out to the Indian, to the negro, to the
foreigner, and to the woman, the justice which we demand for
ourselves, the liberty which we love for ourselves. Let us recognize
in each of them that One above, the Father of us all, and that all are
brothers, all are one."

The Moral and Political Emergency was presented by Mrs. Emma Smith
DeVoe (S. D.). Henry B. Blackwell and Mrs. Alice M. A. Pickler
described the South Dakota Campaign. Representative J. A. Pickler was
introduced by Miss Anthony as the candidate who, when told that if he
expressed his views on woman suffrage he would lose votes, expressed
them more freely than ever and ran ahead of his ticket; and his wife
as the woman who bade her husband to speak even if it lost him the
office, and who was herself the only Congressman's wife that ever took
the platform for the enfranchisement of women.

Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby took for her subject Ibsen's drama, A Doll's
House, and discussed its ethical problems, closing with the sentence:
"As long as the fighting qualities of woman remain, there is a chance
for the nation to make a robust, steady progress; but if these die out
and woman willingly surrenders herself for the sake of selfish ease to
the dominance of man, civilization is arrested and true manhood
becomes impossible." The convention ended with a scholarly address by
Wm. Lloyd Garrison (Mass.) on The Social Aspect of the Woman Question.

The present officers were re-elected. Mrs. Lucia E. Blount (D. C.),
chairman of the committee appointed to push the claim of Anna Ella
Carroll, reported that a great deal of work had been done by Mr. and
Mrs. Melvin A. Root of Michigan, Mrs. Colby and herself. Every
possible effort had been made but the prospect was that Congress would
do nothing for Miss Carroll. Miss Frances E. Willard brought an
invitation from Mrs. Harrison to the National Council of Women and the
members of all its auxiliary societies to attend a reception at the
White House, which was accepted by the convention. Mrs. Ellen M.
Henrotin presented in the name of Mrs. Bertha Honoré Palmer an
official invitation to the association to meet in Chicago during the
Columbian Exposition, promising a hall which would seat five thousand.

Miss Anthony announced that she had engaged permanent headquarters for
the association in the Wimodaughsis club building, which action was
ratified. It was decided to give especial attention to suffrage work
in the Southern States during the year. The wives of the two senators
from Wyoming, Mrs. Warren and Mrs. Carey, occupied seats on the
platform.

Mrs. Blake reported the work done by the Platform Committee in having
suffrage resolutions endorsed by a large number of Labor Unions. Miss
Sara Winthrop Smith had been equally successful in Granges and
branches of the Knights of Labor. Dr. Frances Dickinson, Dr. Lucy
Waite, Mrs. Corinne S. Brown and Mrs. Colby had visited the National
Convention of Locomotive Engineers and secured the endorsement of a
suffrage petition. They obtained also the cordial approval of T. V.
Powderly and the Knights of Labor, and of Samuel Gompers and the
Federation of Labor. The Illinois Trade and Labor Assembly endorsed
their petition. All of these bodies circulated suffrage petitions
among their members, as also did the Illinois Farmers' Mutual Benefit
Association and the Grand Army Posts, a number of which were reported
as heartily recommending the enfranchisement of women. Signatures
representing millions of voters were thus obtained.[84]

In addition to the resolutions adopted by the convention bearing
directly on suffrage, there was a demand for women on school boards
and as physicians, matrons and managers in all public institutions
containing women and children; and for a revision of the laws on
marriage and property.

On Sunday afternoon a great audience assembled for the closing
exercises. The sermon was given by the Rev. Caroline J. Bartlett from
the text, "The night is far spent, the day is at hand." It had been
said on the preceding Sunday that the sermon of Miss Hultin could not
be equalled. The verdict now was that the honors must be evenly
divided.

FOOTNOTES:

[82] A complete report of the able addresses made by specialists in
these subjects was prepared by the new corresponding secretary, Mrs.
Rachel Foster Avery, and placed by Miss Anthony in the large libraries
of the country.

[83] The Central National Society for Women's Suffrage; the Women's
Franchise Leagues of Edinburgh, Glasgow, Bedford, Bridgeport,
Leicester, Nottingham and York; the Bristol Woman's Temperance
Association; the International Arbitration and Peace Society; the
Woman Councillors' Society; the Women's Federal Association of Great
Britain.

[84] The funds necessary for this work were furnished by J. W.
Hedenberg of Chicago, who also made a personal appeal to many of these
bodies; but he claimed possession of the petitions, and for some
reason never permitted them to be presented to Congress.

CHAPTER XII.

NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION AND HEARINGS OF 1892.

The Twenty-fourth annual woman suffrage convention, held in the Church
of Our Father, Washington, D. C., Jan. 17-21, 1892, was preceded by
the usual services at three o'clock on Sunday afternoon. The text of
the sermon, by the Rev. Mila Tupper, was "Think on these things" and
it was devoted to a lofty consideration of "success through the moral
power of ideals." Unexpectedly the congressional hearings were set for
Monday morning, which called to the Capitol both Mrs. Elizabeth Cady
Stanton and Miss Susan B. Anthony, president and vice-president of the
association. The convention was called to order by the Rev. Anna
Howard Shaw, and Mrs. Caroline McCullough Everhard (O.) was made
chairman _pro tem_. Twenty-six States were represented by seventy-six
delegates, the reports showed a year of unprecedented activity and
there were requests from every State for speakers and organizers. The
treasurer reported receipts for the past year, $3,830.

The executive sessions throughout the convention were spirited and
interesting. After some discussion it was decided to carry the work
into the Southern States, and also to appropriate money and workers
for Kansas, where it was likely that an amendment for full suffrage
soon would be submitted. It was voted to accept the space offered at
the Columbian Exposition, to furnish and decorate a booth, circulate
literature, etc. The motion to have the next meeting in Chicago during
the Fair renewed the question of holding alternate conventions in some
other city besides Washington, but the measure was defeated.

Mrs. Stanton introduced a resolution in favor of keeping the World's
Fair open on Sunday, which was advocated and opposed with great
earnestness. The majority of opinion evidently was in favor of opening
the gates on Sunday but many felt that the subject was not germane to
the purposes of the association, while others were conscientiously
opposed to Sunday opening. Finally, in the midst of the controversy
Mrs. Stanton withdrew her resolution, saying that she had offered it
largely for the sake of discussion. Miss Shaw presented a resolution
opposing the sale of intoxicating liquor on the Fair Grounds, saying
that she did so as a matter of conscience and in order that it might
go on record. It was voted to call an international suffrage meeting
at Chicago during the Columbian Exposition. Miss Anthony urged more
systematic organization, special efforts with the Legislatures, the
securing of a Woman's Day at all Chautauqua Assemblies, county fairs,
camp meetings, etc.

At the earnest request of Mrs. Stanton, who had now reached the age of
seventy-six, she was permitted to retire from the presidency, and Miss
Anthony, aged seventy-two, was elected in her place. The Rev. Anna
Howard Shaw was made vice-president-at-large. Lucy Stone, who was now
seventy-four, begged to be released as chairman of the executive
committee, which was then abolished, the duties being transferred to
the business committee consisting of all the officers of the
association. Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Stone were made honorary
presidents.

This was Mrs. Stanton's last appearance at a national convention after
an attendance of forty years, but she never failed to take an active
interest in the proceedings and to send her speech to be read by Miss
Anthony. This also was the last time Lucy Stone appeared upon the
national platform, as she died the next year, and Miss Anthony alone,
of this remarkable trio of women, was left to carry forward the great
work.

The addresses of this convention were up to the high standard of those
which had preceded them during the past years, and no organization in
existence, of either men or women, can show a more brilliant record of
oratory. As Mrs. Stanton, Lucy Stone and Miss Anthony came on the
platform the first evening they were enthusiastically applauded. The
mental and physical vigor of Mrs. Stanton was much commented upon as
in a rich and resonant voice she read the speech which she had that
morning delivered before the Judiciary Committee of the House. It was
entitled The Solitude of Self, and is considered by many to be her
masterpiece.

Lucy Stone discussed The Outlook with clear vision. She contrasted the
woman of the past, her narrow life, her limited education, her
inferior position, with the educated, ambitious, independent woman of
to-day, and urged that the latter should be equal to her
opportunities, lay aside all frivolous things and labor unceasingly to
secure for her sex an absolute equality of civil and political rights.

In the half-humorous address of Mrs. Caroline Hallowell Miller (Md.)
on The Golden Rule, she said:

I am firmly convinced that our present powerless--I may almost
say ignominious--position arises not so much, as many aver, from
the lukewarmness of our own sex as from the supreme and absolute
indifference of men. With a few honorable exceptions, men do not
care one iota whether we vote or not....

Now if only men would take to betting on this question of woman
suffrage, if we could open it up as a field of speculation, if we
could manipulate it by some sort of patent process into stocks or
bonds and have it introduced into Wall Street, we should very
soon find ourselves emancipated. I keep on hoping that, by some
fortuitous chance, fate may eventually execute for us as
brilliant a _coup d'etat_ as did General Butler for the colored
slaves when he made them contraband of war, so that we shall just
tumble into freedom as they did very soon thereafter. Until then
let us trust in God, keep our powder very dry and our armies well
drilled and disciplined.

In an inspiring address on The True Daughters of the Republic, Mme.
Clara Neymann (N. Y.) pointed out the splendid material progress of
our country under the guidance of men, and urged that women should be
the power to lift it up to an equally exalted spiritual plane. The
paper of Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby (D. C.) on Wyoming, in which as a
Territory women had voted for twenty years and as a State for two
years, presented a most convincing array of statistics proving the
benefits of equal suffrage. Ex-Governor John W. Hoyt of Wyoming came
to the platform and corroborated these statements, paying a fine
tribute to the political influence of women. He was followed by Mrs.
Lida A. Meriwether (Tenn.), whose reputation as a humorist was fully
sustained in her clever portrayal of Dreams that Go by Contraries.
Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt (N. Y.) gave a brilliant address on The
Mission of a Republic.

In discussing The Value of Organizations for Women, Mrs. Elizabeth
Lyle Saxon (La.) said:

Among the various organizations of women the suffrage society
must rank first, for its demands have reached out and embraced
every reform which comes under the head of right, justice or
charity; and I am firmly persuaded that if the demand for the
ballot, the full right of citizenship, had not been made the
foundation of all other advantages, our organization would have
fallen apart and drifted into the more conservative and popular
lines along which less courageous women have successfully
worked....

Financial independence has been gained by many women, who, proud
of their own success, never try to benefit others, and fail to
comprehend the debt they owe to the brave, unselfish ones who
first made demands for them and who never ceased their efforts
until one after another the barriers were removed and
opportunities secured for thousands which they never could have
found themselves. It was this stanch band of pioneers, defying
criticism, scorn and hate, who forced open college doors, invaded
the law courts and stubbornly contested every inch of ground so
persistently held by fraud or force from the daughters of the
great republic....

Organized as women now are, they could pour such an overwhelming
moral influence into the political life of the country as to
become its saving grace; for when women vote they will show good
men, who have weakly shrunk from political duty, that they have a
moral and clean constituency to stand with them.

The platform proceedings of the convention closed with Miss Shaw's
splendid delineation of The Injustice of Chivalry.

Every suffrage convention for the last twelve years had been preceded
by a handsome reception at the Riggs House. This well-known and
commodious hotel had been the convention headquarters, and it also had
been the winter home of Miss Anthony, where she remained as a guest of
the proprietor, C. W. Spofford, and his wife, being thus enabled to do
a vast amount of congressional and political work, such as never has
been done since. The hotel now had passed into other hands and the
Washington _Post_, in speaking of this matter, said: "The delegates
feel like lost sheep without Mrs. Spofford's hospitality at the Riggs
House, which has always been headquarters for suffragist and all
women's conventions. Probably no one but those in the inner circle
will ever know just how much Mrs. Spofford has done for the
advancement of women in every direction. Whatever was hers was at the
disposal of the leaders, and in the absence of so much assistance it
is appreciated more nearly at its real worth."

[Illustration: MRS. ELIZABETH CADY STANTON.

Honorary President of National-American Woman Suffrage Association.]

The new club house of Wimodaughsis was opened for a reception to the
delegates by the District W. S. A., with Miss Anthony, Lucy Stone,
Mrs. Stanton, Henry B. Blackwell, and Miss Shaw, president of
Wimodaughsis, as guests of honor. All made clever little speeches
toward the close of the evening, which were supplemented with remarks
by Senator Joseph M. Carey (Wy.), Representatives J. A. Pickler (S.
D.), Martin N. Johnson (N. D.) and the Rev. Dr. Corey of the
Metropolitan church.

The hearing on January 17 was held for the first time before a
Judiciary Committee of the House, the majority of which was
Democratic.[85] The Washington _Star_ said: "The new members of the
committee were apparently surprised at receiving such a talk from a
woman and there was the most marked attention on the part of every one
present. Their surprise was still greater when they found that Mrs.
Stanton was not a phenomenal exception, but that every woman there
could make an argument which would do credit to the best of public
men."

The hearing before the Senate Committee on Woman Suffrage was held the
morning of February 20. Four of the greatest women this nation ever
produced addressed this committee, asking for themselves and their sex
a privilege which is freely granted without the asking to every man,
no matter how humble, how ignorant, how unworthy, who is not included
within the category of the insane, the idiotic, the convicted
criminal--Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, Lucy Stone,
Isabella Beecher Hooker. Mrs. Stanton (N. Y.) gave her address, The
Solitude of Self, in place of the old arguments so many times
repeated, saying in part:

The point I wish plainly to bring before you on this occasion is
the individuality of each human soul--our Protestant idea, the
right of individual conscience and judgment--our republican idea,
individual citizenship. In discussing the rights of woman, we are
to consider, first, what belongs to her as an individual, in a
world of her own, the arbiter of her own destiny, an imaginary
Robinson Crusoe with her woman Friday on a solitary island. Her
rights under such circumstances are to use all her faculties for
her own safety and happiness.

Secondly, if we consider her as a citizen, as a member of a
great nation, she must have the same rights as all other
members, according to the fundamental principles of our
Government.

Thirdly, viewed as a woman, an equal factor in civilization, her
rights and duties are still the same--individual happiness and
development.

Fourthly, it is only the incidental relations of life, such as
mother, wife, sister, daughter, which may involve some special
duties and training. In the usual discussion in regard to woman's
sphere, such men as Herbert Spencer, Frederick Harrison and Grant
Allen uniformly subordinate her rights and duties as an
individual, as a citizen, as a woman, to the necessities of these
incidental relations, some of which a large class of women never
assume. In discussing the sphere of man we do not decide his
rights as an individual, as a citizen, as a man, by his duties as
a father, a husband, a brother or a son, some of which he may
never undertake. Moreover he would be better fitted for these
very relations, and whatever special work he might choose to do
to earn his bread, by the complete development of all his
faculties as an individual. Just so with woman. The education
which will fit her to discharge the duties in the largest sphere
of human usefulness, will best fit her for whatever special work
she may be compelled to do.

The isolation of every human soul and the necessity of
self-dependence must give each individual the right to choose his
own surroundings. The strongest reason for giving woman all the
opportunities for higher education, for the full development of
her faculties, her forces of mind and body; for giving her the
most enlarged freedom of thought and action; a complete
emancipation from all forms of bondage, of custom, dependence,
superstition; from all the crippling influences of fear--is the
solitude and personal responsibility of her own individual life.
The strongest reason why we ask for woman a voice in the
government under which she lives; in the religion she is asked to
believe; equality in social life, where she is the chief factor;
a place in the trades and professions, where she may earn her
bread, is because of her birthright to self-sovereignty; because,
as an individual, she must rely on herself....

To throw obstacles in the way of a complete education is like
putting out the eyes; to deny the rights of property is like
cutting off the hands. To refuse political equality is to rob the
ostracized of all self-respect, of credit in the market place, of
recompense in the world of work, of a voice in choosing those who
make and administer the law, a choice in the jury before whom
they are tried, and in the judge who decides their punishment.
Shakespeare's play of Titus and Andronicus contains a terrible
satire on woman's position in the nineteenth century--"Rude men
seized the king's daughter, cut out her tongue, cut off her
hands, and then bade her go call for water and wash her hands."
What a picture of woman's position! Robbed of her natural rights,
handicapped by law and custom at every turn, yet compelled to
fight her own battles, and in the emergencies of life to fall
back on herself for protection....

How the little courtesies of life on the surface of society,
deemed so important from man towards woman, fade into utter
insignificance in view of the deeper tragedies in which she must
play her part alone, where no human aid is possible!

Nothing strengthens the judgment and quickens the conscience like
individual responsibility. Nothing adds such dignity to character
as the recognition of one's self-sovereignty; the right to an
equal place, everywhere conceded--a place earned by personal
merit, not an artificial attainment by inheritance, wealth,
family and position. Conceding then that the responsibilities of
life rest equally on man and woman, that their destiny is the
same, they need the same preparation for time and eternity. The
talk of sheltering woman from the fierce storms of life is the
sheerest mockery, for they beat on her from every point of the
compass, just as they do on man, and with more fatal results, for
he has been trained to protect himself, to resist, to conquer....

In music women speak again the language of Mendelssohn,
Beethoven, Chopin, Schumann, and are worthy interpreters of their
great thoughts. The poetry and novels of the century are theirs,
and they have touched the keynote of reform in religion, politics
and social life. They fill the editor's and professor's chair,
plead at the bar of justice, walk the wards of the hospital,
speak from the pulpit and the platform. Such is the type of
womanhood that an enlightened public sentiment welcomes to-day,
and such the triumph of the facts of life over the false theories
of the past.

Is it, then, consistent to hold the developed woman of this day
within the same narrow political limits as the dame with the
spinning wheel and knitting needle occupied in the past? No, no!
Machinery has taken the labors of woman as well as man on its
tireless shoulders; the loom and the spinning wheel are but
dreams of the past; the pen, the brush, the easel, the chisel,
have taken their places, while the hopes and ambitions of women
are essentially changed.

We see reason sufficient in the outer conditions of human beings
for individual liberty and development, but when we consider the
self-dependence of every human soul, we see the need of courage,
judgment and the exercise of every faculty of mind and body,
strengthened and developed by use, in woman as well as man....

With the earnest persuasiveness for which she had been noted nearly
half a century, Lucy Stone (Mass.) said:

I come before this committee with the sense which I always feel,
that we are handicapped as women in what we try to do for
ourselves by the single fact that we have no vote. This cheapens
us. You do not care so much for us as if we had votes, so that we
come always with that infinite disadvantage.

But the thing I want to say particularly is that we have our
immortal Declaration of Independence and the various bills of
rights of the different States (George Washington advised us to
recur often to first principles), and in these nothing is clearer
than the basis of the claim that women should have equal rights
with men. A complete government is a perfectly just
government....

What I desire particularly to impress upon this committee is the
gross and grave injustice of holding thirty millions of women
absolutely helpless under the Government. The laws touch us at
every point. From the time the girl baby is born until the time
the aged woman makes her last will and testament, there is not
one of her affairs which the law does not control. It says who
shall own the property, and what rights the woman shall have; it
settles all her affairs, whether she shall buy or sell or will or
deed....

Persons are elected by men to represent them in Congress and the
State Legislatures, and here are these millions of women, with
just the same stake in the Government that men have, with a class
interest of their own, and with not one solitary word to say or
power to help settle any of the things which concern them.

Men know the value of votes and the possession of power, and I
look at them and wonder how it is possible for them to be willing
that their own mothers, sisters, wives and daughters should be
debarred from the possession of like power. We have been going to
the Legislature in Massachusetts longer than Mrs. Stanton has
been coming here. We asked that when a husband and wife make a
contract with each other, as for instance, if the wife loan the
husband her money, the contract should be considered valid just
as it would be between any other parties--for now in case the
husband fails in business, she can not get her money--and the
Legislature very kindly gave us leave to withdraw. Then we asked
that when a man dies and the wife is left alone, with the whole
burden of life on her shoulders, the law might give her more than
forty days in which to stay in her home without paying rent. But
we could not defeat one of our legislators, and they cared not a
cent for our petition and less than a cent for our opinion; and
so when we asked for this important measure they gave us leave to
withdraw.

They respect the wants of the voter, but they care nothing about
the wants of those who do not have votes. So, when we asked for
protection for wives beaten by their husbands, and that the
husband should be made to give a portion of his earnings to
support the minor children, again we had leave to withdraw....

I can think of nothing so helpless and humiliating as the
position of a disfranchised person. I do not know whether I am
treading on dangerous toes when I say that, after the late war
the Government in power wished to punish Jefferson Davis, and it
considered that the worst punishment it could inflict upon him
was to take away his right to vote. Now, the odium which attached
to him from his disfranchisement is just the same as attaches to
women from their disfranchisement. The only persons who are not
allowed to vote in Massachusetts are the lunatics, idiots, felons
and people who can not read and write. In what a category is this
to place women, after one hundred years and at the close of this
nineteenth century? And yet that is history. In Massachusetts we
are trying to get a small concession--the right to vote in the
cities and towns in which we live in regard to the taxes we have
to pay. In 1792, in Newburyport, Mass., it was not thought
necessary to give women education. At that time there were no
schools for girls; the public money was not so used, and when one
man said he had five daughters, and paid his taxes like other
men, and his girls were not allowed to attend school, and that
they ought to give the girls a chance, another man said, "Take
the public money and educate shes? Never!"

Remember this was one hundred years ago. Some of the fathers
urged that the girls should be educated in the public schools,
and so the men--God forgive them!--said, "We will let the girls
go in the morning between 6 and 8 o'clock, before the boys want
the schoolhouse." Just think of the time those girls would have
to rise in order to have a little instruction before the boys got
there! This plan did not work well, and the teacher was directed
not to teach females any longer. Every descendant of those men
now feels ashamed of them; and I think that in one hundred years
the children of the men who are now letting us come here, year
after year, pleading for suffrage, will feel ashamed. Men would
rather lose anything than their votes; they would fight for their
right of suffrage, and if anybody attempted to deprive them of it
there would be war to the knife and the knife to the hilt. We
come here to carry on our bloodless warfare, praying that the
privilege granted in the foundation of the Government should be
applied to women....

What we look forward to is part of the eternal order. It is not
possible that thirty millions of women should be held forever as
lunatics, fools and criminals. It is not possible, as the years
go on, that each person should not at least have the right to
look after his or her own interests. As the home is at its best
when the father and mother consult together in regard to the
family interests, so it is with the Government. I do not think a
man can see from a man's point of view all the things that a
woman needs, or a woman from her single point of view all the
things that a man needs. Now men have brought their best, and
also brought their worst, into the Government, and it is all
here, but the thing you have not at all is the qualities which
women possess, the feminine qualities. It has been said that
women are more economical, peaceful and law-abiding than men, and
all these qualities are lacking in the Government today.... But
whether this be so or not, it is right that every class should be
heard in behalf of its own interest....

Now, gentlemen, I hope you will try to make this case your own.
It is simple justice and fair play, and it is also a fundamental
principle of the Government. Here we are trying to have a
complete republic, and yet there are twelve millions of
disfranchised adults. I believe that among the great people--and
by the people I do not mean men, but men and women, the whole
people--nothing creates such disrespect for a fundamental
principle as not to apply it. The Government was founded upon the
principle that those who obey the laws should make them, and yet
it shuts out a full half. As long as this continues to be done,
it certainly tends to create disrespect for the principle itself.
Do you not see it? Why not reach out a hand to woman and say,
"Come and help us make the laws and secure fair play"?

At the close of this argument Miss Anthony said: "We have with us one
not so old in our cause as Mrs. Stone--I never call myself old because
I shall be young until the crack of doom--and that is Mrs. Hooker, a
sister of Harriet Beecher Stowe and Henry Ward Beecher. The world has
always made special place for the family of Beechers."

Mrs. Hooker (Conn.) spoke very briefly, saying: "You all know those
old Jewish words in the Decalogue, 'Honor thy father and thy mother
that thy days may be long in the land that the Lord thy God giveth
thee.' If we want to help the republic, if we want to perpetuate the
institutions our fathers brought across the water, we must honor the
mothers equally with the fathers in the Government. To-day the laws
compel our sons the moment they are twenty-one to come to us and say:
'My mother, I owe you much; sometimes I think all that is good in me
has come from you, but to-day you will retire and I will rule. I will
no longer listen to your counsel; but I will make the laws for you and
my sisters, and you must obey them. Henceforth I am your ruler.' Now,
friends, a Government can not last long which teaches its sons
disrespect to its mothers. It is in line with our principles that we
recognize the mother element in the Government as well as in the
family."

Miss Anthony closed the hearing with a strong appeal for a report from
the committee which should recommend Congress to submit a Sixteenth
Amendment and allow the women of the country to carry their case to
the State Legislatures. The committee seemed much impressed by the
arguments, but evidently there was no change of opinion.[86]

A hearing was granted February 17 by the House Judiciary Committee,
with delegates present from twenty-six States. Addresses were made in
part as follows:

MRS. CHAPMAN CATT: ... You know that in these modern years there
has been a great deal of talk about natural rights, and we have
had an innumerable host of philosophers writing books to tell us
what natural rights are. I believe that to-day both scientists
and philosophers are agreed that they are the right to life, the
right to liberty, the right to free speech, the right to go where
you will and when you please, the right to earn your own living
and the right to do the best you can for yourself. One of the
greatest of those philosophers and writers, Herbert Spencer, has
accorded to woman the same natural rights as to man. I believe
every thoughtful man in the United States to-day concedes that
point.

The ballot has been for man a means of defending these natural
rights. Even now in some localities of the world those rights are
still defended by the revolver, as in former days, but in
peaceable communities the ballot is the weapon by means of which
they are protected. We find, as women citizens, that when we are
wronged, when our rights are infringed upon, inasmuch as we have
not this weapon with which to defend them, they are not
considered, and we are very many times imposed upon. We find that
the true liberty or the American people demands that all citizens
to whom these rights have been accorded should have that
weapon....

MRS. LIDA A. MERIWETHER (Tenn.): "Oh, Cæsar, we who are about to
die salute you!" was the gladiators' cry in the arena, standing
face to face with death and with the Roman populace. All over
this fair city, youth and beauty, freshness and joy, stand with
welcoming hands, calling you to all pleasures of ear and eye, of
soul and sense. But here, into the inner sanctuary of your
deepest, gravest thought, come, year after year, a little band of
women over whose heads the snows of many winters and of many
sorrows have sifted. Here "we who are about to die salute you."
We do not come asking for gifts of profit or preferment for
ourselves; for us the day for ban or benison has almost passed.
But we ask for greater freedom, for better conditions for the
children of our love, whom we shall so soon leave behind. In the
short space allowed each petitioner we have not time to ask for
much. But in my State the grandmothers of seventy are growing
weary of being classed with the grandsons of seven. They fail to
find a valid reason why they should be relegated to perpetual
legal and political childhood.

Years ago, when the bugle call rang out over this unhappy land,
as the men rallied to the standard of their State, we, the wives
and mothers, who had no voice in bringing about those cruel
conditions, were called to give up our brightest and best for
cannons' food. We furnished the provisions, ministered on the
battlefield, nursed in the hospital; we, equally with our
brothers, regarded "our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor"
only as gifts held in trust to spend and be spent for home and
State. And to-day when we see the wayfaring man, who probably
hails from a penal institution of the Old World, who honors no
home, no country and no political faith, freely enjoying the
right to say who shall make and who shall enforce the laws by
which we women are governed, we grow weary of being classed as
perpetual aliens upon our nation's soil.

The honest, industrious, bread-winning women of Tennessee do not
enjoy the knowledge that the pauper of their State is their
political superior. Four years ago we saw it practically
demonstrated that when a great moral issue was at stake the male
pauper could cast his ballot without hindrance from the penal
code, but if the widow or the single woman, who earned and owned
property and paid her quota of the tax for his support, should
attempt to cast a counteracting ballot, her penalty would be fine
or imprisonment.

Year after year we have journeyed to the Mecca of the
petitioner--the legislative halls. There we have asked protection
for our boys from the temptation of the open saloon; we have
asked that around our baby girls the wall of protection might be
raised at least a little higher than ten years; we have asked for
reform schools for boys, where they should not be thrown in daily
contact with old and hardened criminals. Year after year we have
pleaded for better conditions for the children to whom we have
given the might of our love, the strength and labor of our lives;
but in not one instance has that prayer been granted. And at last
we have found the reason why. A senator in a sister State said to
a body of petitioners: "Ladies, you won't get your bill, but your
defeat will be a paying investment if it only teaches you that
the politician, little or big, is now, always was, and always
will be, the drawn image, pocket edition, safety valve and
speaking-trumpet of the fellow that voted him in."

Gentlemen, we ask your help to the end that not we, perhaps, but
the daughters and granddaughters whom we leave behind, may be
counted with "those that voted him in."

MRS. JEAN BROOKS GREENLEAF (N. Y.): Soon after I came to
Washington to make it my home for two years, one clear, bright
morning I drove up to this Capitol with a friend. As we ascended
the hill on the left we warmly expressed our admiration for the
beautiful structure within whose walls we are now standing, and
were enthusiastic in our admiration for those who so nobly
planned that, with the growth of the nation, there could be a
commensurate outstretching of its legislative halls without loss
to the dignity of the whole. We drove slowly around the front and
commenced the descent on the opposite side, when I called to the
driver to stop in order that we might feast our eyes on the
inspiring view which lay before us. There rose Washington
Monument so simple yet so grand, and I recalled the fact that in
its composition it fitly represented the Union of the States. My
heart swelled and my eyes overflowed as I thought of the grand
idea embodied in this Government, the possibilities of this
country's future. The lines of "My country, 'tis of thee," rose
to my lips, but they died there.

Whence came my right to speak those words? True I was born here;
true I was taught from my earliest youth to repeat the glorious
words of Thomas Jefferson, Roger Sherman and other patriots; but
when I grew to womanhood I had to learn the bitter lesson that
these words applied only to men; that I simply counted as one in
the population; that I must submit to be governed by the laws in
the selection of whose makers I had no choice; that my consent to
be governed would never be asked; that for my taxation there
would be no representation; that, so far as my right to "life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" was concerned, others must
judge for me; that I had no voice for myself; that I was a woman
without a country, and only on the plane of political equality
with the insane, the idiot, the pauper, Indians not taxed, the
criminal, and the unnaturalized foreigner.

Honorable gentlemen, women come here annually to ask that these
wrongs be righted. To-day we have come again to entreat that, as
you have extended this building to meet the needs of the people,
you will extend your thought of the people and make it possible
that the principle underlying the Government of this country may
be embodied in a law which will make the daughters of the land
joint heirs with the sons to all the rights and privileges of an
enfranchised people. In the name of the women of the State of New
York, I ask it.

MISS ALICE STONE BLACKWELL (Mass.): Except where there is some
very strong reason to the contrary, it is generally admitted that
every man has a right to be consulted in regard to his own
concerns. The laws which he has to obey and the taxes he has to
pay are things that do most intimately concern him, and the only
way of being directly consulted in regard to them, under our form
of government, is through the ballot. Is there any very good
reason why women should not be free to be consulted in this
direct manner? Let us consider a few of the reasons which are
generally given against this freedom of women, and see whether
they are good.

It is said that women do not need to vote, because they are
virtually represented by their husbands, fathers and brothers.
The first trouble with this doctrine of virtual representation is
that it is not according to numbers. I know a man who had a wife,
a widowed mother, four unmarried daughters and five unmarried
sisters. According to this theory his vote represented himself
and all those eleven women. Yet it counted but one, just the same
as the vote of his next-door bachelor neighbor without a female
relative in the world.

Then, again, suppose that all the women in one family do not
think alike. A member of our Massachusetts Legislature had two
daughters. One was a suffragist, the other was so much opposed
that she used to burn the _Woman's Journal_ as soon as it came in
the house. How was that man to represent both his daughters by
his single vote on the suffrage question? Instead of two
daughters he might have had three, one a Republican, one a
Democrat and the other a Prohibitionist. How could he have
represented all of them by his one vote unless he had voted
"early and often?"

Again, in order to represent the women of his family a man may
have to go without representation himself. There was a case of an
old gentleman in Chicago, a Greenbacker, who had three daughters,
all of whom were Republicans. When election day approached his
three daughters said to him that he was the natural
representative of their family--he had always told them so, and
they fully agreed with him--and they pointed out to him how very
wrong it would be, when that family consisted of three
Republicans and only one Greenbacker, with but one ballot to
represent the family, that it should be cast for the Greenback
candidate. The old gentleman was conscientious and consistent
and, although he was a man of strong Greenback convictions, he
actually voted the Republican ticket in order to represent his
daughters. It was the nearest he could come to representing them
under this theory. But did it give that family any accurate or
adequate representation? Evidently not. The Greenback candidate
was entitled to one vote from that family, and he did not get it;
and the Republican candidate was entitled to three ballots, and
he got only one. And then, in order to represent his daughters,
that chivalrous father had to go without any representation
himself. It is evident that the only fair way to get at public
sentiment in such a case is for each member of the family to have
one vote, and thus represent himself or herself.

Another proof that women are not virtually represented is to be
found in the laws as they actually exist. These one-sided laws
were not made because men meant to be unjust or unkind to women,
but simply because they naturally looked at things mainly from
their own point of view. It does not indicate any special
depravity on the part of men. I have no doubt that if women alone
had made the laws, those laws would be just as one-sided as they
are to-day, only in the opposite direction.

It is said that if women are enfranchised, husbands and wives
will vote just alike, and you will simply double the vote and
have no change in the result. Then, in the next breath, it is
said that husbands and wives would vote for opposing candidates,
and then there would be matrimonial quarrels. If they vote just
alike there will be no harm done, and this good may be done--the
women will be broadened by a knowledge of public affairs, and
husband and wife will have a subject of mutual interest in which
they can sympathize with each other. In cases where husband and
wife do not think alike as to who will make the best selectmen,
for instance, you will admit that is hardly sufficient to cause
them to quarrel; but if they should think differently on very
many other points, they would quarrel anyway, so that politics
would not make much difference with them.

Then it is said that women do not want to vote, and in proof it
is said they do not vote generally for school committeemen where
allowed to do so. We all know that the size of the vote cast at
any election is just in proportion to the amount of interest that
election calls forth. At a Presidential election nearly all the
voters turn out; in an ordinary State election only about half;
at a municipal election only a small fraction of the men take the
trouble to vote. The Troy _Press_ states that at a recent
election in Syracuse for a board of education, out of about 3,000
qualified voters only 40 voted.

Then, it is said that this movement is making no progress; that
while the movements along other lines are largely succeeding,
there has been no advance along this line. Twenty-five years ago,
with insignificant exceptions, women could not vote anywhere.
To-day they have school suffrage in twenty-three States, full
suffrage in Wyoming, municipal suffrage in Kansas, and municipal
suffrage for single women and widows in England, Scotland and
most of the British provinces. The common sense of the world is
slowly but surely working toward the enfranchisement of women.

MRS. ANNIE L. DIGGS (Kan.): You remember the time when the
theoretical objection was often urged that if the suffrage was
given to women, men would cease to show them the proper respect.
For instance, the weighty argument was made that they would not
raise their hats when they met women on the street, and that they
would not give up their seats in the cars. But, gentlemen, you
should just see how they take off their hats to us in Kansas, and
how every man of them gets up and offers us his seat when we come
into a street car!

It was also urged that if the ballot were put into the hands of
women it would be detrimental to the interests of the home. There
is not a man in the State to-day who would venture to go before a
Kansas audience and urge that objection. There is not a man there
who would be willing to jeopardize his political, social or
business interests by casting any kind of obloquy upon the women
who have exercised the right of the elective franchise for the
last five years. This is the result of success. We have Municipal
Suffrage. One little ounce of fact outweighs whole tons of
theory....

THE REV. ANNA HOWARD SHAW (Penn.): Yesterday I noticed in a
report of our hearing before the Judiciary Committee of the House
the headline, "Appeals to Deaf Ears". And I said, "Has it come to
this, that when earnest and sincere women of this great country
make an appeal to the heads of the Government it is dubbed an
'Appeal to Deaf Ears'?" Time was when the British Government
thought our ancestors had not sufficient merit in their cause to
be heard, and when they made an "appeal to deaf ears". But the
time came when those ears were unstopped and they heard, and what
they heard was the cry of victory by a free people. We may be
appealing to deaf ears to-day, but the time is coming when it
will not be so. Men will hear and, hearing, they will answer,
because ultimately men desire the right. If I were asked what I
conscientiously believe the real condition of the hearts of most
men to be, I should say they are positively ignorant in regard to
the justice of this matter, and if it could be brought properly
before them, they would stand on the side of justice and right
for women.

Therefore I desire only to say that I know from my travels all
over the country, conferring with the intelligent women to bring
before them this great principle, that the good work is going on.
It may be deafness yesterday and partial hearing to-day, but it
will be full hearing to-morrow. To-day we may be blind to the
truth; to-morrow we shall see the whole truth. We may not have
another centennial before we shall see justice for all human
kind.

You know, gentlemen, that this Government exists for only three
things, and in those every woman is as much interested as every
man. It exists for the administration of justice, for the
protection of person and property, and for the development of
society. Just as you and all men have persons and property to
protect, so we women have. We are because of our nature and
because it seems as if the Almighty had intended it should be so,
more interested than men in the development of society. Wherever
there is any movement for the uplifting of society you will find
women in the forefront. There never has been any great movement
in this nation when women have not stood side by side with the
noblest and truest men.

We do to-day nine-tenths of the philanthropic work, nine-tenths
of the church work, and form three-fourths of the church
membership. We are the teachers of the young; we are the mothers
of the race. If you want the noblest men you must have the
noblest mothers. "Eye hath not seen, nor hath ear heard, nor hath
it entered into the heart of man to conceive" the kind of men and
women God had in view when He created man in His own likeness and
gave to male and female dominion over the world, to subdue it and
to bring out of it the best things.

You who talk of a great Government in which the voice of God is
heard must remember that, if "the voice of the people is the
voice of God," you never will know what that is until you get the
voice of the people, and you will find it has a soprano as well
as a bass. You must join the soprano voice of God to the bass
voice in order to get the harmony of the Divine voice. Then you
will have a law which will enable you to say, "We are a people
justly ruled, because in this nation the voice of the people is
the voice of God, and the voice of the people has been heard."

Mrs. Ellen M. Bolles (R. I.) said in the course of her remarks: "The
conditions surrounding women to-day are quite different from what they
were in the days of our grandmothers. Women are becoming property
earners and owners, as they were not in those former times before they
began asking for the ballot. Twenty-five per cent. or more of the
women of this country are property owners. Nearly nine-tenths of the
laws are made for the protection of property and of those who own it
and who earn wages. Now it seems to me that this twenty-five per cent.
of the women should have a voice in the making of laws for the
protection of their property and of their right to earn a living...."

Mrs. Colby thus closed her address on Wyoming: "Having thus shown that
the twenty-two years' experience of woman suffrage has been
satisfactory to the citizens of Wyoming; that it has conduced to good
order in the elections and to the purity of politics; that the
educational system is improved and that teachers are paid without
regard to sex; that Wyoming stands alone in a decreased proportion of
crime and divorce; and that it has elevated the personal character of
both sexes--what possible good is there left to speak of as coming to
that State from woman suffrage save its position as the vanguard of
progress and human freedom. Not the Bartholdi statue in New York
harbor, but Wyoming on the crest of the continent, the first true
republic, represents Liberty enlightening the world."

Short addresses were made also by Mrs. Caroline McCullough Everhard,
Mrs. Mary Jewett Telford, the Rev. Mila F. Tupper, Mrs. Marble, Dr.
Frances Dickinson, Miss H. Augusta Howard, Mrs. Saxon, Mrs. Hannah J.
Bailey, Mrs. Evaleen L. Mason and Mrs. Olive Pond Amies.[87]

The _Post_, in an account of the Senate hearing, said: "Miss Anthony
called attention to Senator Hoar as the gentleman who had presented
the first favorable suffrage report to the Senate in 1879. Everybody
shouted "Stand up," and as he retired deeper into his leather chair
they continued to cry, "Up, up!" It was a tableau when the Senator
found his feet, and at the same time was confronted with a round of
applause and a volley of white handkerchiefs waved at him in
Chautauqua style. He capped the climax by moving at once a favorable
report. Laurel wreaths and bouquets would have been Senator Hoar's
portion if they had been available, but the women all assured him
afterward of their sincere appreciation. The hearing was held in the
ladies' reception room, which was completely filled."

These matchless arguments had no effect upon the Democratic members of
the committee, but Senator Warren of Wyoming made a favorable report
for himself, Senators Hoar of Massachusetts, Quay of Pennsylvania and
Allen of Washington, which concluded by saying: "The majority of the
members of this committee, believing that equal suffrage, regardless
of sex, should be the legitimate outgrowth of the principles of a
republican form of government, and that the right of suffrage should
be conferred upon the women of the United States, earnestly recommend
the passage of the amendment submitted herewith."

Senators Vance of North Carolina and George of Mississippi filed the
same minority report which already had done duty several times,
although the former was said to have declared that the speeches of the
women surpassed anything he ever had heard, and that their logic, if
used in favor of any other measure, could not fail to carry it.

FOOTNOTES:

[85] David B. Culberson, Tex.; William C. Oates, Ala.; Thomas R.
Stockdale, Miss.; Charles J. Boatner, La.; Isaac H. Goodnight, Ky.;
John A. Buchanan, Va.; William D. Bynum, Ind.; Alfred C. Chapin, N.
Y.; Fernando C. Layton, O.; Simon P. Wolverton, Penn.; Case Broderick;
Kan.; James Buchanan, N. J.; George W. Ray, N. Y.; H. Henry Powers,
Vt.

[86] Zebulon B. Vance, N. C.; John G. Carlisle, Ky.; J. Z. George,
Miss.; George F. Hoar, Mass.; John B. Allen, Wash.; Matthew S. Quay,
Penn.; Francis E. Warren, Wyo.

[87] After the convention had adjourned Miss Sara Winthrop Smith
(Conn.) made an argument on Federal Suffrage before the Judiciary
Committee of the House. See Chap. I for general statement of position
taken by its advocates.

CHAPTER XIII.

THE NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1893.

At the close of the Twenty-fifth annual meeting the Washington
_Evening News_ said: "There will be an exodus from Washington during
the next three days--an exodus of some of the intellectually powerful
and brilliant women who participated in what was agreed to be the
brightest and most successful convention ever held by the National
Suffrage Association. Whatever may be the opinion of the world at
large upon the feasibility or desirability of granting the franchise
to women, none who attended their annual reunion of delegates or
listened to the addresses of their orators and leaders, can deny that
the convention was composed of clever, sensible and attractive women,
splendidly representative of their sex and of the present time."

After complimentary notices of the leading members, it continued:
"'One very pleasant thing connected with our business committee is the
beautiful relations existing among its members,' said one of the
officers the other evening. 'We all have our opinions and they often
differ, but we are absolutely true to each other and to the cause. We
are most of us married, and all of us have the co-operation of our
husbands and fathers. Of the business committee of nine, six are
married. For the past two years we have had one man on our board, the
Hon. Wm. Dudley Foulke, but as a rule men have not the time and
thought to give this subject, as they are engaged in more remunerative
employment.' The self-control and good-nature prevailing even in the
heated debate on the religious liberty interference resolution have
already been alluded to in our columns."

Miss Susan B. Anthony presided over the convention, Jan. 16-19, 1893,
held in Metzerott's Music Hall and preceded by the usual religious
services Sunday afternoon. The sermon was given by the Rev. Annis F.
Eastman (N. Y.), an ordained Congregational minister, from the text in
Isaiah, "Take away the yoke."

The memorial service, which was of unusual impressiveness, opened with
the reading by Miss Anthony of Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton's tribute
to the distinguished dead of the past year who advocated equality of
rights for women--George William Curtis, John Greenleaf Whittier,
Ernestine L. Rose, Abby Hutchinson Patton and others.[88] Of Mr.
Curtis she said:

If the success of our cause could be assured by the high
character of the men who from the beginning have identified
themselves with it, woman would have been emancipated long ago. A
reform advocated by Garrison, Phillips, Emerson, Alcott, Theodore
Parker, Gerrit Smith, Samuel J. May and George William Curtis
must be worthy the consideration of statesmen and bishops.

For more than one generation Mr. Curtis maintained a brave
attitude on this question. As editor of _Harper's Magazine_, and
as a popular lecturer on the lyceum platform, he was ever true to
his convictions. Before the war his lecture on Fair Play for
Women aroused much thought among the literary and fashionable
classes. In the New York Constitutional Convention in 1867, a
most conservative body, Mr. Curtis, though a young man and aware
that he had but little sympathy among his compeers, bravely
demanded that the word "male" should be stricken from the
suffrage article of the proposed constitution. His speech on that
occasion, in fact, philosophy, rhetoric and argument never has
been surpassed in the English language. From the beginning of his
public life to its close Mr. Curtis was steadfast on this
question. _Harper's Magazine_ for June, 1892, contains his last
plea for woman and for a higher standard for political
parties....

Mrs. Ernestine L. Rose, exiled from Poland on account of her religious
faith, married an Englishman and came to America, where she was one of
the first and most eloquent of the women who spoke on the public
platform. In 1836 she circulated petitions for the property rights of
married women, in company with Mrs. Paulina Wright (Davis), and
presented them to the New York Legislature. For forty years she was
among the ablest advocates of the rights of women, lecturing also on
religion, government and other subjects. Mrs. Abby Hutchinson Patton
was lovingly referred to, the last but one of that family who had sung
so many years for freedom, not only for the negro but for woman.
Whittier, the uncompromising advocate of liberty for woman as well as
for man, was eulogized in fitting terms.

The Hon. A. G. Riddle (D. C.) offered a fine testimonial to Francis
Minor and Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, saying: "Mr. Minor was the first to
urge the true and sublime construction of that noble amendment born of
the war. It declares that all persons--not simply males--born or
naturalized in the United States are citizens of the United States and
of the State wherein they reside. Those who are denied or are refused
the right to exercise the privileges and franchises of citizenship are
less than citizens. Those who still declare that women may not vote,
simply write 'falsehood' across that glorious declaration." General
Butler, as a leading member of the House Judiciary Committee, in a
matchless argument had asserted the right of women to vote under the
Fourteenth Amendment,[89] and used all his influence to secure
suffrage for women. Miss Anthony said in part:

The good of this hour is that it brings to the knowledge of the
young the work of the pioneers who have passed away. It seems
remarkable to those standing, as I do, one of a generation almost
ended, that so many of these young people know nothing of the
past; they are apt to think they have sprung up like somebody's
gourd, and that nothing ever was done until they came. So I am
always gratified to hear these reminiscences, that they may know
how others have sown what they are reaping to-day.

One of the earliest advocates of this cause was Sally Holly, the
daughter of Myron Holly, founder of the Liberty Party in the
State of New York, and also founder of Unitarianism in the city
of Rochester. Frederick Douglass will say a few words in regard
to Sally Holly, and of such of the others as he may feel moved to
speak; and I want to say that when, at the very first convention
called and managed by women, Elizabeth Cady Stanton read her
resolution that the elective franchise is the underlying right,
there was but one man to stand with her, and that man was
Frederick Douglass.

Mr. Douglass (D. C.) told of attempting to speak in Buffalo against
slavery in 1843, when every hall was closed to him and he went into an
abandoned storeroom:

I continued from day to day speaking in that old store to
laborers from the wharves, cartmen, draymen and longshoremen,
until after awhile the room was crowded. No woman made her
appearance at the meetings, but day after day for six days in
succession I spoke--morning, afternoon and evening. On the third
day there came into the room a lady leading a little girl. No
greater contrast could possibly have been presented than this
elegantly dressed, refined and lovely woman attempting to wend
her way through that throng. I don't know that she showed the
least shrinking from the crowd, but I noticed that they rather
shrank from her, as if fearful that the dust of their garments
would soil hers. Her presence to me at that moment was as if an
angel had been sent from Heaven to encourage me in my
anti-slavery endeavors. She came day after day thereafter, and at
last I had the temerity to ask her name. She gave it--Sally
Holly. "A daughter of Myron Holly?" said I. "Yes," she answered.
I understood it all then, for he was amongst the foremost of the
men in western New York in the anti-slavery movement. His home
was in Rochester and his dust now lies in Mt. Hope, the beautiful
cemetery of that city. Over him is a monument, placed there by
that other true friend of women, Gerrit Smith of Peterboro....

I have seen the Hutchinson family in a mob in New York. When
neither Mr. Garrison, Mr. Phillips nor Mr. Burleigh, nor any one
could speak, when there was a perfect tempest and whirlwind of
rowdyism in the old Tabernacle on Broadway, then this family
would sing, and almost upon the instant that they would raise
their voices, so perfect was the music, so sweet the concord, so
enchanting the melody, that it came down upon the audience like a
summer shower on a dusty road, subduing, settling everything.

I can not add to the paper which Mrs. Stanton has sent. After
her--silence. Your cause has raised up no voice so potent as that
of Elizabeth Cady Stanton--no living voice except yours, Madame
President.

How delighted I am to see that you have the image of Lucretia
Mott here [referring to her marble bust on the stage]. I am glad
to be here, glad to be counted on your side, and glad to be able
to remember that those who have gone before were my friends. I
was more indebted to Whittier perhaps than to any other of the
anti-slavery people. He did more to fire my soul and enable me to
fire the souls of others than any other man. It was Whittier and
Pierpont who feathered our arrows, shot in the direction of the
slave power, and they did it well. No better reading can now be
had in favor of the rights of woman or the liberties of man than
is to be found in their utterances....

Miss Clara Barton (D. C.) spoke in a touching manner of the great
service rendered to humanity by Dr. Harriet N. Austin, who assisted
Dr. James C. Jackson to establish the "Home on the Hillside," the
Dansville (N. Y.) Sanitorium. Henry B. Blackwell told of John L.
Whiting, "a power and a strength to the Massachusetts Suffrage
Association for many years, one of those rare men not made smaller by
wealth, and always willing to give himself, his mind, his heart, his
money, to help the cause of woman." The Rev. Anna Howard Shaw said in
part:

I have been asked to speak a word of Mrs. Ralph Waldo Emerson. It
has been said by some people that we have wrongfully quoted Mr.
Emerson as being on our side. His biographers appear to have put
in his early statements and forgotten to include his later
declarations, which were all in favor of the enfranchisement of
women.

I was once sent to Concord by the Massachusetts society to hold a
meeting. The churches were closed against suffrage speakers and
there was not money enough to pay for a hall. Mrs. Ralph Waldo
Emerson heard the meeting was to be given up, and she sent a
message to the lady having the work in charge, saying: "Shall it
be said that here in Concord, where the Revolutionary war began,
there is no place to speak for the freedom of women? Get the best
hall in town and I will pay for it." So on that occasion and on
another Mrs. Emerson paid for the hall and sent a kind word to
the meeting, declaring herself in favor of the suffrage for
women, and stating that her husband's views and her own were
identical on this question. She had the New England trait of
being a good wife, a good mother and a good housekeeper, and Mr.
Emerson's home was a restful and blessed place. We sometimes
forget the wives of great men in thinking of the greatness of
their husbands, but Mrs. Emerson was as great in her way as Mr.
Emerson in his, and no more faithful friend to woman and to
woman's advancement ever has lived among us.[90]

A word as to the Rev. Anna Oliver, the first woman to enter the
theological department of Boston University. She was much beloved
by her class. She was a devoted Christian, eminently orthodox,
and a very good worker in all lines of religious effort. After
Miss Oliver graduated she was ambitious to become ordained, as
all women ought to be who desire to preach the gospel; and so
after I had graduated from the theological school, the year
following, we both applied to the conference of the Methodist
Episcopal Church for admission. Miss Oliver's name beginning with
O and mine with S, her case was presented first. She was denied
ordination by Bishop Andrews. Our claims were carried to the
general conference in Cincinnati, and the Methodist Episcopal
Church denied ordination to the women whom it had graduated in
its schools and upon whom it had conferred the degree of bachelor
of divinity. It not only did this, but it made a step backwards;
it took from us the licenses to preach which had been granted to
Miss Oliver for four years and to myself for eight years.

But Miss Oliver was earnest in her efforts, and so she began to
preach in the city of Brooklyn, and with great courage bought a
church in which a man had failed as a minister, leaving a debt of
$14,000. She was like a great many other women--and here is a
warning for all women. God made a woman equal to a man, but He
did not make a woman equal to a woman _and_ a man. We usually try
to do the work of a man and of a woman too; then we break down,
and they say that women ought not to be ministers because they
are not strong enough. They do not get churches that can afford
to send them to Europe on a three months' vacation once a year.
Miss Oliver was not only the minister and the minister's wife,
but she started at least a dozen reforms and undertook to carry
them all out. She was attacked by that influential Methodist
paper, the _Christian Advocate_, edited by the Rev. Dr. James M.
Buckley, who declared that he would destroy her influence in the
church, and so with that great organ behind him he attacked her.
She had that to fight, the world to fight and the devil to fight,
and she broke down in health. She went abroad to recover, but
came home only to die.[91]

The death of those less widely known was touchingly referred to by
women of the different States. Miss Anthony closed the services by
saying: "I am just informed that we must add to this list the revered
name of Abby Hopper Gibbons, of four-score-and-ten, who with her
father, Isaac T. Hopper, formed the Women's Prison Association, and
who has stood for more than the allotted years of man the sentinel on
the watch-tower to guard unfortunate women and help them back into
womanly living."

At the first evening session Miss Anthony, in her president's address,
answered the question, "What has been gained by the forty years'
work?" She called attention to the woman who had preached the day
before, ordained by an orthodox denomination; to the women alternate
delegates to the late National Republican Convention; to the
recommendation of Gov. Roswell P. Flower that women should be
delegates to the approaching New York Constitutional Convention. She
pointed out rapidly many other straws showing the direction of the
wind, saying: "Wendell Phillips said what he wanted to do on the
abolition question was to turn Congress into an anti-slavery debating
society. That is what we have done with every educational, industrial,
religious and political body--we have turned them all into debating
societies on the woman question."

U. S. Senator Joseph M. Carey (Wy.) sent a letter reaffirming his
conviction that the granting of full political rights to women would
be for the best interests of the country. Mr. Blackwell sketched the
successive extensions of suffrage to women, and set forth the special
importance of their trying to secure the Municipal and the
Presidential franchises, both of which could be granted by the
Legislature. Mrs. Ellen Battelle Dietrick (Mass.) read an able paper
on The Best Methods of Interesting Women in Suffrage, in which she
said:

The truth is, the American woman has been so pleasantly soothed
by the sweet opiate of that high-sounding theory of her
"sovereignty," that until very recently she could not be aroused
to examine the facts. Forty years ago the voices of a few crying
in the wilderness began to prepare the way for the present
awakening....

The deliverance of woman must have as its corner-stone
self-support. The first step in this direction must be to explode
the fallacy that marriage is a state of being supported. As men
are most largely the gatherers of money, it is mistakenly assumed
that they are most largely the creators of wealth. The man goes
abroad and gives his daily labor toward earning his board and
clothes; but what he actually receives for his work can neither
be eaten nor worn. It does nothing whatever until he puts it into
his wife's hands, and upon her intelligence, energy and ability
depend how much can be done through the using of it. Not until
her labor in transforming raw material, in cooking, sewing, and
rendering a house habitable, is joined to his, can a man be said
to have really received anything worth having. He begins, she
completes, the making of their joint wealth. Their dependence is
mutual; the position of the one who turns the money into usable
material by her labor being equally important, equally valuable,
with that of him who turned his labor into money; and this must
be fully recognized if woman is ever to come into her true
relation to man. She supports him exactly as he supports her, and
this is equally the case with the wife who herself produces
directly, or the one who gives her time and intelligence to
direct the production of others....

Closely allied to the fallacy that man supports woman is the
fallacy that man protects woman, and has a right to control her
by virtue of this protection. There was a period in the world's
transition from savagery to civilization when mankind had so
little conception of the mutuality of human interests that war
was a perpetual condition of society. Originally women also were
fighters; just as the lioness or tigress is as capable as her
mate of self-defense and protection of her young, so the savage
woman, when necessity required, was equally capable of conducting
warfare in the same cause. But long before men had given up
killing each other for the better business of trading with and
helping each other woman had ceased to be a fighter. She was the
first to see the advantages of peace, both because she was the
earliest manufacturer and trader and because it cost her more in
the production of every soldier than it cost man. Instinct
directed her toward peace long before reason made it possible for
her to explain why she hated war, and she hated it as an
occupation for herself long before it occurred to her to despise
it as an occupation for man. To-day the love of peace and hatred
for war which she is rapidly spreading through the world is the
real protector of woman; she is a self-protector by virtue of
this proclivity, and, as war is equally the enemy of man, here
again woman gives to man as much as she receives. Whatever force
the argument based on the right of soldiers to rule may once have
had is rapidly passing away. The era of the destroyer is dying,
the epoch of the Creator is coming in....

The subjugation of woman doubtless arose from an honest desire of
man to protect her. His mistake lay in assuming that his mind and
will could do private and public duty for both. Woman's mistake
lay in assuming that she might with safety permit man's mind and
will to discharge the duties nature meant to be fulfilled by her
own. Unhappily nature has a way of allowing the human race to
learn by its own experience, even though the lesson consume ages
of time; and she has also a rule that unused faculties and
functions fall into a state of atrophy. It was by such a
substitution of masculine for feminine will that woman fell so
far behind him whom she originally led in the race, industrial
and intellectual. If they are ever to march side by side as true
comrades and free partners, it must be by a voluntary resumption
of independence in feminine mind and will. In this man can assist
by stimulating her spirit of independence, or he can discourage
it by a contrary course, but the final result lies with woman
herself. She alone can free herself from the habits of thought
and action engendered by thousands of years of slavery.

The steps toward the emancipation of women are first
intellectual, then industrial, lastly legal and political. Great
strides in the first two of these stages already have been made
by millions of women who do not yet perceive that it is surely
carrying them towards the last.

In the address of Mrs. Ruth C. D. Havens (D. C.) on The Girl of the
Future, which was greatly enjoyed, she said:

The training and education of the girl of the present have seldom
been discussed except from one standpoint--her suitable
preparation for becoming an economical housekeeper, an
inexpensive wife, a willing and self-forgetful mother, a cheap,
unexacting, patient, unquestioning, unexpectant, ministering
machine. The girl's usefulness to herself, to her sex and race,
her preferences, tastes, happiness, social, intellectual or
financial prosperity, hardly have entered into the thought upon
this question....

If woman would be a student, a scientist, a lecturer, a
physician; if she would be a pioneer in a wilderness of scoffers
to make fair roads up which her sex might easily travel to equal
educational and legal rights, equal privileges and pay in fields
of labor, equal suffrage--she must divide her eager energies and
give the larger half to superior homekeeping, wifehood and
motherhood, in order that her new gospel shall be received with
any respect or acceptance. And probably no class of women have
been such sticklers for the cultivation of all woman's modest,
unassuming home duties as have been the great, ambitious teachers
on this suffrage platform....

But this will not be the training of the girl of the future. It
is not the sort of preparation to which the boy of the present is
urged. "Jack of all trades, good at none" is the old epithet
bestowed upon a man who thus diffuses his energies. You do not
expect a distinguished lawyer to clean his own clothes, a doctor
to groom his horse, a teacher to take care of the schoolhouse
furnace, a preacher to half-sole his shoes. This would be
illogical, and men are nothing if not logical. Yet a woman who
enters upon any line of achievement is invariably hampered, for
at least the early years, with the inbred desire to add to the
labor of her profession all the so-called feminine duties, which,
fulfilled to-day, are yet to be done to-morrow, which bring to
her neither comfort, gain nor reputation, and which by their
perpetual demand diminish her powers for a higher quality of
work....

Everywhere there is too much housekeeping. It is not economy of
time or money for every little family of moderate means to
undertake alone the expensive and wearing routine. The married
woman of the future will be set free by co-operative methods,
half the families on a square, perhaps, enjoying one luxurious,
well-appointed dining-room with expenses divided _pro rata_. In
many other ways housekeeping will be simplified. Homes have no
longer room for people--they are consecrated to things. Parlors
and bedrooms are full of the cheap and incongruous or expensive
and harmonious belongings of a junk shop. Plush gods hold the
fort. All the average house needs to make it a museum is the
sign, "Hands off." ...

The girl of the future will select her own avocation and take her
own training for it. If she be a houseworker, and many will
prefer to be, she will be so valuable in that line as to command
much respect and good wages. If she be an architect, a jeweler,
an electrical engineer, she will not rob a cook by mutilating a
dinner, or a dressmaker by amateur cutting and sewing, or a
milliner by creating her own bonnet. The house helper will not be
incompetent, because the development and training of woman for
her best and truest work will have extended to her also, and she
will do housework because she loves it and is better adapted to
it than to any other employment. She will preside in the kitchen
with skill and science.

The service girl of the future will be paid perhaps double or
treble her present wages, with wholesome food, a cheerful room,
an opportunity to see an occasional cousin and some leisure for
recreation. At present this would be ruinous, and why? Because
too frequently the family has but one producer. The wife, herself
a consumer, produces more consumers. Daughters grow up around a
man like lilies of the field, which toil not, neither do they
spin. Every member of every family in the future will be a
producer of some kind and in some degree. The only one who will
have the right of exemption will be the mother, for a child can
hardly be born with cheerful views of living whose mother's life
has been, for its sake, a double burden. From this root spring
melancholy, insanity, suicide. The production of human souls is
the highest production of all, the one which requires most
preparation, truest worth, gravest care and holiest consecration.
If the girl of the future recognizes this truth, she will have
made an advance indeed. But apart from the mother every member of
the family should be a material producer; and then there will be
means sufficient for the producer in the kitchen to get such
remuneration for her skill as will eliminate the incompetent,
shirking, migratory creature of today....

I hardly need say to this audience that the girl of the future
will vote. She will not plead for the privilege--she will be
urged to exercise the right, and no one will admit that he ever
opposed it, or remember that there was a time when woman's ballot
was despised and rejected of men. She will not be told that she
needs the suffrage for her own protection, but she will be urged
to exercise it for the good of her country and of humanity. It
will not be known that the Declaration of Independence was once a
dead letter. No one will believe that it ever was declared that
the Constitution did not protect this right. It will be
incredible that women were once neither people nor citizens, _and
yet were the mothers, and in so much the creators, of the men who
governed them_.

Mrs. Mary S. Lockwood (D. C.), member-at-large of the World's Fair
Board of Lady Managers, read a carefully prepared statement of the
methods and aims of that body, which began: "The Board of Lady
Managers owe their existence to Susan B. Anthony and her co-workers.
It was these women who went before Congress and not only asked but
demanded that women should have a place in the management of this
Columbian Exposition--and they got it"![92] She closed as follows:

I have been greatly impressed as I have come into this hall from
day to day, and have looked upon the sweet representative face in
marble of Lucretia Mott and the benign, glorified face of Mrs.
Stanton, with Susan B. Anthony as the central figure of the trio,
and have thought of the years they have lifted up their voices
praying they might see the glory of the coming of the Lord; and I
have felt if only I could bring before them the sheaves which we
are gathering from the women of the earth for this great
exposition; if only I could show them how their work has put the
women of this nation in touch with the women of every other
country, awakening them to new aspirations, new hopes, new
efforts, to whom the dawn of a brighter day is visible--these
pioneers would say, "Our eyes are indeed opened; a handful of
corn planted on the top of the mountain has been made to shake
all Lebanon."

Miss Mary H. Williams (Neb.) reported that, as chairman of a committee
for this purpose, she had sent letters to forty-nine Governors of
States and Territories; twenty-one replies had been received--nine in
favor of full suffrage for women, two of school suffrage only, three
were totally opposed and the others made evasive replies. The nine in
favor were Governors Barber of Wyoming, Routt of Colorado, Mellette of
South Dakota, Winans of Michigan, Thomas of Utah, Burke of North
Dakota, Humphrey of Kansas, Colcord of Nevada, Knapp of Alaska. All of
these were Western men and all Republicans but Winans. Tillman of
South Carolina and Willey of Idaho favored school suffrage alone.
Stone of Mississippi and Fleming of West Virginia answered "no". Gov.
James E. Boyd of Nebraska was opposed, although he would allow women
to vote on school questions. Governor Boyd's election had been
contested on the ground that his father had not been properly
naturalized.

Gov. Thomas M. Holt of North Carolina replied: "I am utterly opposed
to woman suffrage in any shape or form. I have a wife and three
daughters, all married, who are as much opposed to women going into
politics as I am, and they _reflex_ the sentiment of our Southern
women generally."

Gov. Francis P. Fleming of Florida gave nine reasons why he was
opposed, but concluded: "The above objections would not as a rule
apply to church or school elections, and as women are usually much
more pious than men and take more interest in church matters, I am
inclined to think it would be well for them to vote at church
elections, and am not aware of any particular objection to their
voting at school elections."

The address of Mrs. Orra Langhorne (Va.) was read by her niece, Miss
Henderson Dangerfield. It gave a charming picture of the oldtime
Southern woman, her responsible social position, her care for her
great household in her own small world; described how she was
handicapped by tradition and lack of intellectual training; depicted
the changed conditions since the war and her gradual awakening to the
demands of modern life and the need of larger rights.

Lucy Stone was not able to be present and a letter from her was read
by her husband, Mr. Blackwell:

DEAR FRIENDS:--Wherever woman suffragists are gathered together
in the name of equal rights, there am I always in spirit with
them. Although unable to be present in person, my glad greeting
goes to you, every one, to those who have borne the heat and
burden of the day, and to the strong, brave, younger workers who
have come to lighten the load and help bring the victory. The
work still calls for patient perseverance and ceaseless endeavor;
but we have every reason to rejoice when there are so many gains
and when favorable conditions abound on every hand. The end is
not yet in sight, but it can not be far away. The road before us
is shorter than the road behind.

This was her last message to the association. She passed away in
October of this year, having labored nearly half a century for the
enfranchisement of women.

Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, in an address entitled Comparisons Are
Odious, showed the contrast between the Government's treatment of the
Sioux Indians, exempted from taxation and allowed to vote, and of
law-abiding, intelligent women in the same section of the country,
compelled to pay taxes and not allowed to vote.[93] Miss Elizabeth
Upham Yates closed the evening with a brilliant address.

Before adjourning Miss Anthony read Gov. Roswell P. Flower's
certificate appointing her a member of the Board of Managers of the
State Industrial School at Rochester, N. Y. She took considerable
satisfaction in pointing out that it referred to her as "him," because
she had always contended that, if the masculine pronoun in an official
document is sufficient to send a woman to the jail or the gallows, it
is sufficient to enable her to vote and hold office.

On the last evening, the Hon. Carroll D. Wright, U. S. Commissioner of
Labor, delivered a valuable address on The Industrial Emancipation of
Women, in which he said:

Until within a comparatively recent period, woman's subjection to
man has been well-nigh complete in all respects, whether such
subjection is considered from a social, political, intellectual
or even a physical point of view. At first the property of man,
she emerged under civilization from the sphere of a drudge to
that of a social factor and, consequently, into the liberty of
cultivating her mental faculties....

Industrial emancipation, using the term broadly, means the
highest type of woman as the result, the word "industrial"
comprehending in this sense all remunerative employment. The
entrance of woman into the industrial field was assured when the
factory system of labor displaced the domestic or hand labor
system. The age of invention, with the wonderful ramifications
which invention always has produced, must be held accountable for
bringing woman into a field entirely unknown to her prior to that
age. As an economic factor, either in art, literature or
industry, she was before that time hardly recognizable. With the
establishment of the factory system, the desire of woman to have
something more than she could earn as a domestic or in
agricultural labor, or to earn something where before she had
earned nothing, resulted in her becoming an economic factor, and
she was obliged to submit to all the conditions of this new
position. It hardly can be said that in the lower forms of
industrial pursuits she superseded man, but it is true that she
supplemented his labors....

Each step in industrial progress has raised her in the scale of
civilization rather than degraded her. As a result she has
constantly gone up higher and gained intellectual advantages,
such as the opening to her of the higher institutions of
learning, which have in turn equipped her for the best
professional employment. The moral plane of the so-called
workingwoman certainly is higher than that of the woman engaged
in domestic service, and is equal to that of any class of women
in the community....

As women have occupied the positions of bookkeepers, telegraphers
and many of what might be called semi-professional callings, men
have entered engineering, electrical, mechanical and other
spheres of work which were not known when women first stepped
into the industrial field. As the latter have progressed from
entire want of employment to that which pays a few dollars per
week, men, too, have progressed in their employments, and
occupied larger fields not existing before....

Woman is now stepping out of industrial subjection and coming
into the industrial system of the present as an entirely new
economic factor. If there were no other reasons, this alone would
be sufficient to make her wages low and prevent their very rapid
increase.... The growing importance of woman's labor, her general
equipment through technical education, her more positive
dedication to the life-work she chooses, the growing sentiment
that an educated and skilful woman is a better and truer
companion in marriage than an ignorant and unskilful one, her
appreciation of the value of organization, the general uplifting
of the principle of integrity in business circles, woman's
gradual approach to man's powers in mental achievement also, her
possible and probable political influence--all these combined,
working along general avenues of progress and evolution, will
bring her industrial emancipation, by which she will stand on an
equality with man in those callings in life for which she may be
fitted. As she approaches this equality her remuneration will be
increased and her economic importance acknowledged....

If woman's industrial emancipation leads to what many are pleased
to call "political rights," we must not quarrel with it. It is
not just that all other advantages which may come through this
emancipation shall be withheld simply because one great privilege
on which there is a division of sentiment may also come.

One of the greatest boons which will result from the industrial
emancipation of woman will be the frank admission on the part of
the true and chivalric man that she is the sole and rightful
owner of her own being in every respect, and that whatever
companionship may exist between her and man shall be as
thoroughly honorable to her as to him.

Miss Harriet May Mills (N. Y.) gave a paper on The Present Political
Status of Woman, which showed the trained mind and logical method of
thought one would expect from a graduate of Cornell University. The
last address of the convention was given by the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw,
entitled The America Undiscovered by Columbus. This, like so many of
Miss Shaw's unsurpassed lectures, will be lost to posterity because
unwritten and not stenographically reported.

In her report as vice-president-at-large Miss Shaw announced that she
had given during the year 215 lectures for which she had received pay,
twenty-five of these for suffrage associations and the rest for
temperance and literary organizations, but on every occasion it had
been a suffrage lecture. In addition she had given gratuitously to the
service of this cause lectures which at her regular price would have
amounted to $1,265. She also related the following incident: "I was
present at the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union in Denver,
and Miss Willard introduced me as a fraternal delegate from the
National Suffrage Association. I made my little speech and the whole
convention arose and waved their handkerchiefs at the message sent by
this body. One woman jumped to her feet and moved that a telegram be
returned from that convention, giving its sisterly sympathy. Miss
Willard got up and said, 'Shoo, ladies; this is different from what it
was in Washington in 1881, when you refused to let me have Miss
Anthony on my platform. Things are coming around, girls.'"

The corresponding secretary, Mrs. Rachel Foster Avery, announced that
thirty-three State associations were auxiliary to the national. Miss
Adelaide Johnson was introduced as the sculptor who had modeled the
fine busts of Lucretia Mott, Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony, which were
on the platform. Miss Laura Clay reported on the work that had just
been commenced in the Southern States, which she considered a most
hopeful field. In the discussion on Press Work, when it was proposed
that the association start an official paper, Miss Anthony said with
much feeling: "I had an experience in publishing a paper about
twenty-five years ago and I came to grief. I never hear of a woman
starting a suffrage paper that my blood does not tingle with agony for
what that poor soul will have to endure--the same agony I went
through. I feel, however, that we shall never become an immense power
in the world until we concentrate all our money and editorial forces
upon one great national daily newspaper, so we can sauce back our
opponents every day in the year; once a month or once a week is not
enough.

The resolutions presented by the chairman, Mrs. Dietrick, were adopted
without dissent,[94] except the last:

WHEREAS, The Constitution of the United States promises
noninterference with the religious liberty of the people; and

WHEREAS, Congress is now threatening to abridge the liberties of
all in response to ecclesiastical dictation from a portion of the
people; therefore,

_Resolved_, That this association enters a protest against any
national attempt to control the innocent inclinations of the
people either on the Jewish Sabbath or the Christian Sunday, and
this we do quite irrespective of our individual opinions as to
the sanctity of Sunday.

_Resolved_, That we especially protest against this present
attempt to force all the people to follow the religious dictates
of a part of the people, as establishing a precedent for the
entrance of a most dangerous complicity between Church and State,
thereby subtly undermining the foundation of liberty, so
carefully laid by the wisdom of our fathers.

This precipitated the discussion as to the opening of the World's Fair
on Sunday which had been vigorously waged during two preceding
conventions without resulting in definite action. It was now continued
during three sessions and then, by majority vote, indefinitely
postponed. Mrs. Avery, chairman of the Columbian Exposition
Committee,[95] closed her report as follows: "As we are to be
represented in so many ways during the World's Fair--i. e., at the
World's Congress of Representative Women, in the Suffrage Congresses,
in the meetings to be held in the auditorium of the Woman's Building,
in the program to be presented by us for the approval of the Committee
on General Meetings of the Board of Lady Managers--I would strongly
urge against attempting to hold a separate Suffrage Congress, either
national or international, during the Exposition." This was agreed to.

The Congressional Committee, through Mrs. Harriet Taylor Upton,
reported that 375 letters had been sent to members of Congress asking
for an expression on the question of woman suffrage. Of those who
responded fifty-nine were in favor of full suffrage; twenty-five of
qualified suffrage; sixty-five wholly opposed. The remainder did not
reply, although stamps were enclosed. This committee also arranged for
the printing, purchasing and distributing of 23,000 copies of the
Senate and House hearings. The report concluded: "The time has come
when women wanting legislation must proceed exactly as men do who want
it. No man procures an office for himself or a friend, nor does any
man or association get an Act passed, unless the claim is persistently
pressed, not only upon the members of the committee in charge of it
but upon his friends and acquaintances in Congress. There is no use in
supposing the justice or right of a question, without persistent work,
is going to bring about a reform."[96]

Mrs. Colby, chairman of the Committee on Federal Suffrage, appointed
to urge the legal right of women to vote for Representatives under the
U. S. Constitution, reported that she had sent a copy of Francis
Minor's argument to every member of the Judiciary Committee of the
House of Representatives, with a personal letter asking for an
opinion, and that not one replied. Petitions were sent from twenty
States, including suffrage associations, temperance societies,
granges, etc. Letters asking an opinion were written to nineteen
Senators who were considered friendly to the enfranchisement of women,
and only one answered, Joseph N. Dolph of Oregon. Miss Sara Winthrop
Smith (Conn.) opened the discussion.[97]

The motion of Miss Alice Stone Blackwell to amend the constitution so
that it would not be obligatory to hold every annual convention in
Washington, was amended by Mrs. Avery to the effect that "the annual
delegate convention shall be held in Washington during the first
session of each Congress, in order to influence national legislation;
the meeting of the alternate conventions to be left an open question."
Miss Anthony was greatly opposed to holding any of the national
meetings outside of Washington, and in a forcible speech she said:

The sole object, it seems to me, of this organization is to bring
the combined influence of all the States upon Congress to secure
national legislation. The very moment you change the purpose of
this great body from National to State work you have defeated its
object. It is the business of the States to do the district work;
to create public sentiment; to make a national organization
possible; and then to bring their united power to the capital
and focus it on Congress. Our younger women naturally can not
appreciate the vast amount of work done here in Washington by the
National Association in the last twenty-five years. The delegates
do not come here as individuals but as representatives of their
entire States.

We have had these conventions here for a quarter of a century,
and every Congress has given hearings to the ablest women we
could bring from every section. In the olden times the States
were not fully organized--they had not money enough to pay their
delegates' expenses. We begged and worked and saved the money and
the National Association paid the expenses of delegates from
Oregon and California in order that they might come and bring the
influence of their States to bear upon Congress.

Last winter we had twenty-three States represented by delegates.
Think of those twenty-three women going before the Senate
committee, each making her speech, and showing these Senators the
interest in all these States. We have educated at least a part of
three or four hundred men and their wives and daughters every two
years to return as missionaries to their respective localities. I
shall feel it a grave mistake if you vote in favor of a movable
convention. It will lessen our influence and our power; but come
what may, I shall abide by the decision of the majority.

Miss Anthony was strongly supported by Miss Shaw, Mrs. Colby, Mrs.
Louisa Southworth, Mrs. Rosa L. Segur, Mrs. Olivia B. Hall, Mrs. Jean
Brooks Greenleaf and others.

Mrs. Claudia Quigley Murphy (O.) expressed the sentiment of the other
side in saying:

It seems better to sow the seed of suffrage throughout the
country by means of our national conventions. We may give the
people mass meetings and district and State conventions and
various other things, but we can never give them anything as good
as the national convention. We must get down to the unit of our
civilization, which is the individual voter or person. We have
worked for twenty-five years here among the legislators at
Washington; we have gone to the halls of Congress and to the
Legislatures, and we have found the average legislator to be but
a reflex of the sentiment of his constituents. If we wish
representation at Washington we can send our delegation to the
halls of Congress this year and next year, the same as we have
done in the past. This great convention does not go to Congress;
it sends a committee.... Let us get down to the people and sow
the seed among them. It is the people we want to reach if we
expect good results.

The amendment was warmly advocated by Mr. and Miss Blackwell, Miss
Clay, Mrs. Dietrick, Mrs. Esther F. Boland and others. It was finally
adopted by a vote of 37 yeas, 28 nays.

Among the many excellent State reports that of Kansas, prepared by
Mrs. Laura M. Johns and read by Miss Jennie, daughter of
Representative Case Broderick, was of special interest, as a suffrage
campaign was imminent in that State and the National Association had
resolved to contribute speakers and money. It spoke of the great
canvass of thirty conventions the previous year, with Mrs. Johns as
chairman and a large corps of speakers from outside and inside the
State; of their cordial reception by the Republican State Convention;
of the benefits of Municipal Suffrage; and ended with an earnest
appeal for the friends to rally to the support of Kansas.

Brief remarks were made by the wives of Representatives John G. Otis
of Kansas and Halbert S. Greenleaf of New York. Letters of greeting
were received from Mrs. Annie Besant of England, and many others.
Bishop John F. Hurst, of the Methodist Episcopal Church, in regretting
that it was impossible to accept the invitation to address the
convention, said: "I have the fullest sympathy with your work and have
had for many years. I believe that every year brings nearer the great
achievement when women will have the right of the ballot if they
please to use it."

FOOTNOTES:

[88] Bishop Phillips Brooks, who declared himself unequivocally for
woman suffrage, died the week following the convention.

[89] See History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. II, p. 482.

[90] For other instances see Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony, pp.
132, 251.

[91] The Rev. Anna Oliver left $1,000 to the National Suffrage
Association.

[92] For the part of Miss Anthony and others in securing this board,
see Chap. XIV.

[93] As Mrs. Chapman Catt spoke always without MS., it is impossible
to give extracts from her speeches, which were among the ablest made
at the national conventions.

[94] _Resolved_, That without expressing any opinion on the proper
qualifications for voting, we call attention to the significant facts
that in every State there are more women who can read and write than
the whole number of illiterate male voters; more white women who can
read and write than all negro voters; more American women who can read
and write than all foreign voters; so that the enfranchisement of such
women would settle the vexed question of rule by illiteracy, whether
of home-grown or foreign-born production.

_Resolved_, That as all experience proves that the rights of the
laboring man are best preserved in governments where he has possession
of the ballot, we therefore demand on behalf of the laboring woman the
same powerful instrument, that she may herself protect her own
interests; and we urge all organized bodies of working women, whether
in the field of philanthropy, education, trade, manufacture or general
industry, to join our association in the endeavor to make woman
legally and politically a free agent, as the best means for furthering
any and every line of woman's work.

_Resolved_, That in all States possessing School Suffrage for women,
suffragists are advised to organize in each representative district
thereof, for the purpose of training and stimulating women voters to
exercise regularly this right, using it as a preparatory school for
the coming work of full-grown citizenship with an unlimited ballot. We
also advise that women everywhere work for the election of an equal
number of women and men upon school boards, that the State in taking
upon itself the education of children may provide them with as many
official mothers as fathers.

WHEREAS, Many forms of woman suffrage may be granted by State
Legislatures without change in existing constitutions; therefore,

_Resolved_, That the suffragists in every State should petition for
Municipal, School and Presidential Suffrage by statute, and take every
practicable step toward securing such legislation.

_Resolved_, That we urge all women to enter protest, at the time of
paying taxes, at being compelled to submit to taxation without
representation.

[95] Rachel Foster Avery, Susan B. Anthony, Alice Stone Blackwell,
Ellen Battelle Dietrick, Elizabeth Boynton Harbert, the Rev. Florence
Kollock, Lida A. Meriwether, the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, May Wright
Sewall, Mrs. Leland Stanford, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Lucy Stone, Jane
H. Spofford, Harriet Taylor Upton.

[96] During the years when Mrs. Upton's father, the Hon. Ezra B.
Taylor of Ohio, was in Congress, she made it her especial business to
press this matter upon the members. At least two favorable reports
were due to her efforts, and the association greatly missed her
congressional work when she left Washington.

[97] The arguments for Federal Suffrage are contained in Chapter I.

CHAPTER XIV.

THE NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1894.

The Call for the Twenty-sixth annual convention contained this
paragraph of hope and joy: "The Government's recognition of women on
the Board of Managers for the World's Columbian Exposition; the
World's Congress of Representative Women--the greatest convocation of
women ever assembled; their participation in the entire series of
Congresses; the gaining of Full Suffrage in Colorado--all give to our
demand for equality for women unprecedented prestige in the world of
thought."

The meetings were held in Metzerott's Music Hall, Washington, D. C.,
Feb. 15-20, 1894. An excellent summary of the week was given by the
secretary, Miss Alice Stone Blackwell, in the _Woman's Journal_, of
which she was editor:

Over the platform was draped a large suffrage flag, bearing two
full stars for Wyoming and Colorado, and two more merely outlined
in gold for Kansas and New York, which have equal suffrage
amendments now pending and hope to add their stars to the galaxy
next November. Instead of "Old Glory," the equal rights banner
might be called "New Glory." Beside it hung the American flag,
the great golden flag of Spain with its two red bars, the crimson
flag of Turkey with its crescent and star, and the British
flag--these last three in honor respectively of Senorita Catalina
de Alcala of Spain, Madame Hanna Korany of Syria and Miss
Catherine Spence of Australia, who were on the program. At one
side the serene face of Lucy Stone looked down upon the audience.
On the afternoon of the memorial service the frame of the
portrait was draped with smilax, entwining bunches of violets
from South Carolina, and beneath stood a jar of great white
lilies....

Kansas and New York divided the interest of the convention, and
the importance of the two campaigns was ably presented by the
respective State presidents, stately Mrs. Greenleaf and graceful
Mrs. Johns. The appeals of the former were warmly supported by
Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake, and of the latter by Mrs. Annie L.
Diggs. Mrs. Johns is a strong Republican, and Mrs. Diggs an
equally ardent Populist, but they were perfectly agreed in their
devotion to the woman suffrage amendment and in their desire
that help should be given to the Kansas campaign. Both are small
women of gentle and feminine aspect, though known as mighty
workers; and when Mrs. Diggs, a soft-voiced, bright-eyed morsel
of humanity, said in presenting the needs of the Kansas Equal
Suffrage Association, "Mrs. Johns is our president, and I am
vice-president; she is the gentle officer, I am the savage one;
my business is to frighten people"--the audience roared with
laughter. The New York women generously declared that they would
carry the financial burden of their own campaign and would ask no
outside help except in speakers and sympathy. This left the field
clear for Kansas and more than $2,200 were raised at one session
towards the expenses of the campaign....

The two delegates from Colorado, Mrs. Ellis Meredith and Mrs.
Hattie E. Fox, were the objects of much interest and of hearty
congratulations. They seemed very happy over their recent
enfranchisement, as they well might be. Mrs. Meredith, who is
very small, looked up brightly at a tall Maryland lady, who was
congratulating her, and said, "I feel as tall as you." These two
ladies looked just like other women and had developed no horns or
hoofs or other unamiable and unfeminine characteristics in
consequence of their having obtained the right to vote.... The
Southern women have distinguished themselves in the national
suffrage conventions during the last few years. This year, on
"presidents' evening," among a number of brilliant addresses that
of Mrs. Virginia D. Young of South Carolina fairly brought down
the house....

A beautiful silk flag, bearing the two suffrage stars, was
presented to Miss Anthony in honor of her seventy-fourth
birthday, on the first evening of the convention, a gift from the
enfranchised women of Wyoming and Colorado. One of these women
had been called upon to act as a judge of elections and had
received three dollars for her services. She spent two dollars on
shoes for her little boy and sent the third dollar as her
contribution toward the suffrage flag.

It was a pleasure to see the gathering of the clans--so many good
and able and interesting women assembled together to report their
work for equal rights and to plan more for the future. One with a
pleasant, honest face and wistful brown eyes, had been lecturing
in the interest of the amendment in the country districts of New
York, riding from village to village in an open sleigh, with the
thermometer many degrees below zero, and speaking sometimes in
unwarmed halls. She did not expect to take a day's rest until the
6th of next November, and then if the amendment carried, she said
quietly, she should be willing to lie down and die....

It is pleasant also to note the increasing number of bright,
sensible, earnest young women coming from all parts of the
country to aid the older workers and to close up their thinning
ranks. The sight would be a revelation to that Massachusetts
legislator who was lately reported as saying that the petitioners
who had been asking for suffrage for so many years were fast
dying off, and soon there would be none left. He would have seen
how greatly he was reckoning without his host--or his hostesses.
A sound and righteous reform does not die with any leader,
however beloved.

The Rev. Anna Howard Shaw pronounced the invocation at the opening
session. In the course of her president's address Miss Susan B.
Anthony said:

For the twenty-sixth time we have come together under the shadow
of the Capitol, asking that Congress shall take the necessary
steps to secure to the women of the nation their right to a voice
in the national government as well as that of their respective
States. For twelve successive Congresses we have appeared before
committees of the two Houses making this plea, that the
underlying principle of our Government, the right of consent,
shall have practical application to the other half of the people.
Such a little simple thing we have been asking for a quarter of a
century. For over forty years, longer than the children of Israel
wandered through the wilderness, we have been begging and praying
and pleading for this act of justice. We shall some day be
heeded, and when we shall have our amendment to the Constitution
of the United States, everybody will think it was always so, just
exactly as many young people believe that all the privileges, all
the freedom, all the enjoyments which woman now possesses always
were hers. They have no idea of how every single inch of ground
that she stands upon to-day has been gained by the hard work of
some little handful of women of the past.

This was Miss Anthony's birthday and Mrs. Chapman Catt concluded her
little speech in presenting a silk flag by saying: "And now, our
beloved leader, the enfranchised women of Wyoming and Colorado, upon
this the seventy-fourth anniversary of your life--a life every year of
which has been devoted to the advancement of womankind--have sent this
emblem and with it the message that they hope you will bear it at the
head of our armies until there shall be on this blue field not two
stars but forty-four. They have sent it with the especial wish that
its silent lesson shall teach such justice to the men of the State of
New York that in November they will rise as one man to crown you, as
well as their own wives and daughters, with the sovereignty of
American citizenship."

For a few moments Miss Anthony was unable to reply and then she said:
"I have heard of standard bearers in the army who carried the banner
to the topmost ramparts of the enemy, and there I am going to try to
carry this one. You know without my telling how proud I am of this
flag and how my heart is touched by this manifestation." Large boxes
of flowers were sent her from Georgia and South Carolina, a telegram
of greeting was received from ex-Governor and Mrs. Routt of Colorado,
and there were many other pleasant remembrances.

The convention was welcomed by the Hon. John Ross, commissioner of the
District of Columbia. Miss Catherine H. Spence of South Australia said
in speaking of the suffrage there: "This country was not only the
birthplace of the Australian ballot, by which you now vote in the
United States, but it was the birthplace of woman suffrage, because
six years before the Municipal Franchise was granted to women in
England it was in effect in the towns and cities in South Australia."
At a later session Miss Spence gave a practical illustration of what
is known as proportional representation. Miss Windeyer also
represented the women electors of Australia.

In response to Mrs. Young, bearing the greetings of South Carolina,
Miss Anthony said with much feeling:

I think the most beautiful part of our coming together in
Washington for the last twenty-five years has been that more
friendships, more knowledge of each other, have come through the
hand-shakes here than would have been possible through any other
instrumentality. I shall never cease to be grateful for all the
splendid women who have come up to this great center for these
twenty-six conventions, and have learned that the North was not
such a cold place as they had believed; I have been equally glad
when we came down here and met the women from the sunny South and
found they were just like ourselves, if not a little better. In
this great association we know no North, no South, no East, no
West. This has been our pride for all these years. We have no
political party. We never have inquired what anybody's religion
is. All we ever have asked is simply, "Do you believe in perfect
equality for women?" This is the one article in our creed.

Senator Joseph M. Carey of Wyoming and Representative Lafayette Pence
of Colorado referred with great pride to the enfranchisement of the
women of their respective States. Mrs. Johns was introduced by Miss
Anthony as "the general of the Kansas army;" Mrs. Greenleaf as the
Democratic nominee for member of the N. Y. Constitutional Convention;
Mrs. Henry as the woman who received 4,500 votes for Clerk of the
Supreme Court of Kentucky. Miss Anthony's spicy introductions of the
various speakers were always greatly relished by the audiences.

No more impressive or beautiful memorial service ever was held than
that in remembrance of Lucy Stone. The principal address was made by
Mrs. Julia Ward Howe (Mass.), in the course of which she said:

In all action taken under her supervision, Mrs. Stone was most
careful that the main issue should be constantly presented and
kept in view. While welcoming every reform which gave evidence of
the ethical progress of the community, she yet held to woman
suffrage, pure and simple, as the first condition upon which the
new womanhood should base itself. Efforts were often made to
entangle suffrage with the promise of endless reforms in various
directions, but firm as Cato, who always repeated his words that
Carthage should be destroyed, Lucy Stone always asked for
suffrage because it is right and just that women should have it,
and not on the ground of a swiftly-coming millennium which should
follow it....

When Lucy Stone first resolved to devote her life to the
rehabilitation of her sex, to what a task did she pledge herself!
The high road to reform which she held so dear was not even
measured before her. The ground was covered with a growth of
centuries. Could this small hand that held a sickle hope to cut
down those forests of time-honored prejudice and superstition?
What had she to work with? A silver voice, a winning smile, the
great gift of a persuasive utterance. What had she to work from?
A deep and abiding faith in divine justice and in man's ability
to follow its laws and to execute its decrees.

The prophetic sense of good to come, vouchsafed to her in the
morning of life, did not forsake her at its close. Her mind was
of a very practical cast and in her many days of labor her eyes
were always fixed upon her work. But when her work was taken from
her, she saw at once the heavens open before her and the eternal
life and light beckoning to her to go up higher. With a smile she
passed from the struggle of earthly existence to the peace of the
saints made perfect. Here she was still debarred the right to
cast her ballot at the polls, but lo, in the blue urn of heaven
her life was received, one glowing and perfect vote for the
rights of women, for the good of humanity, for the Kingdom of God
on earth.

A few sentences may be given as the key-note of the eulogy of the Hon.
Wm. Dudley Foulke (Ind.): "Her career, while different from that of
most women, was characterized throughout by entire and consistent
womanliness. Among the many admirable qualities that she possessed, it
is difficult to single out the one for which she will hereafter be
best remembered, but as dauntless moral courage is a rarer quality
perhaps than any other, it seems to me that this will remain her
brightest jewel."

In the address of Mrs. Josephine K. Henry (Ky.) she referred to the
marriage of Lucy Stone and Henry B. Blackwell as follows:

Their matrimonial contract is the grandest chart of the absolute
equality of man and woman that has ever been made, and it throws
a new halo of consecration and sanctity around the institution of
marriage. It has not yet been written in our ecclesiastical and
civil codes that every woman shall retain and dignify her own
name through life, but civilization is preparing now to issue
this edict. The coming woman will not resign her name at the
marriage altar, and it will be told in future years of these two
great souls who were the first to recognize the dignity of human
individuality. The domestic life of this couple who set up the
standard of absolute equality of husband and wife was an
exquisite idyl, fragrant with love and tenderness, a poem whose
rhythm was not marred, a divine melody that rose above the
discords and dissensions of domestic life upon the lowlands where
man is the ruler and woman the subject.

In the touching tribute of Miss Laura Clay (Ky.) she said: "Lucy Stone
is one of those who paid what must be paid for liberty or for any high
good of humanity. She made sacrifices and did things that none of us
to-day would be called upon to do, did them bravely, did them without
shrinking, did them almost without knowing that she was doing anything
which would call forth the blessing, the gratitude of the human race."

Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake (N. Y.) referred more especially to the
domestic qualities, saying:

When the gift of a little child came it was more to her than all
else beside. For a while the world centered in that tiny cradle,
and the hand which rocked that cradle had rather perform this
gentle office than rule the world. It will ever be thus. With the
true woman, dearer than wealth or fame is the touch of baby
hands, sweeter than the applause of multitudes is the ripple of a
baby's laughter. As the years passed by, the mother gave more of
her life to the public, but always with the thought of the young
girl who was growing up beside her and making of her home the
dearest and most sacred spot.

This part of the memorial services appropriately closed with the
tender reminiscences of forty-five years of married life, by the
husband, Mr. Blackwell.

Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton (N. Y.) sent an eloquent tribute to the
memory of Lucy Stone, Leland Stanford, George W. Childs, Elizabeth
Oakes Smith and Elizabeth Peabody. After reciting the contributions of
each in the cause of woman, she closed with these words from The
Prince of India in reference to the last great record: "There is thy
history and mine, and all of little and great and good and bad that
shall befall us in this life. Death does not blot out the records.
Everlastingly writ, they shall be everlastingly read; for the shame of
some, for the glory of others."

Mrs. Lucretia L. Blankenburg of Philadelphia told of the loyalty to
women of Mr. Child's paper, the _Public Ledger_, and of his many
benefactions. Frederick Douglass gave the offering of his eloquence
and ended as follows:

It is not alone because of the goodness of any cause that men can
safely predicate success. Much depends on the character and
quality of the men and women who are its advocates. The Redeemer
must ever come from above. Only the best of mankind can afford to
support unpopular opinions. The common sort will drift with the
tide. No good cause can fail when supported by such women as were
Lucretia Mott, Abby Kelly, Angelina Grimke, Lydia Maria Child,
Maria W. Chapman, Thankful Southwick, Sally Holly, Ernestine L.
Rose, E. Oakes Smith, Elizabeth Peabody and the noble and gifted
Lucy Stone. Not only have we a glorious constellation of women on
the silent continent to assure us that our cause is good and that
it must finally prevail, but we have such men as William Lloyd
Garrison, Wendell Phillips, William Henry Channing, Francis
Jackson, Gerrit Smith, Samuel J. May, Samuel E. Sewall--now no
longer with us in body, but in spirit and memory to cheer us on
in the good work of lifting women in the fullest sense to the
dignity of American liberty and American citizenship.

Miss Anthony closed the services with heartfelt testimonials to Mrs.
Myra Bradwell, one of the first woman lawyers and founder and editor
of _The Legal News_; Miss Mary F. Seymour, founder of _The Business
Woman's Journal_; and Col. John Thompson, a founder of the Patrons of
Husbandry, the first national organization of men to indorse woman
suffrage.

At one of the evening sessions Miss Anthony presented Dr. John
Trimble, secretary of the National Grange, and Leonard Rhone,
chairman of its executive committee. The latter said in course of a
few brief remarks: "When the farmers of this country organized they
took with them their wives and daughters, and for twenty-seven years
we have tried woman suffrage in the Grange and it has worked well.
What we have demonstrated by experience in our organization we are
ready to indorse, and by almost a unanimous vote at our last national
convention we passed a resolution in favor of woman suffrage."

Mrs. Orra Langhorne read a clever paper on House Cleaning in Old
Virginia, describing present social and political conditions and
showing the need of woman's participation. Mrs. Mary Lowe Dickinson
(N. Y.), secretary of the King's Daughters, gave a talk which sparkled
with anecdotes and illustrations, every one scoring a point for woman
suffrage. Madame Hanna Korany, from Syria, told in her soft, broken
English how the women of the old world looked to those of America to
free them from the slavery of customs and laws.

Mrs. Miriam Howard DuBose took for her subject Some Georgia
Curiosities, which she showed to be "men who love women too dearly to
accord them justice; women who are deceived by such affection; the
self-supporting woman, who crowds all places where there is any money
to be made without encountering the masculine frown and declares she
has all the rights she wants. Georgia's motto should read: Unwisdom,
Injustice, Immoderation."

Miss Harriet A. Shinn (Ills.), president of the National Association
of Women Stenographers, gave unanswerable testimony from employers in
many different kinds of business expressing a preference for women
stenographers. Miss Elizabeth Upham Yates (Me.) illustrated how class
distinctions, public schools, religious liberty and social life have
been affected by the thought of the times, by fashionable thought. The
official report said: "So bristling with humor was this address that
there were several times when the speaker had to stop and wait for the
laughter to subside. At the conclusion, her effort was acknowledged by
long applause."

Miss Shaw closed an evening which had been full of mirth, saying in
the course of her vivacious remarks:

I spoke at a woman's club in Philadelphia yesterday and a young
lady said to me afterwards: "Well, that sounds very nice, but
don't you think it is better to be the power behind the throne?"
I answered that I had not had much experience with thrones, but a
woman who has been on a throne, and who is now behind it, seems
to prefer to be on the throne.[98] Mr. Edward Bok, editor of the
_Ladies' Home Journal_, says that by careful watching for many
years, he has come to the conclusion that no woman has had any
business relations with men who has not been contaminated by
them; and this same individual who does not want us to have
business relations with men, lest we be contaminated by the
association, wants us to marry these same men and live with them
three hundred and sixty-five and one-fourth days a year!

On Sunday Mrs. Chapman Catt gave a sermon in the People's Church, Mrs.
Ellen Battelle Dietrick in All Soul's Church (Unitarian), and the Rev.
Anna Howard Shaw in Metzerott's Music Hall. At the last named meeting
Mrs. Howe offered the prayer and, at the close, recited her Battle
Hymn of the Republic. Miss Shaw preached from the text, "Let no man
take thy crown."

....Since the beginning of the Christian era those who have
expounded the Scriptures have been principally men, and the
Gospel has been presented to us from the standpoint of men. In
all these interpretations Heaven has been peopled with men, God
has been pictured as a man, and even the earth has been
represented as masculine.

In the beginning this was wise, because people have always been
more impressed by law, order, system and government than by the
spirit of faith. But we have passed the stage of force in nature,
of force in physical life, and have arrived at the age of
spiritual thought and earthly needs when the mother comes to the
front. In the Old World I have seen venerable men, strong men,
and women kneeling together at the shrine of Mary pouring out
their sufferings into the mother heart of the Virgin and rising
refreshed and solaced. What Catholicism has done for its church,
Protestantism must do for Christianity everywhere, by revealing
the mother-life and the mother-spirit of divine nature. In the
lesson of life there is not only a father but a mother-love.

Jesus Christ, we are told, was a man and so were His disciples,
and this is given as the reason why men only should preach the
Gospel, yet the Scriptures tell us that the first
divinely-ordained preacher was a woman. All the way down in the
history of Christianity are found women side by side with men,
always ready and willing to bear the burdens and sorrows of life
in order to better their fellows. In this country every
reformation has been urged by women as well as men. The names of
William Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips will go down to
posterity linked with those of Lucretia Mott, Harriet Beecher
Stowe and Susan B. Anthony. In the great temperance movement the
name of Gough will at once bring to mind Frances E. Willard.
There is no name more prominently identified in the effort to
uplift the Indian than that of Helen Hunt Jackson. Wherever there
has been a wrong committed there have always been women to defend
the wronged. Julia Ward Howe gave us the "Battle Hymn of the
Republic," while Lucy Stone's last words should be the motto of
every young girl's life, "Make the world better."

With respect to my text, "Let no man take thy crown," these words
were written to the church, and not to the men alone, and the
command should be obeyed by every woman. If the churches then
were anything like the churches of to-day, they were composed of
three-fourths women. Hence this injunction was intended
especially for women. This crown, I take it, means the crown of
righteousness, of regeneration, of redemption, of purity, and
applies to the whole body of the church. I believe the crown of
womanhood in its highest sense means womanly character and
nature. We never can wear a higher or nobler crown than pure and
womanly womanhood....

The world has always been more particular how we did things than
what things we did.... All human beings are under obligations
first to themselves. If self-sacrifice seems best, then we should
practice that; while if self-assertion seems best, then we should
assert ourselves. The abominable doctrine taught in the pulpit,
the press, in books and elsewhere, is that the whole duty of
women is self-abasement and self-sacrifice. I do not believe
subjection is woman's duty any more than it is the duty of a man
to be under subjection to another man or to many men. Women have
the right of independence, of conscience, of will and of
responsibility.

Women are robbed of themselves by the laws of the country and by
fashion. The time has not passed when women are bought and sold.
Social custom makes the world a market-place in which women are
bought and sold, and sometimes they are given away. In the
marriage ceremony woman loses her name, and under the old Common
Law a married woman had no legal rights. She occupied the same
position to her husband as the slave to his master. These things
degraded marriage, but the home would be the holiest of spots if
the wife asserted her individuality and worked hand-in-hand with
her husband, each uplifting the other. Women are robbed of the
right of conscience. Their silence and subjection in the church
have been the curse not only of womanhood but of manhood. No
other human being should decide for us in questions pertaining to
our own moral and spiritual welfare. Women are beginning to
believe that God will listen to a woman as quickly as to a man.
The time has come when councils of women will gather and do their
work in their quiet way without regard to men.

No person is human who may not "will" to be anything he can be.
When the woman says "I will," there is not anything this side of
the throne of God to stop her, and the girls of the present day
should learn this lesson. Now there is placed upon women the
obligation of service without the responsibility of their
actions. The man who leads feels the responsibility of his acts,
and this urges him to make them noble. Women should have this
same responsibility and be made to feel it. The most dangerous
thing in the world is power without responsibility....

Monday night's session was designated "president's evening" and many
short, clever talks were given.[99] James L. Hughes, Superintendent of
Schools in Toronto and president of the Equal Suffrage Association of
that city, told how the women of Canada voted, sat on the public and
High School boards and even served as president of the Toronto board.

At the Tuesday evening meeting Miss Anthony introduced Senator W. A.
Peffer and Representatives Jerry Simpson, John C. Davis, Case
Broderick and Charles Curtis of Kansas, and Henry A. Coffeen of
Wyoming. Ex-Senator Blanche K. Bruce of Mississippi was invited to the
platform and responded by saying he hoped to see the day when every
qualified woman could exercise the suffrage. The Hon. Simon Wolf,
commissioner of the District, urged equality of rights for women.

Grace Greenwood was presented as one of the pioneer woman suffragists.
Mrs. Mary Seymour Howell (N. Y.), the heroine of many campaigns, in a
stirring speech related her varied experiences and said: "Ours is one
of the greatest wars of the centuries. Indeed, it is a continuation of
the same battle which has been waged almost since the world began but
carried on with different tactics. It stands unique. No cannon is
heard. No smoke tells of defeat or victory. No bloody battlefields
lift their blushing faces to the heavens. It is a battle of ideas, a
battle of prejudices, the right and the wrong, the new and the old,
meeting in close contact. It is the 'war of the roses,' if you so
please to call it. It is the motherhood of the republic asking for
full political recognition."

The last address of the convention was made by the Rev. Ida C. Hultin,
on the Crowning Race, whose men and women should be equally free. Gov.
Davis H. Waite of Colorado sent a letter in relation to the
enfranchising of women the previous year, in which he said:

The Populists more than any other political party in Colorado
favored equal suffrage, but many Republicans and Democrats also
voted for it, and in my opinion the result may be considered as
due to the enlightened public sentiment of the common people of
the State. The more I consider the matter the more it grows upon
me in importance, and the more I realize the fact that all the
patriotism, all the intelligence and all the virtue of the
commonwealth are necessary to preserve it from the corrupt and
mercenary attacks made upon it from all points by corporate
trusts and monopolies. Equal suffrage can not fail to encourage
purity in both private and public life, and to elevate the
official standard of fitness.

A letter from Mrs. May Wright Sewall, regretting her enforced absence,
closed by saying:

Many of you know that the last few months I have spent in editing
the papers presented at the World's Congress of Representative
Women, held in Chicago last May. It is a remarkable and to me
quite an unexpected fact that the papers upon the subject of
Civil and Political Reform are hardly more earnest appeals for
political equality than are the addresses to be found in every
other chapter. Hereafter if one asserts that the interest in the
woman suffrage movement is not growing, let him be cited to this
galaxy of witnesses, whose testimony is all the more valuable
because in the large majority of instances it proceeds from women
who never have identified themselves with it, and are not at all
known as advocates of political equality. The meaning of the
entire report is equality, co-operation, organization; that is,
the demand made by the National Suffrage Association is the
demand borne to us by the echoes of that great congress.

Among the committee reports that of Mrs. Rachel Foster Avery, Chairman
of Columbian Exposition Work, attracted especial attention and was in
part as follows:

There is a most valuable and interesting bit of unpublished
history which seems to me to form an integral part of your
committee's report. It concerns the origin of the Board of Lady
Managers, and this association should be proud to be able to feel
that to our president is largely due the recognition of women in
official capacity at the World's Fair. The fact that women were
not officially recognized during the Centennial Exposition in
1876 was a great disappointment to all interested in the
advancement of womankind, and while it was suggested on every
side that women must have a voice in the management of the
World's Fair in 1893, it remained for Susan B. Anthony to take
the initiatory step which led to the creation of the Board of
Lady Managers. She had invitations sent to women of official and
social position to meet in the Riggs House parlors to consider
this matter, in December, 1889. At this meeting Mrs. Conger, wife
of Senator Omar D. Conger of Michigan, was made chairman, and
Mrs. Harriet Taylor Upton, secretary. Miss Anthony was not
present, fearing lest her well-known radical views might hinder
the progress of affairs in the direction she wished them to take,
but she restlessly walked about her room in the hotel anxiously
awaiting the result.

Several meetings followed this and a committee was appointed to
wait upon Congress, asking that the commission should consist of
both men and women. Meanwhile the World's Fair Bill had been
brought before the House and Miss Anthony soon saw that there
would not be time for this committee to act. She therefore
prepared petitions, sent them to women in official life and asked
them to obtain signatures of official people.[100] On the
strength of these petitions there was added to the bill, in
March, 1890, an amendment providing for the appointment of women
on the Board.

Miss Anthony's self-effacement was perhaps the wisest thing under
the circumstances, for the Board, as appointed, being unconnected
with woman suffrage, proved an immense source of education to the
conservative women of the whole world--an education not needed by
the radical women of our own ranks. I think the time has surely
come when the truth of this history should be known to all.

The election of officers resulted in Miss Anthony's receiving
for president 139 out of 140 possible votes; Miss Shaw for
vice-president-at-large, 130; Rachel Foster Avery for corresponding
secretary, unanimous; Alice Stone Blackwell for recording secretary,
136; Harriet Taylor Upton for treasurer, unanimous.

During the convention the death of Miss Anna Ella Carroll was
announced. A resolution of sympathy with her sister was adopted and a
collection was taken up, as had been done for Miss Carroll a number
of times during the past twenty-five years, which resulted in over
forty dollars.

Mrs. Sallie Clay Bennett (Ky.), the faithful champion of Federal
Suffrage, insisted that, instead of asking for an amendment to confer
suffrage, we should demand protection in the right already guaranteed
by the U. S. Constitution: "Even when asking for Municipal Suffrage,
we never should fail to assert that it is already ours under the
Constitution, and that there is strength enough in our national
government to protect every woman in the Union provided the men had
interpreted the laws right." Miss Sara Winthrop Smith (Conn.)
supported Mrs. Bennett, saying: "It is useless labor to petition for a
Sixteenth Amendment--we do not need it. Our fundamental institutions
most adequately protect the rights of all citizens of the United
States, irrespective of sex. In the twenty-four years since the
passage of the Fifteenth Amendment, 300 amendments to the Constitution
have been introduced into Congress which never met with any approval
from either House. I think it is wasted time for us to continue in
this work, and therefore I feel that it concerns our dignity as a part
of the people of this great United States that we declare and ask only
for that which recognizes the dignity of such citizens." Mrs. Diggs,
Mrs. Dietrick, Mrs. Colby and others supported this view.

In expressing his dissent Mr. Blackwell said: "I do not believe in
Federal Suffrage. I agree with the State's Rights party in their
views." Miss Blackwell and others took the same position, and Miss
Anthony closed the debate by saying: "There is no doubt that the
spirit of the Constitution guarantees full equality of rights and the
protection of citizens of the United States in the exercise of these
rights, but the powers that be have decided against us, and until we
can get a broader Supreme Court--which will not be until after the
women of every State in the Union are enfranchised--we never will get
the needed liberal interpretation of that document." The majority
concurred in this view.

The most spirited discussion of the convention was in regard to the
place of holding the next annual meeting. Urgent invitations were
received from Detroit and Cincinnati, but the persuasive Southern
advocates, Claudia Howard Maxwell, Miriam Howard DuBose and H. Augusta
Howard, three Georgia delegates, carried off the prize for Atlanta.

This was the first and last appearance on the suffrage platform of
Miss Kate Field, who was introduced by Miss Anthony with her
characteristic abruptness: "Now, friends, here is Kate Field, who has
been talking all these years against woman suffrage. She wants to tell
you of the faith that is in her." Miss Field responded quickly:

I take exception to what Miss Anthony has said, because I think
she has misconstrued my position entirely. I never have been
against woman suffrage. I have been against universal suffrage of
any kind, regardless of sex. I think that morally woman has
exactly as much right to the suffrage as man. It is a disgrace
that such women as you and I have not the suffrage, but I do
think that all suffrage should be regarded as a privilege and
should not be demanded as a right. It should be the privilege of
education and, if you please--I will not quarrel about that--of a
certain property qualification. I have not changed my opinion,
but I did say that I was tired of waiting for men to have common
sense, that there evidently never would be any restriction in
suffrage and that I should come in for the whole thing, woman
included. Now, that is my position.... I withdraw my former
attitude and take my stand on this platform.

The usual able "hearings" were held. Before the Senate
committee--Senators Hoar, Teller, Wolcott, Blackburn and Hill--the
speakers were the Rev. Ida C. Hultin, Miss Blackwell, Mrs. Lucretia
Mitchell, Mrs. Diggs, Mrs. Phoebe C. Wright, Miss Alice Smith, Mrs.
Bennett, Mrs. Colby, Representative John C. Davis of Kansas. Although
the majority of the committee were in favor of woman suffrage no
report was made.

The Hon. Isaac H. Goodnight (Ky.) was in the chair of the House
Judiciary Committee, which was addressed by the Reverends Miss Shaw
and Miss Hultin, Mrs. Young, Mrs. Emily G. Ketcham, Miss Lavina A.
Hatch, Prof. Jennie Gifford, Mrs. Alice Waugh, Mrs. Pickler, Miss
Howard, Mrs. Meredith, Mrs. Greenleaf, Mr. Blackwell. Miss Anthony
presented the speakers and closed the discussion. Later Mr. Goodnight
submitted an adverse report for a majority of the committee.

FOOTNOTES:

[98] The Hawaiian ex-queen, then in the United States endeavoring to
have her throne restored to her.

[99] Among the speakers were Mrs. Mary L. Bennett, Mrs. Lucretia L.
Blankenburg, Miss Laura Clay, Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby, Mrs. Etta
Grymes Farrah, Mrs. Jean Brooks Greenleaf, Mrs. Florence Howe Hall,
Mrs. Rebecca Henry Hayes, Mrs. Laura M. Johns, Mrs. Emily B. Ketcham,
Mrs. Claudia Howard Maxwell, Mrs. Ellis Meredith, Mrs. Mary Bentley
Thomas, Mrs. Emmeline B. Wells, Mrs. Virginia D. Young.

[100] Miss Anthony herself also went among prominent persons of her
own acquaintance obtaining signatures. In a few days 111 names were
secured of the wives and daughters of Judges of the Supreme Court, the
Cabinet, Senators, Representatives, Army and Navy officers--as
influential a list as the national capital could offer. These names
may be found in the published minutes of this convention of 1894, p.
135.

At the time Miss Anthony secured this petition no organization of
women had considered the question and, if she had not been on the
ground and taken immediate action, there is every reason to believe
that the bill would have passed Congress without any provision for a
board of women. For a further account of this matter, and for a
description of this great Congress of Women, see Life and Work of
Susan B. Anthony, Chap. XLI; also chapter on Illinois in this volume
of the History.

CHAPTER XV.

THE NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1895.

The Twenty-seventh annual convention--Jan. 31-Feb. 5, 1895--possessed
an unusual interest because of its being held outside of Washington.
The American society had been accustomed to migratory conventions, but
the National had gone to the capital for twenty-six winters. The
_Woman's Journal_, whose editors were strongly in favor of the former
plan, said of the Atlanta meeting:

There had been some fears that holding the convention so far
south might result in a smaller attendance of delegates than
usual; but there were ninety-three delegates, representing
twenty-eight States, and also a large number of visitors. Some,
like Mrs. Abigail Scott Duniway of Oregon, had come nearly 4,000
miles to be present. De Give's Opera House was crowded. Even at
the morning meetings the seats were full and men stood for hours,
several rows deep all around the sides and back of the house--a
novel and gratifying sight at a business meeting. The proportion
of men among the delegates and in the audiences, both day and
evening, was larger than usual....

Over the platform hung two large flags, that of the association,
with the two stars of Wyoming and Colorado, and another flag, the
work of Georgia ladies, on which was ingeniously depicted the
relative standing of the different States on this question. The
States where women have no form of suffrage were represented by
black stars. Those where they can vote for school committee or on
certain local questions had a golden rim. Kansas and Iowa had a
wider golden rim, to indicate municipal and bond suffrage.
Wyoming and Colorado shone with full and undimmed luster.
Portraits of Lucy Stone and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, draped in
yellow, adorned opposite sides of the platform.

Many of the delegates were from the Southern States, and some of
them strikingly illustrated Miss Anthony's assertion, "These
Southern women are born orators." In sweetness of voice, grace of
manner and personal charm they have all the qualities to make
most effective speakers, while in the fervor of their equal
rights sentiments they go even beyond their sisters from the
North and West. One handsome young lady, who sat on the platform
a good deal of the time, was supposed to be from New England,
because she wore her hair short. It turned out, however, that she
was from New Orleans and was a cousin of Jefferson Davis. The
announcement of this fact caused her to be received by the
audience with roars of enthusiasm.

The Atlanta papers devoted columns every day to friendly reports
and innumerable portraits. Ministers of different denominations
opened the convention with prayer and their pulpits afterwards
for addresses by the ladies. Some of the best people of the city
took visitors into their homes, entertaining them hospitably and
delightfully, and showing them what a Southern home is like. The
national officers and speakers were entertained by the Georgia W.
S. A. at the Aragon, and the State officers generously insisted
upon taking almost the entire expenses of the great convention
upon their own young shoulders. These "Georgia girls" devoted
unlimited time, thought and work to getting up the convention,
and then effaced themselves as far as possible....[101]

Perhaps no one person did more, unintentionally, to promote the
enthusiasm of the convention than the Rev. Dr. Hawthorne, a
Baptist preacher. He had felt called upon to denounce all woman
suffragists from his pulpit, not only with severity but with
discourtesy, and had been so misguided as to declare that the
husbands of suffragists were all feeble-minded men. As the
average equal-rights woman is firmly convinced that her husband
is the very best man in the world, this remark stirred the women
up to a degree of wrath which no amount of abuse leveled against
themselves would have aroused. On the other hand, the Atlanta
people, even those who were not in favor of suffrage, felt
mortified by this unprovoked insult to their guests, and many of
them took occasion in private to express their regret. Several
speakers at the convention criticised Dr. Hawthorne's utterances,
and every such allusion was received with warm applause by the
audience....

At the beginning of the convention four announcements were made which
added much to the general good cheer--that South Australia had
followed the example of New Zealand in extending Full Suffrage to
women; that the Supreme Court of Ohio had pronounced the School
Suffrage Law constitutional; that the Governor of Illinois had filled
a vacancy on the Board of Trustees of the State University by
appointing a woman; that the Idaho Legislature had submitted a woman
suffrage amendment.

The most perfect arrangements had been made for the meetings, and the
novelty of the occasion attracted large crowds, but there was also
much genuine interest. The success was partly due to the excellent
work of the press of Atlanta. There was, however, no editorial
endorsement except by _The Sunny South_, Col. Henry Clay Fairman,
editor.

The national president, Miss Susan B. Anthony, said in opening the
convention: "With this gavel was called to order in 1869 that
Legislature of Wyoming which established the first true republic under
the Stars and Stripes and gave the franchise to what men call the
better-half of the people. We women do not say that, but we do claim
to be half."

Miss Anthony seldom made a stated address either in opening or
closing, but throughout the entire convention kept up a running fire
of quaint, piquant, original and characteristic observations which
delighted the audience and gave a distinctive attraction to the
meetings. It was impossible to keep a record of these and they would
lose their zest and appropriateness if separated from the
circumstances which called them forth. They can not be transmitted to
future generations, but the thousands who heard them during the fifty
years of her itineracy will preserve them among their delightful
memories. Perfectly at home on the platform, she would indulge in the
same informality of remarks which others use in private conversation,
but always with a quick wit, a fine satire and a keen discrimination.
Words of praise or criticism were given with equal impartiality, and
accepted with a grace which would have been impossible had the giver
been any other than the recognized Mentor of them all. Her wonderful
power of reminiscence never failed, and she had always some personal
recollection of every speaker or of her parents or other relatives.
She kept the audience in continuous good-humor and furnished a variety
to the program of which the newspaper reporters joyfully availed
themselves. At the morning business meetings which were always
informal there would often be a running dialogue something like the
following, when Mrs. Alberta C. Taylor was called to the platform:

MISS ANTHONY: This is an Alabama girl, transplanted to the
Rockies--a daughter of Governor Chapman of Alabama. She is as
good a Southerner as any one, and also as good a Northerner and
Westerner.

MRS. TAYLOR: A Southern paper lately said no Southern woman
could read the report of the late election in Colorado without
blushing. I went through the election itself without blushing,
except with gratification.

MISS ANTHONY: Instead of degrading a woman it makes her feel
nobler not to be counted with idiots, lunatics and criminals. It
even changes the expression of her face.

VOICE IN THE AUDIENCE: How many women are there in the Colorado
Legislature?

MRS. TAYLOR: Three.

MISS ANTHONY: It has always been thought perfectly womanly to be
a scrub-woman in the Legislature and to take care of the
spittoons; that is entirely within the charmed circle of woman's
sphere; but for women to occupy any of those official seats would
be degrading.

MISS LUCY E. ANTHONY: What salaries do the women legislators
receive?

MRS. TAYLOR: The same as the men, $4 a day. The pay of our
legislators is small. A prosperous business man has to make a
great sacrifice to go to the Legislature, and we can not always
get the best men to serve. This is an additional reason for
making women eligible. There are more first-class women than
first-class men who have the leisure.

MISS SHAW: We are accused of wishing to belittle men, but in
Colorado they think a man's time is worth only as much as a
woman's.

MRS. CLARA B. COLBY: The Hon. Mrs. Holley has just introduced in
the Colorado House, and carried through it against strong
opposition, a bill raising the age of protection for girls to
eighteen years.

MRS. DUNIWAY: I was in the Colorado House and saw it done. The
women members are highly respected. I have never seen women so
honored since those of Washington were disfranchised. The leading
men are as proud of the enfranchisement of their women as Georgia
men will be when the time comes. The Colorado women have
organized a Good Government League to promote education,
sanitation and general prosperity.

MRS. TAYLOR: A bookseller in Denver told me that since women were
given the suffrage he had sold more books on political economy
than he had sold since Colorado was admitted into the Union.

MISS ANTHONY: The bill raising the age of protection for girls
shows that suffrage does not make a woman forget her children,
and the bookseller's remark shows that she will study the science
of government.

MRS. MARY BENTLEY THOMAS: One of our most conservative Maryland
women, who married in Colorado ten years ago, writes to me: "I
enjoyed every moment of the campaign, especially the primary
meetings." A Virginia woman who also married a Colorado man
writes back: "Come West, where women are appreciated, and where
they are proud and happy citizens." She adds: "If you will come
I will show you the sweetest girl baby you ever saw."

MRS. HENRY: Let it be recorded that the first bill introduced by
a woman member in any State Legislature was a bill for the
protection of girls.

On motion of Mrs. Colby, it was voted to send a telegram of
congratulation to the Hon. Mrs. Holley.

Again:

Before introducing the president of the Florida W. S. A. Miss
Anthony said: "For several years a big box of oranges has come to
me from Florida. Not long ago, I got home on one of the coldest
nights of the year, and found a box standing in my woodshed, full
of magnificent oranges. Next morning the papers reported that all
the oranges in Florida were frozen; but the president of the
suffrage association saved that boxful for me."

MRS. ELLA C. CHAMBERLAIN: Those were all we saved.... A man in
Florida who hires himself and his wife out to hoe corn, charges
$1.25 for his own services and 75 cents for hers, although she
does just as much work as he, so the men who employ them tell me.
It costs his wife 50 cents a day to be a woman.

VOICE IN THE AUDIENCE: And the 75 cents paid for her work belongs
to her husband.

MISS ANTHONY: I suppose those are colored men.

MRS. CHAMBERLAIN: No, they are white.

MISS ANTHONY: White men have always controlled their wives'
wages. Colored men were not able to do so until they themselves
became free. Then they owned both their wives and their wages.

The delegate from the District of Columbia answered in a very faint
tone of voice, and Miss Anthony remarked that "this was through
mortification because even the men there had no more rights than
women." When another delegate could not be heard she said: "Women have
always been taught that it is immodest to speak in a loud voice, and
it is hard for them to get out of the old rut." At another time:

MISS LAVINA A. HATCH: In Massachusetts there are between 103,000
and 105,000 families which have no male head. Some of these pay
large taxes and none of them has any representation.

MRS. MARIANA W. CHAPMAN: In about two-thirds of the State of New
York, and not including New York City, women are assessed on
$348,177,107.

MRS. LOUISA SOUTHWORTH: This year, with the new income tax, I
shall pay in taxes, national, State and municipal, $5,300.

MISS ANTHONY: Yet why should she have a right to vote?
Inconsistency is the jewel of the American people.

MRS. MERIWETHER: Tennessee caps the climax in taxation without
representation. In Shelby County there are two young women,
sisters, who own farms. Both are married, and both were sensible
enough to have their farms secured to themselves and their
children. In one case, at least, it proved a wise precaution. One
of these young women asked the other, when she went to town, to
pay a few bills for her and settle her taxes. Accordingly she
went to the tax office, and as she handed in the papers she
noticed written at the foot of her sister's tax bill, "Poll tax,
$1.00." She exclaimed, "Oh, when did Mrs. A. become a voter? I am
so glad Tennessee has granted suffrage to women!" "Oh, she
hasn't; it doesn't," said the young clerk with a smile. "That is
her husband's poll tax." "And why is she required to pay her
husband's poll tax?" "It is the custom," he said. She replied,
"Then Tennessee will change its custom this time. I will see the
tax collector dead and very cold before I will pay Mr. A.'s poll
tax out of my sister's property in order that he may vote, while
she is not allowed to do so!"

MISS ANTHONY: It seems to me that these Southern women are in a
state of chronic rebellion.

MRS. MERIWETHER: We are.

In closing this meeting Miss Anthony said: "Now, don't all of you come
to me to tell me how glad you are that I have worked for fifty years,
but say rather that you are going to begin work yourselves."

The delegates were eloquently welcomed in behalf of the South by
Bennett J. Conyers of Atlanta, who declared that "suffrage for women
is demanded by the divine law of human development." He said in part:

The work of Miss Anthony needs no apology. She has blazed a way
for advanced thought in her lonely course over the red-hot
plowshares of resistance. Now almost at the summit she looks back
to see following her an army with banners. May she long worship
where she stands at Truth's mountain altar, as, with the royal
sunset flush upon her brow, she catches the beckoning of the
lights twinkling on the heavenly shore.... The South is a maiden
well worthy of the allegiance of this cause, and when her aid is
given it will be as devoted as it has been reserved. The South is
the land where has lingered latest on earth the chivalry which
idealized its objects of worship. What though it may have meant
repression? Is it any wonder that the tender grace of a day that
is dead even now lingers and makes men loath to welcome change?
Perhaps it can not be told how much it has cost men to surrender
the ideal, even though it be to change it for the perfected
womanhood....

The address of welcome for the State was made by Mrs. Mary L.
McLendon, who spoke earnestly in favor of equal suffrage, saying:

If Georgia women could vote, this National Convention could hold
its session in our million dollar capitol, which rears its grand
proportions on yonder hill. Crowning its loftiest pinnacle is the
statue of a woman representing Liberty, and on its front the
motto, "Justice, Wisdom and Moderation." It was built with money
paid into our State's treasury by women as well as men, both
white and black; but men alone, white and black, have the
privilege of meeting in legislative session to make laws to
govern women. Men are also allowed to hold their Democratic,
Republican, Prohibition and Populist Conventions in its halls. It
is with difficulty that women can secure a hearing before a
legislative committee to petition for laws to ameliorate their
own condition, or to secure compulsory training in the public
schools, that their children may be brought up in the way they
should go, and become sober, virtuous citizens.

Major Charles W. Hubner extended the welcome of the city, saying in
conclusion: "Reason and right are with you, and these, in the name of
God, will at last prevail." Afterwards he contributed the poem, "Thank
God that Thought is Free." Miss Anthony was presented by Miss H.
Augusta Howard and, after a speech complimentary to Southern women,
introduced Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake (N. Y.), who eulogized Southern
Chivalry, and Mrs. Lida A. Meriwether (Tenn.), who spoke in behalf of
Motherhood. Miss Elizabeth Upham Yates (Me.) made the closing address,
in which she said: "As surely as I want to vote--and nothing is more
certain--the man for whom I have most wished to vote was your own
beloved Henry W. Grady. There is something else for women to do than
to sit at home and fan themselves, 'cherishing their femininity.'
Womanliness will never be sacrificed in following the path of duty and
service."

One of the principal addresses of the convention was that of Gen.
Robert R. Hemphill of South Carolina, who began by saying that in 1892
he introduced a woman suffrage resolution in his State Senate, which
received fourteen out of thirty-five votes. He closed as follows: "The
cause is making headway, though slowly it is true, for it has the
prejudices of hundreds of years to contend against. The peaceful
revolution is upon us. It will not turn backward but will go on
conquering until its final triumph. Woman will be exalted, she will
enjoy equal rights; pure politics and good government will be
insured, the cause of morality advanced, and the happiness of the
people established."

Miss Alice Stone Blackwell (Mass.) discussed The Strongholds of
Opposition, showing what they are and how they must be attacked. Woman
as a Subject was presented by Mrs. Caroline E. Merrick (La.), who said
in part:

Women are, and ever will be, loyal, tender, true and devoted to
their well beloved men; for they naturally love them better than
they do themselves. It is the brave soldier submissive to
authority who deserves promotion to rank and honor; so woman,
having proved herself a good subject, is now ready for her
promotion and advancement. She is urgently asking, not to rule
over men, but to take command of herself and all her rightful
belongings....

As a self-respecting, reasonable being, she has grave
responsibilities, and from her is required an accountability
strict and severe. If she owns stock in one of your banks, she
has an influence in the management of the institution which takes
care of her money. The possession of children makes her a large
stockholder in public morality, but her self-constituted agents
act as her proxy without her authorization, as though she were of
unsound mind, or not in existence.

The great truths of liberty and equality are dear to her heart.
She would die before she would imperil the well-being of her
home. She has no design to subvert church government, nor is she
organized to tear up the social fabric of polite society. But she
has now come squarely up to a crisis, a new epoch in her history
here in the South, and asks for a womanly right to participate by
vote in this representative government.

Gentlemen, you value the power and privilege which the right of
suffrage has conferred upon you, and in your honest, manly souls
you can not but disdain the meanness and injustice which might
prompt you to deny it to women. Language utterly fails me when I
try to describe the painful humiliation and mortification which
attend this abject condition of total disfranchisement, and how
anxiously and earnestly women desire to be taken out of the list
of idiots, criminals and imbeciles, where they do not belong, and
placed in the respectable company of men who choose their
lawmakers, and give an intelligent consent to the legal power
which controls them.

Do women deserve nothing? Are they not worthy? They have a noble
cause, and they beg you to treat it magnanimously.

Mrs. Elizabeth Lyle Saxon (La.) described in an interesting manner
Club Life among the Women of the South. Mrs. Blake gave a powerful
address on Wife, Mother and Citizen. Miss Shaw closed the meeting with
an impromptu speech in which, according to the reporter, she said: "It
is declared that women are too emotional to vote; but the morning
paper described a pugilistic encounter between two members of Congress
which looked as if excitability were not limited to women. It is said
that 'the legal male mind' is the only mind fit for suffrage." Miss
Shaw then made her wit play around the legal male mind like chain
lightning. "It is said that women are illogical, and jump to their
conclusions, flea-like. I shall not try to prove that women are
logical, for I know they are not, but it is beyond me how men ever got
it into their heads that _they_ are. When we read the arguments
against woman suffrage, we see that flea-like jumping is by no means
confined to women."

On one evening the Hon. Henry C. Hammond of Georgia made the opening
address, which was thus reported:

After declaring that the atmosphere of the nineteenth century is
surcharged with the sentiment of woman's emancipation, he traced
the gradual evolution of this sentiment, showing that one by one
the shackles had been stricken from the limbs of woman until now
she was making her final protest against tyranny and her last
appeal for liberty. "What is meant," said he, "by this mysterious
dictum, 'Out of her sphere?' It is merely a sentimental phrase
without either sense or reason." He then proceeded to say that if
woman had a sphere the privilege of voting was clearly within its
limitations. There was no doubt in his mind as to woman's moral
superiority, and the politics of the country was in need of her
purifying touch. In its present distracted and unhappy condition,
the adoption of the woman suffrage platform and the incorporation
of equal rights into the supreme law of the land was the only
hope of its ultimate salvation....

J. Colton Lynes of Georgia, taking for his subject Women to the Front,
gave a valuable historical review of their progress during the last
half century. Mrs. Josephine K. Henry was introduced as "the daughter
of Kentucky," and the _Constitution_ said the next day: "If the spirit
of old Patrick Henry could have heard the eloquent plea of his
namesake, he would have had no reason to blush for a decadence of the
oratory which gave the name to the world." In considering Woman
Suffrage in the South, Mrs. Henry said:

It is asserted on all sides that the women of the South do not
want the ballot. The real truth is the women of the South never
have been asked what they want. When Pundita Ramabai was in this
country she saw a hen carried to market with its head downward.
This Christian method of treating a poor, dumb creature caused
the heathen woman to cry out, "Oh, how cruel to carry a hen with
its head down!" and she quickly received the reply, "Why, the hen
does not mind it"; and in her heathen innocence she inquired,
"Did you ask the hen?" Past civilization has not troubled either
dumb creatures or women by consulting them in regard to their own
affairs. For woman everything in sociology, law or politics has
been arranged without consulting her in any way, and when her
rights are trampled on and money extorted from her by the votes
of the vicious and ignorant, the glib tongue of tyranny says,
"Tax her again, she has no wish or right to tell what she wants."
...

Where the laws rob her in marriage of her property, she does want
possession and control of her inheritance and earnings. Where she
is a mother, she wants co-guardianship of her own children. Where
she is a breadwinner she wants equal pay for equal work. She
wants to wipe out the law that in its savagery protects brutality
when it preys upon innocent, defenseless girlhood. She wants the
streets and highways of the land made safe for the child whose
life cost her a hand to hand conflict with death. She wants a
single standard of morals established, where a woman may have an
equal chance with a man in this hard, old world, and it may not
be possible to crowd a fallen woman out of society and close
against her every avenue whereby she can make an honest living,
while the fallen man runs for Congress and is heaped with honors.
More than all, she needs and wants the ballot, the only weapon
for the protection of individual rights recognized in this
government.

In short, this New Woman of the New South wants to be a citizen
queen as well as a queen of hearts and a queen of home, whose
throne under the present regime rests on the sandy foundation of
human generosity and human caprice. It should be remembered that
the women of the South are the daughters of their fathers, and
have as invincible a spirit in their convictions in the cause of
liberty and justice as had those fathers.

We come asking the men of our section for the right of suffrage,
not that it be bestowed on us as a gift on a suppliant, but that
our birthright, bequeathed to us by the immortal Jefferson, be
restored to us....

The most pathetic picture in all history is this great conflict
which women are waging for their liberty. Men armed with all the
death-dealing weapons devised by human ingenuity, and with the
wealth of nations at their backs, have waged wars of
extermination to gain freedom; but women with no weapon save
argument, and no wealth save the justice of their cause, are
carrying on a war of education for their liberty, and no earthly
power can keep them from winning the victory.

The Next Phase of the Woman Question was considered by Miss Mary C.
Francis (O.) from the standpoint of a practical newspaper woman. Mrs.
Chapman Catt, chairman of the national organization committee, made
the last address, taking for a subject Eternal Justice. The
_Constitution_ said: "As a rapid, logical and fluent speaker it is
doubtful if America ever has produced one more gifted, and the
suffrage movement is fortunate in having so brilliant a woman for its
champion."

Henry B. Blackwell urged the South to adopt woman suffrage as one
solution of the negro problem:

Apply it to your own State of Georgia, where there are 149,895
white women who can read and write, and 143,471 negro voters, of
whom 116,516 are illiterates.

The time has come when this question should be considered. An
educational qualification for suffrage may or may not be wise,
but it is not necessarily unjust. If each voter governed only
himself, his intelligence would concern himself alone, but his
vote helps to govern everybody else. Society in conceding his
right has itself a right to require from him a suitable
preparation. Ability to read and write is absolutely necessary as
a means of obtaining accurate political information. Without it
the voter is almost sure to become the tool of political
demagogues. With free schools provided by the States, every
citizen can qualify himself without money and without price.
Under such circumstances there is no infringement of rights in
requiring an educational qualification as a pre-requisite of
voting. Indeed, without this, suffrage is often little more than
a name. "Suffrage is the authoritative exercise of rational
choice in regard to principles, measures and men." The comparison
of an unintelligent voter to a "trained monkey," who goes through
the motion of dropping a paper ballot into a box, has in it an
element of truth. Society, therefore, has a right to prescribe,
in the admission of any new class of voters, such a qualification
as every one can attain and as will enable the voter to cast an
intelligent and responsible vote.

In the development of our complex political society we have
to-day two great bodies of illiterate citizens: In the North,
people of foreign birth; in the South, people of the African race
and a considerable portion of the native white population.
Against foreigners and negroes, as such, we would not
discriminate. But in every State, save one, there are more
educated women than all the illiterate voters, white and black,
native and foreign.

The convention proper closed on Saturday night, but the exercises
Sunday afternoon may be said to have been a continuation of it. The
official report said:

The services began at 3 o'clock and more than half an hour before
this time the theatre was filled almost to its fullest capacity.
When the opening hour arrived there was not an empty chair in the
house, every aisle was crowded, and people anxious to hear the
sermon of the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw had invaded the stage. So
dense became the crowd that the doors were ordered closed and
people were refused admission even before the services began.
After the doors were closed the disappointed ones stood on the
stairs and many of them remained in the streets. The vast
congregation was made up of all classes of citizens. Every chair
that could be found in the theatre had been either placed in the
aisles or on the stage, and then boxes and benches were pressed
into service. Many of the most prominent professional and
business men were standing on the stage and in different parts of
the house.

Miss Shaw gave her great sermon The Heavenly Vision. She told of the
visions of the man which it depended upon himself to make reality; of
the visions of the woman which were forever placed beyond her reach by
the church, by society and by the laws, and closed with these words:
"We ask for nothing which God can not give us. God created nature, and
if our demands are contrary to nature, trust nature to take care of
itself without the aid of man. It is better to be true to what you
believe, though that be wrong, than to be false to what you believe,
even if that belief is correct."

Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby (D. C.) preached to more than a thousand
people at the Bethel (colored) Church; Mrs. Meriwether at the
Unitarian Church; Miss Yates and Miss Emily Howland (N. Y.) also
occupied pulpits.

The evening programs with their formal addresses naturally attracted
the largest audiences and occupied the most space in the newspapers,
but the morning and afternoon sessions, devoted to State and committee
reports and the business of the association, were really the life and
soul of this as of all the conventions. Among the most interesting of
the excellent State reports presented to the Atlanta meeting were
those of New York and Kansas, because during the previous year
suffrage campaigns had been carried on in those States. The former,
presented by Mrs. Jean Brooks Greenleaf, State president, said in
part:

The New York Constitutional Convention before whom we hopefully
carried our cause--"so old, so new, so ever true"--is a thing of
the past. We presented our petition, asking that the word "male"
be eliminated from the organic law, with the endorsement of _over
half a million_ citizens of the State. We laid before the
convention statistics showing that outside the city of New York
the property on which women pay taxes is assessed at
$348,177,107; the number of women taxed, 146,806 in 571 cities
and towns; not reported, 389.

We had the satisfaction of knowing that the delegates assembled
were kept upon a strong equal suffrage diet for days and nights
together. At the public hearings, graciously granted us, we saw
the great jury listen not only with patience but with evident
pleasure and enthusiasm, while women representing twenty-six
districts gave reasons for wanting to be enfranchised; and we
also saw the creative body itself turned into a woman suffrage
meeting for three evenings. At the close of the last we learned
that there were in this convention ninety-eight men who dared to
say that the freemen of the State should not be allowed to decide
whether their wives, mothers and daughters should be enfranchised
or not. We learned also, that there were fifty-eight men,
constituting a noble minority, who loved justice better than
party power, and were willing to risk the latter to sustain the
former.[102]

The report of the Press Committee Chairman, Mrs. Ellen Battelle
Dietrick (Mass.), called especial attention to the flood of matter
relating to the woman question which was now appearing in the
newspapers and magazines of the country, to the activity of the enemy
and to the necessity for suffragists to "publish an antidote wherever
the poison appears." The Legislative Committee, Mrs. Blake, Mrs. Henry
and Mrs. Diggs, closed their report as follows:

In a State where there is hope of support from the political
parties, where there has been long agitation and everything
points to a favorable result, it is wise to urge a constitutional
amendment striking out the word "male" as a qualification for
voters. This must pass both Houses in the form of concurrent
resolution; in some States it must pass two successive
Legislatures; and it must be ratified at the polls by a majority
of the voters.

When the conditions are not yet ripe for a constitutional
amendment, there are many measures which are valuable in arousing
public interest and preparing the way for final triumph, as well
as important in ameliorating the condition of women. Among these
are laws to secure school suffrage for women; women on boards of
education and as school trustees; equality of property rights for
husbands and wives; equal guardianship of children for mother and
father; women factory inspectors; women physicians in hospitals
and insane asylums; women trustees in all State institutions;
police matrons; seats for saleswomen; the raising of "the age of
consent."

The report of the Plan of Work Committee, Mrs. Chapman Catt, chairman,
began by saying:

The great need of the hour is organization. There can be no
doubt that the advocates of woman suffrage in the United States
are to be numbered by millions, but it is a lamentable fact that
our organization can count its numbers only by thousands. There
are illustrious men and women in every State, and there are men
and women innumerable, who are not known to the public, who are
openly and avowedly woman suffragists, yet we do not possess the
benefit of their names on our membership lists or the financial
help of their dues. In other words, the size of our membership is
not at all commensurate with the sentiment for woman suffrage.
The reason for this condition is plain; the chief work of
suffragists for the past forty years has been education and
agitation, and not organization. The time has come when the
educational work has borne its fruit, and there are States in
which there is sentiment enough to carry a woman suffrage
amendment, but it is individual and not organized sentiment, and
is, therefore, ineffective.

The audience was greatly amused when Miss Anthony commented on this:
"There never yet was a young woman who did not feel that if she had
had the management of the work from the beginning the cause would have
been carried long ago. I felt just so when I was young." There was
much laughter also over one of Mrs. Abigail Scott Duniway's short
speeches in which she said:

There are in Oregon three classes of women opposed to suffrage.
1. Women who are so overworked that they have no time to think of
it. They are joined to their wash-tubs; let them alone. But the
children of these overworked women are coming on. 2. Women who
have usurped all the rights in the matrimonial category, their
husbands' as well as their own. The husbands of such women are
always loudly opposed to suffrage. The "sassiest" man in any
community is the hen-pecked husband away from home. 3. Young
girls matrimonially inclined, who fear the avowal of a belief in
suffrage would injure their chances. I can assure such girls that
a woman who wishes to vote gets more offers than one who does
not. Their motto should be "Liberty first, and union afterwards."
The man whose wife is a clinging vine is apt to be like the oaks
in the forest that are found wrapped in vines--dead at the top.

When Miss Anthony said, "One reason why politicians hesitate to grant
suffrage to woman is because she is an unknown quantity," Mrs. Henry
responded quickly, "There are two great unknown forces to-day,
electricity and woman, but men can reckon much better on electricity
than they can on woman." A resolution was adopted for a public
celebration in New York City of Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton's
eightieth birthday, November 12, by the association.[103]

The treasurer, Mrs. Harriet Taylor Upton, reported the receipts of the
past year to be $5,820, of which $2,571 went to the Kansas campaign.
The contributions and pledges of this convention for the coming year
were about $2,000. In addition, Mrs. Louisa Southworth of Cleveland
gave $1,000 to Miss Anthony to use as she thought best, and she
announced that it would be applied to opening national headquarters. A
National Organization Committee was for the first time formally
organized and Mrs. Chapman Catt was made its chairman by unanimous
vote.

Mrs. Colby presented the memorial resolutions, saying in part:

During the past year our association has lost by death a number
of members whose devotion to the cause of woman's liberty has
contributed largely to the position she holds to-day, and whose
labors are a part of the history of this great struggle for the
amelioration of her condition. Among these beloved friends and
co-workers three stood, each as the foremost representative in a
distinct line of action: Myra Bradwell of Chicago, Virginia L.
Minor of St. Louis, Amelia Bloomer of Council Bluffs, Ia.

Mrs. Bradwell was the first to make a test case with regard to
the civil rights of women, and to prove that the disfranchised
citizen is unprotected. [Her struggle to secure from the U.S.
Supreme Court a decision enabling women to practice law was
related.] The special importance of Mrs. Minor's connection with
the suffrage work lies in the fact that she first formulated and
enunciated the idea that women have the right to vote under the
United States Constitution. [The story was then told of Mrs.
Minor's case in the U.S. Supreme Court to test the right of women
to vote under the Fourteenth Amendment.][104] Mrs. Amelia Bloomer
was the first woman to own and edit a paper devoted to woman
suffrage and temperance, the _Lily_, published in Seneca Falls,
N. Y. She was also an eloquent lecturer for both these reforms
and one of the first women to hold an office under the
Government, as deputy postmaster. The costume which bears her
name she did not originate, but wore and advocated for a number
of years.

Of the noble band that started in 1848, few now remain, but a
host of young women are already on the stage of action, even
better equipped than were our pioneers to plead their own cases
in the courts, the halls of legislation, the pulpit and the
press.

Two large receptions were given to the delegates and visitors, one at
the Hotel Aragon, and one by Mrs. W. A. Hemphill, chairman of the
Committee on the Professional Work of Women at the approaching Cotton
States Exposition soon to be held in Atlanta. She was assisted by Mrs.
W. Y. Atkinson, wife of the newly-elected Governor of Georgia.

During several weeks before the convention Miss Anthony and Mrs.
Chapman Catt had made a tour of the Southern States, speaking in the
principal cities to arouse suffrage sentiment, as this section was
practically an unvisited field. Immediately after the convention
closed a mass meeting was held in the court-house of Atlanta.
Afterwards Mrs. Blake was requested to address the Legislature of
North Carolina, Miss Anthony lectured in a number of cities on the way
northward, and others were invited to hold meetings in the neighboring
States. Most of the speakers and delegates met in Washington on
February 15 to celebrate Miss Anthony's seventy-fifth birthday and
participate in the triennial convention of the National Council of
Women.

FOOTNOTES:

[101] The three sisters, Claudia Howard Maxwell, Miriam Howard Du Bose
and H. Augusta Howard, who as delegates at Washington the previous
winter had invited the association to Atlanta, bore the principal part
of these expenses and were largely responsible for the success of the
convention.

[102] The facts and figures presented in the report from Kansas by the
president, Mrs. Laura M. Johns, will be found in the chapter on that
State.

[103] For an account of this beautiful celebration in the Metropolitan
Opera House with an audience of 3,000, see Life and Work of Susan B.
Anthony, p. 848; also Reminiscences of Elizabeth Cady Stanton.

[104] For account of Mrs. Bradwell's case see History of Woman
Suffrage, Vol. II, p. 601; of Mrs. Minor's, same, p. 715.

CHAPTER XVI.

THE NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1896.

The suffrage association held its Twenty-eighth annual convention in
the Church of Our Father, Washington, D. C., Jan. 23-28, 1896. In her
opening remarks the president, Miss Susan B. Anthony, said:

The thought that brought us here twenty-eight years ago was that,
if the Federal Constitution could be invoked to protect black men
in the right to vote, the same great authority could be invoked
to protect women. The question has been urged upon every Congress
since 1869. We asked at first for a Sixteenth Amendment
enfranchising women; then for suffrage under the Fourteenth
Amendment; then, when the Supreme Court had decided that against
us, we returned to the Sixteenth Amendment and have pressed it
ever since. The same thing has been done in this Fifty-fourth
Congress which has been done in every Congress for a decade,
namely, the introducing of a bill providing for the new
amendment....

You will notice that the seats of the delegation from Utah are
marked by a large United States flag bearing three stars, a big
one and two smaller ones. The big star is for Wyoming, because it
stood alone for a quarter of a century as the only place where
_women had full suffrage_. Colorado comes next, because it is the
first State where a majority of the men voted to grant women
equal rights. Then comes Utah, because its men in convention
assembled--in spite of the bad example of Congress, which took
the right away from its women nine years ago--those men, having
seen the good effects of woman suffrage for years, voted by an
overwhelming majority to leave out the little word "male" from
the suffrage clause of their new State Constitution, and their
action was ratified by the electors. Next year, if I am here, I
hope to rejoice with you over woman suffrage in California and
Idaho.

Some one whispered to Miss Anthony that the convention had not been
opened with prayer, and she answered without the slightest confusion:
"Now, friends, you all know I am a Quaker. We give thanks in silence.
I do not think the heart of any one here has been fuller of silent
thankfulness than mine, but I should not have remembered to have the
meeting formally opened with prayer if somebody had not reminded me.
The Rev. Anna Howard Shaw will offer prayer."

Miss Shaw's report as vice-president-at-large was full of the little
touches of humor for which she was noted:

The report of my specific work would not take long; but the work
that really did count for our association began last May, when
your president and I were invited to California. On the way we
stopped first at St. Louis, where Miss Anthony spoke before the
Women's Federation, the Woman's Council, and the State W. S. A.
From there we went to Denver, where we had a remarkable meeting,
and a warm greeting was given to Miss Anthony by the newly
enfranchised women of Colorado. It was pleasant to find them so
grateful to the pioneers. The large opera house was packed, and a
reception, in which the newspapers estimated that 1,500 persons
took part, was afterwards given at the Palace Hotel.

From Denver we went to Cheyenne, where we addressed the citizens,
men and women. For once there were present at our meeting quite
as many men as women, and not only ordinary but extraordinary
men. After introducing us to the audience, Mrs. Theresa A.
Jenkins introduced the audience to us. It included the Governor,
Senators, Representatives, Judges of the Supreme Court, city
officials, and never so many majors and colonels, and it showed
that where women have a vote, men think their meetings are worth
going to. We were the guests of the Governor during our stay in
Colorado, and guests of a U. S. Senator in Wyoming. At Salt Lake
all the city turned out, and I spoke in the Tabernacle to the
largest audience I ever had. It was sympathetic too, for Utah
people are accustomed to go to church and listen. At Ogden they
had to take two buildings for the meeting. At Reno, Nevada, there
was a large audience.

The Woman's Congress at San Francisco was the most marvelous
gathering I ever saw. The newspapers said the men were all
hypnotized, or they would not stand on the sidewalk two hours to
get into a church. Every subject considered during the whole
week, whether it was the care of children or the decoration of
the home, turned on the ballot for women, and Susan B. Anthony
was the belle of the ball. The superintendent of San Francisco
closed the schools that Miss Anthony might address the 900
teachers. The Ministers' Association passed resolutions favoring
the amendment. We went the whole length of the State and the
meetings were just as enthusiastic.

The Citizens' Committee asked women to take part in the Fourth of
July celebration. The women accepted more than the men meant they
should, for they insisted that a woman should be on the program.
The Program Committee refused, and the Executive Committee said
if they did not put a woman on they should be discharged. Instead
of this they proposed that Mrs. Sarah B. Cooper should provide
sandwiches for over 5,000 kindergarten children. That was the
kind of work they invited such women to do.

The Program Committee discussed the matter, and their discussion
could be heard four blocks away, but they finally yielded and
invited me to speak. So Miss Anthony and I rode for three miles
in a highly-decorated carriage, just behind the mayor and
followed by a brass band and the fire brigade, and I wore a big
badge that almost covered me, just like the badge worn by the
masculine orator. The dispute between the Executive and the
Program Committees had excited so much interest that there were
more cheers for your president and vice-president as we passed
along than there were for the mayor....

They wanted us both to come back in the fall. I went and spoke
thirty-four times in thirty-seven evenings.

As the vice-president finished, Miss Anthony observed in her
characteristic manner: "Miss Shaw said she only went to California to
hold Miss Anthony's bonnet, but, when we left, everybody thought that
I had come to hold her bonnet. It is my delight to see these girls
develop and outdo their elders. There is another little woman that I
want to come up here to the platform, Mrs. Chapman Catt. While she is
blushing and getting ready, there is a delegation here from the
Woman's National Press Association." Mesdames Lockwood, Gates,
Cromwell and Emerson were introduced, and Miss Anthony remarked: "Our
movement depends greatly on the press. The worst mistake any woman can
make is to get crosswise with the newspapers."[105]

By this time Mrs. Chapman Catt had reached the platform, and Miss
Anthony continued: "Mrs. Catt went down South with me last year to
hold my bonnet; and wherever we were, at Memphis or New Orleans or
elsewhere, when she had spoken, Miss Anthony was nowhere. It is she
who has done the splendid organization work which has brought into the
association nearly every State in the Union, and every Territory
except the Indian and Alaska and we shall have them next year."

An able address was given by Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby (D. C.) on The
Philosophy of Woman Suffrage, in which she said:

Woman suffrage is in harmony with the evolution of the race. The
progress of civilization has developed the finer forces of
mankind and made ready for the entrance of woman into government.
As long as man was merely a slayer of men and animals he did not
feel the need of the co-partnership of woman, but as his
fatherhood was developed he felt his inadequacy and the necessity
of the maternal element by his side. Woman suffrage is in harmony
with the growth of the idea of the worth of the individual, which
has its best expression in our republic. Our nation is heir of
all the struggles for freedom which have been made....

The Magna Charta belongs to us as much as does the Declaration of
Independence. In all these achievements for liberty women have
borne their share. Not only have they inspired men but the record
of the past is illumined with the story of their own brave deeds.
Women love liberty as well as men do. The love of liberty is the
corollary of the right of consent to government. All the progress
of our nation has been along the line of extending the
application of this basic idea....

Woman suffrage is in harmony with the evolution in the status of
women. They always have done their share in the development of
the race. There always has been a "new woman," some one stepping
out in advance of the rest and gaining a place for others to
stand upon.... We have no cause to blush for our ancestors. We
may save our blushes for the women of to-day who do not live up
to their privileges.

Now that woman has made such advance in personal and property
rights, educational and industrial opportunities, to deny her the
ballot is to force her to occupy a much more degrading position
than did the women of the past. We think the savage woman
degraded because she walks behind her husband bearing the burden
to leave his hands free for the weapon which is his sign of
sovereignty; what shall we say of the woman of to-day who may not
follow her husband and brother as he goes forth to wield the
weapon of civilization, the ballot? If the evolution in the
status of woman does not point to the franchise it is
meaningless.

Mrs. Colby was followed by Miss Julie R. Jenney, a member of the bar
in Syracuse, N. Y., with a thoughtful address on Law and the Ballot.
She showed that woman's present legal rights are in the nature of a
license, and therefore revocable at the will of the bodies granting
them, and that until women elect the lawmakers they can not be
entirely sure of any rights whatever. Between Daybreak and Sunrise was
the title of the address of Mrs. May Stocking Knaggs (Mich.), who
pleaded for the opportunity of complete co-operation between men and
women, declaring that "each human being is a whole, single and
responsible; each human unit is concerned in the social compact which
is formed to protect individual and mutual rights."

This was the first appearance of Mrs. Stetson on this national
platform. She came as representative of the Pacific Coast Woman's
Congress and California Suffrage Association. The _Woman's Journal_
said: "Those of us who have for years admired Mrs. Stetson's
remarkably bright poems were delighted to meet her, and to find her
even more interesting than her writings. She is still a young woman,
tall, lithe and graceful, with fine dark eyes, and spirit and
originality flashing from her at every turn like light from a diamond.
She read several poems to the convention, made an address one evening
and preached twice on Sunday; and the delegates followed her around,
as iron filings follow a magnet."

Mrs. Catharine E. Hirst, president of the Ladies of the G. A. R.; Mrs.
Lillian M. Hollister, representing the Supreme Hive Ladies of the
Maccabees; Miss Harriette A. Keyser, from the Political Study Club of
New York; Mrs. Rose E. Lumpkin, president Virginia King's Daughters,
were presented as fraternal delegates. Grace Greenwood and Mrs.
Caroline B. Buell were introduced to the convention.

Mrs. Chapman Catt spoke for the Course of Study in Political Science,
which had been in operation only five months, had sold five hundred
full sets of books and reported over one hundred clubs formed. The
committee on credentials reported 138 delegates present, and all the
States and Territories represented except thirteen. A very
satisfactory report of the first year's work of the organization
committee was presented by its chairman, Mrs. Chapman Catt, which
closed as follows:

Our committee are more than ever convinced that it is possible to
build a great organization based upon the one platform of the
enfranchisement of women. With harmony, co-operation and
determination we shall yet build this organization, of such
numbers and political strength that through the power of
constituency it can dictate at least one plank in the platform of
every political party, and secure an amendment from any
Legislature it petitions. We believe it will yet have its
auxiliaries in every village and hamlet, township and school
district, to influence majorities when the amendment is
submitted. More--we believe ere many years its powers will be so
subtle and widespread that it can besiege the conservatism of
Congress itself, and come away with the laurel wreath of victory.

Nearly $3,300 were at once pledged for the committee, Miss Anthony
herself agreeing to raise $600 of this amount.

Mrs. Chapman Catt presented also a detailed Plan of Work, which
included Organization, Club Work, Letter Writing, Raising of Money
and Political Work. Of the last she said: "The time has fully come
when we should carry the rub-a-dub of our agitation into 'the
political Africa,' that is into every town meeting of every township
of every county, and every caucus or primary meeting of every ward of
every city of every State.... For a whole half century we have held
special suffrage meetings, with audiences largely of women; that is,
women have talked to women. We must now carry our discussion of the
question into all of the different political party gatherings, for it
is only there that the rank and file of the voters ever go. They won't
come to our meetings, so we must carry our gospel into theirs. It will
be of no more avail in the future than it has been in the past to send
appeals to State and national conventions, so long as they are not
backed by petitions from a vast majority of the voting constituents of
their members."

With the thousand dollars which had been put into Miss Anthony's hands
by Mrs. Louisa Southworth of Cleveland the preceding year, national
headquarters had been opened in Philadelphia with Mrs. Rachel Foster
Avery, corresponding secretary, in charge. Mrs. Harriet Taylor Upton,
treasurer, reported total receipts for 1895 to be $9,835, with a
balance of several hundred dollars in the treasury.

The principal feature of the Saturday evening meeting was the address
of Miss Elizabeth Burrill Curtis, daughter of George William Curtis,
on Universal Suffrage. She said in part:

I find many people in my native State of New York who are leaning
toward a limited suffrage, and therefore I am beginning to ask,
"What does it mean? Is democratic government impossible after
all?" For a government in order to be democratic must be founded
on the suffrages of all the people, not a part. A republic may
exist by virtue of a limited suffrage, but a democracy can not,
and a democratic government has been our theoretical ideal from
the first. Are we prepared, after a hundred and twenty years, to
own ourselves defeated?... Universal suffrage, to me, means the
right of every man and woman who is mentally able to do so, and
who has not forfeited the right by an ill use of it, to say who
shall rule them, and what action shall be taken by those rulers
upon questions of moment....

This brings me to what I wish to say about those who desire a
limited suffrage. Who are they, and to what class do they belong?
For the most part, as I know them, they are men of property, who
belong to the educated classes, who are refined and cultivated,
and who see the government about them falling into the hands of
the unintelligent and often illiterate classes who are voted at
the polls like sheep. Therefore these gentlemen weep aloud and
wail and say: "If we had a limited suffrage, if we and our
friends had the management of affairs, how much better things
would be!"

Do not misunderstand me here. I am far from decrying the benefits
of education. Nobody believes in its necessity more sincerely
than I do. In fact I hold that, other things being equal, the
educated man is immeasurably in advance of the uneducated one;
but the trouble is that other things are often very far from
being equal and it is utterly impossible for the average man,
educated or not, to be trusted to decide with entire justice
between himself and another person when their interests are
equally involved....

The intelligent voter in a democratic community can not abdicate
his responsibility without being punished. He is the natural
leader, and if he refuses to fulfil his duties the leadership
will inevitably fall into the hands of those who are unfitted for
the high and holy task--and who is to blame? It is the educated
men, the professional men, the men of wealth and culture, who are
themselves responsible when things go wrong; and the refusal to
acknowledge their responsibility will not release them from
it....

The principle of universal suffrage, like every other high ideal,
will not stand alone. It carries duties with it, duties which are
imperative and which to shirk is filching benefits without
rendering an equivalent. How dare a man plead his private ease or
comfort as an excuse for neglecting his public duties? How dare
the remonstrating women of Massachusetts declare that they fear
the loss of privileges, one of which is the immunity from
punishment for a misdemeanor committed in the husband's presence?
"When I was a child, I spake as a child, I thought as a child, I
understood as a child; but when I became a man, I put away
childish things."

Throughout history all women and many men have been forced, so
far as government has been concerned, to speak, think and
understand as children. Now, for the first time, we are asking
that the people, as a whole body, shall rise to their full
stature and put away childish things.

The sermon on Sunday afternoon was given by Mrs. Stetson from the
topic which was to have been considered by the Rev. Anna Garlin
Spencer, The Spiritual Significance of Democracy and Woman's Relation
to It. She spoke without notes and illustrated the central thought
that love grows where people are brought together, and that they are
brought together more in a democracy than in any other mode of living.
"Women have advanced less rapidly than men because they have always
been more isolated. They have been brought into relation with their
own families only. It is men who have held the inter-human
relation.... Everything came out of the home; but because you began
in a cradle is no reason why you should always stay there. Because
charity begins at home is no reason why it should stop there, and
because woman's first place is at home is no reason why her last and
only place should be there. Civilization has been held back because so
many men have inherited the limitations of the female sex. You can not
raise public-spirited men from private-spirited mothers, but only from
mothers who have been citizens in spite of their disfranchisement. In
holding back the mothers of the race, you are keeping back the race."

At the memorial services loving tributes were paid to the friends of
woman suffrage who had passed away during the year. Among these were
ex-Secretary of the Treasury Hugh McCulloch, ex-Governor Oliver Ames
(Mass.), Dr. James C. Jackson of Dansville (N. Y.), Dr. Abram W.
Lozier of New York City, Thomas Davis, Sarah Wilbur of Rhode Island,
Marian Skidmore of Lily Dale, N. Y., and Amelia E. H. Doyon of
Madison, Wis., who left $1,000 to the National Association.

Henry B. Blackwell spoke of Theodore D. Weld, the great abolitionist,
leader of the movement to found Oberlin, the first co-educational
college, and one of the earliest advocates of equal rights for women.
He told also of Frederick Douglass, whose last act was to bear his
testimony in favor of suffrage for women at the Woman's Council in
Washington on the very day of his death. Mrs. Avery gave a tender
eulogy of Theodore Lovett Sewall of Indianapolis, his brilliancy as a
conversationalist, his charm as a host, his loyalty as a friend, his
beautiful devotion to his wife, Mrs. May Wright Sewall, and his
lifelong adherence to the cause of woman.

The loss of Mrs. Ellen Battelle Dietrick came with crushing force, as
her services to the association were invaluable. To her most intimate
friend, the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, was assigned the duty of speaking a
word in her memory, and in broken sentences she said: "I never knew
such earnest purpose and consecration or such a fund of knowledge in
any one as Mrs. Dietrick possessed. She never stopped thinking because
she had reached the furthest point to which some one else had thought.
She was the best antagonist I ever saw; I never knew any one who could
differ so intensely, and yet be so perfectly calm and good-tempered.
What she was as a friend no one can tell. Her death is a great loss to
our press work. Perhaps no one ever wrote so many articles in the same
length of time. This was especially the case last summer. It seemed as
if she had a premonition that her life would soon end, for she sat at
her desk writing hour after hour. I believe it shortened her life. She
had just finished a book--Women in the Early Christian Ministry--and
she left many other manuscripts. It would be a pity if the rich, ripe
thought of this woman should not be preserved. Her funeral was like
her life, without show or display. No one outside the family was
present except myself. No eulogy was uttered there; she would not have
wanted it. Tennyson's last poem, Crossing the Bar, was recited by her
brother-in-law, the Rev. J. W. Hamilton.[106]" Miss Shaw ended her
remarks by reciting this poem.

Miss Anthony, who was to close the exercises, was too much affected to
speak and motioned that the audience was dismissed, but no one
stirred. At length she said: "There are very few human beings who have
the courage to utter to the fullest their honest convictions--Mrs.
Dietrick was one of these few. She would follow truth wherever it led,
and she would follow no other leader. Like Lucretia Mott, she took
'truth for authority, not authority for truth.' Miss Anthony spoke
also of the "less-known women": "Adeline Thomson, a most remarkable
character, was a sister to J. Edgar Thomson, first president of the
Pennsylvania railroad. She lived to be eighty, and for years she stood
there in Philadelphia, a monument of the past. Her house was my home
when in that city for thirty years. We have also lost in Julia Wilbur
of the District a most useful woman, and one who was faithful to the
end. This is the first convention for twenty-eight years at which she
has not been present with us. We should all try to live so as to make
people feel that there is a vacancy when we go; but, dear friends, do
not let there be a vacancy long. Our battle has just reached the place
where it can win, and if we do our work in the spirit of those who
have gone before, it will soon be over."

There was special rejoicing at this convention over the admission of
Utah as a State with full suffrage for women. Senator and Mrs. Frank
J. Cannon and Representative and Mrs. C. E. Allen of Utah were on the
platform. In her address of welcome Miss Shaw said:

Every star added to that blue field makes for the advantage of
every human being. We are just beginning to learn that we are all
children of one Father and members of one family; and when one
member suffers or is benefited, all the members suffer or
rejoice. So when Utah comes into the Union with every one free,
it is not only that State which is benefited, but we and all the
world. As the stars at night come out one by one, so will they
come out one by one on our flag, till the whole blue field is a
blaze of glory.

We expected it of the men of Utah. No man there could have stood
by the side of his mother and heard her tell of all that the
pioneers endured, and then have refused to grant her the same
right of liberty he wanted for himself, without being unworthy of
such a mother. They are the crown of our Union, those three
States on the crest of the Rockies, above all the others. In the
name of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, we
extend our welcome, our thanks and our congratulations to Utah,
as one of the three so dear to the heart of every woman who loves
liberty in these United States.

Senator Cannon said in response: " ... Only one serious question came
before our constitutional convention, and that was whether the
adoption of woman suffrage would hinder the admission of our Territory
as a State.... But our women had furnished courage, patience and
heroism to our men, and so we said: 'Utah shall take another
forty-nine years of wandering in the wilderness as a Territory before
coming in as a State without her women.' My mother wandered there for
twelve years. Women trailed bleeding feet and lived on roots that
those of to-day might reap bounteous harvests. Utah gave women the
suffrage while still a Territory. Congress, in its not quite infinite
wisdom, took it away after they had exercised it intelligently for
seventeen years; but the first chance that the men of Utah had they
gave it back."

Representative Allen was called on by Miss Anthony to "tell us how
nice it seems to feel that your wife is as good as you are," and said
in part: "Perhaps you have read what the real estate agents say about
Utah--how they praise her sun and soil, her mountains and streams, and
her precious metals. They tell you that she is filled with the basis
of all material prosperity, with gold, silver, lead and iron: but
greatness can not come from material resources alone--it must come
from the people who till and delve. Utah is great because her people
are great. When she has centuries behind her she will make a splendid
showing because she has started right. She has given to that part of
the people who instinctively know what is right, the power to
influence the body politic.... This movement is destined to go on
until it reaches every State in the Union."

Mrs. Allen and Mrs. Sarah A. Boyer told of the heroic efforts the
women had made for themselves; and Mrs. Emily S. Richards,
vice-president of the Territorial suffrage association, described in a
graphic manner the systematic and persistent work of this
organization. The tribute to its president, Mrs. Emmeline B. Wells,
whose influence had been paramount in securing the franchise for the
women of Utah, was heartily applauded and a telegram of congratulation
was sent to her.[107]

The address of Mrs. Ella Knowles Haskell, Assistant Attorney-General
of Montana, on The Environments of Woman as Related to her Progress,
attracted much attention. She had been the Populist candidate for
Attorney-General and made a strong canvass but went down to defeat
with the rest of her party. Soon afterward she married her competitor,
who appointed her his assistant. She reviewed the laws of past ages,
showing how impossible it was then for women to rise above the
conditions imposed upon them, and pointed out the wonderful progress
they had made as soon as even partial freedom had been granted.

Mrs. Virginia D. Young (S. C.), taking as a subject The Sunflower
Bloom of Woman's Equality, gave an address which in its quaint speech,
dialect stories and attractive provincialisms captivated the audience.

The convention received an invitation from Mrs. John R. McLean for
Monday afternoon to meet Mrs. Ulysses S. Grant on her seventieth
birthday. The ladies were welcomed by their hostess and Mrs. Nellie
Grant Sartoris, while Miss Anthony, who had attended the luncheon
which preceded the reception, presented the ladies to Mrs. Grant.

Mrs. Rachel Foster Avery, corresponding secretary, devoted a portion
of her report to an account of the visit made by the delegates of the
association in response to an invitation from the Woman's Board of
Congresses of the Atlanta Exposition, Oct. 17, 1895. The principal
address on that occasion was made by Mrs. Helen Gardiner.

This convention was long remembered on account of the vigorous contest
over what was known as the Bible Resolution. Mrs. Elizabeth Cady
Stanton recently had issued a commentary on the passages of Scripture
referring to women, which she called "The Woman's Bible." Although
this was done in her individual capacity, yet some of the members
claimed that, as she was honorary president of the National
Association, this body was held by the public as partly responsible
for it and it injured their work for suffrage. A resolution was
brought in by the committee declaring: "This association is
non-sectarian, being composed of persons of all shades of religious
opinion, and has no official connection with the so-called 'Woman's
Bible' or any theological publication."

The debate was long and animated, but although there was intense
feeling it was conducted in perfectly temperate and respectful
language. Those participating were Rachel Foster Avery, Katie R.
Addison, Henry B. Blackwell, Alice Stone Blackwell, Carrie Chapman
Catt, Annie L. Diggs, Laura M. Johns, Helen Morris Lewis, Anna Howard
Shaw, Frances A. Williamson and Elizabeth U. Yates speaking for the
resolution; Lillie Devereux Blake, Clara B. Colby, Cornelia H. Cary,
Lavina A. Hatch, Harriette A. Keyser, J. B. Merwin, Caroline Hallowell
Miller, Althea B. Stryker, Charlotte Perkins Stetson, Mary Bentley
Thomas and Victoria C. Whitney speaking against it.

Miss Anthony was thoroughly aroused and, leaving the chair, spoke
against the resolution as follows:

The one distinct feature of our association has been the right of
individual opinion for every member. We have been beset at each
step with the cry that somebody was injuring the cause by the
expression of sentiments which differed from those held by the
majority. The religious persecution of the ages has been carried
on under what was claimed to be the command of God. I distrust
those people who know so well what God wants them to do, because
I notice it always coincides with their own desires. All the way
along the history of our movement there has been this same
contest on account of religious theories. Forty years ago one of
our noblest men said to me: "You would better never hold another
convention than allow Ernestine L. Rose on your platform;"
because that eloquent woman, who ever stood for justice and
freedom, did not believe in the plenary inspiration of the Bible.
Did we banish Mrs. Rose? No, indeed!

Every new generation of converts threshes over the same old
straw. The point is whether you will sit in judgment on one who
questions the divine inspiration of certain passages in the Bible
derogatory to women. If Mrs. Stanton had written approvingly of
these passages you would not have brought in this resolution for
fear the cause might be injured among the _liberals_ in religion.
In other words, if she had written _your_ views, you would not
have considered a resolution necessary. To pass this one is to
set back the hands on the dial of reform.

What you should say to outsiders is that a Christian has neither
more nor less rights in our association than an atheist. When our
platform becomes too narrow for people of all creeds and of no
creeds, I myself can not stand upon it. Many things have been
said and done by our _orthodox_ friends which I have felt to be
extremely harmful to our cause; but I should no more consent to a
resolution denouncing them than I shall consent to this. Who is
to draw the line? Who can tell now whether these commentaries may
not prove a great help to woman's emancipation from old
superstitions which have barred its way?

Lucretia Mott at first thought Mrs. Stanton had injured the cause
of all woman's other rights by insisting upon the demand for
suffrage, but she had sense enough not to bring in a resolution
against it. In 1860 when Mrs. Stanton made a speech before the
New York Legislature in favor of a bill making drunkenness a
ground for divorce, there was a general cry among the friends
that she had killed the woman's cause. I shall be pained beyond
expression if the delegates here are so narrow and illiberal as
to adopt this resolution. You would better not begin resolving
against individual action or you will find no limit. This year it
is Mrs. Stanton; next year it may be I or one of yourselves who
will be the victim.

If we do not inspire in women a broad and catholic spirit, they
will fail, when enfranchised, to constitute that power for better
government which we have always claimed for them. Ten women
educated into the practice of liberal principles would be a
stronger force than 10,000 organized on a platform of intolerance
and bigotry. I pray you vote for religious liberty, without
censorship or inquisition. This resolution adopted will be a vote
of censure upon a woman who is without a peer in intellectual and
statesmanlike ability; one who has stood for half a century the
acknowledged leader of progressive thought and demand in regard
to all matters pertaining to the absolute freedom of women.

Notwithstanding this eloquent appeal the original resolution was
adopted by 53 yeas, 41 nays.[108]

At the request of about thirty of the delegates, mostly from the far
Western States, Miss Anthony sent a message to Mrs. Cleveland asking
that they might be permitted to call upon her, and she received them
with much courtesy.

The association decided to help California and Idaho in whatever
manner was desired in their approaching campaigns for a woman suffrage
amendment. Invitations for holding the national convention were
received from Springfield, Ill.; Denver, Col.; Cincinnati, O.; St.
Louis, Mo.; Portland, Ore.; Charleston, S. C. It was voted to leave
the matter to the business committee, who later accepted an invitation
from Des Moines, Ia., as the suffrage societies of that State were
organizing to secure an amendment from the Legislature.

At the last meeting, on Tuesday evening, every inch of space was
occupied and people were clinging to the window sills. Miss Anthony
stated that since Frederick Douglass was no longer among them as he
had been for so many years, his grandson, Joseph Douglass, who was an
accomplished violinist, would give two selections in his memory.

Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake (N. Y.), spoke on Presidential Candidates
and the Interests of Women, outlining the attitude of the various
nominees and parties. Miss Harriet May Mills (N. Y.) discussed Our
Unconscious Allies, the Remonstrants, illustrating from her experience
as organizer how their efforts really help the cause they try to
hinder. Mrs. Emma Smith DeVoe (Ills.), in demonstrating that The
Liberty of the Mother means the Liberty of the Race, showed the need
of truer companionship between man and woman and that the political
disabilities of women affect all humanity. This was further
illustrated by Mrs. Annie L. Diggs (Kas.) under the topic Women as
Legislators. She said in part:

You have before you a great problem as to whether republican
government itself is to be successful at this time, and statesmen
to save their souls can not tell what will be the outcome. We
believe that women have in their possession what is needed to
make it a success--those things upon which are built the home
life and the ethical life of the nation. We can supply what is
lacking, not because women are better than men, but because they
are other than men; because they have a supplementary part, and
it is their mission to guard most sacredly and closely those
things which protect the home life. Because of their womanhood,
because of their divine function of motherhood, women must always
be most closely concerned with the matters that pertain to the
home. It belongs to man, with his strong right arm, to pioneer
the way, and then woman comes along to help him build the
enduring foundation upon which everything rests.

Miss Shaw, in a short, good-naturedly sarcastic speech on The Bulwarks
of the Constitution, showed the illogical position of President Eliot
of Harvard in declaiming grand sentiments in favor of universal
suffrage and then protesting against having them applied to women. The
last number on the program was The Ballot as an Improver of
Motherhood, by Mrs. Stetson. It was an address of wonderful power
which thrilled the audience. Among other original statements were
these:

We have heard much of the superior moral sense of woman. It is
superior in spots but not as a whole.... Here is an imaginary
case which will show how undeveloped in some respects woman's
moral sense still is: Suppose a train was coming with a
children's picnic on board--three hundred merry, laughing
children. Suppose you saw this train was about to go through an
open switch and over an embankment, and your own child was
playing on the track in front of it. You could turn the switch
and save the train, or save your own child by pulling it off the
track, but there was not time to do both. Which would you do? I
have put that question to hundreds of women. I never have found
one but said she would save her own child, and not one in a
hundred but claimed this would be absolutely right. The maternal
instinct is stronger in the hearts of most women than any moral
sense....

What is the suffrage going to do for motherhood? Women enter
upon this greatest function of life without any preparation, and
their mothers permit them to do it because they do not recognize
motherhood as a business. We do not let a man practice as a
doctor or a druggist, or do anything else which involves issues
of life and death, without training and certificates; but the
life and death of the whole human race are placed in the hands of
utterly untrained young girls. The suffrage draws the woman out
of her purely personal relations and puts her in relations with
her kind, and it broadens her intelligence. I am not disparaging
the noble devotion of our present mothers--I know how they
struggle and toil--but when that tremendous force of mother love
is made intelligent, fifty per cent of our children will not die
before they are five years old, and those that grow up will be
better men and women. A woman will no longer be attached solely
to one little group, but will be also a member of the community.
She will not neglect her own on that account, but will be better
to them and of more worth as a mother.

Mrs. Stetson closed with her own fine poem, Mother to Child.

The usual congressional hearings were held on Tuesday morning, January
28.[109] The speakers were presented by Miss Shaw, who made a very
strong closing argument. At its conclusion Senator Peffer announced
his thorough belief in woman suffrage, and Senator Hoar planted
himself still more firmly in the favorable position he always had
maintained.[110]

Miss Anthony led the host before the Judiciary Committee of the House,
and opened with the statement that the women had been coming here
asking for justice for nearly thirty years. She gave a brief account
of the status of the question before Congress and then presented her
speakers, each occupying the exact limit of time allotted and each
taking up a different phase of the question.[111] Miss Anthony called
on Representative John F. Shafroth of Colorado, who was among the
listeners, to say something in regard to the experiment in his State.
He spoke in unqualified approval, saying: "In the election of 1894 a
greater per cent. of women voted than men, and instead of their being
contaminated by any influence of a bad nature at the polls, the effect
has been that there are no loafers, there are no drunkards, there are
no persons of questionable character standing around the polls. One of
the practical effects of woman suffrage will be to inject into
politics an element that is independent and does not have to keep a
consistent record with the party. We find that the ladies of Colorado
do not care whether they vote for one ticket or the other, but they
vote for the men they think the most deserving. Consequently if a man
is nominated who has a questionable record invariably they will strike
the party that does it. That tendency, I care not where it may exist,
must be for good."

Miss Anthony closed with an earnest appeal that the committee would
report in favor of a Sixteenth Amendment to the Constitution, thus
enabling the women to carry their case to the Legislatures of the
different States instead of to the masses of voters. She then
submitted for publication and distribution the address of Mrs.
Stanton, which said in part:

There is not a principle of our Government, not an article or
section of our Constitution, from the preamble to the last
amendment, which we have not elucidated and applied to woman
suffrage before the various committees in able arguments that
have never been answered. Our failure to secure justice thus far
has not been due to any lack of character or ability in our
advocates or of strength in their propositions, but to the
popular prejudices against woman's emancipation. Eloquent,
logical arguments on any question, though based on justice,
science, morals and religion, are all as light as air in the
balance with old theories, creeds, codes and customs.

Could we resurrect from the archives of this Capitol all the
petitions and speeches presented here by women for human freedom
during this century, they would reach above this dome and make a
more fitting pedestal for the Goddess of Liberty than the
crowning point of an edifice beneath which the mother of the race
has so long pleaded in vain for her natural right of
self-government--a right her sons should have secured to her long
ago of their own free will by statutes carved indelibly on the
corner-stones of the Republic.

As arguments have thus far proved unavailing, may not appeals to
your feelings, to your moral sense, find the response so long
withheld by your reason? Allow me, honorable gentlemen, to paint
you a picture and bring within the compass of your vision at once
the comparative position of two classes of citizens: The central
object is a ballot box guarded by three inspectors of foreign
birth. On the right is a multitude of coarse, ignorant beings,
designated in our constitutions as male citizens--many of them
fresh from the steerage of incoming steamers. There, too, are
natives of the same type from the slums of our cities. Policemen
are respectfully guiding them all to the ballot box. Those who
can not stand, because of their frequent potations, are carefully
supported on either side, each in turn depositing his vote, for
what purpose he neither knows nor cares, except to get the
promised bribe.

On the left stand a group of intelligent, moral,
highly-cultivated women, whose ancestors for generations have
fought the battles of liberty and have made this country all it
is to-day. These come from the schools and colleges as teachers
and professors; from the press and pulpit as writers and
preachers; from the courts and hospitals as lawyers and
physicians; and from happy and respectable homes as honored
mothers, wives and sisters. Knowing the needs of humanity
subjectively in all the higher walks of life, and objectively in
the world of work, in the charities, in the asylums and prisons,
in the sanitary condition of our streets and public buildings,
they are peculiarly fitted to write, speak and vote intelligently
on all these questions of such vital, far-reaching consequence to
the welfare of society. But the inspectors refuse their votes
because they are not designated in the Constitution as "male"
citizens, and the policemen drive them away.

Sad and humiliated they retire to their respective abodes,
followed by the jeers of those in authority. Imagine the feelings
of these dignified women, returning to their daily round of
duties, compelled to leave their interests, public and private,
in the State and the home, to these ignorant masses. The most
grievous result of war to the conquered is wearing a foreign
yoke, yet this is the position of the daughters of the
Puritans....

What a dark page the present political position of women will be
for the future historian! In reading of the republics of Greece
and Rome and the grand utterances of their philosophers in pæans
to liberty, we wonder that under such governments there should
have been a class of citizens held in slavery. Our descendants
will be still more surprised to know that our disfranchised
citizens, our pariahs, our slaves, belonged to the most highly
educated, moral, virtuous class in the nation, women of wealth
and position who paid millions of taxes every year into the State
and national treasuries; women who had given thousands to build
colleges and churches and to encourage the sciences and arts.
From the dawn of creation to this hour history affords no other
instance of so large a class of such a character subordinated
politically to the ignorant masses.

FOOTNOTES:

[105] Letters and telegrams of greeting were received from the Hon.
Mrs. C. C. Holly, member Colorado Legislature, Mrs. Henry M. Teller,
Mrs. Francis E. Warren, Mrs. Foster, from the National Woman's
Christian Temperance Union, State and local associations of various
kinds.

[106] Now Bishop in the Methodist Episcopal Church.

[107] George W. Catt presented a significant paper showing that the
victory of Utah was almost wholly due to the excellent organization of
the suffrage forces, as with a population of 206,000 it had over 1,000
active workers for the franchise. If the same proportion existed in
other States nothing could prevent the success of the movement to
enfranchise women. This report was printed by the association as a
leaflet.

[108] _Yeas_: Rachel Foster Avery, Katie R. Addison, Lucy E. Anthony,
Mary O. Arnold, Lucretia L. Blankenburg, Caroline Brown Buell, Sallie
Clay Bennett, Henry B. Blackwell, Alice Stone Blackwell, Emma E.
Bower, Jennie Broderick, Jessie J. Cassidy, Carrie Chapman Catt,
Mariana W. Chapman, Mary N. Chase, Laura Clay, Elizabeth B. Dodge,
Annie L. Diggs, Matilda E. Gerrigus, Caroline Gibbons, John T. Hughes,
Mary Louise Haworth, Mrs. Frank L. Hubbard, Mary N. Hubbard, Mary G.
Hay, Mary D. Hussey, Hetty Y. Hallowell, Laura M. Johns, Mary Stocking
Knaggs, Helen Morris Lewis, Mary Elizabeth Milligan, Rebecca T.
Miller, Jessie G. Manley, Alice M. A. Pickler, Florence M. Post,
Florence Post, the Rev G. Simmons, Anna R. Simmons, Alice Clinton
Smith, Sarah H. Sawyer, Amanthus Shipp, Mrs. M. R. Stockwell, Mary
Clarke Smith, D. Viola Smith, Anna H. Shaw, Sarah Vail Thompson,
Harriet Taylor Upton, Laura H. Van Cise, Frances A. Williamson, Mary
J. Williamson, Eliza R. Whiting, Elizabeth A. Willard, Elizabeth Upham
Yates--53

_Nays:_ Susan B. Anthony, Mary S. Anthony, S. Augusta Armstrong,
Elizabeth D. Bacon, Lillie Devereux Blake, Elisan Brown, Annie
Caldwell Boyd, Cornelia H. Cary, Clara Bewick Colby, Dr. Cora Smith
Eaton, Caroline McCullough Everhard, Dr. M. Virginia Glauner, Mary E.
Gilmer, Mrs. L. C. Hughes, Lavina A. Hatch, Emily Howland, Isabel
Howland, Julie R. Jenney, Harriette A. Keyser, Jean Lockwood, Orra
Langhorne, Mary E. Moore, J. B. Merwin, Harriet May Mills, Mrs. M. J.
McMillan, Julia B. Nelson, Adda G. Quigley, Charlotte Perkins Stetson,
Althea B. Stryker, Mary B. Sackett, Harriet Brown Stanton, Mrs. R. W.
Southard, Ellen Powell Thompson, Helen Rand Tindall, Mary Bentley
Thomas, Martha S. Townsend, Mary Wood, Victoria Conkling Whitney, Mary
B. Wickersham, Mrs. George K. Wheat, Virginia D. Young--41.

[109] The Senate Committee on Woman Suffrage--Senators Wilkinson Call,
James Z. George, George F. Hoar, Matthew S. Quay and William A.
Peffer--were addressed by Elizabeth D. Bacon (Conn.), Sallie Clay
Bennett (Ky.), Lillie Devereux Blake (N. Y.), Lucretia L. Blankenburg
(Penn.), Mariana W. Chapman (N. Y.), Mary N. Chase (Vt.), Dr. Mary D.
Hussey (N. J.), Mrs. Frank Hubbard (Ills.), Lavina A. Hatch (Mass.),
May Stocking Knaggs (Mich.), Helen Morris Lewis (N. C.), Orra
Langhorne (Va.), Mary Elizabeth Milligan (Del.), Caroline Hallowell
Miller (Md.), Julia B. Nelson (Minn.), Mrs. R. W. Southard (Ok.),
Ellen Powell Thompson (D. C.), Victoria Conkling Whitney (Mo.),
Virginia D. Young (S. C.).

[110] On April 23 Senator Call submitted the Bill for a Sixteenth
Amendment without recommendation, and for himself and Senator George
the same old adverse report which had begun to do duty in 1882, and
which, he said, expressed their views. It will be found in the History
of Woman Suffrage, Vol. III, p. 237. Senator Quay evidently allowed
himself to be counted in the opposition.

[111] The members of the committee present were Representatives David
B. Henderson (chairman), Broderick, Updegraff, Gillett (Mass.) Baker
(N. H.), Burton (Mo.), Brown, Culberson, Boatner, Washington, Terry
and De Armond. Absent: Ray, Connolly, Bailey, Strong and Lewis. The
speakers were Mrs. L. C. Hughes (Ariz.), Charlotte Perkins Stetson
(Cal.), Annie L. Diggs, Katie R. Addison (Kan.), Elizabeth Upham Yates
(Me.), Henry B. Blackwell (Mass.), Harriet P. Sanders (Mont.), Clara
B. Colby (Neb.), Frances A. Williamson (Nev.), Dr. Cora Smith Eaton
(N. D.), Caroline McCullough Everhard (O.), Anna R. Simmons (S. D.),
Emily S. Richards (Utah), Jessie G. Manley (W. Va.).

CHAPTER XVII.

THE NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1897.

This year the suffrage association took its convention west of the
Mississippi River, the Twenty-ninth annual meeting being held in Des
Moines, Ia., Jan. 26-29, 1897. Circumstances were unfavorable, the
thermometer registering twenty-four degrees below zero and a heavy
blizzard prevailing throughout the West. Nevertheless sixty-three
delegates, representing twenty States, were present. All the visitors
were entertained in the hospitable homes of this city, and the entire
executive board were the guests of James and Martha C. Callanan at
their handsome home in the suburbs. Receptions were given by the Des
Moines Woman's Club, by the Young Women's Christian Association and by
Mr. and Mrs. F. M. Hubbell at their palatial residence, Terrace Hill.
The convention was welcomed in behalf of the State by Gov. Francis M.
Drake, who paid the highest possible tribute to the social and
intellectual qualities of women, pointed out the liberality of Iowa in
respect to manhood suffrage and congratulated the association
generally, but was extremely careful not to commit himself on the
question of woman suffrage. Mayor John McVicar extended the welcome of
the city in eloquent language. He also skirted all around the suffrage
question, came much nearer an expression of approval than did the
Governor, but cleverly avoided a direct assertion in favor. He was
followed by the Rev. H. O. Breeden, pastor of the Christian Church in
which the convention was assembled. Not being in politics he dared
express an honest opinion and said in the course of his remarks:

[Illustration: (MISS ANTHONY'S CABINET IN 1900.)

CATHARINE WAUGH McCULLOCH.
Second Auditor.

ALICE STONE BLACKWELL.
Recording Secretary.

RACHEL FOSTER AVERY.
Corresponding Secretary 21 Years.

LAURA CLAY.
First Auditor.

HARRIET TAYLOR UPTON.
Treasurer.

]

It is my privilege to address you in behalf of the churches, and
I do so with great pleasure, because I have a robust faith that
you are right, and also that the churches are with you in
sympathy and heart. I belong to one which welcomes women to its
pulpit and to all its offices. I should distrust the Christianity
of any that would deny to my mother and wife the rights it
accords to my father and myself. We welcome you to this city of
churches and to the churches of the city, and to its homes.

Woman shows her capacity for the highest functions in proportion
as she is admitted to them. I hold it true, with Dr. Storrs, that
as Dante measured his progress in Paradise not by outer objects
but by the increased beauty upon the face of Beatrice, so the
progress of the race is measured by the increasing beauty of
character shown in its women. The fanaticism of yesterday is the
reform of to-day, and the victory of to-morrow. Truth always goes
onward and never back. The day of equal rights for women is
surely coming. You are fighting a good warfare, with God, with
conscience and with right to inspire you, and the triumph is near
at hand.

Mrs. Mattie Locke Macomber extended the greetings of the Women's Clubs
of the State; Mrs. Adelaide Ballard, president of the Iowa Suffrage
Association, presented its welcome, and greetings were read from
various Women's Christian Temperance Unions. Miss Anthony responded
briefly, contrasting the welcome by Governor, mayor and different
societies with the olden times when perhaps not one person would
extend a friendly hand to those who attempted to hold a suffrage
meeting. "I hardly know what to say now," she continued. "It is so
much easier to speak when brickbats are flying. But I do rejoice with
you over the immense revolution and evolution of the past twenty-five
years, and I thank you for this cordial greeting."

The meetings were held in the large and well-arranged Christian
Church, with an auditorium seating 1,500. The four daily papers gave
full and fair reports and, although there was no editorial
endorsement, there was no adverse comment. The _Leader_ thus described
the opening session, Tuesday afternoon:

It is doubtful if the church ever before held so many people.
They poured in at all the doors, and the great audience room,
with the balconies and the windows, the choir and the aisles, the
platform and every foot of available space, was early occupied.
There were many gentlemen in the audience, but probably four of
every five were women. The men had come, apparently, to see and
hear Miss Anthony; and when she was done many of them left. It
was such an audience as is not often seen. The ladies were
generally elderly, the great majority beyond middle-age; they had
braved the cold and wind to hear the leader whom they had known
and loved for many years, but whom most of them had never seen.
Their bright faces framed in silvery hair, with brighter eyes
upturned to the speakers, must have been an inspiration to those
on the platform; in the case of Miss Anthony it was plain that
she was indeed inspired by her audience.

There was much rejoicing over the enfranchisement of the women of
Idaho by an amendment to the State constitution during the past year;
and much sorrow over the defeat of a similar amendment in California.
In her president's address Miss Anthony said in part:

The year 1896 witnessed greater successes than any since the
first pronunciamento was made at Seneca Falls, N. Y., July 19,
1848. On January 6 President Cleveland proclaimed Utah to be a
State, with a constitution which does not discriminate against
women. With Utah and Wyoming we have two States coming into the
Union with the principle of equal rights to women guaranteed by
their constitutions.

On November 3 the men of Idaho declared in favor of woman
suffrage, and for the first time in the history of judicial
decisions upon the enlargement of women's rights, civil and
political, a Supreme Court gave a broad interpretation of the
constitution. The Supreme Court of Idaho--Isaac N. Sullivan,
Joseph W. Huston, John T. Morgan--unanimously decided that the
amendment was carried constitutionally. This decision is the more
remarkable because the Court might as easily have declared that
the constitution requires amendments to receive a majority of the
total vote cast at the election, instead of a majority of the
votes cast on the amendment itself. By the former construction it
would have been lost, notwithstanding two to one of all who
expressed an opinion were in favor.

If anyone will study the history of our woman suffrage movement
since the days of reconstruction and the adoption of the
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Federal
Constitution--taking the decisions of the Supreme Court of the
United States in the cases of Mrs. Myra Bradwell for the
protection of her civil rights; of Mrs. Virginia L. Minor for the
protection of her political rights; of the law granting Municipal
Suffrage to women in Michigan; on giving women the right to vote
for County School Commissioners in New York, and various other
decisions--he will find that in every case the courts have put
the narrowest possible construction upon the spirit and the
letter of the constitution. The Judges of Idaho did themselves
the honor to make a decision in direct opposition to judicial
precedent and prejudice. The Idaho victory is a great credit not
only to the majority of men who voted for the amendment, but to
the three Judges who made this broad and just decision.

After sketching the situation in California, and relating the part
taken by the National Association in these two campaigns, she
concluded:

In every county which was properly organized, with a committee in
every precinct, who visited every voter and distributed leaflets
in every family, the amendment received a majority vote. This
ought to be sufficient to teach the women of all the States that
what we need is house-to-house educational work throughout every
voting precinct. We may possibly carry amendments with education
short of this, but we are not likely to. I believe if the slums
of San Francisco and Oakland had been thus organized, even the
men there could have been made to see that it was for their
interest and that of their wives and daughters to vote for the
amendment. But, while the suffragists had no committees whatever
in those districts, the "liquor men" had an active committee in
every saloon, "dive" and gambling house. I am, therefore, more
and more convinced that it is educational work which needs to be
done. It is of little use for us to make our appeals to political
party conventions, State Legislatures or Congress for resolutions
in favor of woman's enfranchisement, while no appeal comes up to
them from the rank and file of the voters.

Until we do this kind of house-to-house work we can never expect
to carry any of the States in which there are large cities. If
Idaho had had San Francisco, with all its liquor interests and
foreigners banded together, she would probably have been defeated
as was California.

So, friends, I am not in any sense disheartened, and while I
rejoice exceedingly over Idaho, I also rejoice exceedingly over
the grand work done in California, and over the 110,000 votes
given for woman suffrage in that State. It was vastly more than
was ever done in any other amendment campaign. Study then the
methods of California and Idaho and improve on them as much as
you possibly can.

The Des Moines _Leader_ thus finished its report:

It was not difficult for one who saw Miss Anthony for the first
time to understand why she is so well beloved by her associates.
Seventy-seven years old, she is the most earnest worker of them
all; she is not only their leader but their counsellor and
friend. While she occupied the platform the utmost solicitude was
manifested for her on the part of everybody. Once a glass of
water was sent for but did not come as soon as it should, and
everyone on the stage was visibly concerned except Miss Anthony
herself, who calmly observed, by way of apology for a trifling
difficulty with her voice, that she was not accustomed to speak
in public, at which a laugh went round.... Her silvery hair was
parted in the middle and brushed down over her ears. Her eyes
have the deep-set appearance which is characteristic of elderly
people who have been hard mental laborers, but on the whole she
did not look all her years, though older than most of her hearers
had expected to see her. But those beaming, earnest eyes, taking
in her whole audience as she talked, told of a nature tenacious
of purpose and not to be daunted by any obstacle--the qualities
which in her many years' work in the cause Miss Anthony has so
many times manifested.

The Rev. Anna Howard Shaw devoted the most of her report as
vice-president-at-large to the California campaign, as she had spent
the greater part of the past year in that State. She closed by saying:
"Our reception by the Californians was such as to make them forever
dear to us. I wish you could have seen Miss Anthony for once walking
ankle-deep in roses. It showed that the sentiment for suffrage had
reached the point where its advocates not only were tolerated but
honored. I used to like to see her sitting in a chair all adorned with
flowers and with a laurel crown suspended over her head, and to feel
that it was woman suffrage that was crowned. The work was hard, but we
all came back from California better in health and stronger in hope."

On Wednesday evening the crowd was so great it became necessary to
hold an overflow meeting, which was attended by five hundred persons.
Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, who was introduced as "one of Iowa's own
daughters," was received with great applause. She said in part:

I have a deep and tender love for Iowa. When I cross her
boundary, I always feel that I am coming home. In my travels
through the West I meet many men and women who give me a warmer
hand-shake because they too are from Iowa. But this State no
longer occupies the first place in my heart. There are four that
I love better, and every woman here feels the same. The first is
Wyoming. Many pass through that State and see only a barren plain
covered with sage brush, but when I cross her border, I feel a
thrill as sacred as ever the crusaders felt in visiting the Holy
Land. The second State is Colorado, the third Utah, and the
fourth Idaho. All of us Iowa women will love these States better
than our own until it shall arouse and place its laws and
institutions on an equality for women and men....

We ask suffrage in order to make womanhood broader and motherhood
nobler. Men and women are inextricably bound together. If we are
to have a great race, we must have a great motherhood. Do you ask
why people can not see this? In all history no class has been
enfranchised without some selfish motive underlying. If to-day we
could prove to Republicans or Democrats that every woman would
vote for their party, we should be enfranchised.

Do you say that whenever all women wish the ballot they will have
it? That time will never come. Not all of any class of men ever
wanted to vote till the ballot was put into their hands. When the
first woman desired to study medicine, not one school would admit
her. Since that time, only half a century ago, 25,000 women have
been admitted to the practice of medicine. If a popular vote had
been necessary, not one of them would yet have her diploma. We
have gained these advantages because we did not have to ask
society for them. If woman suffrage were granted in Iowa, women
would soon wish to vote, and every home would become a forum of
education....

There never had been so many deaths in the ranks as during the past
year. The following were among the names presented by Mrs. Clara
Bewick Colby as those whom the association would ever hold in reverent
memory:

Hannah Tracy Cutler of Illinois, former president of the American
Association and one of the earliest and most self-sacrificing of
woman suffrage lecturers; Sarah B. Cooper of California, auditor
of this association, whose labors for the enfranchisement of the
women of the Pacific coast will be remembered and honored equally
with her beneficent work in founding and sustaining free
kindergartens, and in whatever promoted justice, truth and mercy,
so that on the day of her funeral all the flags in San Francisco
were placed at half-mast; Mary Grew, who began her work for
freedom as corresponding secretary of the Philadelphia Female
Anti-Slavery Society in 1834, one of the founders of the New
Century Club of Philadelphia, and of the Pennsylvania Woman
Suffrage Association, of which she was president for twenty-three
years; Elizabeth McClintock Phillips, who in 1848 signed the call
for the first convention which demanded the ballot for women; J.
Elizabeth Jones of New York, a pioneer in anti-slavery and woman
suffrage; Judge E. T. Merrick of New Orleans, whose home was ever
open to the woman suffrage lecturers in that section, and who by
his eminent position as Chief Justice of Louisiana for many
years, sustained his wife in work which in earlier days but for
him would have been impossible; Eliza Murphy of New Jersey, who
bequeathed five hundred dollars to this association; Harriet
Beecher Stowe of Connecticut, who, although the apostle of
freedom in another field, yet held as firmly and expressed as
steadfastly her allegiance to the cause of woman suffrage; Dr.
Caroline B. Winslow, the earliest woman physician in the District
of Columbia, intrepid as a journalist, successful in practice, a
leader in many lines of reform; Maria G. Porter of Rochester, N.
Y.; Sarah Hussey Southwick of Massachusetts, a worker in the
cause of liberty for more than sixty years; Kate Field of
Washington, D. C.; Gov. Frederick T. Greenhalge of Massachusetts;
Dr. Hiram Corson of Pennsylvania, who stood for the full
opportunities of women in medicine, and secured the opening to
them of the conservative medical societies of Philadelphia.

The names of over thirty other tried and true friends who had passed
away during the months since the last meeting were given. Mrs. Colby
closed the memorial service by saying:

The best that comes to this world comes through the love of
liberty. These were souls of noble aspiration and undaunted
courage. We enter into their labors; we will enshrine them in the
history of the suffrage movement and bear them gratefully in our
hearts forever. May our lives be as fruitful as theirs, and when
we too pass away may we

"Join the choir invisible
Of these immortal dead who live again,
In minds made better by their presence."

Among letters received was one from Parker Pillsbury (N. H.), now 88
years old, who had spoken so eloquently in early days for the
emancipation of the slaves and the freedom of women. One of the many
excellent addresses was on the general topic Equal Rights, by Miss
Alice Stone Blackwell (Mass.), illustrated by a number of the piquant
and appropriate stories for which she is noted and which perhaps leave
a more lasting impression than a labored argument. Mrs. Catharine
Waugh McCulloch, a practicing lawyer of Chicago, considered the
hackneyed phrase All the Rights We Want, showing up in a humorous way
the legal disabilities of women in her own State. The wife's earnings
may be seized to pay for her husband's clothes; she can not testify
against her husband; she can not enter into a business partnership
without his consent; a married mother has no right to her children;
the age of protection for girls is only fourteen, etc.

President George A. Gates of Iowa College said in part: "I never heard
or read a single sound argument against the suffrage of women in a
democracy. There are a hundred arguments for it. The question now is
one of organization, of agitation, of perseverance. In my judgment he
who sneers at suffrage not only proclaims himself a boor and casts
discredit on at least four women--his mother, his wife, his sister and
his daughter--but he reveals a depth of ignorance that is pitiable.
Let the appeal be to experience. Not one of the direful consequences
predicted has come to pass where suffrage is enjoyed. Homes have not
been deserted, bad women have not flocked to the polls, conjugal
strife has not been aroused, bad effects have not come but good
effects have. Bad men seek office in vain where women have the ballot.
New States are coming into line and the triumph of the cause can not
much longer be delayed."

Mrs. Charlotte Perkins Stetson spoke with her usual ability on Duty
and Honor:

Underlying the objections to woman suffrage is a reason of which,
as an American, I am deeply ashamed. I do not think either men or
women have the same honest pride in our democracy that they had
fifty years ago. We are becoming a little afraid of what Europe
has always told us was an experiment, but one reason it has not
yet been all we could wish is that it is not a democracy at all,
but a semi-democracy, one-half of the race ruling over the other
half.

Another deep-seated feeling is that, while development is the
general rule, yet the production of the best men and women
requires "the maternal sacrifice," _i. e._ that the mother shall
be sacrificed to her children, and incidentally to her husband.
If the sacrifice is necessary, well and good; but how if it is
not?... It has been regarded as dangerous to improve the
condition of women for fear they would not be as good mothers. If
gain to the mother means robbery to the child, let the mother
remain as she is. But the standard is the amount of good done to
the children, not the amount of evil done to herself....

Grant that it is a woman's business to take care of her
children--not merely of her own children. If children anywhere
are not under right conditions, women ought to see to it. The
trouble is we are too wrapped up in _my_ children to think of
_our_ children. We can not keep out disease by shutting our own
front door. We have to know and care about the world outside our
gates. In order to do our duty to our children we must make this
world a better place to live in.

Our children are not born with that degree of brain power that we
could wish. They will not be, until our minds are widened by
study of the whole duty of a human being.... What is needed for
women is an enlargement of their moral sense so as to include
social as well as private virtues. We have been taught that there
is only one virtue for us. Our morality is high but narrow. It is
not wholesome to limit oneself to one virtue, or to six or to
ten. Sons resemble their mothers. While mothers limit their
interests to their own narrow domestic affairs, regardless of the
world outside, their sons will betray the interests of the
country for their own private business interests.... Women and
men are so connected that we can not improve one without
improving the other. Under equal rights we shall raise the moral
sense of the community by the natural laws of transmission
through the mothers. We shall learn to blame a man as much if he
betrays a public trust as we do if he deserts his wife.

Have we done our full duty when we have loved and served and
taken care of those that every beast on earth loves and serves
and takes care of--our own young? That is the beginning of human
duty but not the whole of it. The duty of woman is not confined
to the reproduction of the species; it extends to the working of
the will of God on earth. The family is a leaf on the tree of the
State. It can grow in strength and purity while the State is
healthy, but when the State is degraded the family becomes
degraded with it. We have not done our full duty to the family
till we have done our best to serve the State.

Miss Shaw took up this subject, saying:

The millennium will not come as soon as women vote, but it will
not come until they do vote. If a woman has only a little brain,
she has a right to the fullest development of all she has.... If
we are to keep our children healthy, as Mrs. Stetson says is our
duty, pure water is essential. I know a city (Philadelphia) where
you can fast for forty days, drinking only water, and grow
fat--because you have chowder every time. Is there any reason why
women should not have a vote in regard to water-works? A woman
knows as much about water as a man. Generally, she drinks more of
it. See how the street cleaners sweep the dirt into heaps on
Monday and leave it to blow about until Saturday, before it is
taken up. Any housekeeper would know better. Sewers and man-traps
spread disease literally and also metaphorically. You may teach
your boy every precept in the Bible from beginning to end, and he
will go out into the street and be taught to violate every one of
them, under the protection of law, and you can't help yourself or
him.

At one of the morning meetings Miss Anthony said in response to a
message from the W. C. T. U. accompanied by a great bunch of daisies:
"We always are glad to receive greetings from this society, because
one of its forty departments is for the franchise. The suffrage
association has only one, but that one aims to make every State a true
republic." She continued: "A newspaper of this city has criticized the
suffrage banner with its four stars and has accused us of desecrating
our country's flag. But no one ever heard anything about desecration
of the flag during the political campaign, when the names and
portraits of all the candidates were tacked to it. Our critics compare
us to Texas and its lone star. We have not gone out of the Union, but
four States have come in. Keep your flag flying, and do not let any
one persuade you that you are desecrating it by putting on stars for
the States where government is based on the consent of the governed,
and leaving them off for those which are not."

State Senators Rowen, Kilburn and Byers brought an official message
inviting the convention to visit the Senate and select certain of
their members to address that body. Each of these gentlemen spoke
briefly but unequivocally in favor of the enfranchisement of women.

The ladies found the Senate Chamber crowded from top to bottom on the
occasion of their visit Friday morning, and they were welcomed by
Lieutenant-Governor Parrott. In her response Miss Anthony called
attention to the fact that the women of Iowa had been pleading their
cause in vain before the Legislature for nearly thirty years. Mrs.
Mary C. C. Bradford, Mrs. Emmeline B. Wells and Mrs. Mell C. Woods
spoke for the States of Colorado, Utah and Idaho, which had
enfranchised women; Mrs. Colby represented Wyoming. Clever two-minute
speeches were made by Mrs. Ballard, Miss Shaw and Mrs. Chapman Catt,
which were highly appreciated by the legislators and the rest of the
audience.

During the convention an informal speech of Mrs. Harriet Taylor Upton
(O.), As the World Sees Us, was much enjoyed. In the course of her
remarks she said:

The world thinks our husbands are inferior men, and I do not like
it. For fifty years they have said all sorts of things about the
overbearing suffragists--that they were crazy, tyrannical, etc.,
but they never have said we were fools. Why should they think
that we would pick out fools for our husbands?...

The world also thinks the suffrage advocates are poor
housekeepers. I know, for I was in the world a long time and I
thought so. When I was brought into the movement and visited the
leaders, I was surprised to find the order and executive ability
with which their homes were conducted.

The world thinks we are office-seekers. Most of us have not the
slightest wish for office, but we do want to see women serving on
all boards that deal with matters where woman's help is needed.

The world thinks we are irreligious; but our individual churches
do not think so--for most of us are members of churches in good
and regular standing, and we are not denied communion. We can not
be vestrymen, but if the church wants a steam heater it is voted
to have one, without a cent in the treasury, because the women
are relied upon to raise the money. We are religious enough to
have oyster suppers in aid of the church and to make choir-boys'
vestments and to raise the minister's salary and to make up the
congregation. Religion is love to God and man. If it is not
religion to promote a cause that will make men better and women
wiser and happier, what is it? The world thinks we are
irreligious because in the early days some of our leaders were
held to be unorthodox. But most of those who years ago were
looked upon as such are regarded as orthodox to-day. The
eye-sight of the world is much better than it used to be....

The discussion--_Resolved_, That the propaganda of the woman suffrage
idea demands a non-partisan attitude on the part of individual
workers--was led by Miss Laura Clay in the affirmative and Henry B.
Blackwell in the negative. Miss Clay said in part:

It is a well established rule that the greater should never be
subordinated to the less. Therefore, suffrage should never be
made a tail to the kite of any political party. There are
momentous issues now before the people, but none so momentous as
woman suffrage. This principle appeals to the conscience of the
people, and will ultimately convince all those who cherish the
political principles of our fathers. Already we believe we have
convinced a sufficient number to make this a practical question.
We have now to deal with the politicians. They may be divided
into two classes, men of high ideals and those who cling to
party, right or wrong. It is necessary to gain both classes.

Partisan methods are not suited to the discussion of this
question. We must show that when enfranchised we shall hold a
self-preservative attitude; that we know our rights, and, knowing
them, dare maintain. Wisdom is less tangible than force but more
powerful in the end. Women are different from men and their
political methods will differ from those of men. Women will never
win so long as they consent to barter their services for vague
promises of what will be done for them in the future, or to
subordinate woman suffrage to the interests of any party.

MR. BLACKWELL: We are all agreed that Woman Suffrage
Associations, local, State and national, are and must be
non-partisan. But a clear distinction should be made between the
attitude of a society and that of the individual women and men
who compose its membership. Suffrage societies, being composed of
men and women of all shades of political belief, can not take
sides on any other question without violating each member's right
and duty to have and express personal political opinions. But, as
individuals, it is our duty to be partisans. Woman suffrage is
not the only issue. In almost every political contest one party
is right and the other wrong. Everybody is bound to do what he or
she can to promote the success of the right side. If no moral
questions were involved, political contests would be ignoble and
insignificant. We value suffrage mainly because questions of
right and wrong are settled by votes....

Every woman, equally with every man, should be affiliated with
some political party.... Every manifestation by women of
intelligent interest in political questions helps woman suffrage.
Political questions necessarily become party questions, for we
live under a government of parties.

A non-partisan attitude is a phrase which needs definition. If
"partisan" means "our party, right or wrong," then no woman and
no man should be a partisan. An attitude of moderation and
conciliation befits every candid person. I am for holding equal
suffrage paramount to ordinary political questions, but I am not
for repudiating party ties altogether. Woman suffrage, though the
most important question, is not always the one to be first
settled. It is not the only question. Voting, though the most
direct form of political power, is not the only political power.
Women's interests and those of their children are involved,
equally with those of men, in every question of finance,
currency, tariff, domestic and foreign relations. They have no
right to be neutral or apathetic. So long as they remain silent
and inert they command no attention or respect. I maintain,
therefore, that affirmative political activity, working by and
through party machinery, is the duty of every individual
citizen--whether man or woman.

In States where a suffrage amendment is pending, in meetings
where suffrage is advocated, party politics should be laid aside
for the time being. In religious meetings no distinction should
be made between Republicans, Democrats or Populists. In political
meetings no distinction should be made between Methodists,
Baptists or Presbyterians. In suffrage meetings there should be
no distinction of sect or party. But we hold our individual
opinions all the same.

MISS ANTHONY: I want to say that you can not possibly divide
yourself up as Mr. Blackwell suggests. You can not be a
Republican in one convention to-day and non-partisan in another
to-morrow. The men who believe in suffrage are voters, and must
have their parties, of course. But any woman who champions either
political party makes more votes against than for suffrage. I
could give numerous examples. Do not be deluded with this idea
that one party is right and the other wrong. Which is it? One
party seems right to one-half of the people, and the other party
to the other half. As long as women have no votes, any one of
them who will make a speech either for gold or silver or for any
party issue is lacking in self-respect.

MISS BLACKWELL: Miss Clay seems to have understood the question
presented for discussion in a different sense from what I did. I
do not believe in making suffrage a tail to any party kite, of
course; but women as well as men are bound to do what they can to
promote good government, and hence to promote by all legitimate
means the party which they believe to be in the right. They will
inevitably do this more and more as they become more interested
in public questions. See how many women took part in the late
campaign, making speeches for gold or silver, not with any eye
to woman suffrage--for neither party was committed to it--but
purely for the sake of the welfare of the country, as they
understood it. I can not agree that they were lacking in
self-respect....

MISS SHAW: I have made only one party speech in my life. That was
ten years ago, for the Prohibition Party; and if the Lord will
forgive me, I will never do it again till women vote.

In spite of the lively difference of opinion, the meeting adjourned in
great good humor and amid considerable laughter.

The last session of the convention was a celebration of the suffrage
victory in Idaho, conducted by representatives of what the association
liked to call "the free States." Mrs. Colby said in behalf of Wyoming:

....No matter if we fill the field of blue with stars, one will
always shine with peculiar lustre, the star of Wyoming, who
opened the door of hope for women.

There is a beautiful custom in Switzerland among the Alpine
shepherds. He who, tending his flock among the heights, first
sees the rays of the rising sun gild the top of the loftiest
peak, lifts his horn and sounds forth the morning greeting,
"Praise the Lord." Soon another shepherd catches the radiant
gleam, and then another and another takes up the reverent
refrain, until mountain, hill and valley are vocal with praise
and bathed in the glory of a new day.

So the dawn of the day that shall mean freedom for woman and the
ennobling of the race was first seen by Wyoming, on the crest of
our continent, and the clarion note was sounded forth, "Equality
before the law." For a quarter of a century she was the lone
watcher on the heights to sound the tocsin of freedom. At last
Colorado, from her splendid snow-covered peaks, answered back in
grand accord, "Equality before the law." Then on Utah's brow
shone the sun, and she, too, exultantly joined in the trio,
"Equality before the law." And now Idaho completes the quartette
of mountain States which sing the anthem of woman's freedom. Its
echoes rouse the sleepers everywhere, until from the rock-bound
coast of the Atlantic to the golden sands of the Pacific resounds
one resolute and jubilant demand, "Equality before the law," and
lo, the whole world wakes to the sunlight of liberty!

Mrs. Mary C. C. Bradford, in speaking for Colorado, said:

Civilization means self-realization. The level is being slowly
but surely raised and the atmosphere improved. Freedom for the
individual, properly guarded, is the ideal to-day. When woman is
free, the eternal feminine shows itself to be also the truly
human. Witness Wyoming, with its magnificent school system, its
equal pay for equal work. Witness Colorado, where women cast 52
per cent. of the total vote though the State contains a large
majority of men. What does this show if not that women wish to
vote? We women believe that election day administers to each of
us the sacrament of citizenship, and we go, most of us,
prayerfully and thankfully to partake in this outward and visible
sign of an inward and spiritual grace....

The first time I went to vote I was out of the house just nine
minutes. The second time I took my little girl along to school,
stopped in to vote, and then went down town and did my marketing;
and I was gone twenty minutes. While I was casting my vote the
men gave my little one a flower. They always decorate the
polling-places with flowers now, for they know women love beauty.

The tone of political conventions has improved since suffrage was
granted to women. So has the character of the candidates....
There is no character-builder like responsibility. Every woman's
club in the State has been turned into a study club, and the
women are examining public questions for themselves. This is one
of the best results of equal suffrage.

When women obtained the ballot they wanted to know about public
affairs, and so they asked their husbands at home (every woman
wants to believe that her husband knows everything), and the
husbands had to inform themselves in order to answer their wives'
questions. Equal suffrage has not only educated women and
elevated the primaries, but it has given back to the State the
services of her best men, large numbers of whom had got into the
habit of neglecting their political duties....

Mrs. Emmeline B. Wells said in describing the conditions in Utah:

After the ballot was given to women the men soon came to us and
asked us to help them. We divided on party lines but not rigidly
so. We helped not only the good men and women of our own party,
but those of the other. If they put up a Republican or a Democrat
who is not fit for the position, the women vote against him. In
all the work I do for the Republicans, I never denounce the
Democrats....

This year the men were more willing to have us go to the
primaries than we were to go. Even the women who had not wished
for suffrage voted. I do not mind going to the primaries. I am
not afraid of men--not the least in the world. I have often been
on committees with men. I don't think it has hurt me at all, and
I have learned a great deal. They have always been very good to
me. We must stand up for the men. We could not do without them.
Certainly we could not have settled Utah without them. They built
the bridges and killed the bears; but I think the women worked
just as hard, in their way....

When Mrs. Mell C. Woods came forward to speak for Idaho the audience
arose and received her with cheers and the waving of handkerchiefs.
She brought letters of greeting from most of the women's clubs of
that State, and in a long and beautiful address she said:

With her head pillowed in the lap of the North, her feet resting
in the orchards of the South, her snowy bosom rising to the
clouds, Idaho lies serene in her beauty of glacier, lake and
primeval forest, guarding in her verdure-clad mountains vast
treasures of precious minerals, with the hem of her robe
embroidered in sapphires and opals.... As representing Idaho,
first I wish to express the heartfelt gratitude of every equal
suffragist in our proud and happy State to the National
Association for the most generous help afforded us in our two
years' campaign. Without the aid of the devoted women, Mrs.
DeVoe, Mrs. Chapman Catt, Mrs. Bradford and Mrs. Johns, who made
the arduous journey to organize our clubs, plead our cause and
teach us how to work and win, we should not be celebrating
Idaho's victory to-night....

After describing the great output of the mines and the fruit-producing
value of the State, she continued:

I fancy few of you know much of the conditions existing in the
mining country, dotted with camps in every gulch; the
preponderance of the adult males over the women of maturity; the
power of the saloon element, and the cosmopolitan character of
the people--men from all parts of the world, ignorant and
cultured, depraved and respectable, seeking fame and fortune in
the far West--no reading-rooms, no lectures, no lyceums, no
spelling-bees or corn-huskings, the relaxation of the farm hand;
single men away from home and its influences, forced from the
draughty lobby of the hotel or tavern to the warmth and comfort
of the well-appointed saloon.

The missionary suffrage work in such places was obliged to be
quietly done, without any apparent advocacy on the part of men
who were in reality ardent supporters of our cause, lest the
saloon element should organize and, by concerted action, crush
the movement as they did in the State of Washington in 1889; and
California, too, owes her defeat of the amendment at least
partially to this cause. Yet you may go far to find nobler men
than we have in Idaho, and we did not lack able champions. Our
amendment was carried by more than a two-thirds majority of the
votes cast upon it.

The last address, by the Rev. Ida C. Hultin (Ills.), The Point of
View, was a masterly effort. She said in part:

Before any woman is a wife, a sister or a mother she is a human
being. We ask nothing as women but everything as human beings.
The sphere of woman is any path that she can tread, any work that
she can do. Let no one imagine that we wish to be men. In the
beginning God created them male and female. The principle of
co-equality is recognized in all of God's kingdom. We are
beginning to find in the human race, as in the vegetable and the
animal, that the male and the female are designed to be the
equals of each other.

It is because woman loves her home that she wants her country to
be pure and holy, so that she may not lose her children when they
go out from her protection. We want to be women, womanly women,
stamping the womanliness of our nature upon the country, even as
the men have stamped the manliness of their nature upon it. The
home is the sphere of woman and of man also. The home does not
mean simply bread-making and dish-washing, but also the place
into which shall enter that which makes pure manhood possible.
Give woman a chance to do her whole duty. What is education for,
what is religion for, but as a means to the end of the
development of humanity? If national life is what it ought to be
also, a means to the same end, it needs then everything that
humanity has to make it sweet and hopeful. Women have moral
sentiments and they want to record them. That is the only
difference between voting and not voting. The national life is
the reflected life of the people. It is strong with their
strength and weak with their weakness.

A letter was read to the convention by Miss Anthony from Miss Kitty
Reed, daughter of Speaker Thomas B. Reed, who had been with her father
in California during the recent suffrage campaign. In referring to
this she said:

There and elsewhere the thinking women who opposed it used this
argument: There are too many people voting already; the practical
effect of woman suffrage would be an increase in the illiterate
vote, without a proportionate increase in the intelligent vote.
They were not in favor of it unless there could be an educational
qualification. In other words, they were opposed to woman
suffrage because they were opposed to universal suffrage. I have
always regarded universal suffrage as the foundation principle of
our government. If "governments deriving their just powers from
the consent of the governed" does not mean that, what can it
mean? So I tried to persuade these women of the truth of that
which I supposed had been settled about one hundred and
twenty-one years ago. It is necessary to make women believe that
suffrage is a natural right rather than a privilege; that, while
abstractly it seems well for an intelligent citizen to govern an
ignorant one, human nature is such that the intelligent will
govern selfishly and leave the ignorant no opportunity to
improve.

It seems to me that the worst obstacle we have to encounter now
is not the prejudice of men against women's voting, but a
misunderstanding on the part of women of the real meaning of
government by the people. This may be ancient history to you, but
it impressed me deeply while I was in California and that is why
I write it. Of course there are many women who do not think. When
they hear woman suffrage spoken of, they go to their husbands and
ask them what they think about it, and their husbands tell them
that they are too good to vote, and those women are content. It
does not occur to them to ask why, if they are too pure and good
to vote, they are not excused from obeying the laws and paying
taxes.

The report of the first year's work done at national headquarters was
very satisfactory. In regard to the Press it contained the following:

The year 1896 has seen the beginning of an effort by our National
Association to use systematically the mighty lever of the public
press in behalf of our work. We have sent out in regular weekly
issues since March hundreds of copies of good equal suffrage
articles. These go into the hands of Press Committees in
forty-one States, and now between six and seven hundred papers
publish them each week. Of forty-one different articles by about
thirty different writers, nearly 25,000 copies have been
distributed to newspapers. These articles reach, in local papers,
not less than one million readers weekly.

We have taken charge of the National Suffrage Bulletin which is
edited by the chairman of the organization committee, have had it
printed in Philadelphia and mailed from the headquarters. In the
past twelve months there have been wrapped and sent out
separately 17,700 copies of the Bulletin. A portion of the
expenses has been defrayed by special contributions of $900 of
the $1,000 given to Miss Anthony by Mrs. Southworth, and $400
through the New York State Association, from the bequest of Mrs.
Eliza J. Clapp of Rochester to Miss Anthony.

Mr. Blackwell, as usual, reported for the Committee on Presidential
Suffrage, suggesting a form of petition as follows:

WHEREAS, The Constitution of the United States, the supreme law
of the land, expressly confers upon the Legislature of every
State the sole and exclusive right to appoint or to delegate the
appointment of presidential electors, in article II, section 1,
paragraph 2, as follows: "Each State shall appoint in such manner
as the Legislature thereof may direct a number of electors equal
to the whole number of Senators and Representatives to which the
State may be entitled in the Congress;" and

WHEREAS, In some of the States said appointment has been
repeatedly made by the Legislature; and

WHEREAS, Women equally with men are citizens of this State and of
the United States; therefore,

_The undersigned_, citizens of the State of ----, 21 years of age
and upwards, respectfully petition your honorable bodies so to
amend the election laws as to enable women to vote in the
appointment of presidential electors.

The report of the treasurer, Mrs. Upton, showed that the receipts had
risen to $11,825 during the year just passed. It ended thus: "In
closing this report the treasurer would like to say that no one person
has ever been to the treasury what Miss Anthony has been and is. Every
dollar given to her for any purpose whatever, she feels belongs to the
work and is most happy when she turns it in. On the other hand the
association does very little for her. She pays her own traveling
expenses and her own clerk hire. It is to be hoped that this is the
last year we may be so neglectful in this direction."

The Congressional Committee, Mrs. Ellen Powell Thompson, acting
chairman, reported as a part of the work done: "To still further
advance the matter we determined to address a letter to each member of
the House and Senate, asking his opinion on the proposed amendment to
enfranchise women. At least three-fourths of these letters were
promptly answered in most gracious terms, and in many of them hearty
sympathy with the purpose of the amendment was expressed. Not a small
number declared they were ready to vote for the amendment when
opportunity should be given."

Among the State reports those of California, by Mrs. Ellen Clark
Sargent, and of Idaho, by Mrs. Eunice Pond Athey, were of special
interest, as they contained an epitomized history of the recent
campaigns in these States. It was decided that there should be a
special effort to make the next annual meeting a noteworthy affair, as
it would celebrate the Fiftieth Anniversary of the First Woman's
Rights Convention.

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1898.

The Thirtieth annual convention of the suffrage association took place
in the Columbia Theatre, Washington, D. C., Feb. 13-19, 1898, and
celebrated the Fiftieth Anniversary of the First Woman's Rights
Convention.[112] In the center of the stage was an old-fashioned,
round mahogany table, draped with the Stars and Stripes and the famous
silk suffrage flag with its four golden stars. In her opening address
the president, Miss Susan B. Anthony, said: "On this table the
original Declaration of Rights for Women was written at the home of
the well-known McClintock family in Waterloo, N. Y., just half a
century ago. Around it gathered those immortal four, Elizabeth Cady
Stanton, Lucretia Mott, Martha C. Wright and Mary Ann McClintock, to
formulate the grievances of women. They did not dare to sign their
names but published the Call for their convention anonymously.[113] We
have had that remarkable document printed for distribution here, and
you will notice that those demands which were ridiculed and denounced
from one end of the country to the other, all have now been conceded
but the suffrage, and that in four States."

This convention was the largest in number of delegates and States
represented of any in the history of the association, 154 being in
attendance and all but four of the States and Territories represented.

The Rev. Anna Howard Shaw devoted the most of her vice-president's
report to an account of the work to secure a suffrage amendment from
the Legislature which was being done in Iowa, where she had been
spending considerable time. The report on Press Work by the chairman,
Miss Jessie J. Cassidy, stated that 30,000 suffrage articles had been
sent from headquarters to the various newspapers of the country and
the number willing to accept these was constantly increasing. The
headquarters had been removed from Philadelphia to New York City
during the year and united with the organization office. The Committee
on Course of Study, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman, reported that
during the past three years they had published 25,000 books and
pamphlets, purchased from publishers 3,100 and had 9,000 contributed.
The treasurer, Mrs. Harriet Taylor Upton, announced the receipts of
the past year to be $14,055. Bequests had been received of $500 by the
will of Mrs. Eliza Murphy of New Jersey, and $500 from Mrs. A. Viola
Neblett of South Carolina.

The report of the Organization Committee, Mrs. Chapman Catt, chairman,
showed a large amount of work done in Iowa, Illinois, South Dakota and
the Southern States, the writing of 10,000 letters, the holding of
1,000 public meetings under the auspices of this committee. It closed
by saying:

The chief obstacle to organization is not found in societies
opposed to the extension of suffrage to woman, nor in ignorance,
nor in conservatism; it is to be found in that large body of
suffragists who believe that the franchise will come, but that it
will come in some unaccountable way without effort or concern on
their part. It is to be found in the hopeless, faithless,
lifeless members of our own organization. They are at times the
officers of local clubs, and the clubs die on their hands; in
State executive committees, and there, appalled by the magnitude
of the undertaking, they decide that organization is impossible
because there is no money, and they make no effort to secure
funds. They are in our national body, ready to find fault with
plans and results and to criticise the conscientious efforts of
those who are struggling to accomplish good--yet they are never
ready to propose more helpful methods. In short, we find them
everywhere, doing practically nothing themselves, but "throwing
cold water" upon every effort inaugurated by others. "It can not
be done" is their motto, and by it they constantly discourage the
hopeful and extract all enthusiasm from new workers. Judging from
the intimate knowledge of the condition of our association gained
in the last three years, I am free to say that these are our most
effective opponents to-day, and, without question, the best
result of the three years' work is the gradual strengthening of
belief in the possibility of organization.

Mrs. Sallie Clay Bennett, chairman, presented the report on Federal
Suffrage;[114] Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake, chairman, on Legislation;
and Miss Laura Clay on the Suffrage Convocation at the Tennessee
Exposition the preceding year. The Plan of Work, offered by the
chairman, Mrs. Mariana W. Chapman, and adopted, represented the best
result of many years' experience and exemplified the aims and methods
of the association. The old board of officers was almost unanimously
re-elected.

The afternoon Work Conferences, to exchange ideas as to methods for
organizing, raising funds, etc., which met in a small hall, aroused so
much interest and attracted so many people that it was necessary to
transfer them to the large auditorium. The Resolutions Committee
presented by its chairman, Mrs. Ida Husted Harper, a brief summary of
the results already accomplished and the rights yet to be secured, in
part as follows:

The National-American Woman Suffrage Association, at this its
thirtieth annual meeting, celebrates the semi-centennial
anniversary of the first Woman's Rights Convention, held in 1848
in Seneca Falls, N. Y., and reaffirms every principle then and
there enunciated. We count the gains of fifty years. Woman's
position revolutionized in the home, in society, in the church
and in the State; public sentiment changed, customs modified,
industries opened, co-education established, laws amended,
economic independence partially secured, and equal suffrage a
recognized subject of legislation. Fifty years ago women voted
nowhere in the world; to-day Wyoming, Colorado, Utah and Idaho
have established equal suffrage for women, and have already in
the Congress of the United States eight Senators and seven
Representatives with women constituents. Kansas has granted women
Municipal Suffrage, and twenty-three other States have made women
voters in school elections. This movement is not confined to the
United States; in Great Britain and her colonies women now have
Municipal and County Suffrage, while New Zealand and South
Australia have abolished all political distinctions of sex.
Therefore,

_Resolved_, That we hereby express our profound appreciation of
the prophetic vision, advanced thought and moral courage of the
pioneers in this movement for equality of rights, and our sincere
gratitude for their half century of toil and endurance to secure
for women the privileges they now enjoy, and to make the way
easier for those who are to complete the work. We, their
successors, a thousandfold multiplied, stand pledged to unceasing
effort until women have all the rights and privileges which
belong equally to every citizen of a republic.

That in every State we demand for women citizens equality with
male citizens in the exercise of the elective franchise, upon
such terms and conditions as the men impose upon themselves.

That we appeal to Congress to submit a Sixteenth Amendment to the
United States Constitution, thereby enabling the citizens of each
State to carry this question of woman suffrage before its
Legislature for settlement.

That we will aid, so far as practicable, every State campaign for
woman suffrage; but we urgently recommend our auxiliary State
societies to effect thorough county organizations before
petitioning their Legislatures for a State constitutional
amendment.

WHEREAS, The good results of woman suffrage in Wyoming since 1869
have caused its adoption successively by the three adjoining
States; therefore,

_Resolved_, That we earnestly request the citizens of these four
free States to make a special effort to secure the franchise for
women in the States contiguous to their own.

That we demand for mothers equal custody and control of their
minor children, and for wives and widows an equal use and
inheritance of property.

That we ask for an equal representation of women on all boards of
education and health, of public schools and colleges, and in the
management of all public institutions; and for their employment
as physicians for women and children in all hospitals and
asylums, and as police matrons and guards in all prisons and
reformatories.

That this Association limits its efforts exclusively to securing
equal rights for women, and it appeals for co-operation to the
whole American people.

Miss Alice Stone Blackwell, Mrs. Ida Porter Boyer and Mrs. Harper were
appointed fraternal delegates to the Woman's Press Association, in
session at this time in Washington.

A beautiful feature of this occasion was the luncheon given by Mrs.
John R. McLean to Miss Anthony on her seventy-eighth birthday,
February 15, attended by thirty-six of the most distinguished ladies
in the national capital, and followed by a reception to the members of
the convention. Mrs. McLean was assisted in receiving by Miss Anthony
and Mrs. Ulysses S. Grant. Seventy-eight wax tapers burned upon the
birthday cake, which was three feet in diameter and decorated with
flowers. It was presented to Miss Anthony, who carried it in triumph
to the convention in Columbia Theatre, where it was cut into slices
that were sold as souvenirs and realized about $120, which she donated
to the cause.

Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, at the age of eighty-two, sent two papers
for this fiftieth anniversary, one for the congressional hearing, on
The Significance of the Ballot; the other, Our Defeats and our
Triumphs, was read to the convention by Mrs. Colby. Both displayed
all the old-time vigor of thought and beauty of expression. The
latter, filled with interesting reminiscence, closed with these words:

Another generation has now enlisted for a long or short campaign.
What, say they, shall we do to hasten the work? I answer, the
pioneers have brought you through the wilderness in sight of the
promised land; now, with active, aggressive warfare, take
possession. Instead of rehearsing the old arguments which have
done duty fifty years, make a brave attack on every obstacle
which stands in your way.... Lord Brougham said: "The laws for
women [in England and America] are a disgrace to the civilization
of the nineteenth century." The women in every State should watch
their law-makers, and any bill invidious to their interests
should be promptly denounced, and with such vehemence and
indignation as to agitate the whole community....

There is no merit in simply occupying the ground which others
have conquered. There are new fields for conquest and more
enemies to meet. Whatever affects woman's freedom, growth and
development affords legitimate subject for discussion here....
Some of our opponents think woman would be a dangerous element in
politics and destroy the secular nature of our Government. I
would have a resolution on that point discussed freely, and show
liberal thinkers that we have a large number in our association
as desirous to preserve the secular nature of our Government as
they themselves can possibly be.... When educated women, teachers
in all our schools, professors in our colleges, are governed by
rulers, foreign and native, who can neither read nor write, I
would have this association discuss and pass a resolution in
favor of "educated suffrage." ...

The object of our organization is to secure equality and freedom
for woman: First, in the State, which is denied when she is not
permitted to exercise the right of suffrage; second, in the
Church, which is denied when she has no voice in its councils,
creeds and discipline, or in the choice of its ministers, elders
and deacons; third, in the Home, where the State makes the
husband's authority absolute, the wife a subject, where the
mother is robbed of the guardianship of her own child, and where
the joint earnings belong solely to the husband.

....Let this generation pay its debt to the past by continuing
this great work until the last vestige of woman's subjection
shall be erased from our creeds and codes and constitutions. Then
the united thought of man and woman will inaugurate a pure
religion, a just government, a happy home and a civilization in
which ignorance, poverty and crime will exist no more. They who
watch behold already the dawn of a new day.

The Rev. Antoinette Brown Blackwell (N. Y.), the first woman to
graduate in theology and be ordained, delineated The Changing Phases
of Opposition, pointing out that when the first Woman's Rights
Convention was held the general tone of the press was shown in that
newspaper which said: "This bolt is the most shocking and unnatural
incident ever recorded in the history of humanity; if these demands
were effected, it would set the world by the ears, make confusion
worse confounded, demoralize and degrade from their high sphere and
noble destiny women of all respectable and useful classes, and prove a
monstrous injury to all mankind." Yet this present convention was
celebrating the granting of all those demands except the suffrage and
not one of the predicted evils had come to pass. The direful
prophecies of the early days were taken up, one by one, and their
utter absurdity pointed out in the light of experience. Now all of
those ancient, stereotyped objections were concentrated against
granting the suffrage.

Mrs. Virginia D. Young (S. C.) delighted the audience with one of her
characteristic addresses. Prof. Frances Stewart Mosher, of Hillsdale
College (Mich.), gave an exhaustive review of the great increase and
value of Woman's Work in Church Philanthropies. Mrs. May Wright Sewall
(Ind.) demonstrated the wonderful Progress of Women in Education. The
New Education possessed the charm of novelty in being presented by
Miss Grace Espy Patton, State Superintendent of Public Instruction in
Colorado, a lady so delicate and dainty that, when Miss Anthony led
her forward and said, "It has always been charged that voting and
officeholding will make women coarse and unwomanly; now look at her!"
the audience responded with an ovation.

Miss Belle Kearney (Miss.) discussed Social Changes in the South,
depicting in a rapid, magnetic manner, interspersed with flashes of
wit, the evolution of the Southern woman and the revolution in customs
and privileges which must inevitably lead up to political rights. Mrs.
Mary Seymour Howell (N. Y.) gave an eloquent review of the splendid
services of Women in Philanthropy.

At the memorial services Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby (D. C.) offered the
following resolutions:

It is fitting in this commemorative celebration to pause a moment
to place a laurel in memory's chaplet for those to whom it was
given to be the earliest to voice the demand that woman should be
allowed to enter into the sacred heritage of liberty, as one
made equally with man in the image of the Creator and divinely
appointed to co-sovereignty over the earth. To name them here is
to recognize their presence with us in spirit and to invoke their
benediction upon this generation which, entering into the results
of their labors, must carry them forward to full fruition.

Lucretia Mott always will be revered as one of those who
conceived the idea of a convention to make an organized demand
for justice to women. She became a Quaker preacher in 1818 at the
age of twenty-five, and the last suffrage convention she attended
was in her eighty-sixth year. Her motto, "Truth for authority and
not authority for truth," is still the tocsin of reform. Sarah
Pugh, the lovely Quaker, was ever her close friend and helper.

Frances Wright, a noble Scotchwoman, a friend of General
Lafayette, early imbibed a love for freedom and a knowledge of
the principles on which it is based. In this the land of her
adoption she was the first woman to lecture on political
subjects, in 1826.

Ernestine L. Rose, the beautiful Polish patriot, sent the first
petition to the New York Legislature to give a married woman the
right to hold real estate in her own name. This was in 1836, and
she continued the work of securing signatures until 1848, when
the bill was passed. She was a matchless orator and lectured on
woman suffrage for nearly fifty years.

Lucy Stone's voice pleaded the wide continent over for justice
for her sex. Her life-long devotion to the woman suffrage cause
was idealized by the companionship and assistance of her husband,
Henry B. Blackwell, the one man in this nation who under any and
all circumstances has made woman's cause his chief consideration.
Her first lecture on woman's rights was given in 1847, the year
of her graduation at Oberlin College, and her life work was
epitomized in her dying words, "Make the world better."

Martha C. Wright, Jane Hunt and Mary Ann McClintock were three of
those noble women who issued the call for the Seneca Falls
Convention, and were ever ready for service.

Paulina Wright Davis, who called the first National Convention in
1850 and presided over its twentieth celebration in 1870, was one
of the moving spirits of the work for more than twenty-five
years. Assisted by Caroline H. Dall, she edited the _Una_,
founded in 1853, the first distinctively woman suffrage paper.

Frances Dana Gage, better known by her pen-name, "Aunt Fanny,"
was farmer, editor, lecturer and worker in the Sanitary
Commission. Of her eight children six were stalwart sons, and she
used to boast that she was the mother of thirty-six feet of boys.
She was a pillar of strength to the movement in early days.

Clarina Howard Nichols is associated with the seed-sowing in
Vermont, in Wisconsin and especially in Kansas, where her labors
with the first constitutional convention, in 1859, engrafted in
organic law many rights for women which were obtained elsewhere,
if at all, only by slow and difficult legislative changes. Susan
E. Wattles led the Kansas campaign of 1859 with Mrs. Nichols.

Emily Robinson of Salem, Ohio, was one of the chief movers in
the second Woman's Rights Convention, and this was held in her
own town in 1850. From that time until the present year she has
been unfaltering in her devotion.

Dr. Susan A. Edson, who was graduated in medicine in 1854, was a
fellow-pioneer in the District of Columbia with Dr. Caroline B.
Winslow, whose death preceded hers by about one year. She was one
of the most distinguished army nurses and the friend and faithful
attendant of President Garfield. For many years she was the
president of the District Woman Suffrage Association. Among the
earlier woman physicians who espoused the cause were Dr. Harriot
K. Hunt, Dr. Mary B. Jackson, Dr. Ann Preston, one of the
founders and physicians of the Woman's Hospital of Philadelphia,
and Dr. Clemence S. Lozier, a founder and physician of the New
York Medical College for Women.

Sarah Helen Whitman was the first literary woman of reputation
who gave her name to the movement, which later counted among its
warmest friends Lydia Maria Child, Alice and Phoebe Cary and Mary
Clemmer.

Amalia B. Post of Cheyenne, to whom the enfranchisement of the
women of Wyoming was largely due, was ready, as she often said,
at the first tap of the drum at Seneca Falls. She occupied the
place of honor by the side of the Governor on that proud day when
the admission of Wyoming as a State was celebrated.

Josephine S. Griffing, organizer of the Freedman's Bureau; Amelia
Bloomer, editor of the _Lily_, the first temperance and woman's
rights paper; Mary Grew, for twenty-three years president of the
Pennsylvania Woman Suffrage Association; Myra Bradwell, the first
woman to enter the ranks of legal journalism; Virginia L. Minor,
the dove with the eagle's heart, who took to the U. S. Supreme
Court her suit against the Missouri officials for refusing her
vote--all these, and many more who might be added, form the noble
galaxy who brought to the cause of woman's liberty rare personal
beauty, social gifts, intellectual culture, and the
all-compelling eloquence of earnestness and sincerity.

Albert O. Willcox of New York, whose eighty-seven years were
filled with valuable work for reforms, was drawn to the
conviction that women should have a share in the Government by a
sermon preached by Lucretia Mott in 1831, and from that time
declared himself publicly for the movement and was its life-long
supporter.

James G. Clark, the sweet-souled troubadour of reform, sang for
woman's freedom in suffrage conventions all over the land.

Joseph N. Dolph was always to be counted on to further the
political emancipation of women, both in his own State of Oregon
and in the U. S. Senate, of which he was long an honored member.

To name the men who have been counselors and friends of the woman
suffrage movement is to name the greatest poets, preachers and
statesmen of the last half century. Wherever there has been a
woman strong enough to demand her rights there has been a man
generous and just enough to second her. Surely we may say that
"the spirits of just men made perfect" are our strength and our
inspiration.

No less entitled to remembrance and gratitude are the unnamed
multitude who have helped the onward march of freedom by standing
for the truth that was revealed to them. Whether they pass away
in the beauty of youth, the strength of maturity or the glory of
old age, they who have given to the world one impulse on the
upward path to freedom and to light are not dead. They live here
in the life of all good things, and, because of strength gained
in earthly activity, have strength to perfect in other spheres
what here they but dreamed of.

The _Woman's Tribune_ thus described one scene of the convention:

The opening address of Wednesday evening was by Mrs. Isabella
Beecher Hooker (Conn.) on United States Citizenship. She was not
heard distinctly and the audience was very fidgety. Miss Anthony
came forward and told them they ought to be perfectly satisfied
just to sit still and look at Mrs. Hooker. She is always a
commanding presence on the stage, and on this evening, impressed
with the deep significance of the event, and clad in silver gray,
which harmonized beautifully with her whitening curls, she was a
picture which would delight an artist. But notwithstanding Miss
Anthony's admonition, the audience really wanted to hear as well
as to see. Mrs. Hooker realizing this at last said impatiently,
"I never could give a written speech, but Susan insisted that I
must this time," and, discarding her manuscript, she spoke
clearly and forcibly with her old-time power. A portion of her
address was a graphic recital of Miss Anthony's trial for illegal
voting in 1872.

When Mrs. Hooker's time had expired Miss Anthony rose and put her
arm around her, and thus these striking figures, representing the
opposite poles of the woman suffrage force, made a tableau which
will never pass from the mental vision of those who witnessed it.
At the close of her remarks Mrs. Hooker threw her arms around
Miss Anthony and kissed her. The latter, more moved than was her
wont, gave vent to that strong feeling of the injustice of
woman's disfranchisement which is ever present with her, and
exclaimed: "To think that such a woman, belonging by birth and
marriage to the most distinguished families in our country's
history, should be held as a subject and have set over her all
classes of men, with the prospect of there being added to her
rulers the Cubans and the Sandwich Island Kanakas. Shame on a
government that permits such an outrage!"

Mrs. Caroline Hallowell Miller (Md.), one of the first suffrage
advocates south of Mason and Dixon's line, gave A Glimpse of the Past
and Present. Dr. Clara Marshall, Dean of the Woman's Medical College
of Pennsylvania, presented the history of Fifty Years in Medicine. She
related in a graphic manner the struggle of women to gain admission
to the colleges, the embarrassments they suffered, the obstacles they
were obliged to overcome, reading from published reports the hostile
demonstrations of the male students. In closing she bore testimony to
the encouragement and assistance rendered by those men who were
broad-minded and generous enough to recognize the rights of women in
this profession and help secure them. The Ministry of Religion as a
Calling for Women was the subject of an able and interesting address
by the Rev. Florence Buck of Unity Church, Cleveland, Ohio. Mrs. Ella
Knowles Haskell, assistant attorney-general of Montana, spoke on Women
in the Legal Profession, giving many incidents of the practice of law
in the far West.

Samuel J. Barrows, member of Congress from Massachusetts, was called
from the audience by Miss Anthony, and closed his brief remarks by
saying: "I believe in woman suffrage; it has in it the elements of
justice which entitle it to every man's support, and we all ought to
help secure it." A leading feature of the program was the speech of
August W. Machen, head of the free delivery division of the national
post office, on Women in the Departmental Service of the United
States. He gave the history of their employment by the government,
declared they had raised the standard of work and testified to their
efficiency and faithfulness.

The Civil Rights of Women were ably discussed by the Rev. Frederick A.
Hinckley of the Second Unitarian Church, Philadelphia, who reviewed
the existing laws and pointed out the changes in favor of women. In
regard to the prevalence of divorce he said: "There is a large class
of our fellow-citizens who greatly misinterpret, in my opinion, the
significance of the increase in the number of divorces. No one would
counsel more earnestly than I, patience and consideration and every
reasonable effort on the part of people once married to live together.
But I can not dispute the proposition, nor do I believe any one can
dispute it, that in the great process of evolution divorce is an
indication of growing independence and self-respect in women, a
proclamation that marriage must be the union of self-respecting and
mutually respected equals, and that in the ideal home of the future
that hideous thing, the subjugation of woman, is to be unknown."

Mrs. Catharine Waugh McCulloch (Ills.) discussed The Economic Status
of Women. Madame Clara Neymann (N. Y.) read a philosophical paper on
Marriage in the Light of Woman's Freedom. The Progress of Colored
Women was pictured in an impassioned address by Mrs. Mary Church
Terrell, president of the National Association of Colored Women. She
received numerous floral tributes at its close. Mrs. Emmy C. Evald of
Chicago, with an attractive foreign enthusiasm, told of the work of
Swedish women in their own country and in the United States. Mrs.
Lillie Devereux Blake (N. Y.) with clever satire and amidst laughter
and applause, considered Women in Municipalities.

The Pioneers' Evening was one of great interest, when Miss Anthony
marshalled her hosts and made "the roll-call of the years." As each
decade was called, beginning with 1848, those who began the suffrage
work at that time rose on the stage and in all parts of the house and
remained standing. Not one was there who was present at the original
Seneca Falls Convention, but it had held an adjourned meeting at
Rochester, three weeks later, and Miss Anthony's sister, Mary S.,
responded as having attended then and signed the Declaration of
Rights. The daughters of Mrs. Martha C. Wright, who called this
convention--Mrs. Eliza Wright Osborne and Mrs. Wm. Lloyd Garrison--and
also Mrs. Millie Burtis Logan, whose mother, Miss Anthony's cousin,
served as its secretary, were introduced to the audience. The children
of Frederick Douglass, who had spoken at both meetings, were present
and should have come forward with this group. The Rev. Antoinette
Brown Blackwell stated that she had spoken in favor of woman's rights
in 1846. Among the earliest of the pioneers present were John W.
Hutchinson, the last of that famous family of singers; Henry B.
Blackwell, Mrs. Helen Philleo Jenkins (Mich.), Miss Sarah Wall (Mass.)
and Mrs. Hooker. Many of those who arose made brief remarks and the
occasion was one which will not be forgotten by those who witnessed
it.

Among the letters received from the many pioneers still living was one
from Mrs. Abigail Bush, now eighty-eight years old and residing in
California, who presided over the Rochester meeting, Aug. 2, 1848. It
is especially interesting as showing that even so advanced women as
Lucretia Mott and Mrs. Stanton, although they dared call such a
meeting, were yet so conservative as to object to a woman's presiding
over it:

TO SUSAN B. ANTHONY, GREETING: You will bear me witness that the
state of society is very different from what it was fifty years
ago, when I presided at the first Woman's Rights Convention. I
had not been able to meet in council at all with the friends
until I met them in the hall as the congregation was gathering,
and then fell into the hands of those who urged me to take part
with the opposers of a woman serving, as the party had with them
a fine-looking man to preside at all of their meetings, James
Mott, who had presided at Seneca Falls. Afterward I fell in with
the old friends, Amy Post, Rhoda de Garmo and Sarah Fish, who at
once commenced labors with me to prove that the hour had come
when a woman should preside, and led me into the church. Amy
proposed my name as president; I was accepted at once, and from
that hour I seemed endowed as from on high to serve.

It was a two days' meeting with three sessions per day. On my
taking the chair, Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton left
the platform and took their seats in the audience, but it did not
move me from performing all my duties, and at the close of the
meeting Lucretia Mott came forward, folded me tenderly in her
arms and thanked me for presiding. That settled the question of
men's presiding at a woman's convention. From that day to this,
in all the walks of life, I have been faithful in asserting that
there should be "no taxation without representation." It has
seemed long in coming, but I think the time draws near when woman
will be acknowledged as equal with man. Heaven grant the day to
dawn soon!

Mrs. Catharine A. F. Stebbins (Mich.), who had attended the Seneca
Falls Convention and signed the Declaration of Rights, sent an
interesting descriptive letter. Mrs. Lucinda H. Stone (Mich.), the
mother of women's clubs and a pioneer on educational lines, wrote:

You wanted I should write you any anecdotes of early interest in
woman suffrage. The remembrance of Dr. Stone's waking up to that
subject has come to me, and I have thought I would tell you about
it.

It was some time in the forties that he was requested to deliver
a Fourth of July oration in Kalamazoo. I can not tell the exact
year, but it was before I had ever heard of the Rochester
Convention, or of you or Mrs. Stanton, and he was looking up all
that he could find in the early history of our Declaration of
Independence, and the principles of Jefferson and the early
revolutionists. I remember his coming in one day (it must have
been before 1848), seeming very much absorbed in something that
he was thinking about. He threw down the book he had been
reading, and said to me: "The time will come when women will
vote. Mark my words! We may not live to see it, we probably shall
not, but it will come. It is not a woman's right or a man's
right; it is a human right, and their voting is but a natural
process of evolution." ...

Mrs. Esther Wattles, who helped secure School Suffrage and equal
property laws for women in the State constitution of Kansas in 1859,
sent this message: "My attention was first called to the injustice
done to women by a lecture given near Wilmington, Ohio, by John O.
Wattles in 1841. He devoted most of his time to lecturing on Woman's
Rights, The Sin of Slavery, The Temperance Reform and Peace. I heard
him on all these subjects, off and on, till 1844, when we were
married.... Seventy-nine summers with their clouds and sunshine, make
it fitting I should greet you by letter rather than personal presence.
May the cause never falter till the victory is won."

Most of the letters were sent to Miss Anthony personally. Among these
were the following:

We, the members of the National Association of Woman
Stenographers, take great pleasure in extending congratulations
to you on the occasion of your seventy-eighth birthday, and hope
that the days of your years may still be many and happy. We also
desire to express our appreciation of and gratitude for the work
you have done in securing freedom and justice for women. As
business women we are better able to comprehend what you have
accomplished, especially for those who are bread-winners, and we
trust the time may soon come when we shall not be limited to
understanding what freedom is, but be able to act in accordance
with its principles.

THE NEVADA EQUAL SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION: Although we are young in
the ranks and few in number compared with the older States, yet
we are none the less loyal to the principles advocated and
established by the National Association. We are brave because we
draw inspiration from the thoughts and acts of that Spartan band
of suffragists of fifty years ago, who devoted the sunshine of
their lives and the energies of their philosophic minds to the
effort to obtain for womankind their inherent right to have a
voice in the Government which derives its just powers from the
consent of the governed.

ALFRED H. LOVE, president of the Universal Peace Union: From our
rooms in the east wing of Independence Hall, I send greetings to
you and your cause. Your cause is ours, and has been one of our
essential principles since our organization. Your success is a
triumph for peace.

MARY LOWE DICKINSON, secretary of the International Order of the
King's Daughters and Sons: I hope you will live to see the full
day for the cause whose dawn owed so much to your labors, and I
can ask nothing better for you than that you have "the desire of
your heart," which I am sure will be the ballot for us all.

DR. ELIZABETH BLACKWELL, the first woman physician: Although I
can not respond in person to your very friendly invitation to be
a representative of "the pioneers," yet I gladly send my hearty
greeting to you and to the other brave workers for the progress
of the race--a progress slow but inevitable. Amongst all its
steps I consider the admission of women to the medical profession
as the most important. Whilst thankfully recognizing the
wonderful accumulations of knowledge which generations of our
brethren have gathered together, our future women physicians will
rejoice to help in the construction of that noble temple of
medicine, whose foundation stone must be sympathetic justice.
Pray allow me to send my warm greeting to the Congress through
you.

There were messages and grateful recognition from so many societies
and individuals in the United States that it would be impossible even
to call them by name; also from the Dominion of Canada Suffrage Club,
through Dr. Augusta Stowe Gullen; the National Union of Women's
Suffrage Societies in Great Britain, with individual letters from Lady
Aberdeen, Mrs. Millicent Garrett Fawcett, Mrs. Priscilla Bright
McLaren and others; on behalf of the Swedish Frederika Bremer
Förbundet, by Carl Lindhagen; on behalf of Finnish women by Baroness
Alexandra Gripenberg; on behalf of German women by Frau Hanna
Bieber-Bohm, president of the National Council of Women; on behalf of
the Woman Suffrage Society of Holland by its secretary, Margarethe
Gallé; from the Norwegian Woman Suffrage Club; from the Verein
Jugendschutz of Berlin, and from the Union to Promote Woman's Rights
in Finland.

The remarkable scenes of the closing evening made a deep impression
upon the large audience. After fifty years of effort to overcome the
most stubborn and deeply-rooted prejudices of the ages, the results
were beginning to appear. Among the speakers were a woman State
senator from Utah, Mrs. Martha Hughes Cannon; a woman member of the
Colorado Legislature, Mrs. Martha A. B. Conine; a woman State
Superintendent of Public Instruction, Miss Estelle Reel of Wyoming; U.
S. Senators Henry M. Teller of Colorado, and Frank J. Cannon of Utah,
States where women have full suffrage; Representative John F. Shafroth
of Colorado--and in the center of this distinguished group, Susan B.
Anthony, receiving the fruits of her half century of toil and
hardship.

MISS REEL: I want to tell you a little about our work in
Wyoming, where women have been voting and holding office for
nearly thirty years, and where our people are convinced that it
has been of great benefit. Our home life there is as sacred and
sweet as anywhere else on the globe. Equal suffrage has been
tried and not found wanting. You may ask, What reforms has
Wyoming to show? We were the first State to adopt the Australian
ballot, and to accept a majority verdict of juries in civil
cases. We are noted for our humane treatment of criminals, our
care of the deserving poor and the education of our young. Child
labor is prohibited. The Supreme Court has just decided that
every voter must be able to read the Constitution in English. We
have night schools all over the State for those who can not
attend school by day. Equal suffrage was given to help protect
the home element, and the home vote is a great conservative
force. Woman suffrage means stable government, anchored in the
steadfast rock of American homes.

Mrs. Conine was commissioned as a delegate to the convention by Gov.
Alva Adams of Colorado. She read the statement recently put forth,
testifying to the good results of equal suffrage and signed by the
Governor, three ex-Governors, all the State Senators and the
Representatives in Congress, the Chief Justice and the Associate
Justices of the Supreme Court, the Judges of the Court of Appeals, the
Judges of the District Court, the Secretary of State, the State
treasurer, auditor, attorney-general, the mayor of Denver, the
presidents of the State University and of Colorado College, the
president of the General Federation of Women's Clubs and the
presidents of thirteen women's clubs, and said:

During the session of the Legislature last winter, there were
three women in the House. We met the other members upon terms of
absolute equality. No thought of incongruity or unfitness seems
to have arisen, and at the same time those little courtesies
which gentlemen instinctively pay to ladies were never omitted.
Each of the ladies was given a chairmanship, one of them that of
the Printing Committee, and the printing bill was lower by
thousands of dollars than for any previous session. The women
were as frequently called to the chair in Committee of the Whole
as were the men. One of them was placed upon the Judiciary
Committee at the request of its chairman. Every honorary
committee appointed during the session included one or more of
the ladies.

Our State Federation of Women's Clubs now numbers about 100,
representing a united membership of 4,000. They are largely
occupied in studying social and economic questions, earnestly
seeking for the best methods of educating their children,
reforming criminals, alleviating poverty and purifying the
ballot; in short, striving to make their city and their State a
cleaner, better home for their families. Their work receives
added encouragement from the knowledge that by their ballots
they may determine who shall make and administer the laws under
which their children must be reared. The home has always been
conceded to be the woman's kingdom. In the free States she has
but expanded the walls of that home, that she may afford to the
inmates, and also to those who unfortunately have no other home,
the same protection and loving care which was formerly limited to
the few short years of childhood passed beneath the parental
roof.

SENATOR TELLER: I want to indorse what has been said by the two
members from Colorado and Wyoming. The former is rather young as
a suffrage State, but we are living side by side with the latter,
where they have had equal suffrage for nearly thirty years. The
results of woman suffrage have proved entirely satisfactory--not
to every individual, but to the great mass of the people: I hear
it said in this city every day that if women are allowed to vote
the best women will not take part. I want to say to you that this
is a mistake. To my certain knowledge, the best women do take
part. When I went back to Colorado, after the granting of equal
suffrage, a prominent society woman, whom I had known for years,
telephoned me to come up and speak to the ladies at her house. I
found her big parlors full of representative women--the wives of
bankers, lawyers, preachers--society women. If you put any duty
upon women they are not going to shirk it. Those who feared the
responsibility are now as enthusiastic as those who had been
"clamoring" for it. In the past, women have had no object in
studying political questions; now they have, and they are taking
them up in their clubs. We find that women are less partisan than
men. Why? Because they generally have more conscience than men.
They will not vote for a dissolute and disreputable man who may
happen to force himself on a party ticket....

We are an intelligent community; we have long had a challenge to
our fellow-citizens to show any other city that has as large a
proportion of college graduates as Denver. Colorado people are
proud of equal suffrage. The area where it prevails spread last
year and took in Utah and Idaho. It will take in more neighboring
States. I predict that in ten years, instead of four suffrage
States, we shall have twice as many--perhaps three or four times
that number.

REPRESENTATIVE SHAFROTH: I want to say this, as coming from
Colorado: The experience we have had ought to demonstrate to
every one that woman suffrage is not only right but practical. It
tends to elevate. There is not a caucus now but is better
attended and by better people, and held in a better place. I have
seen the time when a political convention without a disturbance
and the drawing of weapons was rare. That time is past in
Colorado, and it is due to the presence of women. Every man now
shows that civility which makes him take off his hat and not
swear, and deport himself decently when ladies are present.
Instead of women's going to the polls corrupting them it has
purified the polls. Husband and wife go there together. No one
insults them. There are no drunken men there, nothing but what
is pleasant and decorous.

Woman is an independent element in politics. She has no
allegiance to any party. When a ticket is presented to her, she
asks, "Are these good men?" A man is apt to say, "Well, this is a
bad ticket, but I must stand by my party." He wants to keep his
party record straight. She votes for the best man on the ticket.
That element is bound to result in good in any State.

People say they don't know how it will work; they are afraid of
it. Can it be that we distrust our mothers and sisters? We shall
never have the best possible government till women participate in
it.

SENATOR CANNON: No nation can exist half slave and half free. Ten
years before I was old enough to vote, my mother was a voter. I
learned at her knee to vote according to my conscience, and not
according to the dictation of the bosses. The strongest argument
for the suffrage of any class exists in behalf of womankind,
because women will not be bound by mere partisanship. If the
world is to be redeemed, it must be by the conscience of the
individual voter. The woman goes to the truth by instinct. Men
have to confer together and go down street and look through
glasses darkly. The woman stays at home and rocks the cradle, and
God tells her what to do. The suffrage never was abused by women
in Utah. During the seventeen years that they voted in the
Territory there was not a defalcation in any public office.

I believe in the republic. I believe that its destiny is to shed
light not only here, but all over the world. If we can trust
woman in the house to keep all pure and holy there, so that the
little ones may grow up right, surely we can trust her at the
ballot-box. When children learn political wisdom and truth from
their mother's lips, they will remember it and live up to it; for
those lessons are the longest remembered. When Senator Teller
withdrew from a political convention for conscience's sake, a man
said, commenting on his action: "It is generally safe to stay
with your party." His wife said: "And it is always safe to stay
with your principles."

In the midst of the convention came the sad news on February 17 of the
death of Miss Frances E. Willard, president of the National Woman's
Christian Temperance Union. Affectionate tributes were offered by Miss
Anthony, Miss Shaw and other members; a telegram of sympathy was sent
to her secretary and close companion, Miss Anna Gordon, by a rising
vote, and the audience remained standing for a few moments in silent
prayer. A large wreath of violets and Southern ivy, adorned with
miniatures of Mrs. Stanton, Miss Anthony and other pioneer suffrage
workers was sent by the delegates to be laid on her coffin.

The congressional hearings on the morning of February 15, Miss
Anthony's birthday, attracted crowds of people to the Capitol. The
hearing before the Senate Committee was conducted by the Rev. Anna
Howard Shaw, and considered The Philosophy of the Movement for Woman
Suffrage. Only two members of the committee were present--James H.
Berry of Arkansas, and George P. Wetmore of Rhode Island--but a number
of other senators were interested listeners, and the large Marble Room
was crowded with delegates and spectators. The first paper, by Wm.
Lloyd Garrison (Mass.) considered The Nature of a Republican Form of
Government:

The advocates of complete enfranchisement of women base their
demand upon the principles underlying all suffrage, rather than
upon the question of sex. If manhood suffrage is a mistake; if
voting is a privilege and not a right; if government does not
derive its just powers from the consent of the governed; if
Lincoln's aphorism that ours is a "government of the people, for
the people and by the people" is only a rhetorical generality,
then women have no case. If not, they see no reason why, as they
are governed, they should not have a voice in choosing their
rulers; why, as people, they are not covered by Lincoln's
definition. They feel naturally that their exclusion is unjust.

Woman suffragists are not unconscious of the glaring contrast
between declared principles and actual practice, and they venture
to believe that a professed self-government which deliberately
ignores its own axioms is tending to decadence. They are not
unmindful of the slow evolution of human government from earliest
history, beginning in force and greed, reaching through struggles
of blood, in the course of time, to the legislative stage where
differences are adjudicated by reason, and the sword reserved as
the last resort. This vantage ground has been gained only by a
recognition of the primal right of the people to be consulted in
regard to public affairs; and in proportion as this right has
been respected and the franchise extended has government grown
more stable and society more safe. It has come through a
succession of steps, invariably opposed by the dominant classes,
and only permitted after long contest and a changed public
opinion.

In England, where the progress of constitutional government can
be most accurately traced, there was a time when the landowning
aristocracy controlled the franchise and elected the members of
Parliament. The dawn of a sense of injustice in the minds of the
mercantile classes brought with it a demand for the extension of
the suffrage, which was of course vigorously combated. It was an
illogical resistance, which ended in the admission of the
tradesmen. Later the workingmen awakened to their political
disability and asserted their rights, only to be promptly
antagonized by both classes in power. Eventually logic and
justice won in this issue. In the light of history none of the
objections urged against the extension of the right of voting
have been sustained by subsequent facts. On the contrary, the
broadening of the suffrage base has been found to add stability
to the superstructure of British government and to have been in
the interest of true conservatism.

In the course of time the woman's hour has struck. Her cause is
now going through the same ordeal suffered by the classes
referred to. Her triumph is as sure as theirs. The social and
industrial changes of constitutional government in all countries
have revolutionized her condition. Fifty years ago the avenues of
employment open to women were few and restricted. To-day, in
every branch of manufacture and trade, and in the professions
formerly monopolized by men, they are actively and successfully
engaged. Every law put upon the statute books affects their
interests directly and indirectly--undreamed of in a social order
where household drudgery and motherhood limited a woman's
horizon.

It is inevitable, therefore, that, feeling the pressure of
legislation under which they suffer, a new intelligence should
stir the minds of women such as stirred the once disfranchised
classes of men in Great Britain. It leads to an examination of
the principles of self-government and to their application on
lines of equality and not of sex. In them is found no
justification for the present enforced political disability.
Therefore all legislative bodies vested with the power to change
the laws are petitioned to consider the justice and expediency of
allowing women to register their opinions, on the same terms with
men, at the ballot-box.

The principles at stake are rarely alluded to by the opponents of
woman suffrage. The battle rages chiefly upon the ground of
expediency. Every argument formerly used by the English Tories is
to-day heard in the mouths of men who profess a belief in a
democratic form of government....

In the discussion of the rights of labor, the inadequacy of
wages, the abuses of the factory system, the management of
schools, of reformatory and penal institutions, the sanitary
arrangements of a city, the betterment of public highways, the
encroachment of privileged corporations, the supervision of the
poor, the improvement of hospitals, and the many branches of
collective housekeeping included in a municipality--women are by
nature and education adapted to participate. In many States,
certainly in Massachusetts, it is a common practice to appoint
women to responsible positions demanding large organizing and
directing power. If thus fitted to rule, are women unfitted to
have a voice in choosing rulers?

The true advancement of common interest waits for the active and
responsible participation of women in political matters. Indirect
and irresponsible influence they have now, but indirection and
irresponsibility are dangerous elements in governments which
assume to be representative, and are a constant menace. If this
whole question of equal political rights of women is considered
in the light of common sense and common justice, the sooner will
the present intolerable wrong be wiped out and self-government be
put upon a broader and safer basis.

Mrs. May Wright Sewall (Ind.) discussed the Fitness of Women to Become
Citizens from the Standpoint of Education and Mental Development.

From the close of the Revolution, we find all the distinguished
American patriots expressing the conviction that a self-governing
people must be an educated people. Hancock, Jay, Franklin,
Morris, Paine, Quincy Adams, Jefferson, Hamilton, Washington, all
urge the same argument in support of education. It is no longer
to produce an educated ministry, but to insure educated citizens,
that schools are maintained and colleges multiplied....

In this year of 1897-98 not less than 20,000,000 pupils and
students of all ages, from the toddlers in the kindergartens to
the full-grown candidates for post-graduate honors, are
registered in the schools, academies, colleges and universities
of the United States. The average length of time which girls
spend in school exceeds by nearly three years the average length
of time which boys stay there; while the number of girls
graduating from high-school courses, those which include United
States history and civil government, is almost double the number
of boys. Thus, at the present time, largely more than one-half of
the moneys spent by the governments, local and national, in
support of free schools, is used in the education of girls. By
what authority does the Government tax its citizens to support
schools for the education of millions of women to whom, after
they have received the education declared necessary to
citizenship, this is denied?

Is it urged that the Government gets its return upon its
investment in the education of women through the increased
intelligence with which women rear their children, manage their
homes and conduct the larger social affairs outside the boundary
of their home life? I have no disposition to diminish the
Government's recognition of such return, but I wish to remind you
that no one has ever justified the maintenance of public schools,
and an enforced attendance upon them, on the theory that the
Government has a right to compel _men_ to be agreeable husbands
and wise fathers, or that it is responsible for teaching _men_
how to conduct their own business with discretion and judgment.
Quite in another tone is it urged that the schools are the
fountains of the nation's liberties and that a government whose
policy is decided by a majority of the votes cast by its men is
not safe in the hands of uneducated voters. ....It is the
political life of our nation which stands in the sorest need; yet
this is the only department of our national life which rejects
the aid of women.

If intelligence is vital to good citizenship in a republic, it
would seem that, to justify the exclusion of the present
generation of American women, whose intelligence is bought at so
high a price and at the expense of the whole people, there must
be some proof that they have qualities which so vitiate it as to
render it unserviceable. Such proof has never yet been presented.

At the present moment the education and the intellectual culture
of American women has reached a plane where its further
development is a menace, unless it is to be accompanied by the
direct responsibility of its possessors--a responsibility which
in a republic can be felt only by those who participate directly
in the election of public officers and in the shaping of public
policies.

The Rev. Anna Garlin Spencer (R. I.) considered the Fitness of Women
to Become Citizens from the Standpoint of Moral Development.

Government is not now merely the coarse and clumsy instrument by
which military and police forces are directed; it is the
flexible, changing and delicately adjusted instrument of many and
varied educative, charitable and supervisory functions, and the
tendency to increase the functions of government is a growing
one. Prof. Lester F. Ward says: "Government is becoming more and
more the organ of the social consciousness and more and more the
servant of the social will." The truth of this is shown in the
modern public school system; in the humane and educative care of
dependent, defective and wayward children; in the increasingly
discriminating and wise treatment of the insane, the pauper, the
tramp and the poverty-bound; in the provisions for public parks,
baths and amusement places; in the bureaus of investigation and
control and the appointment of officers of inspection to secure
better sanitary and moral conditions; in the board of arbitration
for the settlement of political and labor difficulties; and in
the almost innumerable committees and bills, national, State and
local, to secure higher social welfare for all classes,
especially for the weaker and more ignorant. Government can never
again shrink and harden into a mere mechanism of military and
penal control.

It is, moreover, increasingly apparent that for these wider and
more delicate functions a higher order of electorate, ethically
as well as intellectually advanced, is necessary. Democracy can
succeed only by securing for its public service, through the rule
of the majority, the best leadership and administration the State
affords. Only a wise electorate will know how to select such
leadership, and only a highly moral one will authoritatively
choose such....

When the State took the place of family bonds and tribal
relationships, and the social consciousness was born and began
its long travel toward the doctrine of "equality of human rights"
in government and the principle of human brotherhood in social
organization, man, as the family and tribal organizer and ruler,
of course took command of the march. It was inevitable, natural
and beneficent so long as the State concerned itself with only
the most external and mechanical of social interests. The
instant, however, the State took upon itself any form of
educative, charitable or personally helpful work, it entered the
area of distinctive feminine training and power, and therefore
became in need of the service of woman. Wherever the State
touches the personal life of the infant, the child, the youth, or
the aged, helpless, defective in mind, body or moral nature,
there the State enters "woman's peculiar sphere," her sphere of
motherly succor and training, her sphere of sympathetic and
self-sacrificing ministration to individual lives. If the service
of women is not won to such governmental action (not only through
"influence or the shaping of public opinion," but through
definite and authoritative exercise), the mother-office of the
State, now so widely adopted, will be too often planned and
administered as though it were an external, mechanical and
abstract function, instead of the personal, organic and practical
service which all right helping of individuals must be.

In so far as motherhood has given to women a distinctive ethical
development, it is that of sympathetic personal insight
respecting the needs of the weak and helpless, and of
quick-witted, flexible adjustment of means to ends in the
physical, mental and moral training of the undeveloped. And thus
far has motherhood fitted women to give a service to the modern
State which men can not altogether duplicate....

Whatever problems might have been involved in the question of
woman's place in the State when government was purely military,
legal and punitive have long since been antedated. Whatever
problems might have inhered in that question when women were
personally subject to their families or their husbands are
well-nigh outgrown in all civilized countries, and entirely so in
the most advanced. Woman's nonentity in the political department
of the State is now an anachronism and inconsistent with the
prevailing tendencies of social growth....

The earth is ready, the time is ripe, for the authoritative
expression of the feminine as well as the masculine
interpretation of that common social consciousness which is
slowly writing justice in the State and fraternity in the social
order.

Miss Laura Clay (Ky.) illustrated the Fitness of Women to Become
Citizens from the Standpoint of Physical Development.

Among the objections brought against the extension of suffrage to
women, that of their physical unfitness to perform military
duties is the most plausible, because in the popular mind there
is an idea that the right of casting a ballot is in its final
analysis dependent upon the ability to defend it with a
bullet....

It is by no means self-evident that women are naturally unfitted
for fighting or are unwarlike in disposition. The traditions of
Amazons and the conduct of savage women give room to believe that
the instinct for war was primitively very much the same in both
sexes. Though the earliest division of labor among savages known
to us is that of assigning war and the chase to men, yet we have
no reason to believe that this was done by way of privilege to
women; but in the struggle for tribal supremacy that tribe must
have ultimately survived and succeeded best which exposed its
women the least. Polygamy, universal among primitive races, could
in a degree sustain population against the ravages among men of
continual warfare, but any large destruction of women must
extinguish a tribe that suffered it. So those tribes which
earliest engrafted among their customs the exclusion of women
from war were the ones that finally survived....

Military genius among women has appeared in all ages and people,
as in Deborah, Zenobia, Joan of Arc and our own Anna Ella
Carroll. The prowess of women has often been conspicuous in
besieged cities. Our early history of Indian warfare recounts
many of their valiant deeds. It is well known that in the late
war many women on both sides eluded the vigilance of recruiting
officers, enlisted and fought bravely. Who knows how many of such
women there might have been if their enlistment had been desired
and stimulated by beat of drum and blare of trumpet and "all the
pomp and circumstance of glorious war?" But no State can afford
to accept military service from its women, for while a nation may
live for ages without soldiers, it could exist but for a span
without mothers. Since woman's exemption from war is not an
un-bought privilege, it is evident that in justice men have no
superior rights as citizens on that account.

It is an equally fallacious idea that sound expediency demands
that every ballot shall be defended by a bullet. The theory of
representative government does not admit of any connection
between military service and the right and duty of suffrage, even
among men. It is trite to point out that the age required for
military service begins at eighteen years, when a man is too
young to vote, and ends at forty-five years, when he is usually
in the prime of his usefulness as a citizen. Some very slight
physical defects will incapacitate a man under the usual
recruiting rules. Many lawyers, judges, physicians, ministers,
merchants, editors, authors, legislators and Congressmen are
exempt on the ground of physical incapacity. A citizen's ability
to help govern by voting is in no manner proportioned to ability
to bear arms....

In the finest conception of government not only is there room for
women to take part, but it can not be realized without help from
them. Men alone possess only a half of human wisdom; women
possess the other half of it, and a half that must always be
somewhat different from men's, because women must always see from
a somewhat different point of view. The wisdom of men must be
supplemented by that of women to discover the whole of
governmental truth. Women's help is equally indispensable in
persuading society to love and obey law. This help is very
largely given now, or civilization as we know it would be
impossible. But the best interests of society demand that women's
present indirect and half-conscious influence shall be
strengthened by the right of suffrage, so that their sense of
duty to government may be stimulated by a clear perception of the
connection which exists between power and responsibility.

Mrs. Harriot Stanton Blatch (Eng.) treated of Woman as an Economic
Factor.

It is often urged that women stand greatly in need of training in
citizenship before being finally received into the body
politic.... As a matter of fact women are the first class who
have asked the right of citizenship after their ability for
political life has been proved. I have seen in my time two
enormous extensions of the suffrage to men--one in America and
one in England. But neither the negroes in the South nor the
agricultural laborers in Great Britain had shown before they got
the ballot any capacity for government; for they had never had
the opportunity to take the first steps in political action. Very
different has been the history of the march of women toward a
recognized position in the State. We have had to prove our
ability at each stage of progress, and have gained nothing
without having satisfied a test of capacity....

The public demand for "proved worth" suggests what appears to me
the chief and most convincing argument upon which our future
claims must rest--the growing recognition of the economic value
of the work of women.... There has been a marked change in the
estimate of our position as wealth producers. We have never been
"supported" by men; for if all men labored hard every hour of the
twenty-four, they could not do all the work of the world. A few
worthless women there are, but even they are not so much
supported by the men of their family as by the overwork of the
"sweated" women at the other end of the social ladder. From
creation's dawn our sex has done its full share of the world's
work; sometimes we have been paid for it, but oftener not.

Unpaid work never commands respect; it is the paid worker who has
brought to the public mind conviction of woman's worth. The
spinning and weaving done by our great-grandmothers in their own
homes was not reckoned as national wealth until the work was
carried to the factory and organized there; and the women who
followed their work were paid according to its commercial value.
It is the women of the industrial class, the wage-earners,
reckoned by the hundreds of thousands, and not by units, the
women whose work has been submitted to a money test, who have
been the means of bringing about the altered attitude of public
opinion toward woman's work in every sphere of life.

If we would recognize the democratic side of our cause, and make
an organized appeal to industrial women on the ground of their
need of citizenship, and to the nation on the ground of its need
that all wealth producers should form part of its body politic,
the close of the century might witness the building up of a true
republic in the United States.

Mrs. Florence Kelley, State Factory Inspector of Illinois, showed the
Working Woman's Need of the Ballot.

No one needs all the powers of the fullest citizenship more
urgently than the wage-earning woman, and from two different
points of view--that of actual money wages and that of her wider
needs as a human being and a member of the community.

The wages paid any body of working people are determined by many
influences, chief among which is the position of the particular
body of workers in question. Thus the printers, by their
intelligence, their powerful organization, their solidarity and
united action, keep up their wages in spite of the invasion of
their domain by new and improved machinery. On the other hand,
the garment-workers, the sweaters' victims, poor, unorganized,
unintelligent, despised, remain forever on the verge of
pauperism, irrespective of their endless toil. If, now, by some
untoward fate the printers should suddenly find themselves
disfranchised, placed in a position in which their members were
politically inferior to the members of other trades, no effort of
their own short of complete enfranchisement could restore to them
that prestige, that good standing in the esteem of their
fellow-craftsmen and the public at large which they now enjoy,
and which contributes materially in support of their demand for
high wages.

In the garment trades, on the other hand, the presence of a body
of the disfranchised, of the weak and young, undoubtedly
contributes to the economic weakness of these trades. Custom,
habit, tradition, the regard of the public, both employing and
employed, for the people who do certain kinds of labor,
contribute to determine the price of that labor, and no
disfranchised class of workers can permanently hold its own in
competition with enfranchised rivals. But this works both ways.
It is fatal for any body of workers to have forever hanging from
the fringes of its skirts other bodies on a level just below its
own; for that means continual pressure downward, additional
difficulty to be overcome in the struggle to maintain reasonable
rates of wages. Hence, within the space of two generations there
has been a complete revolution in the attitude of the
trades-unions toward the women working in their trades. Whereas
forty years ago women might have knocked in vain at the doors of
the most enlightened trade-union, to-day the Federation of Labor
keeps in the field paid organizers whose duty it is to enlist in
the unions as many women as possible. The workingmen have
perceived that women are in the field of industry to stay; and
they see, too, that there can not be two standards of work and
wages for any trade without constant menace to the higher
standard. Hence their effort to place the women upon the same
industrial level with themselves in order that all may pull
together in the effort to maintain reasonable conditions of life.

But this same menace holds with regard to the vote. The lack of
the ballot places the wage-earning woman upon a level of
irresponsibility compared with her enfranchised fellow
workingman. By impairing her standing in the community the
general rating of her value as a human being, and consequently as
a worker, is lowered. In order to be rated as good as a good man
in the field of her earnings, she must show herself better than
he. She must be more steady, or more trustworthy, or more
skilled, or more cheap in order to have the same chance of
employment. Thus, while women are accused of lowering wages,
might they not justly reply that it is only by conceding
something from the pay which they would gladly claim, that they
can hold their own in the market, so long as they labor under the
disadvantage of disfranchisement?...

Finally, the very fact that women now form about one-fifth of the
employes in manufacture and commerce in this country has opened a
vast field of industrial legislation directly affecting women as
wage-earners. The courts in some of the States, notably in
Illinois, are taking the position that women can not be treated
as a class apart and legislated for by themselves, as has been
done in the factory laws of England and on the continent of
Europe, but must abide by that universal freedom of contract
which characterizes labor in the United States. This renders the
situation of the working woman absolutely anomalous. On the one
hand, she is cut off from the protection awarded to her sisters
abroad; on the other, she has no such power to defend her
interests at the polls, as is the heritage of her brothers at
home. This position is untenable, and there can be no pause in
the agitation for full political power and responsibility until
these are granted to all the women of the nation.

Mrs. Mariana W. Chapman (N. Y.) spoke from the standpoint of Women as
Capitalists and Taxpayers.

The first impulse toward the organization of women to protect
their own rights came from the injustice of laws toward married
women, and in 1848 it manifested itself in the first Woman's
Rights Convention in Seneca Falls. Slowly the leaven spread.
There was agitation in one State after the other about the
property rights of women.... Now in many States married as well
as single women are proprietors of business enterprises upon the
same basis as men, and are interested as capitalists and
tax-payers in every law which affects the country industrially or
financially.

In 1894 a careful copy was made of the women taxpayers of
Brooklyn. Names with initials were not placed on the list, so
that the total was probably under rather than over estimated.
This showed 22.03 or nearly one-fourth of all the assessable
realty in the names of women, amounting to $110,000,000, besides
many large estates in which they were interested. In 1896 the
assessed value of real estate in the State of New York was
$4,506,985,694, which, if estimated in the same ratio, would give
taxable property owned by women to the extent of $1,124,221,423.

They are agriculturally interested, inasmuch as they are
frequently owners of large tracts of land in the West as well as
of smaller farms in our Eastern States. What shall we say to a
Government that gives land in severalty to the Indian, supplies
him with tools and rations, puts a ballot in his hand, and then
says to the American woman who purchases the same right to land,
"You shall not have the political privileges of American
citizenship?" Under the laws of our country every stock company
is obliged to give men and women shareholders a vote upon the
same basis, and one fails to see why a government, which
professedly exists to maintain the rights of the people, should
practice in its own dealing such flaunting injustice....

Women help to support every public institution in the State and
should have representation upon every board, and in the laws
which control them. They help to pay the army pensions and should
be allowed to help in deciding how much shall be paid. They help
to pay for standing armies and for navies and they have the
larger part in the nurture and training of every man who is in
army or navy, and this is not the smaller part of the tax, since
it is at times the matter of a life for a life. Women pay their
part of the taxes to support our public schools and have intense
interests in their well-doing. Twenty-six States have recognized
this fact and have given to women some kind of School Suffrage,
one has granted Municipal Suffrage and four Full Political
Equality; but this is only a fraction of the justice which
belongs to a government founded by statesmen whose watchword was,
"No taxation without representation."

Miss Elizabeth Burrill Curtis (N. Y.) answered the question, Are Women
Represented in our Government?

"Taxation without representation is tyranny" was one of the
slogans of liberty in this country one hundred and twenty years
ago. Have we outlived this principle? If not, why is it supposed
to have no application to women?

That a century ago the latter were not thought of as having any
rights under this motto is not surprising. So few women then held
property in their own name that the injustice done them was not
so apparent. But the situation is changed now, and the right of
women to be considered as individuals is everywhere acknowledged
save in this one particular. Even those who feel that the
granting of universal male suffrage was a mistake, and that the
right to self-government should be proved by some test,
educational or otherwise--even those do not assert that it would
be anything but gross injustice to tax men without allowing them
a voice in the disposal of their money....

But there is still another side to the question. It is not only
that the disfranchised women are unfairly treated, but the public
good inevitably suffers from the political nonexistence of half
the citizens of the republic. Either women are interested in
politics or they are not. If the former, the country is
distinctly injured, for nothing is more fatal to good government
than the intermeddling of a large body of people who have never
studied the questions at issue and whose only interest is a
personal one. If, on the other hand, women are not interested in
politics, what is the condition of that country, half of whose
citizens do not care whether it be well or ill governed? That
women influence men is never denied, even by the most strenuous
opponents of woman suffrage. It is, on the contrary, most
violently asserted by those very people; but of what value is
that interest if woman is utterly ignorant of one of the most
important duties of a man's life?...

On one hand the public good demands that no class of citizens be
arbitrarily prevented from serving the commonweal; and on the
other hand thinking and patriotic women are crying against the
injustice which forbids them to prove their fitness for
self-government. What shall be the result of this double demand?

Woman Suffrage and the Home was the topic of Henry B. Blackwell
(Mass.).

One of the objections to extending suffrage to women is a fear
that its exercise will divert their attention from domestic
pursuits, and diminish their devotion to husband, children and
home. We believe, on the contrary, that it will increase domestic
happiness by giving women greater self-respect and greater
respect and consideration from men.

People who make this objection seem to regard the conjugal and
maternal instincts as artificial, as the result of education and
circumstances, losing sight of the fact that these qualities are
innate in the feminine soul. Mental cultivation and larger views
of life do not tend to make women less womanly any more than they
tend to make men less manly. No one imagines that business or
politics diminishes or destroys the conjugal and paternal
instinct in men. We do not look for dull or idle or indolent men
as husbands for our daughters. Ignorant, narrow-minded men do not
make the best husbands and fathers. Ignorant, narrow-minded women
do not make the best wives and mothers. Mental discipline and
intelligent responsibility add strength to the conjugal and
parental sentiment alike in men and women....

But fortunately this is no longer a question of theory. We appeal
to the experience of the four States which have extended equal
suffrage to women. Wyoming has had complete woman suffrage since
1869. For twenty-nine years, as a Territory and a State, women
have voted there in larger ratio than men. Supreme Judge J. W.
Kingman many years ago testified that the actual proportion of
men voting had increased to 80 per cent., but that 90 per cent.
of the women went to the polls. And now, after a generation of
continuous voting, the percentage of divorces in Wyoming is
smaller than in the surrounding States where women do not vote,
and while the percentage in the latter is rapidly increasing, in
Wyoming it is steadily diminishing. Where women have once voted
the right has never been taken away by the people. In Utah women
voted for seventeen years while it was a Territory, until
Congress abolished it for political reasons. But when Utah was
about to be admitted to statehood the men in framing their
constitution restored the suffrage to women. Would they have done
so if it had proved injurious to their homes? Impossible! You
have eight Senators and seven Representatives in Congress from
the four States where women have the full franchise. Ask them if
it has demoralized their homes or the homes of their
fellow-citizens, and your fears, if you have any, will be forever
set at rest....

Believe me, gentlemen, it is not patriotism, it is not a passion
for justice, it is not loyalty to sister women, it is not a
desire to better her country, which will make a woman neglect her
husband. Society women, superficial, selfish, silly women, the
butterflies of the ballroom, the seekers for every new sensation,
the worldly-minded aspirants for social position, these are the
women who neglect their homes; and not the brave, earnest,
serious-minded, generous, unselfish women who ask for the ballot
in order by its use to make the world better. In the twentieth
century, already dawning, we shall have a republican family in a
republican nation, a true democracy, a government of the people,
by the people and for the people, men and women co-operating
harmoniously on terms of absolute equality in the home and in the
State.

The Senate Hearing closed with the paper of Mrs. Elizabeth Cady
Stanton on the Significance and History of the Ballot, which was in
part as follows:

The recent bills on Immigration, by Senators Lodge of
Massachusetts and Kyle of South Dakota, indirectly affect the
interests of woman. Their proposition to demand a reading and
writing qualification on landing strikes me as arbitrary and
equally detrimental to our mutual interests. The danger is not in
their landing and living in this country, but in their speedy
appearance at the ballot-box and there becoming an impoverished
and ignorant balance of power in the hands of wily politicians.
While we should not allow our country to be a dumping ground for
the refuse population of the Old World, still we should welcome
all hardy, common-sense laborers here, as we have plenty of room
and work for them. Here they can improve their own condition and
our surroundings, developing our immense resources and the
commerce of the country. The one demand I would make in regard to
this class is that they should not become a part of our ruling
power until they can read and write the English language
intelligently and understand the principles of republican
government. This is the only restrictive legislation we need to
protect ourselves against foreign domination. To this end the
Congress should enact a law for "educated suffrage" for our
native-born as well as foreign rulers.

With free schools and compulsory education, no one has an excuse
for not understanding the language of the country. As women are
governed by a "male aristocracy," they are doubly interested in
having their rulers able at least to read and write. See with
what care in the Old World the prospective heirs to the throne
are educated. There was a time when the members of the British
Parliament could neither read nor write, but these
accomplishments are now required of the Lords and Commons, and
even of the King and Queen, while we have rulers, native and
foreign, who do not understand the letters of the alphabet; and
this in a republic supposed to be based on intelligence of the
people!

Much as we need this measure for the stability of our Government,
we need it still more for the best interests of women. This
ignorant vote is solid against woman's emancipation. In States
where amendments to their constitutions are proposed for the
enfranchisement of women, this vote has been in every case
against them. We should ask for national protection against this
hostile force playing football with the most sacred rights of
one-half of the people.... In all national conflicts it is ever
deemed the most grievous accident of war for the conquered people
to find themselves under a foreign yoke, yet this is the position
of the women of this republic to-day. Foreigners are our judges
and jurors, our legislators and municipal officials, and decide
all questions of interest to us, even to the discipline in our
schools, charitable institutions and prisons. Woman has no voice
as to the education of her children or the environments of the
unhappy wards of the State. The love and sympathy of the
mother-soul have but an evanescent influence in all departments
of human interest until coined into law by the hand that holds
the ballot. Then only do they become a direct and effective power
in the Government....

The popular objection to woman suffrage is that it would "double
the ignorant vote." The patent answer to this is, "Abolish the
ignorant vote." Our legislators have this power in their own
hands. There have been serious restrictions in the past for men.
We are willing to abide by the same for women, provided the
insurmountable qualification of sex be forever removed. Some of
the opponents talk as if educated suffrage would be invidious to
the best interests of the laboring masses, whereas it would be
most beneficial in its ultimate influence.... Surely when we
compel all classes to learn to read and write and thus open to
themselves the door to knowledge, not by force, but by the
promise of a privilege which all intelligent citizens enjoy, we
are benefactors and not tyrants. To stimulate them to climb the
first rounds of the ladder that they may reach the divine heights
where they shall be as gods, knowing good and evil, by
withholding the citizen's right to vote for a few years is a
blessing to them as well as to the State.

We must inspire our people with a new sense of their sacred
duties as citizens of a republic, and place new guards around our
ballot-box. Walking in Paris one day I was greatly impressed with
an emblematic statue in the square Chateau d'Eau, placed there in
1883 in honor of the republic. On one side is a magnificent
bronze lion with his fore paw on the electoral urn, which answers
to our ballot-box, as if to guard it from all unholy uses.... As
I turned away I thought of the American republic and our
ballot-box with no guardian or sacred reverence for its contents.
Ignorance, poverty and vice have full access; thousands from
every incoming steamer go practically from the steerage to the
polls, while educated women, representing the virtue and
intelligence of the nation, are driven away. I would like to see
a monument to "educated suffrage" in front of our national
Capitol, guarded by the goddess Minerva, her right hand resting
on the ballot-box, her left hand on the spelling book, the
Declaration of Rights and the Federal Constitution. It would be
well for us to ponder the Frenchman's idea, but instead of the
royal lion, representing force to guard the sacred urn, let us
substitute wisdom and virtue in the form of Woman.

The Washington _Star_ said of the hearing before the House Judiciary
Committee:

The members paid a tribute to the devotion of the woman
suffragists, and at the same time showed appreciation of it by
nearly all being in attendance at the hearing this morning. It is
seldom that more than a quorum of any committee can be induced to
attend a hearing of any sort. To-day fifteen out of seventeen
members were present and manifested a deep interest in the
remarks submitted by the women. The character of the assemblage
was one to inspire respect, and the force and intelligence of
what was said warranted the attention and interest shown. The
people who not many years ago thought that every woman suffragist
was a masculine creature who "wanted to wear the pants" would
have been greatly embarrassed in their theories had they been
present at the hearing to-day. There was not a mannish-appearing
woman among the number. It was such an assemblage as may be seen
at a popular church on Sunday, or at a fashionable afternoon
reception. In fact there was not anywhere such an affectation of
masculinity as is common among the society women of the period.
Each year there have appeared more young women at these hearings,
and the average of youth seemed greater to-day than ever before.
Fashionably attired and in good taste, representative of the
highest grade of American womanhood, the fifty or sixty women
present inspired respect for their opinions without destroying
the sentiment of gallantry which men generally feel that they
must extend towards women.

The speakers before this committee[115] presented The Practical
Working of Woman Suffrage. Miss Anthony introduced them. Limited
Suffrage in the United States was discussed by Prof. Ellen H. E. Price
of Swarthmore College, Penn., whose address was rendered especially
valuable by a carefully compiled table of statistics showing the
amount of suffrage possessed by women in every State and Territory.
Municipal Suffrage in Kansas was described by J. W. Gleed; Woman
Suffrage in Wyoming by ex-U. S. Senator Joseph M. Carey; Woman
Suffrage in Colorado by the Hon. Martha A. B. Conine, member of its
State Legislature; Woman Suffrage in Idaho by Wm. Balderston, editor
of the Boisé _Statesman_; Woman Suffrage in Foreign Countries by Miss
Helen Blackburn, editor _The Englishwomen's Review_.[116] Woman
Suffrage in Utah was depicted by State Senator Martha Hughes Cannon:

....The history of the struggle in Utah for equal rights is full
of interest and could be recounted with advantage. But, after
all, the results which have been attained speak with such
unerring logic, and vindicate so thoroughly the argument that
woman should take part in the affairs of government which so
vitally affect her, that I point to the actual conditions now
existing as a complete vindication of the efforts of equal
suffragists, and as the most cogent of all reasons why woman
should have the right to aid in nominating and electing our
public officers.

I can say, in all sincerity, that there is a strong and
cumulative evidence that even those who opposed equal suffrage
with the greatest ability and vehemence would not now vote for
the repeal of the measure. The practical working of the law
demonstrates its wisdom and verifies the claims which were
advanced by its ardent advocates. It has proved to the world that
woman is not only a helpmeet by the fireside, but when allowed to
do so she can become a most powerful factor in the affairs of the
Government.

None of the unpleasant results which were predicted have
occurred. The contentions in families, the tarnishment of woman's
charm, the destruction of ideals, have all been proved to be but
the ghosts of unfounded prejudices. "The divinity which doth
hedge woman about like subtle perfume" has not been displaced.
Women have quietly assumed the added power which always was
theirs by right, and with the grace and ready adaptation to
circumstances peculiar to the women of America, they have so
conducted themselves that they have gained admiration and respect
while losing none of their old-time prestige.

Before suffrage was granted to women they had ideas upon public
questions. Suffrage has given them opportunity for practical
expression of these views. They pay more attention to political
affairs. They studied political economy more earnestly. They
familiarize themselves with public questions, and their mistakes,
if they have made any, have not thus far been brought to light.

Women have acted as delegates to county and State conventions,
and represented Utah in the national convention of one of the
great political parties, held in Chicago in 1896. They have acted
upon political committees and have taken part in political
management, and, instead of being dragged down, as was most
feared, their enfranchisement has tended to elevate them. Under
our system of the Australian ballot, they have found that the
contaminating influence of which they had been told was but a
bugbear, born of fright, produced by shadows. They learned that
to deposit their vote did not subject them to anything like the
annoyance which they often experienced from crowds on "bargain
days," while their presence drove from the polls the ward workers
who had been so obnoxious in the past.

Through the courtesy of the Governor and the approval of the
Senate they have been given places upon various State boards, and
in the last Legislature, in both the Senate and the House, they
represented the two most populous and wealthy counties of Utah.
The bills introduced by women received due consideration, and a
majority were enacted into laws. Whatever they have been required
to do they have done to the full satisfaction of their
constituents, and they have proved most careful and painstaking
public officers.

No one in Utah will dispute the statements I have made. To the
people of that young commonwealth, destined by its manifold
resources and the intelligence of its men and women to become the
Empire State of the Rocky Mountains, I refer you, in the fullest
confidence that, with scarcely a dissenting voice, they will say
that woman suffrage is no longer an experiment, but is a
practical reality, tending to the well-being of the State.

Miss Alice Stone Blackwell, national recording secretary, took for a
subject The Indifference of Women:

It is often said that the chief obstacle to equal suffrage is the
indifference and opposition of women, and that whenever the
majority ask for the ballot they will get it. But it is a simple
historical fact that every improvement thus far made in their
condition has been secured, not by a general demand from the
majority, but by the arguments, entreaties and "continual coming"
of a persistent few. In each case the advocates of progress have
had to contend not merely with the conservatism of men, but with
the indifference of women, and often with active opposition from
some of them.

When a man in Saco, Me., first employed a saleswoman the men
boycotted his store, and the women remonstrated with him on the
sin of which he was guilty in placing a young woman in a position
of such publicity. When Lucy Stone tried to secure for married
women the right to their own property, they asked with scorn, "Do
you think I would give myself where I would not give my
property?" When Elizabeth Blackwell began to study medicine, the
women at her boarding house refused to speak to her, and those
passing her on the streets would hold their skirts aside so as
not to touch her. It is a matter of history with what ridicule
and opposition Mary Lyon's first efforts for the education of
women were received, not only by the mass of men, but by the mass
of women as well. In England when the Oxford examinations were
thrown open to women, the Dean of Chichester preached a sermon
against it, in which he said: "By the sex at large, certainly,
the new curriculum is not asked for. I have ascertained, by
extended inquiry among gentlewomen, that, with true feminine
instinct, they either entirely distrust or else look with
downright disfavor on so wild an innovation and interference with
the best traditions of their sex." Pundita Ramabai tells us that
the idea of education for girls is so unpopular with the majority
of Hindoo women that when a progressive Hindoo proposes to
educate his little daughter it is not uncommon for the women of
his family to threaten to drown themselves.

All this merely shows that human nature is conservative, and that
it is fully as conservative in women as in men. The persons who
take a strong interest in any reform are always comparatively
few, whether among men or women, and they are habitually regarded
with disfavor, even by those whom the proposed reform is to
benefit. Thomas Hughes says, in School Days at Rugby: "So it is,
and must be always, my dear boys. If the Angel Gabriel were to
come down from heaven and head a successful rise against the most
abominable and unrighteous vested interest which this poor old
world groans under, he would most certainly lose his character
for many years, probably for centuries, not only with the
upholders of the said vested interest, but with the respectable
mass of the people whom he had delivered."

Many changes for the better have been made during the last half
century in the laws, written and unwritten, relating to women.
Everybody approves of these changes now, because they have become
accomplished facts. But not one of them would have been made to
this day if it had been necessary to wait until the majority of
women asked for it. The change now under discussion is to be
judged on its merits. In the light of history the indifference of
most women and the opposition of a few must be taken as a matter
of course. It has no more rational significance than it has had
in regard to each previous step of woman's progress.

Miss Anthony closed with an impassioned argument which profoundly
moved both the committee and the audience. The chairman said that in
all the years there had never been so dignified, logical and perfectly
managed a hearing before the Judiciary, and several of its members
corroborated this statement and assured the ladies present of a full
belief in the justice of their cause. Yet neither the Senate nor the
House Committee made any report or paid the slightest heed to these
earnest and eloquent appeals.

FOOTNOTES:

[112] The Sunday afternoon preceding the convention religious services
were held in the theatre, which was crowded. The sermon was given by
the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, from the text, "One shall chase a thousand
and two put ten thousand to flight."

[113] A most interesting account of that historic occasion may be
found in the History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. I, p. 67.

[114] Federal Suffrage is considered in Chapter I.

[115] David B. Henderson, Ia.; George W. Ray, N. Y.; Case Broderick,
Kan.; Thomas Updegraff, Ia.; James A. Connolly, Ill.; Samuel W.
McCall, Mass.; John J. Jenkins, Wis.; Riehard Wayne Parker, N. J.;
Jesse R. Overstreet, Ind.; DeAlva S. Alexander, N. Y.; Warren Miller,
W. Va.; William L. Terry, Ark.; David A. DeArmond, Mo.; Samuel W. T.
Lanham, Tex.; William Elliott, S. C.; Oscar W. Underwood, Ala.; David
H. Smith, Ky.

[116] The main facts brought out in all these addresses are fully
included in the various State chapters in this volume.

CHAPTER XIX.

THE NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1899.

A departure was made by the suffrage association in 1899 in having its
convention in the late spring instead of the winter, the Thirty-first
annual meeting being held in Grand Rapids, Mich., April 27-May 3. It
was thought by many that this was an unfavorable season, as the
audiences were not so large as usual, but in all other respects it was
one of the most delightful of these many gatherings. The meetings were
held in the handsome St. Cecilia Club House, whose auditorium seats
1,200, and the official report, usually confined to bare details,
contains the following account:

The music arranged by Mrs. Rathbone Carpenter and her efficient
committee was throughout of the finest character and fully
justified the reputation of Grand Rapids as a musical community.
Mrs. W. D. Giddings, chairman of decorations, worked daily with
different members of her committee in arranging the cut flowers
and decorative plants generously furnished by different florists,
so that the platform was beautiful and fragrant from beginning to
end of the meetings. At the evening sessions the audience was
seated by the help of young lady ushers under the management of
Mrs. Marie Wilson Beasley.

The Bureau of Information, under the charge of Mrs. H. Margaret
Downs; the Courtesies, chairman, Mrs. Delos A. Blodgett, and the
opening reception on the first evening of the convention,
chairman, Mrs. William Alden Smith, were ably managed. But, with
the exception of the work devolving upon Mrs. Ketcham, the most
constant and trying labor fell to the chairman of entertainment,
Mrs. Allen C. Adsit, who cared for the housing of all the
delegates and also of the Michigan friends in attendance.

Of the efforts bf Mrs. Emily B. Ketcham the entire convention
bore witness; it went to Grand Rapids upon her invitation, and
upon her work for many months before its opening depended its
success, which was unquestioned. At one of the evening sessions
she was surprised by the presentation of a handsome souvenir of
the occasion containing the signatures of the officers of the
association, the speakers and many of the local workers. At the
close of the first evening the National officers, assisted by
Mrs. Ketcham, Mrs. William Alden Smith, Mrs. Julius Burrows and
several of the speakers, received in the beautiful parlor of the
St. Cecilia, thus giving delegates and visitors an opportunity to
meet the people of the city and to exchange social greetings with
each other.

The Ladies' Literary Club, which also owns its home, kept open
house several afternoons from four to six, the officers receiving
the guests and serving light refreshments. This club also
tendered the freedom of its house for any and all hours of the
day to the delegates. Saturday afternoon the Federation of the
Woman's Christian Temperance Unions of Grand Rapids received the
convention at the Young Woman's Building, where a substantial
supper was served. The Bissell carpet-sweeper factory, president,
Mrs. M. R. Bissell, presented to the delegates one hundred and
fifty specially made small carpet-sweepers, each marked in gilt,
National American Woman Suffrage Association.

But to the Board of Trade belongs the honor of having outrivaled
all the other kind hosts in the extent of their hospitality. They
presented to the convention its programs, beautifully printed on
extra fine paper and bearing a picture of the St. Cecilia Club
House. The Board also sent carriages to take the entire working
convention for a drive through the city, a visit to one of the
largest furniture warehouses and to the carpet-sweeper factory,
where Mrs. Bissell received the delegates and all were shown
through the works. A handsome souvenir containing many views of
the city was given by the Board to every delegate.

The ladies of the St. Cecilia were kindness itself, and it was
delightful to hold the meetings in so friendly an atmosphere, as
well as in so well appointed a building. The president, Mrs.
Kelsey, presented to the badge committee St. Cecilia pins having
a reproduction of Carlo Dolci's head of the musical saint after
whom this club is named, the only musical society of women in the
United States which owns a club-house.

Cordial addresses of welcome were made by Emily B. Ketcham,
president of Susan B. Anthony Club; Mary Atwater Kelsey,
president of St. Cecilia; Josephine Ahnafeldt Goss, president of
Ladies' Literary Club; May Stocking Knaggs, president of State
Equal Suffrage Association; Martha A. Keating, president of State
Federation of Women's Clubs; Mrs. A. S. Benjamin, president of
State Women's Christian Temperance Union; Mary A. McConnelly,
department president of State Woman's Relief Corps; Lucy A.
Leggett, president of State Woman's Press Association, and
Frances E. Burns, Great Commander Ladies of the Maccabees.

Mrs. Ketcham expressed their pleasure in having Grand Rapids selected
in preference to several larger cities which had extended invitations;
referred to the long distances many of the delegates had come and
assured the convention of a royal welcome, not only from the city but
from the State. Brief extracts must give an idea of the scope and
cordiality of these addresses:

MRS. GOSS: This has been called the woman's century. The past
centuries might have been called man's, because of the great
progress he has made in them; and it is now conceded that God
made women to match the men. The next will be the children's
century, when they will make real their parents' ideals. After
humanity has been sufficiently educated, people will understand
that no class has a right to special privileges, or can
appropriate them without injury to the body politic. Then a woman
will not demand any special privilege because she is a woman, nor
be denied it because she is not a man. As a result of this
movement, old lessons have been better learned and old burdens
more easily carried. We advocate equal suffrage not alone because
it is just to the mothers, but because it will be good for the
children, good for man, good for all humanity. We are glad to be
a part of this movement for a higher civilization. Grand Rapids
is noted for its furniture factories, and after equal suffrage is
granted it will supply plenty of material for the President's
cabinet.

MRS. KNAGGS: I welcome you in behalf of the Michigan E. S. A.,
representing the women of this State who are especially
interested in woman's enfranchisement. We have looked forward to
the day when you would bring us the inspiration of one of these
great meetings; we needed it. We are told that women are
indifferent. Many are so; and nothing can better arouse us than
to meet those engaged in this work from so many different places.

An alderman this spring boasted that he had been elected by the
votes of eight nationalities. He enumerated seven of them but for
some time was unable to think of the eighth. At last he
remembered; it was the American. The ballot in the hands of our
present voters might be improved by the intelligence that the
great body of Michigan women would bring to it. We are beginning
to appreciate the solidarity of women. When one State wins
suffrage, all the others are gainers by it. The good of this
meeting will go abroad over the country.

MRS. KEATING: ....In the happy tone of welcome that you may hear
rising from all parts of our State the club women join, with
voices 9,000 strong. We have never been happier than now, even
during the annual club elections, amid the joy and intelligence
of the club ballot. Your fame has preceded you.

MRS. BENJAMIN: The W. C. T. U. of Michigan numbers about 9,000
active members, and I bring you the greeting of your white-ribbon
sisters. We welcome not only you but your principles, and your
avowed determination to conquer before you die. A good mother
works in the home, but she would not wish to be forbidden to
cross the threshold. For the good of her child, she needs
sometimes to cross it. A mother should guard her child outside
the home as well as in it. Every mother worthy of the name wishes
to protect her own child from vice, and her duty extends to her
neighbor's child also. Equal suffrage is coming, friends, and
coming soon.

MRS. BURNS: I bring you the welcome of the 45,000 Ladies of the
Maccabees. Times have greatly changed in Michigan since seventy
years ago, when the Indian squaws did all the manual labor, and
the braves limited themselves to the noble task of hunting. There
has been a corresponding change in the condition of women all
along the line.

In the response of Miss Susan B. Anthony, the national president, she
said:

Since our last convention the area of disfranchisement in the
possessions of the United States has been greatly enlarged. Our
nation has undertaken to furnish provisional governments for
Hawaii and the Philippine Islands, Cuba and Porto Rico. Hitherto
the settlers of new Territories have been permitted to frame
their own provisional governments, which were ratified by
Congress, but to-day Congress itself assumes the prerogative of
making the laws for the newly-acquired Territories. When the
governments for those in the West were organized there had been
no practical example of universal suffrage in any one of the
older States, hence it might be pardonable for their settlers to
ignore the right of the women associated with them to a voice in
their governments.

But to-day, after fifty years' continuous agitation of the right
of women to vote, and after the demand has been conceded in
one-half the States in the management of the public schools;
after one State has added to that of the schools the management
of its cities; and after four States have granted women the full
vote--the universal reports show that the exercise of the
suffrage by women has added to their influence, increased the
respect of men, and elevated the moral, social and political
conditions of their respective commonwealths. With those
object-lessons before Congress, it would seem that no member
could be so blind as not to see it the duty of that body to have
the provisional governments of our new possessions founded on the
principle of equal rights, privileges and immunities for all the
people, women included. I hope this convention will devise some
plan for securing a strong expression of public sentiment on this
question, to be presented to the Fifty-sixth Congress, which is
to convene on the first Monday of December next....

During the reconstruction period and the discussion of the
negro's right to vote Senator Blaine and others opposed the
counting of all the negroes in the basis of representation,
instead of the old-time three-fifths, because they saw that to do
so would greatly increase the power of the white men of the South
on the floor of Congress. Therefore the Republican leaders
insisted upon the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to secure
the ballot to the negro men. Only one generation has passed and
yet nearly all of the Southern States have by one device or
another succeeded in excluding from the ballot-box very nearly
the entire negro vote, openly and defiantly declaring their
intention to secure the absolute supremacy of the white race, but
there is not a suggestion on their part of allowing the citizens
to whom they deny the right of suffrage to be counted out from
the basis of representation. Some of the Northern newspapers
have been growing indignant upon the subject, declaring that a
vote in South Carolina counts more than two votes in New York, in
the election of the President and the House of Representatives.
It seems to me that a still greater violation of the principle of
"the consent of the governed" is practiced in all the States of
the Union where women, though disfranchised, are yet counted in
the basis of representation, and I think the time has come when
this association should make a most strenuous demand for an
amendment to the Constitution of the United States forbidding any
State thus to count disfranchised citizens....

The increased discussion of the enfranchisement of women in the
newspapers throughout the country evidences the larger demand of
the public for information on this line, and a vast amount of
educational work is being done in this way.... The presentation
of the woman question in the New York _Sunday Sun_ each week by
Mrs. Ida Husted Harper, with the articles it has elicited from
the opposition, is of incalculable value; and when we add to the
number of people who read the _Sun_ the vast numbers who read the
copies of these articles made by the many newspapers between the
two oceans, we see what an immense reading audience is gained by
getting our question into that one of the best New York dailies.
We must remember that these papers never would have copied Mrs.
Harper's or any other literary woman's productions had they been
first published in one of our special organs; therefore one very
important branch of press work is to gain access to the
metropolitan dailies. Then there is the immense work done by Mrs.
Elnora M. Babcock for the State of New York, and by the chairmen
of the different State press committees, as well as that done by
our national organizer from the headquarters. Never has the press
of the entire nation been kept so alive with discussions upon the
woman suffrage question as during the past year, and my hope is
that we may yet have upon every one of the great city papers a
strong, educated suffrage woman, as editor of a woman's page or,
better still, as writer of suffrage articles to be inserted
without a special heading which would advertise to the general
reader that they were about women.

Though we have not obtained the suffrage in any of the States
where we had hoped to do so during the past year, the failures
have been by very small majorities. In South Dakota, where eight
years ago a woman suffrage amendment was lost by a majority of
over 23,000, at the election of 1898 the opposing majority was
reduced to 3,000; while in Washington, where the question was
submitted for the second time, it was lost by a majority less
than one-half as large as that of nine years ago. In California
both Houses of the Legislature passed the School Suffrage Bill,
which the Governor refused to sign, repeating the action of 1894.
The suffrage bills in the Territorial Legislatures of Oklahoma
and Arizona were carried by very fine majorities through both
lower Houses, but were lost in both upper Houses (as will be
stated by our national organizer, who led our suffrage hosts in
each case) through a shameful surrender to the temptation of
bribery from the open and avowed enemies of woman's
enfranchisement, the liquor organizations.

None of these so-called defeats ought to discourage us in the
slightest degree. Our enemies, the women remonstrants, may
comfort themselves with the thought that the liquor interest has
joined in their efforts, but we surely can solace ourselves with
the fact that the very best men voted in favor of allowing women
to exercise their right to a voice in the conditions of home and
State. So we have nothing to fear but everything to gain by going
forward with renewed faith to agitate and educate the public,
until the vast majority of men and women are thoroughly grounded
in the great principle of political equality....

I thank you, friends, for your cordial words of welcome. We are
glad to come here. I always feel a certain kinship to Michigan
since the constitutional amendment campaign of 1874, in which I
assisted. I remember that I went across one city on a dray, the
only vehicle I could secure, in order to catch a train. A
newspaper said next day: "That ancient daughter of Methuselah,
Susan B. Anthony, passed through our city last night, with a
bonnet looking as if she had just descended from Noah's Ark." Now
if Susan B. Anthony had represented votes, that young political
editor would not have cared if she were the oldest or youngest
daughter of Methuselah, or whether her bonnet came from the Ark
or from the most fashionable man milliner's.

There are women's clubs all over the country; did you ever hear
of one organized for other than an uplifting purpose? (Several
voices: "Yes, the Anti-Suffrage Associations!") Well, even the
"antis" wish to keep the world just as it is; they do not aim to
make it worse. Some persons have tried to belittle the resolution
passed by the Colorado Legislature recently, testifying to the
good results of equal suffrage, by declaring that the members
were afraid of the women. I never heard before of a Legislature
that voted solidly in a certain way for fear of women. We have
with us to-day Mrs. Welch, the president of the Colorado Equal
Suffrage Association, of whom it is said that the Legislature was
so afraid. [Miss Anthony led forward Mrs. Welch, a pretty little
woman in a very feminine bonnet, who shrank away slightly from
the compelling hand, and showed shyness in every line of her
figure, as she felt the eyes of the audience' concentrated upon
her.] At the time of the first recognition of women in the early
Granger days, when the farmers used to harness up their horses to
their big wagons and take all their women folks to the meetings,
I used to say that I could tell a Grange woman as far off as I
could see her, because of her air of feeling herself as good as a
man. Now look at this woman from Colorado!

MRS. WELCH: When I came before the Executive Committee this
morning, and they said they were proud of me as a free woman, I
felt almost ashamed to be a free woman. I thought of all the
tears and sorrows and struggles of Miss Anthony and wondered if
she ever would possess the ballot for which she had done so much,
and I so little.

MISS ANTHONY: I am glad you have it. We are not working for
ourselves alone; that is one reason why our society does not grow
as fast as some others.

The paper of the Rev. Anna Garlin Spencer (R. I.) was a strong,
philosophical presentation of our Duty to the Women of Our New
Possessions:

....Prof. Otis T. Mason, author of that important book, "Woman's
Share in Primitive Culture," tells us that "the longer one
studies the subject the more he will be convinced that savage
tribes can now be elevated chiefly through their women." Why is
this true? For the reason that the savage is in the stage of
social order through which all civilized nations have passed at
some period--the stage of the mother-rule more or less modified
by partial masculine domination. It is a well-known fact of human
history and prehistoric record that the Matriarchate, or the
mother-rule, preceded the Patriarchate, or the father-rule. "All
the social fabrics of the world are built around women. The first
stable society was a mother and her child." The reason why the
primitive descent of name and property, and the first fixed stake
of home life, was the expression of this maternal relationship is
obvious. Motherhood was demonstrated by nature before fatherhood
was definitely known. Inheritance of name by the female line was
alone possible; and that, as well as the female holding and
transmitting of property, was a family or tribal or clan
relationship, women always retaining rule and wealth not so much
as individuals as custodians of communal life and possessions.
Not only was the mother with the child the first founder of human
society, but the woman in savage life was the first inventor and
originator of all life-sustaining industries....

When man also began to "settle down"--whether from personal
choice or from social pressure--when he, too, began to learn and
practice the industrial arts heretofore solely in the hands of
women, he began to press his more personal and individualistic
claims of recognition and of property-owning against the family
wealth of which the woman was the custodian.

As man more and more assumed the burden of the world's industries
outside the home (which before had been woman's care alone), and
as woman became more and more absorbed in purely domestic
concerns, man's individualism assumed greater and greater power
within the family life, and he gradually acquired the despotic
family headship which marked the ancient patriarchal order of
Rome. This was not a social descent, but an immense social
uplift, in the age in which it was natural. Professor Mason says,
and with profound truth, "Matrimony in all ages is an effort to
secure to the child the authenticity of the father." It was
necessary for social growth that offspring should have two
parents instead of one; that the division of labor should be more
equal, and man be fastened to domestic needs by bonds he could
not break, and through labors which were peaceful as well as
arduous. For that process his individualism, developed through
ages of free wandering and purely militant life, must be not only
tamed somewhat, but harnessed to the home life.

To accomplish that mighty social uplift by which offspring
secured two parents instead of one, woman's subjection to man was
paid as the price of the higher form of family unity. Nor was her
subjection to man in the ruder ages of the world wholly an evil
to herself. It has been said that "woman was first the wife of
any, second the wife of many, and third one of many wives." Each
of these steps was an advance in her sexual relationship. All
were stepping-stones to the monogamic union which is the standard
of our civilization, and the realized ideal of all our best and
wisest men and women....

Bebel says, "Woman was the first human being to taste of
bondage." True, and her bondage has been long and bitter; but the
subjection of woman to man in the family bond was a vast step
upward from the preceding condition. It gave woman release from
the terrible labor-burdens of savage life; it gave her time and
strength to develop beauty of person and refinement of taste and
manners. It gave her the teaching capacity, for it put all the
younger child-life into her exclusive care, with some leisure at
command to devote to its mental and moral, as well as physical,
well-being. It led to a closer relationship between man and woman
than the world had known before, and thus gave each the advantage
of the other's qualities. And always and everywhere the
subjection of woman to man has had a mitigation and softening of
hardships unknown to other forms of slavery, by reason of the
power of human affection as it has worked through sex-attraction.
As soon, however, as the slavery of woman to man was outgrown and
obsolete it became (as was African slavery in a professedly
democratic country like our own) "the sum of all villainies." And
to-day there is no inconsistency so great, and therefore no
condition so hurtful and outrageous, as the subjection of women
to men in a civilization which like ours assumes to rest upon
foundations of justice and equality of human rights....

To-day these considerations (especially the failure fully to
apply the doctrine of equality of human rights to women, even in
the most advanced centers of modern civilization) have an
especial and most fateful significance in relation to the women
of the more backward races as they are brought into contact with
our modern civilization. I said the peoples with whom we are now
being brought as a nation into vital relationship may be still in
the matriarchate. If they are not, most of them are certainly in
some transition stage from that to the father-rule. Not all
peoples have had to pass through the entire subjection of women
to men which marked our ancestral advance. The more persistent
tribal relationship and collective family life have sometimes
softened the process of social growth which was so harsh for
women under the old Roman law and the later English common law.
It may be that the dusky races of Africa and of the islands of
the sea, as well as our Aryan cousins of India, may pass more
easily through the stages of attachment of man's responsibility
to the family life than we, with our tough fiber of character,
were able to do. If so, in the name of justice they should have
the chance!

But if we, who have not yet "writ large" in law and political
rights that respect for woman which all our education, industry,
religion, art, home life and social culture express; if we, who
are still inconsistent and not yet out of the transition stage
from the father-rule to the equal reign of both sexes; if we lay
violent hands upon these backward peoples and give them only our
law and our political rights as they relate to women, we shall do
horrible injustice to the savage women, and through them to the
whole process of social growth for their people. When we tried to
divide "in severalty" the lands of the American Indian, we did
violence to all his own sense of justice and co-operative feeling
when we failed to recognize the women of the tribes in the
distribution. We then and there gave the Indian the worst of the
white man's relationship to his wife, and failed utterly, as in
the nature of the case we must have done, to give him the best of
the white man's relation to his wife.

When in India, as Mrs. Garrett Fawcett has so finely shown, we
introduce the technicalities of the English law of marriage to
bind an unwilling wife to her husband, we give the Hindoo the
slavery of the Anglo-Saxon wife, but we do not give him that
spirit of Anglo-Saxon marriage and home-life which has made that
slavery often scarcely felt, and never an unmixed evil. If,
to-day, in the Hawaiian Islands or in Cuba we fail to recognize
the native women, who still hold something of the primitive
prestige of womanhood, fail to recognize them as entitled to a
translation, under new laws and conditions, of the old dignity of
position, we shall not only do them an injustice, but we shall
forcibly give the Hawaiian and Cuban men lessons in the wrong
side and not the right side of our domestic relations. Above all,
if in the Philippines we abruptly and with force of arms
establish the authority of the husband over the wife, by
recognizing men only as property-owners, as signers of treaties,
as industrial rulers and as domestic law-givers, we shall
introduce every outrage and injustice of women's subjection to
men, without giving these people one iota of the sense of family
responsibility, of protection of and respect for woman, and of
deep and self-sacrificing devotion to childhood's needs, which
mark the Anglo-Saxon man.

In a word, if we introduce one particle of our belated and
illogical political and legal subjection of women to men into any
savage or half-civilized community, we shall spoil the domestic
virtues that community already possesses, and we shall not
(because we can not so abruptly and violently) inoculate them
with the virtues of civilized domestic life. Nature will not be
cheated. We can not escape, nor can we roughly and swiftly help
others to escape, the discipline of ages of natural growth.

This all means that we need another Commission to go to all the
lands in which our flag now claims a new power of oversight and
control--a Commission other than that so recently sent to the
Philippines--to see what may be done to bring order to that
distracted group of islands. We need a Commission which shall
study domestic rather than political conditions, and which shall
look for the undercurrents of social growth rather than the more
showy political movements. We should have on that Commission two
archæologists, a man and a woman, and I can name them--Otis T.
Mason and Alice C. Fletcher....

An earnest discussion followed this paper, in which Mrs. Clara Bewick
Colby (D. C.), Mrs. Helen Philleo Jenkins (Mich.), Henry B. Blackwell
(Mass.), Miss Octavia W. Bates (Mich.), Miss Martha Scott Anderson
(Minn.), and Miss Anthony took part:

MRS. JENKINS: ....Whatever power in government may be given to
the men of our new possessions in selecting their rulers, let the
same privilege be accorded the women. It may be said that the
women are ignorant, and need yet to be held in subjection--that
they are unfit to have a voice in the new order of things. Let us
not be deceived. Probably the women are no more ignorant and
stupid than the masses of men in these newly acquired
regions--excepting always the few men whom circumstances have
developed. The ignorant mother can guide her child quite as
safely as its ignorant father. Men and women in all nations and
tribes are pretty nearly on a level as to common sense and
forethought for the future good of the family. Indeed, the
interests of the home, protection of the children, and the morals
and behavior of the community make the standard of even
unlettered women one notch higher than that of their ignorant
husbands. Let us of this nation hesitate before we establish a
sex supremacy that it may take long centuries to overcome....

Thousands of dollars are expended on a military commission; it is
sent to investigate the commercial possibilities, the financial
opportunities, in remote lands; but the army, the commerce, the
finance are not all there is of a nation. There are more vital
interests--there is something which lies at the very base of the
nation, without which it could not exist--the homes, the women
and the children. It is the social conditions that need special
consideration in our country's dealings with these new lands.

MISS BATES: ....In the presence of the events which have
transpired during the past year, and in all the discussions
pertaining to the new peoples who have suddenly become our
protégés, seldom if ever does one hear a word about the women,
who, all will admit, are a most important factor in the
civilization--or the lack of it--which we have taken under our
control.

We women are here at this time to do our best to awaken the
public conscience to a realizing sense of the state of affairs.
We are the result of what the religion, the education of the
nineteenth century and the liberty which it has granted to women
have made us. We are ready and willing and competent to befriend
our less favored sisters beyond the seas, and to extend to them
the benefits we enjoy, so far as they are able to receive them;
but--the tragedy of it--in a certain sense we are utterly
helpless to reach them and to give them what they, unconsciously
to themselves, so grievously need. There is no place for the
thought of the women of this land in the plans of the nation for
the study of these questions.

No matter how much our speaker may think and write and publish on
this subject--aye, and women like her--no matter how wise the
conclusions they reach, is it at all likely that their voices
will be listened to in the din and blare and clash of warring
political parties, or respected in legislative halls? Or is it
probable that the advocates of territorial expansion will pause a
moment to ponder on the woman side of that question? We, to-day,
are discussing this subject without even the shadow of a hope of
putting our convictions into practice. Is it any wonder that
women at large are dead to the importance of this matter?...

I am in favor of pushing the question to the utmost--not that I
have any hope that such a Commission will be appointed, but
because it furnishes a most valuable argument for extending the
suffrage to women: first, in order that, by its possession, they
may have an uncontested, legally-defined right of serving on such
commissions; and, second, because of the opportunity it offers
for proving to the world the necessity of commissions like this
for settling questions and conditions of which women form a
central and integral part. Of course if we possessed the
suffrage, we should have no necessity for a discussion like the
present. Everything we are saying would seem like truisms then,
instead of being contested point by point, as it is to-day....

MR. BLACKWELL: ....In those islands are peoples ranging from
absolute savagery to mediæval civilization, from fighters with
blow-guns and bows and arrows to fighters with Mauser rifles and
modern artillery. Laws and institutions suited to the needs of
one tribe are unsuited to those of another. Side by side are
Catholicism, Mohammedanism and heathenism. Their amusements vary
from cannibalism to cock-fighting. Their social status ranges
from barbarous promiscuity to Moslem polygamy and thence to
Hindoo monogamy. But everywhere exist masculine domination and
feminine subjection, under varied forms of political despotism,
tempered with Protestant liberalism in the case of Hawaii. To
establish over all these diverse social conditions the rigid
principles of the English common law, which prevail largely in
our jurisprudence, will perpetuate and intensify the tyranny of
husband over wife, of father over offspring.

We see the consequences already in the British West Indies, where
negro women generally prefer to live outside of legal marriage
because as wives they find themselves subjected to practical
serfdom. In Jamaica 75 per cent. of the births are illegitimate
for this reason. When I visited Haiti, I was told to my great
surprise that the homes and small farms were usually owned by the
women. Expressing my admiration of this chivalrous recognition of
women's right to the homestead, I was informed that there was no
such sentiment. It was solely because the men were so lazy and
unreliable that the perpetuity of the race was endangered. The
fathers of the children were here to-day and away to-morrow. They
spent their time in loafing, drinking, gambling and plotting
"revolutions." The women, anchored by the love for their
children, lived in the little huts on their small plantations,
raising yams and bananas, and if the men became too drunken and
abusive the women ordered them to leave. Among those people, in a
tropical climate, with land to squat upon, most of the work is
done by the women. Let no one imagine that the so-called
"matriarchate" of early ages was an ideal condition of society.
It was based primarily upon the industrial and moral
irresponsibility of men.

In our new possessions, side by side with these primitive
conditions, we have great bodies of Chinese and Hindoo coolies,
who represent ancient and fossilized types of civilized society,
patient, economical, industrious, monogamous and exclusive in
their family relations. The trouble is that where Western
civilization interferes with Oriental abuses it does not go far
enough. When in India the British government prohibited the
custom of burning widows on the funeral pyre of their deceased
husbands, widows became the slaves of their husband's relatives,
and were actually believed to be responsible for his death and
were ill treated accordingly. When infanticide was forbidden and
peace maintained, population multiplied until famine became
chronic. The only salvation for the women of our new possessions
lies in a legal recognition of their personal, industrial, social
and political equality. If, as seems too probable, their rights
shall be simply ignored in the reconstruction, women will suffer
all the disabilities of the law, without the practical
alleviations afforded by an enlightened public opinion. Such
women, even more than those of our own States, will need the
ballot as a means of self-protection....

MISS ANTHONY: I have been overflowing with wrath ever since the
proposal was made to engraft our half-barbaric form of government
on Hawaii and our other new possessions. I have been studying how
to save, not them, but ourselves from the disgrace. This is the
first time the United States has ever tried to foist upon a new
people the exclusively masculine form of government. Our business
should be to give this people the highest form which has been
attained by us. When our State governments were originally
formed, there was no example of woman suffrage anywhere, but now
we have a great deal of it, and everywhere it has done good. The
principle is constantly spreading....

We are told it will be of no use for us to ask this measure of
justice--that the ballot be given to the women of our new
possessions upon the same terms as to the men--because we shall
not get it. It is not our business whether we are going to get
it; our business is to make the demand. Suppose during these
fifty years we had asked only for what we thought we could
secure, where should we be now? Ask for the whole loaf and take
what you can get.

Mrs. Mary L. Doe (Mich.), brought greetings from the American
Federation of Labor. "Woman suffrage would find its most hopeful and
fertile field among the labor organizations," she said; "the
workingmen stood for weak and defenseless women even before they did
for their own rights." From Samuel Gompers, president of the
Federation, she read the following letter:

The American Federation of Labor, at every convention where the
subject has been brought up and discussed, has unfalteringly
declared for equal legal, political and economic rights for
women. At the convention held in Detroit, some thirteen years
ago, a resolution to that effect was unanimously adopted. A
petition to Congress for the submission of a constitutional
amendment enfranchising women was circulated among our various
unions, and within two months it received nearly 300,000
signatures and indorsements.

At the Kansas City convention last December, the question of
woman's work was discussed, and the following declaration was
unanimously adopted: "In view of the awful conditions under which
woman is compelled to toil, this, the eighteenth annual
convention of the American Federation of Labor, strongly urges
the more general formation of trade unions of wage-working women,
to the end that they may scientifically and permanently abolish
the terrible evils accompanying their weakened, because
unorganized state; and we emphatically reiterate the trade-union
demand that women receive equal compensation for equal service
performed."

You will see that there ought to be no question as to the
attitude of the organized labor movement on this subject,
notwithstanding the designing misrepresentations of enemies of
our cause, who seek to place our movement in a false light. Let
me say, too, that the declaration just quoted is not for
compliment merely, for members of many of our organizations have
been involved in long and sacrificing contests in order to secure
to women equal pay for equal work. Please convey fraternal
greetings to our friends who will meet at Grand Rapids.

When Mrs. Loraine Immen came forward with a greeting from the Michigan
Elocutionists' Association, Miss Anthony spoke of the great change
which had taken place in women's voices in the last twenty-five years.
At an early Woman's Rights Convention, when she insisted that they
should speak louder, one of them answered, "We are not here to
screech; we are here to be ladies."

Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake (N. Y.) spoke entertainingly on The Hope of
the Future:

The lessons of the past year have brought home to many of us more
forcibly than any other recent events the injustice and cruelty
of denying to women their proper share in deciding questions for
the public good. We have seen the republic plunged into war in
which women have borne a heavy share of the burdens. It should be
the rule of all nations that no contest of arms should be entered
into without the consent of the women....

Another significant object lesson grew out of the war. When the
time of election approached, the governmental authorities became
much exercised over the means of providing for the voting of the
soldiers. It is astonishing how much men think of their own right
to vote. Extra sessions of the Legislatures were called to
provide means of meeting this emergency. In this dilemma I
ventured to write to the Governor of my State and suggest that he
recommend the passing of a law empowering each soldier and sailor
to send to some woman at home a proxy permitting her to vote for
him. You can see how simple a plan this would be. Every man would
have a beloved mother, a dear sister or some adored damsel whom
he would be proud to have represent him at the polls, and the
amount of money which this scheme would have saved to the State
is enormous. The counting of the soldiers' votes when at last
they were sent to New York cost hundreds of thousands of dollars.
In one instance, in a certain county where the board of
supervisors had to be called together in two special sessions and
the county officials summoned as if at a regular election, to
count six votes, the amount reached $100 per vote!

Miss Frances A. Griffin (Ala.), a new speaker on the national
platform, captured the audience with her rich voice and southern
intonation as she discussed The Effects of Our Teaching:

The thanksgiving of the old Jew, "Lord, I thank Thee that Thou
didst not make me a woman," doubtless came from a careful review
of the situation. Like all of us, he had fortitude enough to bear
his neighbors' afflictions....

Miss Anthony deals recklessly with years, apportioning them to
her friends as liberally as Napoleon dealt out kingdoms and
duchies to his brothers and other relations. Her example has
strengthened me; you never would have had this next remark but
for Miss Anthony: Thirty-five years ago I read a graduating
essay. I knew I was doing an unwomanly thing, and in order to
preserve what little womanliness I might have left, when I got up
to read it I whispered the whole essay. I've quit that. Since I
made up my mind to be heard, I have been heard.... A great
progress of women has gone on and is going on. Men for the most
part are manageable; women are the converts needed. When women
have their minds made up to vote, it will be with them as it was
with me about being heard....

This is a new era for woman. If the larger sphere now open to her
is not a new discovery, it is at least a new testament. The day
will come that people will look back with shame on the time when
brains and virtue were shut away from the ballot-box, if they
belonged to a woman....

Miss Anna Caulfield (Mich.) pointed out The Achievements of Woman in
Art. Mrs. May Wright Sewall (Ind.) spoke eloquently on The True
Civilization of the World, saying in part:

In the new civilization the sense of personal responsibility is
strong; it respects the child's individuality and also recognizes
the unity of all educational agencies--kindergarten, school,
college and university.

There is also a new theology, in which individual conscience is
substituted for the dictates of authority, and which
distinguishes between metaphysical doctrine and practical
principle. It seeks the higher unity, all embracing.

The new political economy recognizes the right of the individual,
and the body politic as composed of units, each one of which must
be respected. Its whole effort is to preserve the rights of
employers and to give equal recognition to the employed; to unify
all those classes that have heretofore been kept divided.

The new civilization results from all these. The difficulties in
realizing this perfect unit arise from selfishness. We have long
recognized that individual selfishness is a defect, but national
selfishness has been for a long time extolled under the name of
patriotism, and has gone on cleaving great chasms between
different peoples. In the new civilization the individual will
recognize himself at his best in his relation to the whole. The
different professions will recognize that what each contributes
bears but a small ratio to what each receives from the rest. The
different nationalities will recognize their respective dignities
in just the proportion in which the whole must transcend any
part. Then humanity will exceed national feeling and the unity of
the race will exalt the dignity of the individual.

The resolution presented by Mrs. Sewall, member for the United States
of the International Peace Union, rejoicing over the approaching Peace
Conference at The Hague and assuring the commissioners from the United
States of the sympathy of the women of this country, was unanimously
adopted.

The Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, national vice-president, whose childhood
and early girlhood had been spent in Michigan, closed the Saturday
evening meeting with a tender address on Working Partners, a graphic
description of the pioneer days of this State and the hardships of
its women, during which she said: "Women have been faithful partners
and have done their full share of the work. A gentleman opposed to
their enfranchisement once said to me, 'Women have never produced
anything of any value to the world.' I told him the chief product of
the women had been the men, and left it to him to decide whether the
product was of any value. Is it said that women must not vote because
they can not bear arms? Why, women's arms have borne all the
arm-bearers of the world. We have no antique art in America, but we
have antique laws. We do not look back to the antiquity of the world,
but to the babyhood of the world. Who would think of calling a
new-born infant antique? Yet laws made in the babyhood of the world
are in this day of its manhood quoted for our guidance. Much has been
said lately about 'the white man's burden', but the white man will
never have a heavier burden to take up than himself."

Twelve churches offered their pulpits, which were filled by the women
speakers Sunday morning.[117] The regular convention services were
held Sunday afternoon in the St. Cecilia building, a large audience
being present. The Rev. Antoinette Brown Blackwell led the devotional
exercises, and the Rev. Florence Kollock Crooker gave the sermon from
the text: "Whether one member suffers, all the members suffer with it;
or one member be honored, all the members rejoice with it." Afterwards
Mrs. Sewall spoke on the coming Peace Congress at The Hague and, on
motion of Melvin A. Root, a resolution was adopted that on May 15, the
opening day of the congress, the women of our country assemble in
public and send to it the voice of women in favor of peace.

A touching letter from Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton was read by Miss
Anthony during the convention, in which she said: "We seem to be
pariahs alike in the visible and the invisible world, with no foothold
anywhere, though by every principle of government and religion we
should have an equal place on this planet. We do not hold the ignorant
class of men responsible for these outrages against women, but rather
the published opinions of men in high positions, judges, bishops,
presidents of colleges, editors, novelists and poets--all taught by
the common and civil law. It is a sad reflection that the chains of
woman's bondage have been forged by her own sires and sons. Every man
who is not for us in this prolonged struggle for liberty is
responsible for the present degradation of the mothers of the race. It
is pitiful to see how few men ever have made our cause their own, but
while leaving us to fight our battle alone, they have been unsparing
in their criticism of every failure. Of all the battles for liberty in
the long past, woman only has been left to fight her own, without help
and with all the powers of earth and heaven, human and divine, arrayed
against her."

Monday evening Mrs. Harriet Taylor Upton, national treasurer, told of
An Ohio Woman's Experience as Member of a School Board. She gave a
lively account of her own nomination and election in Warren, and said
in concluding: "It was not a war of women against men, but of
liberalism against conservatism, of principle against prejudice, of
the new against the old. It does not take any more time to clean up a
schoolhouse and keep out scarlet fever than it does to nurse the
children through the scarlet fever."

Mrs. Flora Beadle Renkes, School Commissioner of Barry County, Mich.,
described Some Phases of Public School Work. She advocated industrial
and moral as well as intellectual training and all of this equally for
both sexes.

Mrs. Minerva Welch, in considering Woman's Possibilities, said: "To my
mind it is given to woman to develop the greatest possibilities in all
the world. She can direct the character of generations. If woman ever
gains the place God intended her to have it must be through the mother
element. In Denver we have organized women's clubs for the study of
art, literature and political science. We have learned to fraternize.
Men have found that women bring their moral influence into politics,
and the men also know that they must look to their own morals if they
want office. Many questions have been sent to our State asking about
the new conditions. Woman suffrage has proved a success, and the women
can stand with heads erect, shoulder to shoulder with any one, knowing
that they are full, free citizens of the State of Colorado and of the
United States."

Miss Anthony then, by special request, gave a recital of all the facts
connected with her arrest, trial and conviction for voting in 1872.
Miss Shaw introduced her as a criminal, and Miss Anthony retorted,
"Yes, a criminal out of jail, just like a good many of the brethren."
With marvelous power she recalled all the details of that dramatic
episode.

Mrs. Abigail Scott Duniway (Ore.) gave an address on How to Win the
Ballot, containing much sound sense. It was published in full by the
Grand Rapids _Democrat_. Mrs. Evelyn H. Belden, president of the Iowa
Equal Suffrage Association, spoke on Women and War, saying:

Did you ever have to live with heroes--with men who have survived
the hardships and dangers of war? One of the reasons for my
mildness in public is that I have to be mild at home. I live with
the heroes of two wars. The elder put down the rebellion--so he
tells me. The younger, for whom I am responsible, has
accomplished an even more perilous feat; he met in mortal combat
every day for six months the product of the commissary department
of our late war. He is still alive, but "kicking"--and so is his
mother!

Note that there were no women on the War Investigating
Commission. Brutal officers, incompetent quartermasters and
ignorant doctors were tried before a jury of their peers. Every
department which was conducted without the help of women has been
for months writhing under the probe of an official investigation,
and is still writhing under the lash of public opinion.

When the war broke out, the women of Iowa, with the suffragists
at their head, cheerfully consecrated themselves to the service
of a State which does not recognize them as the equals of their
own boys. I have one old trunk that made six trips to Chickamauga
Park, filled with delicacies for the soldiers. About August I
made up my mind to go and see things for myself. My husband was
told it was no place for a woman there among 60,000 men and 1,500
animals; but he had business at home which he did not think I
could attend to, and he thought I could go to Chickamauga just as
well as he....

If there had been women on the commission, would they have
pitched the camp five miles from water? Or provided only one
horse and one mule to bring the water for two companies? Or
ordered the soldiers to filter and boil their drinking water,
without furnishing any filters or any vessels to boil it in? It
is said that suffragists do not know how to keep house. If so,
the men who managed the war must all be suffragists.

But Clara Barton and the women nurses have won golden opinions
from every one. If any man had given a tithe of what Helen Gould
did, he could have had any office in the gift of the
administration. So could she, if she had been a voter. She might
even have been Secretary of War.

We raise our sons to die not for their country--no woman grudges
her sons to her country--but to die unnecessarily of disease and
neglect, because of red tape....

History furnishes no parallel to the women of America during the
last year's war. They were fully alive to its issues,
intelligently conversant with its causes, its purposes and
possibilities; they studied camp locations, conditions and
military rules; and through the hand the heart found constant
expression, as many a company of grateful boys can testify. The
experience of this war ought to have effectually destroyed the
last trace of mediæval sentiment concerning the propriety of
women mixing in the affairs of government, and also the last
shadow of doubt as to the expediency of recognizing them as
voters.

Mrs. Josephine K. Henry (Ky.) made an address sparkling with the
epigrams for which she was noted, entitled A Plea for the Ballot:

....The light and the eager interest in the faces of American
women show that they are going somewhere; and when women have
started for somewhere, they are harder to head off than a
comet.... All roads for women lead to suffrage, even if they do
not know it. We are Daughters of Evolution, and who can stop old
Dame Evolution?... We must live up to our principles, or, as a
nation, we are not going to live at all. Then it will be time for
Liberty to throw down her torch, and go out of the enlightening
business.... "Woman's sphere"--these are the two hardest-worked
words in the dictionary.... They call in the mental and moral
wreckage of foreign nations to help rule us. A man was asked,
"How are you going to vote on the constitution?" He answered: "My
constitution's mighty poorly; my mother was feeble before me."
There is deep tragedy in giving such men control of the lives and
property of American women.... There is not so much the matter
with the U. S. Constitution as with the constitutions of some of
our statesmen.... It is not an expansion of territory that we
need so much as an expansion of justice to our own women....
American men have had a hard struggle for their own liberty, and
some of them are afraid there will not be liberty enough to go
around.... What relation is woman to the State? She is a very
poor relation, yet her tax-money is demanded promptly.

Dr. Mary H. Barker Bates, of the Denver School Board, discussed Our
Gains and Our Losses, and said in closing: "We have learned that in
politics we must have a machine, only it should be used for good
government, not for corruption. Make your machine as perfect as you
can, without a flaw in it anywhere, and then use it for good ends."
Mrs. Mary B. Clay (Ky.) gave a careful survey of conditions resulting
from The Removal of Industries from the Home, which had forced woman
to follow them and made her an industrial factor in the outside world.
Miss Griffin being again called on told these anecdotes:

In my home in Alabama there are four educated women. My father
has passed away. My sisters are widows and I am an old maid. We
have as our gardener a negro boy twenty-three years old. When he
came to us he said that he had been in the Second Reader for ten
years, but on election day he goes over and votes to represent
our family. If we complain of having no vote on the expenditure
of our tax-money, we are told we must "influence" men; in other
words, we must influence that gardener. But when we start to do
so, and ask him how he means to vote, he says he doesn't know
yet, because he hasn't seen "Uncle Peter," the colored minister.

In my section men are chivalric and say, "Don't you know that you
shall have everything you ask as ladies? Don't you know that we
are your natural protectors?" But what is a woman afraid of on a
lonely road after dark? The bears and wolves are all gone; there
is nothing to be afraid of now but our natural protectors.

On the islands off our coast there was a large population that
could not read or write. A missionary-spirited woman went there
to help educate them. After awhile she was made a member of the
school board, which consisted of a few white men and more
negroes. The president of the board, a colored man, was disgusted
at the elevation of a woman to that dignity, and when she was
sworn in he resigned, saying, "Now you've swore her in, you've
got to swear me out; I'm not going to sit on no board with no
woman."

During the convention Miss Anthony made an earnest appeal for
co-operation in the equal suffrage work, saying: "Why is it the duty
of the little handful on this platform to be talking and working for
the enfranchisement of women any more than that of all of you who sit
here to-night? Every woman can do something for the cause. She who is
true to it at her own fireside, who speaks the right word to her
guests, to her children and her neighbors' children, does an
educational work as valuable as that of the woman who speaks from the
platform." She also urged a wider reading of the equal rights papers,
the _Woman's Journal_, _Tribune_, _Standard_, _Wisconsin Citizen_,
etc., and suffrage pamphlets and leaflets. She defended herself
against the accusation of abusing the men, saying, "We have not been
fighting the 'male' citizen anywhere but in the statute books."

Eighty-seven delegates representing twenty-two States were present at
this convention. The treasurer reported the receipts of the past year
to be $14,020. Mrs. Chapman Catt, chairman of the Organization
Committee, related the work done by the suffrage organizations in
behalf of the Spanish-American War. She described also the efforts
made to obtain suffrage for women in the new constitution of Louisiana
the preceding year, which resulted in securing the franchise for
taxpaying women on all matters submitted to taxpayers. The work in
different States and Territories, especially in Arizona and Oklahoma,
was sketched in detail, and will be found in their respective
chapters.

In concluding her report as chairman of the Legislative Committee,
Mrs. Blake called attention to the more hopeful character of this
record as compared to that of last year, and urged upon all State
presidents the importance of having some one to represent the
interests of women constantly at their capitals during the legislative
sessions, not only to secure favorable legislation but to prevent that
inimical to their interests, citing the case of New Mexico, where a
law which infringes on the right of dower was recently passed without
the knowledge of women.

Mrs. Elnora M. Babcock (N. Y.) was made chairman of National Press
Work, with power to appoint a chairman in each State. The customary
telegram of congratulation and appreciation was sent to the honorary
president, Mrs. Stanton. Mrs. Eliza Wright Osborne (N. Y.) was
appointed fraternal delegate to the International Council of Women to
meet in London in June. Greetings were received through fraternal
delegates, Mrs. Jessie R. Denney, from the Ancient Order of United
Workingmen, and Mrs. Emma A. Wheeler from the Canadian W. C. T. U. The
letter to Miss Anthony from its president, Mrs. Annie O. Rutherford,
said: "A vigorous campaign is being carried on in every Province in
favor of equal suffrage, with fair hope of success in most of them. We
wish for your convention a most successful issue, and that your life,
whose grand pioneer work has made it easy for those who follow after,
may be spared many years yet to help broaden the path and uplift the
cause of humanity." Many letters and telegrams were received from
State suffrage associations and from individuals. Mrs. Belva A.
Lockwood (D. C.) wrote: "As a delegate to the ninth annual convention
of the International League of Press Clubs just held in Baltimore, I
succeeded in gaining recognition on equal terms for women journalists
in the space to be allotted to men journalists in the Exposition at
Paris in 1900."

A lively discussion was caused by a resolution offered by Mrs. Lottie
Wilson Jackson, a delegate from Michigan, so light-complexioned as
hardly to suggest a tincture of African blood, that "colored women
ought not be compelled to ride in smoking cars, and that suitable
accommodations should be provided for them." It was finally tabled as
being outside the province of the convention.[118]

The memorial resolutions were presented by the Rev. Antoinette Brown
Blackwell, who said: "These tributes are largely to older men and
women with whom I was associated long ago and it is a pleasure to
recall their noble services to humanity in times when they and their
work were far more unpopular than to-day. There are twenty-five on my
list, yet I think there was only one of the entire number who was not
more than fifty years old, and most of them reached on toward the
eighties and nineties. All were earnest advocates of equal suffrage,
but there were kindred causes to which most of them were also
devoted.... Laura P. Haviland spent seventy years of her life in
Michigan, the last five here in Grand Rapids. At one time she assumed
the care of nine orphan children; at another, during the Civil War she
was the active agent who freed from prison a large number of Union
soldiers held upon false charges. She labored for every good cause and
was a simple Quaker in religion and life....

"Parker Pillsbury of New Hampshire, who died last year, aged 88, known
as a life-long worker for the oppressed before the Civil War, gave
much of his energy to the cause of anti-slavery. When that noble
philanthropy was split in two throughout its whole length because
one-half would not let women serve on committees with men or raise
their voices publicly for those who were dumb and helpless, Parker
Pillsbury stood by the side of Abby Kelly and the Grimké sisters. His
terse, characteristic, uncompromising language, his cheerful braving
of prejudice, his sympathetic claim for justice to womanhood, made him
one of the noblest of men....

"In the long and many-sided history of the woman's cause, Mrs. Matilda
Joslyn Gage made a deep and lasting mark. I recall her as she came
first upon our platform at the Syracuse Woman's Rights Convention in
1852, a young mother of two children, yet with a heart also for a
wider cause. Wendell Phillips said of her then, 'She came to us an
unknown woman. She leaves us a co-worker whose reputation is
established.' ...

"The Hon. Nelson W. Dingley was able officially to help our movement
with efficient good-will. His vote was recorded for the admission of
States with a woman suffrage constitution."

Mrs. Blackwell paid personal tribute to most of those who had passed
away, and Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby continued the memorial, speaking at
length of the splendid work of Mrs. Gage; of Mrs. Flora M. Kimball and
Mrs. Abigail Bush, of California--but early Eastern pioneers; Mrs.
Sarah M. Kimball of Utah; Mrs. Frances Bagley and Dr. Charlotte
Levanway of Michigan; and a long list of men and women in various
States who had done their part in aiding the cause of equal suffrage.
She concluded with eloquent words of appreciation of the services of
Robert Purvis of Philadelphia, and presented the following resolutions
sent by Mrs. Stanton:

During the period of reconstruction, the popular cry was, "This
is the negro's hour," and Republicans and Abolitionists alike
insisted that woman's claim to the suffrage must be held in
abeyance until the negro was safe beyond peradventure.
Distinguished politicians, lawyers and congressmen declared that
woman as well as the negro was enfranchised by the Fourteenth
Amendment, yet reformers and politicians denounced those women
who would not keep silent, while the Republican and anti-slavery
press ignored their demands altogether. In this dark hour of
woman's struggle, forsaken by all those who once recognized her
civil and political rights, two noble men steadfastly maintained
that it was not only woman's right but her duty to push her
claims while the constitutional door was open and the rights of
citizens in a republic were under discussion; therefore,

_Resolved_, That women owe a debt of gratitude to Robert Purvis
and Parker Pillsbury for their fearless advocacy of our cause,
when to do so was considered to be treason to a great party
measure, involving life and liberty for the colored race.

_Resolved_, That in the death of men of such exalted virtue, true
to principle under the most trying circumstances, sacrificing the
ties of friendship and the respect of their compeers, they are
conspicuous as the moral heroes of the nineteenth century.

The memorial service was closed with prayer by the Rev. Anna Howard
Shaw, who voiced the gratitude for the inspiration of such lives as
these and the hope that this generation might carry the work on to its
full fruition.

* * * * *

The keynote to the speeches and action of this convention was the
status of women in our new possessions. At a preliminary meeting of
the Business Committee, held in the home of Mrs. Chapman Catt at
Bensonhurst-by-the-Sea, N. Y., Jan. 2, 1899, the following "open
letter" had been prepared and sent to every member of Congress:

TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: We respectfully
request that in the qualifications for voters in the proposed
Constitution for the new Territory of Hawaii the word "male" be
omitted.

The declared intention of the United States in annexing the
Hawaiian Islands is to give them the benefits of the most
advanced civilization, and it is a truism that the progress of
civilization in every country is measured by the approach of
women toward the ideal of equal rights with men.

Under barbarism the struggle for existence is entirely on the
physical plane. The woman freely enters the arena and her failure
or success depends wholly upon her own strength. When life rises
to the intellectual plane public opinion is expressed in law.
Justice demands that we shall not offer to women emerging from
barbarism the ball and chain of a sex disqualification while we
hold out to men the crown of self-government.

The trend of civilization is closely in the direction of equal
rights for women. [Then followed a list of the gains for woman
suffrage.]

The Hon. John D. Long, Secretary of the Navy, calls the
opposition to woman suffrage a "slowly melting glacier of
bourbonism and prejudice". The melting is going on steadily all
over our country, and it would be most inopportune to impose upon
our new possessions abroad the antiquated restrictions which we
are fast discarding at home.

We, therefore, petition your Honorable Body that, upon whatever
conditions and qualifications the right of suffrage is granted to
Hawaiian men, it shall be granted to Hawaiian women.[119]

Notwithstanding this appeal, and special petitions also from the
Suffrage Associations of the forty-five States, our Congress provided
a constitution in which the word "male" was introduced more frequently
than in the Constitution of the United States or of any State, in the
determination to bar out Hawaiian women from voting and holding
office. It was declared that only "male" citizens should fill any
office or vote for any officer, a sweeping restriction which is not
made in a single State of our Union. Not satisfied with this infamous
abuse of power, our Congress refused to this new Territory a privilege
enjoyed by every other Territory in the United States--that of having
the power vested in its Legislature to grant woman suffrage--and
provided that this Territorial Legislature must submit the question to
the voters. It took care, however, to enfranchise every male being in
the Islands--Kanaka, Japanese and Portuguese--and it will be only by
their permission that even the American and English women residing
there ever can possess the suffrage.

The members of the commission who drafted this constitution were
President Sanford B. Dole and Associate Justice W. F. Frear of Hawaii;
Senators John T. Morgan, Ala.; Shelby M. Cullom, Ills.; Representative
Robert R. Hitt, Ills. Justice Frear said over his own signature, Feb.
11, 1899: "I proposed at a meeting of the Hawaiian Commission that the
Legislature be permitted to authorize woman suffrage, and President
Dole supported me, but the other members of the commission took a
different view." In other words, the Hawaiian members favored the
enfranchisement of their women but were overruled by the American
members. If but one of the latter had stood by those from Hawaii its
women would not have been placed, as they now are, under greater
subjection even than those of the United States, and far greater than
they were before the annexation of the Islands. Yet after the
consummation of this shameful act the world was asked to rejoice over
the creation of a new republic!

There is not the slightest reason to hope that the appeals for justice
to the women of the Philippines will meet with any greater success, as
it is the policy of our Government to give to men every incentive to
study its institutions and fit themselves for an intelligent voice in
their control, but to discourage all interest on the part of women and
to prevent them absolutely from any participation. Having held
American women in subjection for a century and a quarter, it now shows
a determination to place the same handicap upon the women of our
newly-acquired possessions.

* * * * *

During the spring of 1902, just before this volume goes to the
publishers, the U. S. Senate Philippine Commission has been summoning
before it a number of persons competent to give expert testimony as to
existing conditions in those Islands. Among these were Judge W. H.
Taft, who for the past year has been Governor of the Philippines and
speaks with high authority; and Archbishop Nozaleda, who has been
connected with the Catholic church in the Islands for twenty-six
years, and Archbishop since 1889, and who has the fullest
understanding of the natives. Governor Taft said in answer to the
committee:

The fact is that, not only among the Tagalogs but also among the
Christian Filipinos, the woman is the active manager of the
family, so if you expect to confer political power on the
Filipinos it ought to be given to the women.

Archbishop Nozaleda testified as follows: (Senate Document 190, p.
109.)

The woman is better than the man in every way--in intelligence,
in virtue and in labor--and a great deal more economical. She is
very much given to trade and trafficking. If any rights and
privileges are to be granted to the natives, do not give them to
the men but to the women.

Q. Then you think it would be much better to give the women the
right to vote than the men?

A. O, much better. Why, even in the fields it is the women who do
the work; the men who go to the cock fights and gamble. The woman
is the one who supports the man there; so every law of justice
demands that even in political life they should have the
privilege over the men.

The action which our Government will eventually take in conferring the
suffrage on the Filipinos can not be recorded in this volume, but the
prophecy is here made that, in spite of the above testimony, and much
more of the same nature which has been given by correspondents in the
Philippines and by many who have returned from there, the Government
of the United States will enfranchise the inferior male inhabitants
and hold as political subjects the superior women of these Islands.
And again the world will be called upon to greet another republic!

FOOTNOTES:

[117] Miss Anthony spoke to a crowded house in the Fountain Street
Baptist Church on The Moral Influence of Women, and the Rev. Anna
Howard Shaw to another great audience in the Park Congregational
Church from the text, "Only be thou strong and very courageous."
Calvary Baptist Church was filled to overflowing to hear Miss Laura
Clay on The Bible for Equal Rights. Interested congregations listened
to the Rev. Antoinette Brown Blackwell, who preached at the Division
Street Methodist Church from the text, "Knowledge shall increase";
Miss Laura Gregg, who spoke at the Second Baptist Church on My
Country, 'Tis of Thee; Mrs. Colby, at the Plainfield Avenue Methodist
Church, on The Legend of Lilith; Miss Lena Morrow at Memorial Church,
Miss Lucy E. Textor at All Souls, and Mrs. Harriet Taylor Upton and
various members of the convention in other pulpits.

[118] The following resolutions were adopted:

That we reaffirm our devotion to the immortal principle that
governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed,
and we call for its application in the case of women citizens.

We protest against the introduction of the word "male" in the suffrage
clause of the proposed Constitution of Hawaii, and declare that upon
whatever terms the franchise may be granted to men, it should be
granted also to women.

In all the great questions of war and peace, currency, tariff and
taxation, annexation of foreign territory and alien races, women are
vitally interested and should have an equal expression at the ballot
box, and we recommend to the President of the United States the
appointment of a committee of women to investigate the condition of
women in our new island territories.

We congratulate the women of Ireland who have just voted for the first
time for municipal and county officers, and we call attention to the
fact that 75 per cent. of the qualified women voted, and that the
dispatches say they discharged their duty in a serious and
businesslike spirit, with a keen eye to the personal merits of
candidates.

We congratulate the women of Colorado, whose Legislature lately passed
a resolution testifying to the good effects of equal suffrage by a
vote of 45 to 3 in the House, and 30 to 1 in the Senate.

We congratulate the women of New Orleans, who are about to vote for
the first time, on a tax levy for sewerage and drainage, and we
commend their patriotic activity in collecting the signatures of 2,000
taxpaying women of that city in behalf of clean streets and a pure
water supply.

We congratulate the women of France, who have just voted for the first
time for judges of tribunals of commerce, and we call attention to the
fact that in Paris, of the qualified voters, men and women taken
together, only 14 per cent. voted, but of the women 30 per cent.
voted.

We congratulate the women of Kansas on the increased municipal vote of
April, 1899, over the entire State, Kansas City alone registering
4,800 women and casting over 3,000 women's votes at the municipal
election.

We thank the House of Representatives of Oklahoma for its vote of 14
to 9, and of Arizona for its vote of 19 to 5, for woman suffrage, and
regret that the question did not reach the Councils of these
Territories.

We thank the Legislature of California for its enactment, with only
one dissenting vote in the House and six in the Senate, of a school
suffrage law (which failed to receive the approval of the Governor),
also we thank the Legislatures of Connecticut and Ohio, which have
defeated bills to repeal the existing school suffrage laws of those
States.

We thank the legislators of Oregon who have just submitted an
amendment granting suffrage to women by a vote of 48 to 6 in the House
and 25 to 1 in the Senate, and we hope that Oregon will add a fifth
star to our equal suffrage flag.

This association is non sectarian and non partisan, and asks for the
ballot not for the sake of advancing any specific measure, but as a
matter of justice to the whole human family. In all the States where
equal suffrage campaigns are pending we advise women and men to base
their plea on the ground of clear and obvious justice, and not to
indulge in predictions as to what women will do with the ballot before
it is secured.

We protest against women being counted in the basis of representation
of State and nation so long as they are not permitted to vote for
their representatives.

We appreciate the friendly attitude of the American Federation of
Labor, the National Grange and other public bodies of voters, as shown
by their resolutions indorsing the legal, political and economic
equality of women.

We rejoice in the Peace Congress about to meet at The Hague, and hope
it may be preliminary to the establishment of international
arbitration.

[119] See also Chap. XXIII for further efforts to protect the women of
Hawaii.

CHAPTER XX.

THE NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1900.

The Thirty-second annual convention of the suffrage association, held
in Washington, D. C., Feb. 8-14, 1900, possessed two features of
unusual interest--it closed the century and it marked the end of Miss
Susan B. Anthony's presidency of the organization. The latter event
attracted wide attention. Sketches of her career and of the movement
whose history was almost synonymous with her own, appeared in most of
the leading newspapers and magazines of the country; special reporters
were sent to Washington, and the celebration of her eightieth birthday
at the close of the convention was in the nature of a national event.
On the opening morning the _Post_ said in a leading editorial:

Washington entertains the National Woman Suffrage Association
from year to year with entire complacency, apart from any
political prejudice, without any sense of partisanship and in a
spirit of keen interest in the great propaganda which is being
thus conducted. There was a time, not so very long ago, when the
plea for suffrage was ridiculed far and wide; but the women have
worked ahead undaunted by the scoffings of the world, until they
have actually won the battle in such a marked degree as to give
them unbounded assurance for the future....

The world is beginning to take a new view of this suffrage
question. The advent of women into the professions and even the
trades, their appearance as wage-earners in virtually every
branch of modern activity, and their success in these various
enterprises which they have entered, have worked a reform even
more significant than the absolute and universal grant of the
suffrage would have been. It can not be denied by men to-day that
the women have become economic factors of marked importance, and
this appreciation has had a great influence in softening the
sentiments of the male population toward the suffragists.

One of the foremost arguments formerly urged against the
extension of the suffrage to women was that it would be harmful
to woman's moral nature to thrust her into contact with the rough
conditions of campaigning. The women answered that their entrance
would perhaps redeem the immoral character of the politics of
many communities. In the minds of impartial observers the
argument was a stand-off. But this economic, professional
tendency of the women has done much to destroy the force of the
men's plea to preserve the women from contaminating contact with
harsh conditions. The security of the average woman worker in the
various lines of honest activity which the sex has fearlessly
entered has worked a revelation. The close of the century is
witnessing a great change in public sentiment in this regard. The
demand of the suffragists can not but be strengthened by the
demonstrated fact that women can become workers in competition
with men without becoming demoralized.

Just where this new tendency will lead in an economic direction
is a serious question, to be answered by facts rather than by
theories. Some students of the science believe that it is working
a revolution and is affecting the whole business fabric. There
may be a reaction against it, affecting in turn the now moderate
attitude of most men toward the suffrage question; but in any
event it is clear that this great agitation, carried on by the
association now in session, has been of serious importance and
not without palpable fruits.

The advocates of woman's enfranchisement never were brighter, happier
or more hopeful and courageous. All of the States but four were
represented by the 173 delegates in attendance. Some of them were
white-haired and wrinkled and had been coming to Washington for the
whole thirty-two years. Others were in the prime and vigor of life and
had entered the movement after the heaviest blows had been struck and
the hardest battles had been won, but now they had enlisted until the
end of the war. And now there were a large number of beautiful and
highly-educated young women, graduates of the best colleges, filled
with the zeal of new converts, bringing to the work well-trained and
thoroughly-equipped minds and giving to the old members the comforting
assurance that the vital cause would still be carried forward when
their own labors were ended.

The _Woman's Journal_ in recounting the gains for suffrage concluded:
"In this year, 1900, the woman suffragists, after a half-century of
unbroken national organization, can go before Congress and claim the
support of members from four States who were elected in part by the
votes of women. They can enforce their pleas before presidential
nominating conventions with the concrete fact that thirteen members of
the electoral college have a constituency of women voters."

Miss Anthony presided at three public sessions daily and at all the
executive and business meetings, went to Baltimore and held a
one-day's conference and made a big speech, addressed a parlor
meeting, attended several dinners and receptions, participated in her
own great birthday festivities, afternoon and evening, and remained
for nearly a week of Executive Committee meetings after the convention
had closed.

As she rose to open the convention, clad as usual in soft black satin,
with duchesse lace in the neck and sleeves and the lovely red crépe
shawl falling gracefully from her shoulders, there were many a moist
eye and tightened throat at the thought that this was the last time.
Her fine voice with its rich alto vibrations was as strong and
resonant as fifty years ago, and her practical, matter-of-fact speech,
followed by the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw's lively stories, soon dispelled
the sadness and put the audience in a cheerful mood. Miss Anthony
commenced by saying:

I have been attending conventions in Washington for over thirty
years. It is good for us to come to this Mecca, the heart of our
nation. Here the members of Congress from all parts of the
country meet together to deliberate for the best interests of the
whole government and of their respective States. So our delegates
assemble here to plan for the best interests of our cause in the
nation and in their respective States. We come here to study how
we may do more and more for the spread of the doctrine of
equality, but chiefly to study how to get the States to
concentrate their efforts on Congress. Our final aim is an
amendment to the Federal Constitution providing that no citizen
over whom the Stars and Stripes wave shall be debarred from
suffrage except for cause. I am always glad when we come to
Washington, and in our little peregrinations over the country I
have been more and more impressed with the conviction that, while
we should do all the good work we can in our own States, we ought
to hold our annual meeting in the national capital.

In beginning her vice-president's address, which as usual defied
reporting, Miss Shaw said:

Before giving my report I want to tell a story against Miss
Anthony. We suffragists have been called everything under the
sun, and when there was nothing else quite bad enough for us we
have been called infidels, which includes everything. Once we
went to hold a convention in a particularly orthodox city in New
York, and Miss Anthony, wishing to impress upon the audience that
we were not atheists, introduced me as "a regularly-ordained
orthodox minister, the Rev. Anna H. Shaw, _my right bower_!" That
orthodox audience all seemed to know what a "right bower" is, for
they laughed even louder than you do. After the meeting Miss
Anthony said to me, "Anna, what did I say to make the people
laugh so?" I answered, "You called me your right bower." She
said, "Well, you are my right-hand man. That is what right bower
means, isn't it?" And this orthodox minister had to explain to
her Quaker friend what a right bower is.

The chief event of last summer was the quinquennial meeting of
the International Council of Women in London. The Woman's
National Council of the United States is made up of about twenty
societies with an aggregate membership of over a million women.
It was only allowed two delegates besides its president, and it
is not a suffrage association, yet it honored two women who have
been known for some years as suffragists, Miss Anthony and
myself, by making us its delegates to London. They said they did
this because they wanted women who did not represent anything too
radical!

That Congress was the greatest assemblage of women from all parts
of the world that ever had taken place, and therefore the biggest
suffrage convention ever held. Suffrage seemed to take possession
of the whole meeting, as it does at every great gathering of
women. From this point of view it was a decided and emphatic
success. The largest meeting of all was the one held by the
Suffrage Association and every suffrage heart would have swollen
so large it could hardly have been kept within the bounds of the
body if it had heard the applause with which Miss Anthony was
greeted. She could not speak for ten minutes....

In England I entered upon a role I had never filled before, or
had any ambition for--I "entered society," and for ten days I was
in it from before breakfast till after midnight; and I prayed the
prayer of the Pharisee--I thanked the Lord that I was not as
other women are who have to go into society all the time. I had
thought that traveling up and down the country with gripsack in
hand was hard enough; but it is child's play to hand-shaking and
hob-nobbing with duchesses and countesses. However, the
experience was good for us, and it was especially good for those
American women who had thought that they knew more than other
women till they met them and found that they didn't.

I came home, spent three days there, and then took my grip in
hand and started out again lecturing--mostly for the Redpath
bureau, and for people who did not want to hear about suffrage;
so I spoke on "The Fate of Republics," "The American Home," "The
New Man," etc. Under these titles I gave them stronger doses of
suffrage than I ever do to you here, and they received it with
great enthusiasm, because it was not called suffrage. I spoke the
other day in Cincinnati to about 3,000 people and they were
delighted, and did not suspect that I was talking suffrage. They
don't know what woman suffrage is. They think it only means to
berate the men. In this way I have perhaps done the best suffrage
work I possibly could.

Later in the session Miss Anthony made her report as delegate from
the National Council of Women of the United States to this
International Congress in London, in which she said:

During the last seventeen years there has been a perfect
revolution in England. When Mrs. Stanton and I went there for the
first time, in 1883, just a few families were not afraid of
us--the Brights, Peter Taylor's household, and some of the old
abolitionists who knew all about us. When it was proposed to get
up a testimonial meeting for us, even the officers of the
suffrage societies did not dare to sign the invitation. They
thought we Americans were too radical....

This time when we reached London we were the recipients of
testimonials not only from the real, radical suffrage people, but
also from the conservatives. At that magnificent Queen's Hall
meeting of the Suffrage Association, with Mrs. Fawcett presiding,
three or four thousand people packed the hall. It was a
representative gathering. Australia and New Zealand were there to
speak for themselves, and they had me to speak for the United
States. I tried to have them call on Miss Shaw instead, but they
would not do it....

Every young woman who is to-day enjoying the advantages of free
schools and opportunities to earn a living and the other enlarged
rights for women, is a child of the woman suffrage movement. This
larger freedom has broadened and strengthened women wonderfully.
At the end of the Council, Lady Aberdeen, who had been its
president for six years, in a published interview summing up the
work of the women who had been present, said there was no denying
that the English-speaking women stood head and shoulders above
all the others in their knowledge of Parliamentary law, and that
at the very top were those of the United States and Canada--the
two freest parts of the world. I said: "If the women of the
United States, with their free schools and all their enlarged
liberties, are not superior to women brought up under monarchical
forms of government, then there is no good in liberty." It is
because of this freedom that Europeans are always struck with the
greater self-poise, self-control and independence of American
women. These characteristics will be still more marked when we
have mingled more with men in their various meetings. It is only
by the friction of intellect with intellect that these desirable
qualities can be gained.

The public sessions of the Council were all that heart could
wish. I was present at only a few of them because the business
meetings came at the same hour, and were held miles away. But
every day people would say to me, "Miss Anthony, you yourself
could not have made a stronger suffrage speech than So-and-So
made to-day in such-and-such a section"--industrial,
professional, etc. In the educational section, one of the best
speeches was made by Miss Brownell, dean of Sage College, Cornell
University, on co-education.

It was a great occasion. Here were the advocates of this movement
for absolutely equal rights received and entertained by the
nobility of England--American women at the head. Among many
others a reception was given by the Lord Bishop of London at his
home, Fulham Palace. In talking with Lady Battersea, daughter of
a Rothschild, I caught myself repeatedly addressing her as "Mrs.
Battersea," and I said, "I suppose I shock you very much by
forgetting your title." She answered emphatically: "Not at all. I
like an American to be an American. It is much pleasanter than
when they come cringing and crawling and trying to conform to our
customs." When all sorts of notables were giving us receptions, I
said to Lady Aberdeen: "If this great Council of Women of ten
nations were meeting in Washington, we would be invited to the
White House. Can't you contrive an interview with the Queen?"

Miss Anthony then described the reception of the Congress by the Queen
at Windsor Castle, the serving of tea in the great Hall of St. George,
and all the incidents of that interesting occasion, and concluded:
"What I want most to impress upon you is this: If we had represented
nothing but ourselves we should have been nowhere. Wendell Phillips
said: 'When I speak as an individual, I represent only myself, but
when I speak for the American Anti-Slavery Society, I represent every
one in the country who believes in liberty.' It was because Miss Shaw
and I represented you and all which makes for liberty that we were so
well received; and I want you to feel that all the honors paid to us
were paid to you."

A paper to be remembered was that of Mrs. Isabel C. Barrows (Mass.) on
Woman's Work in Philanthropy. After tracing the various lines of
philanthropic effort in which women had been distinguished, she said
in conclusion that no woman who ever had lived had done more in the
line of philanthropy than Susan B. Anthony.

Miss Harriet May Mills (N. Y.) gave a fine address on The Winning of
Educational Freedom, saying in part:

Abigail Adams said of the conditions in the early part of the
nineteenth century: "Female education in the best families went
no farther than reading, writing and arithmetic and, in some rare
instances, music and dancing." A lady living in the first quarter
of the century relates that she returned from a school in
Charleston, where she had been sent to be "finished off," with
little besides a knowledge of sixty different lace stitches....

The majority of women were content, they asked no change; they
took no part in the movement for higher education except to
ridicule it. This, like every other battle for freedom which the
world has seen, was led by the few brave, strong souls who saw
the truth and dared proclaim it. In 1820 the world looked aghast
upon "bluestockings." Because a young woman was publicly examined
in geometry at one of Mrs. Emma Willard's school exhibitions, a
storm of ridicule broke forth at so scandalous a proceeding. It
was ten years after Holyoke was founded before Mary Lyon dared to
have Latin appear in the regular course, because the views of the
community would not allow it. Boston had a high school for girls
in 1825, which was maintained but eighteen months, Mayor Quincy
declaring that "no funds of any city could stand the expense."
The difficulty was that "too many girls attended." ...

In 1877 President Charles W. Eliot of Harvard protested against
the opening of the Boston Latin School to girls, saying: "I
resist the proposition for the sake of the boys, the girls, the
schools and the general interest of education." Nearly twenty
years later, he said to the Radcliffe graduates: "It is a quarter
of a century since the college doors were open to women. From
that time, where boys and girls have been educated together, it
has become a historical fact that women have taken a greater
number of honors, in proportion to their numbers, than men." It
is to be hoped that the next twenty years may work further
conversion in the mind of this learned president, and lead him to
see that equality in citizenship is as desirable as equality in
education.

One learned man prophesied that all educated women would become
somnambulists. Another declared that the perilous track to higher
education would be strewn with wrecks. There are now over thirty
thousand of these college-educated wrecks, the majority of them
engaged in the active work of the world. It was found in 1874,
when Dr. E. H. Clarke's evil prophecies as to higher education
were attracting attention, that at Antioch, opened to women in
1853, thirteen and one-half per cent. of the men graduates had
died, nine and three-fourths per cent. of the women. This did not
include war mortality or accidental death. Three of the men then
living were confirmed invalids; not one of the women was in such
a condition. The Association of Collegiate Alumnae has compiled
later and fuller statistics. The results show an increase during
the college course of from three to six per cent. in good health,
and the health after graduation to be twenty-two per cent. higher
among graduates than among women who have not been in college....

Elizabeth Blackwell applied to twelve colleges before she gained
admittance to the Geneva (N. Y.) Medical School in 1846, and
secured the first M. D. ever given to a woman in this country.
To-day 1,583 women are studying medicine. Not so full a measure
of freedom has been won in law or theology. In 1897, 131 women
were in the law schools, 193 in the theological schools, but
women are still handicapped in these professions....

Unfortunately, educational freedom has not been followed by
industrial freedom. Of the leading colleges for women but four
have women presidents; but one offers a free field to women on
its professional staff. In the majority of co-educational
colleges which give women any place as teachers, they appear in
small numbers as assistant professors and, more often, as
instructors....

With educational freedom partially won has come general interest
among collegiate and non-collegiate women in furthering the
movement. Large gifts have been bestowed for scholarships and for
colleges, both co-educational and separate. Within the last year
thirty-four women have given $4,446,400 to the cause of
education. Mrs. Stanford's munificent benefactions, and other
lesser ones, swell the amount to more than fifty millions from
women alone. As a result of the struggle for educational freedom,
we have 35,782 women in the colleges of the country.[120]

Educational freedom without political freedom is but partial.
Minerva sprang fully armed from the head of Jove; not only had
she wisdom, but she had the spear and the helmet in her
hands--every weapon of offense and defense to equip her for the
world's conquest. Standing on the threshold of the new century,
we behold the woman of the future thus armed; we see the fully
educated woman possessed of a truer knowledge of the fundamental
principles of government; we see her conscious of her
responsibilities as a citizen, and doing her part in the making
of laws and in the fulfilment of the ideal of democracy.
Educational freedom must lead to political freedom.

Mrs. Mary C. C. Bradford, a leader among Colorado women, spoke
eloquently on The Social Transformation, following the stages in
evolution expressed in the words, "I dare, I will, I am." Describing
the effects of woman suffrage, she said:

I wish I could make you all understand that the home is not
touched. Equal suffrage does not mean destruction or
disintegration but the radiation of the home--carrying it out
into the wider life of the community. The ideal of the family
must pervade society; and that is what equal suffrage is
gradually bringing about. I know you hear all sorts of things
about woman suffrage in Colorado. Not very long ago certain
Eastern papers gave great prominence to an interview with a
"distinguished citizen of Colorado," who gave a highly
unfavorable account of the workings of woman suffrage there. The
"distinguished citizen" in question was a prize-fighter who had
killed three men--a gambler driven out by woman suffrage; and he
naturally said that woman suffrage was a failure.... The great
Woman's Club of Denver is a power for good in the city; it is
carrying on schools in "the bottoms," night schools, kitchen
gardens, traveling libraries; it secured the establishment of the
State Home for Dependent Children, the removal of the emblems
from the Australian ballot, and other good things....

I would that you could all go out to Colorado and see how
subtly, yes, and how swiftly, the social transformation is going
on. It is the home transforming the State, not the State
destroying the home. A Denver paper lately said the men had found
out that in determining all questions of morality, sanitation,
etc., if the women were consulted, better results were obtained.
We have more intelligent homes because of equal suffrage. Where
children see their father and mother go to the polls together,
and hear them talk over public questions, and occasionally
express different views, they learn tolerance. A party slave will
not come out from such a home. The children will grow up seeing
that it is un-American to say that everybody in the opposite
party is either a fool or a knave. The two best features of equal
suffrage are the improvement of the individual woman and the
prospective abolition of the political "boss."

Introducing Henry B. Blackwell (Mass.) to report on Presidential
Suffrage, Miss Anthony said: "Here is a man who has the virtue of
having stood by the woman's cause for nearly fifty years. I can
remember him when his hair was not white, and when he was following up
our conventions assiduously because a bright, little, red-cheeked
woman attracted him. She attracted him so strongly that he still works
for woman suffrage, and will do so as long as he lives, not only
because of her who was always so true and faithful to the cause--Lucy
Stone--but also because he has a daughter, a worthy representative of
the twain who were made one."

On Friday evening Mrs. Ida Husted Harper gave a portion of her paper,
The Training of the Woman Journalist, which she had presented at the
International Congress in London. Miss Anna Barrows (Mass.), literary
editor of _The American Kitchen Magazine_, spoke on New Professions
for Women Centering in the Home:

The main objection made by conservative people to definite
occupations or professions for women has been that such callings
would inevitably tend to destroy the home. Once let women prove
that they can follow a trade or profession and yet make a home
for themselves and others, and such objectors have no ground
left.... The fear is sometimes expressed that the club movement
is drawing women away from home interests; but the general
attention now given to household economics by all the women's
clubs proves that women are realizing that knowledge of history,
art and science is needed to give the broad culture necessary for
the proper conduct of the home life. Although as yet few women's
colleges offer adequate courses in home economics, nevertheless
after marriage the college women begin to study household
problems with all the energy brought out by the college
training.

A very general comment on woman's desire for a share in municipal
and national government is that the servant question is yet
unsolved; that, since she has not succeeded in governing her own
domain, she has no rights outside of it. By going outside of her
home as an employee herself she is learning to deal with this
problem. It has been necessary for women to have thorough
business training in other directions before they could discover
how unbusinesslike were the methods pursued in the average
household. The more women have gone out of their homes into new
occupations, the more they have realized that the home is
dependent upon the same principles as the business world. The
business woman understands human nature, and therefore can deal
successfully with the butcher, the baker and other tradespeople.
She has a power of adapting herself to new conditions which is
impossible to her sister accustomed only to the narrow treadmill
of housework.

Specialization is the tendency of the age, and by wise attention
to this in the household, as elsewhere, enough time should be
saved to each community for the world's work to be done in fewer
hours, and for men and women to have time besides to be
homemakers and good citizens. Little by little one art and craft
after another has been evolved into the dignity of a profession,
while housework as a whole has been left to untrained workers.
Needle work, cookery and cleaning are dependent on the
fundamental principles of all the natural sciences.... There is
need also of trained women to lead public sentiment to recognize
the dignity of manual labor.

The statesmanlike paper of Mrs. Isabella Beecher Hooker (Conn.) on the
Duty of Woman Citizens of the United States in the Present Political
Crisis, was read by Mrs. Mary Seymour Howell (N. Y.), who enforced its
sentiments by earnest and stirring remarks of her own. Mrs. Mary
Church Terrell, A. M. of Oberlin College, president of the National
Association of Colored Women and a member of the Washington School
Board, considered the Justice of Woman Suffrage:

....To assign reasons in this day and time why it is unjust to
deprive one-half of the human race of rights and privileges
freely accorded to the other, which is neither more deserving nor
more capable of exercising them, seems like a reflection upon the
intelligence of the audience. As a nation we professed long ago
to have abandoned the principle that might makes right. Before
the world we pose to-day as a government whose citizens have the
right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. And yet, in
spite of these lofty professions and noble sentiments, the
present policy of this government is to hold one-half of its
citizens in legal subjection to the other, without being able to
assign good and sufficient reasons for such a flagrant violation
of the very principles upon which it was founded.

When one observes how all the most honorable and lucrative
positions in Church and State have been reserved for men,
according to laws which they themselves have made so as to debar
women; how, until recently, a married woman's property was under
the exclusive control of her husband; how, in all transactions
where husband and wife are considered one, the law makes the
husband that one--man's boasted chivalry to the disfranchised sex
is punctured beyond repair.

These unjust discriminations will ever remain, until the source
from which they spring--the political disfranchisement of
woman--shall be removed. The injustice involved in denying woman
the suffrage is not confined to the disfranchised sex alone, but
extends to the nation as well, in that it is deprived of the
excellent service which woman might render....

The argument that it is unnatural for woman to vote is as old as
the rock-ribbed and ancient hills. Whatever is unusual is called
unnatural, the world over. Whenever humanity takes a step forward
in progress, some old custom falls dead at our feet. Nothing
could be more unnatural than that a good woman should shirk her
duty to the State.

If you marvel that so few women work vigorously for political
enfranchisement, let me remind you that woman's success in almost
everything depends upon what men think of her. Why the majority
of men oppose woman suffrage is clear even to the dullest
understanding. In all great reforms it is only the few brave
souls who have the courage of their convictions and who are
willing to fight until victory is wrested from the very jaws of
fate.

In treating of Women in the Ministry, the Rev. Ida C. Hultin (Mass.)
considered what is known as "the woman movement" from a broad and
philosophical standpoint, which carried conviction and disarmed
opposition.

At the opening of the Saturday evening meeting a telegram was read
from the Executive Committee of the National Anti-Trust Conference, in
session at Chicago: "Hearty congratulations to the distinguished
president of the Woman Suffrage Association, and hopes that Miss
Anthony may enjoy many years of added happiness and honor. This
cordial salutation includes Elizabeth Cady Stanton and all of the
noble souls who have wrought so great a work in the liberation and
advancement of the women of this country." A letter was read also from
Frank Morrison, secretary of the American Federation of Labor, with
the following resolution, which was passed by the convention held in
Detroit, Mich., the previous December:

WHEREAS, Disfranchised labor, like that of the enslaved, degrades
all free and enfranchised labor; therefore,

_Resolved_, That the American Federation of Labor earnestly
appeals to Congress to pass a resolution submitting to the
Legislatures of the several States a proposition for a Sixteenth
Amendment to the Federal Constitution that shall prohibit the
States from disfranchising United States citizens on account of
sex.

Miss Anthony expressed her satisfaction that equal suffrage was
endorsed by "the hard-working, wage-earning men of the country, each
of them with a good solid ballot in his hand."

Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby (D. C.) gave a historical sketch of Our Great
Leaders, replete with beauty and pathos. Miss Kate M. Gordon spoke
entertainingly on the possibilities of A Scrap of Suffrage.[121] In
presenting her Miss Anthony said: "The right of taxpaying women in
Louisiana to vote upon questions of taxation is practically the first
shred of suffrage which those of any Southern State have secured, and
they have used it well. They deserve another scrap, and I think they
will get it before some of us do who have been asking for half a
century."

Miss Gail Laughlin, a graduate of Wellesley and of the Law Department
of Cornell University, discussed Conditions of the Wage-Earning Women
of Our Country, saying in part:

"Wage-earner" among women is used in a broad sense. All women
receiving money payment for work are proud to be called
wage-earners, because wage-earning means economic independence.
The census of 1890 reports nearly 400 occupations open to women,
and nearly 4,000,000 women engaged in them. But government
reports show the average wages of women in large cities to be
from $3.83 to $6.91 per week, and the general average to be from
$5.00 to $6.68. In all lines women are paid less than men for the
same grade of work, and they are often compelled to toil under
needlessly dangerous and unsanitary conditions. If the people of
this country want to advance civilization, they have no need to
go to the islands of the Pacific to do it.

How are these evils to be remedied? By organization, suffrage,
co-operation among women, and above all, the inculcation of the
principle that a woman is an individual, with a right to choose
her work, and with other rights equal with man. Our law-makers
control the sanitary conditions and pay of teachers. Here is work
for the women who have "all the rights they want." When one of
these comfortably situated women was told of the need of the
ballot for working women, she held up her finger, showing the
wedding ring on it, and said, "I have all the rights I want." The
next time that I read the parable of the man who fell among
thieves and was succored by the good Samaritan, methought I could
see that woman with the wedding ring on her finger, passing by on
the other side.

It is said that every woman who earns her living crowds a man
out. That argument is as old as the trade guilds of the
thirteenth century, which tried to exclude women. The Rev. Samuel
G. Smith of St. Paul, who has recently declared against women in
wage-earning occupations, stands to-day just where they did seven
hundred years ago....[122]

Mrs. Helen Adelaide Shaw (Mass.), in A Review of the Remonstrants, was
enthusiastically received. Young, handsome and a fine elocutionist,
her imitation of the "remonstrants" and their objections to woman
suffrage convulsed the audience and was quite as effective as the most
impassioned argument.

The speakers of the convention were invited to fill a number of
pulpits in Washington Sunday morning and evening. In the Unitarian
Church, where the Rev. Ida C. Hultin preached, there was not standing
room. The Rev. Anna Howard Shaw gave the sermon at the Universalist
Church, of which the _Post_ said:

Never in the history of the church had such a crowd been in
attendance. The lecture rooms on either side of the auditorium
had been thrown open, and these, as well as the galleries, were
crowded almost to suffocation. Women stood about the edges of the
room, and seats on window sills were at a premium. Outside in the
vestibules of the church women elbowed one another for points of
vantage on the gallery stairs, where an occasional glimpse might
be caught of the handsome, dark-eyed, gray-haired woman who
looked singularly appropriate at the pulpit desk. The
congregation hung upon every word, and her remarks, sometimes
bitter and caustic, were met with a hum of approval from the
crowded auditorium.

Perhaps eight-tenths of the congregation were women. Miss Shaw's
pulpit manner is easy, but her words are emphasized by gestures
which impress her hearers with a sense of the speaker's
earnestness. Her voice, while sweet and musical, is strong, and
carries a tone of conviction. Her subject last night was
"Strength of Character." The text was chosen from Joshua, 1:9:
"Have I not commanded thee? Be strong and of good courage; be not
afraid, neither be thou dismayed; for the Lord thy God is with
thee whithersoever thou goest."

In the opening remarks the speaker said it was now time that
women asserted their rights. "Men have no right to define for us
our limitations. Who shall interpret to a woman the divine
element in her being? It is for me to say that I shall be free.
No human soul shall determine my life for me unless that soul
will stand before the bar of God and take my sentence. Men who
denounce us do so because they are ignorant of what they do.
Woman has broken the silence of the century. Her question to God
is, 'Who shall interpret Thee to me?' The churches of this day
have not begun to conceive of what Christianity means.

"It is not true that all women should be married and the managers
of homes. There is not more than one woman in five capable of
motherhood in its highest possible state, and I may say that not
one man in ten is fitted for fatherhood. We strongly advocate
that no woman and man should marry until they are instructed in
the science of home duties. Instead of woman suffrage breaking up
families, it has just the opposite effect. In the State of
Wyoming where it has existed thirty years, there is a larger per
cent. of marriages and a less of divorces than in any other State
in the Union. Because a woman is a suffragist is no reason that
she may not be a good housekeeper. The two most perfect
housekeepers I ever knew in my life were members of my
congregation in New England--one was a suffragist and the other
had no thought of the rights of women." ...

After the services almost every woman in the congregation crowded
forward to shake the hand of the speaker.

On Monday evening the national character of the convention was
conspicuously demonstrated, as the speakers represented the East, the
South, the Middle West and the Pacific Slope. Mrs. Florence Howe Hall
(N. J.), the highly educated daughter of Mrs. Julia Ward Howe, read a
charming farce entitled The Judgment of Minerva, the suffragists and
the antis, as goddesses, bringing their cause before Jupiter, with a
decision, of course, in favor of the former. Miss Diana Hirschler, a
young lawyer of Boston, presented Woman's Position in the Law in a
paper which was in itself an illustration of the benefit of a legal
training. Mrs. Virginia D. Young (S. C.) told the Story of Woman
Suffrage in the South, and sketched the history of the progressive
Southern woman, beginning as follows:

The woman suffragists of the South have suffered in the pillory
of public derision. It has been as deadly a setting up in the
stocks as ever New England practiced on her martyrs to freedom.
The women who have led in this revolt against old ideals have had
to be as heroic as the men who stormed San Juan heights in the
contest for Santiago de Cuba....

It is out of date to be carried in a sedan chair when one can fly
around on a bicycle, and though in our conservative South, we
have still some preachers with Florida moss on their chins, who
storm at the woman on her wheel as riding straight to hell, we
believe, with Julian Ralph, that the women bicyclists "out-pace
their staider sisters in their progress to woman's emancipation."

Clark Howell, the brilliant Georgian, in his recent address
before the Independent Club, set people to talking about him,
from Niagara Falls in the East to the Garden of the Gods in the
West, by his elucidations of "The Man with his Hat in his Hand;"
but I propose to show you to-night a greater--the Woman With Her
Bonnet Off, who speaks from the platform in a Southern city. You
know how the women of the stagnant Orient stick to their veils,
coverings for head and face, outward signs of real slavery. The
bonnet is the civilized substitute for the Oriental veil, and to
take it off is the first manifestation of a woman's resolve to
have equal rights, even if all the world laugh and oppose.

In South Carolina the first newspaper article in favor of woman
suffrage written by a woman over her own name, was met by the
taunt that she had imbibed her views from the women of the North.
But this was merely ignorance of history, for the story of woman
suffrage in the South really antedates that in New England. The
new woman of the new South, who asks for equal rights with her
brother man, is in the direct line of succession to that
magnificent "colonial dame," Mistress Margaret Brent of Maryland,
who asked for a vote in the Colonial Assembly after the death of
her kinsman, Lord Baltimore, who had endowed her with powers of
attorney. Margaret Brent antedated Abigail Adams by over a
century.

Mrs. Annie L. Diggs, State librarian, depicted Municipal Suffrage in
Kansas, with the knowledge of one who had been a keen observer and an
active participant.[123] Mrs. Abigail Scott Duniway described the work
which had been and would be done in the interest of the approaching
suffrage amendment campaign in Oregon.

On Tuesday evening Mrs. Mabel Loomis Todd (Mass.), under the head of
The Village Beautiful, told what might be accomplished toward the
beautifying of towns and cities if the authority and the means were
allowed to women. This was followed by a strong, clear business talk
from Mrs. A. Emmagene Paul, superintendent of the Street-Cleaning
Department of the First Ward, Chicago, who told how "crooked
contractors and wily politicians" at first began to cultivate her.
They found, however, that they could not shake her determination to
make them live up to their contracts; they had agreed to clean the
streets, they were receiving pay for that purpose, and she, as an
inspector, was there to see that the contracts were lived up to. Mrs.
Paul was appointed when the municipal government adopted a civil
service system, and holds her position by virtue of its examination.
She has checkmated the contractor and politician, and has accomplished
a long-needed reform in the street-cleaning department of
Chicago.[124]

An interesting description of The Russian Woman was given by Madame
Sofja Levovna Friedland, who said that there is little suffrage for
either men or women in Russia, but such as there is both alike
possess. Mrs. Amy K. Cornwall, president of the Colorado Equal
Suffrage Association, related the work accomplished by the women of
her State since they had been enfranchised; "only six years," she
said, "and yet we are expected to have cleaned up all Colorado,
including Denver." Grace Greenwood (Mrs. Sara J. Lippincott) was
introduced by Miss Anthony as a suffragist of thirty years' standing.
The audience was greatly amused by her recital of the answers which
she had made to the "remonstrants" more than a quarter of a century
ago, showing that they were using then exactly the same objections
which are doing service to-day. Several of the speakers having failed
to appear, a very unusual occurrence, Mrs. May Wright Sewall,
president of the International Council of Women, was pressed into
service by Miss Anthony. She introduced her address gracefully by
saying: "We women think we believe in freedom, but we are often told
that we love best the tyrant who can make us obey, and I can testify
to the truth of it," motioning toward Miss Anthony. She then made an
eloquent and convincing plea for the enfranchisement of women.

The mornings were devoted to committee reports and to ten-minute
reports from each of the States, often the most interesting features
of the convention. The afternoons were given to Work Conferences, when
all the various details of the work were discussed under the
leadership of those who had proved most competent--methods of
organization, of holding conventions, etc. The treasurer, Mrs. Upton,
stated that the receipts for the past year were $10,345; that the
association had an indebtedness of about $1,400, and Miss Anthony,
desiring to leave it entirely free from debt, had raised almost all of
this amount herself; that the books now showed every bill to be paid.
Before the close of the convention almost $10,000 were subscribed
toward the work of the coming year. It was decided to hold a National
Suffrage Bazar in New York City before the holidays in order to add to
this fund.[125]

Mrs. Chapman Catt, chairman of the Organization Committee, reported
that with the secretary of the committee, Miss Mary G. Hay, she had
visited twenty States, lecturing and attending State conventions,
giving fifty-one lectures and traveling 13,000 miles. Ten thousand
letters had been sent out from the office.

The comprehensive report of Mrs. Elnora M. Babcock (N. Y.), chairman
of the Press Committee, showing the remarkable success achieved in
securing the publication of articles on suffrage, seemed to offer the
best possible proof of an increasing favorable public sentiment.
Articles had been furnished regularly to 1,360 newspapers; 3,675 had
been prepared on the present convention and birthday celebration;
altogether 31,800 weekly articles had been sent out and, so far as
could be ascertained, all had been published. The number of papers
which would use plate matter on suffrage was limited only by the money
which could be commanded to supply it.

Miss Anthony, in reporting for the Congressional Committee, made a
good point when she said:

One reason why so little has been done by Congress is because
none of us has remained here to watch our employes up at the
Capitol. Nobody ever gets anything done by Congress or by a State
Legislature except by having some one on hand to look out for it.
We need a Watching Committee. The women can not expect to get as
much done as the railroads, the trusts, the corporations and all
the great moneyed concerns. They keep hundreds of agents at the
national Capital to further their interests. We have no one here,
and yet we expect to get something done, although we labor under
the additional disadvantage of having no ballots to use as a
reward or punishment. Whatever takes place in Washington is felt
to the circumference of the country. I have had nearly all the
States send petitions to Congress asking that upon whatever terms
suffrage is extended to the men of Hawaii and our other new
possessions, it may be extended to the women, and it is this
which has stirred up the anti-suffragists in Massachusetts, New
York and Illinois to their recent demonstrations.... Mrs. Harper
has culled extracts from all the favorable congressional reports
we have had during the past thirty years, and we have made a
pamphlet of them, which will be laid on the desk of every member
of Congress.[126]

Mary F. Gist, Anna S. Hamilton and Emma Southwick Brinton were
introduced as fraternal delegates from the Woman's National Press
Association; Mrs. William Scott, from the Universal Peace Union; Dr.
Agnes Kemp, from the Peace Society of Philadelphia; Elizabeth B.
Passmore from the Baltimore Yearly Meeting of Friends. Letters of
greeting were received from Mrs. Priscilla Bright McLaren of Scotland,
Mrs. Mary Foote Henderson, of Washington, D. C., and many others.

Among the memorial resolutions were the following:

In reviewing the gains and losses of the past year, we recall
with profound regret the loss of those tried and true workers for
woman's enfranchisement, George W. and Mrs. Henrietta M. Banker
of New York, who died within a few days of each other. "Lovely in
life, in death they were not divided." Although we shall sorely
miss their genial and inspiring presence, they will continue by
the munificent provisions of their wills to aid the cause.

We are also saddened by the news just received of the decease of
Dr. Elizabeth C. Sargent of San Francisco, our valued co-worker
in the recent California Suffrage Campaign, and daughter of our
lifelong friends, U. S. Senator Aaron A. and Mrs. Ellen Clark
Sargent. All advocates of equal suffrage unite in offering to the
bereaved mother their heartfelt sympathy in her loss.

A vote of thanks was passed to Bishop Spaulding of Peoria, Ills.,
Bishop McQuaid of Rochester, N. Y. (Catholics), and the Rev. Frank M.
Bristol of the M. E. Metropolitan Church, Washington (the one attended
by President McKinley), for their recent sermons referring favorably
to woman suffrage. These were the more noticeable as during this
convention Cardinal Gibbons of Baltimore devoted his Sunday discourse
to a terrific arraignment of society women and those asking for the
suffrage, denouncing them alike as destroyers of the home, etc.

The National Association requested the appointment by President
McKinley of Mrs. Bertha Honoré Palmer as National Commissioner from
the United States to the Paris Exposition, and of Mrs. May Wright
Sewall as delegate to represent the organized work of women in the
United States. Both of these appointments were afterwards made.

The corresponding secretary read invitations for the next annual
convention from the Citizens' Business League of Milwaukee; the
Business Men's League and the Mayor of Cincinnati; the Chamber of
Commerce of Detroit; the Business Men's League of San Antonio; the
Cleveland Business Men's Convention League; the Suffrage Society of
Buffalo and the following: "The Minnesota Woman Suffrage Association
takes great pride in being able to invite you most cordially to hold
your annual meeting for 1901 in the city of Minneapolis. We guarantee
$600 towards expenses and more if necessary. Enclosed are invitations
from the Board of Trade, the Mayor and our three daily newspapers, all
assuring us of financial backing." This was signed by Mrs. Martha J.
Thompson, president, and Dr. Ethel E. Hurd, corresponding secretary.
The invitation was accepted.

The usual hearings were held Tuesday morning, February 13, in the
Marble Room of the Senate and the committee room of the House
Judiciary, both of which were crowded to the doors, the seats being
filled with women while members of Congress stood about the sides of
the room. That before the Senate Committee--John W. Daniel (Va.),
chairman; James H. Berry (Tenn.); George P. Wetmore (R. I.); Addison
G. Foster (Wash.)--was confined to a historical résumé of the movement
for woman suffrage, the speakers being presented by Miss Anthony. The
Work with Congress was carefully delineated by Mrs. Colby, who
concluded: "Everything that a disfranchised class could do has been
done by women, and never in the long ages in which the love of freedom
has been evolving in the human heart has there been such an effort by
any other class of people. Surely it ought to win the respect and
support of every man in this republic who has a brain to understand
the blessings of liberty and a heart to beat in sympathy with a
struggle to obtain it."[127]

Municipal Suffrage in Kansas was described by Mrs. Laura M. Johns.
Woman Suffrage in Colorado was presented by Mrs. Bradford. Mrs.
Harriot Stanton Blatch told of Woman Suffrage in England, closing as
follows:

We have heard about the suffrage in the Western States of
America, and the reply always is: "Oh, that is all very well for
thinly populated countries." Now I am going to tell you a little
of the suffrage question in England, not a thinly populated
country, with its 20,000,000 of people crowded in that small
space.

Gentlemen of the committee, I would like to draw your attention
to one thing, which is true in America as well as in
England--that nothing has been given to women gratuitously. They
have had at each step to prove their ability before you gave them
anything else. In 1870 England passed the Education Act, which
gave women the right to sit on the school boards and to vote for
them. It was the first time they had had elective school boards
in England; before that all the education had been controlled by
church organizations, who had appointed boards of managers. Women
had been appointed to those boards and so admirable had been
their work that when the law was passed in 1870 many women stood
for election and were elected, and in three cases they came in at
the head of the polls. Five years after that a verdict was passed
upon the work of those women as school officials, for in 1875,
women were allowed to go on the poor-law boards. In 1894 the law
was further modified so that it contemplated the possibility of a
larger circle of poor-law guardians. Before that there had been a
high qualification--occupation of a house of a certain rental,
etc., but now that was all pushed aside. What was the result?
Nearly 1,000 women are now sitting on the poor-law boards of
England; 94 on the great board of London itself.

These local boards deal with the great asylums, with the great
pauper schools, with the immense poorhouses and, more than that,
they deal with one of the largest funds in England, the outdoor
and indoor relief. What has been the verdict upon the work of
those women on the poor-law board? In 1896 there was the
question, when this law was extended to Ireland, whether women
should be put on those boards. The vote in Parliament was 272 in
favor of the women and only 8 against. Eight men only, so unwise,
so foolish, left in the great English Parliament, who said it was
not for women to deal with those immense bodies of pauper
children, not for women to deal with this outdoor relief fund,
not for women to deal with the unfortunate mothers of
illegitimate children....

Women in England, qualified women, have every local vote,
everything which would correspond with your State and municipal
vote here, they have all except the Parliamentary vote.

In England we have opponents, just as you have here. I do not
know whether they are more illogical or less so, but they
certainly do one extraordinary thing--they are in favor of
everything that has been won and take advantage of it. A large
number of the 2,000 women who are sitting on the various local
bodies in England are opposed to the Parliamentary vote for their
sex, and yet they are really in political life. Now, gentlemen,
if you want to have the women stop coming here, give us the vote
and then we won't come; give the "antis" the vote, and then they
will have the political life that they are really longing for.

Almost always, if you analyze the anti-suffrage idea in either a
man or a woman you find it is anti-democratic. I have begun to
think that I am the only good democrat left in America. I believe
in the very widest possible suffrage. Why do I believe it?
Because I have lived and seen the other thing in England, and I
have seen that as democracy broadened politics was purified. That
has been the history from the beginning. No politics in the world
was more corrupt than the English at the beginning of this
century, but as democracy has come farther and farther into the
field, England has become politically one of the purest nations
in the world.

The paper on Woman Suffrage in the British Isles and Colonies was
prepared by Miss Helen Blackburn, editor of the _Englishwoman's
Review_; and Woman Suffrage in Foreign Countries was described by Mrs.
Jessie Cassidy Saunders. The last address was given by Mrs. Carrie
Chapman Catt (N. Y.), Why We Ask for the Submission of an Amendment:

A survey of the changes which have been wrought within the past
hundred years in the status of women--educational, social,
financial and political--fills the observing man or woman with a
feeling akin to awe. No great war has been fought in behalf of
their emancipation; no great political party has espoused their
cause; no heroes have bled and died for their liberty; yet words
fail utterly to measure the distance between the "sphere" of the
woman of 1800 and that of the woman of 1900. How has the
transformation come? What mysterious power has brought it?

On the whole, men and women of the present rejoice at every right
gained and every privilege conceded. Not one jot or tittle would
they abate the advantage won; yet when the plea is made that the
free, self-respecting, self-reliant, independent, thinking women
of this generation be given the suffrage, the answer almost
invariably comes back, "When women as a whole demand it, men will
consider it." This answer carries with it the apparent
supposition that all the changes have come because the majority
of women wanted them, and that further enlargement of liberty
must cease because the majority do not want it. Alas, it is a
sad comment upon the conservatism of the average human being that
not one change of consequence has been desired by women as a
whole, or even by a considerable part. It would be nearer the
truth to say women as a whole have opposed every advance.

The progress has come because women of a larger mold, loftier
ambitions and nobler self-respect than the average have been
willing to face the opposition of the world for the sake of
liberty. More than one such as these deserve the rank of martyr.
The sacrifice of suffering, of doubt, of obloquy, which has been
endured by the pioneers in the woman movement will never be fully
known or understood....

With the bold demand for perfect equality of rights in every walk
of life the public have compromised. Not willing to grant all,
they have conceded something; and by repeated compromises and
concessions to the main demand the progress of woman's rights has
been accomplished.

There are two kinds of restrictions upon human liberty--the
restraint of law and that of custom. No written law has ever been
more binding than unwritten custom supported by popular opinion.
At the beginning of our century both law and custom restricted
the liberty of women.

It was the edict of custom which prohibited women from receiving
an education, engaging in occupations, speaking in public,
organizing societies, or in other ways conducting themselves like
free, rational human beings. It was law which forbade married
women to control their own property or to collect their own
wages, and which forbade all women to vote. The changes have not
come because women wished for them or men welcomed them. A
liberal board of trustees, a faculty willing to grant a trial, an
employer willing to experiment, a broad-minded church willing to
hear a woman preach, a few liberal souls in a community willing
to hear a woman speak--these have been the influences which have
brought the changes.

There is no more elaborate argument or determined opposition to
woman suffrage than there has been to each step of progress....
Had a vote been taken, co-education itself would have been
overwhelmingly defeated. In 1840, before women had studied or
practiced medicine, had it been necessary to obtain permission to
do so by a vote of men or women, 8,000 graduated women physicians
would not now be engaged in the healing art in our country. In
1850, when vindictive epithets were hurled from press, pulpit and
public in united condemnation of the few women who were
attempting to be heard on the platform as speakers, had it been
necessary to secure the right of free public speech through
Legislatures or popular approval, the voices of women would still
be silent.... The rights of women have come in direct opposition
to the popular consensus of opinion. Yet when they have once
become established, they have been wanted by women and welcomed
by men.

There are a few fanatics who, if they could, would force the
women of this generation back into the spheres of their
grandmothers. There are some pessimists who imagine they see all
natural order coming to a speedy end because of the enlarged
liberties and opportunities of women. There are sentimentalists
who believe that the American home, that most sacred unit of
society, is seriously imperiled by the tendencies of women to
adopt new duties and interests. But this is not the thought of
the average American. There are few intelligent men who would be
willing to provide their daughters no more education than was
deemed proper for their grandmothers, or who would care to
restrict them to the old-time limited sphere of action. Thinking
men and women realize that the American home was never more
firmly established than at the present time, and that it has
grown nobler and happier as women have grown more self-reliant.
The average man and woman recognize that the changes which have
come have been in the interest of better womanhood and better
manhood, bringing greater happiness to women and greater
blessings to men. They recognize that each step gained has
rendered women fitter companions for men, wiser mothers and far
abler units of society.

The public acknowledges the wisdom, the common sense, the
practical judgment of the woman movement until it asks for the
suffrage. In other words, it approves every right gained because
it is here, and condemns the one right not yet gained because it
is not here.

Had it been either custom or statutory law which forbade women to
vote, the suffrage would have been won by the same processes
which have gained every other privilege. A few women would have
voted, a few men and women would have upheld them, and, little by
little, year after year, the number of women electors would have
increased until it became as general for women to vote as it is
for men. Had this been possible the women would be voting to-day
in every State in the Union; and undoubtedly their appearance at
the polls would now be as generally accepted as a matter of fact
as the college education. But, alas, when this step of
advancement was proposed, women found themselves face to face
with the stone wall of Constitutional Law, and they could not
vote until a majority of men should first give their consent.
Indeed the experiment was made to gain this sacred privilege by
easier means. The history of the voting of Susan B. Anthony and
others is familiar to all, but the Supreme Court decided that the
National Constitution must first be amended. It therefore becomes
a necessity to convert to this reform a majority of the men of
the whole United States.

When we recall the vast amount of illiteracy, ignorance,
selfishness and degradation which exists among certain classes of
our people the task imposed upon us is appalling. There are whole
precincts of voters in this country whose united intelligence
does not equal that of one representative American woman. Yet to
such classes as these we are asked to take our cause as the court
of final resort. We are compelled to petition men who have never
heard of the Declaration of Independence, and who have never
read the Constitution, for the sacred right of self-government;
we are forced to appeal for justice to men who do not know the
meaning of the word; we are driven to argue our claim with men
who never had two thoughts in logical sequence. We ask men to
consider the rights of a citizen in a republic and we get the
answer in reply, given in all seriousness, "Women have more
rights now than they ought to have;" and that, too, without the
faintest notion of the inanity of the remark or the emptiness of
the brain behind it.

When we present our cause to men of higher standing and more
liberal opinion, we find that the interest of party and the
personal ambition for place are obstacles which prevent them from
approving a question concerning whose popularity there is the
slightest doubt.

The way before us is difficult at best, not because our demand is
not based upon unquestioned justice, not because it is not
destined to win in the end, but because of the nature of the
processes through which it must be won. In fact the position of
this question might well be used to demonstrate that observation
of Aristotle that "a democracy has many striking points of
resemblance with tyranny...."

It is for these reasons, gentlemen, that we appeal to your
committee to aid in the submission of a Sixteenth Amendment. Such
an amendment would go before the Legislatures of our country
where the grade of intelligence is at least higher than we should
find in the popular vote.

Though you yourselves may doubt the expediency of woman suffrage,
though you may question the soundness of our claim, yet, in the
name of democracy, which permits the people to make and amend
their constitutions, and in the name of American womanhood,
prepared by a century of unmeasured advance for political duties,
we beg your aid in the speedy submission of this question. We ask
this boon in the direct interest of the thousands of women who do
want to vote, who suffer pangs of humiliation and degradation
because of their political servitude. We ask it equally in the
indirect interest of the thousands of women who do not want to
vote, as we believe their indifference or opposition is the same
natural conservatism which led other women to oppose the college
education, the control of property, the freedom of public speech
and the right of organization.

Years ago George William Curtis pleaded for fair play for women.
It is the same plea we are repeating. We only petition for fair
play, and this means the submission of our question to the most
intelligent constituency which has power to act upon it. If we
shall fail, we will abide by the decision. That is, we will wait
till courage has grown stronger, reason more logical, justice
purer, in the positive knowledge that our cause will eventually
triumph. As the daughters of Zelophehad appealed to Moses and his
great court for justice, so do the daughters of America appeal to
you.

Miss Anthony closed the hearing in a speech whose vigor, logic and
eloquence were accentuated in the minds of the hearers by the thought
that for more than thirty years she had made these pleas before
congressional committees, only to be received with stolid indifference
or open hostility. She began by saying: "In closing I would like to
give a little object lesson of the two methods of gaining the
suffrage. By one it is insisted that we shall carry our question to
what is termed a popular vote of each State--that is, that its
Legislature shall submit to the electors the proposition to strike the
little adjective "male" from the suffrage clause. We have already made
that experiment in fifteen different elections in ten different
States. Five States have voted on it twice." She then summarized
briefly the causes of the defeats in the various States, and
continued:

Now here is all we ask of you, gentlemen, to save us women from
any more tramps over the States, such as we have made now fifteen
times. In nine of those campaigns I myself, made a canvass from
county to county. In my own State of New York at the time of the
constitutional convention in 1894, I visited every county of the
sixty--I was not then 80 years of age, but 74....

There is an enemy of the homes of this nation and that enemy is
drunkenness. Every one connected with the gambling house, the
brothel and the saloon works and votes solidly against the
enfranchisement of women, and, I say, if you believe in chastity,
if you believe in honesty and integrity, then do what the enemy
wants you not to do, which is to take the necessary steps to put
the ballot in the hands of women....

I pray you to think of this question as you would if the one-half
of the people who are disfranchised were men, if we women had
absolute power to control every condition in this country and you
were obliged to obey the laws and submit to whatever arrangements
we made. I want you to report on this question exactly as if the
masculine half of the people were the ones who were deprived of
this right to a vote in governmental affairs. You would not be
long in bringing in a favorable report if you were the ones who
were disfranchised and denied a voice in your Government. If it
were not women--if it were the farmers of this country, the
manufacturers, or any class of men who were robbed of their
inalienable rights, then we would see that class rising in
rebellion, and the Government shaken to its very foundation; but
being women, being only the mothers, daughters, wives and sisters
of men who constitute the aristocracy, we have to submit.

The Rev. Anna Howard Shaw (Penn.) presided over the hearing before the
House Judiciary Committee.[128] The Constitutional Argument was made
by Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake (N. Y.), who said in the course of a
long and logical address:

We find that it is declared in Article IV, Section 4, that "the
United States shall guarantee to every State in the Union a
republican form of Government." What is a republican form of
Government? In a monarchy, the theory is that all power flows
directly from the monarch; even in constitutional monarchies each
concession has been obtained "by consent of our gracious
sovereign." When the laws are based on the idea that the caprices
of the ruler regulate the privileges granted to the people, it is
at least logical, even if it is cruel, to refuse the right of
suffrage to any class of the community. You will agree that this
is not a monarchy, where power flows from the sovereign to the
people, but a republic, where the sovereign people give to the
Executive they have chosen the power to carry out their will. Can
you really claim that we live under a republican form of
government when one-half the adult inhabitants are denied all
voice in the affairs of the nation? It may be better described as
an oligarchy, where certain privileged men choose the rulers who
make laws for their own benefit, too often to the detriment of
the unrepresented portion of our people, who are denied
recognition as completely as was ever an oppressed class in the
most odious form of oligarchy which usurped a government.

Article XIV, Section 2, provides that "Representation shall be
apportioned among the several States according to their
respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each
State, excluding Indians, not taxed." What sort of justice is
there in excluding from the basis of representation Indians who
are not taxed and including in this basis women who are taxed?
The framers of this amendment were evidently impressed with the
tenet that taxation and representation should be associated, and
that as the Indian paid no taxes, and was not, therefore, forced
to carry the burdens of citizenship, he might, with justice, be
denied the privileges of citizenship. But by what specious
reasoning can any one maintain that it is honest to tax the great
body of women citizens, to count them in the basis of
representation, and yet deny to them the right of personal
representation at the ballot box? What excuse can be made for
this monstrous perversion of liberty? Each one of you, gentlemen,
sits here as the representative of thousands of women who, by
their money, have helped to build this Capitol in which you
assemble and to pay for the seats in which you sit; nay, more,
they pay a part of the salary of every man here, and yet what
real representation have they? How often do you think of the
women of your States and of their interests in the laws you pass?
How much do you reflect on the injustice which is daily and
hourly done them by denying to them all voice in this body,
wherein you claim to "represent the people" of your respective
States....

Some years ago, when the bill regulating affairs in Utah was
under discussion Senator Edmunds said, "Disfranchisement is a
cruel and degrading penalty, that ought not to be inflicted
except for crime." Yet this cruel and degrading penalty is
inflicted upon practically all the women of the United States. Of
what crime have we been guilty? Or is our mere sex a fault for
which we must be punished? Would not any body of men look upon
disfranchisement as "a cruel and degrading penalty?" Suppose the
news were to be flashed across our country to-morrow that the
farmers of the nation were to be disfranchised, what indignation
there would be! How they would leave their homes to assemble and
protest against this wrong! They would declare that
disfranchisement was a burden too heavy to be borne; that if they
were unrepresented laws would be passed inimical to their best
interests; that only personal representation at the ballot box
could give them proper protection; and they would hasten here,
even as we are doing, to entreat you to remove from them the
burden of "the cruel and degrading penalty of disfranchisement."

And now, I desire to call your attention to a series of
declarations in the Constitution which prove beyond all
possibility of contravention that the Government has solemnly
pledged itself to secure to the women of the nation the right of
suffrage.

Article XIV, Section 1, declares that "All persons born or
naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction
thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State
wherein they reside." The women of this country are, then,
citizens thereof and entitled to all the rights of citizens.

Article XV speaks of "the right of a citizen to vote," as if that
were one of the most precious privileges of citizenship, so
precious that its protection is embodied in a separate amendment.

If we now turn to Article IV, Section 2, we find it declares that
"the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the
privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States."

What do these assertions mean? Is there one of you who can
explain away these noble guarantees of the right of individual
representation at the ballot box as mere one-sided phrases,
having no significance for one-half the people? No. These grand
pledges are abiding guarantees of human freedom, honest promises
of protection to all the people of the republic.

You, gentlemen, have sworn to carry out all the provisions of the
Constitution. Does not this oath lay upon you the duty of seeing
that this great pledge is kept and that the Fifty-sixth Congress
sets its mark in history by fulfilling these guarantees and
securing the ballot to the millions of women citizens, possessing
every qualification for the intelligent use of this mighty weapon
of liberty?

The Dome of this Capitol is surmounted by a magnificent statue
representing the genius of American freedom. How is this mighty
power embodied? As a majestic woman, full-armed and panoplied to
protect the liberty of the republic. Is not this symbol a mockery
while the women of the country are held in political slavery? We
ask you to insist that the pledges of the republic shall be
redeemed, that its promises shall be fulfilled, and that American
womanhood shall be enfranchised.

Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton (N. Y.), as had been her custom during all
the years since she had ceased to appear in person before these
committees, sent a strong appeal for justice, beginning as follows:

In adjusting the rights of citizens in our newly-acquired
possessions, the whole question of suffrage is again fairly open
for discussion in the House of Representatives; and as some of
the States are depriving the colored men of the exercise of this
right and all of the States, except four, deny it to all women, I
ask Congress to submit an amendment to the National Constitution
declaring that citizens not allowed a voice in the Government
shall not be taxed or counted in the basis of representation.

To every fair mind, such an amendment would appear pre-eminently
just, since to count disfranchised classes in the basis of
representation compels citizens to aid in swelling the number of
Congressmen who may legislate against their most sacred
interests. If the Southern States that deny suffrage to negro men
should find that it limited their power in Congress by counting
in the basis of representation only those citizens who vote, they
would see that the interests of the races lay in the same
direction. A constitutional amendment to this effect would also
rouse the Northern States to their danger, for the same rule
applied there in excluding all women from the basis of
representation would reduce the number of their members of
Congress one-half. And if the South should continue her suicidal
policy toward women as well as colored men, her States would be
at a still greater disadvantage....

By every principle of our republic, logically considered, woman's
emancipation is a foregone conclusion. The great "declarations,"
by the fathers, regarding individual rights and the true
foundations of government, should not be glittering generalities
for demagogues to quote and ridicule, but eternal laws of
justice, as fixed in the world of morals as are the laws of
attraction and gravitation in the material universe.

In regard to the injustice of taxing unrepresented classes, Lord
Coke says: "The supreme power can not take from any man his
property without his consent in person or by representation. The
very act of taxing those who are not represented appears to me to
deprive them of one of their most sacred rights as free men, and
if continued, seems to be in effect an entire disfranchisement of
every civil right; for what one civil right is worth a rush when
a man's property is subject to be taken from him without his
consent?

Woman's right to life, liberty and happiness, to education,
property and representation, can not be denied, for if we go
back to first principles, where did the few get the right,
through all time, to rule the many? They never had it, any more
than pirates had the right to scour the high seas, and take
whatever they could lay hands upon.

Miss Elizabeth Sheldon Tillinghast (Conn.) considered The Economic
Basis of Woman Suffrage:

....However we may explain it, and whether we like it or not,
woman has become an economic factor in our country and one that
is constantly assuming larger proportions. The question is now
what treatment will make her an element of economic strength
instead of weakness as at present. The presence of women in
business now demoralizes the rate of wages even more than the
increase in the supply of labor. Why? Principally because she can
be bullied with greater impunity than voters--because she has no
adequate means of self-defense. This seems a hard accusation, but
I believe it to be true.

Trade is a fight--an antagonism of interests which are
compromised in contracts in which the economically stronger
always wins the advantage. There are many things that contribute
to economic strength besides ability, and among them the most
potent is coming more and more to be the power which arises from
organization expressing itself in political action. Without
political expression woman's economic value is at the bottom of
the scale. She is the last to be considered, and the
consideration is usually about exhausted before she is reached.

She must do better work than men for equal pay or equal work for
less pay. In spite of this she may be supplanted at any time by a
political adherent, or her place may be used as a bribe to an
opposing faction. Women are weak in the business world because
they are new in it; because they are only just beginning to learn
their economic value; because their inherent tendencies are
passive instead of aggressive, which makes them as a class less
efficient fighters than men.

For these reasons women are and must be for years, if not for
generations, economically weaker than men. Does it appeal to any
one's sense of fairness to give the stronger party in a struggle
additional advantages and deny them to the weaker one? Would that
be considered honorable--would it be considered tolerable--even
among prize-fighters? What would be thought of a contest between
a heavy-weight and a feather-weight in which the heavy-weight was
allowed to hit below the belt and the feather-weight was confined
to the Marquis of Queensberry's rules? And yet these are
practically the conditions under which women do business in
forty-one of our States.

While the State does not owe any able-bodied, sound-minded man or
woman a living, it does owe them all a fair--yes, even a generous
opportunity to earn their own living, and one that shall not be
prolonged dying. I do not claim that woman suffrage would be a
panacea for all our economic woes. But I do claim that it would
remove one handicap which women workers have to bear in addition
to all those they share in common with men. I do claim that the
men of the future will be healthier, wiser and more efficient
wealth-producers if their mothers are stimulated by a practical
interest in public affairs. I do claim that that nation will be
the strongest in which the economic conditions are the most
nearly just to all, and in which co-operation and altruism are
the most completely incorporated in the lives of the people.

Mrs. Hala Hammond Butt (Miss.) discussed The Changed Intellectual
Qualifications of the Women of this Century, with the intense
eloquence of Southern women, and closed as follows:

There are mighty forces striving within our souls--a latent
strength is astir that is lifting us out of our passive sleep.
Defenseless, still are we subject to restrictions, bonds as
illogical in theory as unjust in practice. Helpless, we may
formulate as we will; but demonstrate we may not. The query
persists in thrusting itself upon my mind, why should I be
amenable to a law that does not accord me recognition? Why,
indeed, should I owe loyalty and allegiance to a Government that
stamps my brow with the badge of servility and inferiority?

Our human interests are identical--yours and mine; our paths not
far apart; we have the same loves, the same hates, the same
hopes, the same desires; a common origin, a common need, a common
destiny. Our moral responsibilities are equal, our civil
liabilities not less than yours, our social and industrial
exactions equally as stringent as yours, and yet--O, crowning
shame of the nineteenth century!--we are denied the garb of
citizenship. Gentlemen, is this justice?

Mrs. Catharine Waugh McCulloch, auditor of the National Suffrage
Association and a member of the Chicago bar, demonstrated The
Protective Power of the Ballot:

The spirit of struggle against oppression and dependence is in
the air, and all have breathed it in--women as well as men. They,
too, feel the desire for freedom, opportunity, progress; the wish
for liberty, a share in the government, emancipation. The
practical method by which these aspirations can be realized is
through the ballot. It is the insignia of power. The Outlander
wants it; so does the Filipino, the Slav, the Cuban; so do women.
Women need the ballot not only for the honor of being esteemed
peers among freemen, but they want it for the practical value it
will be in protecting them in the exercise of a citizen's
prerogatives....

But, it is asked, "Have not women had some sort of protection
without the ballot?" Yes, but it has been only such protection
as the caprice or affection of the voting class has given,
gratuities revocable at will. The man of wealth or power defends
his wife, daughter or sweetheart because she is his, just as he
would defend his property. His own opinions, not her views,
decide him concerning the things from which she should be
protected. Should she ever need protection against "her
protector," there is no one to give it....

Entrance into remunerative employments in many instances has been
denied women. In many of the States the professions of law,
medicine, dentistry and all the elective offices are closed by
statute. Appointive positions, also, which women might legally
hold are practically withheld from them because of their lack of
the ballot. The appointing power--president, governor, mayor,
judge or commissioner--all owe their own positions to voters who
expect some minor appointment in acknowledgment of service.

Even large private corporations not supposed to be influenced by
politics have occasionally desired and received governmental help
and protection. In return, the employes of these enterprises have
been advised to vote for the party which has protected their
employers' business. At a caucus, a street parade and on election
day, the 500 or 10,000 or 100,000 persons employed in a certain
industry make a considerable political showing if they are all
voters. On such occasions women employes are of no value. Women
refused employment in various enterprises not alone are injured
in their feelings, but they are not protected in their right to
earn food, shelter and clothes.

There are many different kinds of employment which do not debar
women, but even in these they need protection in securing a fair
return for their labor. In an investigation conducted by the U.
S. Department of Labor concerning the wages received by men and
women it appeared that in 75 per cent. of the 782 instances
investigated, men received 50 per cent. higher wages than did
women laboring with the same degree of efficiency on the same
kind of work.

Women also need protection of their property. A man who knows the
inside truth says, "Widows and minors are always assessed higher
than men." If the assessor desires re-election, one of the
easiest methods of securing it is to lower the assessments of the
politicians who control most voters....

Women also want protection for the one sphere which even the most
conservative loudly proclaim should be theirs--the home. That the
water supply is good and abundant, that the sewage is carried
away properly and speedily, that contagious cases are isolated,
that food is pure in quality and reasonable in price, that
inspection of food is honest and scientific, that weights and
measures are true, that gas and electricity are inexpensive, that
buildings are strongly constructed--these are all matters under
the control of certain officials elected by voters....

Women, too, want protection for the children, proper regulations
in regard to the schools, the trains at crossings, seducers,
tramps and child abductors. They want strict laws against obscene
literature and the unhealthy cigarette; and what is equally
important, honest enforcement of such laws and ordinances....

One class can not, will not, legislate better for all classes
than they can do for themselves. So men alone can not legislate
better for women and men than can the two for both. Women need
the ballot to protect themselves and all that they hold dear.

The hearing was closed by Miss Shaw, who said in ending her remarks:

Dire results have been predicted at every step of radical
progress. When women first enjoyed higher education the cry went
out that the home would be destroyed. It was said that if all the
women were educated, all would become bluestockings, and if all
women became bluestockings all would write books, and if all
women wrote books what would become of the homes, who would rear
the children? But the schools were opened and women entered them,
and it has been discovered that the intelligent woman makes a
wiser mother, a better homemaker and a much more desirable
companion, friend and wife than a woman who is illiterate, whose
intellectual horizon is narrowed.

In many of the States where the statutes were based on the old
English common law, the husband absorbed the wife's property as
he absorbed her personal rights. Then came the demand for
property rights for wives, but the cry went up they will desert
their homes. Then it was found there were thousands of women who
could have no home if they were not permitted to pursue
avocations in the outside world. And then it was said that the
moral life of women would be degraded by public contact. Yet the
statistics show that in those occupations in which women are able
to earn a livelihood in an honorable and respectable manner they
have raised the standard of morality rather than lowered it.

The results have not been those which were predicted. The homes
have not been broken up; for human hearts are and always will be
the same, and so long as God has established in this world a
greater force than all other forces combined--which we call the
divine gravity of love--just so long human hearts will continue
to be drawn together, homes will be founded, families will be
reared; and never so good a home, never so good a family, as
those founded in justice and educated upon right principles.
Consequently the industrial emancipation of women has been of
benefit to the home, to women and to men.

The claim is made that we are building a barrier between men and
women; that we are antagonistic because men are men and we are
women. This is not true. We believe there never was a time when
men and women were such good friends as now, when they esteemed
each other as they do now. We have coeducation in our schools;
boys and girls work side by side and study and recite together.
When coeducation was first tried men thought they would easily
carry off the honors; but soon they learned their mistake. That
experience gave to men a better opinion of woman's intellectual
ability.

There is nothing in liberty which can harm either man or woman.
There is nothing in justice which can work against the highest
good of humanity; and when on the ground of expediency this
measure is opposed, in the words of Wendell Phillips, "Whatever
is just, God will see that it is expedient." There is no greater
inexpediency than injustice....

We do not ask the ballot because we do not believe in men or
because we think men unjust or unfair. We do not ask to speak for
ourselves because we believe men unwilling to speak for us; but
because men by their very nature never can speak for women. It
would be as impossible for all men to understand the needs of
women and care for their interests as it would be for all women
to understand the needs and care for the interests of men. So
long as laws affect both men and women, both should make the
laws.

Gentlemen, we leave our case with you. I wish those who oppose
this measure could know the great need of the power of the ballot
in the hands of those who struggle in the world's affairs. I
thank you in the name of our association for your kindness in
listening to us. There will never be laid before you a claim more
just--one more in accord with the fundamental principles of our
national life.

No one can read the arguments for the enfranchisement of women as
presented before these two committees without a profound conviction of
the justice of their cause and the imperative duty of those before
whom they pleaded it to report in favor of submitting the desired
amendment. This report would simply have placed the matter before the
respective Houses of Congress. But neither committee took any action
whatever and as far as practical results were concerned these eloquent
pleas fell upon deaf ears and hardened hearts.

A unique feature was added to the hearings this year because, for the
first time, the advocates of woman suffrage were opposed before the
committees by a class of women calling themselves "remonstrants." The
_Woman's Journal_ said:

About a dozen women from New York and Massachusetts, with one
from Delaware, came to Washington and made public speeches before
Congressional Committees to prove that a woman's place is at
home. They said they were led to take this action by their alarm
at the activity of the National-American W. S. A.

The party of "antis" who came to the Senate hearing in the Marble
Room would not have been able to get in but for Miss Anthony. As
this room accommodates only about sixty persons, admission was by
tickets, and these had been issued to delegates only. The
"antis," having no tickets, were turned away; but Miss Anthony,
learning who they were, persuaded the doorkeeper to admit them,
introduced them herself to the chairman of the committee, and
placed them in good seats near the front, where they certainly
heard more about the facts of equal suffrage than they ever did
before.[129]

Mrs. Arthur M. Dodge and Miss Bissell addressed the Senate
Committee on Woman Suffrage, and Mr. Thomas Russell, Mrs. A. J.
George, Miss Emily Bissell and Mrs. Rossiter Johnson addressed
the House Judiciary Committee. In each case they secured the last
word, to which they were not entitled either by equity or custom,
by asking to speak at the conclusion of the suffrage hearing. It
was trying to have to listen to egregious misstatements of fact,
and to hear the _Woman's Journal_ audaciously cited as authority
for them, without a chance to reply.

The time for these hearings belonged exclusively to the suffrage
delegates, the chairmen of the two congressional committees stating
that they would appoint some other day for the "remonstrants." The
delegates, however, declaring that they had no objections, the "antis"
were permitted to read their papers at the close of the suffrage
hearing, thus having the benefit of the large audiences, but
furnishing a vast amount of amusement to the suffragists.[130]

The _Woman's Journal_ said in its perfectly fair description:

The chairman of the House Committee asked Mrs. A. J. George of
Massachusetts, who conducted the hearing for the "antis," a
number of questions that she could not answer, and Thomas Russell
of that State had to prompt her repeatedly. The chairman would
ask a question; Mrs. George would look nonplussed; Mr. Russell
would lean over and whisper, "Say yes," and she would answer
aloud "Yes." The chairman would ask another question; Mr. Russell
would whisper, "Say no," and Mrs. George would answer "No." This
happened so often that both the audience and the committee were
visibly amused, and several persons said it was Mr. Russell who
was really conducting the hearing. He is a Boston lawyer who has
conducted the legislative hearings for the "antis" in
Massachusetts for some years.

Mrs. Dodge, in her speech, begged the committee not to allow the
"purely sentimental reasons of the petitioners" to have any weight,
and said: "The mere fact that this amendment is asked as a compliment
to the leading advocate of woman suffrage on the attainment of her
eightieth birthday, is evidence of the emotional frame of mind which
influences the advocates of the measure, and which is scarcely
favorable to the calm consideration that should be given to
fundamental political principles." Miss Anthony's birthday had not
been mentioned by any speaker before either committee, and the
suffragists under her leadership had been making their pleas and
arguments for a Sixteenth Amendment for over thirty years.

As the suffrage speakers were not permitted to answer the
misstatements and prevarications of the "remonstrants" at the time of
the hearings and these were widely circulated through the press, the
convention passed the following resolutions on motion of Miss Alice
Stone Blackwell:

WHEREAS, At this morning's Congressional hearing letters were
read by the anti-suffragists from two men and one woman in
Colorado, asserting equal suffrage in that State to be a failure;
therefore,

_Resolved_, That we call attention to a published statement
declaring that the results are wholesome and that none of the
predicted evils have followed. This statement is signed by the
Governor and three ex-Governors of Colorado, the Chief Justice,
all the Judges of the State Supreme Court, the Denver District
Court and the Court of Appeals; all the Colorado Senators and
Representatives in Congress; President Slocum of Colorado
College, the president of the State University, the State
Superintendent of Public Instruction, the Attorney-General, the
mayor of Denver, prominent clergymen of different denominations,
and the presidents of thirteen of the principal women's
associations of Denver. The social science department of the
Denver Woman's Club has just voted unanimously to the same
effect, and the Colorado Legislature lately passed a similar
resolution by a vote of 45 to 3 in the House and 30 to 1 in the
Senate. On the other hand, during the six years that equal
suffrage has prevailed in Colorado the opponents have not yet
found six respectable men who assert over their own names and
addresses that it has had any bad results.

WHEREAS, At the Congressional hearing it was asserted that equal
suffrage had led to no improvements in the laws of Colorado;
therefore,

_Resolved_, That we call attention to the fact that Colorado owes
to equal suffrage the laws raising the age of protection for
girls to eighteen years; establishing a State Home for Dependent
Children and a State Industrial School for Girls; making fathers
and mothers joint guardians of their children; removing the
emblems from the Australian ballot; prohibiting child labor; also
city ordinances in Denver providing drinking fountains in the
streets; forbidding expectoration in public places, and requiring
the use of smoke-consuming chimneys on all public and business
buildings.

This anecdote was related the next day: "Miss Anthony's love of the
beautiful leads her always to clothe herself in good style and fine
materials, and she has an eye for the fitness of things as well as for
the funny side. 'Girls,' she said yesterday, after returning from the
Capitol, 'those statesmen eyed us very closely, but I will wager that
it was impossible after we got mixed together to tell an anti from a
suffragist by her clothes. There might have been a difference, though,
in the expression of the faces and the shape of the heads,' she added
drily."

On Tuesday afternoon about two hundred members of the convention were
received by President McKinley in the East Room of the White House.
Miss Anthony stood at his right hand and, after the President had
greeted the last guest, he invited her to accompany him upstairs to
meet Mrs. McKinley, who was not well enough to receive all of the
ladies. Giving her his arm he led her up the old historic staircase,
"as tenderly as if he had been my own son," she said afterward. When
she was leaving, after a pleasant call, Mrs. McKinley expressed a wish
to send some message to the convention and she and the President
together filled Miss Anthony's arms with white lilies, which graced
the platform during the remainder of the meetings.

FOOTNOTES:

[120] The statistics used in this paper were taken from the report of
the U. S. Commissioner of Education for 1899.

[121] See chapter on Louisiana.

[122] The address of Miss Laughlin created a sensation. A member of
the United States Labor Commission was in the audience, and was so
much impressed with the power of this young woman that shortly
afterwards she was made a member of this commission to investigate the
condition of the working women of the United States. Her valuable
report was published in pamphlet form.

[123] See chapter on Kansas.

[124] Immediately after the convention, the New York _Times_ published
an alleged interview with Mrs. Paul, in which she was made to say that
she was not a believer in suffrage for women. She at once denied this
emphatically over her own signature, saying that the interview was a
fabrication and that she was an advocate of the enfranchisement of
women especially because of the need of their ballot in city
government.

[125] This was held the first week in December, 1901, and netted about
$8,000 for the association.

[126] It will be noticed in this pamphlet that all but one of the
favorable reports from congressional committees were made during the
years when Miss Anthony had a winter home at the Riggs House, through
the courtesy of its proprietors, Mr. and Mrs. C. W. Spofford, and was
able to secure them through personal attention and influence. There
were always some members of these committees who were favorable to
woman suffrage, but with the great pressure on every side from other
matters, this one was apt to be neglected unless somebody made a
business of seeing that it did not go by default. This Miss Anthony
did for many years, and during this time secured the excellent reports
of 1879, 1882, 1883, 1884, 1886 and 1890. The great speech of Senator
T. W. Palmer, made February 6, 1885, was in response to her insistence
that he should keep his promise to speak in favor of the question. In
1888-90 Mrs. Upton, who was residing in Washington with her father,
Ezra B. Taylor, M. C., did not permit the Judiciary Committee to
forget the report for that year, which was the first and only
favorable House Report.

[127] For account of the work of the association before Congress see
Chap. I.

[128] George W. Ray, N. Y., chairman; John J. Jenkins, Wis.; Richard
Wayne Parker, N. J.; Jesse Overstreet, Ind.; De Alva S. Alexander, N.
Y.; Vespasian Warner, Ill.; Winfield S. Kerr, O.; Charles E.
Littlefield, Me.; Romeo H. Freer, W. Va.; Julius Kahn, Calif.; William
L. Terry, Ark.; David A. De Armond, Mo.; Samuel W. T. Lanham, Tex.;
William Elliott, S. C.; Oscar W. Underwood, Ala.; David H. Smith, Ky.;
William H. Fleming, Ga.

[129] That this was a mistaken courtesy was proved by subsequent
events, as afterwards Mrs. Dodge came out with a card in the New York
_Sun_ denying that they were admitted through the intervention of Miss
Anthony.

[130] In the official Senate report of the hearing the arguments of
the suffragists filled forty pages; those of the "antis" five pages.
They consisted of brief papers by Mrs. Dodge and Miss Bissell. The
former took the ground that the Congress should leave this matter to
be decided by the States; that women are not physically qualified to
use the ballot; and that its use by them would render "domestic
tranquillity" a byword among the people. Miss Bissell began by saying,
"It is not the tyranny but the chivalry of men that we have to fear,"
and opposed the suffrage principally because the majority of women do
not want it, saying, "I have never yet been so situated that I could
see where a vote could help me. If I felt that it would, I might
become a suffragist perhaps."

CHAPTER XXI.

THE NATIONAL-AMERICAN CONVENTION OF 1900 CONTINUED.

It had been known for some time before the suffrage convention of Feb.
8-14, 1900, that Miss Anthony intended to resign the presidency of the
national association at that time, when she would be eighty years old,
but her devoted adherents could not resist urging that she would
reconsider her decision. When they assembled, however, they found it
impossible to persuade her to continue longer in the office. The
Washington _Post_ of February 8 said:

Miss Susan B. Anthony has resigned. The woman who for the greater
part of her life has been the star that guided the National Woman
Suffrage Association through all of its vicissitudes until it
stands to-day a living monument to her wonderful mental and
physical ability has turned over the leadership to younger minds
and hands, not because this great woman feels that she is no
longer capable of exercising it, but because she has a still
larger work to accomplish before her life's labors are at an end.
In a speech which was characteristic of one who has done so much
toward the uplifting of her sex, Miss Anthony tendered her
resignation during the preliminary meeting of the executive
committee, held last night at the headquarters in the parlors of
the Riggs House.

Although Miss Anthony had positively stated that she would resign
in 1900, there were many of those present who were visibly
shocked when she announced that she was about to relinquish her
position as president of the association. In the instant hush
which followed this statement a sorrow settled over the
countenances of the fifty women seated about the room, who love
and venerate Miss Anthony so much, and probably some of them
would have broken down had it not been that they knew well her
antipathy to public emotion. In a happy vein, which soon drove
the clouds of disappointment from the faces of those present, she
explained why she no longer desired to continue as an officer of
the association after having done so since its beginning.

"I have fully determined," she began, "to retire from the active
presidency of the association. I was elected assistant secretary
of a woman suffrage society in 1852, and from that day to this
have always held an office. I am not retiring now because I feel
unable, mentally or physically, to do the necessary work, but
because I wish to see the organization in the hands of those who
are to have its management in the future." Then jestingly she
continued: "I want to see you all at work, while I am alive, so I
can scold if you do not do it well. Give the matter of selecting
your officers serious thought. Consider who will do the best work
for the political enfranchisement of women, and let no personal
feelings enter into the question."

While Miss Anthony seemed at the height of her physical and mental
vigor, those who loved her best felt it to be right that she should be
relieved of the burdens of the office which were growing heavier each
year as the demands upon the association became more numerous, and
should be free to devote her time to certain lines of work which could
be done only by herself. They tried to imitate her own cheerfulness
and philosophy in this matter, but found it more difficult than it
ever before had been to follow where she led.

The last of the resolutions, presented to the convention a few days
later by the chairman of the committee, Henry B. Blackwell, read as
follows: "In view of the announced determination of Miss Susan B.
Anthony to withdraw from the presidency of this association, we tender
her our heartfelt expression of appreciation and regard. We
congratulate her upon her eightieth birthday, and trust that she will
add to her past illustrious services her aid and support to the
younger workers for woman's enfranchisement. We shall continue to look
to her for advice and counsel in the years to come. May the new
century witness the fruition of our labors."

This was unanimously adopted by a rising vote. Observing that many of
the delegates were on the point of yielding to their feelings, Miss
Anthony arose and in clear, even tones, with a touch of quaint humor,
said:

I wish you could realize with what joy and relief I retire from
the presidency. I want to say this to you while I am still
alive--and I am good yet for another decade--don't be afraid. As
long as my name stands at the head, I am Yankee enough to feel
that I must watch every potato which goes into the dinner-pot and
supervise every detail of the work. For the four years since I
fixed my date to retire, I have constantly been saying to myself,
"Let go, let go, let go!" I am now going to let go of the
machinery but not of the spiritual part. I expect to do more work
for woman suffrage in the next decade than ever before. I have
not been for nearly fifty years in this movement without gaining
a certain "notoriety," at least, and this enables me to get a
hearing before the annual conventions of many great national
bodies, and to urge on them the passage of resolutions asking
Congress to submit to the State Legislatures a Sixteenth
Amendment to the Federal Constitution forbidding disfranchisement
on account of sex. This is a part of the work to which I mean to
devote myself henceforward. Then you all know about the big fund
which I am going to raise so that you young workers may have an
assured income and not have to spend the most of your time
begging money, as I have had to do.

The convention proceeded to the election of officers. Mrs. Lillie
Devereux Blake (N. Y.), who was a candidate for president, asked
permission to make a personal explanation and said: "I have received
from many parts of the United States expressions of regard and esteem
that have deeply touched me. But in the interests of harmony I desire
to withdraw my name from any consideration you may have wished to give
me." Of the 278 votes cast for president Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt (N.
Y.) received 254; eleven of the remaining twenty-four were cast for
Miss Anthony and ten for Mrs. Blake. The other members of the old
board were re-elected almost unanimously.[131]

The Washington _Post_ said: "There was a touching scene when the vote
for Mrs. Chapman Catt was announced. First there was an outburst of
applause, and then as though all at once every one realized that she
was witnessing the passing of Susan B. Anthony, their beloved
president, the deepest silence prevailed for several seconds. Lifelong
members of the association, who had toiled and struggled by the side
of Miss Anthony, could not restrain their emotions and wept in spite
of their efforts at control." The Washington _Star_ thus described the
occasion:

Mrs. Blake not being in the hall, Miss Anthony was made a
committee of one to present Mrs. Catt to the convention. The
women went wild as, erect and alert, she walked to the front of
the platform, holding the hand of her young co-worker, of whom
she is extremely fond and of whom she expects great things. Miss
Anthony's eyes were tear-dimmed, and her tones were uneven, as
she presented to the convention its choice of a leader in words
freighted with love and tender solicitude, rich with
reminiscences of the past, and full of hope for the future of the
new president and her work.

"Suffrage is no longer a theory, but an actual condition," she
said, "and new occasions bring new duties. These new duties,
these changed conditions, demand stronger hands, younger heads
and fresher hearts. In Mrs. Catt you have my ideal leader. I
present to you my successor."

By this time half the women were using their handkerchiefs on
their eyes and the other half were waving them in the air.

The object of all this praise stood with downcast eyes and evidently
was deeply moved. At length she said in response:

Good friends, I should hardly be human if I did not feel
gratitude and appreciation for the confidence you have shown me;
but I feel the honor of the position much less than its
responsibility. I never was an aspirant for it. I consented only
six weeks ago to stand. I was not willing to be the next
president after Miss Anthony. I have known that there was a
general loyalty to her which could not be given to any younger
worker. Since Miss Anthony announced her intention to retire,
there have been editorials in many leading papers expressing
approval of her--but not of the cause. She has been much larger
than our association. The papers have spoken of the new president
as Miss Anthony's successor. Miss Anthony never will have a
successor.

A president chosen from the younger generation is on a level with
the association, and it might suffer in consequence of Miss
Anthony's retirement if we did not still have her to counsel and
advise us. I pledge you whatever ability God has given me, but I
can not do this work alone. The cause has got beyond where one
woman can do the whole. I shall not be its leader as Miss Anthony
has been; I shall be only an officer of this association. I will
do all I can, but I can not do it without the co-operation of
each of you. The responsibility much overbalances the honor, and
I hope you will all help me bear the burden.

[Illustration: MRS. CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT.

Successor of Miss Susan B. Anthony as President of National-American
Woman Suffrage Association.]

It was voted on motion of Mrs. Rachel Foster Avery to make Miss
Anthony honorary president, which was done with applause and she
observed informally: "You have moved me up higher. I always did stand
by Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and my name always was after hers, and I am
glad to be there again."

The press notices said of the new officer:

Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, the newly-elected president of the
National Suffrage Association, is a young and handsome woman with
a charming personality, and is one of the most eloquent and
logical speakers upon the public platform. For the past five
years she has been lecturer and organizer for the association,
where she has shown rare executive ability and earnestness of
purpose.

She has traveled from east to west and from north to south many
times, lectured in nearly every city in the Union and has been
associated with every important victory that equal suffrage has
won of late years. She was in Colorado during the amendment
campaign, and the women attribute their success to her more than
to any other person from outside the State. She was in Idaho,
where all four political parties put suffrage planks into their
platforms and the amendment carried. She went before the
Louisiana constitutional convention, by the earnest invitation of
New Orleans women, and it gave tax-paying women the right to vote
upon all questions submitted to the tax-payers.

It had been known for several years that Mrs. Chapman Catt was Miss
Anthony's choice as her successor; she was considered the
best-equipped woman in the association for the position, and the vote
of the delegates showed how nearly unanimous was her election. The
Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, who for a number of years had been
vice-president-at-large, could have had Miss Anthony's sanction and
the unanimous vote of the convention if she would have consented to
accept the office.

Mrs. Chapman Catt opened the next day's meeting by saying:

A surprise was promised as part of this afternoon's program and a
pleasant duty now falls to me. It is to present Miss Anthony with
the spirit of a gift, for the gift itself is not here. Suffrage
people from all over the world go to see Miss Anthony at her home
in Rochester, N. Y., and consequently the carpets of the parlor
and sitting-room are getting a little worn. When she goes home
she will find two beautiful Smyrna rugs fitting the floors of
those two rooms--the gift of her suffrage friends. I am also
commissioned to present her with an album. Some of our naughty
officers have been making fun of it and saying that albums are
all out of date; but this one contains the photographs of all the
presidents of the State Suffrage Associations, and the chairmen
of standing committees. No collection of "antis" could be found
that would present in their faces as much intelligence and
strength of character.

Miss Anthony expressed her thanks, and said: "These girls have
disproved the old saying that a secret can not be kept by a woman, for
I have not heard a word of a rug or a picture."

From the Utah Silk Commission composed of women came a handsome black
brocaded dress pattern, the work of women, from the tending of the
cocoons to the weaving of the silk. A beautiful solid silver vase was
presented from "the free women of Idaho." There was also from this
State an album of two hundred pages of pen drawings, water colors and
pressed flowers, with a sentiment on each page, the contributions of
as many individuals. California sent more than one hundred dollars.
From every State came gifts of money, silver-plate, fine china, sofa
cushions, books, pictures, exquisite jewelry, lace, chatelaine bags
and every token which loving hearts could devise. To each Miss Anthony
responded with a terse sentence or two, half tender, half humorous;
the audience entered fully into the spirit of it all, and the
convention was like a big family enjoying the birthday of one of its
members.

Of the last session on February 14, the Washington _Post_ said:

A vast audience consisting of both men and women witnessed at the
Church of Our Father, last evening, the passing of Susan B.
Anthony as president of the National Suffrage Association. It was
the final evening session of the Thirty-second annual convention,
which, Miss Anthony announced at its close, had been the most
successful from every point of view of any ever held.

Long before the opening hour arrived the church was completely
filled, and people stood eight and ten deep in the aisles, sat
around the edge of the speakers' platform and filled the
approaches to the church. Miss Anthony and many of the other
speakers, who arrived at eight o'clock, had great difficulty in
reaching the platform.

John C. Bell, member of Congress from Colorado, made the opening
address in which he said: "The greatest obstruction to human progress
is human prejudice. As long as men are controlled more by their
prejudices than by their reason, they will be slaves to habit. If
women had voted from the foundation of the Government it would now be
as difficult to deprive them of this privilege as it would be to
repeal the Bill of Rights, but as the men have done the voting from
the beginning, the force of habit is successfully battling with both
reason and justice." He refuted the charge that woman suffrage made
dissension in families, saying: "You must bear in mind that the
extending of the elective franchise to women not only elevates and
broadens them but the men as well."

The address of Mrs. Blatch on Woman and War was among the most notable
of the convention. She declared that one of the good effects of war
was that "it made women work." The _Post_ said: "Mrs. Harriot Stanton
Blatch, a daughter of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, whose present home is in
England, laid the blame of all the British reverses in the Transvaal
at the door of what she termed 'the evils of an idle aristocracy.' In
a most dramatic manner she denounced the course of the British Empire.
After summing up the war situation she said: 'The English armies now
on the battle-fields in the Transvaal have at their heads as officers
sons of this idle aristocracy, who through their incompetency are not
fit to be leaders. They are beneath contempt, but to the English
soldier all honor is due. He is all right.'"

The speech of the pioneer Quaker suffragist, Mrs. Caroline Hallowell
Miller (Md.), delighted the audience, and her comparison of Abraham
Lincoln and Susan B. Anthony, "both having devoted their lives to
freedom," was enthusiastically received. Then occurred one of the
pleasant diversions so characteristic of these suffrage conventions.
During the interval while the collection was being taken, Mrs. Helen
Mosher James, niece of Miss Anthony, stepping to the front of the
platform, said: "This is the Rev. Anna Shaw's birthday. Her friends
wish to present her with an easy chair to await her when she comes
back wearied from going up and down the land, satchel in hand, on her
many lecture tours. Here are fifty-three gold dollars, one for each
year of her life, and we wish her to buy such a chair as suits her
best."

In response the little minister said in part: "I am not like Miss
Anthony, so used to having gifts poured in upon me that I know just
what to say. I shall buy the chair when I have been told what is the
correct thing to buy by another niece of Miss Anthony's, who for
twelve years has made a home for me. If you want to see a pretty
little spot, come to our home, and every one of you shall sit in _our_
chair."[132]

Then Miss Anthony, clasping the hand of Mrs. Chapman Catt, led her
forward and introduced her to the audience as "president of the
National-American Woman Suffrage Association." The _Woman's Journal_
thus described the occasion:

She was received with immense applause, the great audience rising
and waving handkerchiefs. She spoke on The Three I's, showing how
every effort of women for improvement was called, first,
indelicate, then immodest, and finally impracticable, but how all
the old objections had been proved to be, in legal phrase,
"incompetent, irrelevant and immaterial."

The woman's rights agitation began in the early days of the
republic, and a moral warfare along that line has been waged for
more than a hundred years. Each step has been fiercely contested.
The advocates of every claim have been lovers of justice and the
opponents have been adherents of conservatism. The warfare has
been waged in three distinct battles, the weapon of the opponents
always being ridicule, that of the defenders, appeals to reason.

In the early days, when colleges and public schools were closed
to women and the education of girls was confined to the three
R's, an agitation was begun to permit them to take more advanced
studies. Society received it with the cry "indelicate." At that
time delicacy was the choicest charm of woman and indelicacy was
a crushing criticism. But the battle was won.

The second great battle occurred between 1850 and 1860. Upon
every hand incorrigible woman, with a big W, arose to irritate
and torment the conservatives of the world. She appeared in the
pulpit, on the platform, in conventions, in new occupations and
in innumerable untried fields. Everywhere the finger of scorn was
pointed at her, and the world with merciless derision pronounced
her immodest. But that battle was won.

We are now in the heat of the greatest of all battles. Woman asks
for the suffrage. The world answers, "impractical." We are told
that this movement is quite different from all others because
there is an organized opposition of women themselves against it,
but the "remonstrant" is not new. This century has witnessed ten
generations of remonstrants. In 1800 the remonstrant was
horrified at the study of geography. In 1810 she accepted
geography but protested against physiology. In 1820 she accepted
physiology but protested against geometry. In 1830 she accepted
geometry but protested against the college education. In 1840 she
accepted the college but remonstrated against the property laws
for married women. In 1850 she accepted the property laws but
remonstrated against public speaking. In 1860 she protested
against the freedom of organization. In 1870 she remonstrated
against the professions for women. In 1880 she protested against
school suffrage. In 1890 she protested against women in office.
In 1900 she accepts everything that every former generation of
remonstrants has protested against and, availing herself of the
privilege of free public speech secured by this women's rights
movement, pleads publicly that she may be saved from the burden
of voting.

The remonstrant of 1800 said "indelicate," of 1850 "immodest," of
1900 "impractical." That the forces of conservatism will
surrender as unconditionally to the forces of justice in the
great battle of the impractical as they did in the battle of the
indelicate and of the immodest is as inevitable as that the sun
will rise tomorrow.

At the close of her fine address, of which this is the barest
synopsis, Miss Anthony came forward and asked triumphantly, "Do you
think the three hundred delegates made a mistake in choosing that
woman for president?"--a question which brought out renewed applause.
She then introduced to the audience the other officers, all of whom
except Mrs. McCulloch had served in their present capacity from eight
to ten years, Mrs. Avery having been corresponding secretary twenty
years. They were enthusiastically greeted. Afterwards she presented
Miss Clara Barton, the president of the Red Cross Association, an
earnest advocate of suffrage, and as the cheers for her rang out, Miss
Anthony observed, "Politically her opinion is worth no more than an
idiot's."

Miss Anthony came forward at the close of the program and, the
audience realizing that she was about to say good-bye, there was the
most profound stillness, with every eye and ear strained to the utmost
tension. A woman who loved the theatrical and posed for effect would
have taken advantage of this opportunity to create a dramatic scene
and make her exit in the midst of tears and lamentations, but nothing
could be further from Miss Anthony's nature. Her voice rang out as
strong and true as if making an old-time speech on the rights of
women, with only one little break in it, and she covered this up by
saying quickly, "Not one of our national officers ever has had a
dollar of salary. I retire on full pay!"

The Washington _Post_ said of this occasion:

The convention closed its labors with the farewell address of
Miss Anthony. The retiring president paid a magnificent tribute
to the faithful women whose aid and loyal companionship she had
enjoyed for so many years. Emphatically she declared that she
was not going to give up her efforts in behalf of that for which
she had struggled so long, and concluded: "I am grateful to this
association; I am grateful to you all, and to the world, for the
great kindness which has been mine. To-morrow I will have
finished fourscore years. I have lived to rise from the most
despised and hated woman in all the world of fifty years ago,
until now it seems as if I am loved by you all. If this is true,
then I am indeed satisfied."

Miss Anthony lost control of her voice for a moment. She soon
regained her composure, however, and, calling the officers of the
association to her side, she told of what each individual had
done for the organization. It was a pretty picture. The audience
caught the spirit of determination from Miss Anthony and a
thunderous applause and waving of handkerchiefs followed.

The great crowd sang the doxology and even then seemed unwilling to
disperse, hundreds of people staying for a hand-shake and a few
personal words with the officers and delegates.

The day following the close of the convention was the eightieth
anniversary of Miss Anthony's birth, and many suffrage advocates from
different parts of the country had come to the national capital to
assist in celebrating it. The following program was handsomely
prepared for distribution and was carried out, except that Mrs. Birney
and Dr. Smith were unavoidably absent.

CELEBRATION OF THE EIGHTIETH BIRTHDAY
OF
SUSAN B. ANTHONY,
AT THE
LAFAYETTE OPERA HOUSE, WASHINGTON, D. C., FEB'Y 15, 1900.

_Song_ John W. Hutchinson

Greetings from
National Congress of Mothers,
Mrs. Theodore Weld Birney, President
National Council of Women,
Fannie Humphreys Gaffney, President
International Council of Women,
May Wright Sewall, President

Greetings from the Professions:
Ministry Rev. Ida C. Hultin
Law Diana Hirschler
Medicine Dr. Julia Holmes Smith

_Violin Solo--Hungarian Rhapsodie (Hansen)_, Joseph H. Douglass
Greetings from
Business Women Lillian M. Hollister
Colored Women Coralie Franklin Cook
District Equal Suffrage Association Ellen Powell Thompson

Greetings from the Enfranchised States:
Wyoming Helen M. Warren
Colorado Virginia Morrison Shafroth
Utah Emily S. Richards
Idaho Mell C. Woods

"_Love's Rosary_" (poem) Lydia Avery Coonley-Ward

Greeting from Elizabeth Cady Stanton Harriot Stanton Blatch

Greeting from the National American Suffrage Association
Rev. Anna Howard Shaw

Response Susan B. Anthony

TO SUSAN B. ANTHONY.

The gibe and ridicule and social frown,
That through long years her faithful life assailed,
Are dead and vanished; as a queen now hailed,
Upon her reverend brow rests Honor's crown,
A faith that faced all adverse fortune down,
A courage that in trial never failed,
A scorn of self that grievous weight entailed,
Have blossomed into laurels of renown.
As, after days of bitter storm and blast,
The chilling wind becomes a breeze of balm,
Billows subside, and sea-tossed vessels cast
Their anchors in the restful harbor calm,
So this brave life has gained its haven blest,
Bathed in the sunset glories of the west.
WM. LLOYD GARRISON.

Birthday Celebration Committee:

CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT, Chairman, New York.
REV. ANNA HOWARD SHAW, Pennsylvania.
HARRIET TAYLOR UPTON, Ohio.
EMILY M. GROSS, Illinois.
FRANCES P. BURROWS, Michigan.
HELEN M. WARREN, Wyoming.
LUCY E. ANTHONY, Pennsylvania.
HARRIOT STANTON BLATCH, England.
MAY WRIGHT SEWALL, Indiana.
MARY B. CLAY, Kentucky.
RACHEL FOSTER AVERY, Pennsylvania.

Every large newspaper in the country had a description of what might
be properly considered an event of national interest. The Washington
_Post_ said: "The program, though a long one, was replete throughout
with stirring tributes to Miss Anthony's great career. Eloquent women
who ascribed the opportunities which they had been allowed to enjoy to
the tremendous effort to which their beloved leader had devoted her
whole life, stood before the audience and voiced their sentiments.
Tears and applause mingled swiftly as the voices of the speakers rang
through the theater, recounting the hardships, the struggles, and at
last the crowning achievements of the woman whose eightieth birthday
was being celebrated."

The _Woman's Tribune_ thus began its report:

There never has been before and, in the nature of things, there
can never be again, a personal celebration having the significant
relation to the woman suffrage movement which marked that of Miss
Anthony's eightieth birthday. When Mrs. Stanton's eightieth
birthday was celebrated five years ago she had already retired
from the active leadership of the organization; the program was
in charge of the National Council of Women and was largely in the
nature of a jubilee for the whole woman movement, although
rallying around Mrs. Stanton as a center. Lucretia Mott's
eightieth birthday came before the movement had gained the
impetus necessary for such a celebration. Lucy Stone passed on in
1893 before reaching this ripe age, and now there is no one left
in the lead who represents the earliest stage of the work but
Miss Anthony.

It was the fairest and sunniest day of all the good convention
weather, and Lafayette Opera House was full to the remotest part
of its fourth gallery with invited guests when Mrs. Chapman Catt
opened the program at 3 o'clock. On the stage were the Birthday
Committee, a large number of persons who had been thirty years or
more in the work, relatives of Miss Anthony and the national
officers. Miss Anthony's entrance while the Ladies' Mandolin Club
were playing was greeted with long-continued applause.

John W. Hutchinson was first introduced. After stating that he
had known Miss Anthony for fifty-five years, had attended in Ohio
in 1850 the second suffrage convention ever held, and had always
sympathized with the cause, he sang with a clear, far-reaching
voice a song composed by himself.

The presiding officer stated that the gains of the last
half-century in all lines relating to women were largely due to
the guest of the occasion and her fellow-workers, and said: "When
Miss Anthony began her labors there were practically no
organizations of women; now they are numbered by thousands. The
crown of the whole is the union of all organizations, the
National Council of Women. Its president will now address us."

Mrs. Gaffney said in her tribute:

....The Christian world reckoned by centuries is just coming of
age. Therefore women are beginning to put away childish things
and to realize the greatness of womanhood. They have had to let
ideals wait. They submitted to conditions because they were
afraid that if they did not man would take to the woods and
become again a wild barbarian. They were flattered by the fact
that men liked them as they were, and they failed to realize that
their power to civilize was God-given.

They needed a leader to rally them, to give them the courage of
their convictions; and such a leader Miss Anthony has been. She
spoke to the world in tones which rang out so clear and true that
they will echo down the centuries. Some who had been protected
and petted were slow to rally; others who had broader views
accepted sooner the doctrine of rights--not privileges--of rights
for all women. Miss Anthony taught us the sisterhood of woman,
and that the privileges of one class could not offset the wrongs
of another....

Mrs. Sewall, president of the International Council of Women, composed
of the Councils of thirteen nations, and the largest organization of
women in the world, said in part:

It is proper that the International Council should remember today
"to render unto Cæsar the things that are Cæsar's," and to pay
tribute to the organization which it may not regard as other than
its direct progenitor. There are certain incidents, simple in
themselves, in which probably the actors are always at the time
quite unconscious of their perennial significance, and yet which
become landmarks in the evolution of the human spirit. Such are
Thermopylæ and Marathon and Bunker Hill. Such was that first
convention at Seneca Falls.... The light from that meeting,
springing from a vital source, has vitalized every point it has
touched. Other torches lit by that have become beacon lights, and
every one has stood for the illumination of women....

In the name and in the blended tongues of the women of the
different nationalities who belong to the International Council,
I salute and congratulate you.... I beg the proud honor of
placing your name, Miss Anthony, among the list of Patrons of the
Council as a birthday gift, where it shall one day be pronounced
in every language....

The Rev. Ida C. Hultin brought the gratitude of the ministers, saying:

....Women have failed to see that the work of every woman has
touched that of every other. The woman who works with the hand
helps her who works with the brain. To-day we know there could be
no choice of work until there was freedom of choice to work. O,
beloved leader, we of the ministry, as they of all ministries of
service, bring our greetings and benediction. I hear the voices
which shall tell of the new gospel and among them are the glad
tones of women and the intonations of this one who spake in
tears, who dared to speak before other tongues were loosed. Years
will never silence that voice. Woman in her highest moods will
catch the cadence of its melody and in the future there shall be
that which will work back and forth to the enlightenment of the
world because you have lived and ever shall live....

Miss Hirschler thus closed the tribute of her profession: "In the
generations to come when courts of law shall have become courts of
justice, women lawyers will think of Susan B. Anthony as one who paved
the way and made this possible."

Mrs. Hollister said in part: "Miss Anthony has opened the portals of
activities; has dignified labor; has made it possible for women to
manage their own affairs--four millions to-day earning independent
incomes. Women have given their lives for philanthropies and reforms,
but the one we honor to-day gave hers for woman. Olive Schreiner tells
of an artist who painted a wonderful picture and none could learn what
pigments he used. When he died a wound was found over his heart; he
had painted his masterpiece with his own blood. Such women as Miss
Anthony are painting their masterpieces with their life's blood."

Mrs. Cook, with a dignity and simplicity which won the audience, said:

....It is fitting on this occasion, when the hearts of women the
world over are turned to this day and hour, that the colored
women of the United States should join in the expressions of love
and praise offered to Miss Anthony upon her eightieth birthday.
....She is to us not only the high priestess of woman's cause,
but the courageous defender of rights wherever assailed.

We hold in high esteem her strong and noble womanhood, for in her
untiring zeal, her uncompromising stand for justice to women, her
unfailing friendship for all good work, she herself is a stronger
and better argument in favor of woman's rights than the most
gifted orator could put into words. When she first championed
woman's cause, humiliation followed her footsteps and injustice
barred the door of her progress among even the most favored
classes of society; while among less enlightened and enslaved
classes the wrongs which woman suffered were too terrible to
mention. Carlyle has said, "Beware when the great God lets loose
a thinker upon this earth." When Susan B. Anthony was born, a
thinker was "let loose." Her voice and her pen have lighted a
torch whose sacred fire, like that of some old Roman temples,
dies not, but whose penetrating ray shall brighten the path of
women down the long line of ages yet to come. Our children and
our children's children will be taught to honor her memory, for
they shall be told that she has been always in the vanguard of
the immortal few who have stood for the great principles of human
rights. Grander than any achievement that has crowned the work of
woman in this woman's century has been that which has led her
away from the narrow valley of custom and prejudice up to the
lofty height where she can accept the Divine teaching that "God
hath made of one blood all nations of men."

Not until the suffrage movement had awakened woman to her
responsibility and power, did she come to appreciate the true
significance of Christ's pity for Magdalene as well as of His
love for Mary; not till then was the work of Pundita Ramabai in
far away India as sacred as that of Frances Willard at home in
America; not till she had suffered under the burden of her own
wrongs and abuses did she realize the all-important truth that no
woman and no class of women can be degraded and all womankind not
suffer thereby.

And so, Miss Anthony, in behalf of the hundreds of colored women
who wait and hope with you for the day when the ballot shall be
in the hands of every intelligent woman; and also in behalf of
the thousands who sit in darkness and whose condition we shall
expect those ballots to better, whether they be in the hands of
white women or black, I offer you my warmest gratitude and
congratulations.

Mrs. Thompson presented $200 from the District of Columbia, with the
following affectionate tribute:

....In behalf of the Suffragists of the District of Columbia,
both men and women, I am happy to say I am deputized to present
to you a gift which expresses their regard and love for you as
well as their appreciation of the almost superhuman efforts you
have made for the past fifty years to secure justice and civil
and political equality for women.

The gift is in the form of what is often called "the sinews of
war"--money. Not coarse, dead cash, such as passes from hand to
hand in everyday transactions, but money every penny of which is
alive with sincere thanks and earnest, loving wishes for
happiness and continued success in all your endeavors....

We do not hail you, love you, as one who has made woman's life
easier, strewn it with more rose leaves of idleness, shielded it
from more stress and storm, but as one who has taken the grander,
truer view, that by equally sharing stress and storm, by equal
effort and work, by equality in rights, privileges, powers and
opportunities with her other self--man--woman will evolve and
will reach her loftiest, loveliest development. Not as an apostle
of ease, parasitism and shrinking fear do we regard you, but as
the apostle, the incarnation, of work, of high courage and
deathless endeavor.

We wish our gift were myriad-fold greater, but it would never
express more appreciation of what you stand for and what you
are--a _Liberator of Woman_.

Mrs. Helen M. Warren, wife of the Senator from Wyoming, speaking in a
fine, resonant voice which would do credit to any legislative hall,
read the poem written by Miss Phoebe Cary for the celebration of Miss
Anthony's fiftieth birthday, presented her with a brooch, a little
American flag, made of gold and jewels, and said: "I feel honored on
this, your eightieth birthday, to represent the State of Wyoming which
has espoused your cause for more than thirty years. I have in my hand
a flag, which bears on its field forty-one _common_ stars and four
diamonds, representing the four progressive or suffrage
States--Wyoming, the banner State; Colorado, Utah and Idaho. The back
of the flag bears this inscription: 'Miss Anthony. From the ladies of
Wyoming, who love and revere you. Many happy returns of the day.
1820-1900.' We hope you may live to see all the common stars turn into
diamonds. With kindly greetings from Wyoming I present you this
expression of her esteem."

Mrs. Shafroth, wife of the Representative from Colorado, presented a
gift designed and made by the women of her State, saying: "It is with
great pleasure that I bring you the greeting from the sun-kissed land
of the West, where the flag which we all love, and of which we all
sing, really waves over the land of the free and the home of the
brave. Our men are brave and generous and our women are free. You and
your noble co-workers stormed the heights of ridicule and prejudice to
win this freedom for woman. In behalf of our Non-Partisan Equal
Suffrage Association, I beg you to accept this 'loving cup' of
Colorado silver."

Mrs. Emily S. Richards brought the affectionate greetings of the women
of Utah, and Mrs. Chapman Catt referred to the loving testimonials
which had been sent by the Idaho women.[133] Then after an exquisite
violin solo by Mr. Douglass, she said: "The liberties of the citizens
of the future will be still more an outgrowth of this movement than
those of the present," and to the delighted surprise of the audience
the following scene occurred, as described by the _Post_:

The most beautiful and touching part of the program was when
eighty little children, boys and girls, passed in single file
across the stage, each bearing a rose. Slowly they marched,
keeping time to music, and, as they reached the spot where Miss
Anthony sat, each child deposited a blossom in her lap, a rose
for every year. It was a surprise so complete, so wonderfully
beautiful, that for a few moments she could do nothing more than
grasp the hand of each child. Then she began kissing the little
people, and the applause which greeted this act was deafening.
The roses were distributed among the pioneers at the close of the
exercises by her request.

Mrs. Coonley-Ward of Chicago gave an eloquent poem, entitled Love's
Rosary, which closed as follows:

Behold our Queen! Surely with heart elate
At homage given to her love and power,
World-famed associate of the wise and great,
She is herself the woman of the hour.

How kindly have the years all dealt with her!
She proves that Bible promises are true;
She waited on the Lord without demur,
And He failed not her courage to renew.

Oft on the wings of eagles she uprose;
On mercy's errands have her glad feet run;
And yet no sign of weariness she shows;
She does not faint, but works from sun to sun.

Deep in her eyes burn fires of purpose strong;
Her hand upholds the sceptre of God's truth;
Her lips send forth brave words against the wrong;
Glows in her heart the joy of deathless youth.

Kindly and gentle, learned too, and wise;
Lover of home and all the ties of kin;
Gay comrade of the laughing lips and eyes;
Give us new words to sing your praises in.

Yet let us rather now forget to praise,
Remembering only this true friend to greet,
As drawing near by straight and devious ways,
We lay our hearts--love's guerdon--at her feet.

Blow, O ye winds across the oceans, blow!
Go to the hills and prairies of the West!
Haste to the tropics, search the fields of snow,
Let the world's gift to her become your quest.

Shine, sun, through prism of the waterfall,
And build us here a rainbow arch to span
The years, and hold the citadel
Of her abiding work for God and man.

What is the gift, O winds, that ye have brought?
O, sun, what legend shines your arch above?
Ah, they are one, and all things else are naught,
Take them, beloved--they are love, love, love!

Mrs. Blatch spoke eloquently for her mother, saying in part:

I bring to you, Susan B. Anthony, the greetings of your friend
and co-worker, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, greetings full of gracious
memories. When the cause for which you have worked shall be
victorious, then as is the way of the world, will it be forgotten
that it ever meant effort or struggle for pioneers; but the
friendship of you two women will remain a precious memory in the
world's history, unforgotten and unforgettable. Your lives have
proved not only that women can work strenuously together without
jealousy, but that they can be friends in times of sunshine and
peace, of stress and storm. No mere fair-weather friends have you
been to each other.

Does not Emerson say that friendship is the slowest fruit in the
garden of God? The fruit of friendship between you two has grown
through half a hundred years, each year making it more beautiful,
more mellow, more sweet. But you have not been weak echoes of
each other; nay, often for the good of each you were thorns in
the side. Yet disagreement only quickened loyalty. Supplementing
each other, companionship drew out the best in each. You have
both been urged to untiring efforts through the sympathy, the
help of each other. You have attained the highest achievement in
demonstrating a lofty, an ideal friendship. This friendship of
you two women is the benediction for our century.

The last and tenderest tribute was offered by the Rev. Anna Howard
Shaw who said, in rich, musical accents and with a manner which seemed
almost to be inspired, what can only be most inadequately reported:

A little over a hundred years ago there came men who told us what
freedom is and what freemen may become. Later women with the same
love of it in their hearts said, "There is no sex in freedom.
Whatever it makes possible for men it will make possible for
women." A few of these daring souls went forth to blaze the path.
Gradually the sunlight of freedom shone in their faces and they
encouraged others to follow. They went slowly for the way was
hard. They must make the path and it was a weary task. Sometimes
darkness settled over them and they must grope their way. Mott,
Stanton, Stone, Anthony--not one retraced her footsteps. The two
who are left still stand on the summit, great, glorious figures.
We ask, "Is the way difficult?" They answer, "Yes, but the sun
shines on us and in the valley they know nothing of its glory.
Their cry we hear and are calling back to those who are still in
the valley."

Leader, comrade, friend, no name can express what you are to us.
You might have led us as commander, and we might have followed
and obeyed, but there still might have been wanting the divine
force of unchanging love. We look up to the sunlight where you
stand and say, "We are coming." When we shall be fourscore we
shall still be calling to you, "We are coming," for you will
still be beckoning us on as you climb still loftier heights.
Souls like yours can never rest in all the eternities of God.

Then a hush fell on the people and all waited for Miss Anthony. During
the afternoon she had been sitting in a large armchair that was almost
covered by her cloak of royal purple velvet which she had thrown over
it, the white satin lining forming a lovely background for her
finely-shaped head with its halo of silver hair. No one ever had seen
her so moved as on this occasion when her memory must have carried her
back to the days of bare halls, hostile audiences, ridicule, abuse,
loneliness and ostracism by all but a very few staunch friends. "Would
she be able to speak?" many in the audience asked themselves, but the
nearest friends waited calmly and without anxiety. They never had
known her to fail. The result was thus described:

For a moment after gaining her feet, Miss Anthony stood battling
with her emotions, but her indomitable courage conquered, and she
smiled at the audience as it rose to greet her. She wore a gown
of black duchesse satin with vest and revers of fine white lace
in which were a few modest pinks, while she carried a large
bouquet of violets. The moment she began talking the shadow
passed from her face and she stood erect, with head uplifted,
full of her old-time vigor.

"How can you expect me to say a word?" she said. "And yet I must.
I have reason to feel grateful, for I have received letters and
telegrams from all over the world.[134] But the one that has
touched me the most is a simple note which came from an old home
of slavery, from a woman off of whose hands and feet the shackles
fell nearly forty years ago. That letter, my friends, contained
eighty cents--one penny for every year. It was all that this aged
person had....

I am grateful for the many expressions which I have listened to
this afternoon. I have heard the grandson of the great Frederick
Douglass speak to me through his violin. I mention this because I
remember so well Frederick Douglass when he rose at the
convention where the first resolution ever presented for woman
suffrage had his eloquence to help it....

Among the addresses from my younger co-workers, none has touched
me so deeply as that from the one of darker hue.... Nothing
speaks so strongly of freedom as the fact that the descendants of
those who went through that great agony--which, thank Heaven, has
passed away--have now full opportunities and can help to
celebrate my fifty years' work for liberty. I am glad of the
gains the half-century has brought to the women of Anglo-Saxon
birth. And I am glad above all else that the time is coming when
all women alike shall have the fullest rights of citizenship.

I thank you all. If I have had one regret this afternoon, it is
that some whom I have longed to have with me can not be here,
especially Mrs. Stanton. I want to impress the fact that my work
could have accomplished nothing if I had not been surrounded with
earnest and capable co-workers. Then, good friends, I have had a
home in which my father and mother, brothers and sisters, one and
all, stood at my back and helped me to success. I always have had
this co-operation and I have yet one sister left, who makes a
home for me and aids my work in every possible way....

I have shed no tears on arriving at a birthday ten years beyond
the age set for humanity. I have shed none over resigning the
presidency of the association. I am glad to give it up. I do it
cheerfully. And even so, when my time comes, I shall pass on
further, and accept my new place and vocation just as cheerfully
as I have touched this landmark.

I have passed as the leader of the association of which I have
been a member for so long, but I am not through working, for I
shall work to the end of my time, and when I am called home, if
there exist an immortal spirit, mine will still be with you,
watching and inspiring you.

Miss Anthony's words and manner thrilled every heart and left the
audience in a state of exaltation.

In the evening, the Corcoran Art Gallery, one of the world's beautiful
buildings, was thrown open for the birthday reception. A colored
orchestra, under the leadership of Mr. Douglass, rendered a musical
program. President Kauffman, of the Board of Trustees, presented the
visitors to the guest of honor, and the birthday committee assisted in
receiving. Although Miss Anthony had attended a business meeting in
the morning, and been the central figure in the celebration of the
afternoon lasting until 6 o'clock, she was so alert, happy and
vivacious during the entire evening as to challenge the admiration of
all. There was no picture in all that famous collection more
attractive than this white-haired woman, robed in garnet velvet,
relieved by antique fichu, collar and cuffs of old point lace. The
city press said:

For two hours, without a moment's intermission, Miss Anthony
clasped hands with those who were presented to her and listened
to congratulatory expressions. A number of local organizations of
women, and also the entire membership of the Washington College
of Law, for women, attended the reception in a body.

On the second floor hung her fine portrait which was presented to
the Corcoran Gallery of Art last night by Mrs. John B. Henderson,
wife of the former Senator from Missouri. The portrait is in oil
and represents Miss Anthony in full profile, attired in black
with lace at the throat, and about her shoulders the red shawl
which has come to be regarded as the emblem of her office as
president of the National Association.

During the two hours it seemed as if every one who greeted Miss
Anthony had met her at some time or at some place long ago.
Everybody wanted to stop and converse with her, and in the brief
minute they stood before her they plied her with countless
questions. In speaking of the event after she had returned to the
Riggs House, she said: "Wasn't it wonderful? It seemed as if
every other person in that vast throng had met me before, or that
I had during my long life been a visitor at the home of some of
their relatives. It was grand. It was beautiful. It is good to be
loved by so many people. It is worth all the toil and the
heartaches."

From a little band apparently leading a forlorn hope, almost
universally ridiculed and condemned, Miss Anthony had increased her
forces to a mighty host marching forward to an assured victory. From a
condition of social ostracism she had brought them to a position where
they commanded respect and admiration for their courageous advocacy of
a just cause. The small, curious, unsympathetic audiences of early
days had been transformed into this great gathering, which represented
the highest official life of the nation's capital and the intellectual
aristocracy of all the States in the Union. It was a wonderful change
to have been effected in the lifetime of one woman, and all posterity
will rejoice that the leader of this greatest of progressive movements
received the full measure of recognition from the people of her own
time and generation.

FOOTNOTES:

[131] From the founding of the National Association in 1869 the
presidency was usually held by Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, while Miss
Susan B Anthony was either vice president, corresponding secretary or
chairman of the executive committee, although she sometimes filled the
presidential chair. Mrs. Stanton continued as president until 1892,
when she resigned at the age of seventy six. Miss Anthony was elected
that year and held the office until 1900, when she resigned at the age
of eighty.

Mrs. Rachel Foster Avery served as corresponding secretary for twenty
one years, from 1880 to 1901. Her resignation was reluctantly accepted
and a gift of $1,000 was presented to her, the contribution of friends
in all parts of the country.

The other officers since 1884 have been as follows: Vice presidents at
large, Miss Anthony, Matilda Joslyn Gage, the Rev. Olympia Brown,
Phoebe W. Couzins, Abigail Scott Duniway and, from 1892, the Rev. Anna
Howard Shaw, treasurers, Jane H. Spofford from 1880 to 1892, and since
then Harriet Taylor Upton, recording secretaries, Ellen H. Sheldon,
Julia T. Foster, Pearl Adams, Julia A. Wilbur, Caroline A. Sherman,
Sara Winthrop Smith, Hannah B. Sperry and, since 1890, Alice Stone
Blackwell, auditors, Ruth C. Denison, Julia A. Wilbur, Eliza T. Ward,
Ellen M. O'Connor, the Rev. Frederick A. Hinckley, Harriet Taylor
Upton, the Hon. Wm. Dudley Foulke, May Wright Sewall, Ellen Battelle
Dietrick, Josephine K. Henry, H. Augusta Howard, Annie L. Diggs, Sarah
B. Cooper, Laura Clay, Catharine Waugh McCulloch. Mrs. Sewall was
chairman of the executive committee from 1882 until she resigned in
1890 and Lucy Stone was elected; in 1892 she begged to be relieved as
she was seventy four years old. The committee was then abolished, its
duties being transferred to the business committee.

[132] Miss Shaw referred to Miss Lucy E. Anthony, who for twelve years
had been her secretary and companion.

[133] The most of the numerous gifts were presented during the
convention, as related earlier in the chapter.

[134] Miss Anthony received on this occasion 1,100 letters and
telegrams, every one of which she acknowledged later with a personal
message.

CHAPTER XXII.

THE AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.[135]

_1884._--The American Woman Suffrage Association which was organized
in Cleveland, Ohio, in November, 1869, held its sixteenth annual
meeting, November 19, 20, at Hershey Hall, Chicago. Lucy Stone in the
_Woman's Journal_ said:

Beginning with a good-sized audience, it went on increasing in
numbers until the gallery, the stairs and the side aisles were
literally packed with people.

Reports of the work done by auxiliary and other societies came in
from Maine to Oregon and all the way between, showing in some
cases very little and in others a great deal of good work. But
each one was helpful in its measure to the final success, just as
streams of all sizes flow to make great rivers and the seas.
There were present some of the oldest workers--Dr. Mary F. Thomas
of Indiana and Mrs. Hannah M. Tracy Cutler of Illinois--who,
having put their hands to the plow in the beginning of the
movement, have never looked back. To supplement and continue the
work there were noble and earnest younger women, who came down
from Minnesota, Iowa, Wisconsin and Michigan and up from Ohio,
Missouri, Kansas, Indiana and Illinois, women who can speak well
for the cause and whose reports show that they know how to work
well for it, too. It was a joy and a comfort to meet them....

Not the least pleasant feature was the cordial friendliness that
seemed all-pervasive. Troops of women we had never seen came to
shake hands.... A bevy of bright girls stood below the platform
on the last evening and, looking up, they said: "We are
school-girls now, but we are bound to help." The collections more
than paid the expenses, and two hundred memberships were taken.

All the local arrangements had been admirably made by a committee of
influential Chicago women.[136] The city papers gave friendly reports,
those of the _Inter-Ocean_ being especially full.

The convention was not expected to open till Wednesday evening, but
so large a number of delegates and friends met in the hall in the
afternoon that an informal meeting was held in advance. Mrs. Cutler
called the assembly to order, and the Rev. Florence Kollock offered
prayer. A telegram was read from Chief-Justice Roger S. Greene, of
Washington Territory, saying: "Be assured that woman suffrage has
worked well, done good, and been generally exercised by women at our
State election."

Brief addresses were made by Mrs. Lucy Stone, Mrs. Mary A. Livermore
and Mrs. Elizabeth Boynton Harbert. Dr. Mary F. Thomas, in the name of
the Indiana W. S. A., the oldest State association in the country,
organized in 1851, presented the association with a bouquet of never
fading chrysanthemums.

On Wednesday evening Mrs. Helen Ekin Starrett gave the address of
welcome. In referring to the influence of the woman suffrage movement
upon the legal status of women, she said that Kansas entered the Union
as a State with women's personal and property rights legally
recognized as never before. This was largely because a delegate to the
Kansas constitutional convention which met in Leavenworth, (Mr. Sam
Wood), wrote to Lucy Stone at her home in Orange, N. J., asking her to
draft a legal form, which she did, with her baby on her knee, and its
suggestions were afterwards incorporated in the organic law of that
State.[137] As one result of School Suffrage in the hands of women,
Kansas had the best schools in the United States while the people
still lived in cabins.

Mrs. Mary B. Clay, of Kentucky, president of the association, made a
special plea for work in the South, saying in part:

Alabama has given married women equal property rights with their
husbands. This monied equality I regard as one of the most
essential steps to our freedom, for as long as women are
dependent upon men for bread their whole moral nature is
necessarily warped. There never was a truer thought than that of
Alexander Hamilton, when he said, "He who controls my means of
daily subsistence controls my whole moral being." I therefore
recommend to the Southern women particularly the petitioning for
property rights, because pecuniary independence is one of the
most potent weapons for freedom, and because that claim has less
prejudice to overcome....

Mississippi also has made equal property laws for women; and
Arkansas allows married women to hold their own property, and all
women to vote on the licensing of saloons within three miles of a
church or school-house. A lady writing from there says: "The
welcome accorded the law by the women of the State refutes all
adverse theories, and establishes the fact that woman's nature
possesses an inherent strength and courage which no surroundings
can extinguish, and which only need the light of hope and the
voice of duty to call them into action." I would recommend that
whenever it is possible, we hold our conventions and send our
speakers through the South....

Henry B. Blackwell said: "This is not an anti-man society. Suffrage is
demanded as much for the sake of men as for the sake of women. What is
good for one is good for both;" and Mrs. Livermore said, "Women should
have a share in the government because the whole is better than the
half."

In the annual report of Mrs. Lucy Stone, chairman of the executive
committee, she said in part: "During the past year, the chief effort
of the society has been directed to aid the work in Oregon, where a
constitutional amendment had been submitted to the voters. One
thousand dollars were raised for this purpose by our auxiliary
societies, and forwarded to the Oregon Woman Suffrage Association.[138]
The society has also printed and circulated at cost more than 100,000
tracts and leaflets."

Officers for the next year were elected, as follows: President,
the Hon. Wm. Dudley Foulke, State Senator of Indiana;
vice-presidents-at-large, Mrs. Mary A. Livermore, the Hon. George
William Curtis, N. Y.; the Hon. George F. Hoar, Mass.; Mrs. Mary B.
Willard, Mrs. H. M. T. Cutler, Ill.; Mrs. D. G. King, Neb.; Mrs. R. A.
S. Janney, O.; Mrs. J. P. Fuller, Mrs. Rebecca N. Hazard, Mo.; Mrs.
Martha A. Dorsett, Minn.; Mrs. Mary J. Coggeshall, Ia.; Mrs. Mary B.
Clay, Ky.; foreign corresponding secretary, Mrs. Julia Ward Howe;
corresponding secretary, Henry B. Blackwell; recording secretary, Mrs.
Margaret W. Campbell; treasurer, Mrs. Abbie T. Codman; chairman
executive committee, Mrs. Lucy Stone.[139]

Mr. Blackwell, chairman of the committee, reported resolutions which
were adopted with a few changes as follows:

_Resolved_, In the words of Abraham Lincoln, That "we go for all
sharing the privileges of the government who assist in bearing
its burdens, by no means excluding women;" that a government of
the people, by the people, for the people, must be a government
of men and women, by men and women, for men and women; and that
any other form of government is unreasonable, unjust and
inconsistent with American principles.

_Resolved_, That we rejoice in the triumph of woman suffrage in
Washington Territory; in the continued success of woman suffrage
in Wyoming; in the exercise of School Suffrage by the women of
twelve States; in the establishment of Municipal Woman Suffrage
by Nova Scotia and Ontario, and in the steady growth of woman
suffrage during the past year as shown by more than 21,000
petitioners for it in Massachusetts, by increased activity in
Connecticut, New York, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin,
Kansas, Nebraska, Kentucky, Minnesota and Oregon, by the recent
formation of an active State association in Vermont, and by the
presence with us to-day of sixty-six delegates from organized
societies in fifteen States.

_Resolved_, That the American Association is non-partisan; that
success will be promoted by refusing to connect woman suffrage
with any political party, or to take sides as suffragists in any
party conflict; but that we will question candidates of all
parties for State Legislatures, and use every honorable effort to
secure the election of suffragists as legislators irrespective of
party lines, provided they be men of integrity.

_Resolved_, That this association expresses its appreciation of
the services rendered by the co-workers who since our last
meeting have been gathered with the honored dead: Mrs. Frances D.
Gage, who from the beginning of our movement until the last week
of her life never ceased to do what she could for its success;
Wendell Phillips, who as early as 1850 attended a woman's rights
convention at Worcester, Mass., and made an argument which
covered the whole ground of statement and defense, and with
serene faith advised: "Take your part with the perfect and
abstract right and trust God to see that it shall prove the
expedient." Besides these we record the names of Kate Newell
Doggett, Laura Giddings Julian, Bishop Matthew Simpson, Mrs. L.
B. Barrett, Emily J. Leonard and Jane Gray Swisshelm.

Speaking to the memorial resolution Mrs. Cutler said: "Some years ago
I paid a visit to an old and valued friend who had long been an
invalid, though never so absorbed in her own suffering as to forget
the great needs of her human brothers and sisters. Said she, 'If you
outlive me, I hope you will say for me that I tried honestly and
earnestly to do my duty.' The promise then given I now attempt to
fulfil in behalf of Mrs. Frances Dana Gage, our beloved 'Aunt Fanny,'
who entered upon her rest Nov. 10, 1884." Mrs. Cutler gave a full and
appreciative review of Mrs. Gage's life. Dr. Mary F. Thomas spoke
feelingly of her, of Mrs. Julian and Mr. Phillips; and Mrs. Livermore
paid a warm tribute to Mr. Phillips and Mrs. Doggett.

The plan of work adopted was in part as follows:

1. That the officers of this association memorialize Congress in
behalf of a sixteenth constitutional amendment prohibiting all
political distinctions on account of sex.

2. That while we do not undervalue any form of agitation, State
or national, we hold that practical woman suffrage can at present
be best promoted by urging legislative as well as constitutional
changes, and by appealing to State as well as national authority;
therefore we urge the establishment of active State societies,
with their working centers in the State capitals and their
corresponding committees in every representative district.

3. That in every State, at each session of its Legislature,
petitions should be presented by its own citizens asking for
woman suffrage by statute in all elections and for all officers
not expressly limited by the word "male" in the State
constitution.

4. That School Suffrage having been secured for women by statute
in twelve States, our next demand should be for Municipal
Suffrage by statute; also for Presidential Suffrage by statute,
under Article 2, Section 1, par. 2, of the United States
Constitution.

5. And, whereas, in three Territories, viz., Wyoming, Utah and
Washington, our cause is already won by statutes, therefore a
special effort should be made to secure similar statutory action
in the remaining Territories, viz.: Dakota, Montana, Idaho,
Arizona and New Mexico.

Addresses were made by the Rev. S. S. Hunting, Mrs. Margaret W.
Campbell of Iowa and Dr. Thomas. Mr. Foulke, Mrs. Mary E. Haggart of
Indiana, Mrs. Livermore and Lucy Stone addressed the evening meeting,
and the singing of the Doxology closed a memorable convention.

_1885._--The Seventeenth annual meeting was held in Minneapolis,
October 13-15, in the Church of the Redeemer (Universalist), the
finest in the city, which was given without charge. Here, as the daily
papers said, "the most brilliant audiences that ever assembled in
Minneapolis" gathered evening after evening until the last when crowds
of people went away unable to find even standing room. The pulpit
steps were occupied, extra seats were brought in, the aisles were
crowded, and as far as one could see over the throng that filled the
doorway, was another assembly eager to hear what it could. The
earnest, interested, assenting faces of the vast audience and their
hearty applause attested their sympathy with the ideas and principles
expressed.

Every evening several of the speakers addressed large audiences in St.
Paul, thus carrying on two series of meetings contemporaneously. The
Hon. Wm. Dudley Foulke occupied the chair. Mayor George A. Pillsbury,
of Minneapolis, gave the address of welcome, which he closed by
saying: "Our citizens may not all agree with you, yet we recognize the
fact that some of the greatest and best minds in the country are
engaged in this work. I have never identified myself with your
organization but wish you Godspeed, and hope to see the time when the
women shall stand with the men at the polls."

Mrs. Julia Ward Howe in responding said: "We are glad to be welcomed
for ourselves; we are still more gratified by the welcome extended to
our cause. We do not live altogether in our magnificent cities and
houses; we all live in houses not made with hands. We have with us
some who have devoted their lives to this noble work. They have been
building up, stone by stone, a mighty structure, and it is to lay a
few more stones that we have gathered here."

It had been persistently asserted that Mrs. Howe and Louisa M. Alcott
had renounced their belief in equal suffrage. Mrs. Howe was present to
speak for herself. Miss Alcott wrote from Concord, Mass.:

I should think it was hardly necessary for me to say that it is
impossible for me ever to "go back" on woman suffrage. I
earnestly desire to go forward on that line as far and as fast as
the prejudices, selfishness and blindness of the world will let
us, and it is a great cross to me that ill-health and home duties
prevent my devoting heart, pen and time to this most vital
question of the age. After a fifty years' acquaintance with the
noble men and women of the anti-slavery cause and the sight of
the glorious end to their faithful work, I should be a traitor to
all I most love, honor and desire to imitate if I did not covet a
place among those who are giving their lives to the emancipation
of the white slaves of America.

If I can do no more, let my name stand among those who are
willing to bear ridicule and reproach for the truth's sake, and
so earn some right to rejoice when the victory is won.

Most heartily yours for woman suffrage and all other reforms.

Elizabeth Stuart Phelps wrote: "With all my head and with all my heart
I believe in womanhood suffrage; can I say more for your convention?"
and from the Rev. James Freeman Clarke, of Boston, "Every word spoken
for or against our cause helps it forward. I feel that there is a
current of conviction sweeping us on toward the day when there shall
be neither male nor female, in Church or State, but equal rights for
all, and the tools to those who can use them."

Chief-Justice Greene, of Washington Territory, sent a careful
statistical computation in regard to the women's votes, and said: "My
sober judgment, from the best light I have succeeded in getting, is
that at our last general election the women cast as full or a fuller
vote than the men in proportion to their numbers." Mrs. Livermore
wrote:

Whatever may be the apparent direction of the ripples on the
surface, facts which accumulate daily show us that the cause of
woman's enfranchisement progresses with a deep and steady
undercurrent. The long, weary, faithful work of the past,
covering almost half a century, has resulted in a radical change
of public opinion. It has opened to woman the doors of colleges,
universities and professional schools; it has increased her
opportunities for self-support till the United States census
enumerates nearly 300 employments in which women are working and
earning livelihoods; it has repealed many of the unjust laws
which discriminate against woman; it has given her partial
suffrage in twelve States and full suffrage in three Territories.

Courage, then, for the end draws near! A few more years of
persistent, faithful work and the women of the United States will
be recognized as the legal equals of men; for the goal towards
which we toil is the enfranchisement of women, since the ballot
is the only symbol of legal equality that is known in a republic.

Chancellor Wm. G. Eliot, of Washington University, St. Louis, wrote:

Considered as a _right_, suffrage belongs equally to man and
woman. They are equally citizens and taxpayers. They share
equally in the advantages of good government and suffer equally
from bad legislation. They equally need the right of
self-protection which the ballot alone can give. In average good,
practical sense, wherever fair opportunity is permitted women are
equal to men. In moral perception and practice women are at least
equal--generally the superiors, if such comparison must be made.
There is, therefore, no justification in saying that the right of
suffrage, on whatever founded, belongs to man rather than to
woman.

Considered as a _privilege_, little needs to be said on either
side.... Every citizen is under moral obligation to take part in
the social interests and welfare of the community, whether
national or municipal. Woman equally with man is under that moral
law. In a republic she can not rightly be deprived of the
opportunity to do her full share as a citizen in all that
concerns good government.

This seems to be the whole story. I have read with astonishment
the arguments (so called) of Francis Parkman, the Rev. Brooke
Herford and Mrs. Kate Gannett Wells. They scarcely touch the real
merits of the case.

Dr. Mary F. Thomas, of Indiana, wrote:

As I see pictured before me all of you gathered from different
parts of this great sisterhood of States to discuss the grand
principle of human freedom, I can but compare this assembly with
one convened in Philadelphia over a hundred years ago with this
difference--they declared for the civil and political freedom of
all men; you ask to-day that all human beings of sound mind shall
enjoy the civil and political rights which they are entitled to
by virtue of their humanity. As the judicious management of the
family circle requires the combined wisdom and judgment of father
and mother, so this great political family, whose interests are
identical, can only be consistently managed by the complete
representation and concurrence of each individual governed by its
laws.

It is not necessary for me to show argument for this statement,
as your meeting to-day, composed of men and women thoroughly
imbued with the spirit of the great truth contained in the
Declaration of Independence, will supply words glowing with
fervor that can not be written, that comes with a full conviction
of the magnitude of this great question, involving even the
perpetuity of our government.... But without other reasons than
that it is right, let the united voice of your meeting demand
full recognition of the political rights of the women of the
nation, so that it may stand before the world exemplifying the
meaning of a true republic. After near half a century of earnest,
continued pleading we see light breaking in different parts of
the political horizon. If it takes half a century more, nay, even
longer than that, to establish this truth let us never falter.
For we know our cause is just and, as God is just, the eternal
principles of right must succeed.

Among the speakers were Mr. Foulke, Mr. Blackwell, Mrs. Alice Pickler
of Dakota, Mrs. Cutler, Miss Bessie Isaacs of Washington Territory,
the Rev. Ada C. Bowles of Massachusetts, Mrs. Abigail Scott Duniway,
editor of the _New Northwest_, Oregon, and from Minneapolis Mrs. Sarah
Burger Stearns, C. H. Du Bois, editor of the _Spectator_, Dr. Martha
G. Ripley, the Rev. Dr. J. H. Tuttle, pastor of the Church of the
Redeemer, the Rev. Kristofer Jansen, of the Swedish Unitarian Church,
the Rev. Mr. Williams of the City Mission, the Rev. Mr. Tabor of the
Friends' Church, the Rev. Mr. Harrington, a visiting Universalist
minister, and Mrs. Charlotte O. Van Cleve, of the Bethany Home, who
spoke of herself and her associates as "the ambulance corps, to pick
up and care for the fallen and wounded of their sex."

Judge Norton H. Hemiup of Minneapolis, read a humorous play in several
acts, dramatically representing the venerable widows of ex-presidents
and wives of living ones going to the polls in their respective
precincts and offering their votes in vain, while those of the late
slaves and of men half-drunk and wholly ignorant were received without
a question.

Major J. A. Pickler, the chivalrous legislator of Dakota, who
championed the suffrage bill which passed both Houses and was defeated
by the veto of Gov. Gilbert F. Pierce, was invited to tell the history
of the bill and did so in a vigorous speech. He said its passage was
materially aided by the efforts of Eastern remonstrants to defeat it,
and added: "There are peculiar reasons why our women should have their
rights, as they own fully one-fourth of the land and are veritable
heroines." During the convention the men and women present from Dakota
organized an association to carry on the battle for equal rights in
that Territory.

Mrs. Howe said in her address:

While a great deal needs to be said to both men and women on the
subject of woman suffrage, I am one who thinks that most needs
to be said to women. This is quite natural both because of their
timidity in putting themselves forward and because of their
frequent ignorance of the principles upon which reform is based.
No one could be more opposed to woman suffrage than I was twenty
years ago. Everything I had read and heard seemed to point in
exactly the opposite direction. But at the first meeting I
attended I heard Lucy Stone, Henry B. Blackwell, Elizabeth Cady
Stanton and other pioneers of the cause, found nothing but
reasonableness in their speech and their arguments and so was
speedily converted.

The Battle Hymn of the Republic was then sung by Prof. James G. Clark,
the well-known singer of anti-slavery days, the audience rising and
joining in the chorus.

Mrs. Margaret W. Campbell of Iowa, who was introduced by Lucy Stone
with a history of her many years of devoted work for the cause, said
in part: "Good men who mean well often say that women are as fit to
vote as the ignorant foreigners just landed at Castle Garden or the
freedmen who can not read or write. Don't say that any more; you don't
know how it hurts. Say instead, 'You are as fit to vote as we are.'
The names of those who emancipated the slave will be written in
letters of gold, but the names of those who have helped to emancipate
the women of this nation will be written in letters of living light."

The closing address was made by Mrs. Stone. "Her feeling and womanly
appeals," said the Minneapolis papers, "were such as to move any
masculine heart not thoroughly indurated." She said in part:

If the question of the right of women to a voice in making the
laws they are to obey could be treated in the same common-sense
way that other practical questions are treated it would have been
settled long ago. If the question were to be asked in any
community about to establish a government, "Shall the whole
people who are of mature age and sound mind have a right to help
make the laws they are required to obey?" the natural answer
would be that they should have that right. But the fact is that
only the men exercise it. If the question were asked, "Shall the
whole people who are of mature age and sound mind and not
convicted of crime have a right to elect the men who will have
the spending of the money they pay for taxes?" the common-sense
answer would be that they should have that right. But the fact is
that only men are allowed to exercise it. So of the special
interests of women, their right to settle the laws which regulate
their relation to their children, their right to earn and own, to
buy and sell, to will and deed, the application of the simple
principles of fair play, would have given women equal voice with
men in these questions of personal and common interest. But as
it is men control it all, whether it is the child we bear, the
dollar we earn or the will we wish to make.

One would suppose that under a government whose fundamental
principle affirms that "the consent of the governed" is the just
basis, the consent of the governed women would have been asked
for. The only form of consent is a vote and that is denied to
women. As a result they are at a disadvantage everywhere. The
stigma of disfranchisement cheapens the respect due to their
opinions, diminishes their earnings and makes them subjects in
the home as they are in the State. The woman suffrage movement
means equal rights for women. It proposes to secure fair play and
justice.

At this convention valuable reports were presented from twenty-six
States. Of especial interest was that from Texas, where Mrs. Mariana
T. Folsom had done seven months' work under the auspices of the
American W. S. A., giving nearly 200 public addresses in advocacy of
equal rights. Texas was virgin soil on this subject, and Mrs. Folsom's
description of the conditions she found there was both entertaining
and instructive.

The old officers were re-elected with but few changes. Among the
resolutions adopted were the following:

The American Woman Suffrage Association, at its seventeenth
annual meeting, in this beautiful city of the new Northwest,
reaffirms the American principle of free representative
government, and demands its application to women. "Governments
derive their just powers from the consent of the governed," and
women are governed; "taxation without representation is tyranny,"
and women are taxed; "all political power inheres in the people,"
and one-half of the people are women.

_Resolved_, That women, as sisters, wives and mothers of men,
have special rights to protect and special wrongs to remedy; that
their votes will represent in a special sense the interests of
the home; that equal co-operation of the sexes is essential alike
to a happy home, a refined society, a Christian church and a
republican State.

WHEREAS, Under the Federal Constitution, "All persons born or
naturalized in the United States are citizens thereof, and of the
States in which they reside;" and, by the decision of the United
States courts, "Women are citizens, and may be made voters by
appropriate State legislation;" therefore,

_Resolved_, That this association regards with satisfaction the
acceptance of the claim of Anna Ella Carroll by the United States
Court of Claims, by which the remarkable services of Miss Carroll
in urging the campaign of Tennessee, which broke the force of the
rebellion and gave success to our armies, will have at last,
after more than a score of years, their late reward.[140]

_Resolved_, That the association send a deputation to Washington
in behalf of its memorial to Congress to frame a statute
prohibiting the disfranchisement of women in the Territories, and
to co-operate with the National Woman Suffrage Association (at
its January meeting) for a Sixteenth Amendment forbidding
political distinctions on account of sex.

The great success of this convention was due in large measure to the
excellent arrangements made by the friends in Minneapolis, especially
Dr. Ripley and Mrs. Martha A. Dorsett.

The association sent two delegates, Henry B. Blackwell and the Rev.
Anna H. Shaw, to Washington, to urge upon the House Committee the duty
of Congress to establish equal suffrage in the Territories. They were
given a respectful hearing.

_1886._--The Eighteenth annual meeting was held in Topeka, Kan.,
October 26-28. The morning and afternoon sessions were held in Music
Hall. Above the platform hung the beautiful banner of the Minnesota W.
S. A., sent by Dr. Martha G. Ripley, and at its side was a package of
7,000 leaflets for distribution contributed by Mrs. Cornelia C. Hussey
of New Jersey, which were gladly taken for use in different States.
The evening meetings assembled in the Hall of the House of
Representatives, seating 1,200 persons; the floor and both galleries
were crowded with the best citizens of Topeka; all the desks were
taken out, making room for more chairs, and even then hundreds of
people were turned away. Both halls were given free.

All the preparations had been admirably made by Mrs. Juliet N. Martin,
Miss Olive P. Bray, Mrs. S. A. Thurston and other Topeka women, who
had a collation spread in Music Hall for the delegates on their
arrival. The press gave full and cordial reports. Lucy Stone wrote in
the _Woman's Journal_:

We found the editors of the four daily papers all suffragists.
Among these was Major J. K. Hudson, who took his first lessons in
equal rights on the _Anti-Slavery Bugle_ in Ohio and, reared
among "Friends," was ready to continue the good service he has
all along rendered. Here, too, we found our old co-worker,
William P. Tomlinson, who at one time published the _Anti-Slavery
Standard_ for Wendell Phillips and the American Anti-Slavery
Society, and who a little later, in his young prime, devoted his
time, his money and his strength to the publication of the
_Woman's Advocate_ in New York, of which he was proprietor and
editor. He is now editor of the Topeka _Daily Democrat_. Mr. B.
P. Baker, now editor and proprietor of the _Commonwealth_, did
good service to the woman suffrage cause in 1867 in the Topeka
_Record_. Mr. McLennan, of the _Journal_, is also with us.

The whole convention was interspersed with ringing reminiscences of
the heroic early history of Kansas. Mrs. S. N. Wood, who in the Border
Ruffian days went through the enemy's lines and at great personal
peril brought into beleaguered Lawrence the ammunition which enabled
it to defend itself, came to the platform to add her good word for
equal suffrage. It was a great pleasure to the officers of the
association to meet her and the other early Kansas workers, many of
whom, like Mrs. J. H. Slocum, of Emporia, were old personal friends.

Mrs. Anna C. Wait, president of the Kansas W. S. A. and editor of the
Lincoln _Beacon_, gave the address of welcome in behalf of the
suffragists. Referring to the first campaign for a woman suffrage
amendment in 1867, when Lucy Stone and Henry B. Blackwell spoke in
forty-two counties of Kansas, Mrs. Wait said: "Nineteen years ago when
you came to Kansas you found no suffrage societies and even seven
years ago you would have found none. To-day, in behalf of the State W.
S. A. and its many flourishing auxiliaries, I welcome these dear
friends who come to us from the rock-ribbed shores of the Atlantic,
from the coast of the Pacific, from the lakes of the North and from
the sunny South, a veritable gathering of the clans of freedom."

Major Hudson, in his address of welcome in behalf of the city,
reviewed the history of woman suffrage in Kansas, paid a tribute to
the work of the pioneer suffragists, and said:

We welcome you to Kansas, because it has been good battle-ground
for the right.... We place the ballot in the hands of the
foreigner who can not read or speak our language, and who knows
nothing of our government; we enfranchised a slave race, most of
whom can not read; and yet we deny to the women of America the
ballot, which in their hands would be the strongest protection of
this republic against the ignorance and vice of the great centers
of our population. Give to woman the ballot, and you give her
equal pay with men for the same work; you break down prejudice
and open to her every vocation in which she is competent to
engage; you do more--you give her an individuality, and equal
right in life.

The president, the Hon. William Dudley Foulke, in his response to the
welcome of the suffrage association said: "It gives us great pleasure
to visit your beautiful city and fertile State. It gives us pleasure
not because your State is fertile and your city beautiful but because
it is in these Western States that there is most hope of the growth of
the woman suffrage movement. The older States are what old age is in
the human frame, something that is difficult to change; but where
there is young blood there is hope and the progress of a new idea is
more rapid."

Mrs. Howe, responding to the welcome of the citizens, said some one
had spoken of woman suffrage as a hobby; she questioned whether the
opposition to suffrage was not the hobby and suffrage the horse. The
discussion of these great questions was doing much to make the women
of the country one in feeling, and to do away with sectional
prejudices. A most cordial hearing was given to the Woman's Congress
lately held at Louisville, Ky., and especially to the woman suffrage
symposium which occupied one evening. Mrs. Howe spoke of the
wonderful, providential history of Kansas, and the way in which a new
and unexpected chapter of the country's history opened out from the
experience of the young Territory. She remembered when the name of
Kansas was the word which set men's blood at the East tingling. She
continued:

You men of Kansas, you who have been bought with a price, noble
men have worked and suffered and died that you might be free. For
you Charles Sumner fell in the Senate of the United States. He
fell to rise again, but others fell for whom there was no rising.
Having received this great gift of freedom, pray you go on to
make it perfect. You may think that you have a free State, well
founded and stable, and that it will stand; but remember that the
State, like the Church, is not a structure to be built and set up
but a living organism to grow and move. Its life is progress and
freedom. Do not think that you can stay this great tide of
progress by saying, "Thus far shalt thou go and no farther." No
such limitation is possible. That tide will oversweep every
obstacle set in its way.

Why, men of Kansas, having been so nobly endowed at the
beginning, have you let the younger children in the nursery of
our dear mother country learn lessons that you have not learned?
Are the women of Wyoming and Washington better than your women,
and do the men of those Territories love their women better than
you love yours? You will say "no," with indignation; but remember
that love is shown in deeds far more than in words. Until you
make your women free I must hold that you do not love them as
well as those do who have given their mothers and sisters the
gift of political enfranchisement. This place is the temple of
your liberties; here, if anywhere, should be spoken the words of
wisdom and be enacted just and equal laws. However grand the
words may be which have been spoken here, may they become grander
and better and deeper, until to all your other glories shall be
added that of having set the crown of freedom upon the heads of
the women of your State!

Only a few gleanings from the many speeches can be given. Professor W.
H. Carruth, of the Kansas State University, said in part:

We are likely to meet some good-natured person who will say:
"Why, yes, I am in favor of woman suffrage, but I don't see that
there is any need of it here in Kansas. If I were in Rhode Island
or Connecticut, where there are so many laws unjust to women, I
would petition and work for it; but I don't see that it is worth
while to make a fuss about it here." Now, what can be said to
such a person? Weapons are both defensive and aggressive. The
ballot has both uses. What would a herdsman say if you told him
his sheepfold was all that was needed, and refused to give him a
gun? What would the farmer say if you gave him a cultivator but
no plough? What would Christianity be if it had only the Ten
Commandments and not the Golden Rule?

He who thinks the ballot is given simply as a means of
protection--protection in a limited sense, against fraud and
violence--has but a limited conception of the duties of American
citizenship. The old let-alone theory of government has been
found a failure, and instead of it people are coming to think
that government is good to do anything that it can do best--just
as they have already learned that it is proper for woman to do
anything that she can do well. In a word, as Mrs. Howe said the
other evening, the ballot is a means of getting things done which
we want done.

When your good friend with a kind and prosperous husband, a
pleasant home and nothing lacking which better laws could secure
for her, says she thinks women are already pretty well treated
and she doesn't know that she would care for the ballot, ask her
how she would feel if she were a teacher and were expected to
work beside a man, equal work and equal time, he to get $60 and
she $40 a month? Ask her whether she would not want to have a
vote then? Isn't this a case, kind mistress of a home, where you
should remember those in bonds as bound with them? I very much
fear there never will be a time when all the good people in this
world can dispense with any effective weapon against wrong.

And, beyond this, there are all the offensive, aggressive uses of
the ballot. We want a sewer here, a bridge there, a lamp-post or
a hydrant yonder. A woman's nose will scent a defective drain
where ten men pass it by, but votes get these things looked
after. We want a new schoolhouse, or more brains or more fresh
air in an old one. Don't you know that women will attend to such
needs sooner than men?

Mr. Foulke said in part:

It is said that woman suffragists are dreamers. There was a time
within our memory when human flesh in this our free America was
sold at auction. In those days a few earnest men dreamed of a
time when our flag should no longer unfurl itself over a slave.
Inspired by this great vision they bore the persecution and
contumely of their fellows. In season and out of season they
preached their glorious gospel of immediate and unconditional
emancipation. Wild visionaries they, incendiaries whose very
writings, like the heresies of old, must be consigned to the
flames; impracticable enthusiasts, seditious citizens. But lo!
the flame of war passed over us and their dream is true; and in
the clearer light which shines upon us to-day, we can hardly
realize that this great blot upon our civilization could have
existed, the time seems so far away.

And we of America, we who have reached the summit of the
prophecies of centuries past, we dream of new and loftier
mountains in the distance. We who have realized in our political
institutions a universal equality of men before the law, find
that we have only reached the foothills of the greater range
beyond. There are men in our midst who are dreaming to-day of a
time when mere political equality shall be based upon that
broader social and economic equality which is so necessary to
maintain it. They dream of a time when each man's reward shall be
proportioned to his own exertions and his own desert, and nothing
at all shall be due to the accident of birth; dream of a time
when bitter, grinding poverty, save as a punishment for idleness,
shall no longer exist in a world so full of the bounty of heaven.
Is it wilder than the dream of him who, under the despotism of
the Bourbons, could dream of a great people whose birth should be
heralded by the cry that all men are created equal? Is it wilder
than the dream of him who, oppressed by the tyranny of Alva,
could dream of a day of perfect religious toleration? Men talk
with contemptuous pity of the dreamer. But he rather is the
object of pity who bars the windows and draws the curtains of his
soul to shut out the light of heaven that would smile in upon
him. Let us rather pity the man who fears to utter the divine
thought which fills him. Let us pity rather that man or that
nation which lives in the complacent consciousness of its own
virtue and blessedness, and dreams of no higher good than it
possesses. He that has a dream of something better than he sees
around him, let him tell it though the world smile. He that has a
prophecy to utter, let him speak, though men account it his folly
as much as they will. God bless the dreamers of all just and
perfect dreams! The great wheel of the ages with ever-increasing
motion is sure to roll out their accomplishment.

The Rev. Louis A. Banks, lately of Washington Territory, spoke of
woman suffrage there. He said:

The first fact proved by experience is that women do vote. Before
the law was enacted, the old objection used to meet us on every
hand, "The women do not want to vote"--as though that, if true,
were a valid reason. They ought to want to. It is my business to
urge men to repent, and I have never supposed it a reason to
cease preaching to them because they did not want to repent; they
ought to want to. But our experience has proved that women do
want to vote. It was universally conceded that in our first
general Territorial election fully as many women voted in
proportion to their numbers as men....

Woman's influence as a citizen has been of equal value in the
jury-box. Experience shows that she is peculiarly fitted for that
duty. Woe to the gambler who enriches himself by the folly or
innocence of the ignorant, and the rum-seller who lures boys into
his backroom! Woe to the human vultures who prey upon young
lives, when they fall into the hands of a jury of mothers!...

You who have not hitherto been woman suffragists, why not espouse
this cause now, when it is in the full flush of its heroic
struggle? When John Adams went courting Abigail Smith, her proud
father said to her: "Who is this young Adams? Where did he come
from?" Abigail answered: "I do not know where he came from and I
do not care, but I know where he is going and I am going with
him." Ladies and gentlemen, you know where we are going; we
invite your company for the journey.

State Senator R. W. Blue said: "One of the greatest questions of the
day is how to counteract the influence of the vicious vote cast every
year in the large cities. I believe the only way to do that is to
enfranchise the women." He added that he had worked for the Municipal
Suffrage Bill in the preceding Legislature, and should do so in the
next. President Foulke complimented him on his bold and outspoken
remarks, and said he thought a man in politics never lost anything by
telling the people exactly where he stood on vital issues.[141]

James G. Clark, associate editor of the Minneapolis _Spectator_, was a
delegate, and delighted the audience with his equal rights songs. A
letter was received from Dr. Mary F. Thomas and, by a rising vote of
the convention, it was decided to send her a telegram of greeting and
congratulations on her seventieth birthday.

Letters were read from Chief-Justice Greene of Washington Territory,
and from Mrs. Margaret Bright Lucas of England, sister of John and
Jacob Bright; also telegrams from the Minnesota W. S. A., from Major
and Mrs. Pickler of South Dakota, and from others, and reports from
the different State societies.

Chancellor J. A. Lippincott, of the State University, invited the
association to visit that institution, and Mrs. Howe and Mrs. Stone to
address the students. Mrs. Stone wrote in the _Woman's Journal_: "It
was worth the journey to receive the warm welcome which greeted us on
every hand, and still more to see the progress the cause has made in
the nineteen years that have passed since the first suffrage campaign
in Kansas. It would not be surprising if Municipal Suffrage should be
secured in this State at the next session of the Legislature.[142] The
very air was full of suffrage, even in the midst of the political
contest."

_1887._--The Nineteenth annual meeting was held in Association Hall,
Philadelphia, October 31, November 1, 2. The platform had been
beautifully decorated with tropical plants and foliage by Miss
Elizabeth B. Justice and other Pennsylvania friends. The weather was
fine, the audience sympathetic and the speaking excellent.

State Senator A. D. Harlan gave the address of welcome in behalf of
the Pennsylvania W. S. A. President Wm. Dudley Foulke in responding
paid a tribute to the Senator's good service in the Legislature in
behalf of a constitutional amendment for equal suffrage. A letter of
welcome was read from the venerable and beloved president of the
association, Miss Mary Grew, who was kept away by illness. Col. T. W.
Higginson said:

I have the sensations of a Revolutionary veteran, almost, in
coming back to Philadelphia and remembering our early suffrage
meetings here in that time of storm, in contrasting the audiences
of to-day with the audiences of that day, and in thinking what
are the difficulties that come before us now as compared with
those of our youth. The audiences have changed, the atmosphere of
the community has changed; nothing but the cause remains the
same, and that remains because it is a part of the necessary
evolution of democratic society and is an immortal thing.

I recall those early audiences; the rows of quiet faces in Quaker
bonnets in the foreground; the rows of exceedingly unquiet
figures of Southern medical students, with their hats on, in the
background. I recall the visible purpose of those energetic young
gentlemen to hear nobody but the women, and the calm
determination with which their bootheels contributed to put the
male speakers down. I recall also their too-assiduous attentions
in the streets outside when the meeting broke up....

Woman suffrage should be urged, in my opinion, not from any
predictions of what women will do with their votes after they get
them, but on the ground that by all the traditions of our
government, by all the precepts of its early founders, by all the
axioms which lie at the foundation of our political principles,
woman needs the ballot for self-respect and self-protection.

The woman of old times who did not read books of political
economy or attend public meetings, could retain her self-respect;
but the woman of modern times, with every step she takes in the
higher education, finds it harder to retain that self-respect
while she is in a republican government and yet not a member of
it. She can study all the books that I saw collected this morning
in the political economy alcove of the Bryn Mawr College; she can
master them all; she can know more about them perhaps than any
man of her acquaintance; and yet to put one thing she has learned
there in practice by the simple process of dropping a piece of
paper into a ballot-box--she can no more do that than she could
put out her slender finger and stop the planet in its course.
That is what I mean by woman's needing the suffrage for
self-respect.

Then as to self-protection. We know there have been great
improvements in the laws in regard to women. What brought about
those improvements? The steady labor of women like these on this
platform, going before Legislatures year by year and asking for
something they were not willing to give, the ballot; but, as a
result of it, to keep the poor creatures quiet, some law was
passed removing a restriction. The old English writer Pepys,
according to his diary, after spending a good deal of money for
himself finds a little left and buys his wife a new gown,
because, he says, "It is fit that the poor wretch should have
something to content her." I have seen many laws passed for the
advantage of women and they were generally passed on that
principle.

I remember going before the Rhode Island Legislature once with
Lucy Stone and she unrolled with her peculiar persuasive power
the wrong laws which existed in that commonwealth in regard to
women. After the hearing was over the chairman of that committee,
a judge who had served on it for years, said to her: "Mrs. Stone,
all that you have stated this morning is true, and I am ashamed
to think that I, who have been chairman for years of this
judiciary committee, should have known in my secret heart that it
was all true and should have done nothing to set these wrongs
right until I was reminded of them by a woman." Again and again I
have seen that experience. Women with bleeding feet, women with
exhausted voices, women with wornout lives, have lavished their
strength to secure ordinary justice in the form of laws which a
single woman inside the State House, armed with the position of
member of the Legislature and representing a sex who had votes,
could have had righted within two years. Every man knows the
weakness of a disfranchised class of men. The whole race of women
is disfranchised, and they suffer in the same way.

Among the other speakers were the Rev. Charles G. Ames, Henry B.
Blackwell, the Rev. Antoinette Brown Blackwell, Dr. Thomas, Mrs.
Campbell, Mrs. Mary E. Haggart, Mrs. Frances E. W. Harper, the Rev. S.
S. Hunting, Miss Cora Scott Pond, the Rev. Ada C. Bowles and Mrs.
Adelaide A. Claflin.

The chairman of the executive committee, Mrs. Lucy Stone, in her
annual report, reviewed the year's activities and continued:

But the chief work of the American Woman Suffrage Association
during the past year has been to obtain wide access to the public
through the newspapers. Early in the year correspondence was
opened with most of the papers in the United States. The editors
were asked whether they would publish suffrage literature if it
were sent them every week without charge. More than a thousand
answered that they would use what we sent, in whole or in part.
Accepting this the association has, for the last eight months,
furnished 1,000 weekly papers with a suffrage column. The cost of
it consumes nearly the whole interest of the Eddy Fund, besides
much time and strength gratuitously given. But as these papers
come to us week by week containing the suffrage items and
articles which through their columns reach millions of readers,
we feel that no better use could be made of money or time.

The Revs. Anna H. Shaw and Ada C. Bowles were chosen national
lecturers. Among the resolutions were the following:

We congratulate the Legislature of Kansas upon its honorable
record in extending Municipal Suffrage last February to the women
of that State, and the 26,000 women of Kansas by whose aid, last
April, reformed city governments were elected in every
municipality; we hail the National W. C. T. U. as an efficient
ally of the woman suffrage movement; we recognize the woman
suffrage resolutions of the Knights of Labor, the Land and Labor
organizations, the Third Party Prohibitionists and other
political parties, as evidence of a growing public sentiment in
favor of the equal rights of women; we rejoice that two-thirds of
the Northern Senators in the Congress of the United States voted
last winter for a Sixteenth Constitutional Amendment prohibiting
political distinctions on account of sex; we observe an
increasing friendliness in the attitude of press and pulpit and
the fact that 1,000 newspapers now publish a weekly column in the
interests of woman suffrage; we are encouraged by more general
discussions and more favorable votes of State Legislatures than
ever before--all indicating a sure and steady progress toward the
complete enfranchisement of women.

WHEREAS, The woman suffragists of the United States were all
united until 1868 in the American Equal Rights Association; and

WHEREAS, The causes of the subsequent separation into the
National and the American Woman Suffrage Societies have since
been largely removed by the adoption of common principles and
methods, therefore,

_Resolved_, That Mrs. Lucy Stone be appointed a committee of one
from the American W. S. A. to confer with Miss Susan B. Anthony,
of the National W. S. A., and if on conference it seems
desirable, that she be authorized and empowered to appoint a
committee of this association to meet a similar committee
appointed by the National W. S. A., to consider a satisfactory
basis of union, and refer it back to the executive committees of
both associations for final action.

A pleasant incident of the convention was the presentation to the
audience of Mrs. E. R. Hunter, of Wichita, Kan., a real voter. Letters
of greeting were read from Miss Matilda Hindman of Pennsylvania,
Senator M. B. Castle of Illinois, Mrs. Mary B. Clay of Kentucky, and
Judge Stanton J. Peelle of Indiana. Mrs. Stone, the Rev. Antoinette
Brown Blackwell and Mrs. Mary A. Livermore were elected delegates to
the International Council of Women to be held in Washington, D. C., in
1888, with Dr. Mary F. Thomas, Miss Mary Grew and Mrs. Hannah M. Tracy
Cutler as alternates.

After Mrs. Howe's address on the last evening, The Battle Hymn of the
Republic was sung standing, the great assembly joining in the chorus.
The officers had the pleasure of visiting Bryn Mawr College, by
invitation of Dean M. Carey Thomas, during the convention.

In December of this year, a Suffrage Bazar was held in Boston for the
joint benefit of the American W. S. A. and of the State suffrage
associations that participated,[143] which was a success both socially
and financially. The _Woman's Journal_ of December 17 said:

Music Hall is a wonderful sight; the green and gold banner of
Kansas occupies the place of honor in the middle of the platform,
flanked on the left by the great crimson banner of Michigan with
its motto "Neither delay nor rest," and on the right by the blue
flag of Maine, decorated with a pine branch and cones. The bronze
statue of Beethoven which has looked calmly down upon so many
different assemblages in Music Hall, gazes meditatively at the
Kansas table, with a large yellow sunflower which surmounts the
Kansas banner blazing like a great star at his very feet. Next
comes the banner of Vermont, rich and beautiful, though smaller
than the rest, in two shades of blue, with the seal of the State
in the center surrounded by wild roses and bearing the motto
"Freedom and Unity." At the extreme right of the platform hangs
the banner of Pennsylvania, yellow, with heavy crimson fringe and
the motto "Taxation _with_ Representation." On the other side of
Michigan is a large portrait of Wendell Phillips, sent by friends
in Minnesota. At the left are the _Woman's Journal_ exhibit,
press headquarters and a display of exquisite blankets made at
the Lamoille mills and contributed to the Vermont exhibit by the
manufacturer, Mrs. M. G. Minot.

All down the hall on both sides and across the middle hang the
many banners of the Massachusetts local leagues, of all sizes and
colors and with every variety of motto and device. At the extreme
end hangs the white banner of the State Association.

This handsome banner, bearing the motto, "Male and female created He
them, and gave _them_ dominion," was presented to the association by
Miss Cora Scott Pond and the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, to whose energetic
work the success of the bazar was largely due.

Mrs. Livermore, the president of the bazar, made the opening address
on the first evening. Floor and gallery were filled and scores of
yellow-ribboned delegates threaded their way through the smiling
crowd. Mrs. Howe followed, saying in part:

Addresses this evening are something like grace before meat; they
are expected to be short and sweet. The grace is a good thing
because it reminds us that we do not live by bread alone but by
all the divine words with which the Creator has filled the
universe. The most divine word of all is justice, and in that
sacred name we are met to-night. In her name we set up our tents
and spread our banners....

In the suspense in which we have so long waited for suffrage, I
sometimes feel as if we were in a dim twilight through which at
last a single star sheds its way to show us there is light yet,
and then another and another star follow. Wyoming was the first,
the evening star--we may call her our Venus; then came Washington
Territory, and then Kansas. What sort of a star shall we call
Boston? She might aptly be compared to sleepy old Saturn,
surrounded by a triple ring of prejudice. Dr. Channing was asked
once if he did not despair of Harvard College. He replied: "No, I
never _quite_ despair of anything." Therefore, following his good
example, I never quite despair of Boston. We want our flag to be
full of such stars as those I have mentioned.

Mrs. Lucy Stone closed a brief address by saying: "To-morrow will be
election day and the papers urge all citizens to go and vote; but
there are 60,000 women in Boston who have the same interest in the
city government that men have, and yet can have no voice in the
matter. Make this bazar a success and so enable us to take
Massachusetts by its four corners and shake it till it gives suffrage
to women."

_1888._--The twentieth annual meeting was held in Cincinnati, Ohio,
November 20-22, with large crowds in attendance and much interest
shown. The _Enquirer_ said: "The audiences may be said to have
chestnutized the time-honored assertion that advocates of the ballot
for the fair sex are unable to win even womankind to their way of
thinking. New faces of ladies of the highest standing in society are
seen at every succeeding session. The Scottish Rite Cathedral has
rarely or never held as large a number of ladies, and equally rarely
has there been present at a meeting of woman suffragists so large a
proportion of men." And the _Commercial Gazette_: "The Scottish Rite
Cathedral never held a finer-looking company, composed as it was of a
large number of the oldest and best citizens."

The Hon. Wm. Dudley Foulke presided.[144] Addresses of welcome were
made by the Hon. Alphonso Taft and Mrs. McClellan Brown, president of
the Wesleyan Woman's College. Mrs. Julia Ward Howe responded.

In a letter the Hon. George William Curtis said: "Every change in the
restrictive laws regarding women is an acknowledgment of the justice
of the demand for equal suffrage. The case was conceded when women
became property holders and taxpayers in their own right. In every way
their interest in society is the same as that of men, and the reason
for their voting in school meetings is conclusive for their voting
upon the appropriation of other taxes which they pay."

U. S. Senator George F. Hoar wrote: "My belief in the wisdom and
justice of the demand that women shall be admitted to the ballot
grows stronger every year." In a letter to Lucy Stone, Clara Barton
wrote:

It gives me pain to be compelled to decline your generous
invitation to attend your annual meeting, but there is a deep
pleasure in the thought that you remembered and desired me to be
with you. Nowhere would I so gladly speak my little word for
woman, her rights, her needs, her privileges delayed and
debarred--yet blessed with the grand advance of the last thirty
years, the budding and blossoming of the seed sown in darkness,
doubt and humiliation, scattered by the winds of conscious
superiority and power and the whirlwinds of opposing wrath--as on
the green, native soil, the home of the early labors of its
sainted citizen, Frances D. Gage. Dear, noble, precious Aunt
Fanny, with the soul so pure and white, the heart so warm, the
sympathies so quick and ready, the sensitive, shrinking modesty
of self, the courage that scoffed at fear when the needs of
others were plead; the friend of the bondman and oppressed, who
knew no sect, sex, race or color, but toiled on for freedom and
humanity till the glorious summons came! If only five minutes of
her clarion voice could ring out in that meeting--McGregor on his
native heath--"'twere worth a thousand men." I pray you, dear
friend, whose voice will reach and be heard, try to point out to
the younger and later workers of the grand, old State the broad
stubble swath of the scythe and the deep blazing of the sturdy
axe of this glorious pioneer of theirs--the grandest of them
all--whose sleeping dust is an honor to Ohio.

It is nothing that I am not there; it is much that you will be,
who carry back the memories of your girlhood, your school-life,
your earliest labors, to lay them on this freely-proffered altar,
in a spot where then there was no room for the tired foot, nor
scarce safety for the head. The occasion points with unerring
finger to the hands on the dial of thirty years in the future. We
need not to see it then, for it is given us to foresee it now.
God's blessing on this work and on the meeting, and on all who
may compose it![145]

Henry B. Blackwell said in his address:

In equal suffrage lies our only hope of a representative
government. Women are one-half of our citizens with rights to
protect and wrongs to remedy. They are a distinct class in
society, differing from men in character, position and interest.
Every class that votes makes itself felt in the government. Women
will change the quality of government when they vote. They are
more peaceable, temperate, chaste, economical and law-abiding
than men; less controlled by physical appetite and passion; more
influenced by humane and religious considerations. They will
superadd to the more harsh and aggressive masculine qualities
those feminine qualities in which they are superior to men. And
these qualities are precisely what our government lacks. Women
will always be wives and mothers. They will represent the home as
men represent the business interests, and both are needed. This
is a reform higher, broader, deeper than any and all others. Let
good men and women of all sects, parties and opinions unite in
establishing a government of and by and for the people--men and
women.

Lucy Stone, describing the convention in the _Woman's Journal_ of
December 1, wrote:

The local arrangements had been carefully made by Dr. Juliet M.
Thorpe, Mrs. Ellen B. Dietrick and Miss Annie McLean Marsh. The
spirit and temper of the meeting were of the best. Telegrams of
greeting were received from various States, and from far and near
came letters from those who were already friends of the cause,
and others who wished to learn. One old lady with snow-white
locks had come alone forty miles. She was not a delegate and she
had no speech to make, but her heart was in the work and she
found opportunity to speak words of cheer to those who were in
the thick of the fight. One young woman, a busy teacher, came
from Knoxville, Tenn. She wanted to know how to work for suffrage
in that State, and said she thought it "the best way to come
where the suffrage was." A large supply of leaflets, copies of
the _Woman's Journal_ and of the _Woman's Column_, were given
her, with such advice and instruction as the time permitted. Two
ladies were there from Virginia. This was their first suffrage
meeting, but they listened eagerly, subscribed for our
periodicals and gladly accepted leaflets. It was a comfort to see
by these new recruits how widely the idea of equal rights for
women is taking root. At these annual meetings the workers who
come from far distant States and Territories strengthen each
other. The sight of their faces and the warm grasp of their hands
serve to renew the strength of those who never have flinched, and
who never will flinch till women are secure in possession of
equal rights.

A number of ladies who came over from Kentucky took the
opportunity to organize a Kentucky Equal Suffrage Association.

It is always a matter of regret that the excellent speeches made
at these meetings can not be phonographically reported, but it
must suffice to say that they covered all the ground, from the
principles on which representative government rests, to the
teaching of the Bible, which Miss Laura Clay, in an able speech,
warmly claimed was on the side of equal rights for women. Mrs.
Zerelda G. Wallace, that noble mother in Israel, agreed with her,
though from a different point of view, while Frederick Douglass
claimed that the "Eternal Right exists independent of all books."

The Cincinnati press gave noticeably friendly and fair reports.
Hospitality to delegates was abundant. The sunny side of many of
the best people of the Queen City was evidently turned toward
this meeting. A distinguished member of the Hamilton County bar,
who had not been thoroughly converted before, said: "When you
come again, let me make the address of welcome!"

The annual report of the chairman of the executive committee stated
that the association had continued to supply with suffrage matter all
editors who would use it; and that to save postage this weekly
bulletin had been put into the form of a small newspaper, the _Woman's
Column_:

Its woman suffrage arguments come back to us in papers scattered
from Maine to California, and reach hundreds of thousands of
readers who would not take a paper devoted specifically to this
reform.... Twenty thousand suffrage leaflets were given to the
Rev. Anna H. Shaw, national lecturer for the American W. S. A.,
whose position as national superintendent of franchise for the W.
C. T. U. enables her to use them with great effect; 7,700 were
made a gift to the Ohio Centennial Exposition at Cincinnati with
hundreds of copies of the _Woman's Journal_ and _Woman's Column_;
also many to the exposition at Columbus; 1,000 leaflets were sent
to the meeting of the Wisconsin W. S. A. at Milwaukee, and 500 to
its recent meeting at Stevens Point; many were sent to the fair
at Ottumwa, Ia.; a large number were distributed at the annual
meeting of the National W. C. T. U. in New York, and smaller
quantities have been supplied for local use in almost all the
States and Territories. Several friends have made donations of
money for this purpose, and there is no way in which money goes
further or does more good. In August, the association began the
publication of a series of tracts under the title of the _Woman
Suffrage Leaflet_. The association has given $50 for work in
Montana, $50 in Vermont, $25 in Wisconsin and $15 in New York.

Memorial resolutions were adopted for Louisa M. Alcott, Dr. Mary F.
Thomas and James Freeman Clarke, D. D.

The following committee was chosen to continue the negotiations for
union with the National Woman Suffrage Association, which had been
entered upon in pursuance of the resolution adopted at Philadelphia:
the Hon. William Dudley Foulke, Indiana; the Rev. Anna H. Shaw,
Michigan; Miss Laura Clay, Kentucky; Mrs. Margaret W. Campbell, Iowa;
Prof. W. H. Carruth, Kansas; Miss Mary Grew, Pennsylvania; the Rev.
Antoinette Brown Blackwell, New Jersey; Mrs. Sarah C. Schrader, Ohio;
Mrs. Catherine V. Waite, Illinois; Mrs. May S. Knaggs, Michigan; Miss
Alice Stone Blackwell, Massachusetts.

_1889._--In January these delegates met with those from the National
Association at the convention of the latter in Washington, D. C., and
arrangements for the union of the two societies for the following year
were practically completed.[146]

In the summer an appeal was addressed by Lucy Stone, Julia Ward Howe
and Mary A. Livermore to the constitutional conventions which were
preparing for Statehood in Dakota, Washington, Montana and Idaho. It
said in part:

The undersigned, officers of the American Woman Suffrage
Association, though not properly entitled to address your
convention, nevertheless ask its courtesy on account of the great
interest they feel in the question of the status you will give to
women.

You, gentlemen, felt keenly the disadvantage you were under when
you had only Territorial rights. If you will consider how much
greater are the disadvantages of a class that is wholly without
political rights, you will, we feel sure, pardon our entreaty
that in building your new constitution you will secure for women
equal political rights with men.

The men of the older States inherited their constitutions, with
the odious features which the common law imposes upon women. But
you are making constitutions. You have the golden opportunity to
save your women from all these evils by securing their right to
vote in the organic law of the new State. By doing this, over and
above the satisfaction which comes from having done a just deed,
you will win the gratitude of women for all time, as our fathers
won the gratitude of the race when they announced the principle
which we ask you to apply. You will also secure the historic
credit of being the first men to take the next great step in
civilization--a step sure to be taken at no distant day....

Edward Everett once said, illustrating the effect of small things
on character: "The Mississippi and the St. Lawrence Rivers have
their rise near each other. A very small difference in the
elevation of the land sends one to the ocean amid tropical heat,
while the other empties into the frozen waters of the north." So,
it may seem a small matter whether you admit or shut out women
from an equal share in the government. But if you exclude them
you shut out a class of citizens pre-eminently orderly,
law-abiding and peaceful, and especially interested in the
welfare of the home and the safety of society. If, at the same
time, you admit all classes of men, however worthless, provided
they are out of prison, and if you make them free to stamp their
impress upon the government, in the long run you will find the
moral tone of the community lowered and cheapened, and your most
sacred institutions imperiled by the dangerous classes to whom
you entrusted the power which you denied to orderly and good
women.

Henry B. Blackwell, secretary of the association, visited North
Dakota, Montana and Washington, and personally labored with the
members of the three constitutional conventions. He carried with him
letters written expressly for these conventions by Governor Francis E.
Warren and U. S. Delegate Joseph M. Carey of Wyoming; Governor Lyman
U. Humphrey, Attorney-General L. B. Kellogg, Chief Justice Albert H.
Horton and all the Judges of the Supreme Court of Kansas; U. S.
Senator Henry M. Teller of Colorado, U. S. Senator Cushman K. Davis of
Minnesota, Governor Oliver Ames, U. S. Senator George F. Hoar, William
Lloyd Garrison and others of Massachusetts, commending his mission and
expressing the hope that the new States would incorporate equal
suffrage in their constitutions. Copies of these letters were placed
in the hands of every delegate. Mr. Blackwell devoted over a month to
the journey and the work in these Territories, paying his own expenses
and giving them and his services to the American Suffrage Association.
[Detailed accounts of these efforts will be found in chapters on these
three States.]

_1890._--In February the American and the National Societies held a
convention in Washington under the name of the National-American
Association and this body has continued its annual meetings as one
organization.

FOOTNOTES:

[135] The History is indebted for this chapter to Miss Alice Stone
Blackwell, editor of _The Woman's Journal_, Boston, Mass. For early
accounts of this organization see History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. II,
Chap. XXVI. [Editors of History.

[136] Mrs. Helen Ekin Starrett, principal of Highland Park Academy;
Miss Ada C. Sweet, head of the Pension Office in Illinois; Mrs. Mary
B. Willard, of the _Union Signal_; Mrs. Elizabeth Boynton Harbert, of
the _Inter-Ocean_; Dr. Julia Holmes Smith, Helen K. Pierce, Mrs. W. O.
Carpenter, Mrs. H. W. Fuller, Mrs. George Harding, Mrs. Catherine V.
Waite, Mrs. Elizabeth Loomis and the Rev. Florence Kollock composed
the entertainment committee.

[137] Mr. Wood, in many public addresses made during the first Kansas
amendment campaign in 1867, attributed this action of the Kansas
Constitutional Convention to Mrs. Stone; but it is certain that other
influences contributed to it. [For a further account of these, see
History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. 1, p. 185. Eds.]

[138] Massachusetts gave to this fund $472; Pennsylvania, $201.50;
Indiana, $146; New Jersey, $80; Connecticut, $50; New Hampshire, $25;
Ohio, $10; Delaware, $5; New Brunswick, Canada, $10.

[139] Vice-presidents, ex-officio: Mrs. E. N. Bacon, Me.; Mrs. Armenia
S. White, N. H.; Mrs. M. L. T. Hidden, Vt.; William I. Bowditch,
Mass.; Mrs. Elizabeth B. Chace, R. I.; Mrs. Emily P. Collins, Conn.;
Mrs. Mariana W. Chapman, N. Y.; Kate A. Browning, N. J.; Miss Mary
Grew, Penn.; Mrs. Mary A. Heald, Del.; Mrs. Frances M. Casement, O.;
Mary F. Thomas, M. D., Ind.; Miss Ada C. Sweet, Ill.; Lucy C.
Stansell, Mich.; Sylvia Goddard, Ky.; Mrs. A. E. Dickinson, Mo.;
Lizzie D. Fyler, Ark.; Jennie Beauchamp, Tex.; Emma C. Bascom, Wis.;
Narcissa T. Bennis, Ia.; Gertrude M. McDowell, Neb.; the Hon. Charles
Robinson, Kan.; Gen. Theodore F. Brown, Col.; Jennie Carr, Cal.;
Abigail Scott Duniway, Ore.; Martha G. Ripley, M. D., Minn.; the Hon.
J. W. Hoyt, Wy. Ty.; Elizabeth Lyle Saxon, Tenn.; Mrs. Cadwallader
White, Ga.; the Hon. Roger S. Greene, Wash. Ty.; Mary J. Ireland, Md.;
Caroline E. Merrick, La.

Executive Committee: Lucy Stone, chairman; Mrs. C. A. Quinby, Me.; Dr.
J. H. Gallinger, N. H.; Laura Moore, Vt.; Mrs. Judith W. Smith, Mass.;
Mrs. S. E. H. Doyle, R. I.; the Hon. John Sheldon, Conn.; Anna C.
Field, N. Y.; Cornelia C. Hussey, N. J.; John K. Wildman, Penn.; Dr.
John Cameron, Del.; Jennie F. Holmes, Neb.; Prof. W. H. Carruth, Kan.;
Mary F. Shields, Col.; Sarah Knox Goodrich, Cal.; Mrs. N. Coe Stewart,
O.; Mary E. Haggart, Ind.; Helen E. Starrett, Ill.; Mrs. Geary, Va.;
Jennie A. Crane, W. Va.; Mrs. L. S. Ellis, Mich.; Laura Clay, Ky.;
Charlotte A. Cleveland, Mo.; Rhoda Munger, Ark.; Mrs. H. Buckner,
Tex.; Helen R. Olin, Wis.; Mary A. Work, Ia.; Laura Howe Carpenter,
Minn.; Mrs. A. S. Duniway, Ore.; the Hon. J. W. Kingman, Wy. Ty.; Mrs.
Smith of Seattle, Wash. Ty.

[140] Congress never could be persuaded to take any action and Miss
Carroll died in poverty and need. [Eds.

[141] Among the other speakers were Lucy Stone and Henry B. Blackwell,
of Massachusetts; Mrs. Margaret W. Campbell and the Rev. S. S.
Hunting, of Iowa; Mrs. Mary E. Haggart, of Indiana; the Rev. Anna
Howard Shaw, of Michigan; Mrs. Laura M. Johns, Mrs. Hammer, Mrs.
Barnes, Mrs. Annie L. Diggs, Miss Sarah A. Brown, Mrs. Brown of
Abilene, William P. Tomlinson, of the Topeka _Democrat_; the Revs. C.
H. Lovejoy, H. W. George and Dr. McCabe, Dr. Fisher, Judge W. A.
Peffer, Mrs. M. E. De Geer Call, Mrs. Martia L. Berry, Col. A. B.
Jetmore, J. C. Hebbard and Hon. C. S. Gleed.

[142] This was done.

[143] The American W. S. A. afterwards voted to give to each State the
entire amount of its gross sales.

[144] Mr. Foulke served as president from 1884 to 1890. During this
time but few changes were made in the official board. In 1885 Mrs.
Mary E. Haggart (Ind.) was added to the vice-presidents-at-large; in
1886 Dr. Mary F. Thomas (Ind.), J. K. Hudson (Kas.), the Rev. Anna
Howard Shaw (Mass.); 1887, Mrs. May Stocking Knaggs (Mich.); 1888,
Miss Clara Barton (D. C.), Mrs. Zerelda G. Wallace (Ind.), Mrs. Phebe
C. McKell (Ohio). In 1887 Mrs. Martha C. Callanan (Iowa) was elected
recording secretary. The various State auxiliaries made numerous
changes in vice-presidents ex-officio and members of the executive
committee.

[145] Among speakers not elsewhere mentioned were the Rev. Antoinette
Brown Blackwell, Mrs. Lucy Stone, Mrs. Sarah C. Schrader, Mrs.
Margaret W. Campbell, Mrs. Martha C. Callahan, Dr. Caroline M. Dodson,
Madame Calliope Kachiya (a Greek friend of Mrs. Howe's), and Miss
Alice Stone Blackwell. Mrs. Wessendorf read a poem, and there were
songs by the Blaine Glee Club and by Miss Annie McLean Marsh and her
little niece, and violin music by Miss Lucille du Pre.

[146] The American Woman Suffrage Association was indebted for State
reports during the past years to the following: Arkansas, Lizzie
Dorman Fyler; California, Sarah Knox Goodrich, Elizabeth A. Kingsbury,
Sarah M. Severance, Fannie Wood; Connecticut, Emily P. Collins, Abby
B. Sheldon; Dakota, Major J. A. Pickler, Alice M. Pickler; Delaware,
Dr. John Cameron; Illinois, Mary E. Holmes, Catherine G. Waugh
(McCulloch); Indiana, Florence M. Adkinson, Mary S. Armstrong, Sarah
E. Franklin, Adelia R. Hornbrook, Mary D. Naylor; Iowa, Mary J.
Coggeshall, Eliza H. Hunter, Mary A. Work, Narcissa T. Bemis; Kansas,
Prof. W. H. Carruth, Mrs. M. E. De Geer, Bertha H. Ellsworth;
Kentucky, Mary B. Clay, Laura Clay; Maine, the Rev. Henry Blanchard,
Mrs. C. S. Quinby; Massachusetts, Henry B. Blackwell, Lucy Stone;
Missouri, Rebecca N. Hazard, Amanda E. Dickenson; Minnesota, Martha
Angle Dorsett, Ella M. S. Marble, Dr. Martha G. Ripley; Michigan, Mrs.
E. L. Briggs, Mary L. Doe, Emily B. Ketcham, Mrs. H. L. Udell, Mrs.
Ellis; New Hampshire, Armenia S. White, Mrs. M. H. Ela; New Jersey,
Cornelia C. Hussey, Therese M. Seabrook; New York, Lillie Devereaux
Blake, Mariana W. Chapman, Mrs. E. O. Putnam Heaton, Anna Holyoke
Howard, Hamilton Willcox; Nebraska, Erasmus M. Correll, Deborah G.
King, Lucinda Russell, Clara Albertson Young; Ohio, Lou J. Bates,
Frances M. Casement, Orpha D. Baldwin, S. S. Bissell, Mary J. Cravens,
Mrs. (Dr.) Henderson, Mrs. M. B. Haven, Martha M. Paine, Mary P.
Spargo, Rosa L. Segur, Cornelia C. Swezey; Oregon, Abigail Scott
Duniway, W. S. Duniway; Pennsylvania, Florence A. Burleigh, Mary Grew,
Matilda Hindman; Rhode Island, Elizabeth B. Chace, Marilla M.
Brewster, Sarah W. Ladd, Mary C. Peckham, Louise M. Tyler; Tennessee,
Lida A. Meriwether, Elizabeth Lyle Saxon; Texas, Mariana T. Folsom;
Vermont, Laura Moore; Virginia, Orra Langhorne; Washington Territory,
Bessie J. Isaacs; Wisconsin, Mary W. Bentley, Alura Collins; Wyoming,
Dr. Kate Kelsey.

CHAPTER XXIII.

SUFFRAGE WORK IN POLITICAL AND OTHER CONVENTIONS.

The chapters thus far have given some idea of the endeavor to secure
the ballot for women through national suffrage conventions, which
bring together delegates from all parts of the country and send them
back to their respective localities strengthened and fortified for the
work; and which, through strong and logical arguments covering all
phases of the question, given before large audiences, gradually have
created a wide-spread sentiment in favor of the enfranchisement of
women. There have been described also the hearings before committees
of Congress, at which the advocates of this measure have made pleas
for the submission to the State Legislatures of a Sixteenth Amendment
to the Federal Constitution which should prohibit disfranchisement on
account of sex, as the Fifteenth Amendment does on account of
color--pleas which a distinguished Senator, who reported against
granting them, said "surpassed anything he ever had heard, and whose
logic if used in favor of any other measure could not fail to carry
it" (p. 201); and of which another, who had the courage to report in
favor, declared, "The suffragists have logic, argument, everything on
their side" (p. 162).

In addition to this national work the following chapters will show
that the State work has been continued on similar lines--State and
local conventions and appeals to Legislatures to submit an amendment
to the electors to strike the word "male" from the suffrage clause of
their own State constitution. These appeals, in many instances, have
been supported by larger petitions than ever presented for any other
object.

Further efforts have been made on a still different line, viz.:
through attempts to secure from outside conventions an indorsement of
woman suffrage, not only from those of a political but also from those
of a religious, educational, professional or industrial nature. This
has been desired in order that the bills may go before Congress and
Legislatures with the all-important sanction of voters, and also
because of its favorable effect on those composing these conventions
and on public sentiment.

The idea of asking for recognition from a national political
convention was first suggested to Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Miss
Susan B. Anthony in 1868. By their protests against the use of the
word "male" in the Fourteenth Amendment, as described in Chap. I of
this volume, they had angered the Republican leaders, some of whom,
even those who favored woman suffrage, sarcastically advised them to
ask the Democrats for indorsement in their national convention of this
year and see what would be the response. These two women, therefore,
did appear before that body, which dedicated the new Tammany Hall in
New York City, on July 4. An account of their insulting reception may
be found in the History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. II, p. 340, and in the
Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony, p. 304. They, with Abby Hopper
Gibbons, daughter of Isaac T. Hopper, and Elizabeth Smith Miller,
daughter of Gerrit Smith, previously had sent an earnest letter to the
National Republican Convention which had met in Chicago in June,
asking in the name of the women who had rendered the party such
faithful service during the Civil War, that it would recognize in its
platform their right to the suffrage, but the letter received no
notice whatever.

From that year until the present a committee of women has attended
every national convention of all the parties, asking for an
indorsement or at least a commendation of their appeal for the
franchise. Sometimes they have been received with respect, sometimes
with discourtesy, and occasionally they have been granted a few
minutes to make their plea before the Committee on Resolutions. In but
a single instance has any one of these women, the most eminent in the
nation, been permitted to address a Republican convention--at
Cincinnati in 1876. Twice this privilege has been extended by a
Democratic--at St. Louis in 1876 and at Cincinnati in 1880. A far-off
approach to a recognition of woman's claim was made by the National
Republican Convention at Philadelphia in 1872, in this resolution:

The Republican party, mindful of its obligations to the loyal
women of America, expresses gratification that wider avenues of
employment have been opened to woman, and it further declares
that her demands for additional rights should be treated with
respectful consideration.

Again in 1876 the national convention, held in Cincinnati, adopted the
following:

The Republican party recognizes with approval the substantial
advance recently made toward the establishment of equal rights
for women by the many important amendments effected by the
Republican (!) Legislatures, in the laws which concern the
personal and property relations of wives, mothers and widows, and
by the election and appointment of women to the superintendence
of education, charities and other public trusts. The honest
demands of this class of citizens for additional rights,
privileges and immunities should be treated with respectful
consideration.

In 1880, '84, '88 and '92 the women were wholly disregarded. The
national platform of 1888, however, contained this plank:

We recognize the supreme and sovereign right of every lawful
citizen to cast one free ballot in all public elections and to
have that ballot duly counted.

The leaders of the woman suffrage movement at once telegraphed to
Chicago to the chairman of the convention, the Hon. Morris M. Estee,
asking if this statement was intended to include "lawful women
citizens," and he answered, "I do not think the platform is so
construed here." A letter was addressed to the presidential candidate,
Gen. Benjamin Harrison, begging that in his acceptance of the
nomination, he would interpret this declaration as including women,
but it was politely ignored.

In 1892 Miss Anthony appeared before the Resolutions Committee of the
national convention in Minneapolis and in an address of thirty minutes
pleaded that women might have recognition in its platform. At the
close many of the members assured her of their thorough belief in the
justice of woman suffrage, but said frankly that "the party could not
carry the load."[147] The following was the suffrage plank in its
platform that year:

We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be
allowed to cast one free and unrestricted ballot in all public
elections, and that such ballot shall be counted as cast; that
such laws shall be enacted and enforced as will secure to every
citizen, be he rich or poor, native or foreign, white or black,
this sovereign right guaranteed by the constitution. The free and
honest popular ballot, the just and equal representation of all
the people, as well as their just and equal protection under the
laws, are the foundation of our republican institutions, and the
party will never relax its efforts until the integrity of the
ballot and the purity of elections shall be guaranteed and
protected in every State.

But not once during the campaign did the party speakers or newspapers
apply this declaration to the women citizens of the United States.

In 1896, when the prospects of success seemed certain enough to
justify the party in assuming some additional "load," the women made
the most impassioned appeal to the committee at the St. Louis
convention, with the following remarkable result:

The Republican party is mindful of the rights and interests of
women. Protection of American industries includes equal
opportunities, equal pay for equal work, and protection to the
home. We favor the admission of women to wider spheres of
usefulness, and welcome their co-operation in rescuing the
country from Democratic mismanagement and Populist misrule.

A whole plank to exploit Republicanism and a small splinter to cajole
the women, who had not asked for the suffrage to "rescue" or to defeat
any political party!

No Democratic national platform ever has recognized so much as the
existence of women, in all its grandiloquent declarations of the
"rights of the masses," the "equality of the people," the "sovereignty
of the individual" and the "powers inherent in a democracy."

The Populists at the beginning of their career sounded the slogan,
"Equal rights to all, special privileges to none," and many believed
that at length the great party had arisen which was to secure to women
the equal right in the suffrage which thus far had been the special
privilege of men. Full of joy and hope there went to the first
national convention of this party, held in Omaha, July 4, 1892, Susan
B. Anthony and the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, president and
vice-president-at-large of the National Suffrage Association. To their
amazement they were refused permission even to appear before the
Committee on Resolutions, a courtesy which by this time was usually
extended at all political conventions. The platform contained no woman
suffrage plank and no reference to the question except that in the
long preamble occurred this sentence:

We believe that the forces of reform this day organized will
never cease to move forward until every wrong is righted, and
equal rights and equal privileges securely established for all
the men and women of this country.

In 1896 the Populist National Convention in St. Louis effected its
great fusion with the Democrats, and the political rights of women
were hopelessly lost in the shuffle. By 1900 the organization was
thoroughly under Democratic control, and the expectations of women to
secure their enfranchisement through this "party of the people,"
created to reform all abuses and abolish all unjust discriminations,
vanished forever. It must be said to its credit, however, that during
its brief existence women received more recognition in general than
they ever had had from the old parties. They sat as delegates in its
national and State conventions and served on National and State
Committees; they were employed as political speakers and organizers;
and they were elected and appointed to official positions. Various
State and county conventions declared in favor of enfranchising women,
the majority of the legislators advocated it, and there is reason to
believe that in those States where an amendment to secure it was
submitted, individual Populists very largely voted for it.

The Prohibition National Conventions many times have put a woman
suffrage plank in their platforms, and women have served as delegates
and on committees. The Woman's Christian Temperance Union forms the
bulwark of this party, and, like its distinguished president, Miss
Frances E. Willard, her successor, Mrs. Lillian M. N. Stevens, is an
earnest advocate of the enfranchisement of women, which is also true
of the vast majority of its members, so it has not been necessary for
the Woman Suffrage Association to send delegates to the national
conventions, although it has occasionally done so. These have
frequently failed, however, to adopt a plank declaring for woman
suffrage, the refusal to do so at Pittsburg in 1896 being a principal
cause of the division in the ranks which took place at that time.

The Greenback party, the Labor party, the various Socialist parties,
and other reform organizations of a political character have made
unequivocal declarations for woman suffrage and welcomed women as
delegates. Whether they would do so if strong enough to have any hope
of electing their candidates must remain an open question until
practically demonstrated.[148]

Women have served a number of times as delegates in the national
conventions of most of the so-called Third parties. In 1892 they
appeared for the first time at a Republican National Convention,
serving as alternates from Wyoming. In 1896 women alternates were sent
from Utah to the Democratic National Convention. In 1900 Mrs. W. H.
Jones went as delegate from that State to the Republican, and Mrs.
Elizabeth Cohen to the Democratic National Convention, and both
discharged the duties of the position in a satisfactory manner. Mrs.
Cohen seconded the nomination of William J. Bryan. A newspaper
correspondent published a sensational story in regard to her bold and
noisy behavior, but afterwards he was compelled to retract publicly
every word of it and admit that it had no foundation.

Doubtless Miss Anthony has attended more political conventions to
secure recognition of the cause which she represents than any other
woman, and also has presented the subject to more national conventions
of various associations. In early days this was because she was one of
the few who had the courage to take this new and radical step, and
also because she was the only one who made the suffrage the sole
object of her life and was ready and willing to work for it at all
times and under all circumstances. In later days her name has carried
so much weight and she is so universally respected that she has been
able to obtain a hearing and often a resolution where this would be
difficult if not impossible for other women. However, in national and
State work of this kind she has had the valuable co-operation of the
ablest women of two generations. In no way can the scope and extent of
these efforts be better understood than by reviewing Miss Anthony's
report to the National Suffrage Convention of 1901, as chairman of
the Committee on Convention Resolutions. It is especially interesting
as a fair illustration of the vast amount of work which women have
been doing in this direction for the past thirty years.

After stating that the names and home addresses of most of the
delegates to all the national political conventions of 1900 were
obtained, Miss Anthony submitted copies of four letters of which 4,000
were sent in June from the national suffrage headquarters in New York,
signed by herself and the other members of the committee--Carrie
Chapman Catt, Anna Howard Shaw, Ida Husted Harper and Rachel Foster
Avery.

(To the Republican delegates.)

The undersigned Committee, appointed by the National-American
Woman Suffrage Association, beg leave to submit to you, as
delegate to the approaching Republican Convention, the enclosed
Memorial.

The Republican party was organized in response to the demand for
human freedom. Its platform for the last forty years has been an
unswerving declaration for liberty and equality. Animated by the
spirit of progress, it has continued to enlarge the voting
constituency from time to time, thus acknowledging the right of
the individual to self-representation. This principle was
embodied in the plank adopted at the Chicago convention of 1888,
and has been often reaffirmed: "We recognize the supreme and
sovereign right of every lawful citizen to cast one free ballot
in all public elections and have that ballot duly counted." We
appeal to the Republican party to sustain its record by applying
this declaration to the lawful women citizens of the United
States.

You will observe that this petition does not ask you to endorse
the enfranchisement of women, but simply to recommend that
Congress submit this question to the decision of the various
State Legislatures. In the name of American womanhood we ask you
to use every means within your power to bring this matter to a
discussion and affirmative vote in your convention.

* * * * *

(To the Democratic delegates.)

Since its inception the Democratic party has had for its rallying
cry the immortal words of Thomas Jefferson, "No taxation without
representation," "Governments derive their just powers from the
consent of the governed." Under this banner wage-earning men,
native and foreign, were endowed with the franchise, by which
means alone an individual can represent himself or consent to his
government, and by this act the party was kept in power for
nearly sixty years.

At the close of the eighteenth century this was a broad view for
even so great a leader to take. In this closing year of the
nineteenth century it would show an equally progressive spirit
if his loyal followers would carry these splendid declarations to
their logical conclusion and enfranchise women.

* * * * *

(To the Populist delegates.)

At the very first National Convention of the People's Party, held
at Omaha in 1892, the preamble of their platform declared that
"equal rights and privileges must be securely established for all
the men and women of the country." In the majority of State
conventions held since that time there has been specific
recognition of equal political rights for women. By admitting
women as delegates in their representative assemblies and by
appointing them to State and local offices, the Populists have
put into practice this fundamental principle of their
organization. Therefore, in asking you to give your influence and
vote in favor of this petition, we are proposing only that you
shall reaffirm your previous declarations.

* * * * *

(To the Prohibition delegates.)

Judging from the honorable record made by your party upon this
subject, we have every reason to hope that you will give your
influence and your vote in favor of the petition contained
herein.

In the Democratic letter was enclosed an Open Letter from Gov. Charles
S. Thomas (Dem.) of Colorado, setting forth in the strongest manner
the advantages of woman suffrage, and in all was placed favorable
testimony from prominent men of the respective States, accompanied by
the following Memorial. The latter was mailed also to every member of
the Resolutions Committees, and 10,000 copies were sent to editors and
otherwise circulated throughout the country.

MEMORIAL

TO THE NATIONAL PRESIDENTIAL CONVENTION OF 1900.

GENTLEMEN: You are respectfully requested by the
National-American Woman Suffrage Association to place the
following plank in your platform:

_Resolved_, That we favor the submission by Congress, to the
various State Legislatures, of an Amendment to the Federal
Constitution forbidding disfranchisement of United States
citizens on account of sex.

The chief contribution to human liberty made by the United States
is the establishment of the right of personal representation in
government. In other countries suffrage often has been called
"the vested right of property," and as such has been extended to
women the same as to men. Our country at length has come to
recognize the principle that the elective franchise is inherent
in the individual and not in his property, and this principle has
become the corner-stone of our republic. Up to the beginning of
the twentieth century, however, the application of this great
truth has been made to but one-half the citizens.

The women of the United States are now the only disfranchised
class, and sex is the one remaining disqualification. A man may
be idle, corrupt, vicious, utterly without a single quality
necessary for purity and stability of government, but through the
exercise of the suffrage he is a vital factor. A woman may be
educated, industrious, moral and law-abiding, possessed of every
quality needed in a pure and stable government, but, deprived of
that influence which is exerted through the ballot, she is not a
factor in affairs of State. Who will claim that our government is
purer, wiser, stronger and more lasting by the rigid exclusion of
what men themselves term "the better half" of the people?

Every argument which enfranchises a man, enfranchises a woman.
There is no escape from this logic except to declare sex the just
basis of suffrage. But this position can not be maintained in
view of the fact that women already have full suffrage in
Wyoming, Colorado, Utah and Idaho, municipal suffrage in Kansas,
school suffrage in twenty-five States, a vote on tax levies in
Louisiana, on bond issues in Iowa, and on minor questions in
various other States. They have every franchise except the
Parliamentary in England, Scotland and Ireland, the full ballot
in New Zealand and South and West Australia, and some form of
suffrage in every English colony. In a large number of the
monarchical countries certain classes of women vote. On this
fundamental question of individual sovereignty surely the United
States should be a leader and not a follower. The trend of the
times is clearly toward equal suffrage. It will add to the credit
and future strength of any party to put itself in line with the
best modern and progressive thought on this question.

In the division of the world's labor an equal share falls to
woman. As property holder and wage-earner her material stake in
the government is equal to that of man. As wife, as mother, as
individual, her moral stake is certainly as great as his. The
perpetuity of the republic depends upon the careful performance
of the duties of both. One is just as necessary as the other to
the growth and prosperity of the country. All of these
propositions are self-evident, but they are wholly foreign to the
question at issue. The right of the individual to a vote is not
founded upon the value of his stake in government, upon his moral
character, his business ability or his physical strength, but
simply and solely upon that guarantee of personal representation
which is the essence of a true republic, a true democracy.

The literal definition of these two terms is, "a State in which
the sovereign power resides in the whole body of the people and
is exercised by representatives elected by them." By the
Declaration of Independence, by the rules of equity, by the laws
of justice, women equally with men are entitled to exercise this
sovereign power, through the franchise, the only legal means
provided. But whatever may be regarded as the correct basis of
suffrage--character, education, property, or the inherent right
of the person who is subject to law and taxation--women possess
all the qualifications required of men.

At this dawn of a new century are not the sons of the
Revolutionary Fathers sufficiently progressive to remove the
barriers which for more than a hundred years have prevented women
from exercising this citizen's right? We appeal to this great
national delegate body, representing the men of every State,
gathered to outline the policy and select the head of the
Government for the next four years, to adopt in your platform a
declaration approving the submission by Congress of an amendment
enfranchising women. We urge this action in order that the
question shall be carried to the various Legislatures, where
women may present their arguments before the representative men,
instead of being compelled to plead their cause before each
individual voter of the forty-one States where they are still
disfranchised.

We make this earnest appeal on behalf of the hundreds of
thousands of women who, from year to year, have petitioned
Congress to take the action necessary for their enfranchisement;
and of those millions who are so engrossed in the struggle for
daily bread, or in the manifold duties of the home, that they are
compelled to leave this task to others. We make it also on behalf
of the generations yet to come, for there will be no cessation of
this demand until this highest privilege of citizenship has been
accorded to women.

ELIZABETH CADY STANTON, } Honorary Presidents.
SUSAN B. ANTHONY, }

CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT, President.

HARRIET TAYLOR UPTON, ANNA HOWARD SHAW,
Treasurer. Vice-President-at-Large.

LAURA CLAY, RACHEL FOSTER AVERY,
First Auditor. Corresponding Secretary.

CATHARINE WAUGH MCCULLOCH, ALICE STONE BLACKWELL,
Second Auditor. Recording Secretary.

Headquarters, National-American Woman Suffrage Association,
2008 American Tract Society Building,
New York City.

Four women were permitted to appear before a sub-committee of the
Committee on Platform at the Republican National Convention at
Philadelphia, in 1900. They met with a polite but chilly reception
and were informed that they could have ten minutes to present
their case. This time was occupied by the president and the
vice-president-at-large in concise but forcible arguments on the duty
of the party to recognize their claim for enfranchisement. The
platform eventually contained the following plank:

We congratulate the women of America upon their splendid record
of public service in the Volunteer Aid Association, and as nurses
in camp and hospital during the recent campaigns of our armies in
the Eastern and Western Indies, and we appreciate their faithful
co-operation in all works of education and industry.

In other words, being asked to recognize women as political factors,
the committee responded by commending them as nurses!

This plank was written by Mrs. J. Ellen Foster, who as president of
the Woman's National Republican League and a campaign speaker, has
done far more for the party than any other woman, and originally it
ended with this clause: "We regard with satisfaction their unselfish
interest in public affairs in the four States where they have already
been enfranchised, and their growing interest in good government and
Republican principles." But even so small a recognition as this of
women in political life was ruthlessly struck out by the committee.

Mrs. Chapman Catt and Miss Mary G. Hay attended the Democratic
National Convention at Kansas City and were not allowed to address any
committee, but the platform contained the Declaration of Independence
as its preamble!

The Populist national platform adopted at Sioux City did not contain
even a reference to women or their rights and privileges.

The Prohibition convention followed its action of 1896 and put no
woman suffrage plank in its platform. A separate resolution was passed
expressing a favorable regard but carrying no official weight.

The only national political convention in 1900 which adopted a plank
declaring for the enfranchisement of women was that of the
Social-Democratic party at Indianapolis.

In not one of the four largest parties were the delegates in
convention given so much as an opportunity to discuss and vote on a
resolution to enfranchise women. All these heroic efforts, all these
noble appeals, had not the slightest effect because made by a class
utterly without influence by reason of this very disfranchisement
which it was struggling to have removed. At every political convention
all matters of right, of justice, of the eternal verities themselves,
are swallowed up in the one all-important question, "Will it bring
party success?" And to this a voteless constituency can not contribute
in the smallest degree, even though it represent the Ten Commandments,
the Sermon on the Mount, the Golden Rule, the Magna Charta and the
Declaration of Independence.

Paradoxical as it may seem, notwithstanding the refusal of the
Resolutions Committees of all these national bodies to grant even an
indirect recognition of woman suffrage in their platforms, its
advocates never before found such a general sentiment in its favor
among the individual delegates. In a number of instances they were
told that a poll of delegations had shown a majority of the members to
be ready to vote for it. It was demonstrated beyond doubt that the
rank and file of the delegates, if freed from hostile influences among
their constituents and granted the sanction of the political leaders,
could be won to a support of the measure, but that at present it must
wait on party expediency. As every campaign brings with it national
issues on which each party makes a fight for its life, and which it
fears to hamper by any extraneous questions; as the elements most
strongly opposed to the enfranchisement of women not only are fully
armed with ballots themselves but are in complete control of an
immense force similarly equipped; and as the vote of women is so
problematical that none of the parties can claim it in advance, it is
impossible to foresee when and how they are to obtain political
freedom. The one self-evident fact is, however, that in order to win
it they must be supported by a stronger public sentiment than exists
at present, and that this can be secured only through a constant
agitation of the subject.

A return to Miss Anthony's report will illustrate other methods
adopted to bring this question to the attention of the public. "During
the year I have also sent petitions and letters to more than one
hundred national conventions of different sorts--industrial,
educational, charitable, philanthropic, religious and political.[149]
Below are the forms of petition:"

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the Fifty-sixth
Congress of the United States:_

The undersigned on behalf of (naming the association) in annual
convention assembled at ......, ......, 1900, and representing
fully ...... members, respectfully ask for the prompt passage by
your Honorable Body of a _Sixteenth Amendment_ to the Federal
Constitution, to be submitted to the Legislatures of the several
States for ratification, prohibiting the disfranchisement of
United States citizens on account of sex.

................, President.
................, Secretary.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the Fifty-sixth
Congress of the United States:_

WHEREAS, The trend of civilization is plainly in the direction of
equal rights for women, and

WHEREAS, Woman suffrage is no longer an experiment, but has been
clearly demonstrated to be beneficial to society; therefore,

_Resolved_, That we, on behalf of [as above], do respectfully
petition your Honorable Body not to insert the word "male" in the
suffrage clause of whatever form of government you shall
recommend to Hawaii, Cuba, Porto Rico or any other newly-acquired
possessions. We ask this in the name of justice and equality for
all citizens of a republic founded on the consent of the
governed.[150]

"A number of large associations adopted these and returned them to me
duly engrossed on their official paper, signed by the president and
secretary and with their seal affixed; and I forwarded all to the
Senators and Representatives whom I thought most likely to present
them to Congress in a way to make an impression.

"The General Federation of Labor at Detroit was the first to respond.
I was invited to address its annual convention and, after I had
spoken, the four hundred delegates passed a resolution of thanks to
me, adopted the above petition for the Sixteenth Amendment by a rising
vote, and ordered their officers to sign it in the name of their one
million constituents.

"The National Building Trades Council at Milwaukee had an able
discussion in its annual meeting, based on my letter, and adopted both
petitions. This body has half a million members.

"The Bricklayers' and Masons' International Union of America was held
in Rochester, and invited me to address the delegates. They received
me with enthusiasm, passed strong woman suffrage resolutions and
signed both petitions. Afterwards a stenographic report of my speech,
covering two full pages of their official organ, _The Bricklayer and
Mason_, was published with an excellent portrait of myself, thus
sending me and my argument to each one of their more than sixty
thousand members, all of whom subscribe to this paper as part of their
dues to the union.

"The National Grange, which has indorsed woman suffrage for so many
years, adopted the resolutions and petitions.

"At the Federation of Commercial Schools of the United States and
Canada, which met in Chicago, my letter was read, the question was
thoroughly discussed and the suffrage petitions were adopted almost
unanimously.

"The Columbia Catholic Summer School, held at Detroit, gave a hearing
to our national president, Mrs. Chapman Catt, at which she is said to
have made many converts. A strong suffrage speech was made by the Rev.
Father W. J. Dalton, and other prominent members expressed themselves
in favor.

"The contents of my letters to religious and educational bodies can
readily be imagined, and one which was sent to the United States
Brewers' Association, in convention at Atlantic City, N. J., may be
cited as an example of the subject-matter of those to other
organizations:

GENTLEMEN: As chairman of the committee appointed by our National
Suffrage Association to address letters to the large conventions
held this year, allow me to bring before you the great need of
the recognition of women in all of the rights, privileges and
immunities of United States citizenship.

Though your association has for its principal object the
management of the great brewing interests of this country, yet I
have noted that you have adopted resolutions declaring against
woman suffrage. I therefore appeal to you, since the question
seems to come within the scope of your deliberations, to reverse
your action this closing year of the century, and declare
yourselves in favor of the practical application of the
fundamental principles of our Government to all the people--women
as well as men. Whatever your nationality, whatever your
religious creed, whatever your political party, you are either
born or naturalized citizens of the United States, and because of
that are voters of the State in which you reside. Will you not,
gentlemen, accord to the women of this nation, having the same
citizenship as yourselves, precisely the same privileges and
powers which you possess because of that one fact?

The only true principle--the only safe policy--of a
democratic-republican government is that every class of people
shall be protected in the exercise of the right of individual
representation. I pray you, therefore, to pass a resolution in
favor of woman suffrage, and order your officers, on behalf of
the association, to sign a petition to Congress for this
purpose, and thereby put the weight of your influence on the side
of making this Government a genuine republic.

Should you desire to have one of our best woman suffrage speakers
address your convention, if you will let me know as soon as
possible, I will take pleasure in arranging for one to do so.

"This was read to the convention, and the secretary, Gallus Thomann,
thus reported its action to me:

Mr. Obermann [ex-president of the association and one of the
trustees] voicing the sentiments of the delegates, spoke as
follows: "Miss Susan B. Anthony is entitled to the respect of
every man and woman in this country, whether agreeing with her
theories or not. I think it but fair and courteous to her that
the secretary be instructed to answer that letter, and to inform
Miss Anthony that this is a body of business men; that we meet
for business purposes and not for politics. Furthermore, that she
is mistaken and misinformed so far as her statement is concerned
that we have passed resolutions opposing woman suffrage. _We have
never taken such action at any of our conventions or on any other
occasion._ I submit this as a motion."

The motion was unanimously adopted, and that part of Mr.
Obermann's remarks which related to the respect due Miss Anthony
was loudly and enthusiastically applauded.

To the sentiment thus expressed, permit me, dear Miss Anthony, to
add personally the assurance of my highest esteem.

"Among the results of the work with State conventions it may be
mentioned that the Georgia Federation of Labor, the Minnesota
Federation of Labor, the State Teachers' Association of Washington and
the New York State Grange signed the petitions and passed the
resolutions.

"As another branch of the work, copies of these two petitions were
sent to each of the forty-five States and three Territories, with
letters asking the suffrage presidents, where associations existed,
and prominent individuals in the few States where they did not, to
make two copies of each petition on their own official paper, sign
them on behalf of the suffragists of the State, and return them to me
to be sent to the members of Congress from the respective districts.
This was done almost without exception and these petitions were
presented by various members, one copy in the Senate and one in the
House. Of all the State petitions, the most interesting was that of
Wyoming, which, in default of a suffrage association (none being
needed) was signed by every State officer, from the Governor down, by
several United States officials, and by many of the most influential
men and women. With it came a letter from the wife of ex-U. S. Senator
Joseph M. Carey, who collected these names, saying the number was
limited only by the brief space of time allowed.

"In all, more than two hundred petitions for woman suffrage from
various associations were thus sent to Congress in 1900, representing
millions of individuals. Many cordial responses were received from
members, and promises of assistance should the question come before
Congress, but there is no record of the slightest attempt by any
member to bring it before that body.

"In doing this work I wrote fully a thousand letters to associations
and individuals, in all of which I placed some of our best printed
literature. There was a thorough stirring up of public sentiment which
must have definite results in time, for it should not be forgotten
that in addressing conventions we appeal to the chosen leaders of
thought and work from many cities and States, and so set in motion an
ever-widening circle of agitation in countless localities."

A most valuable means of educating public sentiment is the securing of
a Woman's Day at Chautauqua Assemblies and State and county fairs,
when good speakers present the "woman question" in its various phases,
including always the need for enfranchisement. The Rev. Anna Howard
Shaw and Mrs. Chapman Catt, the leading orators of the country, have
addressed Chautauquas in all parts of the United States, as well as
countless other large gatherings which have no connection with
suffrage, being thus enabled to propagate the principle over a vast
area. It can be seen from the above résumé that the ground of effort
is widely extended and that the harvest is ripening, but alas, there
is a constant repetition of the old, old cry, "The laborers are few."
One can only repeat what has often been said, that never before were
such results as can be seen on every hand in the improved conditions
for women and the advanced public sentiment in favor of a full
equality of rights, accomplished by so small a number of workers and
under such adverse conditions. Perhaps this will continue to be said
even unto the end, but their labors will know neither faltering nor
cessation until the original object, as announced over fifty years
ago, has been attained, viz.: the full enfranchisement of women.

FOOTNOTES:

[147] See Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony, p. 723.

[148] For the names of the women who have addressed the National
Conventions and Resolutions Committees of the various parties in the
effort to obtain an indorsement of woman suffrage, and for a full
account of their reception, of the memorials presented and the results
which followed, the reader is referred to the History of Woman
Suffrage, Vol. II, pp. 340 and 517; Vol. III, pp. 22 and 177; and for
many personal incidents, to the Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony in
the chapters devoted to the years of the various presidential
nominating conventions, beginning with 1868.

Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake, from the National Suffrage Association,
and Henry B. Blackwell and Mrs. J. Ellen Foster, as Republicans,
presented the question to the Resolutions Committee of the National
Republican Convention of 1896 in St. Louis, above referred to; Dr.
Julia Holmes Smith, accompanied by a committee of ladies, to that of
the National Democratic Convention in Chicago that year.

[149] Miss Anthony sent a special letter to each of these bodies
worded to appeal particularly to the interests it represented.

[150] For the answer to this petition see Chap. XIX.

CHAPTER XXIV.

THE RIGHTS OF WOMEN IN THE STATES.

The preceding chapters have been devoted principally to efforts made
in behalf of women by the National-American Suffrage Association
through its conventions, committees, officers, speakers, organizers
and members. Contemporaneous with this line of action there has been
for a number of years a similar movement in the respective States
carried forward through their associations auxiliary to the National,
their committees, officers, speakers, organizers and individual
membership. Each of the two divisions has been largely dependent upon
the other, the States forming the strength of the national body, the
latter extending assistance to the States whenever a special campaign
has been at hand or help has been needed in organizing, convention or
legislative work. The following chapters are confined wholly to the
situation in the various States and are subdivided into Organization,
Legislative Action, Laws, Suffrage, Office-Holding, Occupations and
Education. Their object is to give a general idea of the status of
woman at the close of the nineteenth century and the manifold changes
of which it is the result. It is desired also to put on record the
part which women themselves have had in the steady advance which will
be observed.

The account of only the past seventeen years is given, as the three
preceding volumes of this History relate in detail the pioneer work
and the gains made previous to 1884. Unfortunately it is inevitable in
a recital of this kind that many names should be omitted which are
quite as worthy of mention as those that find place, for in some
instances the records are imperfectly kept and in others the list is
so long as to forbid reproduction.[151] It has been necessary to bar
compliments in order to avoid unjust discrimination and to meet the
demands of limited space. To posterity the work is of more importance
than the workers, and those who have engaged in the efforts to improve
the condition of women necessarily have had to possess a spirit of
self-abnegation and self-sacrifice which neither expected nor desired
personal rewards.

The subject of Organization in most of the States is treated in the
briefest possible manner, the intention being merely to show that in
every State and Territory there has been some attempt to gather into a
working force the scattered individuals who believe in the justice of
woman suffrage and wish to obtain it. More extended mention of course
is due to the older States, where there has been continuous organized
work for many years, and where the societies have remained intact and
held their regular meetings in spite of such defeats and
discouragements as never have had to be faced by any other cause. It
is most difficult to form and maintain an association which has not a
concrete object to labor for, and when a campaign for an amendment is
not actually in progress, the suffrage in the distant future appears
largely as an abstraction. The early days of the movement necessarily
had to be given to creating the sentiment which would later be
organized, and it is only within the past decade that the time has
seemed ripe for systematic effort in this direction. The lack of
effective organization has been a serious but unavoidable weakness
which henceforth will be remedied as speedily and thoroughly as
possible.

It is a favorite argument of the opponents of woman suffrage that the
many gains of various kinds have not been due to the efforts of women
themselves. Under the head of Legislative Action will be found the
dates and figures to prove that, year after year, in almost every
State, women have gone to the Legislatures with appeals for every
concession which has been granted and many more which have been
refused. The bills presented by the Woman's Christian Temperance Union
have not been specifically included because they are fully recorded in
the publications of that body, and because this volume is confined
almost exclusively to the one subject of enfranchisement. While the
Suffrage Associations have directed their legislative efforts
principally to secure action for this purpose, individual members have
joined the W. C. T. U. innumerable times in its attempts to obtain
other bills of advantage to women and children, and in some instances
this has been done officially by the associations.

Among various measures in which the two organizations have united may
be mentioned the raising of the "age of protection" for girls; the
securing of women physicians in all institutions where women and
children are confined, and women on the boards of all such; women city
physicians; matrons at jails and station houses; better conditions for
working women; the abolition of child-labor; industrial schools for
girls. Measures which have been especially championed by the W. S. A.,
but which the W. C. T. U. has aided officially or individually, have
been those asking for every form of suffrage; equal property laws for
wives; the opening of all educational institutions to women; their
admission to all professions and occupations; the repeal of laws
barring them from office; the enactment of laws giving father and
mother equal guardianship of children.[152]

The W. C. T. U. alone has secured temperance measures of many kinds,
including a law in every State requiring scientific temperance
instruction in the public schools; in many States curfew laws, and
statutes prohibiting the sale of cigarettes and of liquor on or near
fair grounds, Soldiers' Homes and school-houses, and preventing
gambling devices, immoral exhibits, etc. The Federation of Women's
Clubs has obtained laws for free traveling libraries and has united
with other organizations in various States in efforts for equal
guardianship of children, school suffrage, women on school and library
boards and the abolishing of child labor. Other associations have
joined in one or more of the above lines of work and have had
independent measures of their own, such as prison reform, social
purity, the assistance of different races--as the negro and the
Indian--village improvement, kindergartens, public playgrounds, etc.

It would not be possible to draw a distinct line dividing the
legislative work of one association from the others, except that it
may be said the suffrage societies have made the franchise their chief
point, believing it to be the power with which the rest could be
gained, and the temperance unions have made their principal attack
upon the liquor traffic, considering it the greatest evil. The objects
of the various bodies are indicated in the last chapter of this volume
on Organizations of Women, but whatever these may be, if they include
any direct, practical work their promoters usually find themselves at
the door of the Legislature asking for help. Here they get their first
lesson in the imperative necessity of possessing a vote, and seeing
their measures fail because asked for by a disfranchised class, to
whom the legislators are in no way indebted, they frequently become
ardent advocates of suffrage for women.

As it would be wholly impossible in the small space which can be
allowed to include an account of all the legislative work done by
women, mention is made principally of that for the franchise. While
the successes have been few compared to the number of bills presented,
the record is valuable as indicating that determined and persistent
effort will not be relaxed until it is granted in every State.

Under the head of Legislation is related also the attempts to get from
Constitutional Conventions an amendment striking out the word "male"
as a qualification for suffrage. It includes, besides, graphic
accounts of the campaigns made in behalf of such amendments when
submitted to the voters by the Legislatures. Those who have not
closely followed these events doubtless will be surprised to learn the
amount of effort which has been expended by women to obtain the
franchise. It is infinitely greater than has been put forth for this
purpose by all other classes combined, since the Revolutionary War was
fought to secure to every citizen the right of individual
representation.

The Laws regarding women as here given are in no sense of the word a
"brief," but merely present the facts in the language of a layman and
in the simplest and most concise form. Those relating to property are
in the nature of a curiosity. An attorney in San Francisco who was
asked for information as to the laws in general for women in
California, answered that to give in full those of property alone
would require as much space as could be granted in the History for the
entire chapter. It is not possible to make in these introductory
paragraphs an adequate digest of these laws in various States. They
are not precisely the same in any two of the forty-nine States and
Territories, and they offer a striking illustration of the attempts of
law-makers, during the last few decades, to rectify in a measure the
legal outrages of the past, and of their inability in the present
state of their development to grant absolute justice. That must await
the lawmakers of the future, and probably the time when women shall
have a part in selecting them.

All that can be claimed for the statutes quoted herein is that they
are as nearly correct as it has been possible to make them. With but
one or two exceptions, the Attorney-Generals in every State have been
most courteous and obliging when appealed to for assistance. The laws
for women, however, have been so taken from and added to, so torn to
pieces and patched up, that the best lawyers in many States say
frankly that they do not know just what they are at the present time.
Legislatures and code revision committees are continually tinkering at
them and every year witnesses some changes in most of the States.[153]
A very thorough abstract of the laws, made in 1886 by Miss Lelia J.
Robinson, LL. B., a member of the bar in Massachusetts, was of almost
no use in the compilation for this volume because of the endless
alterations since that time. The Legal Status of Women, a condensed
résumé issued in 1897 by the National Suffrage Association, has been
covered thickly with pencil marks during the preparation of this
summary, as the reports received from different States have shown the
changes effected in the few years which have since elapsed. A new
book, Woman and the Law, prepared by a lecturer on political science
in one of our largest universities and published in 1901, was hailed
with joy, but was found to include a number of laws which had been
repealed within the past four or five years and to omit some very
important ones which had been enacted during this time, as well as to
contain frequent mistakes in regard to others.

These instances show the impossibility of an absolutely authentic
presentation of the laws for women in their constantly changing
condition. Although it was the intention to close this History with
1900, in several States, notably Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York,
Illinois and Wisconsin, laws have been passed since that date of
sufficient importance to demand a place. During the two years of its
preparation the entire codes of property laws for women in
Massachusetts and Virginia have been revolutionized.

An amusing part of a difficult task has been the reluctance of men to
admit the existence of laws which are conspicuously unjust to women,
the admission being frequently accompanied by the statement that it is
the intention to change them at an early date, or that it would only
be necessary to call the attention of the Legislature to them in order
to secure their repeal. Even women themselves in States where the
statutes especially discriminate against them, have written that these
must not be published unless those from all the others are given.
Whether this is due to State pride or personal humiliation is not
clearly evident.

The one encouraging feature is that in almost every State decided
progress is shown since 1848, when in New York and Pennsylvania the
first change was made in the English Common Law which then everywhere
prevailed, and which did not permit a married woman to hold property,
to buy or sell, to sue or be sued, to make a contract or a will, to
carry on business in her own name, to possess the wages she earned, or
to have her children in case of divorce. An examination of the laws in
the following chapters will show that the wife now may own and control
her separate property in three-fourths of the States, and in the other
fourth only one Northern State is included. In every State a married
woman may make a will, but can dispose only of her separate property.
In about two-thirds of the States she possesses her earnings. In the
great majority she may make contracts and bring suit. The property
rights of unmarried women always have been nearly the same as those of
unmarried men, but the Common Law declared that "by marriage husband
and wife are one person in law and the legal existence of the wife is
merged in that of the husband. He is her baron or lord, bound to
supply her with shelter, food, clothing and medicine, and is entitled
to her earnings and the use and custody of her person, which he may
seize wherever he may find it." (Blackstone, I, 442.)[154]

In his Commentaries, after enumerating some of the disabilities of
woman under these laws, Blackstone calmly argues that the most of them
were really intended for her benefit, "so great a favorite is the
female sex with the law of England." He strikes here the keynote of
even the special statutes which have superseded the Common Law in the
various States, all have been "intended for her benefit," man alone
being the judge of what she needed and careful while providing it to
retain within himself the exclusive power of law-making. It has been
gradually dawning upon him, however, that, as a human being like
himself, her needs are very similar to his own, and where he has
failed to see it she has reminded him of it as she has slowly learned
this fact herself. The laws show an awakening conscience on the part
of men and a tardy but continuous advance toward justice to women,
although there is yet very much to be desired. For instance, in
reading the laws regarding the inheritance of separate property, which
in a number of States is now made the same for widow and widower, the
first thought will be, "These are absolutely just." But a little
investigation will show that the separate property of either is what
he or she possesses at marriage or receives afterwards by gift or
inheritance, while all that is acquired during marriage by the joint
earnings of the two belongs to the husband. In many States the law now
provides that if the wife engages in business as a sole trader or goes
outside the home to work, her earnings belong to her, but all the
proceeds of her labor within the household are still the sole and
separate property of the husband. The Common Law on this point, which
never has been changed in a single State,[155] makes the services of
the wife belong to the husband, and in return she is legally entitled
only to food, shelter and clothes, and these of such quality and
quantity as the husband dictates. She can not dispose by will of any
of the property acquired during marriage, nor has she any control of
it during the husband's lifetime.

These facts should be borne in mind when reading the laws which
declare that husband and wife have the same power to dispose of
separate property. Comparatively few women in this country have
property when married, especially if young at the time, and the same
is true of the majority of men, but afterwards the woman may never
hope to accumulate any, as the joint earnings of the marriage
partnership belong exclusively to the husband, and the duties of the
average household prevent the wife from engaging in outside work.
However, in order that she might not be left absolutely penniless
after years of labor, the Common Law provided that she should be
entitled to "dower," i. e., the possession, for her lifetime, of
one-third of all the real estate of which her husband was possessed in
fee simple during the marriage. That is, she should receive the
life-use of one-third of any realty she might have brought into the
marriage and one-third of all they had earned together. But if the
husband had converted these into cash, bonds, stocks or other personal
property, she could legally claim nothing. He had "curtesy," i. e.,
the life-use of all her real estate, (sometimes dependent on the birth
of children, sometimes not), and usually the whole of her personal
estate absolutely.

Curtesy has now been abolished in over one-half the States. The law of
dower still exists in more than one-half, but special statutes in
regard to personal property and the wife's separate estate have been
made so liberal that in comparatively few States is she left in the
helpless condition of olden times. In about one-half of them she takes
from one-third to the whole (if there are no children) of both real
and personal estate absolutely; but in all of them it is only at the
death of the husband that she has any share or control of the joint
accumulations except such as he chooses to allow. At the death of the
wife all of these belong legally to the husband and she can not secure
to her children or her parents any part of the property which she has
helped to earn. Space forbids going into a discussion of the general
upheaval which follows the death of the husband, the inventories
which must be taken, the divisions which must be made, generally
resulting in the breaking up of the home; while at the death of the
wife all passes peacefully into the possession of the husband and
there is no scattering of the family unless he wishes it. A general
but necessarily superficial statement of the property laws will be
found in connection with each State in the following chapters, and
they represent a complete legal revolution during the past half
century.

Fathers and mothers are given equal guardianship of children in the
District of Columbia and nine States--Colorado, Connecticut, Illinois,
Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, Nebraska, New York and Washington. (See
Pennsylvania.) In all others the father has the sole custody and
control of the persons, education, earnings and estates of minor
children. Where this right is abused the mother can obtain custody
only by applying for separation or divorce or proving in court the
unfitness of the father. In a number of States the father may by will
appoint a guardian even of a child unborn, to the exclusion of the
mother. In others the widow is legally entitled to the guardianship
but forfeits it by marrying again. Others do not permit a widow to
appoint by will a guardian for her children. Tennessee and Louisiana
offer examples of the English and French codes in this respect.

Although the father is the sole guardian and entitled to the services
of the children, and although the joint earnings of the marriage
belong exclusively to him, and in a number of States he is declared in
the statutes to be the "head of the family," in many of them the
mother is held to be equally liable for its support. Her separate
property may be taken for this purpose and she is also required to
contribute by her labor. In such cases the husband decides what
constitutes "necessities" and the wife must pay for what he orders. A
recent decision of the Illinois courts compelled a wife to pay for the
clothes of an able-bodied husband. In most but not all of the States
the husband, if competent, is punished for failure to support his
family. The punishment consists in a fine, the State thus taking from
the family what money he may possess; or confinement in prison, where
he is boarded and lodged while the family is in nowise relieved.

It has not been deemed necessary to consider at length the subject of
divorce, except to mention the laws of the few States which
discriminate against women. South Carolina is the only one which does
not grant divorce; New York the only one which makes adultery the sole
cause. In the remainder the causes have a wider range, but in all the
records show that the vast majority of divorces are granted to wives.
The following list is taken from the New York _Sun_ (1902) and
corresponds with information gathered from other sources:

Habitual drunkenness, in all except eight States.
Wilful desertion, generally.
Felony, in all except three.
Cruelty, and intolerable cruelty, in all except five.
Failure by the husband to provide, in twenty.
Fraud and fraudulent contract, in nine.
Absence without being heard from, for different periods, in six.
Ungovernable temper, in two.
Insupportably cruel treatment, outrages and excesses, in six.
Indignities rendering life burdensome, in six.
Attempt to murder other party, in three.

Insanity or idiocy at time of marriage, in six. Insanity lasting
ten years, in Washington; incurable insanity, in North Dakota,
Florida and Idaho.

Husband notoriously immoral before marriage, unknown to wife,
in West Virginia. [Pregnancy of wife before marriage, unknown
to husband, in many States].
Fugitive from justice, in Virginia.
Gross misbehavior or wickedness, in Rhode Island.
Any gross neglect of duty, in Kansas and Ohio.
Refusal of wife to remove into the State, in Tennessee.
Mental incapacity at time of marriage, in Georgia.
Three years with any religious society that believes the marriage
relation unlawful, in Massachusetts; and joining any such sect, in
New Hampshire.
When parties can not live in peace and union, in Utah.
Vagrancy of the husband, in Missouri and Wyoming.
Excesses, in Texas.
Where wife by cruel and barbarous treatment renders condition
of husband intolerable, in Pennsylvania.

By reference to the History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. I, pp. 482, 717,
745 and following, it will be seen that the resolutions favoring
divorce for habitual drunkenness offered in the first women's
conventions, during the early '50's, almost disrupted the meetings,
and caused press and pulpit throughout the country to thunder
denunciations, but half a century later such laws exist in
thirty-seven of the forty-five States and meet with general approval.
It is frequently charged that the granting of woman suffrage has been
followed by laws for free divorce, but an examination of the statutes
will show that exactly the same causes obtain in the States where
women do not vote as in those where they do; that there has not been
the slightest change in the latter since the franchise was given them;
and that in Wyoming, where it has been exercised since 1869, there is
the smallest percentage of divorce in proportion to the population of
any State in the Union. The three places which are so largely utilized
by outsiders who wish a speedy divorce, because only a ninety days'
residence is required, are North and South Dakota and Oklahoma, in
neither of which have women any suffrage except for school trustees.

The "age of consent or protection" for girls, i. e., the age when they
are declared to have sufficient understanding to consent to
intercourse, and above which they can claim no legal protection, was
fixed at ten years by the Common Law. No action was taken by any State
to advance the age up to which they might be protected until 1864,
when Oregon raised it to fourteen years. No other State followed this
example until 1882, when Wyoming made it fourteen. In 1885 Nebraska
added two years making it twelve. At this date women commenced to
besiege the Legislatures in all parts of the country, and there was a
general movement from that time forward to have the age of protection
increased, but in almost every instance where this has been
accomplished, the penalty for violation of the law has been reduced,
and now in thirteen States no minimum penalty is named. The age still
remains at ten years in Florida, Georgia, Mississippi, North and South
Carolina. In Kentucky, Louisiana, Tennessee and West Virginia the age
is twelve years, but in Tennessee it is only a "misdemeanor" between
twelve and sixteen. (For the recent efforts of women in Georgia and
Florida to have the age advanced, and their failure, see the chapters
on those States.) In Delaware the Common Law age of ten years was
reduced to seven by the Legislature in 1871, and no protection was
afforded to infants over seven until 1889 when the age was raised to
fifteen, but the crime was declared to be only a "misdemeanor."

Women who have "all the rights they want," and men who insist that
"the laws are framed for the best interests of women," are recommended
to make a study of those presented herewith.

Under the head of Suffrage it is stated whether women possess any form
of it and, if so, in what it consists. The story of the four States
where they have the complete franchise--Wyoming, Colorado, Utah and
Idaho--naturally is most interesting, as it describes just how this
was obtained and gives considerable information on points which are
not fully understood by the general public. The chapter on Kansas
doubtless will come next in interest, as there women have had the
Municipal ballot since 1887. It is frequently said in criticism that
women have School Suffrage in twenty-six States and Territories,
including the five mentioned above, but they do not make use of it in
large numbers. What this fragmentary suffrage includes, the
restrictions thrown around it and the obstacles placed in its way, are
described in the chapters of those States and Territories where it
prevails--Arizona, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Kentucky,
Massachusetts, Minnesota, Michigan, Montana, Nebraska, North Dakota,
New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, South
Dakota, Vermont, Washington, Wisconsin.

It will be seen that in New York women tax-payers in villages, and in
Louisiana and Montana all tax-paying women, may vote on questions
submitted for taxation, and an account is given of the first use which
women made of this privilege in Louisiana in 1899. In Iowa all women
may vote on the issuing of bonds. In Mississippi they have the merest
form of a franchise on a few matters connected with country schools
and the running at large of stock. In Arkansas they may sign a
petition against liquor selling within certain limits and their names
count for as much as men's. After a careful study of the situation the
wonder will not be that women do not exercise more largely these
grudgingly-given and closely-restricted privileges, but that in many
States they think it worth while to exercise them at all. In the four,
however, where they have the Full Suffrage, and in Kansas where they
have the Municipal, the official figures which have been carefully
tabulated will demonstrate beyond further controversy that where they
possess exactly the same electoral rights as men they use them in
even a larger proportion. These statistics answer conclusively the
question, "Do women want to vote?"

The information as to Office-Holding is necessarily somewhat desultory
as there is no record in any State of the women in office. This is
true even of those pertaining to the schools, and in very few cases
does the State Superintendent of Public Instruction know how many
women are serving as county superintendents and members of school
boards. The information on these points contained in the State
chapters was secured principally through personal investigation and by
an extended correspondence, and while it is believed to be entirely
correct so far as it goes, it does not by any means include the total
number of offices filled by women. Imperfect as is the list it will be
a surprise to those who look upon office-holding as the natural
prerogative of man. A stock objection to woman suffrage is that women
will be wanting the offices. An examination of the reports here
submitted will disclose the surprising fact that in a number of States
where women do not vote they are filling as many offices as in those
where they have the full franchise. Probably the majority of State
constitutions declare that the offices must be held by electors, but
where this proviso is not made, women have been elected and appointed
to various offices and so far as can be learned have given general
satisfaction.[156]

The necessity for matrons at police stations and jails, and for women
physicians in all institutions where women and children are confined,
is too evident to need any argument in its favor, and yet it is only
within the past ten years that they have been thus employed to any
extent and even now they are found in only a small fraction of such
institutions. The objection to these matrons on the part of the police
force has been strenuous, and yet, almost without exception, after
they have gained a foothold, the police officers testify that they do
not understand how the department got on without them. It ought to be
equally evident that there should be women on the boards of all
institutions which care for women and children, but, although in most
instances these positions have no salary, there is the most violent
opposition to giving women a place, and the concession has had to be
wrung from Legislatures in the few States where it has been obtained.
The right of women and their value to school offices is now partly
conceded in about half the States. Women librarians also have met with
some favor. As to offices in general, most of which carry either
salary or patronage or both, they will continue to be regarded as
belonging entirely to voters and as perquisites of party managers with
which to reward political service, although all of them are
proportionately supported by women tax-payers.

As regards Occupations, the census of 1900 shows 3,230,642 women
engaged in wage-earning employments, exclusive of domestic service,
and the question of their admittance to practically all such may be
regarded as settled, but it has not been gained without a contest.
Women, however, are still barred from the best-paying positions and
are usually compelled to accept unequal wages for equal work. This is
partly due to disfranchisement and partly to economic causes and can
be remedied only by time. In many of the States of which it is said,
"No profession is forbidden to women," the test has not been made, and
until some woman attempts to be a minister, physician, lawyer or
notary public it can not be known whether she will encounter a
statutory prohibition.

The department of Education presents the most satisfactory condition.
The battle for co-education, which means simply a chance for women to
have the best advantages which exist, has been bitterly fought. A
guerilla warfare is still maintained against it, but the contest is so
nearly finished as to warrant no fears as to the future. Every State
University but those of Georgia, Louisiana, North Carolina and
Virginia, is open to women on exactly the same terms as to men (with
the exception of some departments of Pennsylvania). They have full
admission to Chicago and Leland Stanford Universities, two of the
largest in the United States. They may enter the post-graduate
department of Yale and receive its degrees. Harvard and Princeton are
still entirely closed to them, as are a number of the smaller of the
old, established Eastern universities, but this is largely compensated
by the great Woman's Colleges of the East--Bryn Mawr, Wellesley, Smith
and Vassar--which accommodate nearly 4,000 students. The Medical
Department of Johns Hopkins, and Medical, Theological, Law and Dental
Colleges in all parts of the country, admit women to their full
courses. This is true also of Agricultural Colleges and of Technical
Institutes such as Drexel and Pratt. There is now no lack of
opportunity for them to obtain the highest education, either along the
line of general culture or specialized work.[157]

The details of the following chapters will show that the civil, legal,
industrial and educational rights of women are so far secured as to
give full assurance that they will be absolute in the near future. The
political rights are further off, for reasons which are presented in
the introduction to this volume, but the yielding of all the others is
proof sufficient that the spirit of our institutions will eventually
find its fullest expression in perfect equality of rights for all the
people.

FOOTNOTES:

[151] The names of newspapers which have supported this cause are not
given, partly for these reasons and partly because on this question
they reflect simply the personal views of the editors, and a change of
management may cause a complete reversal of their attitude toward
woman suffrage.

[152] A reading of these chapters will show that the suffrage
societies have started many progressive movements and then turned them
over to other organizations of women, believing they would thrive
better if freed from the effects of the prejudice against woman
suffrage and everything connected with it.

[153] Notwithstanding these efforts, the very statutes which are
intended to be fair to women are continually found to be defective,
and whenever any doubt arises as to their construction the Common Law
must prevail, which in all cases is unjust to women. An example of
this kind will be found in the chapter on New York, showing that it
was held in 1901 that a wife's wages belonged to her husband, although
it was supposed that these had been secured to her beyond all question
by a special statute of 1860.

[154] For abstract of the Common Law in regard to women see History of
Woman Suffrage, Vol. III, p. 961.

[155] A few of the States were formed under the Spanish or French code
instead of the English Common Law, but neither was more favorable to
women.

[156] No mention is made of women postmasters as these are found in
all States. The first were appointed by President Grant during his
first term of office, 1868-1872.

[157] In the various States under the head of Education, Roman
Catholic colleges and universities are not considered, as they are
nowhere co-educational.

The public school statistics are taken from the reports for 1898-9 of
the U. S. Commissioner of Education.

CHAPTER XXV.

ALABAMA.[158]

Actual work for woman suffrage in Alabama began in 1890, at the time
the constitutional convention of Mississippi was in session. The
editor of the New Decatur _Advertiser_ opened his columns to all
matter on the question and thus aroused local interest, which in 1892
culminated in the formation in that town of the first suffrage club in
the State, with seven charter members. The women who thus faced a most
conservative public sentiment were Mesdames Harvey Lewis, F. E.
Jenkins, E. G. Robb, A. R. Rose, B. E. Moore, Lucy A. Gould and Ellen
Stephens Hildreth.

Before the close of the year a second club was formed in Verbena by
Miss Frances A. Griffin, who has since become noted as a public
speaker for this cause. Others were soon established through the
efforts of Mesdames Minnie Hardy Gist, Bessie Vaughn, M. C. Arter, W.
J. Sibert and Miss B. M. Haley.

In 1892 and 1893 the _Woman's Column_, published in Boston, was sent
by the National Association to 1,500 teachers, ministers, school
superintendents, editors, legislators and other prominent people, the
names being furnished by Mrs. Hildreth. A State organization was
effected in 1893, with Mrs. Hildreth, president, and Miss Griffin,
secretary.

In 1895 Miss Susan B. Anthony, president of the National Association,
and Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of its organization committee,
who were making a southern tour, were asked by the New Decatur Club to
include that city in their itinerary. They were also invited by Mrs.
Alberta Taylor to address her society at Huntsville. These visits of
the great leader and her eloquent assistant aroused much interest, but
the financial depression prevented active work.

Mrs. Virginia Clay Clopton was elected State president in 1896; Mrs.
Annie D. Shelby, Mrs. Milton Hume and Mrs. Taylor were made
vice-presidents; Mrs. Laura McCullough and Mrs. Amelia Dilliard,
recording secretaries; Mrs. Hildreth, corresponding secretary; and
Mrs. E. E. Greenleaf, treasurer. Mrs. Clopton represented the
association at the Tennessee Centennial in 1898. Opposition is so
great that it has been deemed wise to do nothing more than distribute
literature and present the arguments in the press.

A State convention was held at Huntsville, Oct. 1, 1900, Mrs. Taylor
presiding. Mrs. Clopton being obliged to resign, Miss Griffin was made
president. Mrs. Hume and Mrs. Robert Cunningham were chosen
vice-presidents; Mrs. Greenleaf, treasurer; Miss Julia Tutweiler,
State organizer.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: In January, 1893, through the influence
of the suffrage association, Senator J. W. Inzer presented a bill to
amend the State constitution so as to permit women to vote on
municipal questions and prohibitory liquor enactments. It never was
reported from the Judiciary Committee.

In 1895, at the desire of the New Decatur Club, Representative Osceola
Kyle introduced a bill raising the "age of protection" for girls from
ten to fourteen years, and a similar one was offered for the Woman's
Christian Temperance Union. Although these efforts were not successful
then, public attention was drawn to the subject, and at the next
session, in 1897, the age was raised to fourteen years with a penalty
of death or imprisonment for not less than ten years in the
penitentiary.

Previous to 1886 legislation and public sentiment in Alabama were of
the most conservative kind, but at the Constitutional Convention held
that year changes in the statutes were made which gave to women many
rights and privileges not before possessed. Dower but not curtesy
obtains. If there are no lineal descendants, and the estate is
solvent, the widow takes one-half of the real estate for life, but if
the estate is insolvent, one-third only. If there are lineal
descendants, then the dower right is one-third, whether the estate is
solvent or not. If a husband die without a will, his widow, if there
are no children, is entitled to all of his personal property; if
there is but one child, she is entitled to one-half; if there are more
than one and not more than four children, then she is entitled to one
child's portion. A homestead to the value of $2,000 is exempt to her
from all creditors and no will can deprive her of it, unless she has
signed a mortgage on it. If a wife die without a will, her husband is
entitled to one-half of her personal property, whether there are
children or not, and to the life use of all her real estate.

A wife may will her property to whom she pleases, excluding her
husband from all share. He can do this with his property, but can not
impair her dower rights. She can not sell her real estate without his
written consent, but can sell her personal property without it. He can
mortgage or sell his real estate, except the homestead, and can
dispose of his personal property, without her consent.

A married woman may be agent, guardian or administrator. She may
acquire and hold separate property not liable for the debts of her
husband, though necessaries for the family can be a liability. Her
bank deposit is her own, and her earnings can not be taken by her
husband or his creditors. A wife can not become surety for her
husband. Property purchased with her money will be returned to her
upon application to the court.

A wife may engage in business with her husband's written consent. If
she does so without it she incurs no penalty, but it is necessary in
order that her creditors may recover their money. She must sue and be
sued and make contracts jointly with the husband.

If a woman commit a crime in partnership with her husband (except
murder or treason) she can not be punished; nor, if she commit a crime
in his presence, can he testify against her.

Common law marriage is valid and the legal age for a girl is fourteen
years.

The father is the guardian of the minor children, and at his death may
appoint a guardian to the exclusion of the mother. If this is not done
she becomes the legal guardian of the girls till they are eighteen, of
the boys till fourteen.

Alabama is one of the few States which do not by law require the
husband to support the family.

The convicted father of an illegitimate child must pay to the Probate
Court for its support not exceeding $50 yearly for ten years, and must
give $1,000 bond for this purpose. Failing to do this, judgment is
rendered for not more than $625 and he is sentenced to hard labor for
the county for one year.

It is a criminal offense to use foul language to or in the hearing of
a woman, or by rude behavior to annoy her in any public place; or to
take a woman of notorious character to any public place of resort for
respectable women and men. Slander against a woman's character is
heavily punished; a seducer is sent to the penitentiary if his victim
previously has been chaste. Procurers may be sentenced to the
penitentiary.

The "age of protection for girls" is 14 years, and the penalty is
death or imprisonment in the penitentiary from ten years to life.

SUFFRAGE: Women have no form of suffrage.[159]

OFFICE HOLDING: Women are not eligible to any elective office. They
act as enrolling clerks in the Legislature. Two women, whose fathers
died while holding the position, were made registrars in chancery.
Women can not serve as notaries public.

There are no women trustees on the board of any State institution,
although the charitable and benevolent work is almost entirely in the
hands of women. A man is superintendent of the Girls' Industrial
School and the entire board is composed of men. Limited State aid is
extended to a number of institutions founded and controlled by women,
including the Boys' Industrial Farm.

OCCUPATIONS: Women are legally prohibited from acting as lawyers,
physicians or ministers. They are not allowed to engage in mining.

EDUCATION: All educational institutions admit women. The State
Polytechnic at Auburn was the pioneer, offering to women in 1892 every
course, technical, scientific and agricultural. The State University
at Tuscaloosa opened its doors to them in 1896. Two scholarships for
girls are maintained here, one by the ladies of Montgomery and one by
those of Birmingham. In 1900, out of a class of 178 boys and 23
girls, two boys and four girls took the highest honors.

The State Industrial School for Girls, at Montevallo, was established
in 1896. There are two co-educational Normal Schools at Florence and
Troy.

The colored men and women have excellent advantages in several Normal
Schools and Colleges. The Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute,
under the presidency of Booker T. Washington, has a national
reputation. Colored children have also their full share of public
schools.

There are in the public schools 2,262 men and 5,041 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $32; of the women, $25.35.

* * * * *

The most progressive movement in the State is that of the Federation
of Women's Clubs, formed in 1895, and including at present fifty-eight
clubs. Its work has been extremely practical in the line of education
and philanthropy. The most important achievement is the Boys'
Industrial Farm, located at East Lake near Birmingham. This is managed
by a board of women and has a charter which secures its control to
women, even if it become entirely a State institution. The club women
have for three years sustained five scholarships for girls, two at
Tuscaloosa and three at Montevallo. They have organized also a free
traveling library, and in four cities free kindergartens.

In conclusion it may be noted that the strength of the woman movement
in the State has been wonderfully developed in all directions during
the last five years.

FOOTNOTES:

[158] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Ellen Stephens
Hildreth of New Decatur, the first president of the State Woman
Suffrage Association.

[159] In the Constitutional Convention of 1901, an amendment providing
that any woman paying taxes on $500 worth of property might vote on
all bond propositions was adopted with great enthusiasm, but the next
day, under the influence of the argument that "it would be an entering
wedge for full suffrage," it was reconsidered and voted down. U. S.
Senator John T. Morgan urged this amendment. The new constitution did
contain a clause, however, providing that if a wife paid taxes on $500
worth of property her husband should be entitled to this vote.

CHAPTER XXVI.

ARIZONA.[160]

The Territory having elected delegates to a convention to be held in
Phoenix in August and September, 1891, to prepare a constitution for
Statehood, Henry B. Blackwell and Lucy Stone of Massachusetts sent
Mrs. Laura M. Johns of Kansas to Arizona in August to endeavor to
secure a clause in this constitution granting suffrage to women. She
was received in Tucson by Mr. and Mrs. Hughes, editors and proprietors
of an influential daily paper, who gave every possible assistance.

Mrs. Johns soon went to Phoenix, where the convention was in session,
and followed up a previous correspondence with the delegates
by personal interviews. She found a powerful champion in
ex-Attorney-General William Herring, chairman of the committee which
had the question of woman suffrage in charge. When she asked
permission to address this committee it set an early date and
suggested that it might be pleasanter for the ladies if the hearing
should be held in a private residence. Accordingly Mrs. E. D. Garlick,
formerly of Winfield, Kansas, opened her parlor, invited a number of
ladies who were interested and the committee met with them and
listened courteously to their plea for the ballot. A favorable report
was presented to the convention and General Herring, Mrs. Johns, Mrs.
Hughes and others spoke eloquently in favor of its acceptance. The
measure was lost by three votes.

So much interest had been manifested that a Territorial Suffrage
Association was formed, with Mrs. Hughes as president and Mrs. Garlick
as corresponding secretary. Mrs. Johns intended to organize the
Territory but was suddenly called home by a death in her family.

Four years later, in 1895, while she was working in New Mexico for the
National Association, she was requested by Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt,
chairman of its organization committee, to speak at the annual
convention in Phoenix; and on the way she held preliminary meetings at
Tucson, Tempe and other places.

In January, 1896, Mrs. Hughes, whose husband was now Governor, went to
the convention of the National Association in Washington to interest
that body in Arizona, which it was then expected would soon enter
Statehood. She made a strong appeal, assuring the delegates that the
pioneer men of the Territory were willing to confer the suffrage on
the women who had braved the early hardships with them, and saying:

It is of the most vital importance that our women be enfranchised
before the election of delegates to the approaching
constitutional convention, as the Congressional enabling act
provides that all persons qualified as voters under the
Territorial law shall be qualified to vote for delegates to this
convention and for the ratification or rejection of the same.

If our women are enfranchised before the enabling act is passed,
then Arizona is safe and no power can prevent them from being
accorded their rights in the constitution, and if their rights
are not conceded they will see to it that the constitution fails
of ratification.

In March the National Association sent Mrs. Johns again into the
Territory and she remained until May. In company with Mrs. Hughes she
made a successful tour through the Salt River Valley, receiving
generous hospitality, addressing large audiences and forming local
clubs. The two ladies then crossed the Territory to Yuma, speaking at
various points on the way, and went from there to Prescott. Governor
Hughes himself spoke at the meetings held in Clifton. Mrs. Johns then
went to the Northern counties. Altogether most of the towns were
visited, and while the distances were great and the difficulties
numerous, the meetings were well attended and earnest advocates were
found even in small mining camps among the mountains.

Mrs. Johns returned in the winter of 1897 and addressed the
Legislature in behalf of a bill for woman suffrage but no action was
taken. Among the friends and workers not elsewhere mentioned were the
Hon. and Mrs. George P. Blair, ex-Mayor Gustavus Hoff, C. R. Drake,
John T. Hughes; the other officers of the suffrage association were
Mrs. C. T. Hayden, vice-president; Mrs. R. G. Phillips, corresponding
secretary; Mrs. Lillian Collins, recording secretary; Mrs. Mary E.
Hall, treasurer.

In the winter of 1899 the time seemed propitious for a vigorous
movement, and Mrs. Chapman Catt and Miss Mary G. Hay spent a month at
Phoenix during the legislative session. Every possible effort was
made, there seemed to be a remarkable sentiment in favor of woman
suffrage among the better classes and it looked as if it would be
granted. The final result is thus described in Mrs. Chapman Catt's
report to the national convention the following April:

Our bill went through the House by an unprecedented majority, 10
yeas, 5 nays, and then, as in Oklahoma, the remonstrants
concentrated their opposition upon the Council. Here, as there,
the working opponents were the saloon-keepers, with the
difference that in Arizona they are often the proprietors of a
gambling den and house of prostitution in connection with the
saloons, and thus the opposition was more bitter and intolerant
because it was believed greater damage would result from the
votes of women. Every member of the Council received letters or
telegrams from the leading proprietors of such resorts,
threatening political ruin if he failed to vote against the
measure. It was well known that money was contributed from these
same sources. Here, as in Oklahoma, a majority were pledged to
support the bill, but here, too, they played a filibustering game
which prevented its coming to final vote. Pledges made to women
are not usually counted as binding, but these pledges, as in
Oklahoma, were made to men who were political co-workers. They
did not deem it prudent to break these pledges by an open vote
against the bill, but they held that they were not violated when
they kept the matter from coming to a vote. The opposition was
led by the proprietor of the largest and richest saloon in the
Territory.

I have never found anywhere, however, so many strong, determined,
able men, anxious to espouse our cause as in Arizona. The general
sentiment is overwhelmingly in our favor. At one time three
prominent men were in Phoenix to do what they could for the
suffrage bill, each of whom had traveled four hundred miles for
this express purpose. Governor N. O. Murphy recommended woman
suffrage in his message and did all that was possible to assist
its passage. The press is favorable, the intelligent and moral
citizens are eager for it, but the vicious elements, as
everywhere, are opposed. For a month the question was bitterly
contested, but its foes prevented a vote. So again a campaign,
which was sure of victory had each man voted his conviction,
ended in crime and bribery won the day. The pay of legislators in
the Territories is very small, and the most desirable men can not
afford to serve. In consequence there drifts into every
Legislature enough men of unprincipled character to make a
balance of power. It may interest you to know that in both
Territories we were told that all such legislation is controlled
by bribery, and that our measure could be put through in a
twinkling by "a little money judiciously distributed," but to
such suggestions we replied that what the suffragists had won
they had won honestly and we would postpone further advances till
they could come in the same way. In the future years of strife
over this question there will be many hands stained with guilt,
but they will be those of the remonstrants and not ours. Though
crime prevented the victory, yet we were abundantly assured of
the lasting results of the campaign.

LAWS: Curtesy and dower were abolished by Territorial legislation, but
in 1887 Congress passed an act granting a widow dower in all the
Territories. If either husband or wife die without a will, leaving
descendants, out of the separate property of either the survivor has
one-third of the personal and a life use of one-third of the real
estate. If there are no descendants, the survivor has all of the
personal and a life use of one-half the real estate; if there are
neither descendants nor father nor mother of the decedent, the
survivor has the whole estate. The community property goes entirely to
the survivor if there are no descendants, otherwise one-half goes to
the survivor, in either case charged with the community debts. If the
widow has a maintenance derived from her own property equal to $2,000,
the whole property so set apart, other than her half of the homestead,
must go to the minor children. If the homestead was selected from the
community property it vests absolutely in the survivor. If selected
from the separate property of either, it vests in that one or his
heirs. It can not exceed $5,000 in value.

Married women have the exclusive control of their separate property;
it is not liable for the debts or obligations of the husband; it may
be mortgaged, sold or disposed of by will without his consent. The
same privileges are extended to husbands.

A married woman may sue and be sued and make contracts in her own name
as regards her separate property, but she must sue jointly with her
husband for personal injuries, and damages recovered are community
property and in his control.

If a married woman desire to become a sole trader she must file a
certificate in the registry of deeds setting forth the nature and
place of business. She can not become a sole trader if the original
capital invested exceeds $10,000 unless she takes oath that the
surplus did not come from any funds of the husband. If the wife is not
a sole trader her wages are community property and belong to the
husband while she is living with him.

The father is the legal guardian of the minor children. At his death
the mother becomes guardian so long as she remains unmarried, provided
she is a suitable person.

If the husband fails to support his wife, she may contract debts for
necessaries on his credit, and for such debts she and her husband must
be sued jointly and if he is not financially responsible her separate
property may be taken.

The "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 14 years in
1887, and to 18 in 1895. The penalty is confinement in the
penitentiary for life or for not less than five years.

SUFFRAGE: Since 1887 every person, male or female, twenty-one years
old, who is the parent or guardian of a child of school age residing
in the district, or has paid Territorial or county school tax,
exclusive of poll-tax, during the preceding year, is eligible to the
office of school trustee and entitled to vote for this officer at any
School District election. This includes all cities and towns in the
Territory.

OFFICE HOLDING: Women may legally serve as school trustees, court
commissioners, clerks of court, official stenographers, deputies and
clerks in Territorial, county and municipal offices, and notaries
public. Very few, however, are filling any of these offices.

Governor L. C. Hughes held that women were qualified to sit on any
State Board and appointed one on the board of the State Normal School
and one assistant superintendent of the Insane Asylum. None have since
been appointed. There are no women physicians in any public
institutions, and no police matrons at any jail or station-house.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is legally forbidden to
women.

EDUCATION: The State University is co-educational. In the public
schools there are 122 men and 257 women teachers. The average monthly
salary of the men is $73.23; of the women, $63.17.

FOOTNOTES:

[160] The History is indebted to Mrs. L. C. Hughes of Tucson, former
president of the Territorial Woman Suffrage Association, and to Mrs.
Laura M. Johns of Kansas for material used in this chapter.

CHAPTER XXVII.

ARKANSAS.[161]

In 1885 the first woman suffrage association in Arkansas was formed at
Eureka Springs by Miss Phoebe W. Couzins and Mrs. Lizzie D. Fyler, who
was made president. Miss Susan B. Anthony lectured in February, 1889,
in Helena, Fort Smith and Little Rock, at the last place introduced by
Gov. James B. Eagle. On Sunday afternoon she spoke at a temperance
meeting in this city, to a large audience that manifested every
evidence of approval although she advocated woman suffrage. These were
the first addresses on woman's enfranchisement given in the State.

No regularly constituted State suffrage convention ever has been held,
but at the close of the annual Woman's Christian Temperance Union
convention it is customary for the members of this body who favor the
ballot for woman to meet and elect the usual officers for that branch
of the work.

For fifteen years before her death in 1899, Mrs. Clara A. McDiarmid
was a leader, was president of the association and represented the
State at the national conventions. Dr. Ida J. Brooks is an earnest
worker, and valuable assistance has been given by Mrs. Fannie L. Chunn
and Mrs. Bernie Babcock.

In 1896 Mrs. Lida A. Meriwether of Tennessee gave twelve lectures
under the auspices of the National Association. Miss Frances A.
Griffin of Alabama also spoke here on this subject.

Not even this brief history of the suffrage movement would be complete
without a mention of the _Woman's Chronicle_, established in 1888 by
Catherine Campbell Cunningham, Mary Burt Brooks and Haryot Holt
Cahoon. Mrs. Brooks was principal of the Forest Grove School, and Miss
Cunningham a teacher in the public schools of Little Rock, but every
week for five years this bright, newsy paper appeared on time. It was
devoted to the general interests of women, with a strong advocacy of
their enfranchisement. During the General Assembly it was laid each
Saturday morning on the desk of every legislator. Charles E.
Cunningham encouraged and sustained his daughter in her work.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: The only bill for woman suffrage was that
championed in the Senate by J. P. H. Russ, in 1891, "An act to give
white women the right to vote and hold office, and all other rights
the same as are accorded to male citizens." This unconstitutional
measure passed third reading, but it is not surprising that it
received only four affirmative votes; fourteen voted against it and
fourteen refrained from voting.

In 1895 the law recognizing insanity after marriage as a ground for
divorce was repealed.

This year a law was passed requiring the councils of all first-class
cities to elect a police matron to look after woman prisoners.

Dower exists but not curtesy, unless the wife dies intestate and there
has been issue born alive. If there are children the wife is entitled
to one-third of the real property for her life and one-third of the
personal property absolutely. If there are no children living she
takes in fee simple one-half of the real estate where it is a new
acquisition and not an inheritance, and one-half of the personal
estate absolutely as against the collateral heirs; but as against
creditors she takes one-third of the real estate in fee simple and
one-third of the personal property absolutely. If either the husband
or the wife die without a will and there are neither father, mother,
nor their descendants, nor any paternal or maternal kindred capable of
inheriting, the whole estate, both real and personal, goes to the
surviving wife or husband.

The wife may sell or transfer her separate real estate without the
consent of the husband. He can do the same with his real estate but
can not impair her dower. A transfer of the homestead requires the
joint signature.

A married woman as sole trader may engage in business on her own
account and have the profits free from the interference of her
husband, but if she is simply working for wages he may sue for her
earnings and his receipt will bind her.

The father is the legal guardian of the children, having custody of
their persons and property, but "no man shall bind his child to
apprenticeship or service, or part with the control of such child, or
create any testamentary guardianship therefor, unless the mother
shall in writing signify her consent thereto." At the father's death
the mother may be guardian of the persons of the children but not of
their property unless derived from her.

There is no law requiring the husband to support his family.

The "age of protection" for girls was raised from 12 to 16 years in
1893, with a penalty of imprisonment in the penitentiary not less than
five years nor more than twenty-one. In 1899 the minimum penalty was
reduced to one year.

SUFFRAGE: Women have no form of suffrage except under the Three-Mile
Law. This provides that, on petition of a majority of the inhabitants
living within three miles of any church or school, the court shall
make it illegal for liquor to be sold within this limit for two years.
The law never has been utilized in the larger cities, but has been
tried in numerous small towns and hundreds of outlying districts,
where it has borne the test bravely, ruling out completely the public
drink-houses. Wherever it has been put into force, women have been a
strong factor, giving their own signatures in its favor and in many
instances making house to house canvasses to obtain signers.

OFFICE HOLDING: Women are not eligible for any elective office. For
twenty-five years, however, they have held clerkships in both branches
of the General Assembly. In 1899 a bill to disqualify them from
holding these was defeated in the Lower House by a considerable
majority. But this same Legislature did not hesitate to declare women
not qualified to serve as notaries public, which they had been doing
for several years.

There are police matrons in Little Rock and Hot Springs.

For one year the "visiting committee" appointed by the School Board
was composed of three men and two women. The latter made a written
report, but the innovation was not repeated.

OCCUPATIONS: Women are not permitted to practice law. No other
profession or occupation is legally forbidden.

EDUCATION: All of the universities and colleges are coeducational,
even the Law and Medical Departments of the State University being
open to women.

In the public schools there are 4,515 men and 2,558 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $49.22, of the women,
$35.52.

FOOTNOTES:

[161] The History is indebted for the material for this chapter to
Miss Catherine Campbell Cunningham of Little Rock, one of the earliest
suffrage workers in the State.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

CALIFORNIA.[162]

The first woman suffrage meeting on the Pacific Coast was held in San
Francisco in May, 1869, and a State association was formed in January,
1870. From that date meetings were held regularly and a committee of
women did faithful work at the Legislature every session, securing
many changes in the laws to the advantage of women.[163]

At the annual meeting of the association in San Francisco in December,
1884, Mrs. Laura De Force Gordon succeeded Mrs. Clara S. Foltz as
president and held the office for the next ten years. During this time
she attended a number of national suffrage conventions in Washington
and delivered addresses in many parts of the United States.

In the political campaign of 1888 Mrs. Gordon and Mrs. Foltz were
employed as speakers by the Democratic Central Committee, and Miss
Addie L. Ballou by the Republican. The Populist and the Labor parties
selected women as delegates to their State conventions and placed them
on their tickets for various offices. Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake of
New York and Mrs. Marilla M. Ricker of New Hampshire visited the
Pacific Coast and gave very acceptable lectures to the suffrage
societies.

In 1889 Mrs. Ellen Clark Sargent and Mrs. Sarah Knox Goodrich each
subscribed $100 to send Mrs. Gordon to Washington Territory to aid the
women there in securing the adoption of a suffrage amendment to the
State constitution. She canvassed the State, contributing her
services. The next year, through the efforts of these two ladies and
their own contributions, over $1,000 were sent to South Dakota to
assist the women in a similar attempt.

Suffrage meetings for various purposes were held in 1890, the largest
being a grand rally at Metropolitan Temple, July 4, to celebrate the
admission of Wyoming as a State with full suffrage for women, at which
there were addresses by the Hon. T. V. Cator, the Rev. C. W. Wendte,
James K. Barry, the Hon. P. Reddy, the Hon. Charles Summer, Mrs.
Gordon and others. This year the State Grange and the Farmers'
Alliance cordially indorsed woman suffrage at their conventions. The
annual suffrage meeting was held in Washington Hall, San Francisco,
September 26. Mrs. Gordon was appointed a committee to select her own
assistants and have full charge of the legislative work during the
winter.

In 1891 practically every organization of either men or women seemed
to be permeated with the agitation for woman suffrage. Among the most
effective speakers and writers were Mrs. Charlotte Perkins Stetson,
Mrs. Sarah B. Cooper, Miss Agnes Manning, Miss Ina D. Coolbrith, Mme.
A. L. Sorbier, Mrs. E. O. Smith and Mrs. Sara A. T. Lemmon.[164]

Many informal business meetings were held during the next two years in
Mrs. Gordon's law office. The adoption of equal suffrage by Colorado
in 1893 inspired the California women to renewed effort. An Equal
Rights League was formed of experienced suffrage workers. This was
followed by the Young Woman's Suffrage Club, Miss Fannie Lemme,
president, which became very popular. The Political Equality Club of
Alameda County was organized in April. The Portia Law Club, Mrs.
Foltz, dean, occupied a prominent place. The Woman's Federation also
was an active society.

In 1893 the Trans-Mississippi Congress met in San Francisco with five
regularly accredited women delegates in attendance. A woman suffrage
resolution was presented for their indorsement and eloquently
advocated by Mrs. Mary Lynde Craig. It was bitterly contested but
finally passed by 251 yeas, 211 nays, amidst cheers and the waving of
hats.

In 1894 was held the great Midwinter Fair, and the Woman's Congress
Auxiliary became an intellectual focus for gifted women. It culminated
in the brilliant convocation which was in session in Golden Gate Hall,
San Francisco, for a week in May. Its promoters were Mrs. John Vance
Cheney, Mrs. Horace Davis, Mrs. Cooper, Miss Hattie Cooper, Mrs. Mary
S. Sperry, Mrs. Lovell White, Mrs. William A. Keith, Mrs. Tupper
Wilkes, Mrs. Alice Moore McComas, Mrs. Gordon and others. Mrs. Irving
M. Scott, president of Sorosis, received the Congress socially in her
elegant home. A large reception was given also at the magnificent
country residence of Mrs. Frank M. Smith in East Oakland.

The Congress was followed by a mass meeting under the auspices of the
suffrage societies. The hall would scarcely hold the audiences, which
were especially distinguished by the large number of men, and noted
men were also among the speakers. The venerable Alfred Cridge of the
Single Tax League created much interest by a practical illustration of
proportional representation, the candidates for president and
vice-president being Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, the
women doing the voting. Letters of regret at inability to be present
but expressing sympathy with the object of the meeting were received
from Gov. James H. Budd, President David Starr Jordan of Leland
Stanford University, U. S. Senator Perkins, Supreme Judge McFarland,
Judge James G. Maguire and others.

This year the State Association elected as its president Mrs. Nellie
Holbrook Blinn, who had been an ardent worker in the cause for a
number of years and a prominent speaker for the Republican party. Mrs.
Annie K. Bidwell was made vice-president; Mrs. Hester A. Harland,
recording secretary; Mrs. Emily Pitt Stevens, corresponding secretary;
Mrs. Emma Gregory, treasurer. Meetings were held every fortnight in
St. George's Hall. In a short time General Warfield, proprietor of the
California Hotel, offered the society the use of its parlors, which
was gladly accepted.

In August a reception was given in honor of the National Press
Association, then holding a convention in San Francisco, at which
addresses were made by Mayor Adolph Sutro, the Hon. Samuel Shortridge
and others. During the autumn a number of large and enthusiastic
meetings were held.

In May, 1895, Miss Susan B. Anthony and the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw,
president and vice-president of the National Association, arrived in
San Francisco in response to a cordial invitation to assist in the
Woman's Congress which opened on the 20th. No meetings ever held were
more beautiful and inspiring than these, presided over by Mrs.
Cooper.[165] The best speakers in the State, men and women,
participated and every possible honor, public and social, was
conferred upon the two Eastern guests.

After the congress they accepted invitations to speak in San Jose, Los
Angeles, Pasadena, Riverside, Pomona and San Diego. The audiences
everywhere were large and cordial and their pathway was literally
strewn with flowers. They returned to San Francisco and again
addressed great audiences in that city and Oakland. Miss Shaw accepted
the invitation of the executive committee to be one of the orators at
the Fourth of July celebration in Woodward's Pavilion.

On July 2, 3, these ladies met with the State Suffrage Convention in
Golden Gate Hall. Under their wise counsel a board of officers was
elected which proved acceptable to all the members of the
association,[166] and a constitution was adopted which eliminated the
causes of past contentions.

The State was now thoroughly aroused over the submission by the
Legislature the preceding winter of an amendment conferring Full
Suffrage on women, which was to be voted on the next year. Auxiliary
societies were reported from Oakland, San Jose, Stockton, Los Angeles,
Fresno and other places and 300 new members were enrolled. The big
hall was crowded at the evening meetings and addresses were made by
Mrs. Sargent, the new president, Miss Anthony, Miss Shaw, Mrs. Cooper,
Mrs. Craig, Mrs. Blinn and others.

The officers elected at this time continued through all the long and
trying campaign of 1896, which is described further on. The amendment
was defeated at the election of November 3. The State convention was
called for November 5, 6, in order that the Eastern women might be
present, as they were to leave on the 7th. A magnificent farewell
meeting was held on the first evening in Metropolitan Temple, which
was crowded from pit to dome. The _Call_ declared, "It was more like
the ratification of a victory than a rally after defeat;" and at the
close of the convention said: "It furnished during its entire sessions
an example of pluck and patience such as should forever quiet the
calumny that women do not know how to govern themselves--that they
become hysterical in the face of defeat."

The committee[167] reported a set of strong, courageous resolutions
which were adopted with cheers. The last one declared: "While we
accept the verdict of the election we do not regard it as final, but
believing that our cause is just and must prevail, we will enter at
once on a vigorous campaign which will end only when the ballot is
placed in the hands of California women."

A systematic plan of work was adopted and, as Mrs. Sargent was about
to leave for a year abroad, Mrs. Mary Wood Swift was elected
president. Mrs. Goodrich and Mrs. Sargent were made honorary
presidents. Twelve hundred dollars were raised to pay all outstanding
campaign debts, and the convention closed with a good-bye reception to
Miss Anthony, Miss Shaw, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt and the other ladies
from the East.

The annual State meeting of 1897 was held in San Francisco, October 5,
6, with able addresses by the Rev. E. S. Chapman, Albert H. Elliott, a
San Francisco attorney, Doctors Beecher and Bushnell, representing the
women in their profession, Mrs. E. O. Smith and many others. Mrs.
Swift was re-elected president and continued to serve until 1900.

The convention of 1898 also was held in San Francisco, October 4-6,
and was made a jubilee meeting to celebrate the calling of the First
Woman's Rights Convention in 1848.

In 1899 the annual State meeting, held in San Francisco November 7, 8,
was greatly stimulated by the presence of Mrs. Chapman Catt, chairman
of the national organization committee, and Miss Mary G. Hay, its
secretary. Active societies were reported in many counties and a large
amount of work done by the press committee of fourteen members, Mrs.
Mary L. Wakeman Curtis, chairman. It was announced that the Susan B.
Anthony Club would hold a public meeting in the audience room of the
Century Club, February 15, to celebrate that lady's eightieth
birthday, at which President Jordan and Albert H. Elliott would be the
orators. Addresses were given by Miss Sarah Severance, Mrs. Julia S.
Sanborn, Mrs. Mary McHenry (Wm. A.) Keith, Mrs. Smith, Miss Selina
Solomons and Miss Clara M. Schlingheyde.

On the evening of November 9 the convention was transferred to Oakland
and every seat in the large Unitarian church was filled. Mrs. Chapman
Catt was the speaker, introduced by the Rev. J. K. McLean. Mrs.
Baldwin, president of the Alameda County society, Mrs. Swift and other
prominent women occupied the beautifully decorated platform. During
the afternoon a reception had been given in the artistic home of Mrs.
Emma Shafter Howard.

The convention for 1900 was held in San Francisco as usual, December
14, 15. Mrs. Annie R. Wood was elected president.[168]

One of the largest auxiliary societies is that of Alameda County with
a dozen branches. The presidents have been the Rev. J. K. McLean, Mrs.
M. S. Haight, Mrs. Alice M. Stocker, Mrs. Isabel A. Baldwin, Mrs. H.
J. D. Chapman and Mrs. Frances A. Williamson.[169]

The San Jose Club was formed for campaign work, Nov. 14, 1895, with
fifty-four charter members. It has continued to hold weekly meetings
under the presidency of Dr. Alida C. Avery.[170] There are a number of
other efficient clubs in Northern California.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION: As early as 1868, and for many years afterwards,
Mrs. Laura De Force Gordon addressed the Legislature in behalf of
political rights for women, and from then until the present time there
have been few sessions which have not had the question brought before
them. A large number of legislators, lawyers and leading women have
contended that the constitution of the State is so worded that it is
within the power of the Legislature to confer the full franchise by
statute, but bills for this purpose always have been defeated by a
majority who hold that this can be done legally only by an amendment
to the constitution adopted by the electors. Mrs. Nellie Holbrook
Blinn has spent many winters at Sacramento in the interest of suffrage
bills, and Mrs. Clara S. Foltz has frequently made legal arguments
before joint committees. Beginning with 1891 Mrs. Sturtevant Peet,
president of the State Woman's Christian Temperance Union, has
remained through every legislative session representing that
organization, with bills for temperance measures, suffrage and other
matters of especial interest to women. During all of these years the
suffrage bills before the Legislature have been reinforced by great
petitions and hundreds of personal letters from the women of Southern
California.

In 1889 Miss Sarah M. Severance, State Superintendent of Franchise for
the W. C. T. U., went to Sacramento with a large petition asking for
School Suffrage. Mrs. Gordon, a practicing lawyer, already had
prepared three bills asking for Municipal and School Suffrage
including the right to hold every educational office. All were
reported favorably from the Senate committee. The first was passed,
reconsidered and although again receiving a majority vote, had not the
constitutional two-thirds. The School Suffrage Bill passed by 24 ayes,
7 noes. In the Assembly it received 36 ayes, 22 noes, not the required
majority.

In 1891 a bill was presented to enfranchise women by statute. It was
championed by Senators McGowan, Dargie and Simpson of the northern,
and Carpenter and McComas of the southern part of the State. On
February 7 a hearing was granted by the Judiciary Committee, and Mrs.
Gordon gave a strong legal argument which was presented to the members
as a "brief;" and addresses were made by Miss Severance, Mrs. Addie
L. Ballou and Mrs. Emily Pitt Stevens. Before the vote was taken in
the Legislature Mrs. Sturtevant Peet presented the great petition of
the W. C. T. U. containing 15,000 names, and many were offered by
senators from various counties. Individual appeals were sent by Mrs.
Ellen Clark Sargent, Mrs. Sarah Knox Goodrich, Dr. Alida C. Avery,
Mrs. E. O. Smith and many other well-known women. The bill passed the
Senate by 21 ayes, 17 noes. It had been delayed so long, however, that
it was too late to reach the Assembly.

In 1894 the State Republican Convention adopted a plank as follows:
"Believing that taxation without representation is against the
principles of the Government we favor the extension of the right of
suffrage to all citizens of the United States, both men and women."

The Legislature of 1895 was strongly Republican and the time seemed to
be highly propitious for securing woman suffrage. To this end a number
of influential women visited Sacramento. The first bill presented
called for enfranchisement by special statute and was introduced and
championed in the Assembly by Judge E. V. Spencer. On the afternoon of
January 24 Mrs. Blinn and Mrs. Foltz addressed the Senate Judiciary
Committee, and in the evening a mass meeting took place in the Court
House, which the Judiciary and Elections Committees of the Senate and
House attended in a body, as did also a large number of the members.
Mrs. Gordon made the leading address and Mrs. Foltz the closing
speech. Another meeting, held in the Assembly Chamber February 8, was
addressed by Mrs. E. V. Spencer, Mrs. Blinn, Miss Laura Tilden, a
lawyer, Mrs. Gordon and Mrs. Peet. Great assistance also was rendered
by Mrs. Annie K. Bidwell, Mme. A. L. Sorbier, Dr. Lillian Lomax and
Mrs. Jennie Phelps Purvis.

The bill came to a vote in the Assembly February 11 and passed. A
defect was then discovered in the title and it was voted on again
February 19, receiving 46 ayes, 29 noes. In the Senate it met with
many vicissitudes which need not be recounted, as it eventually failed
to pass. This was largely because the members did not believe it would
be constitutional.

This question being settled, Senators McGowan of Eureka, and Bulla of
Los Angeles, Assemblyman Spencer of Lassen, and others championed a
resolution to amend the constitution by striking out the word "male"
from the suffrage clause. This was adopted in March, 1895, by a
two-thirds majority of both Houses, and signed by Gov. James H. Budd.
The story of the campaign which was made to secure the adoption of
this amendment is related hereafter. It was defeated by the voters.

Although the experienced national officers told the California women
that it would be many years before they would be able to secure
another bill they did not believe it, but went to the Legislature of
1897 full of hope that an amendment would be submitted again and they
could make another campaign while their organizations were intact and
public sentiment aroused. Mrs. Mary Wood Swift, Mrs. Mary S. Sperry
and Mme. A. L. Sorbier spent much of the winter in Sacramento, and
enough members were pledged to pass the bill. When it was acted upon,
however, while it received a majority in both Houses, it lacked seven
votes in the Assembly and one in the Senate of the necessary
two-thirds.[171]

In 1899 Representative W. S. Mellick of Los Angeles introduced a bill
giving women the right to vote for school trustees, and at elections
for school bonds or tax levy. It passed the Assembly with only one
dissenting vote, and the Senate by a majority of six. Gov. Henry T.
Gage refused to sign it on the old ground of unconstitutionality.

CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT CAMPAIGN: The action of the Legislature of
1895 in submitting an amendment to the voters, instead of conferring
the franchise by statute, was somewhat of a disappointment to the
women as it precipitated a campaign which would come at the same time
as that for President of the United States, and for which there was
not sufficient organization. They were very much at sea for a while
but in the spring of 1895 Miss Susan B. Anthony and the Rev. Anna
Howard Shaw, president and vice-president of the National Association,
came to California to the Woman's Congress, and while here, having
had much experience, helped them plan their work and gave every
possible encouragement. In the autumn Miss Shaw returned and held
meetings throughout the State, managed by Miss Harriet Cooper. The
next year, at the urgent request of the State Association, Miss
Anthony and Miss Shaw came back and remained from the first of March
until after the election in November, rendering all the assistance
within their power in the longest and hardest campaign ever made for a
woman suffrage amendment. An amendment committee had been appointed at
the last annual convention and out of this and the State officers a
Campaign Committee[172] was formed and, in addition, a State Central
Committee was organized.

Mrs. Sargent opened her handsome home for headquarters the first three
months, and for eight months she and her daughter, Dr. Elizabeth C.
Sargent, gave every hour to this work, entertaining as guests Miss
Anthony, Miss Shaw and other workers and contributing large sums of
money. In February, Dr. Sargent and Miss Shaw's secretary, Lucy E.
Anthony, arranged a series of two days' conventions in every county in
the State. Miss Harriet May Mills and Miss Mary G. Hay of New York,
experienced organizers, were invited to California to manage these
conventions and remained throughout the campaign.[173] The Rev. Miss
Shaw and Miss Elizabeth Upham Yates of Maine were the speakers. The
audiences were large and cordial, clubs were formed and the meetings
more than paid expenses.

On Sunday, May 3, the San Francisco _Call_, the leading Republican
paper, under the management of Charles M. Shortridge, came out with
flaming headlines declaring for woman suffrage, and several hundred
copies were sent to the State Republican convention which met in
Sacramento the following Tuesday. A number of prominent women went to
this convention, as it was considered very important that it should
repeat its indorsement of the previous year. The delegation consisted
of Miss Anthony, Miss Shaw, Mrs. Sargent, State president, Mrs. Mary
Wood Swift, Mrs. Sarah Knox Goodrich, Mrs. Mary S. Sperry, Mrs. Ida
Husted Harper and Miss Mary G. Hay, members of the campaign committee.
Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw addressed the Committee on Resolutions, and
the next day a plank declaring for the amendment was adopted by the
big convention with only one dissenting voice.

On May 12 most of these ladies attended the Populist Convention in
Sacramento. They were received with cheers, escorted to front seats,
invited to address the convention and the plank was unanimously
adopted. From here a part of them went to the Prohibition Convention
in Stockton, meeting a most cordial reception and a similar result.
The Socialist Labor and the National parties also indorsed the
amendment.

There was little hope for the indorsement of the Democratic
Convention, but the ladies, reinforced by Mrs. Sarah B. and Miss
Harriet Cooper, Mrs. Henry Krebs, Jr., Mrs. Alice M. Stocker and Mrs.
E. O. Smith attended it on June 16. They were permitted to address the
Resolutions Committee and present a petition signed by about 40,000
men and women of the State asking for the amendment, but it was laid
on the table almost before they had left the room.[174]

A minority report was at once prepared by Charles Wesley Reed and
signed by himself, William H. Alford, chairman of the committee, and
two other members, but it was prevented from coming before the
convention by order of its chairman, Frank Gould of San Joaquin
County. After the platform had been adopted Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw
were invited to address the convention, which they did to such effect
that when they had finished the minority report was demanded. It was
too late for this but, in spite of the efforts of John P. Irish and W.
W. Foote of Alameda County,[175] and others, the original resolution
declaring for an amendment was brought to a vote, receiving 149 ayes,
420 noes, more than one-fourth the whole number.

The women opened their campaign a few days later with an immense
ratification meeting in Metropolitan Temple. All of the political
parties were represented by prominent men who made strong suffrage
speeches, Congressman James G. Maguire speaking for the fraction of
the Democratic party. Most of the ladies who had attended the
conventions made addresses and there was the greatest enthusiasm. Miss
Anthony was invited to speak at the ratification meeting of each of
the political parties and was most cordially received. No suffrage
campaign ever commenced so full of promise.

Headquarters were opened on Main Street in the fine new Parrott
Building, five rooms being donated for the purpose by the manager of
the Emporium, William Harper. The furnishings were contributed by
different firms and individuals, and a handsome banner was swung
across the street. Here a force of women worked day and night for five
months, most of them donating their services.[176]

The State Board and all the committees were composed of women of good
position and especial ability. The counties formed their own
organizations and all the important towns had active local clubs. The
report from Southern California appears in another part of this
chapter. In San Francisco Mrs. Sarah B. Cooper gave generously of her
valuable time and powerful influence. Mrs. Mary Wood Swift and Mrs.
Mary S. Sperry responded many times when the finances were at the
lowest ebb. It would be impossible to name even a small fraction of
those who freely and continuously gave labor and money.

Each of the eighteen assembly districts of San Francisco was organized
by precincts, regular meetings were held, a personal canvass was made
and an immense amount of literature was distributed. It is wholly
impracticable in a limited space to mention the work done by the
various counties, as in each where the amendment was carried it was
due largely to the wise, faithful and unwearying efforts of its own
women, and any distinction would be invidious.

The work of the W. C. T. U. deserves a prominent place in the history
of the struggle, as all the powers of its excellent organization and
experienced workers were devoted to the success of the amendment, and
the majority in several counties at least was due to its efforts.

For the usual necessary and legitimate campaign purposes a fund of
about $19,000 was raised and sent to headquarters, almost wholly the
contributions of women.

Miss Anthony remained in San Francisco addressing meetings in that
city and making many short trips to neighboring towns, speaking once
or more every day for eight months. During this time she made a tour
of Central and Southern California, lecturing in halls, churches,
wigwams, parlors, schoolhouses and the open air. In some places the
train was stopped and she spoke from the rear platform which was then
banked with flowers.

The Rev. Anna Howard Shaw spoke every night for seven months; Miss
Yates made about one hundred speeches; Mrs. Chapman Catt spent the
last two months in the State giving several addresses every day. Miss
Sarah M. Severance spoke under the auspices of the W. C. T. U.
throughout the campaign. Mrs. Naomi Anderson represented the colored
people. Every California woman who could make a speech was pressed
into service for clubs, ward meetings, etc. Many handsome homes were
opened for parlor lectures. Miss Anthony herself addressed great
political rallies of thousands of people; church conventions of every
denomination; Spiritualist and Freethinkers' gatherings; Salvation
Army meetings; African societies; Socialists; all kinds of labor
organizations; granges; Army and Navy Leagues; Soldiers' Homes and
military encampments; women's clubs and men's clubs; Y. M. C. A.'s and
W. C. T. U.'s. She spoke at farmers' picnics on the mountain tops, and
Bethel missions in the cellars of San Francisco; at parlor meetings in
the most elegant homes; and in pool-rooms where there was printed on
the blackboard, "Welcome to Susan B. Anthony." Her services during the
entire time were a personal contribution.

The attitude of the press was one of the remarkable features. Mrs. Ida
Husted Harper was made Chairman of the Press Committee which had local
members in every community. In company with Miss Anthony every editor
in San Francisco was visited and assurances received that the
amendment would have respectful treatment. The _Call_, the _Record_
and the _Post_ gave strong editorial indorsement, the latter
maintaining a daily department, the responsibility being largely taken
by Dr. Sargent. Mrs. Harper had a long article each week in the
_Sunday Call_ and many weeks one in the _Chronicle_ also. The
_Examiner_ placed a column on the editorial page of its Sunday edition
at the disposal of Miss Anthony and she filled it for seven months,
but the paper gave no official approval. The _Report_ had a double
column every Saturday edited by Miss Winnifred Harper. The _Bulletin_
had one conducted by Miss Eliza D. Keith, but editorially it was not
friendly. Mrs. Mary L. Wakeman Curtis rendered especially valuable
service. The Populist press was universally favorable, as were the
_Star_ and other labor papers, the temperance, Socialist and A. P. A.
organs, the leading Jewish papers, those of the colored people,
several published in foreign languages and many in the interest of
agriculture, insurance, etc.

Before the close of the campaign the press chairman was in
communication with 250 papers in the State which declared editorially
for woman suffrage. Only 27 spoke openly against it, prominent among
these being the _San Francisco Chronicle_, _Argonaut_, _Sacramento
Record-Union_ and _Los Angeles Times_. From California papers alone
9,000 clippings were received on this subject.

Had it not been the year of a presidential election it is probable
that the amendment might have carried, but the bitter competition of
politics soon produced many complications and, although the suffrage
question was kept absolutely non-partisan, it could not escape their
serious effects. The demand for free silver had made such inroads on
the Republican party that it was threatened with the loss of the
State, and it was soon made to understand by the liquor element that
its continued advocacy of the suffrage amendment would mean a great
loss of money and votes. It was found that the chairman of the State
Central Committee, Major Frank M'Laughlin, was notifying the county
chairmen not to permit the women to speak at the Republican meetings,
and it became very difficult to persuade the speakers of that party
to refer to the amendment, although an indorsement of it was the first
plank in their platform.

The Populists and Democrats found themselves in accord on financial
questions and in most localities a fusion was effected. While the
former, for the most part, were loyal to the amendment they could not
fully control the speakers or platforms at the rallies and it was kept
out of sight as much as possible. The A. P. A. was strongly organized
in California and was waging a bitter war against the Catholic Church,
and both feared the effect of the enfranchisement of women, although
at the beginning the former seemed wholly in favor.

The women made a brave fight but these political conditions, added to
insufficient organization, too small a number of workers, lack of
necessary funds, the immense amount of territory to be covered, the
large foreign population in San Francisco and the strong prejudices in
general against the movement, which must be overcome everywhere, made
defeat inevitable. The final blow was struck when, ten days before
election, the wholesale Liquor Dealers' League, which had been making
its influence felt all during the campaign, met in San Francisco and
resolved "to take such steps as are necessary to protect our
interests." One of these steps was to send to the saloonkeepers, hotel
proprietors, druggists and grocers throughout the State the following:

At the election to be held on November 3, Constitutional
Amendment No. Six, which gives the right to vote to women, will
be voted on.

It is to your interest and ours to vote against this amendment.
We request and urge you to vote and work against it and do all
you can to defeat it.

See your neighbor in the same line of business as yourself, and
have him be with you in this matter.

Although the women had the written promise of the Secretary of State
saying, "The amendment shall be third in order on the ballot, as
certified to me by the various county clerks," it was placed last,
which made it the easy target for the mass of voters who could not
read. Hundreds of tickets were cast in San Francisco on which the only
cross was against this amendment, not even the presidential electors
voted for.

There were 247,454 votes cast on the suffrage amendment; 110,355 for;
137,099 against; defeated by 26,744. The majority against in San
Francisco County was 23,772; in Alameda County, comprising Oakland,
Alameda and Berkeley, 3,627; total 27,399--665 votes more than the
whole majority cast against the amendment. Berkeley gave a majority in
favor, so in reality it was defeated by the vote of San Francisco,
Oakland and Alameda.[177] Alameda is the banner Republican County and
gave a good majority for the Republican ticket. There never had been a
hope of carrying San Francisco for the amendment, but the result in
Alameda County was a most unpleasant surprise, as the voters were
principally Republicans and Populists, both of whom were pledged in
the strongest possible manner in their county conventions to support
the amendment, and every newspaper in the county had declared in favor
of it. The fact remains, however, that a change of 13,400 votes in the
entire State would have carried the amendment; and proves beyond
question that, if sufficient organization work had been done, this
might have been accomplished in spite of the combined efforts of the
liquor dealers and the political "bosses."[178]

As it is almost universally insisted that woman suffrage amendments
are defeated by the ballots of the ignorant, the vicious and the
foreign born, an analysis of the vote of San Francisco, which contains
more of these elements than all the rest of California, is of
interest. Not one of the eighteen Assembly Districts was carried for
the amendment and but one precinct in the whole city. It is not
practicable to draw an exact dividing line between the best and the
worst localities in any city, but possibly the 28th, or water front,
district in San Francisco may come under the latter head and the 40th
under the former. The vote on the amendment in the 28th was 355 ayes,
1,188 noes; in the 40th, 890 ayes, 2,681 noes, a larger percentage of
opposition in the district containing the so-called best people.
Districts 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43 would probably be designated the most
aristocratic of the city. Their vote on the amendment was 5,189 ayes,
13,615 noes, an opposing majority of 8,426, or about 1,400 to the
district. This left the remainder to be distributed among the other
eighteen districts, including the ignorant, the vicious and the
foreign born, with an average of less than 1,300 adverse votes in each
district.

The proportion of this vote was duplicated in Oakland, the most
aristocratic ward giving as large a negative majority as the one
commonly designated "the slums."

SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA.[179]

In the spring of 1885 the first woman suffrage association of Southern
California was organized in Los Angeles at the home of Mrs. Elizabeth
A. Kingsbury, a lecturer and writer of ability and a co-worker with
the Eastern suffragists in pioneer days. This small band of men and
women held weekly meetings from this time until the opening of the
Amendment Campaign in 1896, when it adjourned--subject to the call of
its president--and its members became a part of the Los Angeles
Campaign Committee.

The principal work of this early suffrage society was educational.
Once a month meetings were held to which the public was invited,
addresses were given by able men and women, good music was furnished
and suffrage literature distributed. For five years Mrs. Kingsbury
continued its efficient president and then returned to her Eastern
home. She was succeeded by Mrs. Margaret V. Longley, another pioneer
worker from the East, who served acceptably for the same length of
time, when Mrs. Alice Moore McComas was elected. Under her regime was
called the first county suffrage convention ever held in the State.

All other organizations of women wholly ignored the suffrage
association during these years. The Woman's Christian Temperance Union
had its franchise department, but it was by no means so popular as the
other thirty-nine. Discouragement was met on every hand, but the
faithful few, adhering to the principles of political liberty, saw
year by year a slow but certain growth of sentiment in favor of the
ballot for women.

In the winter of 1887, an effort was made to secure a bill from the
Legislature conferring Municipal Suffrage upon women. Hundreds of
letters were written and a large petition was sent but no action was
taken.[180] Every year afterward a bill asking for some form of
suffrage was presented to the Legislature, accompanied by great
petitions signed by representative people, and an unremitting
agitation was kept up throughout Southern California, until a strong
sentiment was created in favor of the enfranchisement of women. Among
those who championed the cause in the Legislature in those days were
R. N. Bulla, R. B. Carpenter, Edward Denio and W. S. Mellick. U. S.
Senators George C. Perkins and Stephen M. White also gave their
influence in its favor.

In the autumn of 1892 the Southern California Woman's Parliament was
organized. While the fact was emphasized that it was "not a woman's
rights society;" the suffragists saw here an opportunity for good
work. The whole membership of their various organizations went into
this parliament and were active promoters of all the enterprises taken
up, fully realizing that, sooner or later, in a body where all phases
of woman's work--in the home, the church, the school and society--were
discussed, woman's political limitations could not fail to receive
attention. They were not mistaken for in a short time its sessions
might properly have been called "woman's rights meetings," but none
were more careful not to mention this fact than the "strong-minded"
members. The women who were afraid to be seen at suffrage meetings
were being so quietly converted that they had no idea of it. The
sentiment grew and grew--and so did the suffrage association--until,
after consultation with various members of the Legislature, it was
decided to ask for an amendment to the State constitution which would
enfranchise women.

Meanwhile the Los Angeles Suffrage Association called a convention of
delegates from the southern counties in April, 1894, and a central
committee was organized consisting of one representative woman from
each voting precinct. This was productive of systematic work, and when
the Legislature the following winter submitted an amendment, workers
in every city, town, hamlet and school district were ready for the
campaign.

County campaign committees were organized of which that of Los
Angeles was the leader, and from its headquarters the main work was
carried on. These, consisting of four large rooms on the second floor
of the Muskegon block, a fine stone building in the business center of
Los Angeles, were donated by T. D. Stimson. They were handsomely
furnished by friends with every requirement for office work and
semi-public meetings. Leo Alexander and William D. Hayward contributed
the typewriters. Their arrangement was in the hands of Mesdames J. H.
Braly, A. M. Davidson, R. L. Craig and Laura B. Fay. All through that
ever-to-be-remembered hot summer of 1896 these dainty, artistic rooms,
constantly supplied with fresh flowers, afforded a cool retreat for
the busy suffragists, as well as a resting place for their less active
sisters who were invited to visit them, even if not in sympathy, and
none left without some of the literature and a gentle hint as to their
obvious duty.

In San Diego the work was led by the president, Mrs. Flora M. Kimball.
Mrs. Kimball was the first woman ever elected Master of a Grange, and
was for eight years a member of the San Diego school board. She was a
most efficient manager and the beautiful grounds around her home were
the scene of many gatherings. A gifted writer also, her satires during
this campaign, over the signature "Betty Snow, an anti-suffragist,"
made many converts.

Prominent among the workers were Mrs. Annie Bristol Sloan, president
of the San Diego County W. S. A., the Rev. Amanda Deyo, Dr. Lelia
Latta and Mrs. Laura Riddell; Mrs. Helen Joslin Le Boeuf (Tustin),
organizer of Orange County; Mrs. Lizzie H. Mills, secretary of the
Southern California W. C. T. U., and its president, Mrs. N. P. J.
Button, who kept the question prominently before the people of
Riverside County. Mrs. Ida K. Spears led the work in Ventura County
with pen and voice. Kern County though less densely settled had in its
little clusters of humanity staunch friends of the cause under the
leadership of Mrs. McLeod, and gave also its majority for the
amendment. San Bernardino was ably marshaled by Mrs. Ella Wilson
Merchant, the county president. In Santa Barbara County Mrs. Emily
Wright had stood sponsor for the cause for many years, and Mrs. S. E.
A. Higgins assisted with her facile pen. This county in its favorable
vote ranked next to Los Angeles. The work was tremendous but the
result was compensating.

The key-note of the campaign was to reach every voter without regard
to race or rank. Therefore, women of all castes and conditions were
set to work where their direct influence would be most effective.
Hundreds of precinct meetings were held during the whole summer. Each
precinct had its own organization officered by its own people--men and
women--a vice-president being appointed from each of its churches, and
this was called Campaign Committee Precinct No. ----, pledged to work
only until election. The meetings numbered from five to eighteen a
day, and one day in August twenty-two were held in a single county. In
the city of Los Angeles the highest number in any one day was nine
precinct meetings and one public rally in the evening, near the close
of the campaign. Mrs. McComas addressed four of these meetings and
spoke at the rally--which was not unusual work for the speakers in the
field. From the afternoon meetings, held generally in the largest
homes in the precinct, hundreds of leaflets were sent out and every
effort was made to increase the interest among women, for it was
believed that if these did their duty the votes could be secured. The
evening meetings were held principally in halls or churches, though
frequently the larger homes and hotel parlors were thrown open for a
reception where men were the honored guests.

The churches of all Protestant denominations were offered for debates
and entertainments. In several the Rev. Mila Tupper Maynard--the
salaried campaign speaker--preached Sunday evenings on texts pertinent
to the subject, and many pastors delivered special sermons on equal
rights. Leading hotels gave their parlors for precinct meetings and
many of the halls used for public gatherings were donated by the
owners. Noontide meetings were held in workshops, factories and
railroad stations, and while the men ate their lunch a short suffrage
talk was given or some good leaflet read aloud. The wives of these men
were invited to take part, or to have full charge, and many earnest,
competent workers were found among them who influenced these voters as
no one else could do. The large proportion of foreign citizens were
thus reached in a quiet, educational manner.

Another most effective method of work was carried on by the public
meeting committee. Every political organization had in its ranks some
father, husband, son or brother who was pledged to watch the suffrage
interests and report to this committee--composed of men from these
organizations and women from the campaign committees--when and where a
wedge could be put in for the amendment. Its main duty was to present
at political meetings, through the most distinguished speaker on the
program, a resolution favoring the amendment. In this way it was
treated as one of the general issues and, being brought before the
voters by one of their own speakers, did not give the annoyance that
is sometimes felt when a lady is introduced for this purpose. In every
instance, the speaker would call upon the voters to "honor themselves
in honoring the women." This method became very popular and won many
votes where, otherwise, a hearing could not have been secured.

Another popular plan was that of utilizing the young people, who
proved effective helpers. Every boy and girl who could sing, play,
declaim, write an essay or in any other way entertain was enlisted for
oratorical debates, prize essays and public meetings.[181] Through
their work many a young man cast his first vote for his mother.

Hearings were secured before clubs and organizations, when short
addresses were made and resolutions adopted.[182]

The W. C. T. U. was throughout the campaign, active, efficient and
helpful, while its members were found on all the suffrage committees.
Valued assistance was given also by the Woman's Parliament, the church
auxiliaries, labor unions, Christian Endeavor Societies, Epworth
Leagues, theosophical societies and the Southern California
Federation of Woman's Clubs--which devoted a whole session of its
annual meeting to the question.

The Afro-American Congress, convening in Los Angeles, gave up an
afternoon session to listen to Mrs. Naomi Anderson, the salaried
organizer. This was followed up with faithful work by the Colored
Woman's Club, its president, Dr. Mary T. Longley, assisted by Mesdames
Washington, White, Jackson, Knott, Campbell, Clarkson and others,
being instrumental in converting many of the colored men to a belief
in suffrage for women. A number of them indeed became active workers,
the most prominent being the Rev. John Albright. Mrs. McComas
addressed the Los Angeles County Republican Convention, which put in
its platform a resolution in favor of the amendment.

Literature in small, concise leaflets was hung up in the street cars,
railroad offices, hotels, theaters and post-offices; wrapped in
dry-goods and grocery parcels and placed in profusion in the public
libraries, many of these being compiled especially to suit certain
localities. This required unceasing labor and watchfulness on the part
of the press committee. Much original matter was used to show the
people that the women of their community were fully capable of
expressing their ideas and giving their reasons for desiring the
ballot.

Fourteen of the papers published in Los Angeles were friendly to the
amendment and gave it more or less editorial support, while three used
their influence against it. The Los Angeles _Times_ was unyielding in
its opposition throughout the campaign, although it published fair
reports of the meetings. The _Sunday World_ kept pace with the _Liquor
Dealer_ in its coarse hostility, while the Pasadena _Town Talk_ was a
good second to both. The majority of the newspapers in Southern
California were favorable to the proposed measure and were largely
responsible for its success in this section of the State.[183]

The most harmonious spirit existed at headquarters and among all the
workers. Enough money was raised to pay salaries to county presidents,
organizers, corresponding secretary and one speaker. All others
donated their services. Among the series of county conventions called
by the State board, Los Angeles not only paid its own expenses but
contributed $67 to the general State fund. This money was freely given
by friends and workers, no special assessments being levied and no
collections taken at public meetings. Those who could not give largely
worked the harder to secure contributions from those who could. Great
credit is due to the excellent management of the financial secretary,
Mrs. Almeda B. Gray, who labored constantly at headquarters from May
to November, besides contributing a monthly instalment to the county
fund. Much of it was also due to the wise and conservative policy of
the president of the campaign committee, Mrs. Elizabeth H. Meserve.

It would be impossible to give even the names of all who assisted in
this long and arduous campaign. The work was far-reaching, and many
were modest home-keepers who gave effective service in their own
immediate neighborhood.[184]

The amendment was defeated--for many reasons. Among the most
conspicuous were ignorance of the real merits of the issue;
indifference--for thousands of voters failed to vote either way; a
secret but systematic opposition to woman's voice in legislative
affairs from the only organization against it--the Liquor Dealers'
Association; and, most potent of all, a political combination which
would not have occurred except at the time of a presidential election.
Every county in Southern California gave a majority for the amendment,
Los Angeles County leading with 4,600. Miss Anthony, who spent the
summer in California aiding and encouraging the women with her wisdom,
cheerfulness and hope, said on leaving: "The campaign was a
magnificent one, and it has developed many splendid workers who will
be ready for the next which is sure to come."

After the disappointing result the Campaign Committee held a meeting,
passed resolutions of fealty to the cause and adjourned _sine die_.
But in order to perpetuate the work already done and be ready for "new
business" at any time, the Los Angeles County Woman Suffrage League
was organized the following week, Mrs. Elmira T. Stephens, president;
Mrs. Gray, chairman of advisory board; Mrs. Craig, secretary. The
natural reaction after defeat followed and no work was done for
several years.

In November, 1900, the State president, Mrs. Mary Wood Swift, came to
Los Angeles and gave a parlor talk at the home of her hostess, Mrs. I.
G. Chandler, and later an address at a public meeting in the Woman's
Club House, of which Mrs. Caroline M. Severance was chairman.
Practically all were in favor of reviving the old Woman Suffrage
League and an executive committee was appointed, Mrs. Sarah Burger
Stearns (formerly of Minnesota), chairman.

At its call a meeting was held December 1, and the league reorganized:
President, Mrs. Severance; vice-president, Mrs. Shelley Tolhurst;
secretary, Mrs. Carl Schutz; treasurer, Mrs. Amelia Griffith; chairman
of executive committee, Mrs. Stearns. A leaflet announcing the
formation of the league, its plan of work, etc., was largely
circulated. A committee was appointed who went before the Legislative
Conference, which was held later in the Chamber of Commerce, and
expressed the thanks of the league for the efforts of the Southern
California members who had worked and voted for the School Suffrage
Bill at the previous session of 1899.

The executive committee meets once a month and special sessions are
called whenever necessary. The plan of work, as outlined by Mrs.
Stearns, was sent to the State convention at San Francisco and
cordially approved.

In February half of a show window on Broadway was secured, with ample
floor space back of it. With the donation of $100 by a Los Angeles
woman both were made attractive with flags, engravings and
furnishings. Above a handsome desk the suffrage flag with its four
stars is draped and photographs of prominent women adorn the walls.
The suffrage papers are kept on file and quantities of fresh
literature are ready for distribution. Stationery, photographs,
medallions, etc., are for sale, a register is open for the enrollment
of friends and a member of the league is always in attendance. When
another amendment campaign is to be made Southern California will be
found ready for work and will declare in its favor by a largely
increased majority.

* * * * *

LAWS: The original property law of California is an inheritance from
the Mexicans, which it incorporated in its own code, and it is quite
as unjust as those which still exist on the statute-books of some
States as a remnant of the barbarous old English Common Law. Community
property includes all which is accumulated by the joint labors of
husband and wife after marriage. This is in the absolute control of
the husband. Previous to 1891 he could dispose of all of it as if he
had no wife, could will, sell, mortgage, pledge or give it away. That
year the Legislature enacted that he could not make a gift of it or
convey it without a valuable consideration, unless the wife consented
in writing, although he could still dispose of it in ordinary business
transactions without her knowledge or consent. The decision in the
Spreckles case apparently nullified this law, as the gift was made in
1893 and the Supreme Court in 1897 declared it legal.[185]

In 1895 it was provided that at the husband's death the wife is
entitled to one-half of what remains, subject to one-half of the
debts. At the death of the wife the whole belongs absolutely to the
husband without administration. If some portion of it may have been
set apart for her support by judicial decree, this is subject to her
testamentary disposition, or, if she makes none, it passes to her
heirs.

A homestead to the value of $5,000, which must continuously be
occupied by the family, may be selected from the community property,
or from the husband's separate estate, or from the wife's with her
consent. If from the first-named it belongs to the survivor, if from
the separate property it descends to his or her heirs, subject to the
power of the court to assign it to the family for a limited period.
During marriage it can not be mortgaged or conveyed without the
signature of both. In case of divorce, if it has been selected from
community property, it may be assigned to the innocent party
absolutely or for a limited time, or it may be sold and the proceeds
divided, according to decree. If selected from separate property it
shall be returned to the former owner, but the court may assign it for
a limited time to the innocent party.

In 1897 a law was passed that if the estate is less than $1,500 it
shall be assigned to the widow, subject to incumbrances, funeral
charges and expenses of settlement.

Separate property consists in what was possessed before marriage or is
received by gift or inheritance afterwards. If the deceased leave wife
or husband and only one child, or the lawful issue of one, the
separate estate is divided in equal shares. If there be more than one
child or the issue of one, the widow or widower is entitled to
one-third. If there is no issue the survivor takes one-half and the
other half goes to the father, mother, brothers and sisters of the
deceased. If none exists, the survivor is entitled to the whole
estate.

Either husband or wife may dispose of separate property without the
consent of the other. Until 1894 it rested upon the wife to prove that
property was her separate possession, but now the proof rests upon the
contestants. Until 1897 she was compelled to prove that it was not
paid for with community earnings. Neither of these recent laws applies
to property acquired previous to May 19, 1889.

A married woman may be administrator or executor. (1891.)

The wife may engage in business as sole trader and her husband is not
liable for her contracts, but her earnings, and also any wages she
may make by her labor, are community property and belong absolutely to
him, and suit for them must be brought by him. By becoming a sole
trader she makes herself liable for the support of the family.

A married woman may sue and be sued and make contracts in regard to
her separate property, but in torts of a personal nature she must be
sued jointly with her husband, although the wife may defend in her own
right.

Until 1899 common law marriage was legal, and this consisted merely in
a promise and the mutual assumption of marital rights, duties and
obligations. That year a law was passed requiring a license and a
civil or religious ceremony. The law declares specifically that "the
husband is the head of the family and the wife is subject to him."

The wife may sue for separate maintenance without divorce.

The father is the guardian of the minor children and entitled to their
custody, services and earnings. At his death, or if he has abandoned
his family, the guardianship belongs to the mother, if suitable.

The husband is expected to give his family proper maintenance. There
is no penalty for not supporting a wife but he can be arrested for
failure to support the children. If he have no property or is disabled
from any cause, then the wife must support him and the family out of
her property or her earnings. The husband decides what are necessaries
and may take even her personal belongings to pay for them.

In 1887 the W. C. T. U. asked to have the "age of protection" for
girls raised from 10 to 18 years, but secured only 14. In 1895 they
succeeded in having a bill passed for 18 years but it was vetoed by
Gov. James H. Budd. In 1897 they obtained one for 16 years which he
signed and it is now the law. The penalty is imprisonment in the
penitentiary for not less than five years.

SUFFRAGE: Women possess no form of suffrage.

In 1900, to make a test case, Mrs. Ellen Clark Sargent brought suit
before Judge M. C. Sloss, of the Supreme Court of San Francisco, to
recover her taxes for that year, about $500. The city through its
attorney filed a demurrer which was argued March 29 by George C.
Sargent, son of the plaintiff and a member of the bar. He based his
masterly argument on the ground that a constitution which declares
that "all political power is inherent in the people" has no right to
exclude one-half of the people from the exercise of this inherent
power. He quoted the most eminent authorities to prove that taxation
and representation are inseparable; that the people of the United
States would have been slaves if they had not enjoyed the
constitutional right of granting or withholding their own money; that
it is inseparably essential to the freedom of a people that no taxes
can be imposed upon them except with their consent given personally or
by their representatives. He said in closing:

If Article I of the State constitution defines inalienable rights
and Article II abrogates them, it is monarchy. The Code of Civil
Procedure says that where one of two constructions is in favor of
natural right and the other against it, the former shall be
accepted. The question is whether the Court shall grant this
right, or whether by toil and struggle it shall be wrung from the
consciences of the electors.

The court decided that the case required a mandamus before the
Registrar. Application was then made for a writ of mandate against the
Registrar of Elections to compel him to place Mrs. Sargent's name upon
the list of voters. Should this be denied she asked to have her taxes
returned. Both demands were refused by Judge Sloss in the Superior
Court. He took the ground that if Mr. Sargent's argument should be
carried to its logical conclusion it would enfranchise idiots,
lunatics and criminals; that if there is a conflict between the two
sections of the constitution cited it should be settled in favor of
limiting the suffrage to males, as where a general and a particular
provision are inconsistent the latter is paramount to the former. He
quoted various State Supreme Court decisions and declared that he
decided the case according to the law.[186]

As Mrs. Sargent had every assurance that this judgment would be
sustained by the Supreme Court she did not carry the case further. It
attracted attention and comment in all parts of the country and she
received encouragement and wishes for her success from all classes of
society.

OFFICE HOLDING: The Legislature of 1873 made women eligible to all
School offices. None ever has been elected State Superintendent of
Public Instruction but there is scarcely a county where women have not
served as superintendents. At present seventeen are acting in this
capacity. They have frequently been elected School Trustees and a
woman is now president of the San Francisco school board at a salary
of $3,000 per annum.

The constitution is interpreted to prohibit women from holding any
other office. It is claimed by some that this does not include the
boards of State institutions, but out of twenty-six such boards and
commissions only one ever has had a woman member--Mrs. Phoebe A.
Hearst, who is on the Board of Regents of the State University.

There are women on local library boards. A woman has been assistant
State Librarian, and there have been women deputies and clerks in
county and city offices. At present in the offices of the
Attorney-General, Board of Examiners, State Department of Highways and
Debris Committee women hold positions as clerks at salaries of from
$1,200 to $1,800. They may serve as notaries public.

In the autumn of 1899 the California Woman's Club resurrected an old
law which never had been enforced, providing for the appointment of
assistant women physicians at the hospitals for the insane "provided
there are already three assistant male physicians." They petitioned
the proper authorities and the matter was presented to the State
Lunacy Commission by Gov. Henry T. Gage with his earnest indorsement.
From highly qualified candidates, whom the club had in readiness, two
were appointed, and the promise was made that others should be at an
early date. In a short time the superintendent of one hospital wrote
that he did not see how they ever had managed without a woman
physician.

A woman physician is on the Board of Health in Oakland.

In 1891 a law was passed providing for jail matrons in cities of
100,000 and over. This included only San Francisco and was not
mandatory. In 1901 a law was secured requiring all cities of over
15,000 to have a matron at jails and city prisons, to be appointed
for two years at a salary of $50, $65 or $75 a month, according to the
size of the city.

OCCUPATIONS: After the hard struggle to obtain a law admitting women
to the bar in 1877, a long contest followed to secure their admission
to the Hastings College of Law, a branch of the State University,
which ended in a favorable decision of the Supreme Court.[187] As a
result of these efforts the constitutional convention of 1879
incorporated a provision that "No person shall, on account of sex, be
disqualified from entering upon or pursuing any lawful business,
vocation or profession." This does not, however, include appointive or
elective offices.

EDUCATION: This same constitution of 1879 provided also that "No
person shall be debarred admission to any of the collegiate
departments of the State University on account of sex." Most of the
smaller colleges are co-educational.

The assertion will hardly be questioned that the gifts of women for
educational purposes in all parts of the Union, in all time, do not
equal those made by the women of California within the last decade. As
a memorial to their son, U. S. Senator and Mrs. Leland Stanford
erected the Leland Stanford, Jr., University at Palo Alto in 1890 and
endowed it with many millions of dollars. Mr. Stanford's death before
it was fully completed threw the estate into litigation for a number
of years, the legality of even some portion of the university
endowment being in doubt. He left the bulk of his great fortune to his
wife, and, after the estate was settled and free from all
encumbrances, she reaffirmed the titles of all previous gifts and
added the largest part of her own property. The endowment is now about
$30,000,000, all but $4,000,000 of this having been given by Mrs. Jane
Lathrop Stanford. This is the largest endowment ever made by any one
person for one institution, and places Stanford at the head of the
endowed universities of the world. It has been co-educational in all
departments from the beginning and the tuition is practically free.

In 1894 Mrs. Miranda Lux of San Francisco left a bequest of $750,000
for a school of manual training for both sexes. In 1898 Miss Cora Jane
Flood of San Francisco conveyed to the University of California her
magnificent estate at Menlo Park and 4,000 shares of stocks, valued at
not far from $1,000,000. The request was made that the income should
be devoted to some branch of commercial education. Mrs. Jane Krom
Sather of Oakland has given about $200,000 to the University. The
donations of Mrs. Phoebe A. Hearst have been thus far about $300,000,
but this is merely preliminary to the great endowment of millions for
which she has arranged. It is exclusive also of $30,000 a year for
several archæological expeditions. Liberal gifts have been made by
other women.

In the public schools there are 1,722 men and 6,425 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $81.08; of the women $64.76.
As a law of 1873 requires equal pay of teachers for equal work, these
figures show that the highly salaried positions are largely occupied
by men.

* * * * *

Women's clubs play a very prominent part in the social life. Of these,
111 with a membership of over 7,000 belong to the State Federation.
The oldest in the State is the Ebell of Oakland, organized over
twenty-five years ago, and having now a handsome club house and a
membership of 500. It raised $20,000 to purchase a site for the new
Carnegie Library. The Century Club of San Francisco with 275 members
is one of the oldest and most influential; the California Club has an
active membership of 400; and there are a number of other flourishing
clubs in that city, Oakland, Berkeley, Alameda and Sacramento, of from
175 to 250 members. The Friday Morning Club of Los Angeles, with a
membership of 500, owns a beautiful club house. The Ebell of that city
has 300 members, and clubs of from 150 to 200 are found in various
places in Southern California.

FOOTNOTES:

[162] The History is indebted for most of the material in this chapter
to Mrs. Ellen Clark Sargent of San Francisco, honorary president, and
Miss Carrie A. Whelan of Oakland, corresponding secretary, of the
State Woman Suffrage Association.

[163] See History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. III, Chap. LIII.

[164] Other names which appear in the scant records are Dr. Cora
Morse, Mesdames William A. Keith, A. W. Manning, Helen Moore, Emily
Pitt Stevens, Julia Schlessinger, Gertrude Smythe--of San Francisco
and the towns around the bay; E. L. Collins of the Stockton _Daily
Mail_, Mrs. D. P. Burr and Mrs. James Gillis of Stockton.

[165] For full description see Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony,
Chap. XLV.

[166] President, Mrs. Ellen Clark (Aaron A.) Sargent; first
vice-president, Mrs. Annie K. (General John) Bidwell; second
vice-president, Mrs. Nellie Holbrook Blinn; third vice-president, Mrs.
John Spalding; corresponding secretary, Mrs. George Oulton; recording
secretary, Mrs. Hester A. Harland; treasurer, Mrs. Sarah Knox
Goodrich; auditors, Mrs. Mary Wood (John F.) Swift and Mrs. Isabel A.
Baldwin.

[167] Ida Husted Harper, the Rev. Eliza Tupper Wilkes, Mary Wood
Swift, Dr. Ida V. Stambach, Harriet E. Cotton, Ada H. Van Pelt.

[168] The others who have held office in the State association since
1896 are--first vice-presidents, Mesdames Frank M. Smith, C. R.
Randolph, H. J. D. Chapman, Mary Wood Swift, second vice presidents,
Mrs. Annie K. Bidwell, Mrs. E. O. Smith, third vice-presidents, Mrs.
Elmira T. Stevens, Mrs. R. H. Pratt, Mrs. A. K. Bidwell, corresponding
secretaries, Mrs. Harriet E. Cotton, Miss Mary E. Donnelly, Dr. Amy G.
Bowen, Miss Carrie A. Whelan, recording secretaries, Mrs. Nellie
Holbrook Blinn, Miss Mary G. Gorham, Mrs. Henry Krebs, Jr., Mrs.
Dorothy Harnden, treasurers, Mrs. Mary S. Sperry (six years), Miss
Clara M. Schlingheyde; auditors, Mrs. Lovell White, Mrs. George
Oulton, Miss Mary S. Keene, Dr. Alida C. Avery, Mrs. Mary Mc. H.
Keith, Mrs. Anna K. Spero.

[169] Among those who have been officially connected with the work are
Col. P. T. Dickinson, Col. George and Mrs. Olive E. Babcock, Drs.
Alice Bush, Susan J. Fenton, Kellogg Lane, Carra B. Schofield, Rev. C.
W. Wendte, Rev. Eliza Tupper Wilkes, Mr. and Mrs. John L. Howard, Mr.
and Mrs. Maurice Woodhams, Mesdames A. E. S. Banks, S. C. Borland, J.
C. Campbell, Ella E. Greenman, L. G. Judd, Mary McHenry Keith, A. A.
Moore, M. B. Pelton, Emily M. Vrooman, C. L. Wood, J. A. Waymire, John
Yule; Misses Mollie E. Connors, Mary S. Keene, Mary Snell, Winifred
Warner, Carrie A. Whelan.

[170] Among the most active members are Mesdames M. B. Braley, Fred L.
Foster, Sarah Knox Goodrich, J. H. Henry, H. Jennie James, A. K. de
Jarnette (Spero), E. O. Smith, Laura J. Watkins, Alice B. Wilson.

[171] Immediately afterwards the ladies said to one of the members,
"Why did you break your pledge to us and vote against the bill?"
Without a moment's hesitation he answered, "Because I had a telegram
this morning from the Liquor Dealers' Association telling me to do
so."

[172] Chairman, Ellen Clark Sargent; vice-chairman, Sarah B. Cooper;
corresponding secretary, Ida Husted Harper; recording secretary,
Harriet Cooper; treasurer, Mary S. Sperry; auditors, Mary Wood Swift
and Sarah Knox Goodrich.

State Central Committee: Mrs. Sargent, Miss Anthony, Mrs. Swift, Mrs.
Sperry, Mrs. Blinn, with Mary G. Hay, chairman.

[173] Later Mrs. Ida Crouch Hazlitt of Colorado, Mrs. Laura M. Riddell
of San Diego and other State women were added to the organizing force.

[174] Dr. Elizabeth Sargent was chairman of the Committee on Petitions
for Northern and Mrs. Alice Moore McComas for Southern California. As
the names had to be collected in the winter months preceding the
spring campaign, the distances to be covered were long and the labor
was the free offering of busy women, it is surprising that the list
was so large. It by no means represented the suffrage sentiment in the
State.

[175] Alameda had sent in the largest petition for woman suffrage of
any county in the State, and San Joaquin afterwards gave a big
majority vote for the amendment.

[176] A number of young women who were engaged the greater part of
every day in teaching, stenography, bookkeeping, etc., gave every hour
that could be spared to the work at headquarters, a free will
offering. Among those who deserve special mention are Misses Mary,
Louise and Sarah Donnelly, Mary Gorham, Clara Schlingheyde, Effie
Scott Vance, Evelyn Grove, Mrs. N. W. Palmer, Winifred and Marguerite
Warner and Carrie A. Whelan. Mrs. Lelia S. Martin also contributed
five months' time.

[177] Los Angeles County gave a majority of 4,600 in favor of the
amendment.

[178] Many personal incidents and anecdotes of this campaign will be
found in the Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony, Chap. XLVII.

[179] This portion of the chapter was prepared by Mrs. Alice Moore
McComas, former president of the Los Angeles Woman Suffrage
Association and chairman of the Southern California press committee
during the amendment campaign of 1896. A considerable amount of space
is given because it presents so admirable an example of the manner in
which the work in such a campaign should be done.

[180] The first paper to establish a Suffrage Column was the Los
Angeles _Express_, in 1887, H. Z. Osborne, editor. This was conducted
by Mrs. McComas for three years.

[181] Among the many were Gertrude Foster, the young California
actress, who added attraction to many programs with her brilliant
readings, and Jessie, daughter of Superior Judge Waldo York, who won
the prize of $75 offered by Dr. Ella Whipple Marsh, superintendent of
franchise of the Southern California W. C. T. U., for the best essay
on woman suffrage, one hundred young people of both sexes competing.
An oratorical contest for young college men--original orations on
woman suffrage--resulted in a $20 prize to Edwin Hahn of Pomona
College, five young men participating. Clare, daughter of Judge C. C.
McComas, gave highly-appreciated recitations on the woman question,
and Miss Nina Cuthbert, the young teacher of elocution, delighted many
audiences with her readings and wonderful imitations.

[182] Prominent among these were the Single Tax Club, Royal Arcanum,
Foresters, Native Daughters of the Golden West, Socialist League, Y.
M. C. A., Carpenters' Union, Woman's Relief Corps, Y. W. C. A., Friday
Morning Woman's Club and the Fraternal Brotherhood.

[183] It is regretted that the carefully compiled list of these
papers, sent by Mrs. McComas, is too long to be used. [Eds.

[184] In addition to men and women already mentioned the following is
a partial list of those who aided in various ways: Annie B. Andrews,
Alice Armor, Prof. W. C. and Sarah A. Bowman, Mary M. Bowman, Mrs.
(Dr.) B. W. Beacher, Mary E. Benson, Mary E. Bucknell, Alice E.
Broadwell, Rollo K. Bryan, James G. Clark, Mary L. Crawford, Lucy E.
Cook, Mary Lynde Craig, Pauline Curram, Gen. A. B. Campbell, Edith
Cross, Adelaide Comstock, Prof. G. A. Dobinson, the Hon. C. H. Dillon,
Florence Dunham, Virginia W. Davis, Sallie Markham Davis, Ella H.
Enderline, Katheryne Phillips Edson, Dr. and Mrs. Eli Fay, Ada C.
Ferriss, Mary E. Fisher, Miss M. M. Fette, Kate Tupper Galpin, Mary E.
Garbutt, Prof. Burt Estees Howard, Emma Hardacre, Mary I. Hutchinson,
Rachel Handby, Mrs. C. E. Haines, Georgia Hodgeman, Judge and Mrs.
Ivan, Mrs. Mary E. and Miss Kinney, Mrs. E. A. and Miss Lawrence,
Alice Beach McComas, Ben S. May, Susie Munn, Mattie Day Murphy, Dr.
Mary Nixon, Mrs. C. W. Parker, Delia C. Percival, Ursula M. Poats,
Mary Rankin, Rachel Reid, Aglea Rothery, Mr. and Mrs. W. C. B.
Randolph, Caroline M. Severance, Mrs. Fred Smith, Dora G. Smith,
Drusilla E. Steele, Annie B. Smith, Gabrella Stickney, Mrs. A.
Tichenor, Mrs. R. H. F. Variel, Dr. Theoda Wilkins, Mrs. (Dr.) Wills,
Fanny Wills, Attorney Sarah Wild, Judge Waldo York, Jessie York.

[185] Claus Spreckles gave his son Rudolph a large amount of sugar
stock which was community property, and Mrs. Spreckles did not join.
Afterwards he sued to recover and the Supreme Court, all the Judges
concurring, decided the gift was legal. Justice Temple rendered the
decision as follows:

"All these differences point to the fact that the husband is absolute
owner of the community property. The marital community was not
acquired for the purpose of accumulating property, and the husband
owes no duty to the community or to the wife, either to labor or
accumulate money, or to save or to practice economy to that end. He
owes his wife and children suitable maintenance, and if he has
sufficient income from his separate estate he need not engage in
business, or so live that there can be community property. If he earns
more than is sufficient for such maintenance, he violates no legal
obligation if he spends the surplus in extravagance or gives it away.
The community property may be lost in visionary schemes or in mere
whims. Within the law he may live his life, although the community
property is dissipated. Of course I am not now speaking of moral
obligations."

[186] During this trial Mrs. Sargent and her friends in attendance
were caricatured in the most shameless manner by the San Francisco
_Call_, which had passed under a new management.

[187] See History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. III, p. 757.

CHAPTER XXIX.

COLORADO.[188]

After the campaign of 1877, when a woman suffrage amendment was
defeated in Colorado, the first really important step forward was the
organization at Denver, in 1890, of a little club to aid the campaign
in South Dakota. In April Miss Matilda Hindman, who was working there,
came from that State to ask assistance and formed a committee of six,
who pledged themselves to raise $100. They were Miss Georgiana Watson,
president; Mrs. Susan Sharman, secretary; Mrs. Mary J. Nichols,
treasurer; and Mesdames Amy K. Cornwall, Jennie P. Root and Lavinia C.
Dwelle.

Shortly afterward Mrs. Louise M. Tyler removed from Boston to Denver,
bearing a letter from Lucy Stone urging Colorado suffragists to unite
in an organization auxiliary to the National Woman Suffrage
Association. Mrs. Tyler heard of this small band, called with Mrs.
Elizabeth P. Ensley, delivered her message, and their names were added
to the list of members. The organization was completed and became an
auxiliary.

About this time Mrs. Leonora Barry Lake followed her lecture,
delivered under the auspices of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union
by an appeal to the women of the audience to join the suffrage
association; and among those who responded were two whose ears had
longed for such a gospel sound, Mrs. Emily R. Meredith and her
daughter Ellis. Temperance women who repeatedly had found their work
defeated by the lack of "the right preservative of rights," such women
as Mrs. Anna Steele, Mrs. Ella L. Benton, Mrs. Eliza J. Patrick and
others, thought truly that a society whose sole aim should be the
ballot was a necessity. At this time the meetings were held in Mrs.
Tyler's parlor. Miss Watson was much occupied with school duties, and
in the fall of 1890 Mrs. Tyler was chosen president in her stead.

In 1891 a petition for the right of suffrage by constitutional
amendment was presented to the Legislature, but the bill not being
introduced within the specific time it went by default. Ashamed of
their lack of political acumen, the women then persuaded
Representative F. F. O'Mahoney, who had a bill prohibiting foreigners
from voting on their first naturalization papers, to strike the word
"male" from his measure, thus making it an equal suffrage enactment,
but bill and rider were defeated. The ladies who worked for suffrage
were treated with such scant courtesy by some of the legislators, and
the general sentiment was so adverse, that ultimate success looked
very distant to the most sanguine friends.

Some of the club even questioned the advisability of giving an
afternoon a week, as they had been doing, to the study of a government
in which they had no part and might never hope to have. Mrs. Sharman,
a small, delicate woman, who already had passed four-score years, was
its inspiration. She advised the members to remain united, ready for
active effort when opportunity offered, and in the meantime to
continue as seed-sowers and students of citizenship in the preparatory
department.

The membership slowly increased. Mrs. Tyler served as president until
1892, when Mrs. Olive Hogle was elected. Mrs. Benton (Adams) had given
the use of her rooms in the central part of Denver, and the society
remained with her until, having outgrown its quarters, it accepted the
hospitality of Dr. Minnie C. T. Love early in 1893.

In the spring of 1891 a small majority of its members had put up a
woman candidate for the East Denver school board and tried their
"prentice hands" at voting. It is a settled fact that a partial
suffrage seldom awakens much interest. The school ballot had been
given to women by the constitution when Colorado became a State, but
here, as elsewhere, they exercised it only when aroused by some
especial occasion. Mrs. Scott Saxton was the candidate selected. The
wiser of the suffragists thought the work should have been undertaken
sooner, if at all, as there was not then sufficient time for
canvassing, and the result proved they were right. More women voted
than ever before, but the men opposed to women on the school board
came out in still greater numbers. Twelve hundred ballots were
cast--by far the largest school vote ever polled in the district. Of
these about 300 were for Mrs. Saxton.

Two years later this effort was repeated and other organizations of
women aided the suffragists. Mrs. Ione T. Hanna was the candidate.
There were four tickets in the field and over 6,000 votes were cast.
This time both men and women voted in favor and, in the face of bitter
opposition, Mrs. Hanna was elected by 1,900 majority.

A bill providing that the question of full suffrage for women should
be submitted to the voters at the next general election was drawn by
J. Warner Mills and presented in the House early in 1893 by J. T.
Heath. On this, and all other occasions when advice or assistance was
needed, Mr. Mills gave his legal services without charge.

This was indeed the golden opportunity, the tide which taken at the
flood might lead on to fortune. The Populist party, which was in
power, had a suffrage plank in its State platform; in both the other
parties there were individuals who favored it; and, if the bill
passed, the Governor's signature was a certainty. But there are as
many vicissitudes in the life of a bill as in that of an infant. It is
thrown in the midst of its fellows to struggle for existence, and the
outcome is not a question of the survival of the fittest but of the
one that receives the best nursing. If it escapes the death that lurks
in the committee room, it still may be gently crowded toward the edge
until it falls into the abyss which awaits bills that never reach the
third reading.

Mrs. Tyler, chairman of legislative work, gave a large share of her
time during the entire session to looking after the bill in the House,
and Miss Minnie J. Reynolds was equally untiring in the Senate. Three
other suffrage bills were introduced that session but two yielded
precedence to the one prepared by the association. The author of the
third believed that women could obtain suffrage only through a
constitutional amendment, which was what his bill called for. The
women received such contradictory advice on this point as to awaken
much anxiety. However, they read in their meetings a copy of the
statutes of Colorado, and possessing only plain common sense and not
the legal ability which would have qualified them for a place in the
Supreme Court, concluded that the referendum to the voters, which
their bill provided for, was the proper thing to request.

The opposition came from the usual sources. After the bill was
presented, the _Remonstrance_, the organ of the anti-suffrage society
in Boston, soon appeared on the desk of every legislator. The liquor
influence also was prominent in the lobby.

The bill was reported from the committee to the House on Jan. 24,
1893, with the recommendation that it should not pass and a minority
report in favor. The former was rejected by a vote of 39 to 21. The
bill was brought to a final vote on March 8. A number of the members
of the suffrage club and some other women who approved their cause
were present by request of the friends in the House. Some of the
arguments used were peculiar. Ruth didn't vote and she married very
well (at least at the second trial) nor did any of the women referred
to in the Bible, so why should the women of the United States do so?
One Representative said he always attended to affairs out of doors and
left those within to his wife. He thought that was the right way and
didn't believe his wife would vote if she could. "But she says she
would," declared another, who was prompted by Mrs. Tyler, and a ripple
of laughter arose at the speaker's expense.

There was the customary talk about neglected homes and implied
disbelief in woman's ability to use the ballot rightly, but only one
man tried the weapon of insult. Robert W. Bonynge spoke so slightingly
of the character of women who upheld equal suffrage that one incensed
woman, not a member of the association and presumably ignorant of
parliamentary courtesy, gave a low hiss. Immediately he assumed the
denunciatory and threatened immediate expulsion of all persons not
members from the House. Frank Carney then arose and referred to the
fact that the anti-suffrage speakers had received repeated applause
from their adherents and no notice had been taken of it, although it
was equally out of place. Mr. Bonynge subsided from his position and
continued his speech.[189]

The bill finally passed by 34 ayes, 27 noes; divided politically as
follows: Ayes, 22 Populists, 11 Republicans, 1 Democrat; noes, 3
Populists, 21 Republicans, 3 Democrats.

Hamilton Armstrong had introduced the bill into the Senate, where it
had been tabled to await the action of the House. It passed on April 3
by 20 ayes, 10 noes: Ayes, 12 Populists, 8 Republicans, no Democrat;
noes, one Populist, 4 Republicans, 5 Democrats.

The bill received the signature of the Populist governor, Davis H.
Waite, without delay.

A general election was to be held in the fall of 1893, so that the
verdict of the voters was soon to follow. At the annual meeting of the
State Woman Suffrage Association that spring the officers chosen were:
President, Miss Martha Pease; vice-president, Mrs. Ellis Meredith;
secretary, Mrs. C. S. Bradley; treasurer, Mrs. Ensley; chairman
executive committee, Mrs. Tyler. On motion of Mrs. Meredith, the name
of the society was changed to the Non-Partisan Equal Suffrage
Association of Colorado, as in the word "equal" there is an appeal to
justice which does not seem to exist in the word "woman."

The women realized the conflict before them in the near future, and
Mrs. Ellis Meredith volunteered to visit the Woman's Congress, which
was to meet at Chicago in May, during the World's Fair, and appeal for
aid to the representatives of the National Association who would be
there. Miss Susan B. Anthony, Mrs. Lucy Stone and other notables were
present and appointed a meeting to listen to appeals. These asked help
for the Constitutional Convention Campaign in New York and the Kansas
Amendment Campaign, which were both considered very hopeful compared
to what was thought in the East to be the almost hopeless campaign in
Colorado. Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake presented the claims of New York,
Mrs. Laura M. Johns of Kansas, and Mrs. Meredith of Colorado. "Why was
your campaign precipitated when our hands are so full?" was one of
the discouraging questions. "Are all those Mexicans dead?" asked Miss
Anthony, referring to the heavy vote against equal suffrage in the
first Colorado campaign of 1877. "No," said Mrs. Meredith, "the
Mexicans are all there yet;" but she explained that there were
favorable influences now which did not then exist. In the labor unions
women members voted, and this fact inclined the men belonging to them
to grant the full franchise. The W. C. T. U., now organized throughout
the State, had become a firm friend and advocate, and the ruling
political party was favorable. Clearly this was the time to strike.

A promise of consideration and such aid as the National Association
was able to furnish was given. Later they decided to send Mrs. Carrie
Chapman Catt and guarantee her expenses in case she was not able to
raise them in the State. From her past record, they thought it likely
she would not only do that but put money in the treasury, and the
result justified their expectations. She was a financial help, but,
much as money was needed, her eloquence and judgment were worth more,
and she always will have a warm place in the hearts of Colorado women
who were active in the campaign of 1893.

When that campaign opened, there were just $25 in the treasury. Lucy
Stone sent a donation of $100. Iowa and California gave aid, and there
were small contributions in money from members of the E. S. A. and
from auxiliary clubs formed by Mrs. Chapman Catt in different parts of
the State.

Besides these, others already had been organized. In Longmont a club
was formed in the spring of 1893 by Mesdames Mary L. Carr, Orpha
Bacon, Rosetta Webb and Jane Lincoln. They took up the study of laws
relating to the property rights of women and endeavored to awaken
interest in the question to be settled the following November. The
majority which Longmont gave for suffrage is a testimony to the value
of their work. In Colorado Springs Mrs. Mary C. C. Bradford was
president of a large local society which afterward became auxiliary to
the State association, with Mrs. Ella L. C. Dwinnell as president, and
did excellent work in El Paso County. In Greeley many of the workers
of 1877 were still active. Mrs. Lillian Hartman Johnson organized a
club in Durango and spoke for the cause. Mrs. A. Guthrie Brown formed
one in Breckinridge of which Mesdames H. R. Steele, C. L. Westermann
and E. G. Brown were active members.

All these clubs, large and small, scattered throughout the State,
assisted in arousing public sentiment, but the situation in Denver was
the one of most anxious interest. It is always in cities that reforms
meet defeat, for there the opposing interests are better organized and
more watchful. In no other State is the metropolis so much the center
of its life as is Denver of Colorado. Through this modern Palmyra,
which stands in the center of the continent and of the tide of
commerce from East and West, flow all the veins and arteries of the
State life. Arapahoe County, in which it is situated, contains more
than one-fourth of the population of the entire State. Upon the women
of Denver, therefore, was imposed a triple share of responsibility.
Besides the importance of the large vote, there rested particularly
upon the members of its suffrage club the burden of having invited
this contest and made it a campaign issue.

In the early fall, the City League of Denver was organized with 100
members and Mrs. John L. Routt, wife of the ex-governor, as president.
Mrs. Thomas M. Patterson and Mrs. N. P. Hill were prominent workers in
this club. A Young Woman's League was formed by Misses Mary and
Margaret Patterson and Miss Isabel Hill, and there were other leagues
in various parts of the city. In all this work Mrs. Tyler was
indefatigable.

Miss Minnie J. Reynolds, chairman of press work, enlisted the help of
seventy-five per cent. of the newspapers. In some cases editorial
approval and assistance were given, in others space was allowed for
suffrage matter. In August Mrs. Elizabeth Tabor donated the use of two
rooms in the opera house block, one large enough to seat several
hundred persons, the other a suitable office for the corresponding
secretary. Dr. Minnie C. T. Love had acted gratuitously in that
capacity and opened communication with suffragists throughout the
State, but it was now deemed necessary to employ some one who could
devote her entire time to the work. Miss Helen M. Reynolds was chosen
and added to unusual capability the most earnest zeal. The rooms were
furnished through loans of rugs, desks, chairs, etc.

Equal suffrage was indorsed by the county conventions of the
Republican, Prohibition and Populist parties, and also at a called
meeting of the Democratic State Central Committee. Many ministers and
lawyers spoke in its favor. Among the latter were Charles S. Thomas,
since governor of the State, J. Warner Mills, Judge L. C. Rockwell,
Charles Hartzell, Eugene Engley and Attorney-General I. N. Stevens,
who was one of the most trusted advisers.

There were also women speakers of experience: Mrs. Therese Jenkins of
Wyoming, Mrs. Susan S. Fessenden of Massachusetts; Mrs. Dora Phelps
Buell, Mrs. Mary Jewett Telford, president of the Woman's Relief Corps
in the Department of Colorado and Wyoming and also president for
several terms of the State W. C. T. U., who made a five-months'
speaking tour; Mrs. Leonora Barry Lake of St. Louis, who spoke
efficiently under the auspices of the Knights of Labor. Mrs. Laura
Ormiston Chant of England delivered an address on her way westward.

Some women made speeches who never had been on the platform before but
have since developed much oratorical ability. When needed, women who
did not dare risk an unwritten address read papers. Meetings were held
all over the city and State. "I should think," said a banker, "from
the campaign the women are running that they had a barrel of money;"
but he was a contributor to the fund and knew it was very limited. In
all about $2,000 were raised, over $300 of which were spent for
literature. Some of the most efficient leaflets were written by
members of the association and printed in Denver. Nearly 150,000 of
these were issued.

In the city press Mrs. Patience Mapleton represented the cause in the
_Republican_; Mrs. Ellis Meredith in the _Rocky Mountain News_. There
were house to house canvassers, distributors of literature and others
who rendered most valuable assistance and yet whose names must
necessarily remain unrecorded. The most of this service was given
freely, but some of the women who devoted all their time received
moderate salaries, for most of the workers belonged to the
wage-earning class. The speakers asked no compensation but their
expenses were frequently borne. Halls and churches had to be paid for
and on several occasions opera houses were rented. When in the final
report the expenses of election day were given as $17 a murmur of
amusement ran through the audience.

The women who "had all the rights they wanted" appeared late in the
campaign. Some of them sent communications to the papers, complaining
of the effort to thrust the ballot upon them and add to the already
onerous duties of life. When told that they would not be compelled to
vote and that if silent influence was in their opinion more potent
than the ballot, it would not be necessary to cast it aside for the
weaker weapon, they responded indignantly that if they had the
franchise of course it would be their duty to use it. Let it be noted
that many of them have voted regularly ever since they were
enfranchised, though some have reconsidered and returned to their
silent influence.

The liquor element slept in fancied security until almost the eve of
election, as they did not believe the amendment would receive popular
sanction. When they awoke to the danger they immediately proceeded to
assess all saloon keepers and as many as possible of their prominent
patrons. They got out a large number of dodgers, which were put into
the hands of passers-by. These were an attack upon equal suffrage and
the women who advocated it, and at the bottom of the first issue was a
brewer's advertisement. This dodger stated that "only some old maids
like Lucy Stone, Susan Anthony, Frances Willard, Elizabeth Stanton and
Mary Livermore wanted to vote." They also employed an attorney to
juggle the ballots so that they might be thrown out on a technicality.
There was consternation among the suffragists when the ballot was
finally produced bearing the words "For the Amendment," "Against the
Amendment," for it was well known that the measure was not an
"amendment." The best legal talent in Denver was consulted and an
opinion rendered that the ruse would prove of no avail, as the
intention was still clear. The women, however, issued a leaflet
instructing the voters just where to put the cross on the ticket if
they wished to vote for equal suffrage.

The suffragists were divided in opinion as to the presence of women at
the polls on the election day which was to decide their fate. Some
thought it might be prejudicial, but the friends among the men
strongly approved their presence in order to influence voters. What
future election could be of more importance to women than this, and
why should they hesitate to show their interest? Under directions from
suffrage headquarters workers at the polls distributed the leaflets,
often supplementing them by their own eloquence. No woman received any
discourtesy.

The night of November 7 was an anxious one. Women went home and lay
awake wondering whether they had done everything possible to insure
success, or whether failure might be the result of some omission. When
the returns published the next morning, although incomplete, showed
that success really had crowned their efforts it seemed almost too
good to be true. All day long and in the evening people were coming
and going at suffrage headquarters with greetings and congratulations.
Women of all classes seemed drawn together by the new tie of
citizenship.

The full returns gave the result as follows: For suffrage, 35,798;
against. 29,451; an affirmative majority of 6,347.

* * * * *

What were the causes of this unique success? First, it may be claimed
that Western men have more than others of that spirit of chivalry of
which the world has heard so much and seen so little. The human mind
inclines to justice, except when turned aside by prejudice, and there
is less prejudice against and a stronger belief in equal rights in the
newer communities. The pressure of hard times, culminating in the
panic of 1893, undoubtedly contributed to the success of the Populist
party, and to its influence the suffrage cause owes much. A new party
boldly accepts new principles while the old parties are struggling to
conform to precedents. This is shown clearly in both the legislative
and the popular vote. It was in the counties giving Populist
pluralities that the majority of 6,818 in favor of equal suffrage was
found. The counties which went Republican and Democratic gave a
majority of 471 against the measure. The fact, however, that in all
parties there were friends who were willing to work and speak for it,
and also the number of suffrage bills which had been introduced at
this time, showed that the State was ready for it.

[Illustration:

LAURA A. GREGG.
Omaha, Neb.

MARY WOOD SWIFT.
San Francisco, Cal.

ELLIS MEREDITH.
Denver, Colo.

EMMA SHAFTER HOWARD.
Oakland, Cal.

DR. CORA SMITH EATON.
Minneapolis, Minn.

]

The favorable influence of the W. C. T. U. and the labor organizations
has been referred to. There was but little active opposition from
women and, as the campaign progressed, indifference often turned into
sympathy. Women who had kept silent even at home for fear of ridicule
were surprised and delighted to hear their husbands express approval.
Those of all classes of society worked unitedly and well. They could
not have done this if they had not been used to organized effort in
other directions. How many doors stand open now through which women
freely pass, unmindful of the fact that they were unlocked by the
earlier workers in the suffrage cause!

The first feeling was the one common in all victories, that of joy and
exultation, but the weight of responsibility was soon felt. At the
first meeting of the executive board of the equal suffrage association
after the election, Mrs. Routt, a woman of queenly presence, said as
she took the hand of another member, "I never felt so weak in all my
life." Mrs. Routt was the first woman in the State to register.

It was natural that other women should look to the suffragists for
direction, and as long as headquarters were kept open there were
frequent calls for advice and instruction. Foreign women came to ask
concerning the measures which would make them naturalized citizens;
there were inquiries about registration, and the question often came
from those in humble life: "Now that I have received this new right,
what books shall I get to teach me how to exercise it?" Surely such an
awakening of conscience ought to have a purifying effect! One firm in
Denver stated that they sold more books on political economy in the
first eight months after the suffrage victory than in twenty years
before. The suffrage club took up the study of Fiske's Civil
Government and of parliamentary law, and as long as it existed in the
old form was actively devoted to political subjects.

The day after the election a German woman came out of her house and
accosted one of the members of the club with the exclamation, "Ach,
Yon he feel so bad; he not vote any more; me, I vote now!" When
assured that John had not been deprived of any of his rights, with
more generosity than can be attributed to many of the Johns, she
called her husband, exclaiming delightedly: "Yon, Yon, you vote too;
we bofe vote!"

AFTER THE BATTLE WAS WON: Colorado had always gone Republican in
national elections until 1892, when the People's Party scored an
overwhelming majority. In 1894, while still partially a unit on
national issues, the parties were widely separated on State affairs
and each put a ticket in the field.

The reign of the Populists was of short duration. The eccentricities
of Gov. Davis H. Waite brought upon his party an unmerited degree of
censure. The Republicans raised a cry of "Redeem the State!" and under
that motto called to their aid women of former Republican
affiliations. At no subsequent election have women given such close
allegiance to party lines. Mrs. J. Ellen Foster, who was sent by the
National Republican Committee to canvass the State, probably won many
straight Republican votes by arousing in the minds of the women the
fear that by attempting to scratch a ticket they might lose their vote
entirely. They have learned since that the Australian ballot is not so
intricate that any one who can read and write need stand in awe of it.

The Populist women had formed clubs to assist that party before the
suffrage was granted. In February, 1894, they opened headquarters in
Denver and began organizing throughout the State. Miss Phoebe W.
Couzins of St. Louis assisted them in this campaign. Mrs. Helen M.
Gougar of Indiana worked for the Prohibitionists. When the annual
convention of the National Republican League Clubs was held at Denver,
in June, the Republican women were as yet unorganized. At this time
Mrs. Frank Hall was persuaded to take charge of that department under
the direction of the State Central Committee. Women's Republican
leagues were established throughout the State, and in the larger towns
and cities complete precinct organizations were effected. In Denver
women's Republican clubs were formed in every district and, with their
committees subject to the county central committee, worked separately
from the men. That known as the East Capitol Hill Women's Republican
League, founded by Mrs. H. B. Stevens, acquired a membership of 1,000.
The East Denver Women's Republican Club, president, Mrs. Alma
Lafferty, was equally successful. These were very active in managing
the large mass meetings which contributed so much to the success of
their party.

The Democratic women had a peculiar task. Their party was in the
minority and it was divided into Silver Democrats and White Wings
(Cleveland Democrats). The women refused to acknowledge either
faction. Mrs. Anna Marshall Cochrane and Mrs. Mary C. C. Bradford
called a meeting of the Democratic women of Denver at the home of the
latter in May, 1894, and organized the Colorado Women's Democratic
Club with a membership of nine: President, Mrs. Mary V. Macon;
secretary, Mrs. Cochrane; treasurer, Mrs. Mary Holland Kincaid. The
National Committee recognized this as the only straight Democratic
association in Colorado, and appointed Mrs. Bradford as organizer. She
canvassed the State and being a pleasant and convincing speaker and
bringing letters from the chairmen of the two State committees, both
factions attended her meetings. She formed twelve large women's clubs
and set them to work. When the two State conventions met in Denver,
they were both quite willing to acknowledge delegates from these
clubs, but the delegates refused to act except with a united
convention. Mrs. Bradford was nominated as State Superintendent of
Public Instruction, being the first woman named in Colorado for a
State office. Mrs. Macon was nominated for regent of the State
University. Since there was no chance of electing their ticket, the
principal work of the Democratic women in this campaign was the
unifying of the party.

The Republicans elected Mrs. Antoinette J. Peavy Superintendent of
Public Instruction and three women members of the Legislature--Mrs.
Clara Cressingham, Mrs. Frances S. Klock and Mrs. Carrie C. Holly.

During this campaign women gained a good deal of insight into
political machinery and learned much which dampened their ardor as
party politicians. The idea began to prevail that at least in
municipal government the best results could be attained by
non-partisan methods.

In the spring of 1895 Mrs. Hall, as vice-chairman of the Republican
State Central, Committee, being in charge of the woman's department,
called a conference of the several presidents of the women's
Republican clubs of Denver. Their object was to purify the ballot and
to overcome corrupt gang rule and present worthy candidates. A meeting
of all the clubs was called in the Broadway Theater and the house was
crowded. Mrs. E. M. Ashley read an announcement of the objects to be
accomplished "in the party if they could, out of it if they must." At
this election, for the first time, the _demi-monde_ were compelled to
register. Desiring to avoid it they sent a petition to this woman's
organization, imploring its interference in their behalf. A committee
of three women of high standing was appointed and appeared before the
Fire and Police Board to request that these unfortunates should not be
forced to vote against their will. The board promised compliance but
disregarded their pledge and those women were compelled to vote.

It is no wonder that other organizations sprang up in rebellion
against such corrupt methods. The Tax-Payers' Party and the
Independent Citizens' Movement were examples of these attempts,
defeated at first but succeeding later. The Civic Federation of
Denver, an outcome of these efforts, is an organization composed of
women from all parties, which has endeavored to enforce the selection
of suitable candidates.

The Silver Issue of 1896 created a division in the ranks of the
Republican party which dissolved many of its women's clubs. The larger
wing, under the name of Silver Republican, fused with the other silver
parties and elected their State ticket. Miss Grace Espy Patton, who
had been prominent in Democratic politics, was chosen State
Superintendent of Public Instruction. Three women were elected to the
Lower House: Mrs. Olive C. Butler, National Silver Party; Mrs. Martha
A. B. Conine, Non-Partisan; Mrs. Evangeline Heartz, Populist, all of
Denver.

In the campaign of 1898 voters were divided between the National
Republican party under U. S. Senator Edward O. Wolcott and a fusion of
the Silver Republicans, Democrats and Populists under the leadership
of U. S. Senator Henry M. Teller, Thomas M. Patterson and Charles S.
Thomas. In Arapahoe County, owing to various conflicting interests in
the municipal government of Denver, fifteen tickets were filed. Each
of the principal parties appointed a woman as vice-chairman of the
State Central Committee: National Republican, Mrs. Ione T. Hanna;
Silver Republican, Mrs. Arras Bissel; Democratic, Mrs. S. E. Shields;
Populist, Mrs. Heartz. A woman's executive committee was formed in
each party.

The Fusion party elected Mrs. Helen M. Grenfell, Silver Republican, as
State Superintendent of Public Instruction; and Mrs. Frances S. Lee,
Democrat, Mrs. Harriet G. R. Wright, Populist, and Dr. Mary F. Barry,
Silver Republican, as members of the House of Representatives.

Conditions in the State changed materially between the Presidential
elections of 1896 and 1900. The depression in the price of silver,
which closed many mines and reduced the working force in others, set
countless men adrift and led to much prospecting and the discovery of
new gold fields. The mines of Cripple Creek gave Colorado the foremost
place among gold-producing States, California taking second.
Consequently, although interest in the silver question did not cease,
its pressure was less felt. In 1896 the McKinley Republicans had no
hope of carrying the State, while the Silver Republicans, Populists
and Democrats had united and were confident of the success which
always had attended a complete fusion of those parties. Thus in both
cases the incentive to the utmost exertion was wanting.

In 1900 the situation was different. The Republicans thought there was
a chance to win and the Fusionists were not over-confident, hence both
parties were stimulated to greater efforts. In 1896 the straight
Republicans had only one daily and not more than five weekly papers.
In 1900 they had fifteen daily and 103 weekly papers supporting their
ticket. They were thoroughly organized throughout the State. In Denver
a Woman's Republican League was formed which vied in size with the
organization of 1894. Mrs. Stanley M. Casper, a most efficient member
of the Equal Suffrage Club in the campaign of 1893, was president;
Mrs. A. L. Welch, vice-president and Miss Mary H. Thorn, secretary.
They organized every district in the city of Denver, appointing women
to look after the registration, secure speakers and get out the vote.
It was through this league that U. S. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge came
to the State. Mrs. J. Ellen Foster and U. S. Senator J. B. Foraker
also spoke under their auspices, as well as other distinguished
orators, and from their own ranks Mrs. Hanna, Mrs. Lucy R. Scott, Mrs.
Peavey and Mrs. Thalia M. Rhoads.

The Colorado Woman's Bryan League were not less active, under the
following officers: Chairman, Mrs. Salena V. Ernest; vice-chairmen,
Mesdames Sarah Platt Decker, Katherine A. G. (Thomas M.) Patterson and
Mary L. Fletcher; secretary, Mrs. Helen Thomas Belford; treasurer,
Mrs. Harriet G. R. Wright.

Both organizations kept open headquarters, and the daily papers
contained long lists of parlor meetings held throughout the city,
addressed by men and women of prominence. The Bryan League was
fortunate in having among its own members many excellent speakers,
including Mrs. Decker, Mrs. Patton Cowles, formerly State
Superintendent of Public Instruction, Dr. Rose Kidd Beare, Mrs.
Bradford, Mrs. Dora Phelps Buell and Mrs. Wright. Mrs. Grenfell,
present State Superintendent, and Mrs. Heartz, now Representative,
both candidates for re-election, made many speeches.[190]

The committees of men and women worked together. On October 27 the
Woman's Bryan League held a rally of the Silver Parties and a
reception to U. S. Senator Teller at the Coliseum. The same evening
the Woman's Republican League gave a reception to their candidates at
Windsor Hall. Women seem to have an unsuspected gift for managing
large meetings. The Denver _Times_ (Republican) said: "The women have
shown an ability to handle campaigns for which they never were given
credit in the past."

In the election of 1900 the Republicans not only lost their electoral
ticket but carried fewer counties than they had done for years, yet
their vote of 26,000 for McKinley in 1896 was increased to 93,000; and
the Bryan vote was reduced from 161,000 to 122,700. John F. Shafroth
and John C. Bell, Fusionists, both strong advocates of woman suffrage,
were elected by large majorities. The Legislature was overwhelmingly
Democratic, which defeated the re-election to the U. S. Senate of
Edward O. Wolcott, that the women had especially determined upon.
Thomas M. Patterson was elected.

I. N. Stevens, of the _Colorado Springs Gazette_, Republican, in
closing an article on the State campaign says:

The women have demonstrated their effectiveness in political
campaigns, and wherever party candidates and party politics are
up to the high standard which they have a right to demand they
can be counted upon for loyal support. The Republican party in
Colorado can only hope to triumph in one way and that is by
appealing to the judgment of the honest and intelligent people of
the State with clean candidates for commendable policies and
under worthy leadership.

This testimony certainly implies two things, viz.: That the women of
Colorado are a power in politics which must be reckoned with, and that
their loyal support can be fully counted upon only when the character
of the candidates as well as the political methods and aims of the
party receive due consideration.

The vote at the second presidential election after the suffrage was
conferred on women was as follows:

Percentage of population in the State: Males, 55; females, 45 (in
round numbers).

Percentage of vote cast: Males, (nearly) 58-1/2; females, (over)
41-1/2.

Percentage of vote cast in Denver: Males, 57-1/2; females, 42-1/2.

This vote shows that from all causes an average of only three per
cent. of the women in the entire State failed to exercise the
suffrage.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION: The legislation of most importance which is
directly due to woman suffrage may be summed up as follows: Equal
guardianship of children; raising the "age of protection" for girls
from 16 to 18 years; establishment of a State Home for Dependent
Children; a State Industrial School for Girls; indeterminate sentence
for criminals; a State Arbitration Board; open meetings of school
boards; the removal of emblems from ballots; placing drinking
fountains on the corners of most of the down-town streets of Denver.

Indirectly, the results have been infinitely greater. The change in
the conduct of Denver stores alone, in regard to women employes, is
worthy a chapter. Probably no other city of the same size has more
stores standing upon the so-called White List, and laws which prior to
1893 were dead letters are enforced to-day.

The bills introduced by women in the Legislature have been chiefly
such as were designed to improve social conditions. The law raising
the "age of protection" for girls, the law giving the mother an equal
right in her children, and the law creating a State Home for Dependent
Children were secured by women in 1895. In the next session they
secured the Curfew Law and an appropriation for the State Home for
Incorrigible Girls. By obtaining the removal of the emblems from the
ballot, they enforced a measure of educational qualification. They
have entirely answered the objection that the immature voter would be
sure so to exaggerate the power of legislation that she would try to
do everything at once.

Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton said that when she viewed the exhibit of
woman's work at the Centennial, her heart sank within her; but when
she bethought her to examine into the part women had had in the work
accredited to men, she took new courage. In like manner much of the
legislative work women already have done in Colorado is unchronicled.
When a woman finds that there are several other bills besides her own
advocating the same measure of reform, she wisely tries to concentrate
this effort, even if it is necessary to let the desired bill appear in
the name of another. Many excellent bills for which they receive no
credit have run the gauntlet of legislative perils piloted by women.

A notable instance of this is what was called the Frog-Blocking Bill,
for the protection of railroad employes, which was introduced by a man
but so ably engineered by Mrs. Evangeline Heartz that upon its passage
she received a huge box of candy, with "The thanks of 5,000 railroad
men." While she introduced a number of bills herself, only two of them
finally passed--one compelling school boards to hold open meetings
instead of Star Chamber sessions, and the present law providing for a
State Board of Arbitration. In order to make the latter effective it
should have a compulsory clause, which she will strive for in the
Legislature of 1901.

LAWS: While the laws of Colorado always have been liberal to women in
many respects, there are a few notable exceptions.

The first Legislature of the Territory, in 1861, passed a bill to the
effect that either party to the marriage contract might dispose of
property without the signature or consent of the other. The men of
this new mining country often had left their wives thousands of miles
away in the Eastern States; there was no railroad or telegraph; mining
claims, being real estate, had to be transferred by deed, often in a
hurry, and this law was largely a necessity. It now works great
injustice to women, however, through the fact that all the property
accumulated after marriage belongs to the husband and he may legally
dispose of it without the wife's knowledge, leaving her penniless.
Even the household goods may be thus disposed of.[191]

A law of recent years exempts from execution a homestead to the value
of $2,000 for "the head of the family," but even this can be sold by
the husband without the wife's signature, although he can not mortgage
it. This property must be designated as a "homestead" on the margin of
the recorded title, and it must be occupied by the owner. "A woman
occupying her own property as the home of the family has the right to
designate it as a homestead. The husband has the legal right to live
with her and enjoy the homestead he has settled upon her."(!) He has,
however, the sole right to determine the residence of the family, as
in every other State, and by removing from a property the homestead
right is destroyed. If the husband abandon the wife and acquire a
homestead elsewhere, she has a right only in that.

Neither curtesy nor dower obtains. The surviving husband or wife, if
there are children or the descendants of children living, receives,
subject to the payment of debts, one-half of the entire estate, real
and personal. If there is no living child nor a descendant of any
child, the entire estate goes to the survivor.

Husband and wife have the same rights in making wills. Each can will
away from the other half of his or her separate property.

In buying and selling, making contracts, suing and being sued, the
married woman has the same rights as the unmarried.

In 1895 fathers and mothers were made joint guardians of the children
with equal powers.

The expenses of the family and the education of the children are
chargeable upon the property of both husband and wife, or either of
them, and in relation thereto they may be sued jointly or separately.

In case a man fails to support his family, he can be compelled to do
so on the complaint of the wife, the chairman of the board of county
commissioners, or the agent of the humane society. Unless he show
physical incapacity, or some other good reason for this failure, he
may be committed to jail for sixty days.

The "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 16 years in
1891; from 16 to 18 in 1895. The penalty is confinement in the
penitentiary not less than one nor more than twenty years.

SUFFRAGE: School Suffrage was granted to women by the constitution in
1876, the year Colorado became a State.

The amendment to the constitution adopted by 6,347 majority, Nov. 7,
1893, is as follows:

Every female person shall be entitled to vote at all elections,
in the same manner in all respects as male persons are or shall
be entitled to vote by the constitution and laws of this State,
and the same qualifications as to age, citizenship and time of
residence in the State, county, city, ward and precinct, and all
other qualifications required by law to entitle male persons to
vote, shall be required to entitle female persons to vote.

OFFICE HOLDING: Possessing the Full Suffrage, women of course are
eligible to all offices, but naturally the men will not surrender them
unless compelled to do so. That of State Superintendent of Public
Instruction is generally conceded by all parties as belonging to a
woman, and no man has been a candidate for this office since 1893. It
can best be spared, as it does not encourage idleness or enable its
holder to amass wealth.

Beginning with 1895 ten women have been elected to the Lower House of
the Legislature but none to the Senate. Not more than three have been
members during any one term.

Only two women were elected to State offices in 1900. The others
holding office at present are as follows: County school
superintendents, 29; school directors, 508; county clerk, one; county
treasurer, one; assessor, one; clerk of County Court, one; clerk of
District Court, one. Of the county superintendents, three were elected
by a fusion of Democrats and Prohibitionists, three by Democrats,
Prohibitionists and Silver Republicans; ten by Democrats and thirteen
by Republicans.

The State Board of Charities and Corrections, which has general
supervision over all the charitable and penal institutions, has had
Mrs. Sarah Platt Decker for its president through this and previous
administrations. Dr. Eleanor Lawney also is on this board. On the
board of control of the State Industrial School for Girls, three out
of five members are women; State Home for Dependent Children, four out
of five; State School for Deaf and Blind, one out of five; State
Normal School, two out of seven; State Board of Horticulture, one out
of six. There have been women on the State Board of Pardons.

There are women physicians in the State Insane Asylum and connected
with all institutions containing women and children.

The law for jurors is construed by the judges to apply equally to men
and women, but thus far it has been so manipulated that no women have
been drawn for service.

In 1897-98 two counties had women coroners.

There are eight women clerks in the Senate and seven in the House of
the present Legislature. A number are employed in the court-house and
in the county offices.

This partition of offices does not appear very liberal, considering
that women have cast as high as 52 per cent. of the total vote; but
there are in the State 30,000 more men than women, who could vote if
they chose, and they are much more accustomed to holding offices and
much more anxious to get them. The less the probabilities of election,
the more liberal the parties have been in granting nominations to
women.

OCCUPATIONS: The only occupation legally forbidden to women is that of
working in mines. Children under fourteen can not be employed,
legally, in mines, factories, stores, etc.

EDUCATION: All the institutions of learning are open alike to both
sexes. There are five women on the faculty of the State University,
one on that of the School of Agriculture, nine in the State Normal
School, and in the State Institute for Deaf Mutes seventeen of the
thirty-three teachers are women. The Medical Department of the
University of Denver has three women professors.

In the public schools there are 727 men and 2,557 women teachers. The
average monthly salary of the men is $67; of the women, $48.42.
Colorado spends a larger amount per capita for public school education
than any other State.

* * * * *

On June 29, 30, 1894, a general meeting of Colorado suffragists was
held in Denver and a reorganization of the State association effected.
The reason for its continuance was the desire to help other States in
their efforts to win the franchise, and a feeling of loyalty to the
National Association, to which in common with all other women those of
Colorado owed so much.

In May 1895, Miss Susan B. Anthony, president of the National
Association, and the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, vice-president at large,
on their way to California, addressed a large and delighted audience
in the Broadway Theater, and a reception was given them by the Woman's
Club.

In 1896 the Colorado E. S. A. raised the funds to send Mrs. Mary C. C.
Bradford to aid in the Idaho amendment campaign.

During the Biennial of the General Federation of Women's Clubs, held
in Denver in June, 1898, the E. S. A. celebrated the Jubilee
Anniversary of the first Woman's Rights Convention at Seneca Falls, N.
Y., by a meeting in the Auditorium and a reception in the parlors of
the Central Christian Church, with addresses by eminent local and
visiting speakers. In these rooms, for the entire week, this
organization and the Civic Federation kept open house, and in a
flag-draped booth gave an illustration of the Australian system of
voting.[192]

In January, 1899, Denver entertained Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt,
chairman of the national organization committee, and Miss Mary G. Hay,
secretary, as they were passing through the State. Mrs. A. L. Welch
gave a reception in their honor, at which ex-Gov. Charles S. Thomas
and Gov. Alva Adams spoke enthusiastically of the results of equal
suffrage, followed by Mrs. Chapman Catt in an interesting address. The
occasion was especially happy because that day the Legislature had
almost unanimously passed a joint resolution as follows:

WHEREAS, Equal suffrage has been in operation in Colorado for
five years, during which time women have exercised the privilege
as generally as men, with the result that better candidates have
been selected for office, methods of election have been purified,
the character of legislation improved, civic intelligence
increased and womanhood developed to greater usefulness by
political responsibility; therefore,

_Resolved_, by the House of Representatives, the Senate
concurring, That in view of these results the enfranchisement of
women in every State and Territory of the American Union is
hereby recommended as a measure tending to the advancement of a
higher and better social order.

That an authenticated copy of these resolutions be forwarded by
the Governor of the State to the Legislature of every State and
Territory, and the press be requested to call public attention to
them.[193]

This year Mrs. Katherine A. G. Patterson, who had been president of
the State E. S. A. for three years, retired and was succeeded by Mrs.
Welch, who was followed in 1900 by Mrs. Amy K. Cornwall, and in 1901
by Prof. Theodosia G. Ammons.

One of the uncongenial tasks of the officers of the association has
been the answering of the many attacks made in Eastern papers on the
position of women in Colorado, though this becomes far less trying
when it is remembered that in most States public opinion on the
question of woman suffrage is still in its formative stage. So soon do
we become accustomed to a new thing, if it is in the order of nature,
that the women of Colorado have almost ceased to realize that they
possess an uncommon privilege. It seems as much a matter of course
that women should vote as that they should enjoy the right of free
speech or the protection of the _habeas corpus_ act. It is seldom
defended, for the same reason that it is no longer thought necessary
to defend the Copernican vs. the Ptolemaic theory. One aim of the
association is to arouse a more altruistic spirit, and another so to
unite women that they will stand together for a good cause
irrespective of party. There is at present a strong legislative
committee which has been studying the statutes from a non-partisan
standpoint, with a view to influencing needful legislation.[194]

Before the autumn of 1893 there were many clubs in Denver, mostly of a
literary nature, each formed of women of a certain rank in life, with
similar tastes and pursuits. Some had a membership so limited as to
render them very difficult of access, but in their way all were good.
Perhaps the only truly democratic association, if those of the
churches were excepted, where the rich and the poor met together on a
plane so perfectly level that only mental or moral height in the
individual produced any difference, was the equal suffrage club.
Whether related to it or not, this new ideal of club life followed
closely after the gaining of political equality.

The Woman's Club of Denver was organized April 21, 1894, with 225
charter members, and now has nearly 1,000. It contains many women of
wealth and high social standing, many quiet housekeepers without the
slightest aspirations toward fashionable life, and many women who earn
their daily bread by some trade or profession. What the public school
is supposed to do for our youth in helping us to become a homogeneous
nation, the modern woman's club is doing for those of maturer years.
The North Side Woman's Club of Denver is second to the Woman's Club
only in size and time of organization. The Colorado Federation of
Women's Clubs was formed April 5, 1895, with a charter membership of
thirty-seven. It now is composed of over 100 clubs, containing about
4,000 individuals.

* * * * *

This is merely a plain tale from the hills. Colorado women feel that
they have done well but have made only a beginning. The fact that
women are factors in politics underlies and overrules many things not
directly connected with the results of election day. Many of the dire
effects predicted of equal suffrage have proved their prophets false.
In some cases the women themselves have been surprised to find they
had entertained groundless fears. This is particularly true concerning
the fierce partisanship which is supposed to run riot in the female
nature. There is a strong tendency on the part of women to stand by
each other, though not always to the extent evinced by one lady who
was and still is a pronounced "anti." At the first election she voted
for every woman placed in nomination for the Legislature, Populist,
Democrat, Republican and Prohibitionist, until she had filled out her
ticket. Women frequently scratch their ballots when by so doing they
can elect a better man. In legislative work there are absolutely no
party lines. The Republican and the Democratic women both want the
same measures, and they look upon themselves as constituents whether
the member belongs to their party or not.

The vote of the _demi-monde_ always has been a stumbling-block to
certain particularly good people. These women never register, never
vote and never attend primaries except when compelled to do so. Their
identity is often a secret even to their closest associates. It is
almost impossible to learn their true names. All they ask is to be let
alone. Unfortunately the city of Denver is under what is known as the
Metropolitan Fire and Police System. The firemen and police are
controlled by boards appointed by the Governor. If he is a politically
scrupulous man and his appointments are good ones, this class is not
molested. Gov. Davis H. Waite did not compel these women to vote for
him in 1894, though he had the power. Under the administration of
Governor Adams, when the Hon. Ralph Talbot was president of the board,
they took no part whatever.

Possibly those who have been most disappointed at the workings of
equal suffrage are the Prohibitionists, yet they really have reason
for congratulation. Weld County, which gave the largest vote for equal
suffrage of any in the State, has excluded liquor from its borders
except in one small town, a coal mining camp with a heavy foreign
vote. In many sections the liquor traffic has been abolished, always
by the votes of women, but there are many more men than women in the
State and without their co-operation no general reform can be enacted
or enforced. Every political party has banished liquor and tobacco
from its headquarters, as desiring to win the women's support they are
careful not to give offense. On election days Denver has a holiday
appearance. The vote is cast early and the members of a family usually
go together to the polls.

The most noteworthy result is the improved character of the
candidates, as one of the most important points to be considered is
whether they can get the votes of women. The addition of a large
number of independent and conscientious voters to the electorate; the
wider outlook given to woman herself through the exercise of civic
rights; and the higher degree of comradeship made possible by the
removal of political inequality between man and woman; these are the
greatest benefits which equal suffrage has brought to Colorado.

FOOTNOTES:

[188] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Emily R.
Meredith and her daughter, Ellis Meredith of Denver, both strong
factors in securing suffrage for the women of their State; the latter
is on the staff of the _Rocky Mountain News_ and editor of the
_Western Clubwoman_.

[189] In 1900 Mr. Bonynge was a candidate for Congress on the
Republican ticket and was overwhelmingly defeated by the votes of
women.

[190] Mrs. Grenfell was re-elected on the Fusion ticket, having been
indorsed by the heads of all the State institutions, most of the
county superintendents and all the prominent educators. The
Republicans had a woman candidate for this office. Mrs. Heartz was
re-elected on the Fusion ticket. There was a Republican woman
candidate for the Legislature also.

[191] A bill was introduced in the Legislature of 1901 to give the
wife a half-interest in all the earnings after marriage, but it failed
to pass either House, perhaps owing to the time consumed by the
important revenue bill.

[192] Governor Adams did a splendid work for equal suffrage in his
welcome to this great body of women. Quite unaware that it was a
tabooed subject, he made a most eloquent address openly glorying in it
and advocating its wholesale extension. Probably no one act of his
administration made him so many friends among women, and it is said
that scores of those from other States went home thoroughly converted.

[193] See Appendix--Testimony from Woman Suffrage States.

[194] The Legislature of 1901 passed 116 bills, a number being of
special interest to women. Among these was one establishing truancy
schools; another for the care of the feeble-minded; several humane
society bills; a measure permitting the State Board of Charities and
Corrections to investigate private charitable institutions; a bill for
an eight-hour day; one for the preservation of forest trees; one for a
bi-weekly pay-day, and an Insurance Bill providing that in cases where
a company has to be sued for the amount of a policy it must pay the
costs of said suit. This last was indorsed by nearly every woman's
organization in the State. The Eight Hour Law requires a
constitutional amendment, and will be voted on in the fall of 1902.
This is also true of a bill consolidating and reducing the number of
elections, and of one providing for full citizenship and an
educational qualification as requisites for suffrage.

CHAPTER XXX.

CONNECTICUT.[195]

The Connecticut Woman Suffrage Association was organized in September,
1869, after a memorable two days' convention in Hartford, under the
call and management of Mrs. Isabella Beecher Hooker,[196] The Rev.
Nathaniel J. Burton, D. D., was elected its first president and in
1871 he was succeeded by Mrs. Hooker, who has now held the office
thirty years with unswerving loyalty and devotion to the cause. During
the first fifteen years eight conventions were held, addressed by the
most prominent speakers in the country.

In 1884 a State convention took place in Hartford, attended by Miss
Susan B. Anthony and a large delegation of men and women from various
parts of the State. But one other (1888) intervened between this and
that which met in Meriden in 1892, when the society was reorganized
under a broader constitution, with the name of Connecticut
Woman Suffrage Society for the Study of Political Science.
Mrs. Hooker was made president and Mrs. Elizabeth D. Bacon
vice-president-at-large.[197]

Since then annual conventions have been held in Hartford (four),
Meriden, Willimantic and Southington. Several executive meetings have
been called yearly and the business of the association has been
systematically arranged. Public meetings have been addressed by Miss
Anthony, president of the National Association, Mrs. Carrie Chapman
Catt, chairman of its organization committee, Mrs. Mary Seymour
Howell of New York, Miss Elizabeth Upham Yates of Maine and many
others.[198]

The Hartford Equal Rights Club was organized in 1885 through the
efforts of Mrs. Emily P. Collins and Miss Frances Ellen Burr, both
pioneers in the work. Located in the capital, it is the center of the
effort for the enfranchisement of women.

The Meriden Political Equality Club was formed in 1889. The late Hon.
Isaac C. Lewis, one of its charter members and a lover of justice and
equality, in 1893 gave $10,000 in invested funds to aid its work. The
Equal Rights Club of Willimantic, founded in 1894, is an active body.

A series of public meetings was held in 1892 at Seymour, Willimantic,
Winsted and Ansonia, arranged and financially supported by the Meriden
Club and addressed by Mrs. Howell.

In 1895, under the auspices of the State society, a course of twenty
lectures was arranged by Mrs. Bacon for Miss Yates.

The local clubs have kept the question before the people through
addresses, the circulation of literature and other methods of
propaganda. For several years a suffrage tent was supported at the
State Fair held in Meriden, and one day set apart as Woman's Day, with
good speakers to present the subject. The press department has been an
important feature of the work, most efficiently conducted by Mrs. Ella
B. Kendrick, its superintendent for the past three years.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: Women have been instrumental in securing
the passage of laws prohibiting the sale of tobacco in any form to
boys under sixteen years of age; compelling merchants to provide women
and girls in their employment with seats when not engaged in their
duties; securing scientific temperance instruction in the public
schools; and requiring a police matron in all cities of 20,000 or more
inhabitants.

In 1884 a bill giving women the right to vote in school district
meetings was rejected in the House by 83 ayes, 95 noes, and in the
Senate by a majority vote.

In 1885 a bill for School Suffrage was rejected by both Houses.

In 1886 a bill for Full Suffrage was defeated in both Houses.

In 1887 two bills were introduced, one asking Full Suffrage and the
other that unmarried women be exempt from taxation. In both cases the
committee reported "Ought not to pass," and the petitioners were given
leave to withdraw. At this session women were made eligible to serve
as School Trustees.

This year the annual sessions were changed to biennial.

In 1889 the petitions for Full Suffrage of Mrs. Elizabeth D. Bacon and
others were indefinitely postponed. During the same session women were
made eligible to hold the office of assistant town clerk, and to
become members of ecclesiastical societies.

In 1891 a legal dispute as to the result of a gubernatorial election
caused the former Governor to hold over, and all legislative business
to be postponed for two years.

In 1893 the committee, after giving several hearings upon a bill
asking Full Suffrage, substituted, with the consent of the State
association, one for School Suffrage. Upon the third reading this
passed the House, but the Senate referred it back to the committee as
imperfect. There it would have remained but for the efforts of the
Hartford Equal Rights Club. It finally passed the Senate and the
House, was signed by Gov. Luzon B. Morris and became law. Several
attempts have been made to repeal it but unsuccessfully.

In 1895 a bill providing for the right of women to vote for
Presidential electors was reported unfavorably by the committee, the
report being accepted. The same year a Municipal Suffrage Bill went to
a third reading and was passed by the House, but failed in the Senate
by unanimous vote.

In 1897 a bill conferring upon women the right to vote for
Presidential electors was rejected after a third reading both in the
House and Senate. Another was presented for the exemption of women
from taxation, the committee reported, "Ought not to pass," and the
report was accepted. A bill for Municipal Suffrage met the same fate.
This year a bill was introduced at the request of the Hartford club,
creating the office of woman factory inspector, with the same salary
as the male inspector. The Judiciary Committee reported unanimously in
favor. Great opposition developed in the House, but after some
amendments it passed, but failed in the Senate.

In 1899 a Municipal Suffrage Bill was again introduced and reported
upon favorably, but on the third reading it was rejected in the House,
and defeated by 9 ayes, 12 noes in the Senate. A bill also was
presented providing that any woman who pays taxes on real estate
wherein she resides may vote at any meeting upon questions of taxation
or appropriation of money. This passed the House, but was rejected in
the Senate. The House refused to concur, and the Senate adhered to its
former action.

There have been hearings before the Judiciary Committees of several
Legislatures for the purpose of securing a Reformatory for Women.
Members of the Woman's Aid Society of Hartford and others equally
interested have appeared in its behalf.

The law regarding the property rights of women upon the statute books
of to-day, except one amendment, was passed in April, 1877, and reads
as follows:

In case of marriage on or after April 20, 1877, neither husband
nor wife shall acquire, by force of marriage, any right to or
interest in any property held by the other before, or acquired
after such marriage, except as to the share of the survivor in
the property as provided by law. The separate earnings of the
wife shall be her sole property. She shall have power to make
contracts with third persons and to convey to them her real
estate, as if unmarried. Her property shall be liable to be taken
for her debts except when exempt from execution, but in no case
shall be liable to be taken for the debts of her husband. And the
husband shall not be liable for her debts contracted before her
marriage, nor upon contracts made after her marriage, except as
provided by the succeeding sections.

The dower rights of women married before this date are: A life
estate in one-third the husband's realty and one-half his
personalty absolutely, unless they shall have made together with
their husbands a written contract and recorded the same in the
Probate Records, in which they mutually agree to abandon their
respective common-law rights in the property of each other, and
to claim in place thereof certain other rights as provided by
statute made in 1877 as below. The husband before that date took
the whole of the wife's personal estate absolutely and the use
for life of all her real estate.

Women married on or after April 20, 1877, and those married
earlier, who have made and recorded contracts with their husbands
as above stated, have no dower rights, and their husbands have no
rights by curtesy, but both have, in place of these, rights more
valuable.

Where there are children, the survivor is entitled to one-third
of decedent's real and personal estate absolutely, and in the
absence of children, takes all of the decedent's estate
absolutely to the extent of $2,000, and one-half of the remainder
absolutely after the decedent's debts have been paid.

The father always has been entitled to the custody and control of the
minor children with power to appoint a guardian by will; but a law was
passed the present year (1901) which gives the father and mother equal
rights of guardianship, and on the death of the father makes the
mother the legal guardian.

If a husband neglect to support his wife he may be committed to the
workhouse or county jail and sentenced to hard labor not more than
sixty days, unless he can show good cause why he is unable to furnish
such support, or unless he can give a bond. If he neglect to comply
with his bond the selectmen of the town shall immediately furnish
support to the extent provided for in such bond. (1895.)

In 1887 the "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 14
years, and in 1895 this was increased to 16. The penalty is
imprisonment in the penitentiary not less than three years.

SUFFRAGE: The School Suffrage Law of 1893 allows all women citizens
who have arrived at the age of majority, and have resided one year in
the State and six months in the town, to vote at any meeting held for
election of school trustees or for any educational purpose.

At the first election after the passage of this Act, 4,471 women voted
in the State. Since then the number has gradually decreased for
several reasons. Women soon learned that their vote amounted to but
little because of the fact that Connecticut has a minority
representation upon its school boards. This practically eliminates
contest in the election of school officers, for it often occurs that
only the exact number of candidates to be elected are placed in
nomination. In cities men are frequently placed on school boards to
pay political debts or as an opening for further advancement,
therefore it has been found almost impossible to secure the nomination
of women. This, of course, decreases their interest in the election.
In several marked instances, however, where some question of
importance has arisen, women have registered and voted in large
numbers.

Willimantic offers a good illustration. All the schools in the town of
Windham, of which Willimantic is a borough, were under the district
system. For some time the largest school district had been unwisely
managed through the influence of one man, who controlled enough votes
to insure his retention as chairman year after year. In June, 1895,
when he had entirely forfeited confidence, Mrs. Ella L. Bennett,
president, and other wide awake members of the Equal Rights Club,
determined he should no longer hold this office. The best citizens
assured the women that their fears of his re-election were groundless,
but they kept on in their efforts and secured the attendance of fifty
women at the district meeting, where he was defeated by about twenty
votes.

The level-headed ones saw that consolidation of all the school
districts was absolutely necessary. Before the election in October the
women did valiant work in agitating this question. Previous to this
not more than 200 women ever had voted; but now the number registered
reached 1,129, and on election day, although the rain fell in torrents
and rivers of water ran down the streets, 975 cast their ballots. The
Equal Rights Club conducted the election so far as the women were
concerned, assisted in preparing ballots, kept a check-list and sent
carriages where it seemed necessary. Every little while, all day long,
could be heard from the hall where the voting was going on, "Fall
back, ladies, fall back and give the men a chance." At the noon hour a
crowd of male voters saw a line of women coming down the street and,
seizing a ladder, they set it against a window over the stairway,
scrambled up and thus got into the hall and headed off the women until
the men had voted. The measure for consolidation was carried.

In Hartford the question of consolidation of districts has twice come
before the people since women voted, and in both instances they cast a
large number of ballots. In several districts in this city women have
shown much interest in the annual meetings. One woman has served three
years upon a district committee very acceptably, and it is due to the
efforts and votes of women that wise management has been sustained and
a good principal kept in office.

In his report of 1896, Secretary Charles D. Hine of the State Board of
Education, after speaking in unmeasured terms of the efficient
service rendered by women as school visitors, on boards of education
and on town and district committees, says:

The returns indicate that women are not anxious to vote upon
educational matters alone. If men were reluctantly permitted as a
great favor to vote for agent of the town-deposit fund, they
would not swarm to the polls. The exciting interests of State
elections are important and varied enough to allure 85 per cent.
of the male voters to the polls, but in many districts it is
difficult to obtain enough of them to transact the business of
the annual meeting. In the largest district in the State, school
meetings have been held and considerable sums of money voted,
with less than a dozen men present. Woman can not be adjudged
peculiarly lacking in interest because they are not found voting
in large numbers on one question and one set of officers.[199]

In 1897 the Legislature amended the School Suffrage Law. The women
believed that this change was effected to make the process of becoming
a voter more disagreeable. Heretofore they had been permitted to go at
any time before the town clerk, answer the necessary questions and be
registered. The amendment required them to observe the same
regulations as the men who have the full franchise. They must make
application to the registrar at one fixed time, fill out a blank and
have their names published in the newspapers in the list of those who
wish to be made voters. Then at another fixed time they must go before
the selectmen, await their turn, take the necessary oath, etc. In many
towns and cities it was ruled that all who had been made voters under
the old law must re-register. Feeling the injustice of this, many
women refused. In Hartford they rebelled absolutely, and after much
discussion in the papers and otherwise the city attorney decided that
the law was not retroactive.

OFFICE HOLDING: Since 1887 women have been eligible as school
trustees, and at present 45 are serving, of whom 29 are school
visitors. The latter prescribe rules for the management,
classification, studies and discipline of the public schools. The old
school district system prevails in many cities and towns and there are
a dozen or more women on district committees.

Women are filling other offices, elective and appointive, as follows:
Public librarians, 27; police matrons, 5; matron of the State
Hospital for the Insane, one; matrons of Reform School for Boys, six,
and one assistant; visiting committee of State Industrial School for
Girls, 12, two acting each month; assistant superintendent for same,
one; in each of the eight Homes connected with this school are to be
found a matron and an assistant.

Two of the five members of the State Board of Charities must be women.

Women may serve as notaries public and forty-two are now doing so.
They are eligible as assistant town clerks.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is forbidden to women by law.

EDUCATION: Wesleyan University, in Middletown, admitted women to equal
privileges with men in 1872. By a vote of the trustees in 1900 the
number of women was limited to 20 per cent. of the total number of
students.

In 1889 the Theological Seminary (Cong'l) of Hartford admitted women
upon the same terms as men.

In 1892 Yale University opened the courses of the post-graduate
department, with the degree of Ph. D. to women.

In 1893, by an Act of the Legislature, the State Agricultural School,
at Storrs, admitted women to its full course.

In the public schools there are 387 men and 3,692 women teachers. The
average monthly salary of the men is $89.87; of the women, $43.61.

* * * * *

The State Federation of Women's Clubs was organized in 1897 and under
its auspices traveling libraries have been formed for rural schools,
free kindergartens supported, etc.

The Society of Colonial Dames has loaned to the library committee
twenty libraries which have been placed in public schools.

The Civic Club of Hartford, organized in 1895 with a membership of 150
women, has been instrumental in securing greater cleanliness of
streets and public places. It has raised $3,000 for the support of
vacation schools, for three years, and has instituted plans for public
playgrounds.

In 1898 the Home for Incurable Children was founded by the Children's
Aid Society, entirely the work of women.

FOOTNOTES:

[195] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Elizabeth D.
Bacon of Hartford, vice-president-at-large of the State Woman Suffrage
Association.

[196] See History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. III, p. 321.

[197] County vice-presidents, Mesdames Ella B. Kendrick, J. H. Hale,
Rose I. Blakeslee, Mary L. Hemstead, George Sanger, Mary C. Hickox,
the Hon. Edwin O. Dimock, Miss Elizabeth Sheldon; recording secretary,
Miss Frances Ellen Burr; corresponding secretary, Mrs. G. W. Fuller;
treasurer, Mrs. Mary J. Rogers; auditors, Joseph Sheldon, Mrs. S. E.
Browne; member national executive committee, Miss Sara Winthrop Smith.

Among others who have served as State officers are Miss Hannah J.
Babcock, Mesdames Jane S. Koons, Emma Hurd Chaffee, Annie C. S.
Fenner, Ella S. Bennett, Ella G. Brooks, B. M. Parsons, Mary J.
Warren.

[198] Among those who have advocated and worked for equal suffrage are
the Hon. John Hooker, Judge Joseph Sheldon, Judge George A. Hickox,
the Hon. Radcliffe Hicks, the Rev. John C. Kimball, the Hon. Henry
Lewis, Judge M. H. Holcomb, ex-Speaker John H. Light, ex-Gov. Charles
B. Andrews, the Hon. George M. Gunn, Miss Emily J. Leon and Mrs. Susan
J. Cheney. Honorable mention might be made of many others who have
spent time and money without stint in efforts to advance this cause.

[199] In 1902 a revised State constitution was submitted and only 15
per cent. of the electors voted on it.

CHAPTER XXXI.

DAKOTA.

The Territory of Dakota was created in 1861, but in 1889 it entered
the Union divided into two separate States, North and South Dakota. As
early as 1872 the Territorial Legislature lacked only one vote of
conferring the full suffrage on women. The sparsely settled country
and the long distances made any organized work an impossibility,
although a number of individuals were strong advocates of equal
suffrage.

In 1879 it gave women the right to vote at school meetings. In 1883 a
school township law was passed requiring regular polls and a private
ballot instead of special meetings, which took away the suffrage from
women in all but a few counties.

At the convening of the Territorial Legislature in January, 1885,
Major J. A. Pickler (afterward member of Congress), without
solicitation early in the session introduced a bill in the House
granting Full Suffrage to women, as under the organic act the
legislative body had the power to describe the qualifications for the
franchise. The bill passed the House, February 11, by 29 ayes, 19
noes. Soon afterward it passed the Council by 14 ayes, 10 noes, and
its friends counted the victory won. But Gov. Gilbert A. Pierce,
appointed by President Arthur and only a few months in the Territory,
failed to recognize the grand opportunity to enfranchise 50,000
American citizens by one stroke of his pen and vetoed the bill. Not
only did it express the sentiment of the representatives elected by
the voters, but it had been generally discussed by the press of the
Territory, and all the newspapers but one were outspoken for it. An
effort was made to carry it over the Governor's veto, but it failed.

In 1887 a law was passed enlarging the School Suffrage possessed by
women and giving them the right to vote at all school elections and
for all school officers, and also making them eligible to any
elective school office. At this time, under the liberal provisions of
the United States Land Laws, more than one-third of the land in the
Territory was held by women.

In this same Legislature of 1887 another effort was made to pass an
Equal Suffrage Bill, and a committee from the franchise department of
the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, consisting of Mesdames Helen
M. Barker, S. V. Wilson and Alice M. A. Pickler, appeared before the
committee and presented hundreds of petitions from the men and women
of the Territory. The committees of both Houses reported favorably,
but the bill failed by 13 votes in the House and 6 in the Council.

It was mainly through women's instrumentality that a local option bill
was carried through this Legislature, and largely through their
exertions that it was adopted by sixty-five out of the eighty-seven
organized counties at the next general election.

In October, 1885, the American Woman Suffrage Association held a
national convention in Minneapolis, Minn., which was attended by a
number of people from Dakota, who were greatly interested. The next
month the first suffrage club was formed, in Webster. Several local
societies were afterwards started in the southern part of the
Territory, but for five years no attempt was made at bringing these
together in a convention.[200]

The long contention as to whether the Territory should come into the
Union as one State or two was not decided until 1889, when Congress
admitted two States. Thenceforth there were two distinct movements for
woman suffrage, one in North and one in South Dakota.

NORTH DAKOTA.[201]

On July 4, 1889, a convention met at Bismarck to prepare a
constitution for the admission of North Dakota as a State. As similar
conventions were to be held in several other Territories, Henry B.
Blackwell, editor of the _Woman's Journal_, came from Boston in the
interest of woman suffrage. His object was to have it embodied in the
constitution if possible, but failing in this he endeavored to have
the matter left as it had been under the Territorial government, viz.:
in the hands of the Legislature. To this end, H. F. Miller introduced
the following clause:

The Legislature shall be empowered to make further extensions of
suffrage hereafter at its discretion to all citizens of mature
age and sound mind, not convicted of crime, without regard to
sex, but it shall not restrict suffrage without a vote of the
people.

Toward the adoption of this all efforts were directed. Two public
meetings were addressed by Mr. Blackwell, and on July 8 the
Constitutional Convention itself invited him to speak to its members.

After remaining in Bismarck two weeks he went to Helena to attend the
Montana convention, but before leaving he succeeded in obtaining the
promise of 30 votes out of the 38 necessary for the adoption of the
clause. During his absence Dr. Cora Smith (Eaton), secretary of the
Grand Forks Suffrage Club, was called to Bismarck to carry on the
work. The secretary of the Territory, L. B. Richardson, placed at her
service a room on the same floor as Convention Hall, and to this the
friends of woman suffrage brought members who had not yet declared
themselves in favor. Some ladies were always there to receive them and
present the arguments in the case, among these Mrs. Mary Wilson, Mrs.
George Watson, Dr. Kate Perkins and Mrs. Benjamin of Bismarck.
Everything was managed with scrupulous formality and courtesy.

Mr. Miller's proposition was championed by R. M. Pollock and Judge
John E. Carland in Committee of the Whole, and after a second reading
was referred to the Committee on Elective Franchise, but on July 25 it
reported the substitute of S. H. Moer, confining the suffrage to
males. A minority report was offered, directing the Legislature at its
first session to submit an amendment to the voters to enfranchise
women. After a heated discussion the minority report was defeated, and
the constitution provided as follows:

No law extending or restricting the right of suffrage shall be
enforced until adopted by _a majority of the electors of the
State voting at a general election_.

By requiring not merely a majority of those voting on the question but
of the largest number voting at the election, no amendment for any
purpose ever has been carried.

On the question of School Suffrage women received greater
consideration, the constitution providing that all women properly
qualified should vote for all school officers, including State
Superintendent, also upon any question pertaining solely to school
matters, and should be eligible to any school office.

ORGANIZATION: The suffragists were widely scattered over this immense
Territory and there had been little opportunity for organized work. In
the spring of 1888 a call had been issued in Grand Forks, signed by
seventy-five representative men and women, for a meeting to form an
association, and on April 12 this was held in the court-house, which
was crowded to the doors. The extension of the franchise to women was
strongly advocated by Judge J. M. Cochrane, Prof. H. B. Wentworth,
Mrs. Sara E. B. Smith, Mrs. Sue R. Caswell and others; and encouraging
letters were read from the Hon. William Dudley Foulke, Lucy Stone and
Julia Ward Howe of the American Suffrage Association. A public meeting
on July 25 at the same place was addressed by Mrs. Ella M. S. Marble
of Minnesota. On September 9 Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake of New York
gave a strong lecture.

Other local clubs were formed during the following years, and the
first State convention was held in Grand Forks, Nov. 14, 15, 1895. It
was called to order by Dr. Cora Smith Eaton, president of the local
society. Mrs. Laura M. Johns of Kansas, a national organizer who had
just made a successful lecturing tour of the State, was elected
chairman and Mrs. Edwinna Sturman was made secretary. Cordial letters
of greeting were read from Miss Susan B. Anthony, president of the
National Suffrage Association, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of
the national organization committee, U. S. Senator Henry C.
Hansbrough,[202] Miss Elizabeth Preston, president of the State W. C.
T. U., and others. In Miss Anthony's letter was outlined the plan of
work that she never failed to recommend to State organizations, which
said in part:

First, your local clubs should cover the respective _townships_,
and the officers should not only hold meetings of their own to
discuss questions pertaining to their work, but should have the
men, when they go into their _town meetings_ for any and every
purpose pertaining to local affairs--especially into the meetings
which nominate delegates to county conventions--pledged to
present a resolution in favor of the enfranchisement of women. By
this means you will secure the discussion of the question by the
men who compose the different political parties in each
township--an educational work that can not be done through any
distinctively woman suffrage meeting, because so few of the rank
and file of voters ever attend these.

Then, when the time comes for the county convention to elect
delegates to the State nominating convention, let every town
meeting see to it that they are instructed to vote for a
resolution favoring the submission and indorsement of a
proposition to strike the word "male" from your constitution. If
the State conventions of the several parties are to put
indorsement planks in their platforms, the demand for these must
come from the townships composing the counties sending delegates
thereto. Women going before a committee and asking a resolution
indorsing equal suffrage, are sure to be met with the statement
that _they have heard nothing of any such demand among their
constituents_. This has been the response on the many different
occasions when this request has been made of State conventions.
From this repeated and sad experience we have learned that _we
must begin with the constituents_ in each township and have the
demand start there.

Dr. Eaton was elected president of the association.

The second convention took place at Fargo, Nov. 30, 1897. An extra
meeting was held this year at the Devil's Lake Chautauqua Assembly on
Woman's Day, with Mrs. Julia B. Nelson, president of the Minnesota,
and Mrs. Ella Knowles Haskell, of the Montana W. S. A., among the
speakers. Dr. Eaton having removed from the State, Miss Mary Allen
Whedon was made president.

The third convention met in Larimore, Sept. 27, 28, 1898, with
delegates from eleven counties. Mrs. Chapman Catt was present and
contributed much to the success of the meetings. These were held in
the M. E. Church with the active co-operation of the pastor, the Rev.
H. C. Cooper. Mrs. Flora Blackman Naylor was chosen president.

The fourth convention was held in Hillsboro, Sept. 26, 27, 1899, at
which Mrs. Susan S. Fessenden of Massachusetts gave valuable
assistance. A page to be devoted to suffrage matter was secured in the
_White Ribbon Bulletin_, a paper published monthly under the auspices
of the State W. C. T. U.

The annual meeting of 1900 convened in Lakota, September 25, 26, in
the M. E. Church, its pastor, the Rev. Stephen Whitford, making the
address of welcome. A Matron's Silver Medal Oratorical Contest was
given under the direction of Mrs. Cora Ross Clark.[203]

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: In the Legislature of 1893 a bill was
introduced granting women taxpayers the right of suffrage. This was
voted down by the House: 18 ayes; 22 noes. A motion was offered that
all woman suffrage bills hereafter presented at this session should be
rejected, but it was tabled.

A bill to submit to the voters an amendment conferring Full Suffrage
on women in the manner provided by the constitution was introduced in
the Senate by J. W. Stevens and passed by 16 ayes, 15 noes. It was
called up in the House on the last day of the session. Miss Elizabeth
Preston was invited to address that body, and the Senate took a recess
and came in. The bill received 33 ayes, a constitutional majority, and
was returned to the Senate. The House then took a recess, and during
this brief time the enemies of the measure secured enough votes to
recall it from the Senate. This body by vote refused to send it back,
thus endorsing it a second time. The Speaker of the House, George H.
Walsh, refused to sign it. Then began a long fight between the House
and the Senate. A motion was made by Judson La Moure instructing the
President of the Senate to sign no more House bills until the Speaker
signed the Woman Suffrage Bill. This armed neutrality lasted until 10
o'clock that night when some of the senators, who had important
measures yet to pass, weakened and voted to send the bill back to the
House. When it reached there a motion prevailed to expunge all the
records relating to it.

In the Legislature of 1895 a bill for a suffrage amendment was
introduced in the House by A. W. Edwards, editor of the Fargo _Forum_.
Mrs. Emma Smith DeVoe was sent by the National Association to assist
in the work for the passage of this and other bills of interest to
women. The courtesy of the floor was extended to her in the House and
she was invited to address the members, the Senate again taking a
recess and coming in to listen. Col. W. C. Plummer spoke against the
bill, which received 28 ayes but not a constitutional majority. No
suffrage bill has been introduced since.[204]

Dower and curtesy have been abolished. If either husband or wife die
without a will, leaving only one child or the lawful issue of one
child, the survivor is entitled to one-half of the real and personal
estate. If there is more than one child living, or one child and the
lawful issue of one or more children, the widow or widower receives
one-third of the estate. If there is no issue living, he or she
receives one-half of the estate; and if there is neither father,
mother, brother nor sister, the whole of it. The survivor may retain a
homestead to the value of $5,000, which on his or her death the minor
children are entitled to occupy.

A married woman may contract, sue and be sued and proceed in all
actions as if unmarried. She may dispose of all her separate property
by deed or will, without the consent of her husband. He can not do
this.

The father is the legal guardian of the persons, estates and earnings
of the minor children. If he abandon them the mother is entitled
thereto. At his death she is the guardian, if suitable. Should she
marry again she loses the guardianship but, by agreement, the court
may re-appoint her.

If the husband is not able to support the family the wife must
maintain him and the children to the best of her ability, and her
separate estate may be held liable. If he wilfully neglect to provide
for them his separate property shall be held liable, and he may be
imprisoned in the county jail not less than sixty days nor more than
six months.

In case either husband or wife abandons the family and leaves the
State for a year or more, or is sent to prison for a year or more, the
court may authorize the one remaining to sell or encumber the property
of the other for the maintenance of the family or the debts which were
left unpaid after due notice has been given to the absent one.

The causes for divorce do not differ from those in a number of other
States, but by requiring a residence of only six months a great
inducement is offered to persons from outside to come here for the
express purpose of securing a divorce.

The "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 14 years in
1887. The women attempted in 1895 to have it raised to 18 but
succeeded only in getting 16 years. The reduction of the penalty,
however, made this of small avail. For the first degree it is
imprisonment in the penitentiary not less than ten years; second
degree, imprisonment in the penitentiary not less than five years.
"But no conviction can be had in case the female is over the age of 10
years and the man under the age of 20 years, and it appears to the
satisfaction of the jury that the female was sufficiently matured and
informed to understand the nature of the act and consent thereto."

SUFFRAGE: The Territorial Legislature of 1879 gave women a vote on
questions pertaining to the schools, which were then decided at school
meetings. This was partially repealed by a law of 1883 which required
regular polls and a private ballot, but this Act did not include
fifteen counties which had school districts fully established, and
women still continued to vote at these district school meetings. In
1887 a law was enacted giving all women the right to vote at all
school elections for all officers, and making them eligible for all
school offices. By the State constitution adopted in 1889 all women
properly qualified may vote for all public school officers, including
State Superintendent, and on all questions pertaining solely to school
matters.

At the special school election held in Grand Forks, Aug. 4, 1890, Mrs.
Sara E. B. Smith and Dr. Cora Smith (Eaton) voted. Objections were
raised, but with the law and the constitution back of them they
carried the day. On September 5, in response to a request from the
Grand Forks W. S. A., Attorney-General J. M. Cochrane gave a written
opinion that the provision of the constitution relating to woman
suffrage was not self-executing, and that until supplementary
legislation was enacted providing the requisite machinery for
recording school ballots cast by women, they could not vote. As the
authorities in a number of places refused to provide separate boxes,
the Legislature of 1893 passed an act requiring them.

OFFICE HOLDING: Women are eligible for all school offices, but for no
other elective office.

In 1892 Mrs. Laura J. Eisenhuth was elected State Superintendent of
Public Instruction on the Democratic ticket. In 1894 she was again
nominated but was defeated by Miss Emma Bates on the Republican
ticket.

Eleven women are now serving as county superintendents, and many on
local school boards. They do not sit on any State boards. All of the
directors of the Woman's Reformatory, under control of the W. C. T.
U., are women.

In the Legislature they serve as librarians, journal, enrolling and
engrossing clerks and stenographers. They act also as deputies in
State, county and city offices. By special statute of 1893 they may be
notaries public.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is legally forbidden to
women.

EDUCATION: All of the educational institutions are open to both sexes
alike and women are on the faculties. Dr. Janette Hill Knox was
vice-president of Red River Valley University (Meth. Epis.) for five
years.

There are in the public schools 1,115 men and 2,522 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $39.92; of the women,
$35.57.

The Woman's Christian Temperance Union was the first and still
continues to be the largest of the organizations. It works for the
franchise through public lectures, petitions, legislative bills and
various educational measures. The Woman's Relief Corps and a large
number of church, lodge and literary societies enlist women's
activities in a marked degree. They sit on the official boards of many
churches and some of these are composed entirely of women.

SOUTH DAKOTA.[205]

In June, 1883, a convention was held at Huron to discuss the question
of dividing the Territory and forming two States, and a convention was
called to meet at Sioux Falls, September 4, and prepare a constitution
for those in the southern portion. The suffrage leaders in the East
were anxious that this should include the franchise for women. Mrs.
Matilda Joslyn Gage of New York, vice-president-at-large of the
National Suffrage Association, lectured at various points in the
Territory during the summer to awaken public sentiment on this
question. On September 6 a petition signed by 1,000 Dakota men and
women, praying that the word "male" should not be incorporated in the
constitution, was presented to the convention, accompanied by personal
appeals. There was some disposition to grant this request but the
opponents prevailed and only the school ballot was given to women,
which they already possessed by Act of the Legislature of 1879.
However, this constitution never was acted upon.

The desire for division and Statehood became very urgent throughout
the great Territory, and this, with the growing sentiment in Congress
in favor of the same, induced the Legislature of 1885 to provide for a
convention at Sioux Falls, composed of members elected by the voters
of the Territory, to form a constitution for the proposed new State of
South Dakota and submit the same to the electors for adoption, which
was done in November, 1885. Many of the women had become landholders
and were interested in the location of schoolhouses, county seats,
State capital and matters of taxation. As their only organization was
the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, a committee was appointed
from that body, consisting of Alice M. A. Pickler, Superintendent of
the Franchise Department, Helen M. Barker and Julia Welch, to appear
before the Committee on Suffrage and ask that the word "male" be left
out of the qualifications of electors. They were helped by letters to
members of the convention from Lucy Stone, Henry B. Blackwell, Susan
B. Anthony, Lillie Devereux Blake and others of national reputation.

Seven of the eleven members of the committee were willing to grant
this request but there was so much opposition from the convention,
lest the chances for Statehood might be imperiled, that they compelled
a compromise and it was directed that the first Legislature should
submit the question to the voters. They did incorporate a clause,
however, that women properly qualified should be eligible to any
school office and should vote at any election held solely for school
purposes. This applied merely to school trustees, as State and county
superintendents are elected at general and not special elections.

The constitution was ratified by the voters in 1885, with a provision
that "the Legislature should at its first session after the admission
of the State into the Union, submit to a vote of the electors at the
next general election, the question whether the word 'male' should be
stricken from the article of the constitution relating to elections
and the right of suffrage."

Congress at that time refused to divide the Territory and thus the
question remained in abeyance awaiting Statehood.

In 1889, an enabling act having been passed by Congress, delegates
were elected from the different counties to meet in convention at
Sioux Falls to prepare for the entrance of South Dakota into
Statehood. This convention reaffirmed the constitution adopted in
1885, and again submitted it to the voters who again passed upon it
favorably, and the Territory became a State, Nov. 2, 1889.

The first Legislature met at once in Pierre, and although they were
required by the constitution to submit an amendment for woman suffrage
a vote was taken as to whether this should be done. It stood in the
Senate 40 yeas, one nay; absent or not voting, 4; in the House 84
yeas, 9 nays; 21 absent.

On Nov. 11, 1889, Miss Anthony, in response to urgent requests from
the State, made a lecture tour of twelve cities and towns and
addressed the Farmers' Alliance at their convention in Aberdeen, when
they officially indorsed the suffrage amendment. On her return home
she sent 50,000 copies of Senator T. W. Palmer's great woman suffrage
speech to individual voters in Dakota under his frank.

A State Suffrage Association had been formed with S. A. Ramsey,
president, Alonzo Wardall, vice-president, the Rev. M. Barker,
secretary, and Mrs. Helen M. Barker, treasurer and State organizer;
but the beginning of this campaign found the women with no funds and
very little local organization. Mr. Wardall, who was also secretary of
the Farmers' Alliance, went to Washington and, with Representative and
Mrs. J. A. Pickler, presented a strong appeal for assistance to the
national suffrage convention in February, 1890. It was heartily
responded to and a South Dakota campaign committee was formed with
Miss Anthony chairman. The officers and friends made vigorous efforts
to raise a fund and eventually $5,500 were secured. Of this amount
California sent $1,000; Senator Stanford personally gave $300; Rachel
Foster Avery of Philadelphia, the same amount; Mrs. Clara L. McAdow of
Montana, $250; a number gave $100, among them U. S. Senator R. F.
Pettigrew of South Dakota, and different States sent various
sums.[206]

The first of May Miss Anthony returned to South Dakota and established
campaign headquarters in Huron. A mass convention of men and women was
held and an active State organization formed with Mrs. Philena Everett
Johnson, president, Mr. Wardall, vice-president, which co-operated
with the national committee and inaugurated an active campaign. The
new State had adopted as its motto, "Under God the People Rule," and
the suffragists wrote upon their banners, "Under God the People Rule.
Women Are People." A large number of national speakers came in the
summer. Local workers would organize suffrage clubs in the
schoolhouses and these efforts would culminate in large rallies at the
county seats where some noted speakers would make addresses and
perfect the organization.

Those from the outside who canvassed the State were Henry B.
Blackwell, editor _Woman's Journal_, Boston, the Rev. Anna Howard
Shaw, national lecturer, Mary Seymour Howell (N. Y.), the Rev. Olympia
Brown (Wis.), Matilda Hindman (Penn.), Carrie Chapman Catt (Wash.),
Laura M. Johns (Kan.), Clara Bewick Colby (Neb.), the Rev. Helen G.
Putnam (N. D.), Julia B. Nelson (Minn.) Miss Anthony was always and
everywhere the moving spirit and contributed her services the entire
six months without pay. When $300 were lacking to settle the final
expenses she paid them out of her own pocket. Mr. Blackwell also
donated his services. Most effective State work was done by Mrs. Emma
Smith De Voe, and the home of Mr. and Mrs. De Voe was a haven of rest
for the toilers during the campaign. Among the other valuable State
workers were Dr. Nettie C. Hall, Mrs. Helen M. Barker, and Mrs.
Elizabeth M. Wardall, superintendent of press. A large number of
ministers indorsed the amendment. Two grand rallies of all the
speakers were held, one in Mitchell, August 26, 27, during which time
Miss Anthony, Mr. Blackwell, Miss Shaw and Mrs. Pickler addressed the
Republican State Convention; the other during the State Fair in
September. The 17th was "Woman's Day" and the Fair Association invited
the ladies to speak. Miss Anthony, Miss Shaw and Mrs. De Voe complied.
The summing up of the superintendent of press was as follows: Total
number of addresses by national speakers, 789; State speakers, 707;
under the auspices of the W. C. T. U., 104; total, 1,600; local clubs
of women organized, 400; literature sent to every voter.

It would be difficult to put into words the hardships of this campaign
of 1890 in a new State through the hottest and dryest summer on
record. Frequently the speakers had to drive twenty miles between the
afternoon and evening meetings and the audiences would come thirty
miles. All of the political State conventions declined to indorse the
amendment. The Republicans refused seats to the ladies on the floor of
their convention although Indians in blankets were welcomed. The
Democrats invited the ladies to seats where they listened to a speech
against woman suffrage by E. W. Miller, land receiver of the Huron
district, too indecent to print, which was received with cheers and
applause by the convention. The minority committee report asking for
an indorsement, presented by Judge Bangs of Rapid City, was
overwhelmingly voted down. A big delegation of Russians came to this
convention wearing huge yellow badges lettered, Against Woman Suffrage
and Susan B. Anthony.

The greatest disappointment of the campaign was the forming of an
Independent party by the Farmers' Alliance and the Knights of Labor.
The Alliance at its convention the previous year, 478 delegates
present, at the close of Miss Anthony's address, had declared that
they would do all in their power to carry the suffrage amendment, and
it was principally on account of their assurances of support and on
the invitation of their leaders, that she undertook the work in South
Dakota. The Knights of Labor at their convention in January of the
present year had adopted a resolution which said: "We will support
with all our strength the amendment to be voted on at the next general
election giving women the ballot ... believing this to be the first
step toward securing those reforms for which all true Knights of Labor
are striving."

But the following June these two organizations formed a new party and
absolutely refused to put a woman suffrage plank in their platform,
although Miss Anthony addressed their convention and implored them to
keep their promise, assuring them that their failure to support the
amendment would be its death blow. The previous summer H. L. Loucks,
president of the Farmers' Alliance, had made a special journey to the
State suffrage convention at Minneapolis to invite her to come to
South Dakota to conduct this canvass. He was a candidate for Governor
on this new party ticket and in his speech of acceptance did not
mention the pending amendment. Before adjourning the convention
adopted a long resolution containing seven or eight declarations,
among them one that "no citizen should be disfranchised on account of
sex," but so far as any party advocacy was concerned the question was
a dead issue.

A bitter contest was being made between Huron and Pierre for the
location of the State capital, and the woman suffrage amendment was
freely used as an article of barter. There were 30,000 Russians,
Poles, Scandinavians and other foreigners in the State, most of whom
opposed woman suffrage. The liquor dealers and gamblers worked
vigorously against it, and they were reinforced by the women
"remonstrants" of Massachusetts, who sent their literature into every
corner of the State.

At the election, Nov. 4, 1890, the amendment received 22,072 ayes,
45,862 noes, majority opposed 23,790. The Republicans carried the
State by 16,000 majority.

At this same election an amendment was submitted as to whether male
Indians should be enfranchised. It received an affirmative vote of 45
per cent.; that for woman suffrage received 35 per cent. Of the two
classes of voters it seemed the men preferred the Indians. It was
claimed by many, however, that they did not understand the wording of
the Indian amendment and thought they were voting against it.[207]

As the School Suffrage possessed by women applied only to trustees and
did not include the important offices of State and county
superintendents, and as it was held that the franchise for this
purpose could be secured only by a constitutional amendment, it was
decided to ask for this. Through the efforts of Mrs. Anna R. Simmons
and Mrs. Emma A. Cranmer, officers of the State Association, a bill
for this purpose was secured from the Legislature of 1893. As there
seemed to be no objection to women's voting for school trustees it was
not supposed that there would be any to extending the privilege for
the other school officers. It was submitted at the regular election in
November, 1894, and defeated by 17,010 ayes, 22,682 noes, an opposing
majority of 5,672.

In 1897 the above ladies made one more effort and secured from the
Legislature the submission again of an amendment conferring the Full
Suffrage on women. The campaign was managed almost entirely by Mrs.
Simmons and Mrs. Cranmer. The National Association assisted to the
extent of sending a lecturer, Miss Laura A. Gregg of Kansas, who
remained for two months preceding the election; and $100 worth of
literature also was furnished for distribution. The Dakota women
raised about $1,500, and every possible influence was exerted upon the
voters. The returns of the election in November, 1898, gave for the
amendment 19,698; against, 22,983; adverse majority, 3,285.

In 1890 the amendment had received 35 per cent. of the whole vote cast
upon it; in 1898 it received 77 per cent. The figures show
unmistakably that the falling off in the size of the vote was almost
wholly among the opponents.[208]

ORGANIZATION: After the defeat of the suffrage amendment in 1890 a
more thorough State organization was effected and a convention has
been held every year since. That of 1891 met in Huron and Mrs. Irene
G. Adams was elected president. Soon afterwards she compiled a leaflet
showing the unjust laws for women which disgraced the statute books.

In 1892 a successful annual meeting took place at Hastings and Mrs.
Mary A. Groesbeck was made president. In September, 1893, the
convention was held in Aberdeen during the Grain Palace Exposition.
The State president and the president elect, Mrs. Emma A. Cranmer, had
charge of the program for Woman's Day, and Mrs. Clara Hoffman (Mo.)
gave addresses in the afternoon and evening.

In 1894 Mrs. Anna R. Simmons was elected president and continued in
office for six years. This year $100 was sent to aid the Kansas
campaign. During 1894 and '95 she made twenty public addresses and
held ten parlor meetings. At the convention in Pierre in September,
1895, she was able to report fifty clubs organized with 700 members.
Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the national organization
committee, was present at this convention.

Active work was continued throughout 1896 and 1897, when the
submission of a suffrage amendment was secured. The year of 1898 was
given up to efforts for its success. Mrs. C. C. King established and
carried on almost entirely at her own expense the _South Dakota
Messenger_, a campaign paper which was of the greatest service. The
State convention met in Mitchell September 28-30. Miss Elizabeth Upham
Yates (Me.) came as representative of the National Association and
gave two addresses to large audiences. The following October a
conference of National and State workers was held at Sioux Falls, the
former represented by Mrs. Chapman Catt, the Rev. Henrietta G. Moore
(O.) and Miss Mary G. Hay, national organizers. Several public
sessions were held.

The annual meeting of 1899 took place in Madison, September 5, 6. The
tenth convention met in Brookings, Sept. 5, 1900. Mrs. Simmons having
removed from the State, Mrs. Alice M. A. Pickler was elected
president. Mrs. Philena Everett Johnson was made vice-president.[209]

Among the prominent friends of woman suffrage may be mentioned the
Hon. Arthur C. Mellette, first State Governor; U. S. Senators Richard
F. Pettigrew, James H. Kyle and Robert J. Gamble; Lieutenant-Governor
D. T. Hindman; members of Congress J. A. Pickler, W. B. Lucas and
E. W. Martin; the Hons. S. A. Ramsey and Coe I. Crawford;
Attorney-General John L. Pyle, Judge D. C. Thomas, General W. H.
Beadle, Professor McClennen, of the Madison Normal School, and
ministers of many churches. The Hon. J. H. Patton and the Hon. W. C.
Bowers paid the expenses of the legislative committee of the suffrage
association while they were in Pierre during the winter of 1897 to
secure the submission of an amendment. Chief Justice of the Supreme
Court A. J. Edgerton, was a pronounced advocate of woman suffrage and
appointed a woman official stenographer of his judicial district, the
best salaried office within his gift. Associate Justice Seward Smith
appointed a woman clerk of the Faulk County district court.[210]

LAWS: Neither dower nor curtesy obtains. If either husband or wife die
without a will, leaving only one child or the lawful issue of one, the
survivor is entitled to one-half of the separate estate of the other;
or one-third if there are more than one child or the issue of more
than one. If there are no children nor the issue of any, the survivor
is entitled to one-half of the estate and the other half goes to the
kindred of the deceased. If there are none the survivor takes all. A
homestead of 160 acres, or one-quarter of an acre in town, may be
reserved for the widow or widower.

Either husband or wife may dispose of separate property, real or
personal, by deed or will, without the consent of the other. Joint
real estate, including the homestead, can be conveyed only by
signature of both, but the husband may dispose of joint personal
property without the consent of the wife.

In order to control her separate property the wife must keep it
recorded in the office of the county register.

On the death of an unmarried child the father inherits all of its
property. If he is dead and there are no other children, the mother
inherits it. If there are brothers and sisters she inherits a child's
share.

A married woman can not act as administrator. Of several persons
claiming and equally entitled to act as executors, males must be
preferred to females.

A married woman can control her earnings outside the home only when
living separate from her husband.

The father is the legal guardian and has custody of the persons and
services of minor children. If he refuse to take the custody or has
abandoned his family or has been legally declared a drunkard, the
mother is entitled to the custody.

The law declares the husband the head of the family and he must
support the wife by his separate property or labor, but if he has not
deserted her, and has no separate property, and is too infirm to
support her by his labor, the wife must support him and their children
out of her separate property or in other ways to the extent of her
ability. An act of Feb. 21, 1896, makes the wife liable for
necessaries for the family purchased on her own account to the same
extent that her husband would be liable under a similar purchase, but
with no control over the joint earnings.

The causes for divorce are the same as in most States but only six
months' residence is required. The disposition of the children is left
entirely with the court.

In 1887, through the efforts of the W.C.T.U., the "age of protection"
for girls was raised from 10 to 14 years. In 1893 they tried to have
it made 18 but the Legislature compromised on 16 years. Rape in the
first degree _is punishable_ by imprisonment in the penitentiary not
less than ten years; in the second degree, not less than five years.

The penalty for seduction and for enticing away for purposes of
prostitution is prescribed by the same words "is punishable," which in
reality leaves it to the judgment of the court, but the statutes fix
the penalty for all other crimes by the words "shall be punished." In
addition to this latitude the penalty for seduction or enticing for
purposes of prostitution is, if the girl is under 15, imprisonment in
the penitentiary not more than five years, or in the county jail not
more than one year, or by fine not exceeding $1,000, or both; with no
minimum penalty.

SUFFRAGE: The Territorial Legislature of 1879 gave women a vote on
questions pertaining to the schools, which were then decided at school
meetings. This was partially repealed by a law of 1883 which required
regular polls and a private ballot, but this act did not include
fifteen counties which had school districts fully established, and
women still continued to vote at these district school meetings. In
1887 a law was enacted giving all women the right to vote at all
school elections for all officers, and making them eligible for all
school offices. The constitution which was adopted when South Dakota
entered the Union (1889) provided that "any woman having the required
qualifications as to age, residence and citizenship may vote at any
election held solely for school purposes." As State and county
superintendents are elected at general and not special elections,
women can vote only for school trustees. They have no vote on bonds or
appropriations.

OFFICE HOLDING: The State constitution provides that all persons,
either male or female, being twenty-one years of age and having the
necessary qualifications, shall be eligible to the office of school
director, treasurer, judge or clerk of school elections, county
superintendent of public schools and State Superintendent of Public
Instruction. All other civil offices must be filled by male electors.

There are at present eleven women serving as county superintendents.
They sit on the school boards in many places and have been treasurers.
A woman was nominated for State Superintendent of Public Instruction
by the Independent party.

Efforts to secure a law requiring women on the boards of State
institutions have failed. The Governor is required to appoint three
women inspectors of penal and charitable institutions, who are paid by
the State and make their report directly to him. They inspect the
penitentiary, reform school, insane hospitals, deaf and dumb institute
and school for the blind. There is one assistant woman physician in
the State Hospital for the Insane. Women in subordinate official
positions are found in all State institutions.

They act as clerks in all city, county and State offices and in the
Legislature, and have served as court stenographers and clerk of the
Circuit Court.

There are eight women notaries public at the present time.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is legally forbidden to
women. Ten hours is made a legal working day for them. Four women are
editing county papers.

EDUCATION: All institutions of learning are open alike to both sexes
and there are women on the faculties. In the public schools there are
1,225 men and 3,581 women teachers. The average monthly salary of the
men is $36.45; of the women $30.82.

* * * * *

The W.C.T.U. was the first organization of women in the State and
through its franchise department has worked earnestly and collected
numerous petitions for suffrage. The Woman's Relief Corps is the
largest body, having 1,800 members. The Eastern Star, Daughters of
Rebekah, Ladies of the Maccabees, and other lodge societies are well
organized. The Federation of Clubs, the youngest association,
represents 200 members. A number of churches have women on their
official boards.

FOOTNOTES:

[200] At the New Orleans Exposition in 1885 the displays of Kansas,
Dakota and Nebraska taught the world the artistic value of grains and
grasses for decoration, but it was exemplified most strikingly in the
Dakota's Woman's Department, arranged by Mrs. J. M. Melton of Fargo.
Among the industrial exhibits was a carriage robe sent from a leading
furrier to represent the skilled work of women in his employ. There
were also bird fans, a curtain of duck skins and cases of taxidermy,
all prepared and cured by women, and a case of work from women
employed in the printing office of the Fargo Argus. Four thousand
bouquets of grasses were distributed on Dakota Day and carried away as
curious and beautiful memorials. All were made by women in the
Territory.

[201] The History is indebted for this part of the chapter to Dr.
Janette Hill Knox, of Wahpeton, corresponding secretary of the State
Woman Suffrage Association.

[202] U. S. Senator W. N. Roach also wrote and voted in favor of woman
suffrage. Martin N. Johnson, M. C., was a strong advocate.

[203] Officers elected: Honorary presidents, Dr. Cora Smith Eaton and
Miss Mary Allen Whedon; president, Mrs. Flora Blackman Naylor;
vice-president, Mrs. G. S. Roberts; corresponding secretary, Dr.
Janette Hill Knox; recording secretary, Mrs. Henrietta Paulson
Haagenson; treasurer, Mrs. Anna Carmody; auditors, Mrs. J. S. Kemp,
Mrs. Addie L. Carr; member national executive committee, Mrs. Lois L.
Muir; organizer and lecturer, Mrs. Mary E. Slater; press
superintendent, Mrs. Flora P. Gates.

In addition to these, the following have served as State officers:
Vice-presidents, Mesdames Mary Wilson, Florence Dixon and G. S.
Roberts; corresponding secretaries, Mrs. Sara E. B. Smith, Mrs. Delia
Lee Hyde; recording secretary, Mrs. Helen de Lendrecie; treasurer,
Mrs. Katherine V. King; auditors, Dr. Helena G. Wink and Mesdames M.
B. Goodrich, L. C. McKinney and L. C. Campbell.

Among other efficient workers may be mentioned Gov. Eli Shortridge,
Gov. Roger Allen, Dr. M. V. B. Knox, Miss Bena Halerow, and Mesdames
Ida S. Clark, Mazie Stevens, Nellie Mott, Frances M. Dixon, R. C.
Cooper and S. M. Woodhull.

[204] In the Legislature of 1901 a bill was introduced in the House by
H. E. Lavayea of Grand Forks County, to take away School Suffrage from
women. The bill was unconstitutional and was never reported from the
committee, but its introduction stirred up indignant protests from all
parts of the State.

[205] The History is indebted to Mrs. Alice M. A. Pickler of Faulkton,
president of the State Woman Suffrage Association, for the material
contained in this part of the chapter.

[206] The speakers raised about $1,400 which went toward paying their
expenses. Over $1,000 were secured by other means. Most of the State
workers donated their expenses.

[207] A graphic account of this campaign, with many anecdotes and
personal reminiscences, will be found in the Life and Work of Susan B.
Anthony, Chap. XXXVIII.

[208] Petitions have been presented to several Legislatures to grant
Municipal Suffrage by statute but a bill for this purpose has been
brought to a vote only once, in 1893, when it was passed by the
Senate, 27 ayes, 11 noes; and defeated in the House by only one vote.

[209] Others who have served in official position are vice-president,
Mrs. Emma A. Cranmer; corresponding secretaries, Mesdames Kate Uline
Folger, F. C. Bidwell, Hannah V. Best; treasurers, Mrs. Elizabeth M.
Wardall, Mrs. Marion L. Bennett, Mrs. Clara M. Williams; auditor, Mrs.
John Davis; superintendents of literature, Mrs. Jane Rooker Breeden,
Mrs. Delia Robinson King.

[210] The list of men and women who are not so widely known but who
have stood faithfully for woman suffrage would be a long one. Among
them are S. H. Cranmer, Rev. and Mrs. C. E. Hagar, Mrs. Alice Gossage,
Mrs. C. E. Thorpe, Mrs. Luella A. Ramsey, Mrs. Ruby Smart, Kara Smart
and Floy Cochrane.

CHAPTER XXXII.

DELAWARE.[211]

In the campaign of 1884 the Republicans had a Ship of State called the
New Constitution, with an eagle on the top, which was mounted on
wheels and taken from place to place where they held public meetings.
When they came to Greenwood, the home of Mrs. Mary A. Stuart, she put
a "blue hen" upon it, saying they should not have an eagle to
represent freedom for men and nothing to represent women. So the hen
went from one end of Delaware to the other, sitting in state in a
glass coop. Some of the Republican speakers announced from the
platform this year that they favored enfranchisement of women.

In 1888 the State Woman's Christian Temperance Union adopted the
franchise department with Mrs. Patience Kent as superintendent, and
held several public meetings. In 1889 Mrs. Martha S. Cranston was
elected her successor, and still occupies the position.

Mrs. Rachel Foster Avery, corresponding secretary of the National
Association, organized the Wilmington Equal Suffrage Club, the first
in the State, on Nov. 18, 1895, with twenty-five members. The
membership soon increased to fifty-three.

The following winter Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the
national organization committee, sent into the State the Rev.
Henrietta G. Moore of Ohio and Miss Mary G. Hay of New York, the
latter to arrange meetings and the former to address them and organize
clubs. On Jan. 17, 18, 1896, they assisted in a convention at
Wilmington, where a State Association was formed.

As Delaware was to hold a Constitutional Convention in 1897, the
National Association was especially interested in pushing the suffrage
work there. Mrs. Chapman Catt met with the executive committee in
Wilmington to arrange plans, and Mrs. Mary C. C. Bradford of Colorado
and Miss Laura A. Gregg of Kansas were sent during March and April to
further organization. Three county associations were formed, and Mrs.
Hortense Davenport held parlor meetings in various towns throughout
May.

On Nov. 27, 1896, the second annual convention was held in the New
Century Club parlors in Wilmington. Judge William N. Ashman of
Philadelphia and Mrs. Mary Heald Way of Oxford, Penn., addressed the
audience in the evening.

Petitions were circulated throughout the State, and Mrs. Cranston and
Miss Hay went to Dover to present the Constitutional Convention with a
memorial, which was referred to the Committee on Elections. It
contained the signatures of 1,592 men and 1,228 women. A hearing was
granted Jan. 13, 1897. Mrs. Emalea P. Warner, Mrs. Margaret W. Houston
and Miss Emma Worrell made addresses. Mrs. Chapman Catt was the chief
speaker. Only two members of the committee were absent. A vote was
taken February 16 on omitting the word "male" from the new
constitution, and the proposition was defeated by 7 yeas, 17 nays,
with 6 not present.

A national conference was held in Wilmington April 22, 23.
Mrs. Chapman Catt and the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, national
vice-president-at-large, were the principal speakers, and Mrs.
Elizabeth G. Robinson, Mrs. Elizabeth Walling and Mrs. Houston
assisted in making the meetings a success. On Sunday Miss Shaw
preached in the Union M. E. Church in the morning and the Delaware
Avenue Baptist Church in the evening.

The third State meeting took place at Wilmington, Dec. 2, 1897, with
addresses by Miss Diana Hirschler of Boston and Mrs. C. O. H. Craigie
of Brooklyn.

There was no convention in 1898, but the State association held a
meeting in the Unitarian Church, in Wilmington, Dec. 15, 1899, which
was addressed by Mrs. Chapman Catt.

After the national convention in February, 1900, Mrs. Bradford made a
few addresses in the State. The annual meeting took place in
Newcastle, Nov. 15, 1900. Among the speakers were Mrs. Ellen H. E.
Price of Pennsylvania and Professors William H. Purnell and Wesley
Webb.

Mrs. Martha S. Cranston has been president of the State association,
and Mrs. Margaret W. Houston vice-president, since its beginning.
Others who have served in official capacity are Mrs. Margaret H. Kent,
Edward Mullen, Miss Emma Lore, Mrs. Mary R. De Vou and Mrs. May Price
Phillips. Among those not previously mentioned who have given valuable
assistance are Chief Justice Charles B. Lore and Mrs. Gertrude Nields.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: No bill for woman suffrage has been
presented to the Legislature since 1881.

On the petition of women a law was passed in 1887 requiring employers
to provide seats for female employes when not on duty.

In 1889 a police matron was appointed for Wilmington.

In 1893 the Bastardy Law, which compelled the father of an
illegitimate child to pay fifty cents a week for its support during
seven years, was repealed; $3 a week for ten years were asked, but the
law made it $1 a week for ten years.

Until 1889 the "age of protection" for girls was only seven years.
That year, on petition of many women, it was raised to fifteen, but
the violation of the law was declared to be only a "misdemeanor,"
punishable by a fine of not more than $1,000 or imprisonment for not
more than seven years, or both, at the discretion of the court, with
no minimum penalty named. In 1895 the Legislature, on the insistence
of women, raised the "age of protection" to eighteen years, but
continued to extend the "protection" to boys as well as girls. It has
been found very difficult to secure the conviction of men for this
crime, and those convicted have been repeatedly pardoned by the
Governor.

On May 10, 1897, the Legislature passed a bill requiring the
proprietors of mills, factories and stores in the city of Wilmington
to provide comfortable toilet-rooms for their female employes, and one
giving power for the appointment of women as factory inspectors. One
was appointed by Chief Justice Lore the same year.

If there is a child or the lawful issue of a child living, the widow
has a life-interest in one-third of the real estate and one-third
absolutely of the personal property. If there is no child nor the
descendant of any child living, the widow has a life-interest in
one-half of the real estate and one-half absolutely of the personal
estate. If there are neither descendants nor kin--brothers, sisters,
their descendants, father nor mother--the widow has the entire real
estate for her life, and all the personal estate absolutely. If a
child of the marriage was born alive, whether living or dead at the
death of the wife, the widower has her entire real estate during his
life, and the whole of her personal estate absolutely, subject to all
legal claims. If there has not been a child born alive, the widower
has a life-interest in one-half of her real estate, but the whole of
her personal estate absolutely.

The father is the legal guardian of the children, and he alone may
appoint a guardian at his death.

For failure to support his wife and minor children, a man may be fined
from $10 to $100; and, by Act of 1887, arrested and required to give
bail not exceeding $500. The court may order him to pay reasonable
support not exceeding $100 per month and give security to the State.
If he fail to comply, he may be committed to jail. The wife is
competent as a witness.

SUFFRAGE: The women in Milford, Townsend, Wyoming and Newark who pay a
property tax are privileged to vote for Town Commissioners in person
or by proxy. All such women in the State may vote for School Trustees.

OFFICE HOLDING: In January, 1900, the Supreme Court denied the
application of a woman to practice at the bar, on the ground that a
lawyer is a State officer and all State officers must be voters.

In the one city of Wilmington women are eligible as school directors,
but none ever has been elected.

A woman factory inspector was appointed by the Chief Justice in 1897,
and reappointed in 1900.

Women never have served as notaries public.

OCCUPATIONS: Only the practice of law is legally forbidden.

EDUCATION: Delaware has one college, at Newark, which receives State
funds. Women were admitted in 1872, and during the next thirteen years
eighty availed themselves of its advantages. It was then closed to
them. The only High School in the State, at Wilmington, is open to
girls.

There are in the public schools 211 men and 643 women teachers. It is
impossible to obtain their average salaries.

FOOTNOTES:

[211] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Martha S.
Cranston of Newport, president of the State Woman Suffrage
Association.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.[212]

The women of the District of Columbia who desire the suffrage have a
unique place among those of other localities. As the franchise for men
even is not included in the privileges of citizenship, all are
compelled to work circuitously through Congress in order to gain that
which in the States is secured directly by the ballot. The suffrage
societies stand in especially close relation to the National
Association, as every year from 1869 until 1895, and each alternate
year since, they have served as its hosts and arranged the many
details of its delegate conventions. Being near, also, to the great
legislative body of the nation they often serve as messengers and
mediators between congressional committees and various State
organizations of women.

The District, however, has its own vital problems to solve, and in
these the suffrage association takes a prominent part. Since 1883,
through its organized and persistent efforts, alone or in co-operation
with other societies, many local reforms and improvements have been
secured. These have been unusually difficult to obtain because subject
to the dual authority of Congress and of the District Commissioners.
Nevertheless, so systematically and harmoniously have the women worked
that the entire personnel of the association's committees has often
been changed during the long delays in the introduction of a bill, the
lobbying for it and its final passage, without in the least imperiling
its success.

The District society never has languished since its organization in
1868. Dr. Clara W. MacNaughton is now president and there are over one
hundred active members.[213]

The Equal Suffrage Association of the District of Columbia is a
separate body, corresponding to a State association, and is composed
of delegates elected from the District society and the Junior Equal
Suffrage Club. It was organized Dec. 2, 1898, and holds regular
meetings. Mrs. Helen Rand Tindall is the president.[214]

The association made every possible effort to secure a bill to
recompense Anna Ella Carroll for her services during the war. It has
used its influence in favor of industrial schools and kindergartens in
the public schools and has urged Congress to appropriate money for
vacation schools. In 1895 it petitioned the national convention of the
Knights of Labor, meeting in Washington, to adopt a resolution asking
Congress to restore suffrage to the citizens of the District of
Columbia with no distinction of sex. This was unanimously adopted
without even the formality of referring to a committee. Delegates were
sent to the International Congress of Women in Brussels in 1897.

In 1900, for the first time, the suffrage women of the District gave
free entertainment to delegates to the national convention. Mrs. Ellen
Powell Thompson was chairman of the committee and contributed largely
to the success of that memorable convention, which ended with the
celebration of Miss Susan B. Anthony's eightieth birthday and her
retirement from the presidency of the National Association. Mrs.
Thompson was especially active in securing the handsome gift of a
purse of over $200, which was presented to her by the District
society. Mrs. Julius C. Burrows assisted in many ways and through her
influence the Corcoran Gallery of Art was opened to the brilliant
reception given in honor of Miss Anthony.

Among many who openly espouse woman suffrage are ex-Gov. and Mrs. John
W. Hoyt of Wyoming, now living in Washington, Mrs. John B. Henderson,
Mrs. A. L. Barber, Mrs. Judith Ellen Foster, president of the Woman's
Republican Association of the United States, and Miss Clara Barton,
founder and president of the National Red Cross Society; to whom might
be added hosts of others.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: The suffrage association has been largely
instrumental in securing most of the District legislation in favor of
women, as the records of the past twenty years will show. What is
regarded as the most important achievement of this nature since 1884
is the passage by Congress, in 1896, of the Married Woman's Property
Rights Bill.

The removal of the disabilities of wives had been agitated for a
number of years by the association. In 1893 a bill for this purpose,
drafted by one of its members, Miss Emma M. Gillett, attorney-at-law,
was passed by the Senate. When it reached the House it went through
the usual stages, was tossed about from one committee to another and
deferred and delayed in the most exasperating manner. It was
championed by Miss Gillett, however, with an unswerving courage and
fidelity which never allowed it to be forgotten or neglected, and she
was treated always with the utmost courtesy when appearing before
congressional committees.

In 1894 Mrs. Ellen Spencer Mussey, always an ardent suffragist, as
chairman of the committee on legislation for the District Federation
of Women's Clubs, began a vigorous prosecution of this bill before
Congress. Miss Gillett and Mrs. Mussey were ably assisted by Mrs.
Belva A. Lockwood, Mrs. Lucia B. Blount, Mrs. M. E. Coues and Mrs.
Mary S. Lockwood.

At this time married women had no legal right to hold property, and in
most respects the District laws remained about as arbitrary as they
were in the reign of King Charles II. A mother had no right by law to
her own child, the father having legal sanction to dispose of the
offspring even before it was born. At the time this committee was
urging Congress to pass the bill, the public was horrified by a
notorious case in the courts of the District in which a profligate
father, who had never done anything to benefit his children, had
disposed of them by will, debarring the mother from their custody and
control. This cruelty and injustice was an object-lesson which
especially evoked the sympathy of Congress.

The bill finally passed both Houses, was approved by President William
McKinley, and became a law June 1, 1896. At a special meeting, held
June 11, Mrs. Belva A. Lockwood presented the association with an
engrossed copy of the new law, and the women held a jubilee to
celebrate their victory.

The law provides that the real, personal or mixed property which shall
come to a woman by descent, purchase, gift, etc., shall be and remain
her sole and separate property, notwithstanding her marriage, and
shall not be subject to the disposal of her husband or be liable for
his debts.

A married woman may bargain, sell and convey her real and personal
property, enter into any contract, sue and be sued the same as a
married man.

A married woman may carry on any business or enter any profession, by
herself or with others, and the proceeds shall be her separate
property and may be invested in her own name.

The law also provides that the father and mother shall be equal
guardians of their children, and that the survivor may by last will
and testament appoint a guardian.

The husband, if he have property, is required by a recent decision to
furnish his family with reasonable support; otherwise there is no
penalty for failure to do so.

Dower and curtesy obtain. The widow's dower is one-third for life of
the real estate, and one-third of the personal estate absolutely if
there is a child or descendant of any living. If there is no issue or
descendant of any, but father, mother, brother, sister or descendants
of these, the widow has one-half the personal estate. If none of
these, the widow may have all of the personal estate, and all of the
real estate if there is no kindred whatever. A widower, if his wife
has borne a living child, is entitled to the use of one-third of her
real estate for life, and one-third of her personal property. If there
are no heirs, lineal or collateral, he takes the whole estate
absolutely.

The "age of protection" for girls was raised in 1889 from 12 to 16
years. The penalty is, for the first offense imprisonment at hard
labor in the penitentiary not more than fifteen years, and for each
subsequent offense not more than thirty years. No minimum penalty is
fixed.

SUFFRAGE: Since the Territorial government was abolished and male
citizens disfranchised, in 1874, there have been numerous petitions to
Congress for the ballot by both men and women, but no action has been
taken by that body.

OFFICE HOLDING: Through the early '80's Mrs. Belva A. Lockwood, Mrs.
Jane H. Spofford and others worked unceasingly for the placing of
matrons at the jail and police stations. One was appointed in 1884,
and, during the sixteen years since, a matron has been secured for the
jail and three for the ten police stations, largely through the
efforts of the suffragists and especially of Mrs. Ellen Powell
Thompson, president of the District Association. The women have had
the hearty support of Major Richard Sylvester, Chief of Police.

In 1892 an act was passed for a Board of Guardians for Dependent
Children, of which at least three of the nine members must be women.

Principally to the efforts of Mrs. Sara A. Spencer, with the help of
other members of the association, is due the bill providing for a
Girl's Reform School, in 1892. The board of managers has always been
composed of men, but there are a woman superintendent and a woman
physician.

Mrs. Lockwood and Mrs. Elizabeth A. Russell worked long and arduously
to secure a House of Detention and also a special carriage and a
special court for the women and children arrested. To Major Sylvester
above all others, however, belongs the credit of securing this House
of Detention. Senator James McMillan of Michigan, chairman of the
Committee on the District of Columbia, framed the bill and it was
finally transformed into law. This house was opened in the summer of
1900. A Lieutenant of Police and three matrons have charge, under
supervision of the Chief.

Mrs. Marilla M. Ricker was made notary public and master in chancery
in 1885, and Miss Emma M. Gillett soon afterward. They secured the
legislation necessary for women to hold the latter office. There are
at present four or five women masters in chancery and twenty women
notaries in the District.

It required six years of agitation and effort on the part of the
suffrage association before women were allowed to serve as members on
the Board of Public School Education. The principal movers in this
work were Dr. Clara W. MacNaughton, Mrs. Thompson, Mrs. Helen Rand
Tindall, Mrs. Lockwood and Mrs. Caroline E. Kent. During this time the
bill passed through many vicissitudes and its friends became
discouraged, but in 1894 Dr. MacNaughton went to work with a strong
determination to secure its passage. Great assistance was rendered by
Senator McMillan and the Hon. Edwin F. Uhl, at that time Assistant
Secretary of State. The bill was finally passed just before Congress
adjourned for that year. The school board, which has charge of both
white and colored schools, consists of five members, each with a
salary of $500 a year. Mrs. Mary C. Terrill (colored) served five
years and resigned. She was succeeded by Mrs. Betty G. Francis
(colored). Mrs. Mary Hope West (white) is the other woman member. A
woman is serving as assistant superintendent of the public schools,
receiving $2,500 per annum; and a woman is employed as assistant
secretary of the Board of Education.

Women sit on the Hospital Boards and those of Public Charities. It
never has been possible to secure the appointment of women physicians
at any of the hospitals or asylums.

As women are admitted to the various Government Departments there
naturally would be more of them holding office in the District of
Columbia than in all the States combined. The relative number of men
and women employed is as follows:

_LEGISLATIVE._

_Male._ _Female._

Senate, officers and employes 382 3
House of Representatives, officers and employes 272 ...
Capitol Police 65 ...
Library of Congress 216 151
United States Botanic Garden 28 ...
---- ----
963 154

_EXECUTIVE._

Executive Office 28 ...
State Department 92 17
Treasury Department 3,234 2,313
War Department[215] 2,411 300
Navy Department[216] 2,992 85
Postoffice Department 812 237
Interior Department 4,810 2,862
Department of Justice 191 21
Department of Agriculture 650 332
Government Printing Office 2,623 1,068
Department of Labor 74 10
Fish Commission 55 12
Interstate Commerce Commission 133 ...
Civil Service Commission 55 6
Industrial Commission 10 7
Smithsonian Institution 320 39
Bureau of American Republics 13 9
Local Postoffices in District 606 22
---- ----
19,109 7,340

_JUDICIAL._

Supreme Court of the United States 12 ...
Court of Claims 25 2
---- ----
37 2

_SUMMARY._

20,109 7,496

Whether the number of women is increasing or decreasing is a disputed
question. The Civil Service alone enables them to hold their places or
to secure new ones against the tremendous pressure for the offices
which is brought upon the appointing powers by the men who form the
voting constituency of the country. Chiefs of the Divisions rarely
call for a woman on the Civil Service list of eligibles.

Few women fill the highly salaried positions. One woman receives
$2,500 as Portuguese translator; one, working in the U. S. Land Office
at Lander, Wyoming, receives the same. One secured a $2,250 position
in the Federal Postoffice Department but was soon reduced to an $1,800
place and her own given to a man. The salaries of women in general
range from $900 to $1,600, not more than fifty receiving the latter
sum, while many hundreds of men clerks receive $1,800. Clerkships
under Civil Service rules are supposed to pay the same to men and
women, but the latter rarely secure the better-paid ones. There are a
large number of positions graded above clerkships and paying from
$2,000 to $3,000 a year to which women are practically never
appointed.

OCCUPATIONS: No professions or occupations are forbidden to women. Two
of the pioneer women physicians in the United States made name and
fame in Washington--Dr. Caroline B. Winslow and Dr. Susan A.
Edson--the latter the attending physician during the last illness of
President James A. Garfield.

EDUCATION: Howard University, for white and colored students, is the
only one which graduates women in medicine. In all of its ten
departments, including law, it is co-educational. Columbian University
(Baptist) opens its literary departments to women but excludes them
from those of law and medicine, which are its strongest
departments.[217] They were admitted to the Medical School in 1884,
but excluded in 1892 on the ground that the university could not
afford to have professors for separate classes and that the buildings
were too small for the increased number of students.

Mrs. Ellen S. Mussey and Miss Emma M. Gillett, in 1896, established
the Washington College of Law for the legal education of women. Mrs.
Mussey has been the dean since its organization and is the only woman
dean of a law school in the country. The Hon. Edward F. Bingham, Chief
Justice of the Supreme Court of the District, is president of the
board of trustees, and leading members of the bar have used their
influence to make the college a success. The curriculum is the same as
obtains in the leading institutions. There are several men among the
students. Mrs. Mussey is counsel for the Red Cross Society.

The American University (Methodist Episcopal), now being organized for
post-graduate work, is to be co-educational.

The great Catholic Universities, here, as everywhere, are closed to
women. Trinity College for Women (Roman Catholic) was dedicated Nov.
22, 1900. The necessity for this college became apparent from their
many applications to enter the universities for men. It is the first
institution founded by this church for the higher education of women
such as is provided by the largest of the women's colleges in the
United States.

There are in the public schools 155 men and 1,004 women teachers. The
average monthly salary of the men is $94.48; of the women, $64.31.

* * * * *

The introduction of Kindergartens into the public schools received the
assistance of all the women's societies in the District. In 1898 a
bill passed Congress appropriating $15,000 with which to make the
experiment. This proving successful an annual appropriation of $25,000
was made.[218]

The Woman's Christian Temperance Union, Mrs. Clinton Smith, president,
has secured the suppression of liquor selling in the café of the new
Library of Congress, and a large number of most beneficent measures.
In December, 1900, the national convention of the W. C. T. U. was held
in Washington and among the strongest resolutions adopted were those
declaring for woman suffrage and the abolishment of the army canteen.
A bill for the latter purpose passed the House while the convention
was in session, and soon afterwards passed the Senate.

The District Federation of Women's Clubs includes eleven affiliated
organizations comprising nearly four thousand women.

Mrs. Julius C. Burrows (Mich.) is among the most prominent of the many
women engaged in philanthropic work. Largely under her direction the
Training School for Nurses connected with the Garfield Memorial
Hospital has become one of the best in the country.

Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby has long owned and published the _Woman's
Tribune_. Mrs. Mary S. Lockwood for a number of years has edited the
_American Magazine_, the official organ of the National Society
Daughters of the American Revolution. Mrs. Belva A. Lockwood is
associate editor of _The Peacemaker_.

Dr. Anita Newcombe McGee was the first woman in the United States
commissioned as surgeon, with the rank of lieutenant and the privilege
of wearing shoulder straps. She examined most of the women nurses who
volunteered their services in Cuba and the Philippines.

All of the women mentioned above are members of the suffrage
association, and those engaged in public work of all kinds are, almost
without exception, advocates of woman suffrage.

During the Spanish-American War the women of the District, including
the Daughters of the American Revolution, the Woman's Christian
Temperance Union and the District Federation of Women's Clubs, united
in their services. Pleasant headquarters were opened in different
localities. Mrs. Judith Ellen Foster, Mrs. James B. Tanner and many
other loyal Red Cross women answered the call of Clara Barton, and
assisted daily through the long, hot summer of 1898 in contributing to
the comfort of the soldiers when passing through Washington or while
stationed at Camp Alger; and also in sending supplies for the comfort
of those at the front. There were no castes, creeds or factions in
this great work of patriotism.

FOOTNOTES:

[212] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Florence Adele
Chase, for a number of years on the editorial staff of a daily paper
at Grand Rapids, Mich., now on the editorial force in the Division of
Publications of the Agricultural Department at Washington, the only
woman who has held the position.

[213] The presidents since 1884 have been Mrs. Ruth G. Denison, Dr.
Susan A. Edson, Mrs. Ella M. S. Marble, Mrs. Mary L. Bennett, Mrs.
Mary Powell Davis, Mrs. Ellen Powell Thompson, Miss Cora La Matyr
Thomas and Mrs. Helen Rand Tindall.

On March 18, 1901, the association was incorporated by Clara W.
MacNaughton, Mary L. Talbott, Ellen Powell Thompson, Helen Rand
Tindall, Clara Bewick Colby, Kate W. Burt, Sara A. Haslett, Caroline
E. Kent and Belva A. Lockwood, "to secure for women citizens of the
United States the full rights of citizenship; to build a clubhouse for
women; and to collect funds for appropriate memorials to the memory of
women who have performed meritorious work for the enfranchisement of
women and the good of humanity."

[214] The Junior Equal Suffrage Club is probably the first
organization of young people to become affiliated with the National
Association. It was founded Jan. 24, 1895, by three girls in the
Central High School, Anna Kemball, Alice Stearns and Edith Maddren.
Young men comprise about one-third of its membership and join in its
proceedings and discussions.

[215] Not including 71 officers of the U. S. Army on duty at the War
Department.

[216] Not including 37 officers U. S. Navy and 4 officers U. S. Marine
Corps on duty at Navy Department.

[217] In 1901 women graduates were admitted as special students to
lecture courses in the graduate department, known as the National
School of Jurisprudence and Diplomacy, by a special vote of the
trustees in each case, but no general rule has been made.

[218] The Senate committee included Senators Allison, Cullom, Gorman,
Quay and Cockrell. When Mrs. Mussey appeared before them to ask for a
new appropriation, after the trial had proved a success, she stated
that she was about to ask something for that which is the most
precious to every woman's heart--a little child. The Senators at once
declared that a little child was also the dearest thing on earth to a
man's heart, and unanimously recommended the appropriation.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

FLORIDA.[219]

The brief history of work in Florida for the enfranchisement of women
gathers about the name of Mrs. Ella C. Chamberlain. She returned to
her home in Tampa from attendance on the Woman's Inter-State
Conference at Des Moines in the autumn of 1892, and secured space for
a suffrage department in the principal paper of that city. In January,
1893, she presented the question so forcibly at a social gathering, as
a woman taxpayer, that a gentleman suggested forming a society and
twenty members were secured, eight of them men. Mrs. Chamberlain was
made president; O. G. Sexton, secretary; Miss Stowell, treasurer.

In 1894 the president addressed the Carpenters' Union twice, and
considerable literature was distributed. In December the suffragists
of Tampa, aided by those of Melrose, held a bazar which netted $125.

In January, 1895, a State convention was held in Tampa and the
following officers were elected: President, Mrs. Chamberlain;
vice-presidents, Mesdames E. W. King, Emma Tebbitts, Jessie M.
Bartlett; secretary, Miss Nellie Glenn; treasurer, J. L. Cae. During
the year Mrs. Chamberlain gave addresses at the De Funiak Springs
Assembly, the Adventists' Campmeeting and in various towns. The
society paid dues to the National Association until 1897, when the
president removed from the State, no one came forward to take the
leadership and the movement has since languished.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: Until 1901 the women never had a bill
before the Legislature, although the W. C. T. U. aided greatly in
securing the State Reform School. Its influence also was strongly used
against a Dispensary Bill.

Some men and many women had long felt that the law placing the "age of
consent" for girls at 10 years was a disgrace to the State. In 1887 W.
B. Lamar (now Attorney-General) presented a bill raising it to 17
years, but this was defeated.

Florida makes a distinction between "age of consent" and "age of
protection." Up to 10 years the crime is rape and the penalty is death
or imprisonment for life. The law "protects" girls until 16 to the
extent of a penalty of imprisonment not more than one year or a fine
not exceeding $500, with no minimum fixed. Several attempts were made
by the W. C. T. U. to have both ages changed to 18 years, but bills
for this purpose always were laid on the table.

In 1901 this organization, under the leadership of Mrs. C. S.
Burnett-Haney, its superintendent of purity, began a thorough and
systematic canvass of the State to secure such a petition for raising
the age as it would be impossible for the Legislature to ignore. For
this 15,000 signatures of representative men and women were obtained,
besides the official indorsement of U. S. Senators Stephen R. Mallory
and James P. Taliaferro, Congressmen S. M. Sparkman and Robert W.
Davis, four Judges of the Circuit Court, with many other Judges,
attorneys and city officers; also those of Presidents W. F. Yocum of
the State Agricultural College, G. M. Ward of Rollins College, John F.
Forbes of Stetson University, the State Superintendent of Public
Instruction and over 100 other leading educators. The petition
received also the unanimous indorsement of the State Press Association
and the State Medical Association, and the signatures of 100
physicians, including every member of the State Medical Board.

In the hope of at least a measure of success two bills were
introduced, one raising the "age of consent" from 10 to 14 years, and,
as it had been found practically impossible to secure a conviction
under the existing penalty, to reduce this to a term of imprisonment.
This bill was presented and championed in the House by R. H. Burr, the
age was raised to 16 years and the bill passed unanimously, May 17. In
the Senate it was indefinitely postponed.

The second bill asked that the "age of protection" be raised from 16
to 18 years, and that the penalty be increased to imprisonment from
one to twenty years or a fine of from $500 to $2,000. This bill also
was advocated by Mr. Burr and passed the House May 17, but with no
minimum penalty. The vote stood 26 ayes, 20 noes.

In the Senate every possible means was adopted to prevent this bill
from reaching a vote, and it was only by the determined efforts of E.
N. Dimick, and all the influence which the W. C. T. U. could bring to
bear, that it finally was passed the last day of the session, May 31,
with but two dissenting votes, although a number of senators absented
themselves. It was signed the same day by Gov. William S. Jennings.

Thus as the result of all this great canvass, the expenditure of much
time and money and the assistance of the best elements in the
community, a child of 10 years may still consent to her own ruin in
Florida, and the age at which the law will give any protection
whatever was raised only two years. The penalty which may be inflicted
was increased, but by the refusal to fix a minimum of fine or
imprisonment there is but a slight improvement over the original
status.

If over 16 each of the parties may be punished by imprisonment not
exceeding three months or a fine not exceeding $30.

All property of the wife, real or personal, owned by her before
marriage or lawfully acquired afterward, by gift, bequest or purchase,
is her separate estate and is not liable for the debts of the husband
without her written consent in legal form. It remains, however, under
his care and management, but he can not charge for these, nor can she
compel him to account for its rents, proceeds or profits.

The wife can not transfer her real or personal property without the
husband's joinder. If he has been insane one year she can convey or
transfer without his signature. Any married woman who may wish to take
charge of her estate, and become a free dealer in every respect, must
apply to the court for a license. Since 1891 a married woman's
earnings acquired by any employment aside from the household are her
separate property.

Dower but not curtesy prevails. The widow has the life use of
one-third of the real estate and, if there are no children or but one
child, she has one-half the personal estate absolutely; if more than
one, she has one-third. If there are no children and no will she takes
the whole estate, real and personal. If the wife die without a will,
and the husband but no descendants survive her, the whole of her
estate goes to him; but if there are children or their descendants,
the estate, both real and personal, descends in distribution to them.
The homestead, to the extent of 160 acres of land in the country or a
half-acre in town, is exempt from seizure for debt.

A married woman may dispose of her property, both real and personal,
by last will and testament in the same manner as if she were
unmarried.

The father has legal control of the persons, education and property of
the children, and he alone may appoint a guardian by will, during any
part of infancy.

The husband is required by law to support his family and, on his
failure to do so, the court may make such orders as are necessary. If
living separate from him, the wife may sue for alimony without divorce
if legal cause exist.

SUFFRAGE: Women possess no form of suffrage.

OFFICE HOLDING: Women are not eligible to any office, elective or
appointive, except that they may serve as notaries public.

OCCUPATIONS: Women have been admitted to the practice of law in a few
judicial circuits, but none have been admitted into the medical
profession. No other occupation is legally forbidden.

EDUCATION: All of the institutions of learning are open alike to both
sexes.

In the public schools there are 1,121 men and 1,671 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $35; of the women, $32.40.

FOOTNOTES:

[219] The History is indebted to Mrs. C. S. Burnett-Haney of Stuart,
superintendent of purity for the State Woman's Christian Temperance
Union, for much of the information in this chapter.

CHAPTER XXXV.

GEORGIA.[220]

The first woman suffrage association of Georgia was organized in July,
1890, by Miss H. Augusta Howard and her sister, Miss Claudia Hope
Howard (Maxwell). For some time the membership was composed only of
these two, their mother, Mrs. Anne Jane Lindsay Howard, and other
relatives, all residents of Columbus. Mr. and Mrs. D. M. Allen of
Douglasville were the first outside the Howard family to encourage and
support the infant organization. In 1892 Mrs. Kate Mallette Hardwick
and Mrs. Mary L. McLendon became members, and served for several years
as auditor and vice-president.

The Atlanta association was organized in the Marietta Street M. E.
Church, March 21, 1894, by Mrs. McLendon and Mrs. Margaret Chandler;
perfected in the Unitarian Church on March 28, and begun with a
membership of forty men and women.

In the latter part of 1895, Miss Howard and Mrs. Maxwell, who had
served continuously as president, secretary and treasurer of the State
association, resigned their offices; and Mrs. Frances Cater Swift was
elected president; Mrs. U. O. Robertson, secretary; Miss Adelaide
Wilson, treasurer.

In 1896 Mrs. McLendon was made president; Mrs. S. L. Ober Allen and
Mrs. Ala Holmes Cheney, vice-presidents; Dr. L. D. Morse,
corresponding secretary; Mrs. Gertrude C. Thomas, recording secretary;
Miss Sarah A. Gresham, treasurer.

The annual convention of the National Association, which was held in
the opera house in Atlanta the first week of February, 1895, gave a
new impetus to the movement in Georgia.[221] Men and women throughout
the State felt its widespreading influence. Many ancient Southern
prejudices received a death-blow when those who harbored them saw what
manner of women had espoused this hitherto unpopular cause.[222]

All the Atlanta papers extended a cordial greeting to the convention
and devoted columns of space to biographical sketches, reports of
meetings, etc., but the _Sunny South_, edited by Col. Henry Clay
Fairman, was the only one which editorially indorsed the suffrage
movement. The business manager of the Atlanta _Constitution_, William
A. Hemphill, and his wife, tendered a large reception to the members
of the convention.

F. H. Richardson, editor of the Atlanta _Journal_, the largest evening
paper in the State, was converted to a belief in woman suffrage at
this time, and is now an honorary member of the organization. As a
part of his work, he has made an earnest and long-continued effort to
have women placed on the school board.[223]

The Woman's Board of the Cotton States and International Exposition,
soon to be held in Atlanta, were so impressed by the _personnel_ of
this convention that an official invitation was extended for them to
hold a Suffrage Day on Oct. 17, 1895, in the Woman's Congress Assembly
Hall. This was accepted by Miss Anthony on behalf of the National
Association, and under the guiding hand of Mrs. Rachel Foster Avery,
its corresponding secretary, Suffrage Day was one of the very best of
the many days celebrated during the Woman's Congress. The State
association also fitted up a booth in the Liberal Arts Building and
large quantities of literature were distributed by Mrs. H. M. Tripp,
who kindly took charge.

The first State convention was held in Atlanta, Nov. 28, 29, 1899. The
following resolution, offered in the Legislature by Representative
Martin V. Calvin, was adopted: "The use of the Hall of the House of
Representatives is hereby granted to Mrs. Virginia D. Young of South
Carolina, Miss Frances A. Griffin of Alabama, and Mrs. Isabella Webb
Parks of Georgia, on the 28th inst., for the purpose of delivering
lectures on the scope of the elective franchise."[224]

The first evening session was held in the State capitol. Mrs.
McLendon, the president, called the meeting to order. The address of
welcome for Georgia was made by Mrs. Thomas; for Atlanta, by its
president, Mrs. Swift; Miss Gresham responded to both. Mrs. Young,
Miss Griffin, Mrs. Maxwell and Mrs. Parks delivered addresses to a
large and interested audience.[225]

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: In 1888 the Hon. Augustus Dupont applied
to the Legislature for a city charter for the town of Dupont, and
sought to secure suffrage to all persons, male or female, owning
property in the corporation, but failed.

In 1895 the Atlanta association presented two bills to the
Legislature--one to raise the "age of protection" for girls from 10 to
18 years; the other, drawn by Charles A. Reid, a member of the society
and an able lawyer, to take the necessary measures for granting equal
legal and political rights to women. Neither was reported from the
committees.

In 1897 Representative Martin V. Calvin introduced a bill to make a
woman eligible to serve on the staff of physicians at the State insane
asylum, but it failed to pass.

In 1898 an effort was made to secure a bill providing police matrons
in every city of 10,000 or more inhabitants, and one to exempt the
property of women from taxation until they should be permitted to
vote. Both failed.

Miss Frances A. Griffin appeared for the Georgia W. S. A. at the
convention of the State Federation of Labor, held in Augusta in April,
1900, and in response to her address it called on its members to
demand a change in the United States Constitution which should secure
the legal and political equality of women. A strong suffrage plank was
added to the platform of the federation, and Miss Griffin was invited
by it to address the Legislature in the interest of the Child Labor
Bill, which it had championed so unsuccessfully for a number of years.

One result of the State suffrage convention held in Atlanta in 1899,
was that the following petitions were ordered to be circulated and
returned for presentation to the legislative committees in the fall of
1900:

1. That the University of Georgia be opened to women.

2. That women be members of the boards of education.

3. That women physicians be placed on the staff of the State
insane asylum.

4. That women be made eligible to the office of president of the
State Normal and Industrial College for Girls.

5. That the "age of protection" for girls be raised from 10 to 18
years.

6. That girls of eighteen be permitted to enter the textile
department of the State Technological School.

Four bills were considered by the Legislature of 1900 in which the
women of the State were deeply interested. All failed, and many of
them now see that Legislatures, like juries, should be composed of an
equal number of men and women to secure exact justice for both.

The Child Labor Bills, introduced by Representative Seaborn Wright and
C. C. Houston, to prevent the employment in factories of children
under ten and under twelve years of age were defeated by a vote of
more than three to one.

The Textile Bill was read twice in the House but failed to secure a
third reading. Lyman Hall, president of the school, was in favor of
the bill.

The Age of Protection Bill, introduced by Representative C. S. Reid,
was very quietly handled. Only one paper (the Atlanta _Daily News_)
informed the public that it would be made the special order for
November 15. It was defeated by 71 ayes, 77 noes. At the request of
women Mr. Reid moved that it be reconsidered November 16, which
resulted in its being voted down by a larger majority than the day
before. Mr. Reid thought it well that his bill was defeated, since it
only asked that the "age of protection" be raised from 10 to 12 years.

The suffragists asked that it be raised from 10 to 18, and the Woman's
Christian Temperance Union from 10 to 21. Many petitions had been sent
to previous Legislatures by both these organizations, but this was the
first time a bill had been presented and carried to a vote.

The bill to admit women to the State University was not considered by
the Legislature of 1900.[226]

The State W. C. T. U. has been laboring to secure the passage of a law
for scientific temperance instruction in the public schools since
1890, when Mrs. Mary H. Hunt of Massachusetts, who was the first woman
to speak in the capitol building, addressed the Legislature. The bill
passed both Houses in 1894, but was vetoed by Gov. William J. Northen
because no provision had been made to require teachers to stand an
examination on the subject.[227]

Since 1857, when the law which gave a husband the right to whip his
wife was amended, there have been some favorable changes. In 1866 a
law was enacted allowing a married woman to own property, but not
including any wages she might earn.

In 1891, when a married woman was suing for personal injury in a
railroad accident, Chief Justice Logan E. Bleckley decided that the
amount of a wife's recovery for physical damages "is not to be
measured by pecuniary earnings, for such earnings as a general rule
belong to the husband and the right of action for this loss is in
him." In 1892 Judge Thomas J. Simmons rendered practically the same
decision, and in 1893 ruled again: "Inasmuch as the earnings of the
wife belong to her husband, her individual and personal damages can be
measured only by the consciences of an impartial jury."

In November, 1895, when William H. Flemming (now a member of Congress)
was Speaker of the House of Representatives, he offered a bill which,
as he said, "was to complete the good work begun with the Married
Woman's Property Act of 1866, by making a wife's labor as well as her
acquired property her own." It passed the House by 98 ayes, 29 noes,
but was killed in the Senate.

As the law now stands a married woman in Georgia can control her
earnings only if a sole trader with her husband's consent by notice
published in the papers for one month, or if living separate from him.

Dower obtains but not curtesy. If a husband die intestate, leaving a
wife and issue, the wife may elect to take dower--a life interest in
one-third of the real estate--or she may take a child's share of the
whole estate absolutely, unless the shares exceed five in number, when
she may have one-fifth.

The father is legally entitled to the custody and control of the
children, and at his death may appoint a guardian to the exclusion of
the mother. The husband must furnish necessities for the family
suitable to their station in life.

The "age of protection" for girls still remains 10 years, with a
penalty of death, or if recommended to mercy by the jury, imprisonment
in the penitentiary at hard labor not less than one nor more than
twenty years.

SUFFRAGE: Women have no form of suffrage.

OFFICE HOLDING: In December, 1884, Representative Martin V. Calvin
introduced and carried through the Legislature, under most unfavorable
pressure, a bill to render women eligible to employment in the State
House. Besides the large number engaged in manual labor, a woman is
now postmaster of the House of Representatives, and many others are
employed as stenographers, typewriters and engrossing clerks, the
Governor himself having a woman stenographer.

In 1896 Representative J. E. Mosley succeeded in having an ancient law
amended, by which women were made eligible to the position of State
librarian; but none has been appointed, although one is now assistant.

In the opinion of State School Commissioner G. R. Glenn, women are
eligible to sit on School Boards, but none ever has done so. Within
the past two years the Board of Education in Atlanta has appointed a
Board of Women Visitors to the public schools, but they can exercise
no authority. Lately they have been permitted to be present at the
meetings of the board as listeners but they can have no voice.

In July, 1895, a committee, Mrs. F. S. Whiteside, chairman, appeared
before the city council of Atlanta with a petition asking for a police
matron, signed by more than 1,000 well-known citizens. On the same day
a committee of the W. C. T. U., Mrs. McLendon, chairman, presented a
similar petition from temperance people.[228] The matter was referred
to the police committee, who "laid it on the table" and it never was
heard from afterward.

In 1897 a woman was employed by the Ladies' Society of the First M. E.
Church South to stay at police barracks and serve as matron. In May,
1898, she was engaged by the city at a salary of $20 per month, but
was dismissed without warning in June of the same year. The different
organizations of women protested so vigorously that the position of
police matron was created by the city council with a salary of $40 per
month, but no matron has been appointed up to date.[229]

Women can not serve as notaries public.

OCCUPATIONS: Women may practice medicine, but are forbidden by statute
to practice law.

EDUCATION: The Legislature of 1889 established the State Normal and
Industrial College for Girls (white) at Athens, largely through the
efforts of women. The Hon. W. Y. Atkinson, afterward Governor,
championed the bill. No woman is eligible to serve as president of
this college. A board of Women Visitors was appointed by Governor
Atkinson.

Considerable effort has been made by the Georgia Federation of Woman's
Clubs to have the doors of the State University opened to women. At
present they are permitted to enter certain departments of the branch
colleges in different parts of the State, but not to enter the
University itself upon any terms, being thus deprived of the highest
educational facilities.

The State Normal School and the North Georgia Agricultural College
(both white), the Georgia State Industrial College (colored) and the
Atlanta University (white and colored) are co-educational.

In the public schools there are 4,168 men and 4,811 women teachers. It
is impossible to obtain the average monthly salaries, but those of
women are estimated to be two-thirds of those paid to men.

FOOTNOTES:

[220] The History is indebted for the material for this chapter to
Mrs. Mary L. McLendon, of Atlanta, honorary president of the State
Woman Suffrage Association.

[221] See Chap. XV.

[222] The State association never should cease to be grateful to "the
Howard girls," (Augusta, Claudia and Mrs. Miriam Howard Du Bose), as
the national officers called them, who brought this grand object
lesson to Georgia to give Southern women the advantages which they
themselves had enjoyed the previous year in Washington, D. C. They
refused all proffered aid and themselves paid the expenses, which
amounted to $600, declaring that it was only right for them to do so,
since they had consulted no one when they gave the invitation at
Washington but had taken the full responsibility.

[223] William C. Sibley, Will N. Harben, G. Gunby Jordan, Walter H.
Johnson, J. Colton Lynes, Charles Hubner, Lucian Knight, editor of the
_Constitution_, and Walter B. Hill, chancellor of the State
University, all have declared in favor of woman suffrage. Mrs. Julia
I. Patten, editor of the _Saturday Review_, is a member of the Atlanta
association and her paper is its official organ.

Among others who have stood by a cause which it requires courage to
advocate in this State are J. H. and Mrs. Addie D. Hale, W. T. Cheney,
S. M. White and William Forsyth; Mesdames Harriet Winchell, A. H.
Ames, Mary Brent Reid, Harry Dewar, Nettie C. Hall, Francis Bellamy,
A. G. Helmer, Sara Strahan, M. T. Wynne, Sarah McDonald Sheridan,
Patrick H. Moore, E. A. Latimer, E. A. Corrigan, Charles Behre and Dr.
Schuman; Misses Mary Lamar Jackson, editor of the woman's department
in the Atlanta _Journal_, E. Williams, Willette Allen and Sarah
Freeman Clarke, sister of James Freeman Clarke, of Boston.

[224] This certainly proved that woman suffrage had gained at least in
respectful consideration among politicians since February, 1895. At
that time Gov. W. Y. Atkinson refused the use of the same hall for the
great National Association to hold a mass meeting on the last day of
its visit to Atlanta. He declared it would be unconstitutional to
allow women to use it, although white and negro men had been permitted
to do so for many and varied purposes. The Hon. Charles A. Collier, a
county commissioner, granted the basement of the courthouse for this
meeting, which was a marked success, though held underground. Speeches
were made by Miss Susan B. Anthony, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, Mrs.
Elizabeth Lyle Saxon, Mrs. Josephine K. Henry and others.

[225] Officers elected: President, Mrs. Gertrude C. Thomas;
vice-presidents, Mrs. S. L. Ober Allen, Miss Sarah A. Gresham;
corresponding secretary, Mrs. Alice Daniel; recording secretary, Mrs.
Claudia Howard Maxwell; treasurer, Mrs. E. O. Archer; auditor, D. M.
Allen. Mrs. McLendon, who had been in office since 1892, refused to
serve longer and was made honorary president.

[226] A bill presented by Thomas J. Chappelle in 1901 to make the
University co-educational was defeated in the Senate and not
considered in the House. Virginia and Louisiana are the only other
States which exclude women, although North Carolina admits them only
to its post-graduate department.

[227] A bill providing for the teaching of the effects of alcoholic
drinks and other narcotics upon the system, requiring all teachers to
stand an examination on this subject, and affixing a penalty for the
failure of any board of education to enforce the law, passed the
Legislature of 1901--Senate, 23 ayes, 7 nays; House, 106 ayes, 28
nays. It was signed by Gov. Allan C. Candler, December 17.

This law is now in effect in every State, Georgia being the last to
adopt it.

[228] The Atlanta South Side W. C. T. U. is the only one in the State
to adopt the franchise department. Mrs. Isabella Webb Parks, one of
the editors of the _Union Signal_ and also a member of the city
suffrage association, is its superintendent of franchise.

[229] In August, 1901, a police matron was at last appointed at a
salary of $30 per month. In December one of the police commissioners
stated that she was invaluable and he did not see how they ever had
managed to get on without a matron.

CHAPTER XXXVI.

IDAHO.[230]

Idaho was admitted into the Union as a State in 1890. Previous to this
time there had been practically no work done for woman suffrage in the
Territory except that of Mrs. Abigail Scott Duniway of Oregon. Between
1876 and 1895 she gave 140 public lectures, at the same time securing
subscribers to her paper, the _New Northwest_, devoted to the
interests of women, and distributing literature. She traveled 12,000
miles by river, rail, stage and buckboard and canvassed many a mile on
foot.

In 1887 Mrs. Duniway addressed the Territorial Legislature in behalf
of a bill to enfranchise women. In 1889 she appealed to the
constitutional convention at Boise to adopt a woman suffrage clause.
Judge William H. Claggett, the president, and a majority of the
members favored it, but yielded to the fears of the minority that it
would endanger the acceptance of the constitution by the voters.

Judge Milton Kelly, founder and for many years editor of the Boise
_Daily Statesman_, was one of the early advocates of the rights of
women, as also was his wife, who was, indeed, the pioneer suffragist
of Idaho. Mrs. Rebecca Mitchell, president of the State Woman's
Christian Temperance Union, was another early laborer. At her request
Louis E. Workman introduced a bill into the House of the Legislature
of 1893, asking for a constitutional amendment conferring suffrage on
women, and it was defeated by only two votes.

In a little country schoolhouse, May 16, 1893, at Hagerman, Lincoln
County, the first suffrage society was formed. The teacher, Mrs.
Elizabeth Ingram, was president and prime mover, and its members were
scattered over a territory of ten miles.

Up to this time, there had not been any organized effort in the State
to secure the ballot for women, although there was a pronounced
sentiment in its favor. The real campaign began at the time of the
assembling of the Republican State Convention in 1894. At a conference
of a few friends of the measure a resolution was prepared for
presentation, pledging the party to submit the question of equal
suffrage to a vote. The plank was introduced and championed by the
Hon. W. E. Borah. Mrs. J. Ellen Foster of Washington, D. C., addressed
the convention, and the Hon. Edgar Wilson urged the adoption of the
resolution, which was done with little or no opposition.

The Populist State Convention passed a similar resolution, but it was
not adopted by the Democratic.

As a result of the election the Republicans were placed in
overwhelming control of the Legislature, and the desired joint
resolution submitting the question to a vote was passed unanimously in
the Senate on January 11, and by 33 yeas, 2 nays in the House on Jan.
17, 1895.

The campaign for woman suffrage was spirited and effective. In the
early part of the year Mrs. Duniway came to Boise and held a meeting.
A temporary organization was formed at that time, but for sufficient
reasons nothing was done to start the work until some months later.

In the summer the National Association sent Mrs. Emma Smith DeVoe of
Illinois to assist in organizing the State. She lectured through June
and July and formed many clubs, often making her own appointments and
overcoming the most discouraging obstacles.

A State convention was held in Boise Nov. 20, 1895, at which officers
were elected as follows: President, Mrs. J. H. Richards;
vice-president, Mrs. W. W. Woods; secretary, Mrs. Eunice Pond Athey;
treasurer, Mrs. Leah Burnside; advisory board, Mrs. Kate E. N.
Feltham, Mrs. M. J. Whitman, Miss Annette Bowman. A telegram was
received from Miss Susan B. Anthony, saying: "Educate the rank and
file of voters through political party newspapers and meetings."

To the advisory board were added William Balderston,[231] D. L.
Badley and James A. McGee. The last having been made chairman of the
Democratic State Central Committee was able to be of much assistance
to the suffragists.

Mrs. Laura M. Johns of Kansas came into the State in May, 1896, in
time to attend a meeting of the advisory board at Nampa and to render
invaluable help. By order of the board a convention was called in
Boise, July 1-3, at which Mrs. Johns was present. The officers elected
were: President, Mrs. Whitman; vice-presidents, Mrs. Feltham, Mrs.
Helen Young, Idaho's only woman attorney, Mrs. D. L. Badley;
secretary, Mrs. Athey; treasurer, Mrs. I. Herron; press committee,
Mrs. Kate Green, Mrs. Young, Mrs. Minnie Priest Dunton. Thus
organized, the association conducted the final campaign.

The president authorized the secretary to send a circular letter to
all clubs urging them to commence in the precinct primaries the work
of securing suffrage planks in the platforms of the several political
parties. Wherever possible delegates were elected pledged to support
the amendment.

Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the national organizing
committee, came to Boise August 14. On the 18th and 25th she lectured
to crowded houses there and captured her audiences. She addressed the
committees on resolutions of the different party State conventions,
and, with the aid of Mrs. Johns, Major and Mrs. W. W. Woods and other
effective workers, secured a plank favoring the amendment in each of
the four platforms--Republican, Democratic, Populist and Silver
Republican. Her coming was opportune and her work most valuable. The
indorsement by the Democratic convention was a great achievement, and
the fact that the planks had been inserted in all the political
platforms was a strong point later on in the case before the Supreme
Court.[232]

After the conventions Mrs. Johns returned home, and Mrs. Chapman Catt
went to aid the California campaign, speaking several times in Idaho
_en route_.

Mrs. Mary C. C. Bradford of Colorado came in September. For six weeks
she traveled over sandhills, mountains, valleys and sage plains,
visiting points not reached by other workers. She organized fourteen
new clubs and made many converts. Mrs. Helen D. Harford of Oregon
lectured at several places on her way to the St. Louis W. C. T. U.
convention. Many campaign speakers of all political parties called the
attention of the voters to the amendment, and some gave a large
portion of their time to the cause. This proved of great benefit,
reaching voters who would not attend a suffrage meeting.

Headquarters were opened at Boise August 1. As three of the counties
had no organizations whatever, it was found necessary to reach the
precincts in these, as well as in some others, by correspondence; but
by November 3 there were few without at least one active worker. Mrs.
Whitman came to Boise October 1, and labored zealously until the
election. Previous to her coming Miss Frances Wood had ably assisted
the secretary at headquarters.

The press was carefully looked after during the last three months of
the campaign, and out of sixty-five papers only three were openly
opposed. Seven thousand copies of the resolutions passed at the
suffrage convention in July were sent out; also literature presented
by the Utah association, 100 copies of the _Woman's Tribune_ and 3,000
leaflets from Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby, and 9,000 tracts purchased of
the National Association.[233]

A strong factor in the campaign was the large colony in the Southern
part of the State who were residents of Utah when women voted there
and who believed in their enfranchisement. Mrs. Emily S. Richards of
Utah did effective work among them.

The amendment was voted upon at the general election of November,
1896. The association had had 50,000 dodgers printed, "Vote for the
woman suffrage amendment." These were sent to every precinct in the
State and given to voters on election day as a reminder. On that day
the local clubs did heroic work. It would be impossible to describe in
detail the final effort made by the women. Mrs. R. H. Leonard, Sr., of
Silver City, and her co-workers stood all day, ankle-deep in snow,
distributing the slips and urging the voters to cast their ballots in
favor of the amendment. At many points refreshments were served as
near the polls as permissible under the law.

When the results of the election were officially announced it was
found that there were 12,126 votes in favor of the amendment and 6,282
against it--a majority of 5,844.

A question arose, however, whether this was such a majority as is
contemplated by the constitution, the number of electors voting on the
amendment not being as great as the largest number voting on the
candidates. The constitution provides that "if a majority of the
electors shall ratify the same, such amendment or amendments shall
become a part of this constitution." It was held by the opponents that
it would require a majority of all the electors to ratify it, and the
matter was taken at once to the Supreme Court. Attorneys J. H. Hawley,
W. E. Borah and M. W. Tate gave their services gratuitously to
prosecute the case. Judge J. H. Richards also rendered valuable
assistance.

After a few weeks of anxious waiting, this tribunal, consisting of
Judges Isaac N. Sullivan, Joseph W. Huston and John T. Morgan,
rendered a unanimous decision that a _majority of those voting on the
question_ was sufficient to carry it. And thus the women of Idaho were
enfranchised!

The total expenses of this campaign were less than $2,500.

The city election of Boise, in July, 1897, was the first after the
adoption of equal suffrage, and the woman vote was a most important
factor. The issue was that of public improvements. On this the
majority of women took sides in favor of progress, although the
_personnel_ of the tickets was such that it was thought they would
generally vote the other way; and to them belongs the credit of the
victory.

The first State election under equal suffrage was in 1898, and there
was very general participation by women. In all the counties their
clubs did effective work and exercised a good influence. The election
was noticeable for its order and the absence of anything like the
scenes at the polls so common in former times. About 40 per cent. of
the vote was cast by women. One of them, Mrs. B. T. Jeffers, rode
sixty miles on horseback to her old home in order to vote.

Three women were elected members of the Legislature, Mrs. Clara
Campbell, Republican; Mrs. Hattie Noble, Democrat; Mrs. Mary Allen
Wright, Populist. Mrs. Wright was chairman of the House Committee of
the Whole during one entire afternoon, and ruled with a firm but
impartial hand.

Four women were elected county treasurers, and these have given entire
satisfaction. One of them has been renominated by her party. Miss
Permeal French was elected State superintendent of public instruction
and re-elected in 1900.[234] Fifteen women were chosen county
superintendents.

In nearly all the counties women are found holding responsible
appointments. Three have been made deputy sheriffs. Since equal
suffrage was adopted women have been placed on the Board of Regents of
the State University for the first time.

Gov. Frank Steunenberg said in 1900:

In a general sense there can be no doubt that the participation
of women in our public affairs has had a most elevating
influence. All parties see the necessity of nominating the best
individuals. The natural aim of women is toward the highest good
of the community, and the best social conditions. Instead of
seeking extremes of reform, as had been predicted, they are
interested in stable and conservative administration, for the
benefit of the homes and the children, and they avoid radical and
excessive reforms. In short, the objections which in theory have
been urged against woman's participation in public affairs have
been overcome by the actual application of the system in Idaho.

The suggestion may be made that this activity of women in public
affairs has operated to draw them away from their homes and from
the usual domestic avocations, a suggestion which our experience
amply disproves. In Idaho women are to-day the same loving wives,
kind mothers and capable home-managers that they always have
been. Nor has there been the least belittling of the sex in the
eyes of the men, nor any falling off in that tenderness and
respect which men universally accord to women. There is not the
slightest interruption of family ties. Whether husband and wife
vote together or oppositely excites no interest and no animosity,
although naturally families are apt to have the same party
affiliations. The system has not operated to take women from
their homes, nor has it tended to make them in any way
masculine.[235]

In the presidential election of 1900 women showed the liveliest
interest. The universal testimony was that never in the history of the
State had there been such order about the polling-places. Four-fifths
of the ballots were cast by 1 o'clock. The women did as effective work
as the men in getting out the voters.

The total population of Idaho is 161,762, and is composed, in round
numbers, of 58 per cent. of males and 42 per cent. of females. The
total vote of the men was 55,096; of the women, 19,660. In the
counties representing the agricultural, manufacturing and general
business of the State the women's vote averaged 41 per cent. of the
total ballot. In the counties devoted exclusively to mining, where
there are very few women, they cast only 24 per cent. This brought the
average of the women's vote in the entire State down to 35-1/2 per
cent. of the total.

In Boise 1,982 men and 1,561 women registered; total, 3,543. The vote
cast was 3,281. Allowing for the usual failures on the part of the
men, these figures show that over 40 per cent. of the vote of this
city must have been cast by women.[236]

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: The placing of the ballot in the hands of
women has had the effect of bringing about two changes of the highest
importance. The session of the Legislature held immediately after the
adoption of the suffrage amendment passed an act prohibiting gambling.
Prior to that time it had been licensed in the State, and its
establishments were openly conducted in practically all communities.
Against this evil the sentiment of the women was solidly arrayed, and
it could not be ignored. Before they voted, a bill altering the law
would have been ignominiously pigeon-holed, but the ballot in their
hands wrought a change under which a measure abolishing gambling was
enacted. This was found defective, and gambling continued until the
next legislative session. The gambling interests organized a lobby to
prevent the enactment of a valid law against their business, but they
failed, the law was passed, and gambling has since been suppressed in
nearly all communities. The sentiment which obtained the law secures
its enforcement--men do not dare run counter to the wishes of women,
when the latter have in their hands the power to make or unmake
politicians.

The present session of the Legislature (1900) passed a bill exempting
women from jury service. Gov. Frank W. Hunt returned it with his veto,
in which he said that this was in response to the protests of the
women themselves, who objected to being deprived of this right. There
was some talk in the Legislature of passing it over his veto, but this
was finally abandoned. The women took the ground that while the
ostensible object was to relieve them of an onerous duty, the real one
was to protect the gamblers and other law-breakers to whom women
jurors show no favor.

It is to be regretted that Governor Hunt could not have been
influenced by the protests of women on another point. The law of Idaho
provides that while a wife may hold property in her own name, the
husband shall have control of it. The present Legislature passed an
act giving married women control of their separate property. This was
vetoed by the Governor, who said:

Our statutes as they now exist provide complete adjustment of the
property relations between man and wife, placing them upon equal
terms, excepting that the husband has the management and control
of his wife's property during marriage, unless it should be taken
from him on complaint of the wife for causes set forth in Sec.
2,499.

As the law stands the wife can secure control over her own property
only by going into court, showing that her husband is mismanaging it,
and obtaining a decree taking it away from him.

The law regarding the inheritance of the separate estates is the same
for husband and wife, but not so of the community. Upon the death of
the wife the entire community property belongs to the husband without
administration. Upon the death of the husband one-half the community
property belongs to the wife; the other half is subject to his
testamentary disposition, or in the absence of that goes to his
descendants in equal shares. If he leave neither will nor descendants,
it goes to the wife.

The earnings of the wife belong to the husband unless she is living
separate from him.

No provision is made compelling the husband to support the wife, but
if he is infirm she must support him.

If the wife desire to engage in business she must apply to the court
for permission, showing the necessity for it; and every time she
wishes to remove to another place she must repeat this process.

The father is the legal guardian of the children. At his death the
mother, if suitable, is guardian while she remains unmarried.

The "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 14 years in
1893, and from 14 to 18 in 1895. The penalty is imprisonment in the
penitentiary for not less than five years, and this may be extended
for life.

SUFFRAGE: Women have complete suffrage.

OFFICE HOLDING: Women are eligible to all offices. (See previous
pages.)

OCCUPATIONS: Naturally none are forbidden to women.

EDUCATION: The State University and all other educational institutions
are open to both sexes.

In the public schools there are 344 men and 558 women teachers. The
average monthly salary of the men is $56.11; of the women, $44.83.

FOOTNOTES:

[230] The History is indebted for this chapter to William Balderston,
editor of the Boise _Daily Statesman_, and Mrs. Eunice Pond Athey,
secretary of the State Suffrage Association during the amendment
campaign of 1896, when women became enfranchised.

[231] It was through the influence of Mr. Balderston more than that of
any other one man that the suffrage amendment was passed by the
Legislature. His power politically was felt during all the campaign.
It was only his personal influence which secured for the measure the
help of the _Daily Statesman_ of Boise, which it was so necessary to
have. Through his persuasion the co-operation of the National Woman
Suffrage Association was invited. He was our principal adviser
throughout, and with money, voice and pen aided the cause in every
possible way. [Eunice Pond Athey.

[232] Republican: We favor the amendments to the constitution of this
State proposed by the late Republican Legislature, including equal
suffrage for men and women, and recommend their adoption.

Silver Republican: We favor the adoption of the proposed amendment to
the constitution of the State providing for the extension of the right
of suffrage to women.

People's Party: Believing in equal rights to all and special
privileges to none, we favor the adoption of the pending woman's
suffrage amendment to the constitution.

Democratic: We recommend to the favorable consideration of the voters
of the State the proposed constitutional amendment granting equal
suffrage, believing that the great question should receive the earnest
attention of every person as an important factor in the future welfare
of the State.

[233] Among those who aided this movement were Judge J. H. Richards,
the Hon. Fremont Wood, Ex-Secretary of State George J. Lewis, Judge C.
O. Stockslager, J. H. Hawley, U. S. Marshal Joseph Pinkham, Judge J.
H. Beatty, the Hon. J. A. McGee, the Hon. Joseph Perrault, the Hon.
Edgar Wilson, and their wives; also the wives of the Justices of the
Supreme Court; Mesdames Martha B. Keller, M. A. Wright and Mina J.
Mathew, and Miss Annette Bowman of the faculty of the State
University.

[234] Gov. Frank Steunenberg thus testified: "It is conceded by all
that Miss French is the best officer in that capacity the State ever
has had. The place she occupies is one of unusual importance with
us.... Of the three women in the Legislature it may also be said that
they made most acceptable public officers, serving with ability and
success."

[235] See Appendix--Testimony from Woman Suffrage States.

[236] Prof. L. F. Henderson of the State University says that equal
suffrage, even in the few years it has been in operation in Idaho, has
proved itself a thing so simple, so natural, so entirely free from any
objectionable features, that it is now generally accepted and looked
upon as a matter of course. It has already converted the majority of
the men who were opposed and, which is still more remarkable, has
converted also the majority of the women.

Mrs. Henderson says the intelligent women take more interest in
suffrage than the ignorant ones; that women have suffered no loss of
consideration or social influence, but are treated, if anything, with
more respect. The possession of the ballot has made them much more
intelligent about public questions, as it has stimulated the study of
these.

CHAPTER XXXVII.

ILLINOIS.[237]

The Illinois Equal Suffrage Association has had only four presidents
in the past sixteen years. Mrs. Elizabeth Boynton Harbert retired from
this office at the annual meeting of Sept. 25, 1884, and was succeeded
by Mrs. Mary E. Holmes, who served until the autumn of 1889, when Mrs.
Harbert again filled the presidency for one year. At the convention of
1890 Mrs. Holmes was re-elected, and held office until her resignation
in 1897. In May of this year, Mrs. Julia Mills Dunn was elected. In
1899 Mrs. Catharine Waugh McCulloch was made president, and in 1900
Mrs. Harbert resumed the position for one year. The other officers
elected were: Vice-president, Dr. Julia Holmes Smith; corresponding
secretary, Mrs. Mary Munn; recording secretary, Miss S. Grace
Nicholas; treasurer, the Rev. Kate Hughes; chairman executive
committee, Mrs. Elmina E. Springer.

As the work is divided into districts and counties, and as there are
twenty-two districts and 102 counties partially organized, it will not
be possible to name in this chapter the hundreds of quiet but very
efficient workers, men and women, or to tell of their unselfish
devotion, shown often in the face of fierce opposition.

The association has held a State convention each year, except 1893,
the year of the Columbian Exposition in Chicago, when it was decided
instead to attend the World's Congress of Representative Women, which
met in May.[238] At many of these meetings national officers were
present, among them Susan B. Anthony and Lucy Stone, and the halls
were seldom large enough to accommodate the crowds in attendance.
There have been also district and county conventions every year, while
Fourth of July celebrations, county fairs and Chautauqua assemblies
have been utilized to disseminate suffrage sentiment.

In 1888 Senator Miles B. Castle, Judge C. B. Waite, Mrs. Dunn and Mrs.
Helen M. Gougar, the last-named from Indiana, held suffrage
conferences in various cities. Later in this and the following year,
similar meetings were held in a number of other places by the Illinois
workers, with the assistance of Mrs. Gougar and the Rev. Anna Howard
Shaw.

In 1891 occurred a series of conventions which extended over six weeks
and was conducted by Mrs. Zerelda G. Wallace of Indiana and Mrs.
McCulloch. In November Mrs. Holmes made a two-weeks' lecturing trip.

In 1892 and '93 Mrs. Emma Smith DeVoe canvassed the State, speaking in
nearly fifty towns and cities, and raising enough money to defray all
expenses and put a handsome amount in the treasury for legislative
work.

In March, 1893, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the national
organization committee, made a lecture tour of the central and
southern part of Illinois.

In 1897 the National Association held a series of meetings in Illinois
with Miss Mary G. Hay of New York, Mrs. Jennie Hutchins, Mrs. Leonora
Beck, as managers, and Mrs. Dunn and the Rev. Ida C. Hultin as
speakers. During the summer Mrs. Dunn, with Mrs. Martha A. B. Conine
of Colorado lectured in numerous cities; and in November the national
officers held a conference in Chicago, in which Miss Anthony and Miss
Shaw, president and vice-president of the National Association, Mrs.
Chapman Catt and also many local workers participated.

In 1898 Miss Lena Morrow made speeches for the State association and
spent a month lecturing before labor organizations. She secured
suffrage resolutions from unions representing a membership of 25,000.

Mrs. McCulloch gave the month of June, 1890, to canvassing South
Dakota in the interest of the suffrage amendment there; and in the
fall of 1898 Mrs. Dunn and Miss Morrow were sent to that State to
assist in its second campaign for one month, at the expense of the
Illinois association. Miss Morrow worked also in the amendment
campaign of 1900 in Oregon for two-and-one-half months, a portion of
her expenses being contributed by Illinois suffragists.

The Chicago Political Equality League was organized by Miss Ellen A.
Martin, who was at its head for many years.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: In 1891, at the request of the State E.
S. A., a joint resolution was presented to the Legislature for an
amendment to the constitution enfranchising women. This was championed
in the House by George W. Curtis and brought to a vote. It received 54
votes, a majority of those cast but not a constitutional majority,
which is one over one-half of the whole membership. Charles Bogardus
managed the bill in the Senate, but was not able to secure a vote upon
it. The hard work for this Amendment Bill, however, paved the way for
the passage of the School Suffrage Bill later in the session.

This bill had been prepared by the State Woman's Christian Temperance
Union, and was introduced into the Senate by T. C. MacMillan. Although
there were many more petitions asking for the amendment than for
School Suffrage, their combined influence, with Senator MacMillan's
earnest work, was sufficient to pass this bill through the Senate by
29 ayes, 4 noes. At the closing hour of the last session in the House,
Dr. H. M. Moore, one of the members of a third party that finally had
assisted the Democrats to elect John M. Palmer as United States
Senator, made an urgent plea that something should be done for the
women; and because of his eloquence, or the gratitude of the
Democrats, or the keen sense of justice among all the members, the
Senate School Suffrage Bill was passed by 83 ayes, 43 noes.

As it was the general impression that women had received the full
School Franchise by this bill, they proceeded to vote on bonds,
location of buildings and various other matters pertaining to the
schools, and also for county superintendents. The bill was obscurely
worded, and it has taken four decisions of the Supreme Court of
Illinois to decide just the points which it covered and the limits to
which it might be constitutionally extended. As it now stands, under
this law women can vote only for candidates for such school offices
as have been created by the Legislature. (See Suffrage.)

However, this bill was useful in securing from the Supreme Court the
ruling that the Legislature had power to regulate the suffrage
concerning all positions created by itself. Heretofore the weight of
judicial opinion had been the other way; that no change whatever could
be made in the suffrage except by constitutional amendment.[239]

During the session of 1893 R. W. Coon secured the passage in the
Senate of a Township Suffrage Bill prepared by the State association.
Its members argued that if school offices not named in the
constitution are creations of the Legislature, so are most of the
township offices and therefore it has power to grant women the
suffrage for these. This bill was accompanied by a petition of 12,000
names. Senator Bogardus made a spirited report on these, extolling the
character of the signers, whose standing he had ascertained from the
senators of their districts. It passed the Senate by 26 votes, a
constitutional majority. In the House the committee reported it
favorably, many members pledged themselves to its support, and it went
through the second reading safely; but just when expectation ran
highest, it was referred back to the committee and smothered.

In this same Legislature a bill to repeal the School Suffrage Law was
defeated in the House, less than 40 of the 153 members voting aye. It
was not brought to a vote in the Senate.

In 1895 Senator Coon introduced the Township Bill again, but owing to
absentees it received only 23 votes, 26 being necessary to pass it.
Fearing that a majority of the members of the House were pledged to
vote for it, the chairman of the committee to which it was referred
made a sub-committee of three notorious opponents who took care that
it never was reported.

In 1897 Senator G. W. Monroe took charge of the State association's
measures. Bills for Township and Bond Suffrage, and for suffrage for
certain city, county and township officers and for Presidential
electors, were introduced by him but failed to pass.

In the special session of 1898 only such matters could be considered
as were named by Gov. John R. Tanner in calling it. The State
association petitioned him to include woman suffrage in the list, but
he did not grant the request. One of the subjects named was taxation.
The association prepared a bill to exempt the property of women from
taxation until they were allowed to vote. All the metropolitan papers
were interested in or amused by this bill, and gave it considerable
publicity, but it was not acted upon.

In 1899 the three bills championed by Senator Monroe in 1897 were
managed by Senator Isaac H. Hamilton. He forced two of them to a vote,
but neither received a majority.

During all this time Mrs. Catharine Waugh McCulloch, a practicing
lawyer of Chicago, auditor of the National Association and former
president of the State E. S. A., was the very efficient legislative
superintendent. She pressed the bills with a force which almost
brought success by its own momentum, and yet by her good judgment and
fair methods kept the respect of legislators who were bitterly opposed
to her measures.[240]

Sometimes the hearings on these bills occurred in the Senate Chamber
or the House of Representatives. One of the most noteworthy was in
1895, when about twenty women, representing many different localities,
societies and nationalities, made clever five-minute speeches.

The State association has sent the _Woman's Journal_, the _Woman's
Column_ and other suffrage literature to members of the Legislature
for months at a time. Petitions always have accompanied the bills.
Added to those presented in 1899 were resolutions adopted by various
Chicago labor organizations of men, representing a membership of
25,000. The petitions of the State association generally have exceeded
all those presented for all other measures.[241]

There has been no distinction between husband and wife in the laws of
inheritance since 1873. The surviving wife or husband is endowed of a
third part of all the real estate of which the other dies possessed.
If either die without a will, leaving a surviving child or children,
or descendants of such, the survivor receives, in addition, one-third
of the personal estate absolutely. If, however, there are no lineal
descendants, the widow or widower receives absolutely one-half of the
real estate and the whole of the personal estate. If there are no
descendants and no kindred, the whole estate goes to the surviving
widow or widower.

A married woman has held her property in her own name since 1861. She
has been entitled to engage in business, control her earnings, sue and
be sued and make contracts since 1869.

Until 1901 the father was entitled to the care of the persons and
education of the minor children. In 1898 Mrs. McCulloch published, in
the form of a story called Mr. Lex, a _résumé_ of the terrible
injustice and cruelty possible under this law; and also pointed out
the same possibilities in the administration of other laws which seem
entirely fair to the casual observer. It was widely reviewed by the
Chicago press and aroused much interest. In the winter of 1901 a bill
was passed by the Legislature giving fathers and mothers equal
guardianship and custody of their minor children. Mrs. McCulloch,
representing the State E. S. A., had charge of this bill. A copy of
her book, Mr. Lex, was sent to every member, as well as the full facts
from every State which had such a law as the one proposed. She also
obtained the indorsement of numerous organizations and influential
persons, and had many individual letters written to members. All this
simply to give mothers equal guardianship with fathers of their own
children!

Mrs. McCulloch was ably assisted by the Rev. Kate Hughes. The bill
passed by the large vote of 34 ayes, 8 noes, in the Senate; 119 ayes,
one no, in the House. It was signed by Gov. Richard Yates on May 18.

The wife is entitled to support suited to her condition in life. The
husband is entitled to the same support out of her individual
property. They are jointly liable for family expenses. Failure to
support the wife and children under twelve years of age is a
misdemeanor, and may be punished by a fine of not less than $100 or
more than $500, or imprisonment in the county jail, house of
correction or workhouse not less than one month nor more than twelve
months, or both such fine and imprisonment. The wife may sue for
separate maintenance without divorce.

The "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 14 years in
1887, but it never has been possible to have this age extended. The
penalty is imprisonment in the penitentiary for from one year to life.

In 1893 Mrs. Florence Kelley and Miss Mary Kenney, aided by the
women's and men's labor organizations of Chicago and by many women's
clubs, secured a Factory Inspection Law. It contained a prohibition
against the employment of a woman over eight hours daily in any
factory or workshop, but this section was declared unconstitutional
because it was a restriction upon the right to contract.

SUFFRAGE: The Legislature which adjourned in 1891 left the School
Suffrage Law obscure, incomplete and with no provisions to carry out
its intentions. In many cases the women had to provide their own
ballots and ballot-boxes. To the credit of the large majority of the
judges of election it can be said that they accepted the votes of the
women with no certainty that they were acting legally or would be
sustained by future decisions. In a number of instances, however, in
the more ignorant parts of the State, the votes were insolently
refused.

In the country and unincorporated towns, in villages and small cities,
where the school boards are elected by the people, there are a number
of officers for whom women may vote;[242] but in places like Chicago,
where the board is appointed by the mayor, the only vote they have is
for three trustees of the State University every two years.

In the summer and fall of 1893 the officers of the State association
agitated the question of asking for the nomination of a woman as one
of these trustees, and in March, 1894, the convention in Danville
approved this suggestion. The auxiliary societies were urged to use
all their influence to have delegates from their counties to the State
political conventions instructed to vote for a woman candidate. Later
in the spring several of the suffrage officers and prominent women of
Chicago appeared before the Republican State Central Committee, and
the same day visited the Republican State Editorial Association,
asking their influence to secure the nomination of a woman for
trustee. Letters were sent to 200 leading politicians of different
parties giving reasons why such action should be taken and asking for
their co-operation. Personal appeals were made to the editors of the
Chicago dailies for their influence.

Then came the most important work of all--securing the indorsement of
the Cook County conventions. Previous to that of the Republicans Mrs.
McCulloch interviewed leading members of the county committee and
received an invitation to present the matter to the convention, which
she did, representing both the State E. S. A. and the Woman's Club of
Chicago. Mrs. Elmina D. Springer also made an address. They were
invited to meet the resolutions committee, were treated with great
courtesy, and the resolution asking that delegates to the State
convention be instructed to vote as a unit for the nomination of a
woman for University trustee, was adopted.

The Chicago Woman's Club sent fifty women to the Cook County
Democratic Convention and secured the same pledge.

Committees were then appointed to manage this question in the State
conventions of the parties. Just a few days before the first
(Democratic), the attorney-general, who was a Democrat, gave the
opinion that women could not legally vote for trustees or be trustees,
and published it widely in the Chicago press. Mrs. McCulloch followed
him with a carefully prepared brief which also was given to the press.
This new difficulty made it imperative for her to attend the
Democratic State Convention to present her view of the disputed legal
point, and this she did with marked success. Whenever any of the
delegates said, "Why, haven't you read Maloney's opinion that a woman
can not hold the office or vote for trustee?" she would answer, "Yes,
but haven't you read my opinion that she can?" She addressed the
entire convention, and the nomination of Dr. Julia Holmes Smith was
made unanimously. The other political parties then had to follow with
the nomination of a woman or fall behind the Democrats in chivalry.

As the Chicago Woman's Club sent a strong representation to the
Republican convention, and as pledges already had been secured from
the delegates, the committee appointed by the suffrage association did
not deem it necessary to attend. Mrs. Lucy L. Flower was nominated by
this body.

The Prohibitionists nominated two women, one of them the secretary of
the Illinois E. S. A., Prof. Rena Michaels Atchison.

This recognition from the different parties so encouraged the women
that in 1894 they voted enthusiastically throughout the State,
especially in Chicago where the candidates were well known. Before the
election, however, a difficulty arose from an unexpected quarter. The
men composing the Board of University Trustees became alarmed, and
employed an attorney who gave an opinion that women neither could vote
for trustees nor be elected to the office. He rushed into print; Mrs.
McCulloch, who might have been worn to shreds by this time, patiently
answered the young man, and "the women went right on voting."

Professor Atchison had the compliment of receiving about 3,000 votes
more than the men on the same ticket as herself, and Dr. Smith
likewise ran ahead of her ticket.[243] Mrs. Flower was the successful
candidate, also leading the nominees of her party.

The Republican women organized by appointing a State Central
Committee, and placed upon it a woman from each congressional
district.[244] The Democratic women formed a Cornelia Club which
worked for the interest of their party's nominee.

OFFICE HOLDING: A statute of Illinois (1873) provides that no person
shall be debarred from any occupation, profession or employment
(except the military), on account of sex, and that this shall not be
construed to affect the eligibility of any person to an elective
office.[245]

The following have served as trustees of the State University: Mrs.
Lucy L. Flower, Dr. Julia Holmes Smith, Mrs. Mary Turner Carriel, Mrs.
Alice Asbury Abbott, Mrs. Carrie Thomas Alexander. The term of office
is six years.

Women are eligible to all school offices (1873) and large numbers have
served as county superintendents, members of city boards of education
and directors of district schools. All the principal cities now have
women on their school boards. In Chicago there are two at the present
time. Ten counties have women for superintendents.

Miss Cora B. Hirtzell was appointed as assistant by C. S. Thornton,
corporation counsel of Chicago, and served during his whole term of
office.

Miss Mary M. Bartelme was appointed by Gov. John R. Tanner Public
Guardian of Cook County, and is the only woman in the United States to
fill such a position. Her duties are to look after the persons of
minors and their small estates, when no one else will take the
guardianship, and she has over 200 children under her care. She
received the highest commendation from Judge Christian C. Kohlsaat,
formerly of the Probate Court, and continues to hold office under his
successor.

A decision of the Supreme Court permits a woman to be Master in
Chancery, but only one ever was appointed.

Women may be official court reporters, but only two have been
appointed. The office of a Judge being elective he naturally feels
obliged to give these places to voters.

Women have been notaries public for over twenty years.

Miss Kate O'Connor was deputy clerk of Winnebago County for ten years,
and Miss Rose Beatson was deputy county treasurer. Mrs. A. T. Ames was
deputy sheriff of Boone County.

Frequently the position of State Librarian has been filled by a woman,
and of late years that of postmaster in the House and the Senate. The
librarian of the Southern Normal University at Carbondale is a woman.
Women have served as presidents of library boards in various places.

Women sit on the Board of Directors of the Illinois Farmers'
Institute. One of the State Commissioners of Public Charities was a
woman; but she resigned because of the introduction of politics into
the board. A woman has served on the State Board of Health.

The Home for Juvenile Female Offenders was established in 1893. It is
under the control of five trustees, two of whom are women. The
superintendent also is a woman.

The Soldiers' Widows' Home was established by a law of 1895, which
provided that of the five trustees three should be women and members
of the State Woman's Relief Corps. The entire board is now composed of
women.

Chicago has three women deputy factory inspectors, and formerly had a
chief inspector, Mrs. Florence Kelley, who served four years with
great ability.

Miss Jane Addams of Hull House was appointed garbage inspector of the
nineteenth ward of Chicago by Mayor George B. Swift. She served one
year and was succeeded by Miss Amanda Johnson, also a resident of Hull
House. Under their care this ward, which had been one of the most
neglected in the city, became famous for cleanliness and order.

Volunteer associations of women in Chicago did so much in this
direction that some of their members finally took the civil service
examinations for garbage inspectors or contractors and several
received official positions. Among the most prominent of these is Mrs.
A. Emmagene Paul, who superintends a large force of men in the first
ward of Chicago. As this is a down-town ward it is one of the hardest
in the city to keep clean, but she performs the work to the
satisfaction of all except "gang" politicians, who have made every
possible effort to have Mayor Carter Harrison remove her.

Mrs. Bertha Honore Palmer of Chicago was appointed United States
Commissioner at the Paris Exposition of 1900 by President McKinley,
the only woman distinguished by any government with so important a
position. Miss Addams was appointed a member of the Jury of
International Awards, Department of Social Economics, for the same
exposition. Her election as vice-president of this jury made her
eligible to membership in the Group Jury, on which she also served.
This was a distinction conferred upon no other woman.

OCCUPATIONS: All occupations were opened to women by a statute of
1873, which declared also that they should not be required to work on
streets or roads or serve upon juries.

They were not allowed to practice law until 1872, Mrs. Myra W.
Bradwell having been the first to make application in 1869.[246] Since
that time ninety women have been admitted to the bar. Among those who
have done noteworthy work is the daughter of Judge and Mrs. Bradwell,
Mrs. Bessie Bradwell Helmer, who was chief editor of twenty volumes of
the Appellate Court Reports and, since the death of her mother, has
been president of the _Chicago Legal News_ Company, which issues the
principal law publications of the State.

Mrs. Catharine V. Waite published the _Chicago Law Times_ for two
years; Mrs. Marietta B. R. Shay wrote The Student's Guide to Common
Law Pleading; and Miss Ellen A. Martin organized the National Woman
Lawyer's League, and is its secretary. Women are members of the State
and the Chicago Bar Associations and of the Chicago Law Institute.

The World's Columbian Exposition, held in Chicago in 1893, opened
large fields of usefulness and power to women. Those of Illinois were
especially conspicuous in the wonderful work done by their sex during
this World's Fair. Its Board of Lady Managers was appointed under an
Act of Congress to represent the special interests of women at the
exposition, and Mrs. Bertha Honore Palmer was elected president. Mrs.
Ellen M. Henrotin of Chicago was vice-president and active
superintendent of the Woman's Branch of the World's Congress
Auxiliary.

A complete official report of nearly 1,000 pages of the Congress of
Representative Women, the greatest assemblage of women which ever had
been held up to this date, was prepared by the Chairman of the
Organization Committee, Mrs. May Wright Sewall of Indianapolis, who
made several trips abroad in the interest of the Congress. To her
great executive capacity and untiring efforts for three years, with
those added of its secretary, Mrs. Rachel Foster Avery of
Philadelphia, and the splendid co-operation of the committee of
Chicago women--Miss Frances E. Willard. Dr. Sarah Hackett Stevenson,
Dr. Julia Holmes Smith, Mrs. Lydia Avery Coonley, Mrs. Elizabeth
Boynton Harbert and Mrs. William Thayer Brown--is due the fact that
this Congress was the most conspicuous success of any held during the
Exposition, with the exception of the Parliament of Religions. It
convened May 15, 1893, and continued one week, during which eighty-one
meetings were held in the different rooms of the Art Palace.
Twenty-seven countries and 126 organizations were represented by 528
delegates. According to official estimate the total attendance
exceeded 150,000.[247]

EDUCATION: The law colleges never have been closed to women. Union
College of Law was the first in the United States to graduate a woman,
Mrs. Ada H. Kepley, in 1870.

Some of the medical schools are still bitterly opposed to admitting
women. All the homeopathic colleges are open to them with the
exception of the Chicago Homeopathic. At Harvey Medical College about
half the students are women, and several of the full professorships
are filled by them. Hahnemann College admits them but has no woman
professor or instructor. In 1899 Dr. Julia Holmes Smith was elected
dean of the National Medical College (Homeopathic) with no dissenting
vote, and in 1900 she was re-elected. She is the only woman dean of a
medical institution composed of both sexes. Women are received in the
College of Physicians and Surgeons, which is the medical department of
the State University. Rush College, one of the largest of the
allopathic institutions, has just been opened to them. All of the
colleges named above are in Chicago. Dr. Sarah Hackett Stevenson was
the first woman admitted to the American Medical Association.

The theological schools generally are closed to women. They are
admitted to the full courses of the Garrett Biblical Institute of the
Northwestern University. Lombard University gives them the full
privileges of its Divinity School (Universalist). In 1898 the Chicago
Union Theological Seminary (Congregationalist) opened its doors to
them. They may also enter the theological department of Chicago
University, but its circular of information says: "Women students
receive no encouragement to become ministers."

The State University and all of the other large universities and
colleges in Illinois are open to women, although some of the minor
institutions are still closed.

There are in the public schools 6,973 men and 18,974 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $60.42; of the women, $53.27.
In the Chicago schools women receive the same pay as men for the same
work, but the highly salaried positions are largely monopolized by
men.

An incident which has no parallel deserves a place on these pages. In
Chicago it was long the custom, whenever retrenchment of taxes became
necessary, to cut down the salaries of the school teachers. In 1899
they could not get even what was legally due to them, and in 1900 the
same condition prevailed.

Various reasons were given for the shortage of funds, but two of the
teachers. Miss Margaret Haley and Miss Catharine Goggin, obtained
information that the reason of the deficit was that some of the
largest corporations in the State were not assessed for taxes. Without
any backing they began an investigation. When proof positive was
secured, through a long search of official records, they laid the case
before the Teachers' Federation of 4,000 members, who authorized them
to prosecute it to the end and supplied the necessary funds.

They went before the Board of Equalization with proofs that hundreds
of millions of dollars of corporation property was not assessed for
taxation; but the board refused absolutely to act. Then they filed a
mandamus to compel it to do so, and brought the matter into the
courts. Every legal, political and financial influence that could be
secured in the State was used to fight these courageous women. They
carried the case through the lower courts and into the Supreme Court,
which confirmed their contention that these corporations should be
taxed (Oct 24. 1901.)

The Union Traction Company and the Chicago Consolidated Traction
Company, two of the greatest corporations which for years had been
avoiding their legal taxes, applied to the United States Circuit Court
for an injunction to restrain the State Board of Equalization from
assessing them. They invoked the Fourteenth Amendment to the Federal
Constitution, which says that private property shall not be taken
without due process of law. The injunction was refused.

This decision will increase the revenues of Chicago not less than
$5,000,000 a year, unless some scheme is evolved for circumventing the
law, which has not been enforced up to this time. (July, 1902.)

* * * * *

During the campaign of 1900 both Republican and Democratic clubs of
women were formed. The Democratic Club of Chicago announced that it
would be permanent, and at all times would oppose every legislative
and congressional candidate who should be unfavorable to woman
suffrage.

The Illinois Federation of Women's Clubs has been a great educator. It
was organized in 1894, and is composed of 225 clubs with a membership
of 20,000. The Chicago Woman's Club is one of the largest in the
United States and does a vast amount of practical work.

Miss Frances E. Willard belonged to Illinois as well as to the world,
and it was through her powerful influence that the great organization
of the W. C. T. U. was first swung into line for the enfranchisement
of women. By voice and pen she aided this cause for over twenty years.

Among other staunch supporters are Mrs. Lydia Avery Coonley-Ward,
whose home and purse and pen are used for the benefit of woman
suffrage; and her mother, Mrs. Susan Look Avery, who speaks and writes
with the vigor of youth, although eighty-three years of age. Mrs.
Emily M. Gross is one of the large contributors.

Senator Miles B. Castle was chairman of the Illinois E. S. A.
executive committee for over twenty years, and edited and published
the State organ, the _Suffragist_, for five years, supplying the
deficit from his own pocket. The Rev. C. C. Harrah, now of Iowa, did
valiant service for many years as chairman of the State advisory
committee. He sent his leaflet, Jesus Christ the Emancipator of
Woman, at his own expense to hundreds of ministers throughout the
country, and it is still in use by the National Association.

Mrs. Eva Munson Smith, vice-president of the State association,
published a volume entitled Woman in Sacred Song, which contains poems
written by 830, and 150 musical compositions by 50 different women.
Mrs. Carrie Ashton Johnson, secretary, compiled a popular Suffrage
Dime Speaker. Miss Mary H. Krout, for ten years connected with the
_Inter-Ocean_, never has failed to use her influence in favor of woman
suffrage. Mrs. Fannie H. Rastall gave her services as editor-in-chief
of the _Woman's Forum_ for several years.

Sixteen years ago but one paper in Illinois had a woman's department;
now this is a feature of all, and 161 are regularly publishing
suffrage matter furnished by the State press bureau.

FOOTNOTES:

[237] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Mary E. Holmes
of Chicago, who has been officially connected with the State Equal
Suffrage Association since 1884.

[238] State conventions have been held as follows: Watseka, 1884;
Geneseo, 1885; Sandwich, 1886; Galva, 1887; Rockford, 1888; Joliet,
1889; Moline, 1890; Kewanee, 1891; Aurora, 1892; Chicago (World's
Fair), 1893; Danville, 1894; Decatur, 1895; Harvey, 1896; Waukegan,
1897; Springfield, 1898; Barry, 1899. The twenty-seventh annual
meeting took place in Edgewater, Oct. 11, 12, 1900.

[239] Among the officers for whom the Legislature has the power to
allow women to vote are Presidential electors, members of the State
Board of Equalization, clerk of the Appellate Court, county collector,
county surveyor, members of the Board of Assessors, sanitary district
trustees, members of the Board of Review, all officers of cities,
villages and towns (except police magistrates), supervisor, town
clerk, assessor, collector and highway commissioner.

The Legislature has power also to permit women to vote on general
questions submitted to the electors, besides voting in all annual and
special town meetings.

[240] During these years various suffrage bills were introduced by
other organizations. The school board of Winnetka had one to give
women a right to vote on all matters relating to schools; the W. C. T.
U. one for a constitutional amendment; and members of the Legislature
occasionally on their own responsibility introduced bills.

[241] In 1891 an anti-suffrage petition, signed by twelve persons,
aroused some interest on account of its novelty. In later Legislatures
their petitions do not seem to have appeared, but some of those twelve
signers can be found composing the Chicago Anti Suffrage Society of
the present day.

[242] In April, 1891, fifteen women of Lombard voted at the municipal
election under a special charter which gave the franchise to citizens
over twenty-one years of age. The judges were about to refuse the
votes, but Miss Ellen A. Martin, of the law firm of Perry & Martin in
Chicago, argued the legal points so conclusively that they were
accepted. No one has contested that election, and the women have
established their right to vote.

[243] Although Dr. Smith was defeated she was really the first woman
who served as trustee of the State University, for Gov. John P.
Altgeld appointed her to fill a member's unexpired term and she took
her seat one month before Mrs. Flower, serving eighteen months. At the
next election her name was again placed on the Democratic ticket,
which was again defeated.

[244] They continued to hold delegate conventions every two years to
nominate a woman for trustee, until the Primary Election Law, recently
passed, provided that delegates to nominating conventions must be
elected at the polls.

[245] During the Legislature of 1873 a Joint Special Committee was
appointed to revise the laws. Through the heroic efforts of Miles B.
Castle in the Senate and Judge James B. Bradwell in the House, with
the assistance of the veteran law professor and reviser of statutes,
the Hon. Harvey B. Hurd, a most liberal legislation for women, in all
directions possible at that time, was secured.

[246] See History Woman Suffrage, Vol. II, p. 601.

[247] Mrs. Sewall's report will be found in most public libraries. A
graphic account of this Congress is contained in the Life and Work of
Susan B. Anthony, Chap. XLI. See also present volume of this History,
Chap XIV.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

INDIANA.[248]

The earliest woman suffrage society in Indiana was formed in Dublin
only three years after that first memorable convention at Seneca
Falls, N. Y., in 1848, and annual meetings were held until the
beginning of the Civil War, and resumed after its close.

That of 1884 took place December 9, 10, in the Methodist Church at
Kokomo with delegates present from a number of cities. The resolutions
included one of sorrow over the deaths of Frances Dana Gage, a pioneer
suffragist, and Laura Giddings Julian, daughter of Joshua R. Giddings
and wife of George W. Julian, M. C., both staunch advocates of the
enfranchisement of women, as she herself had been. Dr. Mary F. Thomas,
who had joined in the call for the first meeting in 1851, was
re-elected president and the Hon. William Dudley Foulke made
vice-president-at-large. Among the speakers were the Reverends
Frazier, Hudson and McCune, Dr. Gifford and Judge Pollard.

The annual meeting of 1885 was held at Warsaw, October 22, 23, and
welcomed by Mayor Royse. On account of the advanced age of Dr. Thomas
her resignation was accepted and Mrs. Mary S. Armstrong elected
president. Henry B. Blackwell and Lucy Stone were present throughout
the sessions.

The State convention of 1886 met in Richmond, November 8, 9, in the
Eighth Street Friends' Meeting House and was welcomed by the Mayor.
Addresses were made by Mr. Blackwell, Mrs. Stone, Mrs. Zerelda G.
Wallace, Dr. Thomas, Mr. Foulke, Mrs. Mary E. Haggart, Mrs. Armstrong,
Mrs. Mattie Stewart Charles, Sylvester Johnson and others.

In 1887 the convention took place at La Porte, December 1, 2, and was
addressed by Mr. Foulke, Professor Hailman and Mrs. Eudora F. Hailman,
the Rev. Mr. Grant, General Packard, Mrs. J. W. Ridgway, Mrs.
Rhenton, Sylvanus Grover and others. Mr. Foulke was elected president
and Mrs. Haggart vice-president-at-large.[249]

Up to this time these annual meetings had been convened under the
auspices of the American Woman Suffrage Association. In 1878 a strong
society had been organized in Indianapolis with Mrs. Zerelda G.
Wallace, president, Mrs. May Wright Sewall, secretary, and 175
members. It had held numerous meetings and done a large amount of
legislative and political work, but had made no State or national
alliances. In May, 1887, however, it called a convention, which met in
Plymouth Congregational Church, and with the assistance of Miss Susan
B. Anthony a State organization was effected, auxiliary to the
National Woman Suffrage Association. The officers elected were:
President, Mrs. Helen M. Gougar; vice-president-at-large, Mrs.
Wallace; secretary, Mrs. Ida Husted Harper; treasurer, Mrs. Juliette
K. Wood; chairman executive committee, Mrs. Sewall; superintendent of
press, Miss Mary E. Cardwill.

In November, under the management of this board, two days' conventions
were held in each of the congressional districts of the State, at
Evansville, Vincennes, Bloomington, Kokomo, Logansport, Wabash,
Lafayette, South Bend, Fort Wayne, Muncie, Madison, New Albany and
Terre Haute. The speakers were Miss Anthony, Mrs. Wallace, Mrs. Sewall
and Mrs. Gougar, the meetings being arranged by Mrs. Harper. They were
well attended, a great deal of suffrage sentiment was aroused and a
balance was left in the treasury.

The annual convention took place at Indianapolis in the Grand Opera
House, May 15, 16, 1888, with delegates present from every
congressional district. Among the speakers were Mr. Foulke, Mrs. Annie
Jenness Miller and Miss Anthony. The board of officers was re-elected.

The third convention met at Rushville, Oct. 10, 11, 1889. Miss Anthony
was in attendance. By previous arrangement delegates from the
American branch were present and, with unanimous consent, a union of
two bodies into one State organization was effected. Although
receiving a majority vote, Mrs. Sewall, Miss Cardwill and Mrs. Harper,
for personal reasons, refused longer to serve. The election finally
resulted: President, Mrs. Gougar; vice-president-at-large, Mrs.
Wallace; secretary, Mrs. Caroline C. Hodgin; treasurer, Mrs. Hattie E.
Merrill; chairman executive committee, Mrs. E. M. Seward;
superintendent of press, Mrs. Georgia Wright. A resolution was adopted
mourning the death of Dr. Mary F. Thomas.

State meetings were held for several years afterward, but the records
of them are not available.

In 1899, the State association having been apparently defunct for a
long time, a conference of the officers of the National Association
was called to meet in Indianapolis, at the earnest request of
Mrs. Sewall and a committee. There were present on December
7, 8, Miss Anthony, president, the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw,
vice-president-at-large, Mrs. Harriet Taylor Upton, treasurer, Miss
Laura Clay and Mrs. Catharine Waugh McCulloch, auditors, and Mrs.
Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the organization committee. Mrs.
Sewall gave two receptions to enable the people of the city to greet
them; a large one was given by Mrs. Lucy McDowell Milburn, wife of the
Rev. Joseph A. Milburn, of the Second Presbyterian Church; and a
luncheon at the handsome residence of Mrs. Alice Wheeler Peirce by the
committee.

Business meetings were held at the Denison Hotel. The evening
meetings, in Plymouth Church, were large and enthusiastic. A new State
association was formed and also a new local club for Indianapolis,
while the staunch and steadfast old societies of Kokomo and Tipton
were aroused to new activity.[250]

At the State meeting in Indianapolis in November, 1900, the old board
of officers was re-elected, except that Mrs. Mary Shank was made
vice-president and Mrs. Ethel B. McMullen, treasurer.

A very considerable sentiment in favor of woman suffrage exists
throughout the State and many well-known individuals advocate it,
among them U. S. Senator Albert J. Beveridge and most of the
Congressional delegation, State officials, judges, clergymen and
prominent members of the women's clubs, but there is so slight an
organization that little opportunity is afforded for public expression
or action.

From 1884 down to the present women have appeared many times in person
and by petition before county and State conventions of the different
political parties, asking for a recognition in their platforms of the
right of women to the suffrage. Although these efforts have met with
no response from the Democratic party, and none from the Republican in
State meetings, a few county conventions have adopted planks to this
effect. In 1889 the Greenback and the United Labor State Conventions
unequivocally indorsed the franchise for women. In 1892 the Populist
and the Prohibition State platforms contained declarations for woman
suffrage. In 1894 the Populists again adopted the plank. Similar
action was taken by the Social Democratic Party in 1900. Among those
appearing before these bodies are found the names of Mrs. Sewall, Mrs.
Gougar, Mrs. Haggart, Mrs. Pauline T. Merritt, Miss Flora Hardin, Mrs.
Florence M. Adkinson, Mrs. Augusta Cooper Bristol and Mrs. Harper.

During the past sixteen years a number of women have sat as delegates
in the State conventions of the Greenback, Prohibition, Populist,
Socialist and Labor parties. Women have shown great interest in
politics for many years, crowding the galleries at the State
conventions and forming at least one-half of the audiences at the
campaign rallies. Among those who have canvassed the State in national
campaigns are the noted orators, Miss Anna E. Dickinson, and Mrs.
Nellie Holbrook Blinn of California, for the Republican party; Mrs.
Mary E. Lease and Mrs. Annie L. Diggs, both of Kansas, for the
Populist; Miss Cynthia Cleveland for the Democratic, and Mrs. Helen M.
Gougar for the Republican, Prohibition and Populist.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: It is most difficult to look up the
history of legislation on any subject in Indiana. The original bills
are not printed but are presented in writing, stowed away in
pigeon-holes and thenceforth referred to only by number, with perhaps
a fragment of their titles. After several women, deeply interested in
the question, had attempted to make a list of the suffrage bills
during the last sixteen years and had given up in despair, they
appealed to one of the best lawyers in the State, who is a firm
believer in the enfranchisement of women. He responded that no
accurate report could be made without first going through all the
pigeon-holes and over all the journals of the two Houses during that
period, which would require weeks of time and great expense. As very
few of these bills ever were reported from the committees, it seemed
unnecessary to undertake their resurrection for the purposes of this
History.

The Indiana Legislature meets biennially and there is seldom a session
in which bills are not presented for municipal or full suffrage. In
1893 bills were before this body asking for the Municipal ballot, and
newspaper accounts speak of Mrs. Zerelda G. Wallace, Mrs. Mary S.
Armstrong and Mrs. Laura G. Schofield as working industriously for
their passage.

In 1895 Judge George B. Cardwill introduced two bills without request,
one for an amendment to the constitution striking out the word "male;"
the other to amend the law so as to make it obligatory to have one
woman on the school board of every city. The women made no effort to
secure consideration of these bills, and they lay dormant in
committee.

It never has been thought worth while to make the struggle for School
Suffrage, as Indianapolis is the only city which elects its school
board. In the others this is appointed by the Common Council.

On Feb. 5, 1897, Miss Susan B. Anthony, who was visiting Mrs. Sewall,
addressed the Legislature in joint session asking it to recommend to
Congress the passage of a Sixteenth Amendment to the Federal
Constitution enfranchising women.

In 1898, under the auspices of Mrs. M. A. Tompkins, State
superintendent of franchise for the Woman's Christian Temperance
Union, an active and systematic canvass was begun to secure from the
Legislature the submission of an amendment to the State constitution
to strike out the word "male." She was assisted by members of her
organization in every county; short, convincing articles were
prepared for the newspapers, petitions circulated and 30,000 names of
men and women obtained.

Accompanied by these a joint resolution was presented to the
Legislature of 1899--in the Senate by O. Z. Hubbell, in the House by
Quincy A. Blankinship, and both labored strenuously for its passage.
The Senate Bill was referred to the Committee on Revision of Laws,
Frederick A. Joss, chairman, and the House Bill to the Judiciary
Committee, Silas A. Canada, chairman. They granted hearings, were
addressed by Miss Marie Brehm of Chicago, national superintendent of
franchise for the W. C. T. U., and reported the bill favorably. It
passed the Senate by unanimous vote, January 25. The members of the
House had been personally interviewed by Mrs. Tompkins and Miss Brehm,
and two-thirds of them were pledged to vote for the measure.

The law provides that not more than two bills for amending the State
constitution can be before the Legislature at one time, and, as two
preceded this one, Speaker Littleton, who was opposed to it, ruled it
out of order and would not permit it to be considered. The same
condition existed in the Senate but that body deemed its action
perfectly legal, as all which could be done was to submit the bill to
the next Legislature. Thus all the work of nearly two years was
lost.[251]

In 1899 a number of Factory Inspection Laws were passed, some of them
especially intended to protect women. While these serve their purpose
in one way they may defeat it in another, as those, for instance,
limiting the work of women to ten hours a day and prohibiting their
employment at night in any manufacturing concern, when no such
restrictions are imposed on men, which often is to their advantage
with employers. Seats for women employes, suitable toilet-rooms and a
full hour for the noonday meal are commendable features of these new
laws.

Through the efforts of Robert Dale Owen and a few other broad-minded
men, when the constitution of Indiana was revised in 1851 the laws for
women were made more liberal than those of most other States at that
period, although conservative compared to present standards. Unjust
discriminations have been abolished from time to time since then,
until now, in a very large degree, the laws bear equally upon husband
and wife. Some distinctions, however, still exist, as is shown by the
introduction of bills in almost every Legislature "to remove the
existing disabilities of married women."

Dower and curtesy are abolished. If a husband die, with or without a
will, one-third of his real estate descends to the widow in fee
simple, free from all demands of creditors; provided, however, that
where the real estate exceeds in value $10,000, the widow shall have
one-fourth only, and where it exceeds $20,000, one-fifth only as
against creditors. If a husband die without a will and leave a widow
and one child, the real estate is divided equally between them; the
personal estate is divided equally if there are not more than two
children; if there are more than two the widow still has one-third. If
a man has children living by a former marriage and none by a
subsequent marriage, the widow can have only a life interest in her
share of his estate. If a wife die, with or without a will, one-third
of her real and personal estate descends to the widower, regardless of
its value, but subject to its proportion of her debts contracted
before marriage. If a husband or wife die without a will, leaving no
child, but father or mother, one or both, three-fourths of the entire
estate goes to the widow or widower, unless it does not exceed $1,000,
in which case it all goes to the widow or widower. If there are
neither children, father nor mother, the entire estate goes to the
widow or widower.

The husband is liable for the wife's debts incurred before marriage to
the extent of any property received by him through her. He is not
liable for his wife's contracts with respect to her separate property,
business or labor, or for torts committed by her.

She may sue in her own name for injury to her person, property or
character. The husband may maintain action for the loss of her society
and services.

A wife can not convey or encumber her separate real estate without the
joinder of her husband, nor can he do this with his separate real
estate unless she joins. Husband and wife each may dispose of
two-thirds of their real and personal estate by will without the
consent of the other.

A married woman may without any legal formalities carry on business or
trade or perform any labor or services on her sole and separate
account and her earnings shall be her sole and separate property,
provided she keeps her business distinct from her husband's, as all
their joint earnings are his property.

A wife can act as executor or administrator of an estate only with her
husband's consent.

No married woman can become surety for any person.

The father has the custody of the persons and the control of the
education of the minor children, even though there may be a guardian
appointed for their property. (1896.)

A wife may sue for support: (1) If deserted by her husband and left
without means of support; (2) if he has been convicted of a felony and
put in State prison; (3) if he is a habitual drunkard; (4) if he join
a religious society prohibiting marriage. The court may award
necessary support according to circumstances, may sell lands of the
husband, or allow the wife to sell her lands without his joining.
(1896.)

The "age of protection" for girls is 14 years. No bills presented by
women to have it raised ever have been allowed to get beyond a
legislative committee. The penalty is imprisonment in the penitentiary
from one to twenty-one years.

SUFFRAGE: Women possess no form of suffrage. A decision of the Supreme
Court, Feb. 1, 1901, that an amendment to be adopted must receive a
majority of the highest number of votes cast at the election, has made
it practically impossible to secure the franchise for women by
changing the State constitution. It is held, however, by lawyers whose
opinion is of value, that this even now may be legally construed so as
to permit them to vote.

Sustained in her own belief by these views and by a Supreme Court
decision of 1893, which interpreted this constitution to permit women
to practice law (see Occupations), Mrs. Helen M. Gougar decided to
make a test case, and offered her vote in the State election, Nov. 6,
1894, at her home in Lafayette. It was refused and she brought suit
against the election board in the Superior Court of Tippecanoe County.
Sayler & Sayler and John D. Gougar, husband of the plaintiff, were
her attorneys, but she was herself admitted to the bar and argued her
own case before Judge F. B. Everett, Jan. 10, 1895. She based her
masterly argument on the rights guaranteed to all citizens by the
Federal Constitution, and on the first article of the constitution of
Indiana, which declares that "the General Assembly shall not grant to
any citizen, or class of citizens, privileges or immunities which,
upon the same terms, shall not equally belong to all citizens;" and
she used with deadly effect the parallel between the decision of the
Supreme Court in the case of Antoinette D. Leach, by which she was
enabled to practice law, and the claims which were now being made as
to the right of women to vote.[252]

The long, adverse decision of Judge Everett was based upon his
declaration that "suffrage is not a natural right or one necessarily
incident to such freedom and preservation of rights as are upheld by
the National and State constitutions;" that "the intention of their
framers to limit the suffrage to males is so strong that it can not be
disregarded;" and that "the legal and well understood rule of
construction is that the express mention of certain things excludes
all others."

Mrs. Gougar then carried her case to the Supreme Court of Indiana, and
was herself the first woman admitted to practice before that body. Her
brief was filed by her attorneys and she made her own argument before
the full bench, the court-room being crowded with lawyers and members
of the Legislature. It was said by one of the judges to be the
clearest and ablest oral argument presented since he had been a
member.

Nevertheless the judgment of the lower court was affirmed. The
decision, in which the five judges concurred, was founded almost
exclusively upon the affirmation that "that which is expressed makes
that which is silent cease." This decision reversed absolutely the one
rendered in the case of Leach for the right to practice law, which had
declared that "although the statute says voters may practice, it says
nothing about women, and therefore there is no denial of this right to
them;" or in other words "that which is expressed does _not_ make that
which is silent cease." Yet both of these opinions were written by
the same Chief Justice--Leonard J. Hackney!

The decision closed by saying: "Whatever the personal views of the
Justices upon the advisability of extending the franchise to women,
all are agreed that under the present constitution it can not be
extended to them."

As it is practically impossible to amend the State constitution, the
outlook for woman suffrage in Indiana appears hopeless except through
an amendment to the National Constitution.

OFFICE HOLDING: Women are not eligible for election to any offices
within the gift of the voters, except those pertaining to the public
schools.

In 1873 the Legislature enacted that women should be eligible to any
office the appointment or election to which is or shall be vested in
the Governor or General Assembly.

In 1881 it was enacted that women should be eligible to any office
under the general or special school laws of the State.

Notwithstanding these liberal provisions there is scarcely one of the
Northern States where so few women have served in office. There never
has been even a woman candidate for that of State Superintendent. Many
years ago there were a few county superintendents but none now fill
that office and not half a dozen women ever have sat on local school
boards. These are appointed by the Common Council in all the towns and
cities except Indianapolis. On one occasion its Local Council of Women
nominated two of its members for school trustees, but both were
defeated. Women themselves were not allowed to vote, but their
interest brought out an unusually large number of men.[253] At present
not one woman is known to be filling any school office.

The law of 1873 includes the boards of all penal and benevolent
institutions, State Librarian, custodians of public buildings, and
many minor offices, but women have found it practically impossible to
secure any of these. The explanation for this probably lies in the
fact that Indiana is a pivotal State in politics and the parties are
so evenly divided that the elections are equally apt to be carried by
either party. It thus becomes vitally necessary to utilize every
office for political purposes and none can be spared to persons
without votes. For a number of years the two parties elected women as
State Librarian, and they gave much satisfaction, although several
times the political pressure has been so great that the office has had
to be given to men.[254]

A number of times bills have been presented to require the Governor to
put a representation of women on the boards of all State institutions
where women and children are confined, but they never have been
carried.

In 1873 the first State prison in the United States exclusively for
women was opened in Indianapolis, but the management was vested in a
board of men with a visiting board of women and a woman
superintendent. In 1877 a bill was passed placing the entire
management of this Woman's Reformatory in the hands of women. An
Industrial School for Girls is now under the same supervision.[255]

In 1889 an act of the Legislature established the State Board of
Charities and Corrections and provided that two of its six trustees
should be women. It exercises supervision over the State penal and
benevolent institutions. In 1899 a legislative act required that on
petition of fifteen citizens of any county the Circuit Judge must
appoint a board to exercise the same supervision over its
institutions, to consist of four men and two women.

The only other women serving on State boards are one for the Soldiers'
and Sailors' Orphans' Home at Knightstown and one for the Home for
Feeble-minded Youth at Ft. Wayne.[256]

The State Board of Charities and Corrections has made great effort to
secure women physicians at all State Institutions and, though there is
no law authorizing it, there is now one at each of the four Hospitals
for the Insane, and at the Woman's Prison and Girls' Industrial
School. One was appointed for the Home for Feeble-minded but a man now
holds the position.

Almost every State, county and city office has women deputies,
assistants or stenographers. It is said that one-third of the employes
in the State House are women. Many serve as notaries public, and a
number as court stenographers.

The need of a Police Matron in Indianapolis was so obvious and it had
been so impossible to persuade the authorities of this fact, that in
November, 1890, the Meridian W. C. T. U. obtained permission from the
Mayor and Commissioners to place one on duty at the central station
house at their own expense. This was continued until March, 1891, when
a change in the city charter vested the authority in a Board of
Safety. The matron, Mrs. Annie M. Buchanan, had given such
satisfaction that on petition of the Woman's Local Council she was
regularly employed by the city, with full police powers, at a salary
of $60 per month and two furnished rooms for her occupancy. The first
year 852 women and children came into her charge, 24 of the latter
being under five years of age.

The State W. C. T. U. appointed Mrs. Buchanan as the head of a
movement to secure Police Matrons in all cities of 7,000 inhabitants.
A bill for this purpose was presented in 1893 but failed to pass. In
1895 the Local Council of Women also made this a special line of work,
and to Mrs. Buchanan's petition, signed by one hundred of the leading
men and women of the State and the entire Common Council, were added
the names of the presidents of the forty-nine societies composing the
Council of Women, representing 8,000 members. It asked for a law
compelling the appointment of Police Matrons in all cities of 10,000
inhabitants. This time the bill passed both Houses but so altered as
to merely permit the Mayor and Commissioners to appoint such Matrons,
a power they already possessed.

Mrs. Buchanan remained in office seven years, until her marriage. The
experiment in Indianapolis has been so successful that matrons are now
employed in Evansville, Terre Haute, Richmond and Lafayette, but these
by no means include all of the cities of over 10,000 inhabitants.

OCCUPATIONS: The only occupations forbidden to women are those of
working in mines and selling liquor. Women have served as bank
cashiers and directors for twenty years.

In 1875 Miss Elizabeth Eaglesfield was admitted to practice law at
the Vigo County bar, through the efforts of Judge William Mack, and
had a number of cases in the courts of Indianapolis. Eighteen years
later Mrs. Antoinette D. Leach, although properly qualified, was
refused a license to practice in Greene County. The lower court based
its refusal on a clause in the State Constitution which says: "Every
person of good moral character, _being a voter_, shall be entitled to
practice law in all the courts of the State." She carried the case to
the Supreme Court which reversed this judgment. Its decision, June 14,
1893, says that "while voters are granted admission to practice there
is no _denial_ of such right to women, and it must be held to exist as
long as not forbidden by law. That which is expressed does not make
that which is silent cease." (See Suffrage on previous page.) The
decision continued:

The right to practice law is not a political question, but
belongs to that class of rights inherent in every citizen, and
pertains to the fundamental duty of every inhabitant to gain a
livelihood. Judge Cooley says: "To forbid to an individual or a
class the right to the acquisition or enjoyment of property in
such manner as should be permitted to the community at large,
would be to deprive them of liberty in particulars of primary
importance." In Story on the Constitution it is said that the
right to acquire, possess and enjoy property and to choose from
those which are lawful the profession or occupation of life, are
among the privileges which the States are forbidden by the
Constitution to abridge.[257]

Basing her claims on this decision, a woman the next year, 1894,
applied for license to sell liquor. This was refused on the ground
that the statute reads: "Any _male_ inhabitant having certain other
specified qualifications may obtain a license." The Supreme Court
decided that "by the use of the word 'male' women are inhibited from
obtaining license to vend intoxicating liquor at retail."

Thus within three years--1893, '94, '95--the same Supreme Court
rendered three decisions each absolutely reversing the others.

EDUCATION: The State University was opened to women in 1867. They are
admitted on equal terms with men to all State institutions of
learning, including Purdue University (agricultural). The only
colleges closed to them are Wabash at Crawfordsville, and the Rose
Polytechnic at Terre Haute. There are women on the faculties of most
of the co-educational universities. A number of women have been
graduated from the various Law and Medical Schools.

In the public schools there are 7,252 men and 8,236 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $48.80; of the women $43.55.

* * * * *

The Women's Clubs number considerably over one hundred, and there are
also many which are composed of both men and women. The State Press
Association had both as charter members. The Union of Literary Clubs,
a strong organization of 104 branches, includes many of these and also
those composed of women alone and of men alone.

The Woman's Club of Indianapolis, founded in 1875, is the oldest in
the city. Under its auspices and through the inspiration of Mrs. May
Wright Sewall, the Propylæum, a handsome club house, was built at a
cost of over $30,000. It was dedicated in 1891 with imposing
ceremonies, in which the Governor, the Mayor and many distinguished
guests assisted the board of directors. All of the stock is held by
women and the construction was entirely superintended by women. It is
one of the important institutions of the city, and is used by a number
of men's and of women's clubs and for many public and private
functions.

In numerous forms of organized work, sanitary inspection, free
kindergartens, flower missions, training schools for nurses,
collegiate alumnæ, art associations, musical clubs, industrial unions,
patriotic societies, church missionary boards, lodge auxiliaries and
countless others--women render conspicuous and inestimable service.
The State Monograph for the World's Fair, previously referred to,
gives detailed information of the associated work of Indiana women in
nearly fifty distinct departments.

FOOTNOTES:

[248] The History is indebted to Mrs. Alice Judah Clarke of Vincennes
for much of the information contained in this chapter.

[249] The other names which appear most frequently during these years
as officers and workers are the Rev. A. Marine, Doctors Isabel
Stafford and Anna B. Campbell, Miss Mary D. Naylor and Mesdames Laura
C. Schofield, Georgia Wright, Sarah E. Franklin, Laura Sandefur, Laura
C. Arnold, C. A. P. Smith, S. S. McCain, H. R. Ridpath, Mary B.
Williams, Laura Kregelo, H. R. Vickery, Emma E. Dixon, Pauline T.
Merritt, Eliza J. Hamilton, L. May Wheeler and Florence M. Adkinson.

[250] State officers: President, Mrs. Bertha G. Wade; vice-president,
Mrs. Mary S. Armstrong; corresponding secretary, Mrs. Alice Wheeler
Peirce; recording secretary, Mrs. Hester Moore Hart; treasurer, Mrs.
Alice E. Waugh; auditors, Mrs. Grace Julian Clarke and Mrs. Albertina
A. Forrest.

Among the strong members of the Tipton club are Judge and Mrs. Dan
Waugh, State Senator and Mrs. G. W. Gifford, Representative and Mrs.
W. R. Ogleboy, Postmaster and Mrs. M. W. Pershing, Dr. and Mrs. M. V.
B. Newcomer and W. H. Barnhart, editor of the _Advocate_.

[251] In 1901 the suffrage societies had a similar bill before the
Legislature, supported by a large petition. It was passed by the House
on March 5 by 52 ayes, 35 noes. Enough votes to carry it had been
pledged in the Senate, but the night following its success in the
House hurried consultations were held and the element which fights
woman suffrage to the death issued its edict. The next morning the
vote was reconsidered and the measure defeated. It was therefore
unnecessary to bring it before the Senate.

[252] Mrs. Gougar's argument in full, with authorities cited, was
published in a pamphlet of sixty pages.

[253] In 1901 the Political Equality Club of Indianapolis put up a
woman candidate who polled over 4,000 votes but was not elected.

[254] The women who have filled this office are Sarah A. Oren,
1873-75; Margaret F. Peelle, 1879-1881; Elizabeth O. Callis,
1881-1889; Mary A. Ahern, 1893-1895; Mrs. E. L. Davidson, 1895-1897.
At present the first and second assistants are women.

[255] For particulars of this unique institution see Vol. III, p. 970.

[256] A Monograph on the Associated Work of Indiana Women, prepared in
1893 by Mrs. Ida Husted Harper for the Columbian Exposition, showed
about twenty county and city orphans' home entirely controlled by
women, and also a number of Homes for the Friendless, Old Ladies'
Homes, Children's Aid Societies, etc.

[257] Some of the highest legal authorities in the State declare that
this is not the law and that it will be so decided whenever the
question is presented to another Supreme Court. If this should happen
then women could practice law only by an amendment of the
constitution. What then would be the status of the cases in which Mrs.
Leach and other women had acted as attorney?

CHAPTER XXXIX.

IOWA.[258]

For thirty years the women of Iowa have been petitioning its
legislative body for the elective franchise. Any proposed amendment to
the State constitution must pass two successive Legislatures before
being submitted to the voters, which makes it exceedingly difficult to
secure one. Throughout the State, however, there has been a steady,
healthy growth of favorable sentiment and the cause now numbers its
friends by thousands.

The Iowa Equal Suffrage Association was formed in 1870 and ever since
has held annual conventions. That of 1884 took place in Des Moines,
November 27, 28, Mrs. Narcissa T. Bemis presiding. The report of the
vice-president, Mrs. Jane Amy McKinney, stated that Miss Matilda
Hindman of Pennsylvania had been employed two months of the year,
besides working several weeks upon her own responsibility. She had
delivered seventy-two lectures, formed about forty organizations and
obtained many hundreds of names to pledges of help. Mrs. Helen M.
Gougar of Indiana had given fifteen addresses, distributed 3,000
tracts and secured 500 subscribers for her paper, _Our Herald_. Mrs.
Mariana T. Folsome, financial secretary, had gone from town to town,
arranging her own meetings and visiting many places where no suffrage
work ever before had been done. Mrs. Margaret W. Campbell, State
organizer, had addressed 139 meetings and assisted in organizing ten
counties. Letters urging a Sixteenth Amendment to the Federal
Constitution had been written to all the Iowa members of Congress.

The convention met Oct. 21, 22, 1885, in Cedar Rapids, and elected
Mrs. Campbell president. Lucy Stone and Henry B. Blackwell delivered
evening addresses, while among the delegates was Mrs. Carrie Lane
Chapman (Catt). Mrs. Mary J. Coggeshall, chairman of the executive
committee, reported that each of the eleven congressional districts
had been given in charge of a vice-president of the State association,
local societies had been formed, numerous public meetings held and
seventeen counties organized. Petitions were in circulation asking the
Legislature to amend the constitution of the State so as to
enfranchise women, and others that women be excused from paying taxes
until they had representation. About forty weekly papers had columns
edited by the press committee. At the State Agricultural Fair this
committee had, as usual, a large amount of literature in a handsomely
decorated booth, which was crowded with visitors from all parts of the
State.

In the autumn of 1886 the annual meeting convened in Ottumwa. During
that year funds had been raised and a permanent cottage erected on the
State Fair grounds to be used as suffrage headquarters. There was also
established in Des Moines a State paper, the _Woman's Standard_, with
Mrs. Coggeshall as editor and Mrs. Martha C. Callanan as business
manager. This paper, an eight-page monthly, issued its first number in
September.[259]

The State Convention of 1887 was held in Des Moines, and that of 1888
in Ames. At the latter Miss Susan B. Anthony gave an inspiring
address. The State Agricultural College is located at Ames, and Capt.
James Rush Lincoln of the military department tendered the delegates
an exhibition drill on the campus of Company G, which was composed
entirely of girls.

The annual convention took place in Oskaloosa, Oct. 30-Nov. 1, 1889. A
letter of approval was received from George A. Gates, president of
Iowa College. Mr. Blackwell and Lucy Stone were present and added much
to the interest of the meetings. Mrs. Campbell was for the third time
elected president.

On Dec. 4, 5, 1890, the association again assembled in Des Moines,
with Miss Anthony in attendance. The resolutions recommended that the
suffragists make an effort to place women on all the school boards,
and that they work for the election of legislators favoring Municipal
and School Suffrage for women.

The society was incorporated under the State laws Nov. 7, 1891, as the
Iowa Equal Suffrage Association. The twentieth convention was held at
Ames, December 3, 4. Three departments of work were arranged--fair,
press and oratorical contest--and a superintendent of each was
appointed. Reports were received from all parts of the State which
indicated an increasing growth of sentiment and it was decided to
place another organizer in the field. The delegates were invited by
President William Beardshear to visit the State Agricultural College.
Upon their return they passed a resolution declaring that "the
Legislature ought to provide a suitable hall for women students."
Margaret Hall has since been erected, a commodious building designed
for their exclusive use.

The twenty-first annual meeting was called at Des Moines, Sept. 22,
1892, in connection with the Mississippi Valley Suffrage Conference.
There were present Miss Anthony, president of the National
Association, Mr. Blackwell, Senator M. B. Castle and Mrs. Catharine
Waugh McCulloch of Illinois, Miss Laura Clay of Kentucky, Mrs. Sarah
Burger Stearns of Minnesota and many others from different States. The
report of Mrs. Eliza H. Hunter, chairman of the executive committee,
said:

In no previous year has the demand upon our workers been so
great, and never has the response been so quick and hearty. Mrs.
Chapman Catt, Mrs. Emma Smith DeVoe of Illinois, the Rev. Olympia
Brown of Wisconsin, and Mrs. Belle Mitchell of Iowa, have been
our lecturers and organizers. The association was invited to send
a speaker to the Chautauqua Assembly at Colfax and the Rev. C. C.
Harrah was secured. A plan of work prepared by Mrs. Chapman Catt
was issued as a supplement to the _Woman's Standard_, and sent to
every county president and local club. Mrs. Callanan published at
the same time the Iowa Collection of Readings and Recitations for
suffrage societies. The study topics arranged for clubs two years
ago had been in such demand that a new supply was necessary. We
also have had printed 6,000 copies of a tract, A Woman Suffrage
Catechism, by Mrs. C. Holt Flint. The State Agricultural Society
by request set apart one day of the fair as Woman's Day, and five
women's organizations took part in the exercises. At the hour
devoted especially to suffrage Mrs. DeVoe made the address, Mrs.
Coggeshall presiding. It was hard to tell where this hour began
and ended, for to the listener all seemed suffrage hours.

This report told also of a series of questions sent out which
ascertained that, in the territory covered by twenty-eight clubs,
seventy-eight ministers were in favor of suffrage and eighteen
opposed; and in the same territory forty editors were in favor and
nineteen opposed. There were at that time fifty-seven clubs in the
State.

The year 1893 marked a period of unusual activity. The executive
committee held monthly meetings. Four organizers were kept in the
field. A large amount of money was raised and $100 donated to the
campaign in Colorado. A request was sent to the clubs that each
contribute to the campaign in Kansas, which in many instances was
done. The annual meeting took place in Webster City, November 9, 10.

The convention of 1894 was held in Marshalltown, November 8, 9. That
of 1895 met in Des Moines, October 18, 19. Mrs. Laura M. Johns of
Kansas was secured for a month of organization work and the suffrage
enrollment ordered to be continued.

In 1896 Mrs. Adelaide Ballard was elected State organizer. At the
State Fair Mrs. Pauline Swalm delivered an address on The Woman
Citizen. The suffrage cottage was kept open and a long list of names
was placed upon the enrollment books. The annual meeting convened in
Independence, November 17-19. Mrs. Ballard reported thirty-seven new
clubs organized. Mrs. Anna H. Satterly announced that forty-two
newspapers were publishing articles furnished by the National
Association, which also sent Mrs. DeVoe for a month's work in the
State.

In January, 1897, the National Association held its convention in Des
Moines, with many noted women in attendance.[260] This gave a great
impetus to the work and had a decided effect upon sentiment in the
State, particularly on that of the daily papers in Des Moines, most of
which since this time have treated the cause with marked courtesy. At
the close of the convention fifty members were added to the city club.
The National Association heartily approved the plan of an active
campaign with a view to securing the submission of a suffrage
amendment from the Legislature. Under the directions of Mrs. Chapman
Catt, chairman of its organization committee, workers were sent into
the field to hold a series of conventions for the purpose of
perfecting the organization of the State. These resulted in county
societies in ninety-four of the ninety-nine counties and one hundred
new clubs. The speakers were the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, national
vice-president-at-large, and the Rev. Henrietta G. Moore of Ohio; the
managers, Miss Mary G. Hay of New York and Miss Laura A. Gregg of
Kansas. Mrs. Ballard and Mrs. Clara M. Richey each gave a month to
conducting meetings, and other Iowa women rendered valuable
assistance.

The annual meeting of 1897 took place in Des Moines, October 13-15.
Mrs. Chapman Catt, Miss Hay, Miss Moore and Mrs. Addie M. Johnson of
Missouri were present. Much enthusiasm was manifested and $1,400 were
raised to carry on the next year's work. It was decided to open
headquarters in Des Moines the first of January, 1898, with Mrs. Ina
Light Taylor as office secretary.

Beginning in April, 1898, the State association conducted a series of
conferences throughout the northern part of Iowa, employing as
speakers Mrs. Campbell and Mrs. Ballard; and as managers Miss Ella
Harrison of Missouri and Mrs. Richey. At the same time the National
Association sent into the southern part Miss Moore and Mrs. Martha A.
B. Conine of Colorado, as speakers, and Miss Gregg and Mrs. Jennie L.
Wilson as managers. The annual meeting was held in Council Bluffs,
October 19-21. Mrs. Evelyn H. Belden was made president.

During 1899 a large amount of work was done by correspondence. The
office of press superintendent was transferred to headquarters, from
which 200 newspapers were supplied each week with suffrage matter. Two
hundred and fifty clubs were in active existence. The convention met
in Mason City, October 10-12. Mrs. Belden was unanimously re-elected
and $1,500 were raised.

The convention of 1900 was held in Des Moines, October 16-18, with
Mrs. Chapman Catt in attendance. During the year Mrs. Nellie Welsh
Nelson had done organization work in northwestern Iowa, and Miss Hay
and Dr. Frances Woods lately had held a number of meetings and formed
several clubs. One thousand dollars were pledged to continue the State
headquarters. Mrs. Belden was again elected to the presidency, and
the association entered upon the new century bearing the banner it had
followed for thirty years, with the inscription, "Never give up."[261]

Year after year the executive committee have visited the State
conventions of all the political parties asking for a plank in their
platforms indorsing equal suffrage, but without success. Many of the
prominent officials and political leaders, however, have openly
declared in favor of the enfranchisement of women.[262]

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: From its organization in 1870 the State
association has had a bill before every Legislature asking some form
of suffrage for women. This usually has passed one House but never
both at the same session. The petitions accompanying these bills have
varied from 8,000 signatures in 1884 to 100,000 in 1900. In 1884 the
measure was carried in the Senate but lost in the House.

In 1886 a bill for Municipal Suffrage was introduced by Representative
J. A. Lyons, amended to include School Suffrage and recommended for
passage, but it never came to a vote.

In 1888 a bill for Municipal and School Suffrage was lost in the House
by 11 ayes, 80 noes. This was presented in the Senate also but never
voted upon.

In 1890 a bill for School Suffrage was recommended for passage in the
House but did not reach a vote. A bill for Municipal Suffrage at the
same session was not reported. Both were killed in the Senate
committee.

In 1892 a bill allowing women to vote for Presidential Electors was
introduced in the House but was unfavorably reported and indefinitely
postponed. In the Senate it was referred to the Committee on Suffrage
and never reported.

In 1894 a bill for Municipal and School Suffrage was favorably
reported in the House. It was made a special order and, after being
amended so as to give women the right to vote _only when bonds were to
be issued_, it was returned to the Judiciary Committee. They reported
it without recommendation for the reason that they were not agreed as
to its constitutionality. It was passed by 51 ayes, 39 noes. In the
Senate the amended bill passed by 27 ayes, 20 noes.

The greatest difficulty in the way of securing Municipal or School
Suffrage was the opinion prevalent among legislators that it would be
unconstitutional. In view of this fact the State association decided
to drop all partial suffrage measures and ask only for the Full
Franchise by constitutional amendment.

In 1898 a legislative committee was appointed with Mrs. Belden, State
president, as chairman. Assisted by Miss Mary G. Hay of New York, she
spent some time at the capital trying to secure a joint resolution for
the submission of an amendment. The resolution was lost in the House
by 50 ayes, 47 noes--just one short of a constitutional majority,
which is one over a half of the whole number of members. It did not
come to a vote in the Senate.

In 1900 Mrs. Belden established headquarters at the Savery House in
Des Moines, and with other members of the legislative committee
conducted a vigorous campaign for submission. The bill was reported
favorably by unanimous vote of both House and Senate committees, but
was lost in the House by 44 ayes, 55 noes. Subsequently it passed the
"sifting committee," for the first time in the history of suffrage
legislation in the State. It was then acted upon by the Senate and
lost by 24 ayes, 23 noes--lacking two votes of a constitutional
majority. The absence on account of illness of some of the friends of
the measure contributed to this result. In the meantime work had been
done in the House by Mrs. Belden and the Hon. G. W. Hinkle which had
made it certain that if the bill was carried in the Senate the House
would reconsider and pass it. The bill was treated with courtesy and
fairness and instead of ignoring its claims men came voluntarily to
talk about it and showed a genuine interest.

The laws of inheritance are the same for husband and wife. Dower and
curtesy are abolished. The surviving husband or wife is entitled to
one-third in fee simple of both real and personal estate of the other
at his or her death. If either die intestate, leaving no issue,
one-half of the estate goes to the survivor, the rest to his or her
parents, one or both; or if they are both dead, to their descendants.
If there are none such, the whole estate goes to the surviving husband
or wife. If there should have been more than one wife or husband, the
half portion is equally divided between the husband or wife living and
the heirs of those who are dead, or the heirs of all, if all are dead.

A married woman may contract, sue and be sued and carry on business in
her own name as if unmarried and her earnings are her sole and
separate property.

In 1896 an act was passed making it illegal for the husband to
mortgage household goods without the wife's signature. The same year
it was made a misdemeanor and punishable as such for a man to desert a
woman whom he married to escape prosecution for seduction.

The law declares the father and mother natural guardians and legally
entitled to the custody of the minor children, but in practice the
father has prior claim.

The support and education of the family are chargeable equally on the
husband's and the wife's property.

In 1886 the "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 13
years; and in 1896, on petition of the Woman's Christian Temperance
Union, from 13 to 15 years. The penalty is imprisonment in the
penitentiary for life or for any term of years not less than twenty.
An amendment was made in 1894 that "a man can not be convicted upon
the testimony of the person injured unless she be corroborated by
other evidence."

The same year this organization secured a law compelling the
separation of men and women prisoners in county jails.

SUFFRAGE: Since 1894 the right of any citizen to vote at any city,
town or school election, on the question of issuing any bonds for
municipal or school purposes, and for the purpose of borrowing money,
or on the question of increasing the tax levy, shall not be denied or
abridged on account of sex.

At all elections where women may vote, no registration of women shall
be required, separate ballots shall be furnished for the question on
which they are entitled to vote, a separate ballot-box shall be
provided in which all ballots cast by them shall be deposited, and a
separate canvass thereof made by the judges of the election, and the
returns thereof shall show such vote.

OFFICE HOLDING: Women are not forbidden by law to hold any office
except that of legislator.

In 1884 thirteen women were serving as county superintendents and ten
as superintendents of city schools; six were presidents, thirty-five
secretaries and fifty treasurers of school boards. In 1885 the school
board of Des Moines elected a woman city superintendent at a salary of
$1,800, with charge of eighty teachers, including two male principals.
In 1900 twenty-one women were elected county superintendents. A large
number are acting as school trustees but it is impossible to get the
exact figures.

The office of State librarian always was filled by a woman until 1898,
when Gov. Leslie M. Shaw placed a man in charge. The librarian of the
State University always has been a woman. There are two women on the
Library Board of Des Moines.

Clerkships in the Legislature and in the executive offices are
frequently given to women.

For six years Mrs. Anna Hepburn was recorder of Polk County, and this
office has been held by women in other counties.

A law of 1892 requires cities of over 25,000 inhabitants to employ
police matrons. They wear uniform and star and have the same authority
as men on the force, with this difference in their appointment: The
law makes it permanent and they can not be dismissed unless serious
charges are proved against them.

A woman has been appointed a member of the Board of Examiners for the
Law Department of the State University. For a number of years women
have been sitting on the State boards of Charities and Reforms. They
have served on the Board of Trustees of the Soldiers' Orphans' Home. A
woman is on the State Board of Education, and another on the State
Library Commission.

The law provides that women physicians may be employed in the State
hospitals for the insane, but only two or three have been appointed.
The Board of Control may appoint a woman on the visiting committee for
these asylums but this has not yet been done. A few women have served
on this board.

The law also provides for women physicians in all State institutions
where women are placed, but does not require them.

The Legislature of 1900 passed a bill to establish a Woman's
Industrial Reformatory of which the superintendent must be a woman.
The salary is $1,000 a year.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is legally forbidden to
women. In 1884 Iowa furnished, at Marion, what is believed to be the
first instance of the election of a woman as president of a United
States national bank.

EDUCATION: The universities and colleges, including the State
Agricultural College, always have been co-educational.

In the public schools there are 5,855 men and 22,839 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $37.10; of the women, $31.45.

* * * * *

The women of Iowa have thrown themselves eagerly into the great club
movement, and clubs literary, philanthropic, scientific and political
abound. The State Federation numbers 300 of these with a membership of
12,000. This, however, does not include nearly all the women's
organizations.

By all the means at their command women are striving to fit themselves
for whatever duties the future may have in store for them. With an
unfaltering trust in the manhood of Iowa men, those who advocate
suffrage are waiting--and working while they wait--for the time when
men and women shall stand side by side in governmental as in all other
vital matters.

FOOTNOTES:

[258] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Clara M. Richey
of Des Moines, recording secretary of the State Equal Suffrage
Association.

[259] The _Woman's Standard_ has continued to be a source of pride to
Iowa women up to the present time, and is now edited by J. O.
Stevenson and published by Mrs. Sarah Ware Whitney.

[260] See Chapter XVII.

[261] The following have served as presidents, beginning with 1884:
Mrs. Narcissa T. Bemis, Mrs. Margaret W. Campbell (four terms), Mrs.
Mary B. Welch, Mrs. Mary J. Coggeshall (two terms), Mrs. Estelle T.
Smith (two terms), Mrs. Rowena Stevens, Mrs. M. Lloyd Kennedy, Mrs.
Adelaide Ballard (two terms), Mrs. Evelyn H. Belden (three terms).

The officers at present are: Vice-president, Mrs. Dollie Romans
Bradley; corresponding secretary, Mrs. Nellie Welsh Nelson; recording
secretary, Mrs. Clara M. Richey; treasurer, Mrs. Mary J. Coggeshall;
executive committee, Mrs. Anna H. Ankeny, Mrs. Emma C. Ladd, Miss
Alice Priest; auditors, Mrs. Martha C. Callanan, Mrs. Ina Light
Taylor; member national executive committee, Mrs. Margaret W.
Campbell; State organizer, Dr. Frances Woods.

[262] It is plainly impossible to mention the names of all or even a
large part of the workers in a State where so much has been done. A
few of the most prominent not already named are George W. Bemis;
Mesdames Irene Adams, Virginia Branner, S. J. Cole, S. J. Cottrell,
Mary E. Emsley, Clara F. Harkness, Julia Clark Hallam, Helen M.
Harriman, Etta S. Kirk, Alice S. Longley, Hannah Lecompte, Florence
Maskrey, Emily Phillips, Martha A. Peck, Mettie Laub Romans, C. A.
Reynolds, Cordelia Sloughton, Roma W. Woods; Misses Daisy Deighton,
Ella Moffatt, Katharine Pierce.

CHAPTER XL.

KANSAS.[263]

The first Woman's Rights Association was organized in Kansas in the
spring of 1859, by a little coterie of twenty-five men and women, with
the object of securing suffrage for women from the convention which
was to meet in July to form a constitution for Statehood. They did not
succeed in this but to them is largely due its remarkably liberal
provisions regarding women.[264]

Afterwards local suffrage societies were formed but there was no
attempt to have a State association until 1884. In the winter of that
year Mrs. Bertha H. Ellsworth was sent to the National Convention at
Washington by the society of Lincoln, and she returned enthusiastic
for organization. After some correspondence the first convention was
called by Mrs. Hetta P. Mansfield, who had been appointed
vice-president of Kansas by the National Association, and it met in
the Senate Chamber at Topeka, June 25. Mrs. Helen M. Gougar, who was
making a lecture tour of the State, was invited to preside, and Mrs.
Anna C. Wait, president of the five-year-old society at Lincoln and
for many years the strongest force behind the movement, acted as
secretary.[265] Telegrams of greeting were received from Lucy Stone
and Henry B. Blackwell, editors of the _Woman's Journal_. At the
evening meeting Mrs. Ellsworth recited an original poem and Mrs.
Gougar delivered a fine address to a large audience. Professor W. H.
Carruth, of the University of Kansas, assisted, coming as delegate
from a flourishing suffrage society at Lawrence, of which Miss Sarah
A. Brown was president and Mrs. Annie L. Diggs secretary. A
constitution was adopted and Mrs. Mansfield was elected president;
Mrs. Wait, vice-president; Mrs. Ellsworth, corresponding secretary.

In the fall of 1884 Mrs. Ellsworth and Mrs. Clara B. Colby of
Nebraska, made an extended lecture and organizing tour. At Salina they
met and enlisted Mrs. Laura M. Johns, and then began the systematic
work which rapidly brought Mrs. Johns to the front as the leader of
the suffrage forces in Kansas. In addition to her great ability as an
organizer, she is an unsurpassed manager of conventions, a forceful
writer, an able speaker and a woman of winning personality.

On Jan. 15, 16, 1885, the State association held its annual meeting in
Topeka, during the first week of the Legislature. Its chief business
was to secure the introduction of a bill granting Municipal Woman
Suffrage, in which it succeeded. Mrs. Gougar was an inspiring figure
throughout the convention, addressing a large audience in Assembly
Hall. A Committee on the Political Rights of Women was secured in the
Lower House by a vote of 75 yeas, 45 nays, after a spirited contest.
One was refused in the Senate by a tie vote. Much interest and
discussion among the members resulted and a favorable sentiment was
created. Mrs. Wait was made president, Mrs. Johns, vice-president. A
second convention was held this year in Salina, October 28, 29, with
"Mother" Bickerdyke and Mrs. Colby as the principal speakers. A large
amount of work was planned, all looking to the end of securing
Municipal Suffrage from the next Legislature.

During 1886 the State Woman's Christian Temperance Union, under the
presidency of Mrs. Fannie H. Rastall, zealously co-operated with the
suffrage association in the effort for the Municipal Franchise, Miss
Amanda Way, Mrs. Sarah A. Thurston, Miss Olive P. Bray and many other
able women making common cause with its legislative committee and
working for the bill. About 9,000 suffrage documents were distributed.

This autumn eleven conventions in the congressional districts of the
State were held under the efficient management of Mrs. Johns and Mrs.
Wait, beginning at Leavenworth, October 4, 5, and following at
Abilene, Lincoln, Florence, Hutchinson, Wichita, Anthony, Winfield,
Independence, Fort Scott and Lawrence. Miss Susan B. Anthony,
vice-president-at-large of the National Association, Mrs. Colby and
Mrs. Elizabeth Lyle Saxon of New Orleans, were the speakers. They were
greeted by crowded houses, Miss Anthony especially receiving an
ovation at every place visited.

In October the American W. S. A. held its national convention in
Topeka. Lucy Stone, Henry B. Blackwell, the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw and
Mrs. Julia Ward Howe, of Massachusetts, and the Hon. William Dudley
Foulke and Mrs. Mary E. Haggart, of Indiana, were present. The meeting
was of incalculable benefit at this time. For the next few months Mrs.
Gougar, with her strong speeches, was everywhere in demand; Mrs. Saxon
was continuously at work; Mrs. Zerelda G. Wallace of Indiana made a
number of powerful addresses, and the whole State was aroused in the
interest of the bill.

Instead of holding the usual State convention in 1886 it met in
Topeka, Jan. 11-13, 1887, when the Legislature was in session, and was
largely attended for success seemed near at hand. Mrs. Belva A.
Lockwood of Washington, D. C., made an able address. The other
speakers were Professor Carruth, the Rev. C. H. Rogers, Mrs. Saxon and
Mrs. Colby. Miss Sarah A. Brown, as chairman of the committee,
reported a resolution urging the Legislature to confer Municipal
Suffrage on women, which was unanimously carried, and the most
determined purpose to secure its passage by the Legislature then in
session was manifested. Mrs. Johns was elected president, an office
which she held eight consecutive years.

The bill passed and became a law February 15. The next annual meeting
took place in Newton, Oct. 13-15, 1887, with the usual large
attendance.[266] Miss Anthony, Mr. Blackwell, the Rev. Miss Shaw and
Rachel G. Foster (Avery) were the speakers from abroad. Two notable
events were the appearance of Kansas' first woman mayor, Mrs. M. D.
Salter of Argonia, and the reading of a carefully compiled statement
relative to the first vote of women in the towns and cities at the
election the preceding April. This paper was the work of Judge Francis
G. Adams, for many years secretary of the State Historical Society,
and a lifelong friend and helper of woman's enfranchisement. It
answered conclusively the question whether women would vote if they
had an opportunity.

This convention was followed by a very successful series of meetings
in many cities to arouse public sentiment in favor of Full Suffrage,
under the management of Mrs. Johns and Mrs. Letitia V. Watkins, State
organizer, with Miss Anthony, Miss Shaw and Miss Foster as speakers.
Considerable attention was given to the speech recently made by U. S.
Senator John J. Ingalls at Abilene, vigorously opposing woman
suffrage.

Mrs. Mary A. Woodbridge of the National, and Mrs. Rastall of the
Kansas W. C. T. U., also made an active canvass of the State. These
organizations united in a strong appeal to women to be equal to their
new responsibilities, which was supplemented by one from the national
president, Miss Frances E. Willard.

The State convention met at Emporia, Nov. 13-15, 1888, with Miss
Anthony as its most inspiring figure. A notable feature was the
address of Mrs. Johns, the president, in which she said:

And this brings me to speak of our attitude toward political
parties. Whatever may be the individual preferences of the
officers of our State Association, _our organization is
non-partisan_. I have hitherto regarded it as necessary that it
should be strictly non-partisan, just as I have believed that it
must remain non-sectarian, so that no one of any faith, political
or religious, shall be shut out from our work.... I believe that
this attitude toward sects will be necessary to the day of our
full enfranchisement; but not as it now is will our relations to
_party_ remain. The time is not yet ripe perhaps, but the years
will not be many to go over our heads before we shall feel the
necessity of declaring our allegiance to a party, and it is
possible that to this we will be compelled to come before we
secure an amendment to the constitution of the State striking out
the word "male."

A strong speech was made by Secretary Adams, urging that women should
do aggressive political work with a view of securing the franchise.
From this time on women were not only welcomed as political allies,
but their influence and active participation were sought in party
politics. Many women lent their aid chiefly owing to their belief
that they would thus become so valuable as to win party support to
their full enfranchisement; others were enlisted by reason of their
interest and devotion to the issues. Whether for good or ill as it
should affect full suffrage, Kansas women thenceforth entered fully
into party affiliations, but as individuals and not as representing
the suffrage association.

The State convention of 1889 assembled in Wichita, October 1-3. Miss
Anthony was an honored guest and among those who made addresses were
Mrs. Colby, Mrs. Mary D. Lowman, mayor of Oskaloosa, and the Hon.
Randolph Hatfield.

At the convention of 1890 in Atchison, November 18-20, Miss Anthony
was again present accompanied by Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt and Mrs.
Colby.

The annual meeting of 1891 was held in Topeka, November 20, 21. During
the past year the great political change from Republicanism to
Populism had taken place in Kansas. Women had been among the most
potent factors in this revolution, and as woman suffrage was at that
time a cardinal principle of the Populist party, and there always had
been considerable sentiment in favor of it among Republicans, the
prospects of obtaining the Full Franchise seemed very bright.

In February and March of 1892 a series of thirty two-days' conventions
was held in the congressional districts and in nearly one-third of the
counties of the State, attended by great crowds. Miss Jennie Broderick
was chairman of the committee, Mrs. Rachel Foster Avery secretary and
treasurer, and Mrs. Martha Powell Davis, Mrs. Martia L. Berry, Mrs.
Diggs and Mrs. Wait were the other members. Mrs. Avery contributed
$1,000 toward this canvass. Outside speakers were Miss Florence
Balgarnie of England, Mrs. Mary Seymour Howell of New York, Mrs. Clara
C. Hoffman of Missouri, and the Rev. Miss Shaw. The State speakers
were Mesdames S. A. Thurston, May Belleville Brown, Elizabeth F.
Hopkins, J. Shelly Boyd and Caroline L. Denton. Mrs. Johns arranged
all of these conventions, presided one day or more over each and spoke
at every one, organizing in person twenty-five of the thirty-one local
societies which were formed as a result of these meetings.

The first week in June a two-days' suffrage conference was held at
the Ottawa Chautauqua Assembly, with the assistance of Miss Anthony,
president, and Miss Shaw, vice-president-at-large of the National
Association. From here Miss Anthony went to the State Republican
Convention, in session at Topeka, accompanied by Mrs. Johns, Mrs.
Hopkins and Mrs. Brown, officers of the State suffrage society. They
were joined by Miss Amanda Way and "Mother" Bickerdyke, and by
unanimous vote all of these ladies were given seats upon the floor of
the convention. Miss Anthony was invited to address the body,
conducted to the platform amid ringing cheers and her remarks were
cordially received. Later several of the ladies addressed the
resolutions committee, and the final result, by 455 yeas, 267 nays,
was a plank in the platform unequivocally declaring for the submission
of an amendment to the constitution to enfranchise women. A similar
plank already had been adopted by the Populist State Convention at
Wichita with great enthusiasm.

During the autumn campaign following, Mrs. Diggs and other women spoke
from the Populist platform, and Miss Anthony, Mrs. Johns and Mrs. T.
J. Smith from the Republican. Miss Anthony, however, simply called
attention to the record of the Republican party in the cause of human
freedom, and urged them to complete it by enfranchising women, but did
not take up political issues.

The State convention of 1892 was held at Enterprise, December 6-8, and
the problem of preserving the non-partisan attitude of the
organization so as to appeal with equal force to Republicans and
Populists presented itself. With this in view, Mrs. Diggs, a Populist,
was made vice-president, as support and counsellor of Mrs. Johns, the
president, who was a prominent Republican, and the association,
despite the political diversity of its members, was held strictly to a
non-partisan basis.

Both Republicans and Populists having declared for the submission of a
woman suffrage amendment, the Legislature of 1893 passed a bill for
this purpose, championed by Representative E. W. Hoch and Senator
Householder. From that time forward, Mrs. Johns, Mrs. Diggs and
hundreds of Kansas women of both Republican and Populist faith labored
with untiring zeal for its success. Nothing was left undone that human
wisdom could plan or human effort carry out.

On Sept. 1, 2, 1893, a mass meeting was held in Kansas City at which
Mrs. Chapman Catt ably presented the question. Mrs. Emma Smith DeVoe
of Illinois agreed to raise $2,000 in the State. Mrs. Thurston, at the
head of the press bureau, announced that hundreds of papers were
pledged to support the amendment; the State Teachers' Association
passed a strong resolution for it; the Grand Army of the Republic was
in favor; Miss Helen L. Kimber related much success in organizing, and
from every county came reports of meetings and debates.

Mrs. Johns, State president, went to the National Suffrage Convention
in Washington in the winter of 1894 and made a most earnest appeal for
assistance in the way of speakers and funds, both of which were
promised by the association. She was appointed chairman of the
amendment committee with power to name the members,[267] and they
opened up with energy the long campaign of agitation, education and
organization. They started enrollment books, appointed polling
committees and undertook to put people to work in every one of the
2,100 voting precincts. The National Association contributed $2,571
and also a number of speakers. A constitutional amendment campaign was
in progress in New York but Miss Anthony made many trips from there to
Kansas, and spent months in canvassing the State, donating her
services during the entire time.

Work was continued without cessation for the purpose of creating a
public sentiment which would be strong enough to compel the delegates
to the political State conventions of 1894 to adopt a plank supporting
this amendment, just as in 1892 they had adopted one asking for it.
But in 1892 the Populists had swept the State, and in 1894 the
Republicans were determined to regain possession of it at all hazards.
The amazement and grief of the Republican women was beyond expression
when they learned early in 1894 that their party was going to refuse
indorsement at its convention in June. Every possible influence was
brought to bear by the State and the National Associations. Miss
Anthony, Miss Shaw and Mrs. Chapman Catt went to Kansas to open the
spring canvass for the women, May 4. They spoke to an immense audience
in Kansas City and a resolution was adopted urging all parties to put
a woman suffrage plank in their platforms. Miss Anthony's speech was
published in full in the Leavenworth _Times_, Col. D. R. Anthony,
editor, and circulated throughout the State. This was the beginning of
a great series of two-days' suffrage conventions held by two groups of
speakers and so "overlapping" that meetings were going on in four
county seats every day, until 85 of the 105 counties had been reached
in this way. The Rev. Miss Shaw and Mrs. Chapman Catt represented the
National Association, reinforced by a number of able State speakers.
All of these meetings were arranged and managed by Mrs. Johns.

Although obliged to return to New York at that time, in three weeks
Miss Anthony went back to Kansas, arriving the day before the
Republican convention, June 6. Neither she nor Miss Shaw was allowed
to address the resolutions committee, which had been carefully
fortified against all efforts by the appointment as chairman of
ex-Gov. C. V. Eskridge, an active opponent of woman suffrage since the
previous campaign of 1867. Mrs. J. Ellen Foster of Washington, D. C.,
and Mrs. Johns, both strong Republican speakers, were, however,
permitted to present the claims of the women, but the platform was
absolutely silent, not even recognizing the services of Republican
women in municipal politics.

The next Saturday night a mass meeting attended by over 1,000 people
was held in Topeka, Mrs. Diggs presiding, Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw
making the addresses.

Every effort was now put forth to secure a plank from the Populist
convention, June 12. There was great opposition, as the party knew the
approaching struggle would be one of life or death. Gov. L. D.
Lewelling had asserted he would not stand for re-election on a
platform which declared for woman suffrage. While the resolutions
committee was out, Miss Anthony, Miss Shaw and Mrs. Chapman Catt
addressed the convention amidst great enthusiasm. The majority of the
committee, led by its chairman, P. P. Elder, were bitterly opposed to
a suffrage plank. It occupied them most of the night, and was defeated
by 13 yeas, 8 nays. The one woman member, Mrs. Eliza Hudson, brought
in a minority report signed by herself and the other seven, and in
spite of every parliamentary tactic it was brought to a debate and
discussed four hours, Judge Frank Doster[268] leading the affirmative.
The debate was closed by Mrs. Diggs,[269] and the resolution was
adopted by 337 yeas, 269 nays--with a rider attached to it saying,
"but we do not regard this as a test of party fealty."

The Democratic women brought every possible influence to bear on the
State convention of that party but it adopted the following
resolution: "We oppose woman suffrage as tending to destroy the home
and family, the true basis of political safety, and express the hope
that the helpmeet and guardian of the family sanctuary may not be
dragged from the modest purity of self-imposed seclusion to be thrown
unwillingly into the unfeminine places of political strife."

Miss Shaw continued canvassing the State for two months. Then Mrs.
Chapman Catt went out and remained until after election, making
addresses, conferring with the politicians and counseling with the
women. Miss Anthony, who was obliged to give most of the summer to the
great campaign in progress in her own State of New York, returned to
Kansas October 20, and spoke daily on the Populist platform in the
principal towns until election day, November 6, but only on the
suffrage plank. A large number of the ablest of the Kansas women made
speeches throughout the campaign and an army of them worked for the
amendment.[270]

The battle was lost, and the grief and disappointment of the Kansas
women were indescribable. The amendment failed by 34,837 votes--95,302
yeas, 130,139 nays. The total vote cast for Governor was 299,231;
total vote on suffrage amendment, 225,441; not voting on amendment,
73,790. There was an attempt to keep count of the ballots according to
parties, but it was not entirely successful and there was no way of
correctly estimating their political complexion. However, the vote for
Gov. E. N. Morrill (Rep.) lacked only 1,800 of that for the other
three candidates combined, which shows how easily the Republican party
might have carried the amendment. Subtracting the 5,000 Prohibition
votes, three-fourths of which it was conceded were cast for the
amendment, it lacked 27,000 of receiving as many votes as were cast
for the Populist candidate for Governor. Since some Republicans must
have voted for it, the figures prove that a vast number of Populists
did not do so.[271]

The first State convention following the defeat of 1894 was held at
Winfield, December 6, 7, of that year. Mrs. Johns was once more
elected president, but the profound disappointment over the defeat of
the amendment made it impossible to revive organization or interest to
any satisfactory degree.

From 1887 until 1895 Mrs. Johns was the efficient and devoted
president of the State association. As she declined to serve longer,
the convention which met at Eureka, November 21, 22, elected Mrs. Kate
R. Addison to this office. Mrs. Addison began her official work with
much hopefulness, established a monthly paper, the _Suffrage
Reveille_, and succeeded in enlisting new workers in the cause. Miss
Laura A. Gregg, State organizer, added a number of clubs and over 200
members.

In June, 1896, Mrs. Charlotte Perkins Stetson was brought into the
State for twenty-seven lectures, beginning with the Chautauqua
Assembly at Winfield. The annual meeting took place at Topeka,
November 10, ll, and Mrs. Addison was re-elected.

The convention of 1897 was held at Yates Center, December 8-10, and
Mrs. Addison was continued in office. Mrs. Stetson had again made a
lecturing tour of the State and a general revival of interest was
reported.

Miss Anthony and Mrs. Chapman Catt were present at the State
convention in Paola, Oct. 21, 22, 1898. Mrs. Abbie A. Welch, a pioneer
in the cause, was elected to the presidency. During this year Mrs.
Johns and Miss Gregg organized a number of counties, and the press
superintendent, Mrs. Alice G. Young, did effective work with the
newspapers.

The annual meeting of 1899 was held in Kansas City, October 9-11, and
was the most largely attended since the great defeat. Gov. John P. St.
John was the orator of the occasion. The Rev. Father Kuhls, a Catholic
priest, spoke as a disbeliever in woman's enfranchisement, which
furnished inspiration for a reply by Mrs. Diggs. This event created an
interest equalling the old-time enthusiasm, and it was believed that
the hour for renewed activity had struck. Mrs. Diggs was made
president, and it was unanimously resolved to take up again the work
for full enfranchisement.

The convention of 1900 was held in Olathe, December 18, 19. The State
at the recent Presidential election having gone strongly Republican,
Mrs. Diggs thought it not political wisdom to remain at the head of
the association and Miss Gregg was elected president. When it was
learned that she had taken charge of the Nebraska suffrage
headquarters her duties devolved upon Miss Helen L. Kimber, the new
vice-president. This convention voted against the proposition to ask
the Legislature of 1901 to submit a constitutional amendment, thinking
it advisable first to devote two years to the work of organization,
after which it is generally believed the full suffrage can be
secured.[272]

LEGISLATIVE ACTION: The State Association from its beginning in 1884
made Municipal Suffrage its chief object. In 1885 a bill for this
purpose was presented in the House by Frank J. Kelly. It was favorably
reported by the Judiciary Committee, but although advanced somewhat on
the calendar it was too far down to reach a vote.

At a special session in 1886 the bill was reported to the House by the
committee on Political Rights of Women, and a large force of competent
women went to Topeka to urge its passage. On February 10 it stood
eighth from the top on the calendar. On February 11, when the
Committee on Revision submitted its report, it stood sixty-first. A
strong protest was made by its friends on the floor and by a standing
vote it was restored to its original place. The enemies were now
thoroughly alarmed. A State election was close at hand and the
Prohibitionists were crowding the Republicans. The bill was
practically a Republican measure and its opponents in that party hit
upon the scheme of getting up a Third Party scare. They were led by
ex-Gov. George T. Anthony who declared he would spend his last cent to
defeat the bill. It was denounced by press and politicians as a sly
Prohibition trick, some of its best friends were thus silenced and it
was quietly smothered. The bill was introduced in the Senate by L. B.
Kellogg and favorably reported from the Judiciary Committee with an
opposing minority report. It was ably championed by himself, Senators
H. B. Kelly and R. W. Blue, but was eventually stricken from the
calendar by the Committee on Revision and a motion to reinstate was
lost by 12 yeas, 25 nays, on February 16.

When the Legislature convened in 1887 the election was over and had
resulted favorably for the Republicans. The suffragists had spent the
intervening ten months in a campaign of their own. Miss Anthony had
come to Kansas and they had held conventions in all the principal
cities. At her request the W. C. T. U. had given up their plan of
asking for an amendment to the constitution and joined the attempt to
secure Municipal Suffrage under the leadership of their president,
Mrs. Fannie H. Rastall. Mrs. Zerelda G. Wallace, their national
superintendent of franchise, gave a series of her eloquent lectures.
The strongest suffrage speakers in the country came to the State,
under the management of Mrs. Laura M. Johns, and petitions were
secured containing 10,000 names, more than ever had been presented for
any purpose. This agitation was continued up to the opening of the
Legislature, Jan. 11, 1887, when Mrs. Johns was on hand with the bill.
It was introduced in the Senate by Judge R. W. Blue and referred to
the Judiciary Committee, of which he was chairman. A favorable report,
with a minority dissent, was made, but the original bill had been
substituted by one which provided merely that "women should vote for
all city officers." A vigorous protest was made by the suffrage
leaders. They insisted that the right to vote for city bonds should be
included, and that the inequalities should be remedied in the present
law which prevented women of first and second class cities from voting
on school questions as did those of the third class and the country
districts. A compromise was finally effected and a bill drafted by
which women should vote for all city and school officers and on bonds
for school appropriations.

A petition against the bill was sent in signed by nineteen women of
Independence, saying in effect that women had all the rights they
needed. On the morning when it was to be discussed an enormous bouquet
adorned the desk of Senator R. M. Pickler, leader of the opponents,
the card inscribed, "From the women of Kansas who do not wish to vote.
History honors the man who dares to do what is right." Later
investigation disclosed the fact that no woman had any part in sending
the flowers, but that, as one member remarked in open session, their
chief perfume was that of alcohol.

After hours of debate and an adjournment the bill finally was adopted
on January 28, by 25 yeas, all Republicans; 13 nays, 10 Republicans, 3
Democrats. Judge Blue's table was loaded with flowers and every
Senator who voted in favor was decorated with a choice buttonhole
bouquet sent by the ladies.

The bill was already far advanced in the House, under the management
of Gen. T. T. Taylor. On February 10 the discussion continued the
entire day. Scripture was read and Biblical authorities cited from Eve
to St. Paul; the pure female angels were dragged through the filthy
cesspool of politics, and the changes were rung on the usual hackneyed
objections. The measure was splendidly championed, however, by many
members, especially by T. A. McNeal (Rep.) who made a telling response
to the scurrilous speech of Edward Carrol (Dem.), leader of the
opposition. No member of the House rendered more effective service
than did A. W. Smith, Speaker. It passed by 91 yeas--88 Rep., 3 Dem.;
22 nays, 5 Rep., 17 Dem. The total vote of both Houses was 116
yeas--113 Rep., 3 Dem.; 35 nays, 15 Rep., 20 Dem. The bill was signed
by Gov. John A. Martin (Rep.), February 15, 1887.[273]

Notwithstanding all the efficient work done by the officers of the
State association, the local clubs and the platform speakers, this
measure would not have become a law but for the vigilant work of the
women with the Legislature itself. Mrs. Johns was on hand from the
first, tactfully urging the bill. She had very material aid in the
constant presence, active pen and careful work of J. B. Johns, her
husband. Mrs. Helen M. Gougar of Indiana was granted the privilege of
addressing the House while in session. Prominent women from all parts
of the State were in attendance, using their influence with the
members from their districts. On the day of final debate in the House
the floor and galleries were crowded, over 300 women being present. A
jubilee impossible to describe followed the announcement that the bill
had passed.[274] The next day the House was transformed by the women
into a bower of blossoms.

In March, the next month after Municipal Suffrage was granted to
women, the "age of protection" for girls was raised from ten to
eighteen years.

Two years later, in 1889, a bill was presented to amend this law,
which passed the Senate by 26 yeas, 9 nays, and was sent to the House.
It was so smothered in words that the general public was not aware of
its meaning. By the time it reached the House, however, the alarm had
been sounded that it proposed to reduce the age of consent, and there
was a storm of protest. This was not alone from women but also from a
number of men. The Labor Unions were especially active in opposition
and the House was inundated with letters and petitions. The bill was
referred to the Judiciary Committee which reported it with the
recommendation that it be not passed. Its author claimed that it was
intended simply to afford some protection for boys.[275] In 1891
Attorney-General L. B. Kellogg recommended that, in order to protect
young men of immature years from women of immoral life, inquiry as to
the character of the woman bringing the charge should be permitted.
Gov. Lyman U. Humphrey urged that such an amendment should be adopted,
which could be done without lowering the age of protection for girls.
No change, however, has been made in the law.

In 1889 the divorce law was so amended as to give the wife all the
property owned by her at the time of marriage and all acquired by her
afterward, alimony being allowed from the real and personal estate of
the husband.

This year a bill was passed creating the Girls' Industrial School.
Mrs. S. A. Thurston was one of the prime factors in securing this
bill.

As the Legislature was overwhelmingly Republican the greatest effort
was put forth to secure a law making it mandatory to place women on
the State Boards of Charitable Institutions. Thirty-six large
petitions were introduced by as many members in each House but all
failed of effect.

In 1891 the Populist party gained control of the House of
Representatives, although the Senate was still Republican. Mrs. Annie
L. Diggs had been appointed by the Farmers' Alliance on their State
legislative committee and she began a vigorous campaign to secure Full
Suffrage for Women by Statutory Enactment, which it was believed
could be done under the terms of the constitution. The bill was
introduced into the House and urged by J. L. Soupene. Mrs. Diggs had
the assistance of Col. Sam Wood and other ardent friends of suffrage.
The Committee on Political Rights of Women reported the bill
favorably, and said through its chairman, D. M. Watson:

While the constitution declares in the first section of its
suffrage article that "every white male person, etc., shall be
deemed a qualified elector," in the second section it names
certain persons who shall be excluded from voting. Women are not
given the right to vote in the first nor are they excluded in the
second, and this indicates that the question of their right to
vote was intended to be left to the Legislature. The Supreme
Court (Wheeler vs. Brady, 15th Kas., p. 33,) says: "There is
nothing in the nature of government which would prevent it. Women
are members of society, members of the great body politic,
citizens as much as men, with the same natural rights, united
with men in the same common destiny, and are capable of receiving
and exercising whatever political rights may be conferred upon
them."

On February 14 the bill received 60 yeas, 39 nays, not a
constitutional majority. The sentiment in favor was so strong among
the Populists that a reconsideration was finally secured and the bill
passed by 69 yeas--64 Pop., 4 Rep., 1 Dem.; 32 nays--16 Pop., 12 Rep.,
4 Dem. Previous to its passage the Speaker, P. P. Elder (Pop.)
presented a protest signed by himself, 7 Populists, 4 Republicans and
4 Democrats, declaring it to be unconstitutional and giving eight
other objections.[276]

The friends were much elated at its passage over this protest and sent
at once for Mrs. Johns to come to Topeka and work for its success in
the Senate. She made every possible effort but in vain, the
Republicans basing their refusal on its unconstitutionality. There was
every reason to believe the Supreme Court would have upheld the
statute.

In 1893 an amendment to the constitution was submitted to the electors
by votes of both Republican and Populist members of the Legislature
and was defeated in 1894, as has been related.

In 1897 two bills were introduced, one providing for a Bond Suffrage
which is not included in the Municipal; the other to enable women to
vote for Presidential electors. They were not reported from committee.

In 1899 a bill providing that there should be women physicians in
penal institutions containing women and at least one woman on the
State Board of Charities was favorably reported by, the House
committee, but did not reach a vote.

This year an act was secured creating the Traveling Libraries
Commission. The work for this was initiated and principally carried
forward by Mrs. Lucy B. Johnston, who enlisted the women of the Social
Science Federation in 1897. The federated club women had conducted the
enterprise three years and now turned over to the State forty
libraries of about 5,000 volumes. In 1901 the appropriation was raised
from $2,000 to $8,000.

On Jan. 14, 1901, a bill prepared by Auditor Carlisle of Wyandotte
county was introduced by its Representative J. A. Butler (Dem.) of
Kansas City, to repeal the law giving Municipal Suffrage to women. It
was received with jeers and shouts of laughter and referred to the
Judiciary Committee, which, on the 17th, reported it with the
recommendation that it be not passed. On January 18 he re-introduced
the same measure under another title. This time protests were sent in
from all parts of the State. Mrs. Diggs went to Mr. Butler's home and
secured a large number of these from his own constituents. A hearing
was given by the Judiciary Committee to a delegation of prominent
women and the bill was never reported.

As there seemed so much favorable sentiment it was hastily decided to
ask this Legislature to give women the right to vote for Presidential
electors, which would unquestionably be legal. Mrs. Johns and Miss
Helen Kimber looked after its interests with the Republican members;
Mrs. Diggs with the Populists. The evening of February 26, when the
vote was to be taken in the Senate, floor and galleries were crowded
with women of position and influence. Senator Fred Dumont Smith (Rep.)
had charge of the bill, and Senator G. A. Noftzger (Rep.) led the
opposition. The vote resulted in 22 yeas--16 Rep., 4 Pop., 2 Dem.; 13
nays--12 Rep., 1 Pop. The friends had every reason to believe the
House would pass the bill, but in the still small hours of the night
following the action of the Senate, its Republican members in caucus
decided that this might injure the party at the approaching State
election, and the next morning it was reconsidered and defeated by 14
yeas--9 Rep., 4 Pop., 1 Dem.; 23 nays--21 Rep., 1 Pop., 1 Dem.

LAWS: The constitution of Kansas, adopted in 1859, contained more
liberal provisions for women than had existed in any State up to that
time. It made the law of inheritance the same for widow and widower;
gave father and mother equal guardianship of children; and directed
the Legislature to protect married women in the possession of separate
property. This was not done, however, until 1868, the next year after
the first campaign to secure an amendment conferring suffrage upon
women. At this time a statute provided that all property, real and
personal, owned by a woman at marriage, and all acquired thereafter by
descent or by the gift of any person except her husband, shall remain
her sole and separate property, not subject to the disposal of her
husband or liable for his debts.

A married woman may make contracts, sue and be sued as if unmarried;
engage in any business or perform any services and her earnings shall
be her sole and separate property to be used or invested by her. The
wife can convey or mortgage her separate personal property without the
husband's signature. He can do the same without her signature except
such as is exempt so long as a man is married. Neither can convey or
encumber real estate without consent of the other.

If there are no children the surviving husband or wife takes all the
property real and personal; if there are children, one-half. Neither
can dispose by will of more than one-half of the separate property
without the consent of the other. A homestead of 160 acres of land, or
one acre within city limits, is reserved free from creditors for the
survivor. If the wife marry again, or when the children have attained
their majority, the homestead must be divided, she taking one-half. If
she die first the husband has the right of occupancy for life, whether
he marry or not, but the homestead must descend to her heirs.

The husband must support the wife according to his means, or she may
have alimony decreed by the court without divorce, or in some cases
she may sue directly for support. In case of divorce the wife is
entitled to all the property owned by her at marriage and all acquired
by her afterwards, alimony being allowed from the real and personal
estate of the husband.

The "age of protection" for girls is 18, with penalty of imprisonment
at hard labor not less than five nor more than twenty-one years.

SUFFRAGE: (See page 659.)

OFFICE HOLDING: The first State constitution, in 1859, declared women
eligible for all School offices. As it does not require that any State
officer except member of the Legislature shall be an elector, women
are not legally debarred from any other State office. The constitution
does prescribe the qualifications for some county officers, and the
Legislature for others and for all township officers. Some of these
are required to be electors and some are not; some can be voted for
only by electors and the law is silent in regard to others. It would
perhaps require a Supreme Court decision in almost every case if there
were any general disposition to elect women to these offices. Twenty
years ago a few were serving as county clerks, registers of deeds,
regents of the State University, county superintendents and school
trustees.

In 1889 Attorney-General L. B. Kellogg (Rep.) appointed his wife
Assistant Attorney-General. She was a practicing attorney and her
husband's law partner and filled the office with great ability. Miss
Ella Cameron served out her father's unexpired term as Probate Judge
and the Legislature legalized her acts.

There is no law requiring women on the boards of State institutions
but a number have been appointed. Gov. L. D. Lewelling (Pop.) in 1893
appointed Mrs. Mary E. Lease member of the State Board of Charities
and Mrs. Eva Blackman on the Board of Police Commissioners of
Leavenworth. These were the first and last appointments of women to
these positions.

In 1894 women physicians were appointed by him in two insane asylums,
the Orphans' Home and the Girls' Industrial School.

In 1897 Gov. John W. Leedy (Pop.) appointed Mrs. John P. St. John
member Board of Regents of State Agricultural College and Dr. Eva
Harding physician at Boys' Reform School.

In 1898 Mrs. Annie L. Diggs was appointed State Librarian by the
Supreme Court, Judges Frank Doster, Stephen Allen, Populists; William
A. Johnston, Republican. The term is four years. There are two women
assistants in the State library.

Miss Zu Adams is first assistant in the State Historical Library.
Three other women are employed as assistants in that office.

Each of the three State Hospitals for the Insane has a woman
physician, but this is not required. The law provides that the Girls'
Industrial School shall have a woman physician and superintendent. Its
officers always have been women, except the farmer and engineer. In
1894 a woman was appointed as farmer and was said to be the best the
institution ever had.

Mrs. Lucy B. Johnston and Mrs. Mary V. Humphreys are members of the
State Traveling Library Commission, Mrs. Diggs, as State Librarian,
being president.

Since the very first time that women voted they have been clerks of
elections, and in some instances, judges.

Several small towns have put the entire local government into the
hands of women. From 1887 to 1894 there had been about fifty women
aldermen, five police judges, one city attorney, several city clerks
and treasurers, and numerous clerks and treasurers of school boards.
In 1896 a report from about half the counties showed twenty women
county superintendents of schools, and 554 serving on school boards.
They are frequently made president or secretary of the board.

Women have been candidates for State Superintendent of Public
Instruction, but none has been elected.

A number of women within the past few years have been elected county
treasurers, recorders, registers and clerks. They serve as notaries
public. Probably one-third of the county offices have women deputies.

The record for 1900, as far as it could be obtained, showed the women
in office to be one clerk of the district court, two county clerks,
seven registrars of deeds and twenty-seven county superintendents of
schools. This list is far from complete.

About twenty-five women have been elected to the office of mayor in
the smaller towns of Kansas. In several instances the entire board of
aldermen have been women. The business record of these women has been
invariably good and their industrious efforts to improve sanitation,
schools, sidewalks, and to advance the other interests of their town,
have been generously seconded and aided by the men of their community.
Among the most prominent of the women mayors were Mrs. Mary D. Lowman
of Oskaloosa, Mrs. Minnie D. Morgan of Cottonwood Falls, and Mrs.
Antoinette Haskell of Gaylord. Mrs. Lowman, the second woman to be
elected, conducted a great work in improving the conditions of the
municipality, morally and physically. She held her office two terms
with entire boards of women aldermen, and refused to serve a third
term, saying that she and her boards had accomplished the work they
set out to do. They retired with much honor and esteem, having made a
creditable amount of street improvements and left the treasury with
more money than they found in it. Mrs. Morgan is editor with her
husband of a Republican newspaper, an officer in the Woman's State
Press Association and holds high official position in the Woman's
Relief Corps. Mrs. Haskell is the wife of a prominent lawyer and
politician. She held the office of mayor for two terms and the last
time her entire board of aldermen were women. Her administration of
municipal affairs was so satisfactory that she was besought to accept
a third term but declined.

OCCUPATIONS: The constitution of the State, framed in 1859, opened
every occupation to women.

EDUCATION: This first constitution also required the admission of
women to all the State educational institutions and gave them a place
on the faculties. As early as 1882 one-half of the faculty of the
State University was composed of women. This university, the State
Agricultural College and the State Normal College average an equal
number of men and women graduates. Women hold places on the faculties
of all these institutions.

In the public schools there are 5,380 men and 7,133 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $39; of the women, $32.

SUFFRAGE: The constitution for Statehood, framed in 1859, provided
that all women over 21 should vote at all School District meetings the
same as men, the first one to contain such a provision. This excluded
all women in first and second class cities in after years, as their
school affairs are not managed through district meetings. When a test
case was made it was decided by the Supreme Court that no women could
legally vote for State or county superintendents, but only for
trustees. (5th Kansas, p. 227.) Both the constitution and the statutes
are confused as to the qualifications of those who may vote for
various county and township officers but women never have been
permitted to do so.

In 1887 the Legislature granted Municipal Suffrage to women. The law
is as follows:

In any election hereafter held in any city of the first, second
or third class, for the election of city or school officers, or
for the purpose of authorizing the issuance of any bonds for
school purposes, the right of any citizen to vote shall not be
denied or abridged on account of sex; and women may vote at such
elections the same as men, under like restrictions and
qualifications; and any women possessing the qualifications of a
voter under this act shall also be eligible to any such city or
school office.

This law includes women in all of the villages, as these are known as
"third class cities." Women in country districts, however, continue to
have only a limited School Suffrage. It does not give women a vote on
any questions of taxation which are submitted to the electors except
for school purposes.

Nevertheless this was an advanced step which attracted the attention
of the entire country. While in Wyoming women had Full Suffrage, it
was a sparsely settled Territory, with few newspapers and far removed
from centers of political activity. Kansas was a battle-ground for
politics, and great interest was felt in the new forces which had been
called into action. From the first women very extensively took
advantage of their new privilege. It was granted February 15 and the
next municipal election took place April 5, so there were only a few
weeks in which to accustom them to the new idea, make them acquainted
with the issues, settle the disputed points and give them a chance to
register. The question was at once raised whether they could vote for
justices of the peace and constables, and at a late hour
Attorney-General S. B. Bradford gave his opinion that they could not
do so, as these are township officers. This made separate ballot-boxes
necessary and in many places these were not provided, so there was
considerable misunderstanding and confusion. On election day a wind
storm of unusual violence, even for that section of the country, raged
all day. Through the influence of the Liquor Dealers' Association,
which had used every possible effort to defeat the suffrage bill,
reporters were sent by a number of large papers in different cities,
especially St. Louis, with orders to ridicule the voting of the women
and minimize its effects. As a result the Eastern press was soon
flooded with sensational and false reports.

An official and carefully prepared report of 112 pages was issued by
Judge Francis G. Adams, secretary of the Kansas State Historical
Association, and Prof. William H. Carruth of the State University,
giving the official returns from 253 cities. The total vote was
105,216; vote of men, 76,629; of women, 28,587. In a few of the very
small cities there were no women's votes. In many of the second-class
cities more than one-half as many women as men voted. In Leavenworth,
3,967 ballots were cast by men, and 2,467 by women; in Lawrence, 1,437
by men, 1,050 by women. In Kansas City, Topeka and Fort Scott about
one-fourth as many women as men voted. In these estimates it must be
taken into consideration that there were many more men than women in
the State. In 1890, three years later, the census report showed the
excess of males to be about 100,000.

The pamphlet referred to contained 100 pages of extracts from the
press of Kansas on the voting of women, and stated that these
represented but a fraction of the comment. They varied as much as the
individual opinions of men, some welcoming the new voters, some
ridiculing and abusing, others referring to the movement as a foolish
fad which would soon be dropped. The Republican and Prohibitionist
papers almost universally paid the highest tribute to the influence of
women on the election and assured them of every possible support in
the future. The Democratic papers, with but few exceptions, scoffed at
them and condemned woman suffrage. The immense majority of opinion was
in favor of the new regime and was an unimpeachable answer to the
objections and misrepresentations which found place in the press of
all other parts of the country.

The interest of Kansas women in their political rights never has
abated. The proportion of their vote varies in about the same ratio as
that of men. Upon occasions when the character of candidates or the
importance of the issue commands especial attention a great many go to
the polls. Their chief interest, however, centers in questions which
bear directly upon the education and welfare of their children, the
environment of their homes and those of kindred nature. When issues
involving these are presented they vote in large numbers.

There is always a larger municipal vote in the uneven years when
mayors are to be elected, and therefore a comparison is made in five
prominent cities between the vote of 1887 and that of 1901 to show
that in the fourteen years the interest of women in the suffrage has
increased instead of diminished.

_Town._ _Year._ _Man-Vote._ _Woman-Vote._
Kansas City 1887 3,956 1,042
Kansas City 1901 8,900 4,582
Topeka 1887 4,580 1,049
Topeka 1901 7,338 5,335
Fort Scott 1887 1,273 425
Fort Scott 1901 1,969 1,270
Leavenworth 1887 3,967 2,467
Leavenworth 1901 5,590 3,018
Wichita 1887 3,312 2,984
Wichita 1901 ..... .....

It was impossible to obtain the vote of Wichita in 1901 but the
registration was 6,546 men, 4,040 women, and out of these 10,586,
there were 8,960 who voted. One of the most prominent lawyers in
Wichita writes of this election: "The women fully maintained the ratio
of the registration. The vote was small on account of inclement
weather but I am sure that it kept away more men than women."

At one election it is recorded the vote of women exceeded that of men
in one second-class and three third-class cities. In one instance all
but two of the women of Cimarron cast their ballots. In Lincoln for
several years women have polled 46 per cent. of the entire vote. The
percentage of males in the State by the census of 1900 was 52.3.

The question frequently is asked why, with the ballot in their hands,
women do not compel the enforcement of the prohibitory law, as it is
generally supposed that Municipal Suffrage carries with it the right
to vote for all city officials. The same year that women were
enfranchised, the Legislature, for whom women do not vote, passed a
law authorizing the Governor, for whom women do not vote, to appoint a
Board of Police Commissioners for each city of the first class, with
power to appoint the police judge, city marshal and police, and have
absolute control of the organization, government and discipline of the
police force and of all station-houses, city prisons, etc. Temperance
men and women strongly urged this measure as they believed the
Governor would have stamina enough to select commissioners who would
enforce the prohibitory law. This board was abolished at the special
session of the Legislature in 1897, as it was made a scapegoat for
city and county officers who were too cowardly or too unfriendly to
enforce the liquor ordinances, and it did not effect the hoped-for
reforms.

In 1898 City Courts were established. By uniting the townships with
cities and giving these courts jurisdiction over State and county
cases, to relieve the congested condition of State courts, women are
deprived of a vote for their officers. The exercise of the Municipal
Franchise at present is as follows:

MEN VOTE FOR WOMEN VOTE FOR
Mayor, Mayor,
Councilmen, Councilmen,
School Board, School Board,
City Attorney, City Attorney,
City Treasurer, City Treasurer,
City Clerk, City Clerk.
Judge of City Court,
Clerk of City Court, APPOINTED BY MAYOR
Marshal of City Court, Police Judge,
Two Justices of the Peace, City Marshal,
Two Constables. Chief of Police.

In cities of less than 30,000 the Police Judge is elected and women
may vote for this officer. In the smallest places the City Marshal is
also Chief of Police.

It will be seen that even for the Police Court in the largest cities
women have only an indirect vote through the Mayor's appointments. In
all the cities and towns liquor sellers when convicted here simply
take an appeal to a higher court over which women have no
jurisdiction. They have no vote for sheriff, county attorney or any
county officer. These facts may in a measure answer the question why
women are helpless to enforce the prohibitory law or any other to
which they are opposed.

Nevertheless even this small amount of suffrage has been of much
benefit to the women and to the cities. As the years go by the general
average of the woman-vote is larger. Municipal voting has developed a
stronger sense of civic responsibility among women; it has completely
demolished the old stock objections and has familiarized men with the
presence of women at the polls. Without question a higher level in the
conduct of city affairs has resulted. It may, however, well be
questioned as to whether Municipal Suffrage has not militated against
the full enfranchisement of women. Politicians have been annoyed by
interference with their schemes. Men have learned that women command
influence in politics, and the party machine has become hostile to
further extension of woman's opportunity and power to demand cleaner
morals and nobler standards.[277]

Judge S. S. King, Commissioner of Elections at Kansas City, has given
the suffrage question much thought, and he has gleaned from the
figures of his official records some interesting facts. Alluding to
the mooted question of what class of women vote he says:

The opponents of woman suffrage insist that the lower classes
freely exercise the franchise, while the higher classes generally
refrain from voting. As women in registering usually give their
vocation as "housekeeper" it is impossible to learn from that
record what particular ledge of the social strata they stand
upon, therefore, in order to locate them as to trades, business,
etc., I give them the positions occupied by their husbands and
fathers. I take the 17th voting precinct of Kansas City as a
typical one. It is about an average in voting population of white
and colored men and women and in the diversified industries. The
149 white women who registered in this precinct, as indicated by
the vocations of their husbands, fathers, etc., would be
classified thus:

The trades (all classes of skilled labor), 32; the professions,
26; merchants (all manner of dealers), 16; laborers (unskilled),
15; clerks, 10; public officers, 8; bankers and brokers, 7;
railroad employes, 7; salesmen, 5; contractors, 2; foremen, 2;
paymaster, 1; unclassified, 16. Thus, if the opponents of woman
suffrage use the term "lower classes" according to some
ill-defined rule of élite society, the example given above would
be a complete refutation. If by "lower classes" they mean the
immoral and dissolute, the refutation appears to be still more
complete, for the woman electorate in the 17th precinct is
particularly free from those elements.

It is extremely rare to find a prominent man in Kansas, except certain
politicians, who openly opposes woman suffrage. With a very few
exceptions the most eminent cordially advocate it, including a large
number of ministers, lawyers and editors. It would require a chapter
simply to catalogue the names of well-known men and women who are
heartily in favor of it. Had Kansas men voted their convictions,
Kansas women would long since have been enfranchised, but political
partisanship has been stronger than the sense of justice.

FOOTNOTES:

[263] The History is indebted for this chapter principally to Mrs.
Annie L. Diggs of Topeka, State Librarian and former president of the
State Woman Suffrage Association. The editors are also under
obligations to Mrs. Laura M. Johns of Salina and Mrs. Anna C. Wait of
Lincoln, former presidents.

[264] See History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. I, p. 191.

[265] See History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. III, Chap. L.

[266] At this meeting, on motion of Mrs. Johns, the yellow ribbon was
adopted as the suffrage badge, in honor of the sunflower, the State
flower of Kansas, the one which follows the wheel track and the
plough, as woman's enfranchisement should follow civilization. It was
afterwards adopted by the National Association in recognition of
Kansas, then the most progressive State in regard to women. Those of a
classical bent accepted it because yellow among the ancients signified
wisdom.

[267] Secretary, May Belleville Brown; treasurer, Elizabeth F.
Hopkins; Mrs. S. A. Thurston, Mrs. L. B. Smith, Alma B. Stryker, Eliza
McLallin, Bina A. Otis, Helen L. Kimber, Sallie F. Toler, Annie L.
Diggs; from the National Association, Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of
the organization committee, Rachel Foster Avery and Alice Stone
Blackwell, corresponding and recording secretaries.

[268] Now Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Kansas.

[269] Of Mrs. Diggs' speech Mrs. Johns writes: "It was one of the most
masterly arguments I ever heard. At one point she said: 'The great
majority of you declare that woman suffrage is right, (a roar of
'yes,' 'yes,' went up), and yet you oppose this plank. Are you afraid
to do right?' Her reply to the flimsy objections of the chairman, P.
P. Elder, was simply unanswerable. She cut the ground from under his
feet, and his confusion and rout were so complete that he stood
utterly confounded. That small woman with her truth and eloquence had
slain the Goliath of the opposition!"

[270] The following speakers and organizers were placed at fairs,
Chautauqua assemblies, picnics, teachers' institutes and in
distinctive suffrage meetings: James Clement Ambrose (Ills.), Theresa
Jenkins (Wyo.), Elizabeth Upham Yates (Me.), Clara C. Hoffman (Mo.);
Mrs. Johns, J. B. Johns, the Revs. Eugenia and C. H. St. John, Mary G.
Haines, Luella R. Kraybill, Helen L. Kimber, Laura A. Gregg, Lizzie E.
Smith, Ella W. Brown, Naomi Anderson, Eva Corning, Ella Bartlett, Alma
B. Stryker, Olive I. Royce, Caroline L. Denton, Mrs. Diggs, May
Belleville Brown, J. Willis Gleed, Thomas L. Bond, the Rev. Granville
Lowther, Prof. W. H. Carruth and Mayor Harrison of Topeka.

During the autumn Mrs. Emma Smith DeVoe (Ills.), and Mrs. Julia B.
Nelson (Minn.), made addresses for one month; Mrs. Rachel L. Child
(Ia.) spoke and organized for two months.

[271] Returns were received from 71 out of the 105 counties, covering
714 of the 2,100 voting precincts. These returns were carefully
tabulated by Mrs. Thurston, acting secretary of the amendment campaign
committee. The result showed that of Republicans _voting on the
proposition_, 38-1/2 per cent. voted _for_; of Populists, 54 per
cent.; of Democrats, 14 per cent.; of Prohibitionists, 88 per cent.

Of the entire vote of the Republican party for its ticket, 22 per
cent. were silent on the amendment; of the entire vote of the People's
party, 22 per cent.; of the Democratic, 28 per cent.; of the
Prohibition, 24 per cent.

[272] Others who have held official position are vice-presidents,
Mesdames J.K. Hudson, Sallie F. Toler, Noble L. Prentis, Abbie A.
Welch, Fannie Bobbet and Emma Troudner; corresponding secretaries,
Mrs. Priscilla Finley, Miss Sarah A. Brown, Dr. Nannie Stephens, Mrs.
Elizabeth F. Hopkins, Mrs. Ray Mclntyre, Mrs. B.B. Baird, Mrs. Alice
G. Young; recording secretaries, Dr. Addie Kester, Mrs. Alice G. Bond,
Prof. William H. Carruth, Mrs. M.M. Bowman, Mrs. Emma S. Albright,
Miss Matie Toothaker; treasurers, Mrs. Martia L. Berry, Dr. C.E.
Tiffany, Mrs. Lucia O. Case, Mrs. Henrietta Stoddard Turner; auditors,
Mrs. Emma S. Marshall, Mrs. S.A. Thurston; parliamentarians, Mesdames
Ella W. Brown, Bina A. Otis, Luella R. Kraybill, Antoinette L.
Haskell; librarians, Mrs. May Belleville Brown, Dr. Emily Newcomb;
State organizer, Miss Jennie Newby; superintendent press work, Mrs.
Nannie K. Garrett.

A number of these filled various offices and some of them bore the
brunt of the work continuously for years. Other names which appear
frequently are J. K. Hudson, editor Topeka _Capital_, Dr. Sarah C.
Hall, Mesdames M. E. De Geer, M. S. Woods, E. D. Garlick, E. A. Elder,
L. B. Kellogg, Jennie Robb Maher, Miss Emma Harriman, the Rev. W. A.
Simkins, Judge Nathan Cree, Walter S. Wait, Sarah W. Rush, Dr. J. E.
Spaulding, Dr. F. M. W. Jackson, Henrietta B. Wall, Mrs. Lucy B.
Johnston, Miss Genevieve L. Hawley.

[273] Miss Susan B. Anthony was in the National Convention at
Washington and this news was telegraphed her as a birthday greeting.

[274] Among the most influential workers for this bill during the
three sessions of the Legislature, in addition to those mentioned,
were Thomas L. Bond; Mesdames Bertha H. Ellsworth, Hetta P. Mansfield,
Martia L. Berry, S. A. Thurston and Henrietta B. Wall; Misses Jennie
Newby, Olive P. Bray and Amanda Way.

[275] Mrs. Johns says of this occasion: "If we had ever had any doubt
that even our small moiety of the suffrage would strengthen our
influence for righteousness, the effect of our protest at this time
and the attitude of the politicians toward us would have dispelled
that doubt. We felt our power and it was a new thrill which we
experienced."

[276] Among these were the following:

The relations of man and wife "are one and inseparable" as to the good
to be derived from or the evil to be suffered by laws imposed, and the
addition of woman suffrage will not better their condition, but is
fraught with danger and evil to both sexes and the well-being of
society.

This privilege conferred will bring to every primary, caucus and
election--to our jury rooms, the bench and the Legislature--the
ambitious and designing women only, to engage in all the tricks,
intrigues and cunning incident to corrupt political campaigns, only to
lower the moral standing of their sex; it invites and creates
jealousies and scandals and jeopardizes their high moral standing;
hurls women out from their central orb fixed by their Creator to an
external place in the order of things. Promiscuous mingling with the
rude and unscrupulous element around earnest and exciting elections
tends to a familiarity that breeds contempt for the fair sex deeply to
be deplored.

The demand for female suffrage is largely confined to the ambitious
office-seeking class, possessing an insatiable desire for the forum,
and when allowed will unfit this class for all the duties of domestic
life and transform them into politicians, and dangerous ones at that.

When the laws of nature shall so change the female organization as to
make it possible for them to sing "bass" we shall then be quite
willing for such a bill to become a law.

It is a grave mistake, an injury to both sexes and the party, to add
another "ism" to our political creed.

Republican--A. H. Heber, W. R. Hopkins, F. W. Willard, J. Showalter.
Democrat--J. O. Milner, G. M. Hoover, T. C. Craig, F. M. Gable.
Populist--Robt. B. Leedy, J. L. Andrews, Wellington Doty, B. F. Morris,
Levi Dumbauld, C. W. Dickson, Geo. E. Smith of Neosho.

[277] In 1901, in Topeka, a candidate for the mayoralty, supposed to
represent the liquor element, speaking on the afternoon of election
day--bleak, dismal and shoe-top deep in snow and mud--said: "I will
lose 1,000 votes on account of the weather as the women are out and
they are opposed to me. It is impossible to keep them from voting."

CHAPTER XLI.

KENTUCKY.[278]

In October, 1886, the Association for the Advancement of Women held
its annual congress in Louisville, and for the first time woman
suffrage was admitted to a place on the program. It was advocated by
Mrs. Ednah D. Cheney of Massachusetts and Miss Laura Clay.

The subject was much discussed for the next two years and in February,
1888, Mrs. Mary B. Clay, vice-president of the American and of the
National Woman Suffrage Associations, called a convention in
Frankfort. Delegates from Lexington and Richmond attended, and Mrs.
Zerelda G. Wallace of Indiana was present by invitation. The Hall of
Representatives was granted for two evenings, the General Assembly
being in session. On the first Mrs. Wallace delivered an able address
and the hall was well filled, principally with members of the
Legislature. On the second Mrs. Clay spoke upon the harsh laws in
regard to women, and Prof. E. B. Walker on the injustice of the
property laws and the advantage of giving women the ballot in
municipal affairs. He was followed by Mrs. Sarah Clay Bennett, who
argued that women already had a right to the ballot under the
Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution. At the
conclusion of her address she asked all legislators present who were
willing to give the ballot to women to stand. Seven arose and were
greeted with loud applause.

When the annual meeting of the American W. S. A. convened in
Cincinnati, Ohio, Nov. 20-22, 1888, Miss Laura Clay, member of its
executive committee from Kentucky, issued a call to the suffragists of
that State to attend this convention for the purpose of organizing a
State association. Accordingly delegates from the Fayette and Kenton
county societies met and organized the Kentucky Equal Rights
Association. The following officers were elected: President, Miss
Clay; vice-presidents, Mrs. Ellen Battelle Dietrick, Mrs. Mary B.
Clay; corresponding secretary, Mrs. Eugenia B. Farmer; recording
secretary, Miss Anna M. Deane; treasurer, Mrs. Isabella H. Shepard.

The second annual convention was held in the court house at Lexington,
Nov. 19-21, 1889, with officers and delegates representing seven
counties. The evening speakers were Mrs. Clay, Mrs. Josephine K. Henry
and Joseph B. Cottrell, D. D. A committee was appointed, Mrs. Henry,
chairman, to present the interests of women to the approaching General
Assembly and the Constitutional Convention. (See Legislative Action
for 1890.)

The next annual meeting took place in Richmond, Dec. 3, 4, 1890. Mrs.
Sarah Hardin Sawyer was asked to prepare a tract on co-education,
which proved of great assistance in opening the colleges to women. The
evening speakers were Mrs. Shepard, Mrs. Henry and the Rev. John G.
Fee, the venerable Kentucky Abolitionist.

The fourth convention was held in Louisville, Dec. 8-10, 1891, and was
addressed by the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw and the Rev. Dr. C. K. J.
Jones.

The fifth annual meeting convened in Richmond, Nov. 9, 10, 1892.[279]
Mrs. Lida Calvert Obenchain's paper, "Why a Democratic Woman Wants the
Ballot," was afterwards widely circulated as a leaflet. The evening
speakers were Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby of Washington, D. C., and Dr. J.
Franklin Browne.

The General Assembly of 1892 was in session most of that year and some
months in 1893, as there was a vast amount of business to be done in
bringing all departments of legislation into harmony with the new
constitution. During all this time the State association was busy
urging the rights of women; and at its sixth convention, held in
Newport, Oct. 17-19, 1893, was able to report that a law had been
secured granting a married woman the power to make a will and control
her separate property. Among the speakers was the Rev. G. W.
Bradford.

The annual meeting took place in Lexington, Oct. 24-26, 1894. The most
encouraging successes of any year were reported in the extension of
School Suffrage and the passage of the Married Woman's Property Rights
Bill. In answer to the petition of the Fayette County society to Mayor
Henry T. Duncan and the city council of Lexington to place a woman on
the school board, Mrs. Wilbur R. Smith had been appointed. She was the
first to hold such a position in Kentucky. Mrs. Farmer gave an address
on School Suffrage, with illustrations of registration and voting,
which women were to have an opportunity to apply in 1895.[280]

In 1895 Richmond was again selected as the place for the State
convention, December 10-12, at which legislative work in the General
Assembly of 1896 was carefully planned. (See Legislative Action.)

The convention met in Lexington, Dec. 18, 1896. A committee was
appointed to work for complete School Suffrage in the extra session of
the General Assembly the next year.[281]

Covington entertained the annual meeting Oct. 14, 15, 1897. Mrs. Emma
Smith DeVoe of Illinois, a national organizer, was present, being then
engaged in a tour through the State. This convention was unusually
large and full of encouragement.

The eleventh convention was held in Richmond, Dec. 1, 1898, and the
twelfth in Lexington, Dec. 11, 12, 1899. Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt,
chairman of the national organization committee, and Miss Mary G. Hay,
secretary, assisted, the former giving addresses both evenings. It was
decided to ask the General Assembly to make an appropriation for the
establishment of a dormitory for the women students of the State
College.

Miss Laura Clay has been president of the State Association since it
was organized in 1888. Mrs. Ellen Battelle Dietrick was the first
vice-president, but removing to Massachusetts the following year, Mrs.
Mary Barr Clay, the second vice-president, was elected and has
continued in that office. There have been but two other second
vice-presidents, the Hon. William Randall Ramsey and Mrs. Mary C.
Cramer, and but two corresponding secretaries, Mrs. Eugenia B. Farmer
and Mrs. Mary C. Roark. The office of treasurer has been filled
continuously by Mrs. Isabella H. Shepard.[282] During all these years
H. H. Gratz, editor of the Lexington _Gazette_, and John W. Sawyer,
editor of the _Southern Journal_, have been among the most faithful
and courageous friends of woman suffrage. The Prohibition papers,
almost without exception, have been cordial.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: During the General Assembly of 1890, a
committee of eight from the E. R. A. went to Frankfort to ask
legislation on the property rights of women, and for women physicians
in the State asylums for the insane. A petition for property rights
was presented, signed with 9,000 names. Of these 2,240 were collected
by Mrs. S. M. Hubbard. On January 10 appeals were made in
Representatives' Hall by Miss Laura Clay for the Women Physicians
Bill, and by Mrs. Josephine K. Henry for the Property Rights Bill. The
latter had carefully prepared a compendium of the married women's
property laws in all the States, which was of incalculable value
throughout the years of labor necessary to secure this bill.

The press of the State, with few exceptions, espoused the cause of
property rights for women. Seven bills were presented to this General
Assembly, among them one drawn and introduced into the Senate by Judge
William Lindsay, afterward United States Senator. This secured to
married women the enjoyment of their property, gave them the power to
make a will and equalized curtesy and dower. Although reported
adversely by the committee, it was taken up for discussion and was
eloquently defended by Judge Lindsay. It passed the Senate, but, was
defeated in the House by the opposing members withdrawing and
breaking the quorum.[283] A bill introduced by the Hon. William B.
Smith, making it obligatory upon employers to pay wages earned by
married women to themselves and not their husbands, became a law at
this session.

The Constitutional Convention held in 1890-91 was the field of much
labor by the State association. In October a committee consisting of
Mrs. Henry, Miss Clay, Mrs. Eugenia B. Farmer, Mrs. Isabella H.
Shepard and Mrs. Sarah Clay Bennett went to Frankfort to appeal for
clauses in the new constitution empowering the General Assembly to
extend Full Suffrage to women; to secure the property rights of wives;
and to grant School Suffrage to all women. The importance of their
claims was so impressed upon the convention that it appointed a
special Committee on Woman's Rights, with one of its most esteemed
members, the Hon. Jep. C. Jonson, as chairman, who did all in his
power to bring their cause favorably before this body.

On the evening of October 9, in Representatives' Hall, Miss Clay, Mrs.
Shepard and Mrs. Bennett addressed an audience composed largely of
members, being introduced by Mr. Jonson. Later, Mrs. Henry was given a
hearing before the committee. Her tract appealing for property rights
was read before the convention by Mr. Jonson and supplied to each of
the 100 members. In addition she supplied them several times a week
with leaflets, congressional hearings, etc., and wrote 200 articles
for the press on property rights and thirty-one on suffrage.

The five ladies, with Mrs. Sarah Hardin Sawyer and Mrs. Margaret A.
Watts, met in Frankfort again on December 8, and obtained hearings
before the Committees on Revision of the Constitution, Education and
Woman's Rights. Mrs. Henry also addressed the Committee on Elections,
who asked that her speech be printed and furnished to each member of
the convention.

On December 12 the Hon. W. H. Mackoy, at the request of the
suffragists, offered this amendment to the section on elections: "The
General Assembly may hereafter extend full or partial suffrage to
female citizens of the United States of the age of 21 years, who have
resided in this State one year, etc." By his motion the ladies
appeared before the convention in Committee of the Whole. They
selected Miss Clay as their spokesman and sat in front of the
speaker's stand during her address.

The only clause finally obtained in the new constitution was one
permitting the General Assembly to extend School Suffrage to women;
but the Legislature of 1892 made important concessions.

Among the members of the General Assembly of 1894 especial gratitude
is due to Judges S. B. Vance and W. H. Beckner. The former introduced
the Bill for Married Women's Property Rights in the House, giving
Senator Lindsay credit for being practically its author. Judge Beckner
cordially supported this bill, saying he preferred it to one of his
own, which he had introduced but would push only if it should be
evident that Judge Vance's more liberal bill could not become law. To
the leadership of these two is due the vote of 79 ayes to 14 noes with
which the bill passed the House. In the Senate it came near to defeat,
but was carried through by the strenuous efforts of its friends,
especially of Senators W. W. Stephenson, Rozel Weissinger and William
Goebel. Senator Weissinger withdrew in favor of the House bill one of
his own, not so comprehensive. The bill passed on the very last day of
the session possible to finish business. The Senate vote was 21 yeas,
10 nays.[284] It was signed March 15 by Gov. John Young Brown, who
always had favored it.

Another signal victory this year was School Suffrage for women of the
second-class cities. Since 1838 widows with children of school age had
been voters for school trustees in the country districts, and in 1888
this right was extended to allow tax-paying widows and spinsters to
vote on school taxes. This general law, however, did not apply to
chartered cities. The vigilance of Mrs. Farmer observed and seized
the opportunity offered by the revision of city charters, after the
adoption of the new constitution, to put in clauses granting full
School Suffrage to all women. At her instigation, in 1892, the equal
rights associations of Covington, Newport and Lexington, the only
second-class cities, petitioned the committee selected to prepare a
charter for such cities to insert a clause in the section on
education, making women eligible as members of school boards and
qualified to vote at all elections of such boards. This was done, and
the charter passed the General Assembly in 1894, and was signed by
Governor Brown on March 19. The influence of the State association was
not sufficient, however, to have School Suffrage put in the charters
of cities of the first, third and fourth classes. The Hons. Charles
Jacob Bronston, John O. Hodges, William Goebel and Joel Baker did
excellent service for this clause.

The changes wrought by liberal legislation and the part the State
association had in securing this will be best understood by quotations
from a leaflet issued by the State Association:

In 1888 the Kentucky E. R. A. was organized for the purpose of
obtaining for women equality with men in educational, industrial,
legal and political rights.

We found on the statute books a law which permitted a husband to
collect his wife's wages.

We found Kentucky the only State which did not allow a married
woman to make a will.

We found that marriage gave to the husband all the wife's
personal property which could be reduced to possession, and the
use of all her real estate owned at the time or acquired by her
after marriage, with power to rent the same and receive the rent.

We found that the common law of curtesy and dower prevailed,
whereby on the death of the wife the husband inherited absolutely
all her personalty and, when there were children, a life interest
in all her real estate; while the wife, when there were children,
inherited one-third of her husband's personalty and a
life-interest in one-third of his real estate.

I. In 1890 we secured a law which made the wife's wages payable
only to herself.

II. From the General Assembly of 1892-93 we secured a law giving
a married woman the right to make a will and control her real
estate.

III. From the General Assembly of 1894 we secured the present Law
for Husband and Wife. The main features of this are:

1. Curtesy and dower are equalized. After the death of either
husband or wife, the survivor is given a life estate in one-third
of the realty of the deceased and an absolute estate in one-half
of the personalty.

2. The wife has entire control of her property, real and
personal. She owns her personal property absolutely, and can
dispose of it as she pleases.[285] The statute gives her the
right to make contracts and to sue and be sued as a single woman.
This enables a married woman to enter business and hold her stock
in trade free from the control of her husband and liability to
his creditors.

3. The power to make a will is the same in husband and wife, and
neither can by will divest the other of dower or interest in his
or her estate.

These splendid property laws are pronounced by leading lawyers to
be the greatest legal revolution which has taken place in our
history.

A section of the new constitution made it the duty of the General
Assembly to provide by law as soon as practicable for Houses of Reform
for Juvenile Offenders. The State Woman's Christian Temperance Union
decided in 1892 to urge it to act speedily, and the Equal Rights
Association co-operated heartily, with a special view to securing
provision for girls equal to that for boys, and women on the Board of
Managers. A joint committee from the two associations was appointed,
with Mrs. Frances E. Beauchamp chairman for the former and Mrs. S. A.
Charles for the latter. They compiled a bill with legal advice of
Senator Bronston, who had been largely instrumental in securing the
section. The unremitting labor of three years was at last crowned with
success in 1896, when a bill, essentially that prepared by the women,
passed the General Assembly and was signed by Gov. William O. Bradley,
March 21.[286] This bill provides for two separate institutions, one
for girls and one for boys, on the cottage family plan. The general
government is vested in a board of six trustees, three women and three
men.

From the General Assembly of 1898 the E. R. A. finally obtained the
law making it mandatory to have at least one woman physician in each
State insane asylum, for which they had been petitioning ten years.
Representative W. C. G. Hobbs introduced the bill into the House,
where it passed by a vote of 77 ayes, 4 noes. Mr. Bronston supported
it in the Senate, where it received 26 ayes, one no. It was approved
by Governor Bradley March 15.

In the same year the benevolent associations of the women of
Louisville secured an act providing for police matrons in that city,
the only first-class one in the State, which was approved by the
Governor March 10.[287] The first police matron was appointed March 4,
before the law required it, at the request of women and through the
influence of Mayor Charles P. Weaver, Chief of Police Jacob H. Haager,
Jailer John R. Pflanz and Judge Reginald H. Thompson. By the action of
the State Board of Prison Commissioners this year, two women were
appointed as guards for the women's wards in the penitentiary, their
duties being such as usually pertain to a matron.

This year the Women's Club of Central Kentucky set on foot a movement
for a free library in Lexington. Senator Bronston secured a change in
the city charter to facilitate this object. The act provides that the
library shall be under the control of a board of five trustees and was
intentionally worded to make women eligible. Mayor Joseph Simrall
appointed two of the club women, Mrs. Mary D. Short and Mrs. Ida
Withers Harrison. This is the first free library established in
Kentucky.

Owing to the turbulent political conditions in the General Assembly of
1900, the State association did not send its usual committee to the
capital. However, a committee from the W. C. T. U. did go, and
succeeded in securing an appropriation to build the young women's
dormitory at the State College, receiving in this effort the
encouragement of the E. R. A., as agreed upon at their convention of
1899.

The history of the State association would not be complete without
recording its failures. In 1893 an effort to raise the "age of
protection" for girls from 12 to 18 was made a part of its work. It
was deemed expedient to place this in the hands of a special
committee, Mrs. Thomas L. Jones and Mrs. Sarah G. Humphreys consenting
to assume the arduous task. Mrs. Henry wrote a strong leaflet on the
"age of protection," and Mrs. Humphreys sent many articles to the
press. A petition was widely circulated and bore thousands of names
when the ladies carried it to the General Assembly in 1894. They
succeeded in having a bill introduced, and were given hearings before
an appropriate committee; but the Assembly adjourned without acting.
In 1895, Mrs. Martha R. Stockwell was added to the committee, which
again went to the Assembly with the petition; but without success, and
the "age of protection" still remains 12 years. The penalty is death
or imprisonment for life.

By special statute the Common Law is retained which makes 12 years the
legal age for a girl to marry.

A law to make mothers equal guardians with fathers of minor children
is one to which the State association has devoted much attention, but
which still waits on the future for success. At present the father is
the legal guardian, and at his death may appoint one even for a child
unborn. If the court appoints a guardian, the law (1894) requires that
it "shall choose the father, or his testamentary appointee; then the
mother if [still] unmarried, then next of kin, giving preference to
the males."

The husband is expected to furnish the necessaries of life according
to his condition, but if he has only his wages there is no law to
punish him for non-support.

SUFFRAGE: Kentucky was the first State in the Union to grant any form
of suffrage to women by special statute, as its first School Law,
passed in 1838, permitted widows in the country districts with
children of school age to vote for trustees. In 1888 further
extensions of School Suffrage were made and in the country districts,
including fifth and sixth class cities, i. e., the smallest villages,
any widow having a child of school age, and any widow or spinster
having a ward of school age, may now vote for school trustees and
district school taxes; also taxpaying widows and spinsters may vote
for district school taxes.

In 1894 the General Assembly granted women the right to vote for
members of the board of education on the same terms as men in the
second-class cities, by a special clause in their charter. There are
three of these--Covington, Newport and Lexington.[288]

In the one first-class city, Louisville, the five third-class and the
twenty or more fourth-class cities, no woman has any vote.

OFFICE HOLDING: In 1886 Mrs. Amanda T. Million was appointed to the
office of county superintendent of public schools. Her husband had
been elected in Madison County, but dying at the commencement of his
term, Judge J. C. Chenault, after the eligibility of a woman had been
ascertained, appointed the widow to fill out the year. Mrs. Million
then became a candidate, and was elected for the remaining three years
of the term, being the first woman in the State to fill that office.
Her case attracted much attention and at the election in 1889 four
women were elected county superintendents; in 1893, eight, and in
1897, eighteen.

In 1895 Mayor Henry T. Duncan appointed two women on the Lexington
School Board, Mrs. Ida Withers Harrison and Mrs. Mary E. Lucas, to
serve until their successors were elected under the laws of the new
charter. In August the women held a mass meeting, conducted by a joint
committee from the local E. R. A., the W. C. T. U. and the Woman's
Club of Central Kentucky, to nominate a woman from each ward. They
named Mrs. Harrison, Mrs. Ella Williamson, Mrs. Sarah West Marshal and
Mrs. Mary C. Roark. This ticket was indorsed the same day by the
Citizens' Association (of men). Judge Frank Bullock allowed private
houses to be used for women to register, one in each precinct, the
registration officers all to be women--clerk, two judges and a
sheriff. They were sworn in and did their duty nobly. The Democratic
and Republican parties refused to accept the Woman's Ticket. The women
therefore selected a man from each ward in addition to the four women
nominated, making the required number of eight, known as the
Independent Ticket, which was triumphantly elected in November by
voters of all parties and both sexes.

In Covington, three women were placed on the Republican ticket, but
were defeated. About 5,000 women voted. In Newport two women were
placed on the Democratic ticket, but it was defeated. About 2,800
women registered.

The Prohibitionists nominated Mrs. Josephine K. Henry for clerk of
the Court of Appeals in 1890. Though in many places the election
clerks refused to enter her name on the polling-books, doubting the
eligibility of a woman, she received 4,460 votes. This case is worthy
of note because it was the first in Kentucky where a woman was a
candidate for election to a State office; and because, as she ran on a
platform containing a suffrage plank, practically all the votes for
her were cast for woman suffrage.

Women have been State librarians continuously since January, 1876,
when the first one was elected.

In 1894 the Senate for the first time elected a woman as enrolling
clerk, and women have held this office ever since.

During the session of 1900, stormy as it was, the House for the first
time elected a woman as enrolling clerk.

Women serve as notaries public. (For other offices see Legislative
Action.)

OCCUPATIONS: Women are engaged in all the professions and no
occupation is forbidden to them by law. On Dec. 15, 1886, the Court of
Appeals affirmed the right of women to dispense medicines. The case
was that of Bessie W. White (Hager), a graduate of the School of
Pharmacy of Michigan University. She applied to the State Board of
Pharmacy for registration in 1883, complying with all the
requirements. They rejected her application, whereupon she applied for
a mandamus. The writ was granted but an appeal was taken. Judge
William H. Holt delivered the opinion of the Appellate Court, saying
in his decision: "It is gratifying to see American women coming to the
front in these honorable pursuits. The history of civilization in
every country shows that it has merely kept pace with the advancement
of its women."

EDUCATION: On April 27, 1889, at a called meeting of the Board of
Curators of Kentucky University (Disciples of Christ) in Lexington, it
was decided to admit women students. This was the result of a petition
the preceding June by the Fayette County E. R. A. In response a
committee had been appointed, President Charles Louis Loos, chairman,
and, upon its favorable report, the resolution was carried by
unanimous vote. An immediate appropriation was made for improvements
to the college buildings to accommodate the new students, the opening
was announced in the annual calendar and women invited to avail
themselves of its advantages. This was the second institution of
higher education opened to women, the State Agricultural and
Mechanical College and Normal School, also in Lexington, having
admitted them in 1880.

In 1892 the work done by Mrs. Sarah Hardin Sawyer resulted in the
admission of women to Wesleyan College in Winchester. The Baptist
College at Georgetown became co-educational through the influence of
Prof. James Jefferson Rucker. The Homeopathic Medical College, opened
in Louisville the same year, admitted women from the first and placed
a woman upon the faculty. In 1893 the Madison County E. R. A. secured
the admission of girls to Central University at Richmond.

Co-education now prevails in all the normal and business schools, and
in the majority of the institutions of higher learning; the only
notable exceptions being Centre University, Danville; Baptist College,
Russellville; Baptist Theological College[289] and Allopathic Medical
College, Louisville.

There are in the public schools 4,909 men and 5,057 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $44; of the women, $37.

* * * * *

The Woman's Emergency Association of Louisville, organized during the
Spanish-American War, called a non-partisan mass meeting February 6,
1900, "for the special purpose of directing the attention of women to
the importance and necessity of using their influence on behalf of
good citizenship." The mass meeting was addressed by several prominent
gentlemen, who deplored the spirit of lawlessness prevailing in the
State and declared that the remedy rested with the women, but the
suggestion that these should have the franchise was not once made.

The State E. R. A. sent a memorial to the annual meeting of the
Kentucky Federation of Women's Clubs in 1900, soliciting their
assistance in securing from the General Assembly the extension of
School Suffrage to the women of all towns and cities. It was voted to
give the co-operation desired.

FOOTNOTES:

[278] The History is indebted for this chapter to Miss Laura Clay of
Lexington, president of the State Equal Rights Association since its
organization, and first auditor of the National-American Woman
Suffrage Association since 1895.

[279] The State W. C. T. U. at its convention in 1892 adopted a
franchise department, and has proved a faithful and valuable ally in
educating public sentiment and obtaining desired legislation.

[280] In the congressional contest of the Seventh District, between W.
C. P. Breckinridge and W. C. Owens, in 1894, the women took such a
share in defeating the former that their action became an instructive
part of political history. Mrs. F. K. Hunt, president of their Owens
Club, which did such distinguished service for public morality,
afterwards became a member of the Equal Rights Association, this
campaign having convinced her, as she said, that "there is a place for
women in politics."

[281] In the Presidential campaign of 1896, Mrs. Josephine K. Henry
and Miss Margaret Ingals spoke for the Silver Democrats, and Mrs.
Frances E. Beauchamp for the Prohibitionists, under the auspices of
the party committees.

In June, 1898, Mrs. Beauchamp, president of the State W. C. T. U., was
elected permanent chairman and presided over the State Prohibition
Convention held in Louisville--the first time a woman ever filled such
a position in Kentucky. She was also elected a member of the National
Central Committee of the Prohibitionists in 1899. This party has
retained the woman suffrage plank in its State platform since 1889.

[282] The other State officers have been, recording secretaries, Dr.
Sarah M. Siewers; Mesdames Mary Ritchie McKee, Mary Muggeridge, Mary
R. Patterson, Sarah Hardin Sawyer, Kate Rose Wiggins; Misses Anna M.
Deane, Mary Susan Hamilton, Mary E. Light; third vice-presidents,
Mesdames Sallie H. Chenault, S. M. Hubbard, Mary H. Johnson, Thomas L.
Jones, N. S. McLaughlin; Miss Belle Harris Bennett; superintendents of
press, Mrs. Lida Calvert Obenchain, Mrs. Sarah G. Humphreys;
superintendent of legislative work, Mrs. Josephine K. Henry.

[283] This bill, drawn up with legal precision and clearness, was
practically the one passed four years later (1894), which raised
Kentucky's property laws for wives to a just and honorable plane.

[284] On the night of March 8 Mrs. Josephine K. Henry spoke in
Frankfort on the subject of American Citizenship. The Legislative Hall
was voted unanimously and the Senate, which was holding night
sessions, adjourned to hear her address. The Property Rights Bill was
on this night virtually dead. Mrs. Henry in her speech never alluded
to this bill, but plainly asked the Legislature to create a power to
which she could apply and receive her papers of citizenship, claiming
that she had every qualification save that of sex. The speech did not
procure for her the right to vote, but the next morning, amid the
greatest tumult, the dead Property Rights Bill was resurrected and
passed.

Minutes of Kentucky E. R. A., 1894.

[285] The wife can not dispose of real estate without the husband's
signature. He can convey real estate without her signature but it is
subject to her dower.

[286] This year the E. R. A., the W. C. T. U. and the Woman's Club of
Central Kentucky petitioned Governor Bradley to appoint a woman
physician for the insane asylum at Lexington. He did appoint one, Dr.
Kathryn Houser, but placed her in the Hopkinsville asylum.

[287] A notable feature of this act is that none shall be appointed
who has not been recommended by a committee composed of one woman
selected by each of the following organizations: Home of Friendless
Women, Flower Mission, Free Kindergarten Association, Humane Society,
Charity Organization Society, City Federation of Women's Clubs,
Kentucky Children's Home Society, W. C. T. U. and Women's Christian
Association.

[288] This Act was repealed in 1902 because more colored than white
women voted in Lexington at the spring election. This is the only
instance where the suffrage has been taken from women after being
conferred by a Legislature. [Eds.

[289] This college was opened to women in 1902.

CHAPTER XLII.

LOUISIANA.[290]

The history of woman suffrage in Louisiana must center always about
the names of Mrs. Elizabeth Lyle Saxon and Mrs. Caroline E. Merrick.
In 1879, before there had been any general agitation of this question
in the State, these ladies appeared before the convention which was
preparing a new constitution, and urged that the ballot should be
granted to women on the same terms as to men. The only concession to
their demands was a clause making women eligible to any office of
control or management under the School Laws of the State.

Mrs. Saxon continued to create equal suffrage sentiment until her
removal to another State, and Mrs. Merrick remains still a principal
figure in the movement. Until his death in 1897 she had the earnest
encouragement and assistance of her distinguished husband, Edwin T.
Merrick, for ten years Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Louisiana
prior to the Civil War.

As New Orleans is the only large city and contains one-fourth of the
population of a State which is among the most conservative in the
Union, organized work naturally would be confined to this locality,
but up to 1884 it had no active club or society of women. In this year
there was a demand by the press that the women of New Orleans should
organize for the promotion of the World's Cotton Centennial, to be
held there in the autumn and winter of 1884-85. This was done and the
Woman's Department was a conspicuous feature of the centennial. Mrs.
Julia Ward Howe of Massachusetts was the commissioner for the
Government, different States sent capable representatives and there
was cordial co-operation with the women of New Orleans.

[Illustration:

SUSAN LOOK AVERY.
Louisville, Ky., and Chicago, Ill.

HELEN PHILLEO JENKINS.
Detroit, Mich.

LOUISA SOUTHWORTH.
Cleveland, Ohio.

MARY BENTLEY THOMAS.
Ednor, Md.

KATE M. GORDON.
New Orleans, La.

]

In March, 1885, Miss Susan B. Anthony visited the city for two weeks.
She was deluged with invitations for addresses, and spoke in
Agricultural Hall of the exposition at the request of the Press Club,
in Tulane Hall under the auspices of the city teachers, at the Girls'
High School and in half-a-dozen other places. Everywhere she was most
warmly welcomed and was favorably reported in the papers, although her
doctrines were new and unpopular. Mrs. Eliza J. Nicholson, owner and
manager of the _Picayune_, and Mrs. M. A. Field (Catharine Cole), of
its editorial staff, gave pleasant manifestations of friendship. One
of the addresses delivered by Miss Anthony was before the Woman's
Club, which had been an outgrowth of the exposition committees. Mrs.
May Wright Sewall of Indiana gave an address on this same occasion.
While this club had by no means been formed in the interests of
suffrage, it was a decided innovation and the first step out of
tradition and conservatism.

The work of the women of Louisiana in the Anti-Lottery campaign of
1891 is entitled to special mention. The lottery, as the great money
power, controlled absolutely the politics of the State, and the
leading newspapers were a unit in its support. The reform movement to
prevent the renewal of its charter was without money, prestige or the
influence of the press. The women came nobly to the rescue of this
apparently hopeless cause. They formed leagues for the collection of
money, they called meetings, they assisted in every possible way to
educate the public mind and awaken the public conscience. To them
belongs a large share of the credit for the final overthrow at the
polls of this octopus corporation, which was so long a reproach to the
State.

In 1892 the Portia Club was formed, a strictly suffrage organization,
with Mrs. Merrick as president.[291] Under its auspices the
Association for the Advancement of Women held its annual congress in
New Orleans in 1895, during which Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby of
Washington, D. C., gave an address on The Philosophy of Woman
Suffrage. At another time Mrs. Clara C. Hoffman of Missouri lectured
for the club.

In January, 1895, Miss Anthony, president of the National Suffrage
Association, accompanied by Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of its
organization committee, came again to New Orleans. The _Picayune_ said
of their first appearance:

If any one doubted the interest which Southern women feel in the
all-absorbing question of the day, "Woman and her Rights," that
idea would have been forever dispelled by a glance at the
splendid audience assembled last night. The hall was literally
packed to overflowing, not only with women but with men,
prominent representatives in every walk of life.

In 1896 the Era[292] Club was organized with Miss Belle Van Horn as
president. The successful work of this society has been largely due to
the ability and personal influence of Mrs. Evelyn W. Ordway, a
progressive Massachusetts woman, professor of chemistry in Newcomb
College, New Orleans, who was its second president. Miss Kate M.
Gordon was the third.

In 1896 the Era united with the Portia Club in the beginning of a
State suffrage association, of which Mrs. Merrick was made president.
Mrs. Mary C. C. Bradford of Colorado gave two lectures before the new
association this year. Those who have represented this body at the
national conventions are Mrs. Merrick, Miss Katharine Nobles and Miss
Gordon.

In 1898 a convention was held in New Orleans to prepare a new State
constitution. A committee composed of Mrs. Marie Garner Graham, Miss
Nobles, Miss Gordon and Miss Jean Gordon appeared before the Suffrage
Committee in support of a petition for Full Suffrage for the educated,
taxpaying women of Louisiana, which had been presented to the
convention by the Hon. A. W. Faulkner. Mrs. Graham made an eloquent
appeal in behalf of using the intelligence and morality embodied in
the woman's vote in solving the political problem of the South. The
committee further requested that Mrs. Chapman Catt be permitted to
address the convention. The request was immediately granted and an
official invitation courteously extended.

Mrs. Merrick, who was a delegate to the suffrage convention then in
session at Washington, urged that some prominent members of the
National Association should accompany this speaker on her important
mission, and Miss Laura Clay of Kentucky and Miss Mary G. Hay of New
York were duly appointed. On February 24, in Tulane Hall, before the
assembled convention and a large throng of listeners in the galleries,
Mrs. Chapman Catt made a strong argument for the enfranchisement of
Louisiana women.

For many days woman suffrage was seriously considered as a means to
the end of securing white supremacy in the State. The following week
the Athenæum, the finest lecture hall in New Orleans, was crowded with
men and women from all classes of society anxious to hear more on this
daily topic of discussion, as presented by Mrs. Chapman Catt, Miss
Clay and Miss Frances A. Griffin of Alabama. Seats were reserved for
the members of the Constitutional Convention, who responded almost
unanimously to the invitation to be present.

Dr. Henry Dickson Bruns, a member of the Suffrage Committee, bent
every effort to secure Full Suffrage for women as the only means to
effect the reform in political conditions so much desired. The
majority report of the committee, however, contained only this clause:
"All taxpaying women shall have the right to vote in person or by
proxy on all questions of taxation."

While the women were greatly disappointed, this was really a signal
victory in so conservative a State.

Those who supposed that women would make practically no use of this
scrap of suffrage were soon to be undeceived. New Orleans was at this
time a city of 300,000 with absolutely no sewerage system; an
inadequate water supply, and what there was of this in the hands of a
monopoly; an excellent drainage system plodding along for the want of
means at a rate which would have required twenty years to complete it.
The return of yellow fever, the city's arch-enemy, after a lapse of
eighteen years, created consternation. Senseless quarantines prevailed
on all sides; business was paralyzed; property values had fallen;
commercial rivals to the right and left were pressing. A crisis was at
hand, and all depended on the hygienic regeneration of the city.

The lawful limit of taxation had been reached. One of two ways alone
remained--either to grant franchises to private corporations, or for
the taxpayers to vote to tax themselves for the necessary
improvements. Finally a plan was evolved, where, by a combination with
the drainage funds, the great public necessities--water, sewerage and
drainage--could be secured to the city by a tax of two mills on the
dollar, covering a period of forty-two years. A similar proposition
had been voted down two years before, and little hope was entertained
that it would carry this time. Here was the women's opportunity. They
found that one-third of the taxpayers must sign a petition calling the
election to establish its legality. This meant that from 9,000 to
10,000 signatures must be secured. They learned also that to carry the
measure there must be a majority of numbers as well as of property
values.

Realizing that a campaign of education was on their hands, the Era
Club called a mass meeting of women, at which prominent speakers
presented the necessities of the situation. At its close a resolution
was adopted to form a Woman's League for Sewerage and Drainage, of
which Miss Gordon was made president. The papers, which a short time
before had been most vehement in their denunciation of suffrage for
taxpaying women, were now unanimous in commending their public spirit
and predicting ultimate victory through the women.

The first work of the league was to secure a correct list of women
taxpayers, the number of whom had been variously estimated from 1,500
to 7,000. Actual count proved that the names of more than 15,000 women
appeared on the roll, about one-half the taxpayers of the entire city.
Leaving a large margin for possible duplicates, foreign residents and
changes by death, a conservative estimate gave at least 10,000 women
eligible to vote. Few can realize the magnitude of this undertaking,
for the names were without addresses but simply given as owners of
such and such pieces of property in such and such boundaries.

The work of location was at last accomplished, and then came the task
of securing the names of these women to the petitions. The lists were
divided according to wards, with a chairman for each, who appointed
lieutenants in the various precincts. Parlor meetings to interest
women were held everywhere, in the homes of the rich, the poor and the
middle classes. Volunteer canvassers were secured and suffrage
sentiment awakened. Occasionally mass meetings of men and women
together were called, and good speakers obtained to arouse the people
to the necessity of voting for the tax. It was the number of women's
signatures which enabled the mayor to order the election.

The law carried with it the privilege of voting by proxy, and the
women who were active in this movement had the great task of gathering
up the proxies of all those who had not the courage to go to the
polls. These had to be made out in legal form and signed by two
witnesses, and they then learned that no woman in Louisiana can
legally witness a document, so in all these thousands of cases it was
necessary to secure two men as witnesses. It made no difference
whether they could read or write, whether they owned property or not,
if males it was sufficient.[293]

The election was held June 6, 1899. The _Picayune_, which, with the
other papers, had opposed the extension of even this bit of suffrage
to women, came out the next morning with a three-quarter-page picture
of a beautiful woman, labeled New Orleans, on a prancing steed named
Progress, dashing over a chasm entitled Sanitary Neglect and
Commercial Stagnation, to a bluff called A Greater City, while in one
corner was a female angel with wings outspread, designated as Victory.
The two-page account began as follows:

The great election for Sewerage and Drainage has come and gone,
and with it a notable chapter in the history of woman's work in
New Orleans in behalf of municipal improvement. It is unanimously
conceded, as incontestably proven by facts, that but for the
number of signatures of women sent to the mayor the election
never would have been called. It was also conceded late yesterday
afternoon that the noble work of the women had won the day in
behalf of these much-needed improvements for our beloved city....

The politician has been crushed, and let the credit go where it
belongs. The women of New Orleans did it, under the leadership of
those two active, energetic and self-sacrificing young women, the
Misses Kate M. and Jean Gordon, and all the glory is theirs.
Woman plays a most important part in the politics and affairs of
this city. Whenever a crisis approaches, the men on the right
side appeal to her and the appeal is never in vain. She jumps
into the breach, and invariably victory perches upon her banner.
All honor to the fair sex! The women, or rather the few women who
were in the Sewerage and Drainage League, probably did as much
work for the special tax as all the men in this city put
together, and they did it quietly and thoroughly....

It was the first time in the history of New Orleans that women
were allowed the proud privilege of the suffrage, and it was a
novel sight to see them at the polls, producing their
certificates of assessment and then retiring to the booths,
fixing their ballots and depositing them in the boxes.... Enough
of them showed their independence of the sterner sex to prove to
the community that they are a deal more competent to wield the
ballot than a vast majority of the male suffragans. From what
some of the commissioners of election say, the women demonstrated
that they had observed the instructions as to voting with a great
deal more punctiliousness than the men. They had no difficulty in
arranging their ballots, and knew the routine better than many
men who had been in the habit of voting, not only early but
often.

This paper contained also an interview with Mrs. Merrick, of which the
following is a portion:

"Women are saying everywhere, Mrs. Merrick, that much of the
glory of this day is due to you, for you were the first woman in
the State to pin your faith to the suffrage cause."

"Without boasting," she said modestly, "the women of Louisiana, I
think, do owe a little to me. For years I stood alone for their
enfranchisement, especially where questions of property and
taxation were concerned.... I may say I have fought, labored and
almost died for suffrage. I do hope to see the women of New
Orleans with the School and Municipal Suffrage before I die. I am
getting old now," she added sweetly; "I am threescore and ten; I
cast my first vote to-day. It was only for sewerage and drainage;
but then it was for the protection of the home from the invasion
of disease, the better health of our city, the greater prosperity
of our commonwealth, and I am satisfied; for it will be
discovered that women hold the balance of power in all things
good and true, and our votes will soon be wanted in other
praiseworthy reforms."

The duties of the women did not end when they had voted for the tax.
It was necessary to have a Sewerage and Water Board of seven
commissioners, and the voters were to decide whether these should be
elected by the people or appointed by the mayor with the ratification
of the City Council. The politicians were determined on the former
method, while the business interests of the city demanded the latter.
The women almost to a unit voted for appointment, and the majority of
1,000 by which it was carried can be placed practically to the credit
of the Woman's League for Sewerage and Drainage.[294] It was conceded
that of the 6,000 votes cast at this election, at least one-half were
those of women.

The tax was immediately levied, the necessary legislative and
constitutional authority was obtained, the bonds were all sold and the
work is now under way for a complete system of drainage, sewerage and
water supply.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: In 1894 a law was passed permitting women
to receive degrees from Law and Medical Schools; also one allowing a
married woman to "subscribe for, withdraw or transfer stock of
building, homestead or loan associations, and to deposit funds and
withdraw the same without the assistance and intervention of her
husband." This law was secured by these associations to protect their
own interests.

In 1896 the same privilege was extended in regard to depositing money
in savings banks and withdrawing it, which a married woman could not
do up to this time.

The laws of Louisiana for the most part are a survival of the
Napoleonic Code:

Art. 25. Men are capable of all kinds of engagements and
functions, unless disqualified by reasons and causes applying to
particular individuals. Women can not be appointed to any public
office, nor perform any civil functions, except those which the
law specially declares them capable of exercising. Widows and
unmarried women of age may bind themselves as sureties or
indorsers for other persons, in the same manner and with the same
validity as men who are of full age.

Art. 81. If a father has disappeared, leaving minor children born
during his marriage, the mother shall take care of them, and
shall exercise all the rights of her husband with respect to
their education and the administration of their estate.

Art. 82. If the mother contracts a second marriage, she can not
preserve her superintendence of her children, except with the
consent of a family meeting composed of the relations or friends
of the father. [Failing to call this family meeting, she forfeits
also her right to appoint a guardian at her death.]

Art. 121. The wife can not appear in court without the authority
of her husband, although she may be a public merchant,[295] or
possess her property separate from her husband.

Art. 122. The wife, even when she is separate in estate from the
husband, can not alienate, grant, mortgage, acquire, either by
gratuitous or encumbered title, unless her husband concurs in the
act, or yields his consent in writing.

Art. 126. A married woman over the age of twenty-one years, may,
by and with the authorization of her husband, and with the
sanction of the Judge, borrow money or contract debts for her
separate benefit and advantage, and to secure the same, grant
mortgages or other securities affecting her separate estate,
paraphernal or dotal.

Art. 135. The wife may make her last will without the authority
of her husband.

Art. 302. The following persons can not be tutors [_i. e._,
guardians]: 1. Minors, except the father and mother. 2. Women,
except the mother or grandmother. 3. Idiots and lunatics. 4.
Those whose infirmities prevent them from managing their own
affairs. 5. Those whom the penal law declares incapable of
holding a public office, etc.

Art. 1316. Married women, even if separated in property, can not
institute a suit for partition without the authorization of their
husbands or of the Judge.

Art. 1480. A married woman can not make a donation _inter vivos_
[between living persons] without the concurrence or special
consent of her husband, or unless she be authorized by the Judge.
But she needs neither the consent of her husband nor any judicial
authorization to dispose by donation _mortis causa_ [in prospect
of death].

Art. 1591. The following persons are absolutely incapable of
being witnesses to testaments: 1. Women of what age soever. 2.
Male children who have not attained the age of sixteen years
complete. 3. Persons who are insane, deaf, dumb or blind. 4.
Persons whom the criminal laws declare incapable of exercising
civil functions.

Art. 1664. A married woman can not accept a testamentary
executorship without the consent of her husband. If there is
between them a separation of property, she may accept it with the
consent of her husband, or, on his refusal, she may be authorized
by the courts.

Art. 1782. All persons have the capacity to contract, except
those whose incapacity is specially declared by law--these are
married women, those of insane mind, those who are interdicted,
and minors.

Art. 2335. The separate property of the wife is divided into
dotal and extradotal. Dotal property is that which the wife
brings to the husband to assist him in bearing the expenses of
the marriage establishment. Extradotal property, otherwise called
paraphernal property, is that which forms no part of the dowry.

Art. 2338. Whatever in the marriage contract is declared to
belong to the wife, or to be given to her on account of the
marriage by other persons than the husband, is part of the dowry,
unless there be a stipulation to the contrary.

Art. 2347. The dowry is given to the husband, for him to enjoy
the same as long as the marriage shall last.

Art. 2349. The income or proceeds of the dowry belong to the
husband, and are intended to help him support the charges of the
marriage, such as the maintenance of the husband and wife, that
of their children, and other expenses which he may deem proper.

Art. 2350. The husband alone has the administration of the dowry,
and his wife can not deprive him of it; he may act alone in a
court of justice for the preservation or recovery of the dowry,
against such as either owe or detain the same, but this does not
prevent the wife from remaining the owner of the effects which
she brought as her dowry.

Art. 2358. The wife may, with the authorization of her husband,
or, on his refusal, with the authorization of the Judge, give her
dotal effects for the establishment of the children she may have
had by a former marriage.

All accumulations after marriage, except by inheritance, here as in
all States, are the property of the husband. Any wages the wife may
earn, the very clothes she wears, belong entirely to him.

The laws of inheritance of separate property are practically the same
for widow and widower.

The father is the legal guardian of the persons and property of minor
children. Until 1888 the custody of children while a divorce suit was
pending was given to the father, but now this is granted to the
mother. The final guardianship is awarded by the Judge to the one who
succeeds in obtaining the divorce.

Before 1896 no "age of protection" for girls was named in the
statutes, but the penalty for rape was death. In this year, the Arena
Club of New Orleans, a socio-economic society of women, secured a law
fixing the age at 16 years. The penalty was changed to imprisonment,
with or without labor, for a period not exceeding five years, with no
minimum penalty named.

SUFFRAGE: Since 1898 taxpaying women have the right to vote in person
or by proxy on all questions of taxation.

OFFICE HOLDING: The clause in the constitution of 1879 that made women
eligible to school offices was inoperative on account of some
technicality, which in 1894 Mrs. Helen Behrens, a member of the Portia
Club, succeeded in having removed. In 1896 Mrs. Evelyn W. Ordway, as
chairman of a committee from the Era Club, presented a petition to the
City Council signed by all of the editors and many other
representative men of New Orleans, asking for the appointment of a
woman to an existing vacancy on the school board, but this was
refused. No women ever were appointed to such positions except in a
few country districts.

The office of State librarian had been held by a number of women
previous to 1898. The Constitutional Convention of that year,
however, which gave the taxpayer's suffrage to women, swept away every
vestige of their right to hold any office by adopting a clause
declaring that only qualified voters should be eligible to office.
Under this ruling women can not serve as notaries public.

There are no women on the boards of any public institutions in the
State and none has a woman physician.

Four police matrons are employed by New Orleans, one for the parish
prison, one for the police jail and two for station houses.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is legally forbidden to
women.

EDUCATION: The State University at Baton Rouge is one of three in the
United States which do not admit women to any department. Tulane, in
New Orleans, the largest university in Louisiana, admits women to
post-graduate work and to the Departments of Law and Pharmacy, but the
Medical Department is still closed to them. The H. Sophie Newcomb
Memorial College for Girls is a part of Tulane University. It was
endowed by Mrs. Josephine Louise Newcomb with $2,500,000 in memory of
her daughter. At her death she left to it the remainder of her estate,
valued at $1,500,000.

New Orleans University (white) and Leland University (colored) are
co-educational. Most of the other colleges in the State are open to
women.

In the public schools there are 1,991 men and 2,166 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $37; of the women, $29.70.

FOOTNOTES:

[290] The History is indebted for the material for this chapter to
Miss Kate M. Gordon, president of the Era Club, Mrs. Evelyn W. Ordway
and Mrs. Martha Gould, all of New Orleans.

[291] Other presidents: Mrs. Elizabeth Lyle Saxon, Mrs. Evelyn W.
Ordway, Miss Florence Huberwald, Mrs. Helen Behrens.

[292] The clever reader between the lines will see that E. R.
A.--Equal Rights Association--is concealed in this innocent appearing
word.

[293] Miss Kate M. Gordon herself obtained and voted 300 proxies.
After the election the Business Men's Association of New Orleans
presented her with a gold medal. [Eds.

[294] So determined were the politicians to have this board elected,
instead of appointed, in order that they might get control of the
$42,000,000 fund, that a bill for this purpose was passed by the
Legislature of 1902 and signed by Gov. William W. Heard. The matter
will be carried to the Supreme Court.

[295] Certain legal processes are necessary before a woman can engage
in business on her own account.

CHAPTER XLIII.

MAINE.[296]

The Maine Woman Suffrage Association entered upon its career in 1873,
flourished until 1876 and then ceased active work, which was not
resumed until 1885. In September of that year, a convention was called
in co-operation with the New England W. S. A., which resulted in the
reorganization of the society. The Rev. Henry Blanchard, D. D., pastor
of the First Universalist Church at Portland, was elected president,
continuing in that capacity until 1891. During these six years of
unremitting service, twelve public meetings (with occasional executive
sessions) are recorded, all of which were held in Portland and
addressed by the best speakers on suffrage, including Mrs. Lucy Stone,
Henry B. Blackwell, the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, Mrs. Julia Ward Howe
and Mrs. Mary A. Livermore.

In 1891 Dr. Blanchard resigned and Mrs. Hannah J. Bailey was elected
president, as she said, "because it was thought best to have a woman
at the head of the organization in order to confute the argument, then
often advanced by the legislators, that women do not want the ballot."
Mrs. Bailey's term of office expired in 1897, by her own request. In
the six years of her leadership, six public conventions took place,
all in Portland. The business of the association having been
systematically arranged, a large amount of work was done in the
executive meetings which occurred frequently.

In 1892 a local club was organized in Portland, and this, as a live
and aggressive force, has been of incalculable benefit to the cause.
Other clubs were formed in this administration at Saco, Waterville and
Hampden. The last owes its existence to the efforts of Mrs. Jane H.
Spofford, formerly of Washington, D. C., and for many years treasurer
of the National Association.

In 1897 the present incumbent, Mrs. Lucy Hobart Day, was chosen State
president. During the past three years there have been three annual
conventions held respectively at Hampden, Waterville and Portland,
with one semi-annual conference at Saco. Miss Susan B. Anthony,
president of the National Association, was present at the first of
these and afterwards addressed a public meeting in Portland.

In addition to these conventions, in May, 1900, a series of public
meetings in the interest of further organization was held at Old
Orchard, Saco, Waterville, Hampden, Winthrop, Monmouth, Cornish and
Portland, arranged by the president and addressed by Miss Diana
Hirschler, a practicing lawyer of Boston.

The second week of August, 1900, was celebrated in Maine as "Old Home
Week," and from the 7th to the 11th the State association kept "open
house" in Portland to old and new friends alike. The register shows a
record of 232 names, with fourteen States represented, from California
to Maine.

On August 24, the association again made a new departure by holding a
Suffrage Day at Ocean Park, Old Orchard, this being the first time
Maine suffragists had appeared on the regular platform of any summer
assembly in the State. The national president, Mrs. Carrie Chapman
Catt, was in attendance and the day was a memorable one.

Since 1898 the press department has taken on new life under the
management of Mrs. Sarah G. Crosby, and has grown from a circulation
of six to eighty newspapers containing suffrage matter.

New clubs have been formed at Old Orchard and Skowhegan. A regular
system of bi-monthly meetings of the executive committee has been
instituted, the business there transacted being reported to the
various clubs, thus keeping the mother in touch with her
children.[297]

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: There have been several hearings before
legislative committees in the interest of a reformatory prison for
women, together with repeated petitions for a matron of the State
prison, so far with negative results.

In all changes of laws in favor of women much work has been done by
themselves. They have been instrumental also in securing the passage
of laws against obscene literature, cigarettes and immoral kinetoscope
exhibitions. They have opposed and prevented the appointment of a
conspicuously immoral man as Judge; have prevented the pardon of
notoriously vile women in some marked cases, and have secured police
matrons in several of the large cities, also matrons of almshouses.

In 1887 a petition was presented to the Legislature asking for a
constitutional amendment in favor of woman suffrage. "The significant
vote" was upon the third reading of the bill, when it was ordered to
be engrossed by 15 yeas, 13 nays in the Senate, and 67 yeas, 47 nays
in the House; but as a two-thirds vote was necessary it failed to
pass.

In 1889 the vote on a bill granting Municipal Suffrage to women stood
42 yeas, 91 nays in the House; 18 yeas, 8 nays in the Senate.

In 1891 the Judiciary Committee reported "ought not to pass" on the
bill to confer Municipal Suffrage on women, to which the House voted
to adhere, the Senate concurring.

In 1893 it was moved in the House to substitute the favorable minority
report for the majority report on the Municipal Suffrage Bill. This
motion was lost by 54 yeas, 63 nays. The Senate non-concurred with the
House and accepted the minority report by 16 yeas, 13 nays.

In the campaign of 1895 an exceedingly active canvass for Municipal
Suffrage was made by the use of petitions. These were circulated by
the State Association and the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, over
9,000 names being sent to the Legislature. At the hearing before the
Judiciary Committee every county in the State was represented, and the
hall was crowded to its utmost capacity. The committee reported in
favor, and their report was accepted in the House by 79 yeas, 54
nays. The Senate refused to concur in the action of the House by 11
yeas, 15 nays.

In 1897 the petitions for Municipal Suffrage were placed on file, the
House and Senate concurring in this action.

In 1899 a bill was presented asking "exemption from taxation for the
taxpaying women of Maine," on the ground that "taxation without
representation is tyranny." The Committee on Taxation granted a
hearing and reported "leave to withdraw," which report was accepted in
the House, the Senate concurring.

Dower and curtesy were abolished in 1895. If there is no will the
interest of the husband or wife in the real estate of the other is the
same; if there is issue of the marriage living, one-third absolutely;
if no such issue, then one-half; if there is neither issue nor
kindred, then the whole of it. The same provisions of law hold
regarding the personal estate of each. Both a wife and a husband have
the right to claim their statutory share in the estate of the other in
preference to any provision that may have been made by a will,
provided that such an election is made within a period of six months.
The widow is entitled to occupy the home for ninety days after the
husband's death, and to have support for that length of time. He is
accorded the same privileges and the presence of a will does not
change the case. A more liberal allowance than formerly is granted to
the family from an insolvent estate.

In the presence of two witnesses, before marriage, the man and the
woman may determine what rights each shall have in the other's estate
during marriage and after its dissolution by death, and may bar each
other of all rights in their respective estates not then secured to
them.

A married woman may acquire and hold real and personal property in her
own right, and convey the same without joinder of her husband. He has
the same legal privilege. The wife may control her own earnings, and
carry on business, and the profits are her sole and separate property.

She can prosecute and defend suits in her own name both in contract
and in tort, and the wages of the wife and minor children are exempt
from attachment in suits against the husband.

Dower, alimony and other provisions for the wife are made in case of
divorce for the husband's fault, and a law of 1895 compels the husband
to support his family or contribute thereto (provided the separation
was not the fault of the wife) and the Supreme Judicial Court may
enforce obedience.

Maine is one of the few States in the Union where fathers and mothers
have equal guardianship of their children. (1895.)

In 1887 the "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 13
years. In 1889 it was advanced to 14 years, providing unqualified
protection, with penalty of imprisonment for life or for a term of
years. In 1897 an act was passed providing a "qualified" protection
for girls between 14 and 16--that is, protection from men over
twenty-one years of age.

Some of the above laws have originated with the legislators
themselves. Others have been asked for by the women of the State,
through the medium of the W. S. A., the W. C. T. U. and the Woman's
Council; but in the various organizations it has been those who are
suffragists that have carried these measures to a successful
issue.[298]

SUFFRAGE: Women have no form of suffrage.

OFFICE HOLDING: At the present time women are filling offices,
elective and appointive, as follows: School superintendents, 69;
school supervisor, one; school committee, 112; public librarians, 40;
trustee of State insane asylum, one; physician on board of same, one;
matron of same, one; supervisor female wards of same, one; police
matrons, 2; visiting committee of State Reform School, one; trustees
of Westbrook Seminary, 3; Stenographic commissioners, 4; trustees of
Girls' State Industrial School, 2; principal of same, one; matrons of
same, 3.

There are fifteen women justices of the peace, with authority to
administer oaths and solemnize marriages.

Women are eligible also as deputy town clerk and register of probate.
They can not serve as notaries public.

OCCUPATIONS: As early as 1884 Maine had women lawyers, ministers,
physicians, authors and farmers. No occupation is forbidden them by
law, and they are found in all departments of work. Since 1887 the
working day for women and children is limited to ten hours.

EDUCATION: The educational advantages accorded to women are equal to
those of men. Bates College, Colby College and the State University,
including the Agricultural Department, were opened to them before
1884. Bowdoin College alone does not admit women.

There are in the public schools 1,020 men and 5,427 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $35; of the women, $27.20.

* * * * *

During the past ten years the literary club movement has done an
immense amount of educational work, and Maine was the first State to
federate. In 1899 the federation instituted a system of traveling
libraries, which has become a great power for good in the rural
districts, and several clubs circulate libraries of their own. It also
has secured minor bills on educational matters.

In 1893 two important institutions were established--the Home for
Friendless Girls, in Belfast, and the Home for Friendless Boys, in
Portland. There are also other homes for children.

In 1894 the Invalids' Home (now the Mary Brown Home, in honor of its
founder) was incorporated. Any woman in Portland of good character may
be admitted to it for $3 a week.

All of the above were organized by women, and are managed by them.

This in brief is the history of woman's progress in the Pine Tree
State since 1884.

FOOTNOTES:

[296] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Lucy Hobart Day
of Portland, president of the State Suffrage Association, whose work
is done under the motto, "In order to establish justice."

[297] State officers for 1900: President, Mrs. Lucy Hobart Day;
vice-president-at-large, Mrs. S. J. L. O'Brion; vice-president, Mrs.
Sarah Fairfield Hamilton; corresponding secretary, Miss Anne Burgess;
recording secretary, Miss Lillia Floyd Donnell; treasurer, Dr. Emily
N. Titus; auditor, Miss Eliza C. Tappan; superintendent press work,
Miss Vetta Merrill.

Among others who have served are Mesdames Lillian M. N. Stevens, Etta
Haley Osgood, Winnifred Fuller Nelson and Helen Coffin Beedy; Miss
Louise Titcomb and Dr. Jane Lord Hersom.

[298] Among those who have been instrumental in securing better
legislation for the women of the State may be mentioned the Hon.
Thomas Brackett Reed, Judge Joseph W. Symonds, Franklin Payson;
ex-Governors Joseph Bodwell, Frederick Robie, Henry B. Cleaves and
Llewellyn Powers; Mesdames Augusta Merrill Hunt, Margaret T. W.
Merrill and Ann Frances Greeley; Dr. Abby Mary Fulton and the Misses
Cornelia M. Dow, Charlotte Thomas and Elizabeth Upham Yates.

CHAPTER XLIV.

MARYLAND.[299]

If but one State in the Union allowed woman to represent herself it
should be Maryland, which was named for a woman, whose capital was
named for a woman, and where in 1647 Mistress Margaret Brent, the
first woman suffragist in America, demanded "place and voyce" in the
Assembly as the executor and representative of her kinsman, Lord
Baltimore. Her petition was denied but she must have had some gallant
supporters, as the archives record that the question of her admission
was hotly debated for hours. After the signal defeat of Mistress
Brent, there seems to have been no demand for the ballot on the part
of Maryland women for about 225 years.[300]

In 1870 and '71 Miss Susan B. Anthony, Mrs. Lucy Stone and Mrs. Julia
Ward Howe lectured in Baltimore and there was some slight agitation of
the subject.

Immediately following the national suffrage convention of 1883, in
Washington, Miss Phoebe W. Couzins of Missouri addressed a large and
enthusiastic audience at Sandy Spring. Soon afterwards Madame Clara
Neymann of New York spoke in the same place and was cordially
received. She and Mrs. Caroline Hallowell Miller were invited about
this time to make addresses at Rockville. Mrs. Miller also spoke on
the rights and wrongs of women at the Sandy Spring Lyceum.

In 1889 Mrs. Miller invited some of her acquaintances to meet at her
home in Sandy Spring to form a suffrage association. Thirteen men and
women became members, all but one of whom belonged to the Society of
Friends.[301] This year Maryland was represented for the first time at
the national suffrage convention by a delegate, Mrs. Sarah T. Miller.
She is now superintendent of franchise in the State Woman's Christian
Temperance Union, this department having been adopted in 1893.

Annual State conventions have been held since 1889 and about 300
different members have been enrolled. The membership includes many
men; one public meeting was addressed by a father and daughter, and a
mother and son. The officers for 1900 are: President, Mary Bentley
Thomas; vice-president, Pauline W. Holme; corresponding secretary,
Annie R. Lamb; recording secretary, Margaret Smythe Clarke; treasurer,
Mary E. Moore; member national executive committee, Emma J. M. Funck.

The first to organize a suffrage club in Baltimore was Mrs. Sarah H.
Tudor. It has now a flourishing society and many open meetings have
been held with large and interested audiences.

In 1896 six members of the W. C. T. U. of Baltimore went before the
registrars and demanded that their names should be placed on the
polling books. Mrs. Thomas J. Boram, whose husband was one of the
registrars, was spokeswoman and claimed their right to vote under the
Constitution of the United States. She made a strong argument in the
name of taxpaying women and of mothers but was told that the State
constitution limited the suffrage to males. The other ladies were Dr.
Emily G. Peterson, Miss Annie M. V. Davenport, Mrs. Jane H. Rupp, Mrs.
C. Rupp and Mrs. Amanda Peterman.

Among the outside speakers who have come into the State at different
times are the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, vice-president-at-large of the
National Association, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the
national organization committee, Mrs. Mary C. C. Bradford of Colorado,
Miss Elizabeth Upham Yates of Maine, the Rev. Henrietta G. Moore of
Ohio, Mrs. Annie L. Diggs and Miss Laura A. Gregg of Kansas, Miss
Helen Morris Lewis of North Carolina, Mrs. Ruth B. Havens of
Washington, D. C., and Mrs. Catharine Waugh McCulloch of Chicago.

One of the first and most efficient of the workers is Mrs. Caroline
Hallowell Miller, who has represented her State for many years at the
national conventions and pleased the audiences with her humorous but
strong addresses. Her husband, Francis Miller, a prominent lawyer, was
one of the very few men in the State who advocated suffrage for women
as early as 1874, when he made an appeal for the enfranchisement of
the women of the District of Columbia before the House Judiciary
Committee.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: The constitution of Maryland opens as
follows:

The right of the people to participate in the Legislature is the
best security of liberty and the foundation of all free
government; for this purpose, elections ought to be free and
frequent; and every male (!) citizen having the qualifications
prescribed by the constitution ought to have the right of
suffrage.

The Legislature has been petitioned to grant full suffrage to women;
to raise the "age of protection" for girls, and to refrain from giving
State aid to institutions of learning which do not admit women
students on equal terms with men.

The Legislature of 1900 took a remarkably progressive step. An act
authorizing the city of Annapolis to submit to the voters the question
of issuing bonds to the amount of $121,000, to pay off the floating
indebtedness and provide a fund for permanent improvements, contained
a paragraph entitling women to vote.

This bill was introduced in the Senate January 25, by Elijah Williams
and was referred to the Committee on Finance. On January 31, Austin L.
Crothers reported it favorably. On February 1, at the motion of
Senator Williams, the bill was recommitted and on the 15th Senator
Crothers again reported it favorably. On the 19th it was passed by the
Senate unanimously.

The Senate Bill was presented to the House of Delegates February 20,
and referred to the Committee on Ways and Means. On the 28th,
Ferdinand C. Latrobe (who had been mayor of Baltimore four or five
times) reported the bill favorably. On March 23 it was passed by the
House, 69 yeas, one nay, the negative vote being cast by Patrick E.
Finzel of Garrett County.

It is a common practice of the General Assembly to pass laws
applicable only to one county or portion of a county, or to one
municipality or to one special occasion, as in this instance.

As this law was a decided innovation in a very conservative community,
naturally the number of women availing themselves of it for the first
time was not large, and it hardly seemed worth a special Act of the
Legislature, except as a progressive step. The Baltimore _Sun_ of May
14 said:

Women voted in Annapolis to-day under the law permitting property
owners to say if $121,000 bonds shall be issued for street and
other improvements. The novelty of their presence did not disturb
the serenity of the polling-room or unnerve the ladies who were
exercising their right to vote for the first time. They were
calm, direct and as unruffled as though it were the usual order
of things. Those who voted are of the highest social standing.
They received the utmost courtesy at the polls and voted without
any embarrassment whatever.

Numerous changes in the statutes have been made during the past twelve
years, modifying the discriminations against married women under the
old Common Law.

In 1888 it was enacted that a wife might bring action for slander in
her own name and defend her own character.

The last of these improved laws went into effect in 1898, when the
inheritance of property was made the same for widow and widower.
Absolute control of her own estate was vested in the wife. Power was
given her to make contracts and bring suit, and she alone was to be
liable for her own actions.

Inequalities still exist, however, in regard to divorce and
guardianship of children. The fifth ground for absolute divorce is as
follows: "Where the woman before marriage has been guilty of illicit
carnal intercourse with another man, the same being unknown to the
husband at the time of marriage." A similar act on the part of the
husband prior to the marriage does not entitle the wife to a divorce.

The father has complete control of the minor children and may appoint
a guardian by will. If he die without doing so the mother becomes
their natural guardian, but her control over a daughter terminates at
eighteen years of age while the father's continues to twenty-one. This
power of appointing a testamentary guardian was created by an act of
Charles II, and adopted as a part of the laws of Maryland. It gives
the father power, by deed or will, to dispose of the custody and
tuition of his infant children up to the age of twenty-one, or until
the marriage of the daughters. It gives him custody of their persons
and all their real and personal estate, not only such as comes from
his family, but all they may acquire of any person soever, even from
the family of the mother. The guardian is placed _in loco parentis_
and his rights are generally regarded as paramount.

For non-support of the family the husband may be fined $100 or
imprisoned in the House of Correction not exceeding one year, or both,
at discretion of the court. (1896.)

Wife-beaters are punished by flogging or imprisonment.

In 1899 women succeeded in having the "age of protection" for girls
raised from 14 to 16 years, with penalty ranging from death to
imprisonment in the penitentiary for eighteen months.

Employers are compelled to provide seats for female employes. Children
under twelve can not work in factories. Women or girls may not be
employed as waiters in any place of amusement.

SUFFRAGE: Women have no form of suffrage.

OFFICE HOLDING: The State librarian is a woman, who has filled the
position most satisfactorily for a number of years and through her
care valuable documents relating to colonial times have been saved
from destruction and classified. A leading paper of Baltimore said
that these had been allowed to remain in the cellar of the State House
for years, and would have been ruined but for the new system of public
housekeeping inaugurated by the womanly element.

Women physicians have been placed in charge of women patients at one
State insane asylum.

Police matrons are employed at all the station houses in Baltimore.
During the past two years women have been placed on its jail boards
and on the boards of most of its charitable and reformatory
institutions. By the recommendation of two mayors they have been put
on the school board. They have applied for positions on the
street-cleaning board but without success.

Women are doing efficient work on the jail and almshouse boards of
Harford County and the school boards of Montgomery.

Women serve as notaries public.

OCCUPATIONS: In 1901 Miss Etta Maddox, a graduate of the Baltimore
College of Law, was refused admission to the bar and carried her case
to the Supreme Court. It was argued before the full bench and the
opinion rendered by Justice C. J. McSherry, November 21. Her petition
was denied on the ground that the act providing for admission to the
bar uses the masculine pronouns. In this decision the general
proposition was affirmed that "women are excluded from all occupations
which were denied them by the English common law, except when the
disability has been removed by express statutory enactment."[302] It
is believed that this opinion makes it illegal for women to serve as
notaries public, and as a number have been serving for several years,
three in Baltimore, the situation promises to be very serious, many
deeds, etc., having been acknowledged before them.

EDUCATION: Through the leadership of Miss Mary E. Garrett and Dr. M.
Carey Thomas, president of Bryn Mawr College, assisted by Miss Mary
Gwinn and Miss Elizabeth King (now Mrs. William Ellicott), committees
of prominent women were organized in various States for raising a fund
to open a Medical Department in Johns Hopkins University which should
be co-educational. The trustees required an endowment of $500,000. The
committees raised $200,000 and Miss Garrett herself added the
remaining $300,000. In 1893 this Medical College, which is not
outranked in the country, was dedicated alike to men and women with
absolutely no distinction in their privileges. Women are not admitted
to any other department of Johns Hopkins.

Of the nine other colleges and universities two are open to women, and
the Woman's College of Baltimore, which receives State aid, is for
them alone. They may be graduated from the Baltimore Colleges of Law
and of Dentistry. The State Colleges of Agriculture, of Medicine and
of Law are closed to them. The State Normal Schools admit both sexes
on equal terms.

There are 1,162 men and 3,965 women teachers in the public schools. It
is impossible to obtain the average monthly salaries.

FOOTNOTES:

[299] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Mary Bentley
Thomas of Ednor, who for the last nine years has been president of the
State Suffrage Association.

[300] Miss Mary Catherine Goddard conducted the Baltimore post-office
and also the only newspaper in the city, the _Maryland Journal and
Commercial Advertiser_, through all the trying times of the
Revolutionary War. On July 12, 1775, she published a detailed account
of the battle of Bunker Hill, which had occurred on June 17, and the
Declaration of the Continental Congress giving the causes and
necessity for taking up arms. The first official publication of the
Declaration of Independence, with the signers' names attached, was
entrusted by Congress, at that time sitting in Baltimore, to Miss
Goddard.

She remained in control of her paper for ten years. In 1779 she made
an appeal through its columns for the destitute families of the
American soldiers, and by her efforts $25,000 were raised for their
needs.

[301] The charter members were Caroline H., Margaret E., Sarah T.,
Rebecca T. and George B. Miller, Margaret B. and Mary Magruder, Ellen
and Martha T. Farquhar, James P. and Jessie B. Stablu, Hannah B.
Brooke and Mary E. Moore. At the second meeting a number of others
became members, including the writer of this chapter.

[302] State Senator Jacob M. Moses presented a bill in the Legislature
of 1902 to permit women to practice law, which passed, was signed by
the Governor and Miss Maddox was admitted to the bar.

CHAPTER XLV.

MASSACHUSETTS.[303]

The first suffrage convention ever held which assumed a national
character by inviting representatives from other States took place in
Worcester, Mass., Oct. 23, 24, 1850.[304]

The New England Woman Suffrage Association was formed at Boston in
November, 1868, with Mrs. Julia Ward Howe as president; and the
Massachusetts Association was organized in the same city Jan. 28,
1870, of which also Mrs. Howe was elected president. In 1871 Henry B.
Blackwell, editor of the _Woman's Journal_, was made corresponding
secretary of both associations and has filled the office of the latter
continuously, of the former twenty-two years.

From those years until the present each of these bodies has held an
annual meeting in Boston and they have almost invariably been
addressed by men and women of State, of national and of international
reputation. They have met in various churches and halls, but of late
years the historic old Faneuil Hall has been selected. The State
association meets in the winter and the New England association during
Anniversary Week in May, when there are business sessions with reports
from the various States, public meetings and a great festival or
banquet. The last is attended by hundreds of people, all the tickets
are frequently sold weeks in advance, and with its prominent
after-dinner speakers it has long been an attractive feature.[305]

The annual meeting of 1884 was held January 22, 23, presided over by
William I. Bowditch, who had succeeded the Rev. Dr. James Freeman
Clarke as president in 1878. A number of fine addresses were given and
the official board was unanimously re-elected.[306] Mr. Bowditch's
opening address was afterwards widely circulated as a tract, The
Forgotten Woman in Massachusetts.

It was voted that a fund should be raised to organize local suffrage
associations or leagues throughout the State, and that, as soon as
$2,500 was in hand, an agent should be put in the field. Mr. Bowditch,
Miss Louisa M. Alcott, John L. Whiting and Henry H. Faxon each
subscribed $100 on the spot; $800 was raised at the meeting and more
than $2,500 within four months.

This year, in the death of Wendell Phillips, the cause of equal rights
lost one of its earliest and noblest supporters. On February 28 an
impressive memorial service was held in Boston. Mrs. Howe presided and
the other speakers were William Lloyd Garrison, Theodore D. Weld,
Judge Thomas Russell, Mrs. Ednah D. Cheney, Elizur Wright, the Rev.
Samuel May, George W. Lowther, Mrs. Lucy Stone and Mr. Blackwell. John
Boyle O'Reilly and William P. Liscomb read memorial poems.

Fifty-seven meetings were held this year in different parts of the
State, arranged by Arthur P. Ford and Miss Cora Scott Pond. The
speakers were the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, Miss Matilda Hindman, Miss
Pond and Miss Ida M. Buxton, and at some of the meetings Lucy Stone,
Mr. Blackwell and Mrs. Adelaide A. Claflin. In addition six
conventions were held and a large number of local leagues were formed.
Suffrage sociables were given monthly in Boston. Leaflets were
printed, including Wendell Phillips' great speech at the Worcester
Convention in 1850, which were sent out by tens of thousands, and
50,000 special copies of the _Woman's Journal_ were distributed
gratuitously. Mrs. H. M. Tracy Cutler was employed for a month in
Worcester to enlist interest in the churches, and Miss Pond for two
months in Boston. Letters were sent to every town, with postal cards
inclosed for reply, to find who were friends of suffrage, and to those
so found a letter was sent asking co-operation. This constitutes an
average twelve months' work for the past thirty years.

The sixteenth annual meeting of the New England Association took place
May 26, 27, Lucy Stone presiding. The Rev. Minot J. Savage and Edward
M. Winston of Harvard University were among the speakers. The two
associations united as usual in the May Festival. Letters of greeting
were read from the Hons. George F. Hoar, John D. Long and John E.
Fitzgerald, Postmaster Edward S. Tobey, Col. Albert Clarke and
Chancellor William G. Eliot, of Washington University, St. Louis. The
Rev. Robert Collyer, Mr. Garrison and the Rev. Miss Shaw made
addresses.

At the State convention, Jan. 27, 28, 1885, addresses were made by
Mrs. Margaret Moore of Ireland, A. S. Root of Boston University, and
the usual brilliant galaxy, while letters expressing sympathy with the
cause were read from John G. Whittier, the Rev. Samuel Longfellow, the
Rev. Samuel J. Barrows and many others. An appeal to the Legislature,
written by Lucy Stone, was unanimously adopted.

An Anti-Woman Suffrage Association formed in Massachusetts the
previous year, had devoted itself chiefly to securing signatures of
women to a protest against the franchise. In 1885 Mrs. Kate Gannett
Wells and her associates obtained the signatures of about 140
influential men to a remonstrance against "any further extension of
suffrage to women," and published it as an advertisement in the Boston
_Herald_ of Sunday, February 15. The list included President Eliot of
Harvard, a number of college professors, one or two literary men,
several ex-members of the Legislature, and a number of clergymen of
conservative churches; but it was made up largely of those prominent
chiefly on account of their wealth.

An average of ten suffrage meetings and conventions a month were held
in various cities throughout the year. The Rev. Miss Shaw and Miss
Pond attended nearly all, and Mrs. Stone, Mr. Blackwell, Mrs. Claflin,
Mr. Garrison, Miss Eastman and Mr. Bowditch addressed some of them,
besides local speakers. Two thousand persons gathered in Tremont
Temple on the opening night of the May anniversary, Lucy Stone
presiding. Senator Hoar, Mrs. Livermore and others made short speeches
and later responded to toasts at the Festival.

Mr. Blackwell presided over the State convention Jan. 26, 1886. At the
New England meeting this year Frederick Douglass delivered an oration
and spoke also at the Festival, over which Miss Eastman presided. The
association kept Miss Shaw in the field for six months and Miss Pond
throughout the year and held summer conventions in Cottage City and
Nantucket, besides ten county conventions in the fall. There were
123,014 pages of literature sent out and agents visited seventy-five
towns. A suffrage bazar was held in December with Mrs. Livermore as
president and Mrs. Howe as editor of the _Bazar Journal_. The list of
vice-presidents included Phillips Brooks and many other distinguished
persons. The brunt of the work, however, was borne by Miss Pond and
Miss Shaw, and the bazar cleared $6,000.

Mrs. Howe, Mrs. Stone, Mr. Garrison, Mrs. Cheney, State Senator Elijah
A. Morse and others addressed the annual convention of 1887.
Petitions were circulated for Municipal and Presidential Suffrage and
a constitutional amendment; also for police matrons, the raising of
the age of protection for girls, improvements in the property rights
of married women, a bill enabling husbands and wives to make legal
contracts with each other, and one making women eligible to all
offices from which they are not debarred by the constitution. In March
the association gave $1,000 to the constitutional amendment campaign
in Rhode Island, and a number of the officers contributed their
services.

Mrs. Howe presided at the May Festival, and among the speakers were
Mrs. Helen M. Gougar of Indiana, Mrs. J. Ellen Foster of Iowa, the
Revs. Henry Blanchard of Maine and Frederick A. Hinckley of Rhode
Island. Mr. Garrison read an original poem rejoicing over the granting
of Municipal Suffrage in Kansas. At the New England Convention which
followed, these speakers were reinforced by the Rev. Jenkyn Lloyd
Jones of Chicago. On October 19 the State Association gave a reception
to Miss Frances E. Willard, president of the National Woman's
Christian Temperance Union, at the Hotel Brunswick.

In December a great bazar was held in Boston for the joint benefit of
the American Suffrage Association and various States which took part.
The gross receipts were nearly $8,000. This year the association moved
into larger offices at No. 3 Park street; held fifty-one public
meetings and four county conventions and organized twenty-one new
leagues. The _Woman's Journal_ was sent for three months to all the
members of the Legislature; 378,000 pages of suffrage literature were
sold and many thousands more given away.

During the annual meeting in February, 1888, a reception was given to
Mrs. Rebecca Moore, of England, at which John W. Hutchinson sang and
many bright speeches were made. At the twentieth anniversary of the
New England association, in May, Lucy Stone presided. Mrs. Laura
Ormiston Chant and Mrs. Alice Scatcherd of England, and Baroness
Gripenberg and Miss Alli Trygg of Finland, were among the speakers.
Others were Miss Clara Barton, Mrs. Isabella Beecher Hooker of
Connecticut, the Hon. William Dudley Foulke and Mrs. Zerelda G.
Wallace of Indiana. At the Festival Music Hall was crowded to
overflowing and Miss Susan B. Anthony was one of the guests of honor.

This year great excitement was aroused among both men and women by a
controversy over the historical text-books used in the public schools
of Boston. At the request of a priest the school board removed a
history which the Catholics regarded as unfair in its statements, and
substituted one which many Protestants considered equally unfair. The
school vote of women never had risen much above 2,000, and generally
had been below that number. This year 25,279 applied to be assessed a
poll tax and registered, and 19,490 voted, in one of the worst storms
of the season. All the Catholic candidates were defeated. The suffrage
association kept out of the controversy as a body, but its members as
individuals took sides as their personal views dictated.

In 1889 Gov. Oliver Ames, for the third time, recommended women
suffrage in his inaugural, saying: "Recent political events have
confirmed the opinion I have long held, that if women have sufficient
reason to vote they will do so and become an important factor in the
settlement of great questions. If we can trust uneducated men to vote
we can with greater safety and far more propriety grant the same power
to women, who as a rule are as well educated and quite as intelligent
as men."

The convention met January 29-31. Among outside speakers were Mrs.
Ellen Battelle Dietrick of Kentucky, Prof. William H. Carruth of
Kansas, and the Hon. Hamilton Willcox of New York. Col. Thomas
Wentworth Higginson presided at the May Festival and Mrs. Howe's
seventieth birthday was celebrated. Mrs. Laura M. Johns of Kansas,
Mrs. Mary Seymour Howell of New York, Mrs. Emily P. Collins of
Connecticut, and many from other States were present.

An organizer was kept in the field eight months and a State lecturer
two months; summer meetings were held at Swampscott, Hull and
Nantasket. Two quarterly conferences took place in Boston between the
State officers and representatives from the eighty-nine local leagues.
A great Historical Pageant was given under Miss Pond's supervision in
May and October, which netted $1,582; the _Woman's Journal_ was sent
four months to all the legislators, and leaflets to all the students
of Harvard and Boston Universities; 15,000 leaflets were given to the
South Dakota campaign. The State Farmers' Institute, held at West
Brookfield, adopted a woman suffrage resolution almost unanimously.

In Boston 10,051 women voted and the Catholic candidates for the
school board were again defeated. The Independent Women Voters elected
all their nominees, and candidates who had the joint nomination of
both Republicans and Democrats were defeated.

Ex-Gov. John D. Long was one of the speakers at the convention of Jan.
28, 29, 1890; also Miss Elizabeth Upham Yates of Maine. In April an
evening with authors and composers was arranged, chiefly by Miss Lucia
T. Ames. Well-known authors read from their writings and musicians
contributed from their own compositions. In the same month a week's
fair called The Country Store was held, Miss Charlotte H. Allen
supervising the arrangements, with gross receipts, $2,346. The Rev.
Charles G. Ames presided at the May Festival and the Rev. Anna Garlin
Spencer of Rhode Island was one of the speakers.

In July a reception was given in the suffrage parlors to the ladies of
the National Editorial Association and the members of the New England
Women's Press Association. The editors of the _Woman's Journal_--Lucy
Stone, Mr. and Miss Blackwell--and the associate editor, Mrs. Florence
M. Adkinson, received the guests, assisted by the Rev. Miss Shaw and
Miss Lucy E. Anthony. During Grand Army week in August a reception was
extended to the ladies of the Woman's Relief Corps and others, the
guests received by Mrs. Livermore, Mrs. Howe, the editors of the
_Journal_ and Dr. Emily Blackwell, dean of the Women's Medical College
of the New York Infirmary for Women and Children.

In October the association exhibited at the Hollis Street Theater a
series of Art Tableaux, The History of Marriage, showing the marriage
ceremonies of different ages and countries, Mrs. Livermore acting as
historian. The receipts were $1,463. The association sent literature
to the legislators, to several thousand college students and to all
the members of the Mississippi Constitutional Convention; had a booth
for two months at the Mechanics' Fair in Boston; supplied suffrage
matter every week to 603 editors in all parts of the country and gave
133,334 pages of leaflets to the campaign in South Dakota. The
chairman of its executive committee, Mrs. Stone, also donated 95,000
copies of the _Woman's Column_ to the same campaign, and the
secretary, Mr. Blackwell, contributed five weeks' gratuitous service
in Dakota, lecturing for the amendment.

The Boston Methodist ministers, at their Monday meeting, passed
unanimously a resolution in favor of Municipal Woman Suffrage; and a
gathering of Massachusetts farmers, at the rooms of the _Ploughman_,
did the same with only one dissenting vote, after an address by Lucy
Stone, herself a farmer's daughter.[307]

The annual meeting, Jan. 27, 28, 1891, was made a celebration of the
fortieth anniversary of the First National Woman's Rights Convention,
which had been held at Worcester in October, 1850. Miss Susan B.
Anthony came on from Washington to attend. The advance of women in
different lines during the past forty years was ably reviewed
in the addresses by representative women in their respective
departments.[308] Only two of the speakers at the convention of forty
years ago were present on this occasion, Lucy Stone and the Rev.
Antoinette Brown Blackwell; and two who had signed the Call--Colonel
Higginson and Charles K. Whipple. The resolutions were reaffirmed
which had been reported by Wendell Phillips and adopted at the
convention of 1850. At this time Mrs. Howe was elected president of
the State association.

The New England meeting in May was preceded by a reception to Miss
Anthony, the Rev. Miss Shaw and Miss Florence Balgarnie of England,
all of whom made addresses at the convention and the Festival, where
ex-Governor Long presided.

The meetings this year included a number of college towns and among
the speakers were Senator Hoar, Mr. Garrison, Mr. Blackwell, Mrs.
Livermore, Mrs. Howe and Mrs. Stone, with the younger women, Mrs. Anna
Christy Fall, Mrs. Adelaide A. Claflin, Miss Elizabeth Sheldon
(Tillinghast), Miss Elizabeth Deering Hanscom. At Amherst a large
gathering of students listened to Senator Hoar. President and Mrs.
Merrill E. Gates occupied seats on the platform. At South Hadley
President Elizabeth Storrs Mead of Mt. Holyoke entertained all the
speakers at the college, and at Northampton it was estimated by the
daily papers that 500 Smith College girls came to the meeting.

On October 21 the association gave a reception to Theodore D. Weld in
honor of his eighty-eighth birthday. This date was the anniversary of
the famous mob of 1835, which attacked the meeting of the Boston
Female Anti-Slavery Society. Later a reception was tendered to Mrs.
Annie Besant of the London School Board. On November 17, during the
week when the W. C. T. U. held its national convention in Boston, a
reception was given in the suffrage parlors to all interested in the
Franchise Department. A special invitation was issued to White
Ribboners from the Southern States where none was yet adopted, and the
spacious rooms were filled to overflowing. Lucy Stone presided and
Julia Ward Howe gave the address of welcome. Many brief responses were
made by the Southern delegates and by Northern delegates and friends.

In December a suffrage fair was held under the management of Mrs.
Dietrick, now of Boston, which netted $1,800. Senator Hoar's speech at
Amherst was sent to the students of all the colleges in the State.

At the annual meeting Jan. 26, 27, 1892, the Rev. Joseph Cook gave an
address. Lucy Stone presided at the New England convention and Mrs.
Howe at the Festival. Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt was the speaker from a
distance. Letters were read from the Hon. Thomas B. Reed, Terence V.
Powderly and U. S. Senators Joseph M. Carey and Francis E. Warren of
Wyoming.

In addition to the usual work this year $200 were offered in $5 prizes
to the children of the public schools for the best essays in favor of
woman suffrage. Mrs. Dietrick was employed for six months as State
organizer. An appeal for equal suffrage signed by Mrs. Stone, Mrs.
Howe and Mrs. Livermore was sent to editors throughout the State with
the request to publish it and to indorse it editorially, which was
done by many. A letter signed by the same was sent to every minister
in Boston asking him either to present the subject to his congregation
or permit it to be presented by some one else, and a number consented.

A Woman's Day was held at the State Agricultural Fair in Worcester,
when it was estimated 70,000 people were present. Col. Daniel Needham,
president of the Fair, expressed himself as thankful for the
opportunity to welcome woman suffrage. Mrs. Rufus S. Frost, Lucy
Stone, Mrs. Livermore, Mrs. Claflin and Mr. Blackwell were the
speakers. When a vote was taken at the close, the whole audience rose
in favor of suffrage.

The Independent Women Voters of Boston again elected their entire
school ticket. Miss Frances E. Willard and Mrs. Claflin addressed the
Working Girls' Clubs of the State on suffrage at their annual reunion
in Boston. The association was represented at the great farewell
reception to Lady Henry Somerset, Lucy Stone presenting her with
twenty-three yellow roses for the States with School Suffrage and one
pure white for Wyoming.

This year at a special meeting the association amended the old
constitution under which it had been working since 1870, and
unanimously adopted a delegate basis of representation.

The annual meeting was held Dec. 6, 7, 1892, instead of January, 1893.
Mrs. Howe presided and addresses were made by Mrs. Stone, Mrs.
Livermore, the Hon. George A. O. Ernst, Mrs. Estelle M. H. Merrill,
president of the New England Women's Press Association, and others.
Lucy Stone was elected president and superintendents were instituted
for different departments of work.

At a gathering of Massachusetts farmers in Boston, Lucy Stone and Mrs.
Olive Wright of Denver, spoke for woman suffrage; the meeting declared
for it unanimously by a rising vote and every farmer present signed
the petition. The State Grange, at its annual convention, adopted a
strong suffrage resolution by 96 yeas, 27 nays. The Unitarian
Ministers' Monday Club of Boston, after an address by Mrs. Stone, did
the same, and every minister present but one signed the petition. The
Universalist Ministers' Monday meeting in Boston, at her request,
voted by a large majority to memorialize the Legislature for woman
suffrage. The Central Labor Union took similar action. The Boston
_Transcript_, _Globe_, _Advertiser_, _Traveller and Beacon_, the
Springfield _Republican_, Greenfield _Gazette and Courier_, Salem
_Observer_, Salem _Register_ and many other papers supported the
Municipal Suffrage Bill which was then pending.

At the May Festival of 1893 Senator Hoar presided and 900 persons sat
down to the banquet. Mrs. Laura Ormiston Chant of England, and Miss
Kirstine Frederiksen of Denmark, were the speakers from abroad. A
reception to these ladies preceded the annual meeting of the New
England Association. Mme. Marie Marshall of Paris, was added to the
above speakers, also Wendell Phillips Stafford of Vermont, Mrs. Ellen
M. Bolles of Rhode Island, and others. On June 5 a reception was given
to Mrs. Jane Cobden Unwin of London, Richard Cobden's daughter. On
July 19, by invitation of the Waltham Suffrage Club, the State
association and the local leagues united in a basket picnic at Forest
Grove. On this occasion Lucy Stone made her last public address.

Woman's Day at the New England Agricultural Fair in Worcester was
observed in September with addresses by Mrs. Chant, Mrs. Livermore,
Mrs. Fanny Purdy Palmer and Mr. Blackwell, representing Lucy Stone,
who was too ill to be present. There was a very large audience. Part
of a day was also secured at the Marshfield Fair with an address by
Mrs. Katherine Lente Stevenson. A convention was held at Westfield,
October 2, when the opera house was crowded to hear Mrs. Livermore.

Mr. Blackwell presented a resolution in favor of Municipal Suffrage
for women in the Resolutions Committee of the Republican State
Convention, October 6. It was warmly advocated by the Hon. John D.
Long, Samuel Walker McCall, M. C., Mayor Fairbanks of Quincy, and
others, and would possibly have been passed but for the strenuous
opposition of the chairman, ex-Gov. George D. Robinson, who said he
would decline to read the platform to the convention if the resolution
was adopted. It was finally lost by 4 yeas, 7 nays.

On Oct. 18, 1893, occurred the death of Lucy Stone at her home in
Dorchester. She said with calm contentment, "I have done what I wanted
to do; I have helped the women." Her last whispered words to her
daughter were, "Make the world better." The funeral was held in James
Freeman Clarke's old church in Boston. Hundreds of people stood
waiting silently in the street before the doors were opened. The Rev.
Charles G. Ames said afterward that, "the services were not like a
funeral but like a solemn celebration and a coronation." The speakers
were Mr. Ames, Colonel Higginson, Mrs. Livermore, Mr. Garrison, Mrs.
Cheney, the Rev. Samuel J. Barrows, Mrs. Chant, the Rev. Anna Garlin
Spencer of Providence, Mary Grew of Philadelphia, with a poem by Mrs.
Howe. A strong impetus was given to the suffrage movement by the wide
publication in the papers of the facts of Lucy Stone's simple and
noble life, and by the universal expression of affection and regret. A
life-long opponent declared that the death of no woman in America had
ever called out so general a tribute of public respect and esteem.

The State association again held its annual meeting in December. Among
the resolutions adopted was the following:

In the passing away of Lucy Stone, our president, the beloved
pioneer of woman suffrage, who has been, ever since 1847, its
mainstay and unfailing champion, the cause of equal rights in
this State and throughout the Union has suffered an irreparable
loss.

Her daughter closed the report of the year's work by saying: "Let all
those who held her dear show their regard for her memory in the way
that would have pleased and touched her most--by doing their best to
help forward the cause she loved so well."

Mrs. Mary A. Livermore was elected president.

On December 16 the association celebrated in Faneuil Hall the one
hundred and twentieth anniversary of the Boston Tea Party. One of the
last expressed wishes of Lucy Stone had been that the celebration
should take place in the Old South Church, but the use of this
historic building was refused by the trustees, much to the
mortification of the more liberal members of the General Committee of
the Old South. Colonel Higginson, who had presided at the centennial
celebration of the same event by the suffragists twenty years before,
again presided and made the opening address. Other speakers were Mrs.
Chapman Catt and Wendell Phillips Stafford. Mr. Garrison gave a poem
and Mr. Blackwell read the speech made by Lucy Stone at the
celebration in 1873. Letters were read from Senator Hoar, Frederick
Douglass and others. Governor-elect Frederick T. Greenhalge and Lieut.
Gov.-elect Roger Wolcott occupied seats on the platform.

This year the Massachusetts W. S. A. had become incorporated. It had
sent suffrage literature to all the Episcopalian, Unitarian and
Universalist clergymen in the State, to most of the Methodist
ministers, to 1,100 public school teachers and to a large number of
college students. Its president, Lucy Stone, had sent, from her death
bed, the largest contribution to the Colorado campaign given by any
individual outside of that State. Its secretary, Mr. Blackwell, had
attended the National Convention of Republican Clubs at Louisville,
Ky., and secured the adoption of the following resolution: "We
recommend to the favorable consideration of the Republican Clubs of
the United States, as a matter of education, the question of granting
to the women of the State and nation the right to vote at all
elections on the same terms and conditions as male citizens."

A thousand copies of William I. Bowditch's Taxation Without
Representation and George Pellew's Woman and the Commonwealth were
bound and presented to town and college libraries. Mayor Nathan
Matthews, Jr., of Boston appointed two women on the Board of Overseers
of the Poor, despite the strong opposition of the aldermen. He also
appointed three women members of a commission to investigate and
report to him upon the condition of public institutions. Toward the
end of the year he again appointed two women on a similar committee,
including one of those who served before. The Hon. George S. Hale
said at the annual suffrage meeting, "Both ladies are admirably
qualified, and the one who acted last year is declared by all the men
who served with her to be the most valuable member of the board."

Out of 622 students and professors at Wellesley College, who were
questioned as to their views on suffrage, 506 declared themselves in
favor, and 500 of them united in sending a telegram of congratulation
to the women of Colorado on the passage of the equal suffrage
amendment this year. (1893.)

At the May Festival 1,000 sat down to the banquet and hundreds
occupied the balconies. Ex-Governor Long presided. One of the speakers
was Robert S. Gray, chairman of the Committee on Woman Suffrage in the
Legislature. In honor of Mrs. Howe's seventy-fifth birthday Mrs. Alice
J. Harris sang The Battle Hymn of the Republic, the audience joining
in the chorus.

On June 18 delegates from many labor organizations met in Boston, in
response to a call from the Boston Workingmen's Political League, and
decided to act together at the ballot box. Their platform demanded
universal suffrage irrespective of sex.

Lucy Stone mite-boxes were circulated by the association for funds to
aid the amendment campaign in Kansas. Mr. Blackwell attended the
National Convention of Republican Clubs held in Denver. On June 27 it
reiterated the woman suffrage resolution it had passed the year before
in Louisville.

On July 24 Woman's Day was celebrated at the Massachusetts Chautauqua
in South Framingham, with many able speakers. On September 4 Woman's
Day was observed at the New England Agricultural Fair in Worcester.
Colonel Needham, its president, made an earnest woman suffrage address
and was followed by Mrs. Howe, Miss Yates, Mrs. Mary Sargent Hopkins
and Mr. Blackwell. In December a suffrage fair was held under the
management of Mrs. Abby M. Davis which cleared about $1,800. On the
opening night Mrs. Cheney presided and there were addresses by Lady
Henry Somerset and Miss Frances E. Willard.

This year the association kept the papers supplied with suffrage
articles more thoroughly than ever before; had speakers present the
subject to thirty-one women's clubs; furnished literature to the
legislators, to 5,000 public school teachers, to all the
Congregational ministers in the State and to many of other
denominations; and sent 3,782 leaflets to college students and
graduates.

Governor Greenhalge in his inaugural in 1895, said, "I hold to the
views expressed in the message of last year as to the extension of
Municipal Suffrage to women." He also referred to it favorably in an
address before the New England Women's Press Association, and at the
Parliament of Man held in Boston.

Mrs. Livermore presided at the annual meeting, January 8, 9. Mrs.
Helen H. Gardiner and Representative Alfred S. Roe were among the
speakers. From this time date the Fortnightly Meetings at the suffrage
headquarters, and these have been held ever since except during the
summer vacations. They are usually well attended and seldom fail to
have some speaker of note.

On May 4 Mr. Blackwell's seventieth birthday was celebrated by a
reception and dinner at Copley Square Hotel, Boston, ex-Governor Long
presiding. A newspaper said, "The guests on this occasion represented
the conscience and culture of New England." Addresses were made by
many of his co-workers,[309] and among those who sent letters were the
Rev. Samuel May, Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Ainsworth R. Spofford,
of the Library of Congress, Ex-Governor Claflin, Mrs. J. Ellen Foster,
the Hon. James L. Hughes, president of the Equal Rights Association of
Toronto, Professor and Mrs. Carruth of Kansas University, and others.
On May 14 the golden wedding of the Rev. D. P. and Mrs. Livermore was
celebrated by a reception in the suffrage parlors. Their daughters,
son-in-law and grandchildren received with them. In accordance with
Mrs. Livermore's wish there was no speaking but a great throng of
distinguished guests, including both suffragists and "antis," were
present.

At the May Anniversary a reception was given to Dr. Mary Putnam Jacobi
of New York, and Miss Elizabeth Burrill Curtis, daughter of the
staunch advocate of suffrage, George William Curtis. Mr. Blackwell
presided at the Festival in Music Hall and 700 sat down to the
banquet.

Woman suffrage was indorsed by the Garment Makers' Union of Boston,
with its 400 members. This year a long list of prominent persons
signed a published statement declaring themselves in favor, all the
names being collected within about a week. This remarkable list
included several hundred names, about one-third of men. So far as
personal achievement goes they were among the most prominent in the
State and included several presidents of colleges, a large number of
noted university men, public officials, lawyers, editors, etc. Among
the women were the president, dean and twenty professors of Wellesley
College; the director of the Observatory and six instructors of Smith
College, physicians, lawyers, authors, large taxpayers, and many noted
for philanthropy.[310]

The association secured a Woman's Day at the New England Chautauqua
Assembly; brought the question before hundreds at parlor meetings and
public debates, outside of the many arranged by the Referendum
Committee; published six leaflets and a volume, The Legal Status of
Women in Massachusetts, by Mr. Ernst, and distributed an immense
amount of literature.

Up to this time the anti-suffrage associations organized in
Massachusetts always had gone to pieces within a short period after
they were formed. But in May, 1895, the present Association Opposed to
the Further Extension of Suffrage to Women was organized, with Mrs.
James M. Codman at its head and Mrs. Charles E. Guild as secretary.
This was a society composed of women alone. Col. Higginson said in
_Harper's Bazar_:

All the ladies move in a limited though most unimpeachable
circle. All may be presumed to interchange visiting cards and
meet at the same afternoon teas. There is not even a hint that
there is any other class to be consulted. Where are the literary
women, the artists, the teachers, the business women, the
temperance women, the labor reform advocates, the members of the
farmers' grange, the clergymen's wives? Compared with this
inadequate body how comfortably varied looks the list of the
committee in behalf of woman suffrage. [Distinguished names
given.] It includes also women who are wholesomely unknown to the
world at large but well known in the granges and among the
Christian Endeavorers. Can any one doubt which list represents
the spirit of the future?

The more cultivated social class--the "Four Hundred," as the
saying is--have an immense value in certain directions. They
stand for the social amenities and in many ways for the worthy
charities. Generous and noble traditions attach to their names
and nowhere more than in Boston. But one thing has in all ages
and places been denied to this class--that of leadership in bold
reforms.

On November 5 the mock referendum, which had been opposed by many of
the leading suffragists, was voted on and received a large negative
majority. (See Legislative Action.)

The State association held its annual convention, Jan. 14, 15, 1896,
with large audiences. It opened with a Young People's Meeting, Miss
Blackwell presiding.[311] The Rev. Father Scully and Mrs. Fanny B.
Ames, State Factory Inspector, were among the many who gave addresses.
At the business meeting the following resolution on the mock
referendum was adopted:

WHEREAS, The returns show that we only need to convert twenty per
cent. of the male voters in order to have a majority; and

WHEREAS, Public sentiment is growing rapidly and grows faster the
more the subject is discussed; therefore,

_Resolved_, That we petition the Legislature to give us a real
instead of a sham referendum, by submitting to the voters a
constitutional amendment enfranchising women.

The president, Mrs. Livermore, was made a Doctor of Laws by Tufts
College and was given a great birthday reception by her
fellow-townsmen, with addresses by Mrs. Susan S. Fessenden and Mr.
Blackwell and a poem by Hezekiah Butterworth.

The May Festival also opened with a Young People's Meeting, Mrs. Howe
as "grandmother" introducing the speakers.[312] Mr. Garrison presided
at the Festival and the speakers included Alfred Webb, M. P., of
Dublin, the Rev. Dean Hodges, of the Episcopal Theological School,
Mrs. Charlotte Perkins Stetson and Prof. Ellen Hayes of Wellesley.

A series of meetings was held this year in Berkshire County. Mrs. Mary
Clarke Smith was kept in the field as State organizer for seven
months. A speaker was sent free of charge to every woman's club or
other society willing to hear the suffrage question presented; 13,000
pages of literature were distributed. On October 27 the State Baptist
Young People's Union at its anniversary indorsed woman suffrage. In
December a rousing meeting was held in Canton, Congressman Elijah
Morse presiding, with Mrs. Livermore and Miss Yates as speakers.

Among the deaths of the year was that of Frederick T. Greenhalge--the
latest of a long line of Massachusetts governors who have advocated
woman suffrage since 1870--Governors Claflin, Washburn, Talbot,
Brackett, Long, Butler and Ames.

At the annual meeting, in 1897, the speakers included the Rev. George
L. Perin and Augusta Chapin, D. D. As the laws were about to be
revised and codified it was decided to ask for an equalization of
those bearing on domestic relations. The _Women's Journal_ noted that
never before had so many petitions for suffrage been sent in within so
short a time. On February 16 the association gave a large and
brilliant reception at the Vendome to Miss Jane Addams of Chicago.
Col. Higginson presided, and Miss Addams, Mrs. Howe and Mrs. Livermore
spoke. On April 17 a reception was given in the suffrage parlors to
Mrs. Harriet Tubman, the colored woman so noted in anti-slavery days
for her assistance to fugitive slaves, Mrs. Ednah D. Cheney assisting.

Mr. Blackwell presided at the Festival, May 27, and eloquent addresses
were made by the Rev. Dr. George C. Lorimer, Lieutenant-Governor John
L. Bates, Mrs. Florence Howe Hall and many others, while letters of
greeting were read from Lady Henry Somerset and Mrs. Millicent Garrett
Fawcett of England. It was Mrs. Howe's seventy-eighth birthday and she
was received with cheers and presented with flowers.

On July 29 the annual meeting of the Berkshire Historical and
Scientific Society, held at Adams, was "a woman suffrage convention
from end to end," with Miss Susan B. Anthony as the guest of honor in
her native town. Her friends and relatives from all parts of the
country were present and addresses were made by the vice-president of
the society, the Rev. A. B. Whipple, by Miss Shaw, Mrs. Chapman Catt,
Mrs. Rachel Foster Avery, Mrs. Harriet Taylor Upton and Miss
Blackwell, officers of the National Suffrage Association, and by Mrs.
May Wright Sewall, vice-president of the International Council of
Women, Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby, editor of the _Woman's Tribune_ and
Mrs. Ida Husted Harper, Miss Anthony's biographer.

The Prohibition State Convention in September resolved that
"educational qualifications and not sex should be the test of the
elective franchise." The next year it adopted a woman suffrage plank.

In December the association held a bazar under the management of Miss
Harriet E. Turner which cleared $3,200. During the year the usual
large amount of educational work was done, which included 1,024
suffrage articles furnished to 230 newspapers, and the holding of 176
public meetings. The New England Historical and Genealogical Society
voted unanimously to admit women to membership. Strong efforts were
made to have the Boston school board elect several eminently qualified
women as submasters, but sex prejudice defeated them.

The Anti-Suffrage Association published an anonymous pamphlet entitled
Tested by its Fruits. The Massachusetts W. S. A. published a
counter-pamphlet by Chief-Justice Groesbeck of Wyoming, who testified
that some of the laws which it represented as then in force had been
repealed many years before, and that upon some "an absurd
construction" had been placed.

The convention of Jan. 26, 1898, was addressed by J. M. Robertson of
England. At the May Festival in Hotel Brunswick, the Hon. Hugh H. Lusk
of New Zealand gave an address, and the occasion was made noteworthy
by bright speeches from young women--Mrs. Helen Adelaide Shaw, Miss
Maud Wood (Park) of Radcliffe and Miss Hanscom of Boston University
and Smith College. Several members of the Legislature spoke and
reports were received from all the New England States.

Woman's Day was celebrated at the Mechanics' Fair in Boston. This year
the association began to issue a monthly letter to the local leagues.
As an addition to the literature, Secretary-of-the-Navy John D. Long's
suffrage address with his portrait was issued as a handsome pamphlet.
In response to an appeal from the president, Mrs. Livermore (so well
known through the Sanitary Commission during the Civil War), $500 and
many boxes of supplies were sent to the soldiers in the
Spanish-American War, and the secretary of the State association,
Mrs. Ellie A. Hilt, literally worked herself to death in this service.

The usual meetings were held in 1899 and 1900 and the same great
amount of work was done. To increase the school vote of women in 1899
thirty-eight public meetings were held by the association, with the
result that in Boston 3,000 new names were added to the registration
list. In 1900 the association contributed liberally to the suffrage
campaign in Oregon. A large and brilliant reception was given at the
Hotel Vendome in honor of Mrs. Livermore's 80th birthday.

Presidents of the State association since 1883 have been the Hon.
William I. Bowditch (1878) to 1891; Mrs. Julia Ward Howe to 1893; Mrs.
Lucy Stone elected that year but died in October; Mrs. Mary A.
Livermore, 1893 and still in office. Henry B. Blackwell has been
corresponding secretary over thirty years.[313]

The first president of the New England association was Mrs. Howe. In
1877 Mrs. Lucy Stone was elected, and at her death in 1893 Mrs. Howe
was again chosen and is still serving.[314]

LEGISLATIVE ACTION:[315] The first petition for the rights of women
was presented to the Legislature by William Lloyd Garrison in 1849. In
1853 Lucy Stone, Theodore Parker, Wendell Phillips and Thomas
Wentworth Higginson went before the constitutional convention held in
the State House, with a petition signed by 2,000 names, and pleaded
for an amendment conferring suffrage on women.

The first appearance of a woman in this State before a legislative
committee was made in 1857, when Lucy Stone, with the Rev. James
Freeman Clarke and Mr. Phillips, addressed the House Judiciary asking
suffrage for women and equal property rights for wives. The next year
Samuel E. Sewall and Dr. Harriot K. Hunt were granted a similar
hearing. In 1869, through the efforts of the New England Suffrage
Association, two hearings were secured to present the claims of 8,000
women who had petitioned for the franchise on the same terms as men.
This was the beginning of annual hearings on this question, which have
been continued without intermission for over thirty years. Henry B.
Blackwell has spoken at every hearing and Lucy Stone at every one
until her death.

_1884_--Petitions were presented for Municipal Suffrage, for the
appointment of police matrons; also for laws permitting husbands and
wives to contract with each other and make gifts directly to each
other; allowing a woman to hold any office to which she might be
elected or appointed; and requiring that a certain number of women
should be appointed on Boards of Overseers of the Poor, on State
Boards of Charities and as physicians in the women's wards of insane
asylums. Hearings were given on most of these petitions. At that of
January 25 for Municipal Suffrage the speakers were William I.
Bowditch, Mrs. Stone, Mr. Blackwell, Mrs. Julia Ward Howe, Mrs. Ednah
D. Cheney, the Rev. J. W. and Mrs. Jennie F. Bashford, Mary F.
Eastman, Mrs. H. H. Robinson, Mrs. Harriette Robinson Shattuck and
Miss Nancy Covell.

On January 29 a hearing was given to the remonstrants conducted by
Thornton K. Lothrop. The speakers were Francis Parkman (whose paper
was read for him by Mr. Lothrop) Louis B. Brandeis, Mrs. Kate Gannett
Wells, William H. Sayward, Mrs. Lydia Warner and George C. Crocker. A
letter was read from Mrs. Clara T. Leonard. Mr. Parkman asserted that
the suffragists "have thrown to the wind every political, not to say
every moral principle;" that "three-fourths of the agitators are in
mutiny against Providence because it made them women;" and that "if
the ballot were granted to women it would be a burden so crushing that
life would be a misery."

This year 315 petitions for suffrage with 21,608 signatures were
presented. The remonstrants who set out with the avowed intention of
getting more secured about 3,000. A number of persons who signed the
anti-suffrage petition in Boston published letters afterwards over
their own names and addresses saying that they had signed without
reading, upon the assurance of the canvasser employed by the
remonstrants that it was a petition to permit women to vote on the
question of liquor license.

In the House Municipal Suffrage was discussed March 12, 13, and
finally was defeated by 61 yeas, 155 nays. A bill to let women vote on
the license question, which had not been asked for by the suffrage
association, was voted down without a count.

A law was enacted requiring two women trustees on the board of every
State lunatic hospital, and one woman physician in each. Samuel E.
Sewall, Frank B. Sanborn, Mr. Blackwell and Miss Mary A. Brigham had
been the speakers at the hearing in behalf of this measure. All the
other petitions were refused.

_1885_--On Municipal Suffrage and the submission of a constitutional
amendment a hearing was given February 17. As usual the Green Room was
crowded. There were before the committee petitions for suffrage with
16,113 signatures, and petitions against it with 285. The speakers in
favor were the Rev. James Freeman Clarke, Mrs. Cheney, Lucy Stone, Mr.
Blackwell, Mr. Bowditch, William Lloyd Garrison, Jr., Miss Eastman,
Mrs. Adelaide A. Claflin, Mrs. Abby M. Gannett and Miss Lelia J.
Robinson. The opposition was conducted by Mr. Brandeis and the
speakers were Judge Francis C. Lowell, Mrs. Gannett Wells, Thomas
Weston, Jr., Henry Parkman and the Rev. Brooke Hereford, lately from
England, with letters from President L. Clark Seelye of Smith College,
Miss Mary E. Dewey and Mr. Sayward. The committee reported in favor of
Municipal Suffrage with only one dissenting. The House on May 4
rejected the bill by 61 yeas, 131 nays.

While the women sat in the gallery waiting for the measure to be
discussed, the bill proposing to limit the working day for women and
children to ten hours was "guyed, laughed at and voted down amid
ridicule and uproar." This Legislature also refused the petition of
Mr. Sewall and others for one or more women on every Board of
Overseers of the Poor; for the better protection of wives; for the
submission of a constitutional amendment granting women full suffrage;
and for the amendment of the school suffrage law to make it as easy
for women as for men to register. (See Suffrage.)

_1886_--At the hearing, January 28, a letter was read from the Hon.
Josiah G. Abbott, and addresses were made by Mr. Garrison, Lucy Stone,
Mr. Blackwell, Mrs. Cheney, Mrs. Eliza Trask Hill, the Rev. Ada C.
Bowles, Mrs. Shattuck, Mrs. Robinson, Miss Eastman and Mrs. Claflin.
The remonstrants' hearing had been appointed for January 29. Their
attorney, E. N. Hill, tried at the last moment to get a postponement
but failed. The leaders of the "antis" declined to speak but several
of the rank and file appeared and made the usual objections. The
committee reported in favor of Municipal Suffrage. It was discussed in
the House April 14, about the same number speaking on each side, and
defeated by 77 yeas, 132 nays, the most favorable vote since 1879.

On May 20, before the Senate Judiciary Committee, representatives of
the suffrage association and other societies had a hearing in behalf
of bills to raise the "age of protection" and to provide adequate
penalties for seduction, but no action was taken.

_1887_--On January 6 Governor Oliver Ames, in his inaugural address to
the Legislature, said, "I earnestly recommend, as a measure of simple
justice, the enactment of a law securing Municipal Suffrage to women."
The suffrage petitions this year had 5,741 signatures, the remonstrant
petitions 81. On February 2 it was ordered in the House, on motion of
Josiah Quincy, that the Committee on Woman Suffrage consider the
expediency of submitting the question of Municipal Suffrage to the
women of the different cities and towns, the right to be given to them
in any city or town where the majority of those who voted on the
question should vote in favor; or where a number of women should
petition for it equal to a majority of the number of men who voted at
the last annual municipal or town election; or where a majority vote
of the men should be given for it at the annual election.

On motion of Mr. Quincy an order for legislation to equalize the
interest of husbands and wives in each other's property had been
previously introduced but was lost.

On February 9 a hearing was given to the petitioners. The speakers
were the same as the previous year with the addition of Col. T. W.
Higginson. Mr. Blackwell presented two letters in favor of the bill,
one addressed to Republicans, one to Democrats.[316] Clement K. Fay
spoke for the remonstrants.

The committee reported in favor of Municipal Suffrage, two dissenting.
It was discussed in the House March 3 and 10. Mr. Bailey of Everett
offered an amendment that the provisions of the bill be tried for ten
years, but it was not put to a vote. The bill was lost by 86 yeas, 122
nays, including pairs.

A bill to let women vote on the license question passed the House by
116 yeas to 88 nays, including pairs, but was defeated in the Senate,
24 yeas, 13 nays.

The bill was passed providing for police matrons in all cities of
30,000 or more inhabitants.

_1888_--The Legislature was asked for Municipal and Presidential
Suffrage and for the submission of a constitutional amendment; also
for various improvements in the laws relating to women. The Woman's
Christian Temperance Union petitioned for License Suffrage. Several
thousand women signed the petition and one hundred the remonstrance.
On January 25 a hearing was given on the petitions for Municipal and
License Suffrage. Mr. Bowditch, Lucy Stone, Mr. Blackwell, Mrs. Howe
and Mrs. Cheney spoke for Municipal Suffrage and Miss Elizabeth S.
Tobey for License Suffrage. Mr. Brandeis made an argument as attorney
for the remonstrants. Charles Carleton Coffin, A. A. Miner, D. D.,
Mrs. Claflin, the Rev. Ada C. Bowles and Miss Cora Scott Pond replied
for the petitioners.

On February 20 and 25 hearings were given on the petitions for six
bills drawn by Mr. Sewall: 1. To give mothers the equal care, custody
and education of their minor children. 2. To give married women a
right to appoint guardians for their minor children by will. 3. To
repeal the act of 1887 limiting the inheritance of personal property.
4. To regulate and equalize the descent of personal property between
husband and wife. 5. To equalize curtesy and dower and the descent of
real estate between husband and wife. 6. To enable husbands and wives
to make gifts, contracts and conveyances directly with one another,
and to authorize suits between them.

Addresses in support of the petitions were made by Mr. Sewall, Mrs.
Howe, Mrs. Stone, Mr. Blackwell, the Hon. George A. O. Ernst, Miss
Robinson, George H. Fall and others. All these measures were refused.
Several new statutes for the better protection of women were passed
this year, however, at the instance of Mr. Sewall, among them one
providing severe penalties for any person who should aid in sending a
woman as inmate or servant to a house of ill fame; one prohibiting
railroads from requiring women or children to ride in smoking cars;
one providing that women arrested should be placed in charge of police
matrons.

On April 23 Municipal Suffrage was defeated in the House, 50 yeas, 121
nays. License Suffrage, after a prolonged contest, passed by 118 yeas,
110 nays, and was defeated in the Senate, 20 yeas, 19 nays.

_1889_--At the hearing of January 31 the attendance was larger than
ever before. Prof. W. H. Carruth, Franklyn Howland and the Rev. J. W.
Hamilton (afterwards Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church) were
added to the usual list of speakers.

On February 4 a hearing was granted to the W. C. T. U. for Municipal
Suffrage, and on February 8 one was given to the remonstrants. The
Hon. John M. Ropes, the Rev. Charles B. Rice, the Rev. Dr. Dexter of
the _Congregationalist_ and Arthur Lord spoke in the negative. They
said they were employed as counsel by the remonstrants, whose names
and numbers they declined to give. As Mr. Lord was unable to complete
his argument in the allotted time, at his request a further hearing
was granted on February 11. Extracts were read from letters by Mrs.
Clara T. Leonard and Mrs. A. D. T. Whitney.[317] Mrs. Howe, Lucy
Stone, Mr. Blackwell, Col. L. Edwin Dudley and Miss Tobey replied.
Chester W. Kingsley, chairman of the legislative committee, said that
as no petitions against suffrage had been sent in he would ask all the
remonstrants present to rise. Not a person rose, but the men standing
in the aisles tried to sit down. Mr. Lord suggested that the
remonstrants were averse to notoriety, whereupon Senator Kingsley
asked all in favor to rise, and the great audience rose in a body.

Among the petitions sent in this year for Municipal Suffrage was one
signed by President Helen A. Shafer of Wellesley College, a number of
the professors and about seventy students who were over twenty-one.
The committee reported in favor of both Municipal and License
Suffrage. The former was discussed March 12 and lost by a vote,
including pairs, of 90 yeas, 139 nays. The _Woman's Journal_ said:
"Although not a majority, the weight of character, talent and
experience was overwhelmingly in favor of the bill, as is shown by the
fact that _the chairmen of thirty of the House Committees_, out of a
total of forty-one, were recorded in its favor."

License Suffrage passed the Senate, 15 yeas, 12 nays, after a long
fight, and was defeated in the House, 101 yeas, 42 nays.

_1890_--Suffrage petitions were presented and also petitions asking
that fathers and mothers be made equal guardians of their children;
that contracts between husbands and wives be legally valid; and that a
widow be allowed to stay more than forty days in the house of her
deceased husband without paying rent. All these were refused.

On March 12 a hearing was given to the petitioners for suffrage. Mrs.
Stone, Mr. Blackwell, the Rev. J. W. Hamilton, Mrs. Ellen B. Dietrick,
the Rev. Frederick A. Hinckley, Mr. Crane of Woburn and Miss Alice
Stone Blackwell spoke in behalf of the W. S. A., and Mrs. Susan S.
Fessenden, Mrs. Amelia C. Thorpe and Miss Tobey in behalf of the W. C.
T. U. Mr. Ropes, Dr. A. P. Peabody and J. B. Wiggin spoke against
woman suffrage. Mr. Lord asked that the hearing be extended for
another day, as he wished to speak in behalf of the remonstrants,
although no petitions had been sent in. Mr. Blackwell requested the
chairman of the committee to ask Mr. Lord to state definitely whom he
represented. The chairman answered that if he did not choose to tell
he could not compel him. On March 19 a hearing was given to Mr. Lord,
who spoke for more than an hour. The usual distinguished suffrage
advocates spoke in answer.

On April 8 seventy-nine Republican Representatives met at the Parker
House, Boston, in response to an invitation from the Republican
members of the House Committee on Woman Suffrage. Ex-Gov. John D. Long
presided. Addresses were made by Mr. Long, U. S. Collector Beard,
Mayor Thomas N. Hart of Boston, the Hon. Albert E. Pillsbury,
ex-president of the Senate, ex-Governor Claflin and State Treasurer
George E. Marden. Letters were read from the Hon. W. W. Crapo and
ex-Governor Ames. The following was unanimously adopted:

_Resolved_, That it is the duty of the Republican party of
Massachusetts forthwith to extend Municipal Suffrage to the women
of the commonwealth.

On April 17, after extended discussion in the House, the bill was
lost, including pairs, by 73 yeas, 141 nays. The same Legislature
defeated a proposal to disfranchise for a term of three years men
convicted of infamous crimes, and it voted to admit to suffrage men
who did not pay their poll-tax.

_1891_--On February 4 a hearing was granted to the petitioners for
Municipal Suffrage, conducted by Mr. Blackwell for the association, by
Mrs. Fessenden for the W. C. T. U. To the usual speakers for the
former were added Mrs. Helen Campbell, the Rev. Charles G. Ames, and
also the Rev. Daniel Whitney, who had advocated woman suffrage in the
Massachusetts constitutional convention of 1853 and now celebrated his
eighty-first birthday by supporting it again. The speakers for the W.
C. T. U. were the Rev. Joseph Cook, Mrs. Thorpe, President Elmer
Hewitt Capen of Tufts College, Mrs. Katherine Lente Stevenson and
others. Mrs. Martha Moore Avery spoke for the labor reformers. No
remonstrants appeared.

In the Senate, March 31, Senators Gilman, Nutter and Breed spoke for
Municipal Suffrage, and no one in the negative. The bill was lost by a
vote, including pairs, of 12 yeas, 25 nays.

This year a bill was passed requiring the appointment of women as
factory inspectors, and two were appointed.

_1892_--The suffrage association petitioned for Municipal and Full
Suffrage, also for equal property rights for women. The W. C. T. U.
for Municipal and License Suffrage, and both societies for legislation
granting women equal facilities with men in registering to vote for
school committee. On March 2 a hearing was given by the Committee on
Election Laws on an order introduced by Senator Gorham D. Gilman to
remove the poll-tax prerequisite for women's school vote, as it had
been removed from men. Bills to secure for them a more just and
liberal method of registration, drafted by ex-Governor Long and Mr.
Blackwell, were submitted. Addresses were made by these two, Senator
Gilman, Mrs. Cheney, Dr. Salome Merritt, Mrs. Brockway and others.

On February 19 a hearing was given on the suffrage petitions which
were advocated by Senator Gilman, Colonel Dudley, Mrs. Howe, Lucy
Stone, Mr. Blackwell, the Hon. George S. Hale, Mrs. Trask Hill and
others. No remonstrants appeared. On March 14 the hearing for the W.
C. T. U. was held with many prominent advocates.

License Suffrage was discussed in the House April 27, and on a _viva
voce_ vote was declared carried, but on a roll call was defeated, 93
yeas, 96 nays. A reconsideration was moved next day and the advocates
of the bill secured twenty-three additional votes, but the opponents
also increased their vote and the motion was refused. Out of the 240
members 117 recorded themselves in favor of the bill. Municipal
Suffrage was voted down in the Senate May 2, without debate, by 10
yeas, 22 nays.

The poll-tax was abolished as a prerequisite for voting in the case of
women. This had been done in the case of men in 1890. A bill to permit
a wife to bring an action against her husband, at law or in equity,
for any matter relating to her separate property or estate passed the
House but was defeated in the Senate. The Senate Judiciary Committee
reported against legislation to enable a woman to be appointed a
justice of the peace.

_1893_--This year for the first time the State W. S. A., the National
W. S. A. of Massachusetts, the W. C. T. U., the Independent Women
Voters and the Loyal Women of American Liberty all united in
petitioning for a single measure, Municipal Suffrage. The hearing at
the State House on February 1 was conducted by Mr. Blackwell.
Addresses were made by Lucy Stone,[318] Mrs. Howe, Mrs. Mary A.
Livermore, Mrs. Stevenson, the Rev. Louis A. Banks, Mayor Elihu B.
Hayes of Lynn, Mrs. A. J. Gordon, Mrs. Trask Hill, Mrs. A. P.
Dickerman, Mrs. Fiske of St. Johns, N. B., Amos Beckford, George E.
Lothrop, Mrs. M. E. S. Cheney and Miss Blackwell. Mrs. M. E. Tucker
Faunce was the sole remonstrant.

The committee reported in favor of the petitioners, 7 yeas, 4 nays.
The question was debated in the Legislature February 21. Every inch of
space was crowded, the first three rows of the men's gallery were
allowed on this occasion to be occupied by women and even then many
stood. On motion of Representative White of Brookline an amendment was
adopted by 110 yeas, 90 nays, providing that Municipal Suffrage should
be granted conditionally; the question be submitted to a vote of the
men and women of the State, and the measure to go into effect only in
case the majority of those voting on it voted in favor. The bill as
amended was then defeated by 111 yeas, 101 nays, almost every opponent
of suffrage voting against it. They thus virtually declared that they
were not willing women should have Municipal Suffrage even if the
majority of both men and women could be shown to favor it. The adverse
majority this year was ten votes; the smallest in any previous year
had been 49.

_1894_--Gov. Frederick T. Greenhalge, in his inaugural message to the
Legislature, strongly urged that it should consider the extension of
Municipal Suffrage to women.

On January 18 a hearing was given by the Joint Special Committee. No
remonstrant petitions had been sent in. The chairman invited alternate
speeches from suffragists and opponents, but only one of the latter
presented himself, J. Otis Wardwell of Haverhill, who said:

I appear here this morning for a lady who, I understand, has
occupied a position as chairman or secretary of an organization
that has for some time been an active opponent of woman suffrage.

_Mr. Blackwell_--May I inquire what the organization is that the
gentleman refers to? We have never been able to find out much
about this organization against woman suffrage. We hear that
there is one, but if so it is a secret society. What is the name
of it?

MR. WARDWELL--I do not know the name of it, sir. [Laughter.]

When pressed for the name of the lady at whose request he appeared he
finally acknowledged that it was Mrs. C. D. Homans of Boston. It was
afterwards reported that she was extremely indignant with him for
having disclosed her name.

Addresses in favor of suffrage were made by Mrs. Howe, Mrs. Livermore,
Mr. Ernst, Mr. Garrison, Mr. and Miss Blackwell, for the State W. S.
A.; by Mrs. Cheney, president, for the State School Suffrage
Association; by Dr. Salome Merritt and Miss Charlotte Lobdell for the
National W. S. A. of Massachusetts; by Willard Howland, Mrs. Gleason
and others for the W. C. T. U.; by Mrs. Trask Hill for the Independent
Women Voters; and by Mrs. Avery for the labor element; also by Miss
Catherine Spence of Australia, Mrs. Emily A. Fifield of the Boston
school board, and others. Henry H. Faxon added a few words.

A second hearing was given January 19, at which Mrs. Fessenden and
twelve other speakers represented the W. C. T. U. No remonstrants
appeared. At the request of a member of the Joint Special Committee a
third hearing was given on January 29. The Rev. Dr. Hamilton, Mrs. L.
A. Morrison, Mrs. Trask Hill and others spoke in favor of suffrage,
and Jeremiah J. Donovan against it. The committee made a majority
report against Municipal Suffrage and a minority report in favor.

On January 31 Arthur S. Kneil offered an amendment providing that the
question should be submitted to the men and women of the State, and
that the act should take effect only if a majority of the votes cast
on the proposition were in favor. Wm. H. Burges wanted it submitted to
the men only. A second amendment proposed to lay the whole matter on
the table till the opinion of the Supreme Court could be taken on the
constitutionality of Mr. Kneil's amendment. On February 1 there was a
spirited discussion but finally both amendments were defeated, and
the minority report in favor of the bill was substituted for the
adverse majority report by a vote of 104 yeas, 90 nays.

On February 2 Senator Arthur H. Wellman urged the adoption of his
order that the Justices of the Supreme Court should be required to
give their opinion to the House on three questions:

1. Is it constitutional, in an act granting to women the right to
vote in town and city elections, to provide that such act shall
take effect throughout the commonwealth upon its acceptance by a
majority of the voters of the commonwealth?

2. Is it constitutional to provide in such an act that it shall
take effect in a city or town upon its acceptance by a majority
of the voters of such city or town?

3. Is it constitutional to provide that such an act shall take
effect throughout the commonwealth upon its acceptance by a
majority of the voters of the commonwealth, including women
specially authorized to register and vote upon this question?

Alfred S. Roe and the other leading advocates of Municipal Suffrage
withdrew their opposition to the order, saying that they preferred the
bill as it stood, but that if amendments were to be added to it at any
subsequent stage it would be well to know whether they were
constitutional. The order was adopted.

On March 3 four Justices of the Supreme Court--Field, Allen, Morton
and Lathrop--answered "No" to all three questions. Justices Holmes and
Barker answered "Yes" to all three; and Justice Knowlton answered "No"
to the first and third and "Yes" to the second. These opinions were
published in full in the _Woman's Journal_ of March 10, 1894.

On March 14 Municipal Suffrage was discussed in open session. An
amendment was offered to limit the right to taxpaying women and a
substitute bill to allow women to vote at one election only. The
latter was offered by Richard J. Hayes of Boston, who said, "You would
see the lowest women literally driven to the polls by thousands by
mercenary politicians. The object lesson would settle the question
forever." The amendment and the substitute were lost and the bill was
passed to its third reading by a vote, including pairs, of 122 yeas,
106 nays.

On March 29 the galleries were crowded with women. Richard Sullivan of
Boston offered an additional section that the question be submitted to
the men at the November election for an expression of opinion. This
was adopted by 109 yeas, 93 nays. The bill to grant women Municipal
Suffrage at once, irrespective of what the expression of opinion in
November might be, was then passed to be engrossed, by a vote,
including pairs, of 118 yeas, 107 nays. A motion to reconsider was
voted down.

On April 5 the bill came up in the Senate. Floor and galleries were
crowded and hundreds were turned away. Senator William B. Lawrence of
Medford, a distiller, offered as a substitute for the bill a proposal
to submit the question to the men at the November election for an
expression of opinion as a guide to action by the next Legislature. He
said it was absurd to grant women the suffrage first and call for an
expression of opinion by the men afterward. The vote on the substitute
was a tie, 19 yeas, 19 nays. To relieve the president of the Senate
from the necessity of voting Senator John F. Fitzgerald changed his
vote, but Senator Butler declined to be so relieved and gave his
casting vote against the substitute. The bill for Municipal Suffrage
was then defeated by 14 yeas, 24 nays.

The Boston _Herald_, of April 9, had an editorial entitled Liquor and
Woman Suffrage, expressing satisfaction in the defeat of the bill but
emphatic disapproval of the corrupt methods used against it in the
Senate. A majority of the Senators had promised to vote for it but the
Liquor Dealer's Association raised a large sum of money to accomplish
its defeat, a persistent lobby worked against it and several Senators
changed front. The _Herald_ plainly intimated that the result was due
to bribery.

The credit of the unusually good vote in the House in 1893 and '94 was
largely due to Representative Alfred S. Roe of Worcester, an able
member, highly esteemed and very popular, who worked for the bill with
the utmost zeal and perseverance.

There were petitions this year from many different organizations
representing a vast aggregate membership. On June 9 a bill to allow
women to be notaries public was defeated in the Senate by 10 yeas, 12
nays.

_1895._--On January 30 a great hearing was held in old
Representatives' Hall at the State House, with floor, aisles and
galleries crowded to the utmost capacity. Senator Alpheus M. Eldridge
presided and Mrs. Livermore, as president of the State Association,
conducted the hearing for the five organizations that appeared as
petitioners. Addresses were made by Lady Henry Somerset, Mrs. Howe,
Mr. Blackwell, Profs. Hayes and Webster of Wellesley College, Mrs.
Fessenden, Mrs. Trask Hill, Mrs. Emily McLaughlin, Mrs. Boland, John
Dean, F. C. Nash, Frank H. Foster, chairman of the legislative
committee of the American Federation of Labor for Massachusetts, James
F. Norton, the representative of 10,000 Good Templars.

No opposing petitions had been sent in but Thomas Russell appeared as
attorney for the remonstrants and said: "Believing as they do that the
proper place for women is not in public urging or remonstrating
against legislation before public gatherings, but rather in the home,
the hospital, the school, the public institution where sin and
suffering are to be found and to be alleviated, they have not
themselves appeared before you"--but had sent him.[319] Representative
Roe said that the lawyer who had spoken for the remonstrants at the
hearing of 1894 had received $500 for his services, and asked Mr.
Russell if he appeared in the same capacity. He answered that no
compensation had been promised him, and that he did not mean to accept
any. He added: "I represent no organization, anything more than an
informal gathering of ladies, and as for the numbers I can not state.
But I do not come here basing my claim to be heard on the numbers of
those who have asked me to appear. It is the justice of the cause
which I speak upon that entitles me to a hearing, as it would if there
were no one but myself."

Later twelve remonstrances were sent in, signed by 748 women. For
suffrage there were 210 petitions from 186 towns and cities
representing 133,111 individuals, men and women.

The opposition, alarmed by the large affirmative vote of 1894, this
year put forth unprecedented efforts. Daily papers were paid for
publishing voluminous letters against suffrage--sometimes of four
columns--and an active and unscrupulous lobby worked against the bill.
For the first time in history an anti-suffrage association was formed
within the Legislature itself. Representatives Dallinger, Humphrey,
Bancroft of Clinton, Eddy of New Bedford, and others, organized
themselves into a society, elected a chairman and secretary and
worked strenuously and systematically, making a thorough canvass of
the House and pledging as many members as possible to vote "No."

The suffragists made the mistake of devoting their attention mainly to
the Senate, where it was expected that the bill would come up first,
and where it was believed that the main difficulty would be, but on
March 5 the Municipal Suffrage Bill was brought up in the House. Every
inch of space was crowded with spectators. After much discussion the
bill was defeated by 137 yeas, 97 nays.

On March 13 a bill to raise the "age of protection" for girls from 16
to 18 years was defeated by 108 yeas, 55 nays.

On May 17 Senator Wellman's bill for a "mock referendum" was adopted
by the Legislature. It proposed to take a vote of the men and women of
the State on the question "Is it expedient that Municipal Suffrage
should be extended to women?"

THE MOCK REFERENDUM: This is called by the advocates of equal rights a
"mock referendum" because it was to have no legal validity and was to
give the women nothing even if it should be carried in their favor.
The _Woman's Journal_ said:

Two years ago an amendment was added to the Municipal Suffrage
Bill providing that it should become law when ratified by a vote
of the majority of the men and women of the State. Nearly every
opponent in the House voted against the bill after that amendment
had been incorporated, showing clearly that they were not willing
to let women have suffrage even if a majority of the men and
women of the State should vote for it. It was then believed that
such action would be constitutional. The Supreme Court afterwards
gave its opinion that Municipal Suffrage could not be extended by
a popular vote of either the men or the women, or both, but must
be extended, if at all, by the Legislature. Following that
decision, the opponents have become clamorous for a popular vote.

The suffragists, who, beginning in 1869, had petitioned year after
year for the submission to the voters of a legal and straightforward
constitutional amendment, which would give women the ballot if the
majority voted for it, were disgusted with this sham substitution.
Mrs. Livermore, the State president, declared that she would neither
take part in the mock vote herself nor advise others to do so. This
feeling was so general that at the last meeting of the executive
committee of the W. S. A. for the season, in June, it was found
impossible even to pass a resolution recommending those men and women
who favored equal suffrage to go to the polls and say so.

A number of individual suffragists, however, believed that advantage
should be taken of the chance to make an educational campaign and, as
the _Woman's Journal_ of June 8 said, "to use the opportunity for what
it is worth as a means of agitation." Therefore a Suffrage Referendum
State Committee was formed of more than fifty prominent men and women,
including U. S. Senator Hoar, ex-Governor Long, the Hon. J. Q. A.
Brackett, Mrs. Howe, Mrs. Livermore, Mrs. Fannie B. Ames, Mrs.
Elizabeth Stuart Phelps Ward, the editors of the _Woman's Journal_ and
others. Mrs. Mary Clarke Smith was employed as organizer, beginning
July 10, and as good a campaign was made as the circumstances
permitted. By the time the executive committee reassembled in October,
every one had become convinced of the wisdom of this course, and the
State Suffrage Association and the Referendum Committee worked hand in
hand during the last few weeks before election. It was a disadvantage
that the bill for the "mock referendum" was passed just before people
went away for the summer, and that the vote was to be taken soon after
they came back in the fall; nevertheless, a spirited campaign was
made, a large number of meetings and rallies were held and a great
quantity of literature was distributed.

About six weeks before election a Man Suffrage Association was formed
with Francis C. Lowell as chairman, Thomas Russell as treasurer and
Charles R. Saunders as salaried secretary.[320] This society was
composed wholly of men. It sent out an enormous number of circulars
and other documents, spent money like water, enlisted active political
workers, utilized to a considerable extent the party "machines," and
as far as possible secured a committee of men to work at each polling
place on election day and roll up a large negative vote of men. It
contained a number of influential politicians who displayed much skill
in their tactics. They published a manifesto against equal rights
signed by one hundred prominent men. The _Woman's Journal_, which
printed this document on October 19, said:

In the main the protest represents merely money and social
position. There are half-a-dozen names on it which it is a pity
and a shame to see there. All the rest were to be expected. They
are men whose opinion would be of weight on questions of stocks
and bonds, but whose opinion on questions of moral reform has
only a minus value.... Its signers have pilloried themselves for
posterity. It is regarded as discourteous to-day to remind
President Eliot of Harvard that his father was the only member of
Congress from Massachusetts who voted for the Fugitive Slave Law.
Forty years hence it will be regarded as cruel to remind the
children of these gentlemen [among whom was President Eliot] that
their fathers put their names to a protest against equal rights
for women.

At first the two anti-suffrage associations, the men's and the
women's, co-operated with the suffragists in getting up debates; but
no man ever consented to take part in one against suffrage a second
time, and toward the end of the campaign it became almost impossible
to secure speakers in the negative. Both sides published appeals and
counter-appeals and the question was discussed in the press, at public
meetings and in social circles to an extent unprecedented in the
history of the State. Even the advertisements in the street cars began
with the query in large letters, Should Women Vote? in order to
attract attention to a particular brand of soap, etc.

During the early part of the canvass the opponents of suffrage
circulated pledges for signature by women promising to vote "No" in
November,[321] but they soon became convinced that in trying to get
out a large vote of women against suffrage they had undertaken more
than they could accomplish. The Massachusetts Association Opposed to
the Further Extension of Suffrage to Women supplied in plate form to a
large number of State papers a series of articles one of which urged
women to express themselves against suffrage, warned them that
"_silence will be cited as consent_," and said: "It is our duty in any
clear and forcible way that presents itself, to say 'I am not sure
that our country should run this enormous new risk.'"

The "antis" have since asserted that in saying "in any clear and
forcible way that presents itself," they did not mean to include the
most obvious way, _i. e._, by voting "No" when given an opportunity by
the Legislature to do so. Later in the campaign they issued a
manifesto declaring that they did not urge women to register or vote,
and that _silence was not to be interpreted as consent_. And finally,
just before registration closed in Boston and the other cities, when
it was clear that the majority of women were not going to register to
vote either way, they issued another manifesto urging women _not_ to
vote against suffrage!

This was a transparent device to conceal the fewness of their numbers,
and they thus stultified all their previous professions, as they had
asserted for years that whenever women were given the right to vote on
an important question it would be their duty to do so, irrespective of
their personal inclinations, and it was in order to save women from
this burden that their enfranchisement was opposed. If they could have
brought out an overwhelming vote of women against equal suffrage, of
course they would have done so. Since they could not, it was their
policy to advise women not to express themselves and thus let the few
who were strongly opposed be confounded with the mass of those who
were indifferent. The Man Suffrage Association, which professed to be
working in full harmony with the women's organization, declared in
small and inconspicuous type that it did not urge women to take the
trouble to register, merely for the sake of expressing themselves on
the referendum, but that it did urge those who voted at all to vote
"No." It published a circular giving reasons "why women and the
friends of women should vote no," and it covered walls and fences from
one end of the State to the other with huge placards bearing in
enormous letters the words, "Men and Women, Vote No!"

The main object of this association, however, was not to get an
expression of opinion from the women (which would weigh little either
way) but to influence the Legislature through a large negative vote
from the men. Mr. Saunders was reported in an interview in the Boston
_Herald_ as saying that the women who took the trouble to vote at all
would probably vote in favor ten to one (it proved to be twenty-five
to one), but that if the _men_ would give a good majority against it
the Legislature could be relied upon to defeat a genuine amendment for
years.

The suffragists spent only $1,300 during the entire canvass. The Man
Suffrage Association never made the sworn report of its receipts and
expenditures which the law requires of every campaign committee,
although even the papers opposed to suffrage exhorted it to do so and
warned it that it was placing itself in a false position by refusing,
but the treasurer published an unsworn statement, not of his receipts
but of his general expenditures, by which it appeared that the
association, during the six weeks of its existence, spent $3,576. In
addition large sums were expended by the women's anti-suffrage
association, which, not being a campaign committee but a permanent
society, was under no legal obligation to file a statement.

The "mock referendum" was voted on at the State election, Nov. 5,
1895, receiving 108,974 yeas, 187,837 nays. Men cast 86,970 yeas,
186,115 nays; women cast 22,204 yeas, 861 nays. Forty-eight towns gave
a majority for equal suffrage, two were a tie, and in several the
adverse majority was only one or two votes, and yet in most of these
towns no suffrage league existed, and in some of them no suffrage
meeting ever had been held.

The number of men who voted in the affirmative was a general surprise.
A leaflet by one of the leading remonstrants, circulated during the
campaign, asserted that "not one citizen of sound judgment in a
hundred is in favor of woman suffrage;" but nearly one-third of the
male voters who expressed themselves declared for it. There was the
smallest affirmative vote in the most disreputable wards of Boston.
Nearly 2,000 more votes of men were cast for suffrage than had been
cast for prohibition in 1889. The proportion of votes in favor was
almost twice as large as in Rhode Island, the only other New England
State in which the question had been submitted, although in that there
was no anti-suffrage association in the field. Outside of Boston the
largest negative vote by women was cast in Cambridge and Newton, which
have the reputation of being remonstrant strongholds. In 238 of the
322 towns not one woman voted "No." In most of these the anti-suffrage
association had no branches, and there is no reason to suppose that
the women ever had heard of its eleventh-hour advice to women not to
vote. In every county, and in every Congressional, Senatorial and
Representative district the women's vote was in favor at least ten to
one. The "mock referendum" answered the main purpose of its promoters,
however, for it did seriously cut down the vote for suffrage in the
Legislature for several years thereafter, but it made a host of
converts among the people at large and gave a fresh impetus to the
activity of the State Suffrage Association, which ever since has
steadily grown in membership.

* * * * *

_1896_--The usual petitions for suffrage were presented from 79 cities
and towns, with 7,780 signatures. The Joint Special Committee on Woman
Suffrage, which had been appointed annually for many years, was
discontinued, with the good result that the suffragists ever since
have had their hearings before two more influential committees, those
on Constitutional Amendments and on Election Laws. On February 26 the
latter gave a hearing for Municipal Suffrage. Mr. Blackwell opened the
case for the petitioners and the usual number of fine addresses were
made. Thomas Russell spoke for the remonstrants, and Miss Blackwell
replied to him. On February 27 the Committee on Constitutional
Amendments gave a hearing. Addresses were made by Mrs. Howe, Mr.
Garrison, the Rev. Florence E. Kollock, Oswald Garrison Villard, Mr.
Ernst, Mrs. Isabel C. Barrows, Miss Cora A. Benneson and Clyde
Duniway, formerly of Oregon. Mr. Russell again spoke for the
remonstrants and was answered by Miss Blackwell, Miss Gail Laughlin
and Mrs. Mary Clarke Smith.

On March 4 a hearing was given to the petitioners for License
Suffrage. Just after the hearing closed Mr. Russell arrived to
remonstrate, but too late.

On March 9 a hearing was given on the petition of the State W. S. A.
that the times of registration should be the same for women (school)
voters as for men.

The Committee on Constitutional Amendments recommended that the
question of submitting a suffrage amendment be referred to the next
Legislature--three dissenting and favoring its submission this year.
On March 23 consideration of the question was voted down and the yeas
and nays were refused.

On March 31 and April 1 License Suffrage was discussed and finally
defeated by 93 yeas, 116 nays, including pairs.

The Committee on Election Laws reported in favor of Municipal Suffrage
but the bill was defeated.

The Supreme Court decided that women could not be made notaries public
because they are not distinctly named as eligible in the State
constitution.

Thomas F. Keenan, an opponent of woman suffrage, introduced a bill to
license houses "for commercial sexual intercourse," which he alone
voted for.[322]

_1897_--It was decided to ask this year for a thorough revision and
equalization of the statutes bearing on domestic relations, in view of
the fact that the last Legislature had appointed a committee of
lawyers to revise and codify the laws. Especial attention was called
to the need of a law making fathers and mothers joint guardians of
their children. Mr. Ernst, in behalf of the association, prepared a
bill equalizing the property rights of husbands and wives. Mr.
Russell, in behalf of the M. A. O. F. E. S. W. (which had for years
been circulating leaflets declaring that the laws of Massachusetts
were already more than just to women) prepared a bill tending in a
similar direction; and a Judge of Probate prepared a more limited
bill. All three appeared before the revising committee and, after
repeated conferences, a bill making some improvements was recommended
by the committee and enacted by the Legislature, but with a proviso
that it should not go into effect until the following year, in order
that the next Legislature might have a chance to amend it.

On February 10 the committee gave a hearing to the petitioners for the
submission of an amendment to enfranchise women. It was addressed by
Mr. Blackwell, Mrs. Cheney, Mrs. Boland, the Rev. Thomas Scully, the
Rev. Mr. Ames, the Rev. Augusta Chapin, Miss Blackwell and others. No
remonstrants appeared. The committee reported favorably, but on
February 18 the bill was defeated by 74 yeas, 107 nays.

On February 24 the Committee on Election Laws heard arguments for
Municipal and Presidential Suffrage, and also on the petition of the
W. C. T. U. for License Suffrage. The committee had before it 144
largely signed petitions for suffrage and none against it. Mrs. Howe
and Mr. Blackwell spoke in behalf of the measures asked for by the
suffrage association, and a large number of prominent women for the W.
C. T. U. Mr. Russell, Mrs. J. Elliott Cabot, Frank Foxcroft, Miss
Dewey, Dr. Walter Channing, Mrs. A. J. George, A. Lawrence Lowell and
Miss Mary A. J. McIntyre spoke against all three bills. Miss
Blackwell, at the close, replied in behalf of both associations.
Members of the committee asked the president of the anti-suffrage
association, Mrs. Cabot, and almost all the women who spoke on that
side whether they would vote for or against license if they had the
ballot. Everyone answered that she would vote for license. Mr. Russell
had declared that if women were allowed to vote, "no license would be
carried in every town and city of the commonwealth, contrary to the
will of the people." The committee gave a majority report against all
the bills.

On March 10 the question of accepting the adverse report on License
Suffrage came up in the Legislature. The vote stood, 100 yeas, 100
nays, and Speaker John L. Bates gave his casting vote in favor of
substituting the bill for the adverse report. On March 18 the question
was debated and the vote resulted in 108 yeas, 125 nays. There was
much public interest and a lively discussion in the papers. Municipal
and Presidential Suffrage were lost without a roll-call. A bill to
make the Boston School Board appointive instead of elective, which
would have deprived women of their School Suffrage, was defeated.

_1898_--The hearing on February 2 was conducted by Mr. Blackwell for
the petitioners; Mr. Russell for the remonstrants. A letter from
ex-Gov. William Claflin in favor of suffrage was read. Mrs. Anna
Christy Fall, Mr. Garrison, ex-U. S. Attorney Frank B. Allen, Mrs.
Helen Adelaide Shaw, Dr. A. E. Winship, editor of the _Journal of
Education_, and others spoke for suffrage; Mrs. Arthur D. Gilman, Mrs.
Egbert C. Smythe, Mrs. Rothery of Wellesley, Mrs. Lincoln R. Stone
and Mrs. George against it. Miss Blackwell replied for the
petitioners. The committee reported "leave to withdraw." On February
14, after debate in the House of Representatives, the vote stood 44
yeas, 97 nays.

On February 23 the committee gave a hearing on Municipal Suffrage and
on License Suffrage, both of which were eloquently urged. Mrs. Cabot,
Mrs. Charles E. Guild, the Rev. Thomas Van Ness, the Rev. Reuen
Thomas, Mrs. Henry F. Durant, Mrs. William T. Sedgwick, Mr. Foxcroft
and Mr. Russell spoke in opposition. Municipal Suffrage was not
debated, but after discussion on March 10 and 11, in the House of
Representatives, the vote on License Suffrage, including pairs, stood
60 yeas, 116 nays.

The record for 1899 and 1900 presented no variations except that a
number of local associations petitioned for Municipal Suffrage for
Taxpaying Women. The State association did not officially ask for
this, though the majority of its officers favored the measure. The
annual hearings were given, the usual large crowds were in attendance,
the ablest men and women in the State advocated the granting of
suffrage, those heretofore mentioned spoke in opposition,[323] and the
negative vote was in about the same proportion as before the
"remonstrants" made their appearance.[324]

LAWS: Until 1845 the women of Massachusetts suffered to the fullest
extent the barbarities of the English Common Law. After that date the
changes were gradual but very slow. From 1884 there was but little
improvement in the property laws until 1899, when a radical revision
was effected by a legislative committee and approved by the
Legislature. As there was to be a general revision of the statutes and
the new book would not be issued until Jan. 1, 1902, it was decided
that all should go into effect at that date. The new property law for
women provides as follows: No distinction is made between real and
personal property in distributing the estate. The surviving husband or
wife takes and holds one-third if the deceased leaves children or
their descendants; $5,000 and one-half of the remaining estate if the
deceased leaves no issue; and the whole if the deceased leaves no
kindred. This is taken absolutely and not for life. Curtesy and dower
have not been abolished but the old-time curtesy, which is a life
interest in the whole of a deceased wife's real estate, is cut down to
a life interest in one-third, the same as dower; and in order to be
entitled to dower or curtesy the surviving husband or wife must elect
to take it in preference to abiding by the above provisions.

Either husband or wife can make a will under the new law without the
consent of the other, but the survivor, if not satisfied with the will
of the deceased, can waive it within a year and take the same share of
the estate that he (or she) would have taken if there had been no
will, except that, if he would thus become entitled to more than
$10,000 in value, he shall receive, in addition to that amount, only
the income during his life of the excess of his share of such estate
above that amount; and except that, if the deceased leaves no kindred,
he, upon such waiver, shall take the interest he would have taken if
the deceased had died leaving kindred but no issue.

A discretionary amount may be assigned by the Probate Court to the
widow for the support of herself and minor children and takes
precedence of the debts of the deceased. The old law took this
allowance out of the personal estate only, and often the widow was
not able to receive the immediate assistance she needed, because the
property was all in the form of real estate. The new law permits the
real estate to be used if necessary. It also gives $100 to a minor
child for his immediate necessities, if there is no widow; the old law
gave $50. The new law permits the widow to remain in her husband's
house for six months after his death. The old law gave her only forty
days.

A married woman has full control of her separate property, and can
dispose of her real estate subject only to the husband's interests. If
she has been deserted or if the court has decreed that she is living
apart from him for justifiable cause, she can by will or deed dispose
of all her real and personal estate as if unmarried. The husband can
do the same.

A married woman can be executor, administrator, guardian or trustee.
She may make contracts with any one except her husband; may sue and be
sued, carry on business in her own name, by complying with the legal
requirements; control and invest her earnings and enter into
partnerships. She is responsible for her contracts and debts and her
property may be held for them. The husband is not liable on any
judgments recovered against the wife alone, and her separate property
is not liable on any judgment or execution against the husband. Suits
between husband and wife are not allowed except for divorce.

The father is the legal guardian of the persons and estates of minor
children; he has power to dispose of them during the lifetime of the
mother and may appoint a guardian at his death.[325]

For non-support of wife and minor children the husband may be fined
not exceeding $20 or imprisoned in the house of correction not
exceeding six months. At the discretion of the court the fine is paid
in whole or part to the town, city, society or person actually
supporting such wife and children. (1893.)

The "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 13 years in
1886; to 14 in 1888; to 16 in 1893. The penalty is imprisonment in the
State prison for life or for any term of years, or for any term in any
other penal institution in the commonwealth. This may be one day in
the city jail.

Among various laws passed in the interests of women was one in 1895
making army nurses eligible to receive State aid. One of 1896 requires
the State to inter the wife or widow of an honorably discharged
soldier, sailor or marine who served during the Civil War, if she did
not leave sufficient means for funeral expenses, provided she was
married prior to 1870. In 1900 it was enacted that the State should
perform a similar service for the mothers of said soldiers, sailors or
marines, and that this should not be with the pauper dead, in either
case.

Massachusetts has detailed laws regarding the employment of women,
among them one restricting the hours of work in any mercantile
establishment to fifty-eight in a week, except in retail stores during
the month of December. Ten hours is a legal workday for women in
general.

Separate houses of detention are required for women prisoners in
cities of over 30,000.[326]

SUFFRAGE: The original charter of Massachusetts in 1691 did not
exclude women from voting. In 1780 the first constitution prohibited
them from voting except for certain officers. The new constitution of
1820 limited the suffrage strictly to males.

In 1879 the Legislature enacted that a woman twenty-one years of age,
who could give satisfactory evidence as to residence and who could
stand the educational test (_i. e._, be able to read five lines of the
constitution and write her name), and who should give notice in
writing to the assessors that she wished to be assessed a poll tax
(two dollars) and should give in under oath a statement of her taxable
property (which was not required of men, as they had the option of
letting the assessors guess at the amount) should thereupon be
assessed and should be entitled to register and vote for members of
school boards.[327] In order to keep her name on the registration
list this entire process had to be repeated every year, while a man's
name once placed on the list was kept there without further effort on
his part, and the payment of the same poll tax entitled him to full
suffrage.

In 1881 the poll tax was reduced to fifty cents, and the law was
changed so that women's names should remain on the registration list
so long as they continued to reside and pay their taxes in the place
where they were registered. Even now, however, it requires constant
watchfulness on their part to have this done. In 1890 the poll tax as
a prerequisite for voting was abolished for men, and in 1892 for
women. Only a few weeks in each year were set apart when women might
register until 1898, when it was enacted that the time of registration
should be the same for both.

The School Suffrage includes only a vote for members of the school
board and not for supervisors, appropriations or any questions
connected with the public schools. Women are not authorized to attend
caucuses or have any voice in nominations of school officers. As they
were thus deprived of all voice in selecting candidates, an
association, Independent Women Voters, was formed in Boston in 1889 by
Mrs. Eliza Trask Hill, who served as president until 1896, when she
removed from the city, and Mrs. Sarah J. Boyden has filled the office
since then. This organization, which was entered at the registration
office as a political party, holds a caucus in each ward between
January 1 and April 1 every year and nominates candidates for the
School Board. Such nomination by 100 or more legal voters entitles
their names to be placed on the Australian ballot. Some of the
nominees of the Independent Women Voters are often accepted by the
regular parties, but even when this is refused they are sometimes
elected over the Republican or Democratic candidates.

Because of the conditions attached and the small privilege granted it
is remarkable that any considerable number of women should have voted
during these past years. When School Suffrage was first granted, in
1879, only 934 women voted, and for the first seven years the average
was only 940. Since then there has been a large increase of interest.
During the past seven years the number never has fallen below 5,000.
In 1898, 5,201 women voted; in 1899, 7,090; in 1900, 9,542; and this
year (1901) there were 15,545 names on the register and 11,620 voted.
The highest number was reached in 1888, when under special
circumstances 25,279 women were registered and 19,490 voted.

OFFICE HOLDING: Women have served as School Committee (trustees) since
1874. For some time previous to 1884 they could hold by appointment
the offices of overseers of the poor, trustees of public libraries,
school supervisors, members of the State Boards of Education and of
Health, Lunacy and Charity, without special legislation. It was
required that there should be women on the boards of the three State
Primary and Reform Schools, State workhouse, State almshouse and Board
of Prison Commissioners, and that certain managers and officers of the
Reformatory Prison for Women at Sherborn should be women.

In 1884 a bill was passed requiring the appointment of two women on
the board of every Hospital for the Insane and one woman physician for
each. In 1885 it was enacted that women might be assistant registers
of deeds; in 1886 that they might be elected overseers of the poor. In
1887 a law was passed requiring police matrons in all cities of 30,000
inhabitants or more. There had been matrons in Boston fifteen years.

In 1890 the Supreme Court decided that a woman could not act as notary
public. In 1891 it was enacted that there should be women factory
inspectors; in 1895 that a woman could be appointed assistant town or
city clerk; in 1896 that county commissioners might appoint a woman
clerk _pro tempore_!

The evolution of the Special Commissioner shows the laborious
processes by which women make any gains in Massachusetts. In 1883 a
law was passed that women attorneys could be appointed Special
Commissioners to administer oaths, take depositions and acknowledge
deeds. In 1889 it was amended to give Special Commissioners the same
powers as justices of the peace in the above respects and also that of
issuing summonses for witnesses. In 1896 it was provided that any
woman over twenty-one, the same as any man, whether a lawyer or not,
could be appointed commissioner; a change of name by marriage should
terminate her commission but should not disqualify her for
re-appointment. In 1898 the powers were extended to appointments of
appraisers of estates. In 1899 the powers of the Special Commissioner
were made coincident with those of justice of the peace, but the
authority to perform the marriage ceremony was taken from justices
generally and is now given to specified ones only.

Women can not be justices of the peace. They may be appointed by the
State to take acknowledgments of deeds but not to perform the marriage
ceremony unless regularly ordained ministers.

Women at present are serving on State Boards as follows: Commissioners
of Prisons, Charity and Free Public Library--two each; trustees of
Insane Hospitals at Danvers, Northampton, Taunton, Worcester and
Medfield--two each, and at Westborough, three; School for
Feeble-minded, one; Hospital for Epileptics, two; for Dipsomaniacs and
Inebriates, one; Hospital Cottages for Children, one; State Hospital
and State Farm, two; Lyman and Industrial Schools, two.

It has been impossible to ascertain the number of women serving as
School Trustees later than 1898. Then the records showed 194 on boards
in 138 towns, but, as in many cases only the initials of the prefixes
to the names were given, this is probably an underestimate. Women
serve on the boards of public libraries.

Women are found in the following official positions in Boston:
trustees of public institutions, two; of children's institutions,
three; of insane hospitals, two; of bath departments, two; overseers
of the poor, two; city conveyancer in law department, one; Superior
Court stenographer, one; probation officers, two; chief matron House
of Detention, one; supervisor of schools, one; members of school
committee, four.

OCCUPATIONS: Massachusetts claims the first woman who ever practiced
medicine in the United States--Dr. Harriot K. Hunt, who studied with
her father and began in 1835, long before a medical college in the
country was open to women. In 1881 Lelia J. Robinson applied for
admission to the bar in Boston and the Supreme Court decided a woman
to be ineligible. The Legislature of 1892 enacted that women should be
admitted to the practice of law. No professions or occupations are now
legally forbidden to them.

EDUCATION: One of the first seminaries for women in the United States
was Mt. Holyoke at South Hadley, Mass., now a college with 550
students; the largest college for women in the world is Smith at
Northampton, with 1,131 students; one that ranks among the four
highest in existence, Wellesley, has 819; Radcliffe at Cambridge, has
407. The requirements of admission and the examinations are the same
for Radcliffe as for Harvard and the courses of instruction are
identical. The teaching is done by members of the Harvard faculty,
over one hundred of them. All degrees must be approved by the
President and Fellows of Harvard, the diplomas are countersigned by
the President and bear the University seal. Nevertheless Radcliffe is
not recognized as having any official connection with the ancient
university. A number of graduate courses in Harvard are open to women
but without degrees.

Boston University, with 1,430 students, is co-educational in all its
departments, including law, medicine and theology. The same is true of
the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the State Agricultural
College. There has been no distinction of sex in Tufts College
(Univers.) since 1892; or in Clark University (post-graduate) in
Worcester, since 1900. The College of Physicians and Surgeons and
Tufts Colleges of Medicine and Surgery, in Boston, admit women. They
are excluded from Andover Theological Seminary (Cong'l), Newton
Theological Institute (Baptist), Amherst College, Williams College and
Worcester Polytechnic Institute.

In the public schools there are 1,197 men and 12,205 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $136.23; of the women,
$51.41. Omitting the High School salaries, the average amount paid to
men per month is $130.09; to women, $49.61. In some counties over
one-half as much is paid to women teachers as to men, but in Essex
County the monthly ratio is $127.82 to men, and $47.17 to women, and
in Suffolk County $200.07 to men and $63.44, or less than one-third,
to women. Boston has 215 men teachers at an average monthly salary of
$213.61; and 1,762 women at an average of $69.68. In no other State is
the discrepancy so great in the salary of men and women teachers.

The women's clubs of Massachusetts are as the sands of the sea. Of
these 169, with a membership of 21,451, belong to the State
Federation. The New England Woman's Club was organized in 1868, the
same year as Sorosis in New York and about one month earlier. These
two are generally spoken of as the pioneers of women's clubs as they
exist to-day.

THE NATIONAL WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION OF MASSACHUSETTS.[328]

When the third volume of the History of Woman Suffrage closed in 1885
it left this association three years old, with Mrs. Harriette Robinson
Shattuck, president, Dr. Salome Merritt, vice-president, and thirteen
other vice-presidents who represented the same number of counties. To
these leaders and others it seemed necessary that Massachusetts should
have this society in order to give a support to the officers and the
methods of the National Woman Suffrage Association, which they were
not receiving from the State society, at that time auxiliary to the
American Association. In those three years conventions had been held
in some twenty cities.

Mrs. Harriet M. Emerson was then engaged in preparing petitions, to
which she secured many signers, asking for "a statute to enable a
widow who desires it, to become on reasonable terms a co-executor with
those appointed by her husband's will." For several years she spent
much time on this work and had the help of many of the best citizens
of Boston. It was ably presented at each session of the Legislature,
but no action was taken.[329]

Mrs. Harriet H. Robinson, the corresponding secretary, has published
Massachusetts in the Woman Suffrage Movement, The New Pandora, a
woman's play, Capt. Mary Miller, etc.; Mrs. Shattuck, The Woman's
Manual of Parliamentary Law, Advanced Rules for Large Assemblies.
Another member, Mrs. Sara A. Underwood, has done valuable work on the
newspapers of Boston, New York and other cities, and before the
Legislature. The writings of Mrs. Evaleen L. Mason are well known.

[Illustration:

HARRIET MAY MILLS.
Syracuse, N. Y.

FLORENCE HOWE HALL.
Plainfield, N. J.

REV. ANNA GARLIN SPENCER.
Providence, R. I.

LUCRETIA L. BLANKENBURG.
Philadelphia, Pa.

LAVINA A. HATCH.
E. Pembroke, Mass.

]

In 1888 certain historical text-books which were objected to by the
Roman Catholics were removed from the schools and replaced by others.
This caused great excitement, over 25,000 women registered to vote,
and for two successive years helped to defeat all the Catholic
candidates for the school board and to elect a number of women. The
members of this association maintained the non-partisan side and
opposed the extremists who urged that Catholics should be excluded
from the board, thus depriving it of some of its most experienced and
faithful men.

In April, 1888, the association applied for a charter and became the
first incorporated body of woman suffragists in the State. In December
a petition was sent to Congress asking for an amendment to the United
States Constitution prohibiting disfranchisement on account of sex.

In 1889 a petition from this association was introduced in the
Legislature to require assessors to ask at every house whether there
are women there who wish to be assessed a poll tax. A petition was
also sent in for a law providing that one-third of the membership of
the school committee consist of women. These were presented by Mr.
Barker of Malden.

At the eighth annual meeting in May, 1890, C. W. Ernst gave an
instructive address on political topics.

In October, 1891, a special meeting was called to discuss the question
of discontinuing auxiliaryship to the National-American Association,
and continuing work as an independent organization. After a full
discussion the vote resulted in remaining auxiliary, only one opposed.

In March, 1892, a plan was laid before the association by Dr. Merritt
for action in the various cities and towns of the State to secure the
nomination in caucuses of such senators and representatives only as
would declare themselves in favor of woman suffrage. A committee was
formed to confer with other organizations, and at the next meeting it
reported that the Boston Suffrage League, Mrs. Ellen Battelle
Dietrick, president, had approved the plan and called a meeting where
nine wards were represented and a compact signed. In May this
agreement was adopted by the Suffolk County Committee, who were to
work in Boston while the association was to manage outside counties.
One thousand copies were printed and circulated but the final results
showed not enough interest to make the measure a success.

At this time Mrs. Shattuck resigned the presidency, "being engaged in
work more imperative," and Mrs. Robinson gave up her office of
corresponding secretary. At the October meeting Miss Hatch was elected
a member of the executive committee of the National Association for
the Columbian Exposition. Mrs. Sarah A. P. Dickerman acted as
president during the remainder of the year. Valuable discussions were
held on State and National Banks, Should the Governor Exercise the
Veto Power? Shall Immigration Be Restricted? Which Would Benefit
Boston Most, License or No License? and other timely questions.

In January, 1893, it was voted to petition the Legislature that women
be allowed to vote on a constitutional amendment affecting their
property rights. A special effort was made in petition work both for
Congress and the Legislature. In one small village where forty-two
signatures were obtained, only four persons refused to sign. In May
Dr. Merritt was unanimously elected president of the association, and
remained in office until her death in 1900. At this meeting a
statement was made that in Massachusetts there were from 105,000 to
110,000 families with widows or single women as heads, not represented
by one vote. In December a committee was appointed to confer with the
legislative committee of the State School Suffrage Association to
secure an extension of the time (then only two or three days) which
was allotted to the registration of women.

At the legislative hearing in January, 1894, petitions were presented
by this association from seven counties, covering twenty-one towns. At
this date 186 women were reported as holding office, eleven being
district superintendents of schools. The following May the
registration laws were so changed that women have since had the same
time as men in which to register. Under the present law, the assessors
in their regular rounds are required to take the names of women voters
having the same residence as on a previous voting list. These are then
entered on the register for the ensuing campaign without further
trouble.

In September, 1895, a special meeting was called to decide how best to
help the work for the referendum which had been submitted by the
Legislature in order to ascertain how many women desired to vote.
Twenty-five dollars were appropriated toward defraying the expenses of
the State committee appointed to conduct this campaign.

In 1896 much time was spent on measures helpful to women and children.
One of these was to secure the early closing of stores, the result
being that through the entire summer all the principal stores in
Boston were closed at 5 P. M. every day, and on Saturdays at 12 M., as
they have been each summer since.

House Bill 625 of 1896 started with a most innocent appearance under
the title, "A bill to enlarge the powers of the police commissioners
of Boston." In reality it asked that the powers of the police force be
so extended as to allow them to issue permits for the keeping of
houses of ill-repute, with authority for their inspection and control.
Other organizations joined this one in opposition, with the result
that the bill was defeated.

The association also advocated "A bill to prohibit child insurance,"
on account of the injury done to families by absorbing the means which
should be expended for food, clothes and other necessaries in the
payment of policies. It was considered, moreover, in the nature of a
premium for child murder by neglect.

The most interesting event of 1898 was the celebration of the fiftieth
anniversary of the first woman's rights convention. Dr. Merritt spoke
of the rise of the movement, saying that 1848 was as marked an epoch
in the rights of women as was 1776 in the rights of men. Miss Hatch's
paper gave the trend of events previous to the Seneca Falls
Convention, showing that these molded public sentiment and gave rise
to the calling of this memorable meeting. Speeches, letters from
absent members and a roll of honor, each giving the name of an old
worker and adding appropriate remarks, followed.

In addition to the usual petitions was one to Congress in behalf of
the Hawaiian women. A protest was also sent against the admission to
Congress of Brigham H. Roberts of Utah, a polygamist and an enemy to
woman suffrage.

Since 1884 this association has held 128 public meetings. It has been
represented by active working delegates at every convention of the
National Association since becoming an auxiliary in 1882. The
recording secretary has held that office for seventeen years, never
having been absent from a monthly meeting unless because of illness or
attendance at the national conventions. She has been a delegate to the
latter for fourteen years.

This association did much pioneer press work. From its first session a
report of the same, with items made up of whatever had occurred in any
part of the world advantageous to woman's advancement since the
previous meeting, has appeared next day in the leading Boston dailies,
with scarcely an omission during the eighteen years.

Besides those already mentioned the following have held office and
been faithful workers: Mesdames A. M. Mahony, Sarah A. Rand and Lydia
L. Hutchins; and the Misses Hannah M. Todd, Elizabeth B. Atwill,
Charlotte Lobdell, Agnes G. Parrott and Sophia M. Hale. In 1901 the
society united with the Massachusetts State Association.

FOOTNOTES:

[303] The History is indebted for the material for this chapter to
Miss Alice Stone Blackwell, editor of the _Woman's Journal_ (Boston)
and recording secretary of the National American Woman Suffrage
Association since 1890. It is due to the _Woman's Journal_, founded in
1869, that so complete a record of the State work has been obtained.

[304] See History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. I, p. 215.

[305] Among many names which appear in connection with these annual
meetings are those of the Revs. Daniel P. Livermore, Charles W.
Wendte, S. S. Herrick, Philip S. Moxom, Charles F. Thwing, L. B.
Bates, F. A. Abbott, S. W. Bush, William J. Potter, C. P. Pitblado,
George Willis Cooke, Fielder Israel, Eben L. Rexford, Christopher R.
Eliot, David A. Gregg, Edward A. Horton, B. F. Hamilton, George A.
Gordon, Charles F. Dole, Nathan E. Wood, W. W. Lucas, the Revs. Ida C.
Hultin, Lorenza Haynes, Mary Traffern Whitney, Lila Frost Sprague, J.
W. Clarke, of the Boston Traveller, D. H. Beggs, President of the
Central Labor Union, Judge Robert Pitman, the Hon. Joseph H. Walker,
Francis J. Garrison, John Graham Brooks, John L. Whiting, Sam Walter
Foss, Sherman Hoar, W. L. Haskel, Mesdames Martha Perry Lowe, E. N. L.
Walton, Martha Sewall Curtis, O. A. Cheney, Ellie A. Hilt, Abby M.
Davis, Judith W. Smith, Misses Anna Gardner, Lucia T. Ames, Eva
Channing, Amorette Beecher, Alice Parker, all of Massachusetts. The
Rev. J. W. Bashford, Delaware College, Ohio, the Rev. Florence E.
Kollock, Illinois, Mrs. Caroline M. Severance, California, Mrs. Helen
Coffin Beedy, Mrs. Etta H. Osgood, Maine, U. S. Senator Henry W.
Blair, Mrs. Armenia S. White, Miss Mary N. Chase, New Hampshire, Mrs.
M. L. T. Hidden, Mrs. A. D. Chandler, Vermont, Mrs. Elizabeth B.
Chace, Dr. John C. Wyman, Dr. Ira Aldrich, Jeanette S. French, Louise
Tyler, Rhode Island, Mesdames Emily O. Kimball, Josephine M. Bissell,
Emily J. Leonard, Annie C. S. Fenner, Judge Joseph and Miss Elizabeth
Sheldon, Connecticut, Mrs. Cornelia Collins Hussey, New Jersey, Judge
William S. Peirce, Philadelphia, Miss Anna Gordon, Illinois, Dr. Ida
Joe Brooks, Arkansas, Ellis Meredith, Denver, Giles B. Stebbins,
Michigan, Lloyd McKim Garrison, New York, Amelia B. Edwards, Mrs.
Percy Widdrington, England.

[306] As this board was continued for many years with but little
change, and as it indicates clearly the personnel of the association,
the remainder is given in full. Vice presidents, Mrs. Mary A.
Livermore, John G. Whittier, U. S. Senator George F. Hoar, Mrs. Julia
Ward Howe, Mrs. Ednah D. Cheney, Theodore D. Weld, ex Gov. William
Claflin, Judge Samuel E. Sewall, William Lloyd Garrison, Mrs. Ralph
Waldo Emerson, the Hon. John Hopkins, Miss Abby W. May, A. Bronson
Alcott, Marie E. Zakrzewska, M. D., Col. Thomas W. Higginson, Miss
Elizabeth Stuart Phelps, Wendell Phillips, Miss Louisa M. Alcott, the
Rev. James Freeman Clarke, Mrs. Adelaide A. Claflin, the Rev. William
I. Haven, Judge Thomas Russell, Lucy Sewall, M. D., Robert C. Pitman,
George A. Walton, Mrs. C. B. Redmund, Charles W. Slack, Seth Hunt,
Mrs. Eliza K. Church, the Rev. Jesse H. Jones, Uretta McAllister,
Julia M. Baxter; recording secretary, Charles K. Whipple; treasurer,
Miss Amanda M. Lougee; executive committee, Mrs. Lucy Stone, chairman,
Mrs. Mary C. Ames, Miss Mary F. Eastman, Mrs. Judith W. Smith, Mrs.
Henrietta L. T. Wolcott, Mrs. W. I. Bowditch, Mrs. S. E. M. Kingsbury,
Mrs. E. N. L. Walton, Mrs. S. C. Vogl, S. C. Hopkins, Mrs. E. P.
Nickles, Mrs. Fenno Tudor, Dr. J. T. Leonard, Miss Alice Stone
Blackwell, Miss Eva Channing, the Rev. J. W. Bashford, Mrs. Harriet W.
Sewall, Miss Kate Ireson, Frederick A. Claflin, Arthur P. Ford, Miss
M. Ada Molineux, S. Frank King, Miss Cora Scott Pond, J. Avery
Howland.

[307] In the 111 Granges of the State, 70 women were secretaries and
39 lecturers this year.

[308] Mrs. Helen Campbell spoke on Women in Industry, Mrs. Howe on
Women in Literature, the Rev. Antoinette Brown Blackwell on Women in
the Ministry, Mrs. Charlotte Emerson Brown, president of the General
Federation, on Women's Clubs, Mrs. Susan S. Fessenden, president of
the State W. C. T. U., on Women's Work for Temperance, Mary A. Greene,
LL. B., on Women in Law, Dr. Emily Blackwell on Women in Medicine,
Mrs. Sallie Joy White, late president of the New England Women's Press
Association, on Women in Journalism, and Miss Eastman on Steps in
Education for Girls from Dame School to College. The opportunities for
women at Vassar, Wellesley, Bryn Mawr, Boston University and Mt.
Holyoke were presented respectively by Dr. Emma B. Culbertson, Prof.
A. Eugenia Morgan, Miss Cora A. Benneson, Miss E. D. Hanscom and Miss
Sarah P. Eastman, president of the Boston Mt. Holyoke Alumnæ. Mrs.
Cheney read a paper on Women in Hospitals and Miss Alla Foster gave
reminiscences of her mother, Mrs. Abby Kelly Foster. Lucy Stone spoke
on the Gains of Forty Years, Colonel Higginson on Landmarks of
Progress, Mr. Blackwell on Kansas and Wyoming. Woman Suffrage by State
and Federal Legislation; Mr. Garrison on Women Needed as Political
Helpmeets; and the Rev. Ada C. Bowles on the Suffrage Revival in
Worcester in 1869. Miss Elizabeth Upham Yates spoke on Suffrage, and
the Rev. Anna Garlin Spencer on Our Debt to the Pioneers.

Letters were read from U. S. Senators Joseph M. Carey and Francis E.
Warren of Wyoming, ex-president James H. Fairchild of Oberlin, the
Hon. Charles Robinson of Kansas, Thomas Davis, husband of Paulina
Wright Davis, Francis G. Adams, secretary of the Kansas Historical
Society, Theodore D. Weld, Mesdames Hannah M. Tracy Cutler, Elizabeth
B. Chace, Frances H. Drake, Caroline Healy Dall, J. Elizabeth Jones,
Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Caroline M. Severance, Clara B. Colby, Miss
Mary Grew, Miss Anna L. T. Parsons, Mrs. Millicent Garrett Fawcett of
England, and others.

[309] Mrs. Livermore, the Rev. Charles G. Ames, Mrs. Cheney, Prof.
Ellen Hayes of Wellesley, the Hon. Alfred S. Roe, Mrs. Phebe Stone
Beeman, Mrs. Sallie Joy White and Mr. M. H. Gulesian of Armenia, with
a poem by Mr. Garrison.

[310] The best known of these names are included in the list of
eminent persons in the Appendix.

[311] There were addresses by Fletcher Dobyns and Oswald Garrison
Villard of Harvard, Miss Maud Thompson of Wellesley College, Edson
Reifsnyder of Tufts, and Miss Mabel E. Adams, with music by the Boston
Choral Society.

[312] Miss Elva Hurlburt Young, president of the senior class of
Wellesley College, A. M. Kales and Raymond M. Alden of Harvard, W. H.
Spofford Pittinger of Providence, R. I. A poem by Mrs. Stetson, Girls
of To-day, was recited by Miss Marion Sherman of the Boston School of
Oratory.

[313] Other officers have been Recording secretary, Miss Alice Stone
Blackwell, treasurers, Miss Amanda M. Lougee, Mrs. Harriet W. Sewall,
Francis J. Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, chairmen of the executive
committee, Mrs. Lucy Stone, Mrs. Judith W. Smith, Miss Blackwell. Vice
presidents for 1900 are the Hons. George F. Hoar, John D. Long,
William Claflin, W. W. Crapo, Josiah Quincy, George A. O. Ernst, J. W.
Candler, Lieut. Gov. John L. Bates, Col. T. W. Higginson, the Rev.
George Willis Cooke, William I. Bowditch, William Lloyd Garrison,
Prof. Ellen Hayes, Mesdames Julia Ward Howe, Elizabeth Stuart Phelps
Ward, Pauline Agassiz Shaw (Quincy A.), Oliver Ames, Fanny B. Ames,
Abby Morton Diaz, Susan S. Fessenden, Ole Bull, Emma Walker
Batcheller, Martha Perry Lowe, Mary Schlesinger, Miss Mary F. Eastman,
Miss Lucia M. Peabody.

[314] Mr. Blackwell was corresponding secretary from 1871 to 1893,
Miss Laura Moore of Vermont, one year, and Mrs. Ellen M. Bolles of
Rhode Island, from 1894 to the present time, recording secretaries,
Charles K. Whipple, Mrs. O. Augusta Cheney, Mrs. Ellie A. Hilt, Miss
Eva Channing, treasurers, Mrs. Harriet W. Sewall, John L. Whiting,
Miss Amanda M. Lougee, Francis J. Garrison. The vice presidents are
the presidents and prominent members of the New England State
Associations.

[315] Limited space has prevented any résumé of the speeches made
during these years in the conventions or before the legislative
committees. The reader is referred to the files of the _Woman's
Journal_ which have been placed in a number of public libraries. The
names of legislators who have advocated woman suffrage will be found
at the close of Legislative Action.

[316] The one to the Republican members was signed by Alanson W.
Beard, William Claflin, William W. Crapo, Henry L. Dawes, Frank P.
Goulding, Thomas N. Hart, George F. Hoar, John D. Long, Samuel May,
Adin Thayer and John G. Whittier; the other to the Democratic by
Josiah G. Abbott, Edward Avery, John M. Corse, John E. Fitzgerald,
John Hopkins, George E. McNeil, Bushrod Morse, Frederick O. Prince,
Albert Palmer and Charles H. Taylor.

[317] These letters have been doing duty ever since, being quoted in
adverse reports of congressional committees, Legislatures, speeches
and documents of the opponents, etc.

[318] This was the last time Lucy Stone addressed a legislative
committee. She had presented her first plea in 1857. Every year since
1869 she had made her annual pilgrimage to the State House to ask for
the rights of women.

[319] The remonstrants in past years had gone repeatedly before
legislative committees, and since 1897 they have appeared and spoken
every year in opposition to any form of suffrage for women.

[320] Mr. Saunders, when asked by a reporter of the Boston _Record_ if
it was true that he received $150 per month for his services, declined
to say, but stated that he should consider that a small amount, as he
was giving practically all of his time and effort.

[321] The M. A. O. F. E. S. W. says that this was not done by the
association officially. It was certainly done by some of its prominent
members.

[322] On one occasion, after Mrs. Julia Ward Howe and her associates
had made their appeals, Mr. Keenan referred to them in the legislative
debate as "women masquerading in pants," and said, "I never knew a
woman who loved her children or her home that wanted to vote."

[323] Dr. Lyman Abbott of New York, Miss Heloise E. Hersey, Miss Sarah
E. Hunt, Mesdames Barrett Wendell, W. W. Vaughan, Judith Andrews,
Nathaniel Payne, James H. Robbins, Frank B. Fay and Henry Thompson
also "remonstrated."

[324] It seems desirable to preserve the names of those who have
championed and voted for a measure so bitterly opposed. Those of the
eighty four opponents may drop into oblivion. Honor roll Senators S.
Stillman Blanchard, Arthur B. Breed, Gorham D. Gilman, Robert S. Gray,
Charles H. Innes, Francis W. Kittridge, Joel D. Miller, Henry S.
Milton, Joseph O. Neill, Isaac N. Nutter, Representatives John E.
Abbott, Charles H. Adams, Frederick Atherton, Frank E. Badger, Thomas
C. Batchelder, John L. Bates, Alanson W. Beard, Amos Beckford, Frank
P. Bennett, Thomas W. Bicknell, John B. Bottum, Harvey L. Boutwell,
George A. Brown, Walter J. D. Bullock, Edward B. Callender, James F.
Carey, George D. Chamberlain, Albert Clarke, Charles Carleton Coffin,
Henry Cook, Louis A. Cook, Charles U. Corey, Fred E. Crawford,
Franklin Cross, Arthur B. Curtis, Francis W. Darling, William D.
Dennis, Solomon K. Dexter, E. Walter Everett, George H. Fall, Frank E.
Fitts, Jubal C. Gleason, Samuel L. Gracey, James W. Grimes, Thomas E.
Grover, Luther Hall, Harris C. Hartwell, Martin E. Hawes, William R.
Hayden, Alfred S. Hayes, Ehhu B. Hayes, Charles E. Haywood, Edmund
Hersey, John Hildreth, John G. Horan, Charles R. Johnson, George R.
Jones, William E. Judd, Alfred F. Kinney, John Larrabee, Mahlon R.
Leonard, Frederic O. MacCartney, Samuel W. McCall, James H. Mellen,
John M. Merriman, Charles H. Miller, Daniel L. Milliken, Charles P.
Mills, Bushrod Morse, James J. Myers, H. Heustis Newton, Herbert C.
Parsons, George W. Penniman, Francis C. Perry, Albert Poor, Josiah
Quincy, Francis H. Raymond, Alfred S. Roe, (Judge) Thomas Russell,
Thomas E. St. John, Howard K. Sanderson, Charles F. Shute, George T.
Sleeper, Frank Smith, Metcalf J. Smith, George L. Soule, Eugene H.
Sprague, Ezra A. Stevens, Hazard Stevens, Stephen S. Taft, George F.
Tucker, John E. Turtle, O. W. H. Upham, Horace G. Wadlin, Jesse B.
Wheeler, Frederick L. Whitmore, John W. Wilkinson, John A. Woodbury,
Charles L. Young.

[325] In 1847 Lucy Stone began to advocate giving the mother equal
guardianship of the children with the father. During the past thirty
years the State Suffrage Association has repeatedly petitioned the
Legislature to this effect. In 1902 many other organizations joined in
the effort, and the petition for equal guardianship was indorsed by
34,000 women. The Committee on Probate and Chancery reported
adversely. Representative George H. Fall's Equal Guardianship Bill was
debated on two days and finally passed both Houses and was signed by
Gov. W. Murray Crane in June.

The only society of women that has ever ranged itself publicly on the
opposing side of this question is the Massachusetts Anti-Suffrage
Association. For years it circulated with its official imprint a
leaflet in defense of the law which excluded mothers from the custody
and guardianship of their children.

[326] For information in regard to the laws the History is indebted to
Mrs. Anna Christy (George H.) Fall, a practicing lawyer of Malden.

[327] This was purely class legislation, as the woman who had paid
property tax was not required to pay poll-tax, and poor women could
not vote without paying two dollars each year. The law was not asked
for by the Suffrage Association.

[328] The History is indebted for this chapter to Miss Lavina Allen
Hatch of East Pembroke, recording secretary of the association from
its beginning in 1882, and also corresponding secretary from 1892.

[329] In 1884 the Boston Political Class was formed as an auxiliary.
While the idea of such an educational scheme originated with Sara A.
Underwood, its successful development is due to Harriette Robinson
Shattuck, who became president of the class. Lavina Allen Hatch kept
its records, and Dora Bascom Smith gave the use of her parlors for its
fortnightly meetings.

CHAPTER XLVI.

MICHIGAN.[330]

From the time of the defeat of the suffrage amendment to the State
constitution in 1874 there was no central organization in Michigan for
ten years, although a few local societies maintained an existence.
Through a conjunction of these forces a convention was called at
Flint, May 21, 1884, which resulted in the forming of a State Equal
Suffrage Association, officered as follows: President, Mary L. Doe;
vice-president, Gov. Josiah W. Begole; corresponding secretary, Nellie
Walker; recording secretary, Fannie Holden Fowler; treasurer, Cordelia
F. Briggs.

The second State convention was held in Grand Rapids, Oct. 7-9, 1885,
with Lucy Stone and Henry B. Blackwell in attendance. Letters were
received from Susan B. Anthony, president of the National Association,
and Thomas W. Palmer, U. S. Senator from Michigan. The latter said: "I
hope that you will put forward the economic aspect of the
question--its effect upon taxation. Women are the natural economists."

In lieu of the annual meeting in 1886 four political State
conventions--Prohibition, Greenback, Republican and Democratic--were
memorialized for a plank indorsing a Municipal Suffrage Bill. Sarah E.
V. Emery appeared before the Prohibition convention, which adopted the
plank. She also attended the Democratic, where she was invited to the
platform and made a vigorous speech, which was received with applause,
but the suffrage resolution was not adopted. Emily B. Ketcham attended
the Republican convention but was refused a hearing before the
Committee on Resolutions. After its report had been accepted friends
obtained an opportunity for her to address the meeting, but she was
received with considerable discourtesy. Mrs. Fowler secured the
adoption of the plank by the Greenback convention.

The association met in the State House at Lansing, Jan. 13, 14, 1887.
Miss Anthony, vice-president-at-large of the National Association,
gave an address in Representative Hall. She was introduced by Gov.
Cyrus G. Luce, and many senators and representatives were in the
audience.[331]

The convention of 1888 took place in Bay City, June 6-8. The Rev. Anna
Howard Shaw and Helen M. Gougar of Indiana addressed large audiences
in the opera house on successive evenings. Immediately afterward a
series of two days' meetings was held by Mrs. Gougar, assisted by May
Stocking Knaggs, at Saginaw, Flint, Port Huron, Detroit, Battle Creek
and Grand Rapids, societies being organized at several places.

In November the Association for the Advancement of Women met in
Detroit. Many suffragists were in attendance and the State president,
Mrs. Doe, called a council in the parlors of the Church of Our Father.
Fifty responded and it was unanimously decided to renew the effort for
Municipal Suffrage.

The annual meeting was held in the State House at Lansing, Jan. 19-21,
1889. A letter was received from Senator Palmer, enclosing a draft for
$100 and saying: "Equal suffrage in municipal affairs means better
statutes, better ordinances, better officers, better administration,
lower taxation, happier homes and a better race." This generous gift
enabled the association to keep a committee--Helen Philleo Jenkins,
Harriet A. Cook, Mrs. Ketcham and Mrs. Knaggs--at the capital for
several weeks, where they worked systematically to convert members and
to secure victory.

The convention met at Detroit, Feb. 13, 14, 1890. Mrs. Doe, who had
been the leader of the State forces since their organization, declined
renomination and Mrs. Jenkins was chosen president.

The association convened at Lansing again Feb. 10-12, 1891; and its
speakers were given a joint hearing in Representative Hall on the
Municipal Suffrage Bill, which was then before the Legislature.
Addresses were made by Harriet J. Boutelle, Belle M. Perry, Sarah E.
V. Emery and Martha Snyder Root.

Miss Anthony was present at the State convention, which took place in
Battle Creek, May 4, 5, 1892. Articles of incorporation were adopted
and Mrs. Ketcham was elected president.

In June the State Republican Convention met at East Saginaw. Mrs.
Ketcham, with Mrs. Doe, chairman of the legislative committee, pleaded
before the Committee on Resolutions for recognition of this measure.
They were courteously treated and when about to retire their opinion
was asked on a list of resolutions presented from Genesee County,
_viz._: That women professors be appointed at Michigan University
until their number should bear a fair proportion to the number of
women students; that women be appointed on boards of control of the
State penal, reformatory and charitable institutions; that Municipal
Suffrage for women be recommended, and that an amendment to the State
constitution, striking out the word "male" as a qualification for
voters, be submitted to the electors. The ladies indorsed all except
the fourth proposition, but none of them was adopted.

After the nominations for the Legislature had been made, letters were
written to candidates of all parties to ascertain their attitude
toward the Municipal Suffrage Bill. Many favorable and some evasive
replies were received, while not a few letters were wholly ignored. A
suffrage lecture course was arranged in eight cities, from November,
1892, to March, 1893, inclusive, with Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw,
president and vice-president-at-large of the National Association and
Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the organization committee, Mrs.
Clara Bewick Colby of Washington, D. C., and Mrs. Lida A. Meriwether
of Tennessee, as speakers.

The next annual convention was held in the Capitol, Feb. 1-3, 1893.
Mrs. Colby had preceded it in January with her address on Wyoming,
given in Representative Hall, the facts and figures of which left a
strong impression.[332] The speakers addressed the Legislature in
behalf of the Municipal Suffrage Bill.

In January, 1894, Miss Anthony lectured at Ann Arbor before the
University Association. By the efforts of Mrs. Olivia B. Hall, her
hostess and friend of many years, preparations had been made for a
mass meeting, in which the State E. S. A. participated, Miss Shaw also
being present. It convened in Newberry Hall, January 15-17, with a
large attendance and resulted in the organization of the Ann Arbor E.
S. A., with one hundred members and Mrs. Hall as president. On the
last evening she gave a large reception at her home in honor of the
two ladies, which was attended by President and Mrs. George B. Angell
and many of the university faculty.

This year's convention assembled at Grand Rapids, May 7-10, with the
Rev. Ida C. Hultin of Illinois as the principal speaker.

The meeting of 1895 took place at Saginaw, May 7-9. In the evening
Representative George H. Waldo gave a review of his efforts in behalf
of the Equal Suffrage Bill, and an enthusiastic indorsement of the
measure. This convention had the assistance of Mrs. Chapman Catt, who
made the chief address. Mrs. Ketcham retired from the presidency and
the association elected Mrs. Knaggs. A new standing committee of five
was appointed to secure women physicians and attendants in public
institutions for the care of women and girls. After adjournment the
Saginaw Political Equality Club was formed.

In 1896 the State convention met in Pontiac, May 19-22. Senator Palmer
was the orator of the occasion.

The following July Mrs. Knaggs and Carrie C. Faxon addressed the
Democratic State Convention at Bay City, through the courtesy of the
Hons. John Donovan and O'Brien J. Atkinson. They were accorded an
attentive hearing with much applause, and given a rising vote of
thanks, emphasized by an exhortation from the chairman, the Hon.
Thomas Barkworth, that the party prepare to concede to the women of
the State their political rights.

The annual meeting of 1897 took place in Vermontville, May 11-13. On
November 22, 23, a national conference was held in Grand Rapids by
Miss Anthony, Miss Shaw and Mrs. Chapman Catt, together with the
officers of the State association and many other Michigan women.

In 1898 the convention met in Bay City, May 3-5. On the last evening
Mrs. May Wright Sewall of Indiana gave a brilliant address on The
Duties of Women Considered as Patriots. Its strong peace sentiments
aroused deep interest, as this was at the beginning of the
Spanish-American War.

The invitation of the Susan B. Anthony Club of Grand Rapids to the
National W. S. A., to hold its annual convention in that city in 1899,
having been accepted, the date was fixed for April 27 to May 3,
inclusive, and it was decided that the State meeting should
immediately follow. This national gathering was full of interest,
affording as it did an opportunity of attendance to many women of the
State who were unable to go to the convention at Washington.[333]
Grand Rapids women were generous in their hospitality, all visitors
being entertained free of expense. The executive ability of Mrs.
Ketcham was evident from first to last. The State association held a
business session May 4, and was addressed by Mr. Blackwell and Mrs.
Colby. Mrs. Lenore Starker Bliss was elected president.

An immediate result of the national meeting was the organization of
the Anna Shaw Junior Equal Suffrage Club of Grand Rapids, with
seventeen youthful members.

In December the American Federation of Labor held its annual
convention in Detroit. Miss Anthony addressed it by invitation and
urged the members to adopt a resolution asking Congress for a
Sixteenth Amendment forbidding the disfranchisement of United States
citizens on account of sex. Her speech was most enthusiastically
received and the resolution she offered was immediately adopted, and,
in the form of a petition which represented nearly 1,000,000 members,
duly forwarded to Congress.

Prior to the State convention of 1900 Mrs. Chapman Catt, assisted by
Miss Shaw, Miss Harriet May Mills of New York and Mrs. Root, held two
days' conventions at Hillsdale, Battle Creek, Kalamazoo and Ann Arbor,
organizing suffrage clubs at the first three places. The annual
meeting convened in Detroit, May 15-17, Miss Shaw and Mrs. Chapman
Catt giving addresses on consecutive evenings. Mrs. Bliss declining
renomination, Mrs. Ketcham was unanimously replaced at the head of the
State association.[334]

In July, at the request of Miss Anthony, the Columbia Catholic Summer
School held in Detroit extended an invitation for a speech on
suffrage. Mrs. Chapman Catt was selected, all arrangements being made
by Mrs. Jenkins and others. Father W. J. Dalton, who introduced her,
said he hoped to see women voting and filling all offices, even that
of police commissioner.

The Greenback and the People's parties have welcomed women as
assistants. Prominent among these have been Marian Todd, Martha E.
Strickland and Elizabeth Eaglesfield. In 1896 Mrs. Emery and Mrs. Root
were placed upon the State Central Committee of the People's Party.
The Prohibitionists also have received women as party workers.

Besides those already named, others who have been foremost in every
plan to forward equality for women are Giles B. and Catharine A. F.
Stebbins, Sara Philleo Skinner, Lila E. Bliss, H. Margaret Downs,
Delisle P. Holmes, Wesley Emery, Brent Harding, Smith G. Ketcham and
John Wesley Knaggs; among the younger women, Florence Jenkins Spalding
and Edith Frances Hall.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION: Prior to 1885 the charters of twelve cities made
inoperative the early State law which gave School Suffrage to women.
By appealing to the Legislature of that year the charters of Grand
Rapids and Bay City were so amended that the right to vote at school
meetings was conferred upon women.

The new State association organized in 1884 adopted as its principal
plan of work a bill which had been drawn by the Hon. Samuel Fowler and
introduced in the Legislature of 1883, to grant Municipal Suffrage to
women.

In 1885 this bill was presented in the Senate by John W. Belknap, a
strong supporter. Independent of the State association, Theodore G.
Houk introduced in the House a joint resolution to strike the word
"male" from the constitution. The Joint Judiciary Committees granted a
hearing to the friends of woman suffrage in February. The Municipal
Bill came to a vote in the Senate on May 21, which resulted in 14
ayes, 15 noes, but was not acted upon in the House. The Houk joint
resolution passed the House by 81 ayes, 10 noes, but was not brought
up in the Senate.

In 1887 the Municipal Suffrage Bill was again taken up, being
introduced simultaneously in both Houses, in the lower by Henry
Watson, in the upper by Charles J. Monroe, both staunch friends. A
hearing was had before the Senate Judiciary and the House Committee on
Elections in March. Miss Frances E. Willard aided the suffragists by a
brief address. On April 12 the House committee reported in favor of
striking out all after the enacting clause, thus completely
obliterating the bill, which report was accepted by a vote of 50 ayes,
33 noes. The Senate Bill was not considered.

In 1889 the Municipal Suffrage Bill was introduced in the Senate by
Arthur D. Gilmore and in the House by Dr. James B. F. Curtis. It was
referred to the Judiciary Committees, and at their request the hearing
was had before the entire Legislature during the annual convention of
the State E. S. A. No outside lecturers were invited, because the
friends of the measure were met by a strongly-expressed wish that the
women of Michigan should speak for themselves. Short speeches were
made by May Stocking Knaggs, Catharine A. F. Stebbins, Emily B.
Ketcham, Lucy F. Andrews, Elizabeth Eaglesfield, Frances Riddle
Stafford, Harriet A. Cook, Mrs. R. M. Kellogg, Phebe B. Whitfield and
Mary B. Clay of Kentucky who was then residing in the State. Mrs.
Clara Bewick Colby being present, she was invited to make the closing
remarks.

Just before this hearing the bevy of officers and speakers passing
through the corridor on their way to the House were warned by Joseph
Greusel, a friendly journalist, that a circular of protest had been
placed upon the desk of each member. This was headed: "Massachusetts
Remonstrants against Woman Suffrage, to the Members of the Michigan
Legislature;" and contained the familiar array of misrepresentations.
With the co-operation of Lucy Stone, a reply was printed immediately
after the convention and likewise distributed in the Legislature.

The House Bill remained under the judicious guardianship of Dr.
Curtis. The chairman of the legislative committee, Mrs. Knaggs, was in
constant attendance and secured valuable information on the practical
working of Municipal Suffrage from Gov. Lyman U. Humphrey,
Attorney-General Simeon B. Bradford, ex-Attorney-General L. B. Kellogg
and Laura M. Johns, all of Kansas. The Hon. Charles B. Waite of
Chicago prepared by request an exhaustive legal opinion on The Power
of the Legislature of Michigan in Reference to Municipal Suffrage. The
Judiciary Committee--John V. B. Goodrich, Russell R. Pealer, Byron S.
Waite, Norris J. Brown, Oliver S. Smith, Thomas C. Taylor, James A.
Randall--gave a unanimous report in favor of the bill, which included
this opinion and the Kansas reports. Senator Thomas W. Palmer, who had
been appointed Minister to Spain, went to Lansing on the very eve of
leaving this country and, in an address to the joint Houses of the
Legislature, made a strong plea for the measure.

As the day fixed for the consideration of the bill approached, the
suffrage committee found itself confronted by an arrangement, quietly
made by the opponents, to have an address delivered in Representative
Hall by a Mrs. Mary Livermore, who had been holding parlor meetings in
Detroit for pay and speaking against woman suffrage; and the false
report was industriously circulated that this was the great suffragist
of like name, who had discarded her lifelong convictions and gone over
to the enemy.

The bill was considered May 15, 1889. By the courtesy of J. B.
Mulliken, general manager of the D. L. and N. R. R., a special train
which carried a large delegation of women was sent from Detroit. Some
came from other parts of the State and the societies of Lansing were
well represented. The galleries were filled and the floor of the House
was lined with interested women. After a largely favorable discussion
the vote was taken, resulting in 58 yeas, 34 noes. The bill was
immediately dispatched to the Senate. That body lost no time, but at
once brought the measure under consideration and after a brief
discussion it was defeated by one vote--11 ayes, 12 noes.[335]

That evening Mrs. Livermore gave her belated dissertation and, upon
motion, was followed by Adele Hazlitt, who with great courtesy slew
her weak arguments.

At this session the charters of East Saginaw and Detroit were amended
to give women of those cities the school ballot; the former through
the efforts of Representative Rowland Connor.[336]

In 1891 the Municipal Suffrage Bill was again presented to the
Legislature, in the House by Samuel Miller and in the Senate by Alfred
Milnes, both champions of the measure. The State suffrage convention
was in session at the capital February 10-12, and the Legislature gave
a joint hearing in Representative Hall to its speakers, all Michigan
women. The Senate Bill was taken up March 25, discussed and lost by 14
ayes, 12 noes. It was then tabled and taken up again May 13, receiving
14 ayes, 15 noes. Just prior to this consideration of the bill
ninety-five petitions in its favor, representing eighty-eight towns
and bearing several thousand signatures, were presented.

This discussion was the most trying of all during the ten years of
effort to secure Municipal Suffrage, owing to the character of the
chief opponent, Senator Frank Smith, who represented the basest
elements of Detroit. Knowing his illiteracy, the reporters had
expected much sport by sending his speech to the papers in full, but
in the interests of decency they refrained from publishing it. Women
came down from the galleries white with anger and disgust, and avowed
that if they never had wanted the ballot before they wanted it now.
The suffrage committee received many friendly courtesies from
Lieut.-Gov. John Strong, besides a substantial gift of money. When
asked for the use of the Senate Chamber for one evening of the
convention he said: "Certainly; your money helped to build the State
House. You have as much right to it as any of us."

In March, 1893, the bill was introduced by Henry Wirt Newkirk in the
House and Samuel W. Hopkins in the Senate. Both were lawyers of
distinguished ability, and among the most earnest advocates the
measure ever had. The State suffrage convention was in session while
it was being considered. The Rev. Anna Howard Shaw and the Rev.
Caroline Bartlett made addresses before the Legislature, the latter
speaking on Woman's Legitimate and Illegitimate Work in Politics.
These speeches took the place of the customary committee hearing. The
evening before the bill was voted on Miss Anthony addressed the
Legislature with her customary acumen and force.

The measure had been made the special order for 2:30 P. M. the next
day. The House assembled at 2 o'clock. Following the roll-call the
usual order was the presentation of petitions. At this time a member
in the rear, at a sufficient distance from the Speaker's desk to give
impressiveness to what would follow, rose and presented "A petition
from the people of Chippewa County in favor of the Municipal Woman
Suffrage Bill." A page sprang forward and taking the document, which
was prepared upon paper of an extra size and ornamented with long
streamers of red and green ribbons, ran with it to the clerk's desk,
and that officer proceeded to read it at length, including a long list
of signatures which comprised Patrick O'Shea, Annie Rooney, Spotted
Tail, etc. This petition was followed by two others of similar
character, bearing Indian names of such significance as the wit of the
opposition could invent. After this dignified prelude the House
discussed the measure at length, and defeated it by a vote of 38 ayes,
39 noes. A reconsideration was moved and the bill tabled.

This Municipal Suffrage Bill was taken up again in May and passed the
House on the 19th with an educational amendment: "Women who are able
to read the constitution of Michigan in the English language." The
vote was 57 ayes, 25 noes. On May 25 it was considered in the Senate
and, after a vigorous battle, was carried by a vote of 18 ayes, 11
noes. Gov. John T. Rich affixed his signature May 27, and apparent
victory was won after ten years of effort. Representative Newkirk and
Senator Hopkins received the heartfelt gratitude of those for whom
they had given their ardent labors, and local societies held jubilee
meetings. The newspapers of the State were unanimous in expressing
welcome to the new class of voters.

Mary L. Doe started at once upon a tour for the purpose of organizing
municipal franchise leagues for the study of city government, and
everywhere was met with eager interest. She left a league in every
place she visited, men also joining in the plans for study. Thus in
conscientious preparation for their new duties, women in the various
municipalities passed the summer and early autumn of 1893.

Mayor Pingree of Detroit recognizing the new law, ordered a sufficient
additional number of registration books, but Edward H. Kennedy and
Henry S. Potter, who were opposed to it, filed an injunction against
Hazen S. Pingree and the Common Council to restrain them from this
extra purchase. Mary Stuart Coffin and Mary E. Burnett "countered" by
filing a mandamus September 30, to compel the election commissioners
to provide means for carrying out the law. As these were cases for
testing the constitutionality of the law they were taken directly to
the Supreme Court. They were set for argument October 10, at 2 P. M.,
but a case of local interest was allowed to usurp the time till 4
o'clock, one hour only being left for the arguments with three
advocates on each side. Two of the women's lawyers, John B. Corliss
and Henry A. Haigh, therefore filed briefs and gave their time to the
first attorney, Col. John Atkinson.

A decision was rendered October 24, the mandamus denied and the
injunction granted, all the judges concurring, on the ground that the
Legislature had no authority to create a new class of voters. Those
who gave this decision were Chief Justice John W. McGrath and Justices
Frank A. Hooker, John D. Long, Claudius B. Grant and Robert M.
Montgomery.[337]

In spite of this Waterloo, the names of those men who, through the ten
years' struggle, in the various sessions of the Legislature, stood as
champions of the political rights of women, are cherished in memory.
Besides those already given are Lieut-Gov. Archibald Butters,
Senators Edwin G. Fox, James D. Turnbull, Charles H. McGinley and C.
J. Brundage, and Representative Fremont G. Chamberlain. In both
Houses, session after session, there were many eloquent advocates of
woman's equality.

No further efforts have been made by women to secure the suffrage; but
in 1895 George H. Waldo, without solicitation, introduced into the
House a joint resolution to amend the constitution by striking out the
word "male." This was done in fulfilment of a promise to his mother
and his wife, when nominated, to do all that he could to secure the
enfranchisement of women if elected. Although the officers of the
State association did not believe the time to be ripe for the
submission of such an amendment, they could not withhold a friendly
hand from so ardent and sincere a champion. The resolution was lost by
one vote.

This Legislature passed what was known as "the blanket charter act,"
in which the substitution of "and" for "or" seemed so to affect the
right of women to the school ballot in cities of the fourth class as
to create a general disturbance. It resulted in an appeal to
Attorney-General Fred A. Maynard, who rendered an opinion sustaining
the suffrage of women in those cities.

In 1897 the main efforts of the association were directed toward
securing a bill to place women on boards of control of the State
Asylums for the Insane, and one to make mandatory the appointment of
women physicians to take charge of women patients in these asylums and
in the Home for the Feeble-Minded. These measures were both lost; but
on April 15 Governor Pingree appointed Jane M. Kinney to the Board of
Control of the Eastern Michigan Asylum for the Insane at Pontiac for a
term of six years, and after twenty days' delay the Senate confirmed
the appointment.

Interest was taken also in a bill requiring a police matron in towns
of 10,000 inhabitants or more, which this year became law.

In 1899 a bill was again introduced into the Legislature to make
mandatory the appointment of women physicians in asylums for the
insane, the Industrial Home for Girls, the Home for the Feeble-Minded,
the School for Deaf Mutes and the School for the Blind. This measure
had now enlisted the interest of the State Federation of Women's Clubs
and many other organizations of women, and thousands of petitions
were presented. Emma J. Rose led the work of the women's clubs in its
behalf. It passed the Legislature and became a law.

LAWS: In 1885 a law was enacted that manufacturers who employ women
must furnish seats for them; in 1889 that no girl under fifteen years
of age should be employed in factories or stores for a longer period
than fifty-four hours in a single week; in 1893 that no woman under
twenty-one should be employed in any manufacturing establishment
longer than sixty hours in any one week; in 1895 that no woman under
twenty-one should be allowed to clean machinery while in motion.[338]

A law enacted in 1897 prohibits the use of indecent, immoral, obscene
or insulting language in the presence of any woman or child, with a
penalty for its violation.

Dower but not curtesy obtains. The widow is entitled to the life use
of one-third of the real estate, and to one-third of the rents, issues
and profits of property not conveniently divisible, owned by her
husband. She may stay in the dwelling of her husband and receive
reasonable support for one year. She is entitled to her apparel and
ornaments and those of her husband, $250 worth of his household
furniture and $200 worth of his other personal property, which she may
select. If he die without a will and there are no children she
inherits one-half, and if there are no other heirs the whole of her
husband's real estate, and personal property, if the latter, after all
debts are paid, does not exceed $1,000. If there is excess of this it
is distributed like real estate. This reservation is not made for the
widower, but "no individual, under any circumstances, takes any larger
interest than the husband in the personal property of his deceased
wife."

Where the wife has separate real estate she may sell, mortgage or
bequeath it as if she were "sole." The husband can not give full title
to his real estate unless the wife joins so as to cut off her dower.

The wife's time, services, earnings and society belong to her husband,
but he may give to his wife her services rendered for another,
whether in his own household or elsewhere, so that she may recover for
them in her own name. Damages for the loss of such services and
society, resulting from injuries inflicted upon the wife, belong to
the husband and are to be recovered in his own name. Her obligation to
render family services for him is co-extensive with his obligation to
support her. She can sue in her own name for personal injuries.

Husband and wife can not be partners in business; but of personal
property owned by them jointly she is entitled to her share the same
as if unmarried; and real estate held by them in fee or in joint
tenancy goes entirely to the survivor without probate or other
proceedings.

A wife may become a sole trader with the husband's consent, or may
form a business partnership with another. She can not become security.

All persons, except infants and married women and persons of unsound
mind, may submit differences to arbitration.

The father is legally entitled to the custody of the persons and
education of minor children, and may appoint a guardian by will for
the minority even of one unborn, but the mother may present objections
to the Probate Judge and appeal from his decision.

The husband must provide the necessities of life according to his
station and means while the wife remains in his domicile. If she is
deserted or non-supported, the Circuit Court of the county shall
assign such part of his real or personal estate as it deems necessary
for her support, and may enforce the decree by sale of such real
estate, which provision holds during their joint lives.

In 1887 the "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 14
years. In 1895 a bill to raise the age from 14 to 18 was introduced in
the Senate by Joseph R. McLaughlin. More than 10,000 persons
petitioned for its passage, two similar bills having been introduced
in the House. A hearing was granted by the Judiciary Committees, at
which speeches were made by Senator and Mrs. McLaughlin, Clara A.
Avery, Mrs. Andrew Howell, Dr. E. L. Shirley, the aged Lucinda
Hinsdale Stone, Melvin A. and Martha Snyder Root. Mrs. Root also
addressed the Legislature in Representative Hall. The bill was amended
to 17 years and passed in the Senate. The next day, after its friends
had dispersed, the vote was reconsidered and the bill amended to 16
years, passing both Houses in this form. The penalty is imprisonment
for life, or for any such period as the court shall direct, no minimum
penalty being named.

SUFFRAGE: When at the close of the Civil War the States eliminated the
word "white" from their constitutions, Michigan in 1867 amended her
School Law to conform and also struck out the word "male" as a
qualification for the suffrage, and gave tax-paying women a vote for
school trustees. In 1881 this law was further amended to include
parents or guardians of children of school age. No woman can vote for
county or State Superintendents, as these officers are provided for
under the constitution. Tax-paying women may also vote on bonds and
appropriations for school purposes.

The year of 1888 was marked by a test of the constitutionality of this
School Law, which involved the right of the Legislature to confer any
form of suffrage whatever upon women. The test was made through the
prosecution of the inspectors of election of the city of Flint by Mrs.
Eva R. Belles, whose vote was refused at a school election, she being
a qualified voter under the State law. Mrs. Belles won her case which
was then appealed to the Supreme Court. This affirmed the decision of
the lower court and sustained the law.

In May, 1893, the Legislature conferred Municipal Suffrage on women,
but in October the Supreme Court decided it unconstitutional on the
ground that "the Legislature had no authority to create a new class of
voters." (See Legislative Action.) The Court held that it could,
however, confer School Suffrage as "the whole primary school system is
confided to the Legislature and its officers are not mentioned in the
constitution." By this decision women can have no other form of the
franchise except by constitutional amendment.

OFFICE HOLDING: Hundreds of women are serving as officers and members
of school boards throughout the State, as township school inspectors
and as county school commissioners and examiners.

A number are acting as deputy county clerks, and one as deputy clerk
of the United States District Court. The latter frequently opens the
court. Women serve as notaries public.

For thirty years women have filled the office of State Librarian, the
present incumbent being Mary C. Spencer.

Dr. Harriet M. C. Stone has been for several years assistant physician
in the Michigan Asylum for the Insane at Kalamazoo.

The State Industrial School for Girls has two women on the Board of
Guardians, one of whom, Allaseba M. Bliss, is the president and is
serving her second term of four years, having been reappointed by Gov.
Hazen S. Pingree.[339] Since 1899 the law requires women physicians in
asylums for the insane and other State institutions where women and
children are cared for.

In the autumn of 1898 Mrs. Merrie Hoover Abbott, law-partner in the
firm of Abbott & Abbott of West Branch, was nominated on the
Democratic ticket as prosecuting attorney of Ogemaw County. She was
elected and entered upon her duties Jan. 1, 1899. _Quo warranto_
proceedings were instituted by Attorney-General Horace M. Oren to test
her right to the office, and October 17 the Supreme Court filed its
opinion and entered judgment of ouster. In the meantime Mrs. Abbott
had discharged successfully the duties of the position. The opinion
was as follows: "Where the constitution in creating a public office is
silent in regard to qualification to office, _electors_ only are
qualified to fill the same, and since under the constitution women are
not electors, they are not eligible to hold such offices. The office
of prosecuting attorney is a constitutional office which can only be
held by one possessing the qualification of an elector."

From this opinion Justice Joseph B. Moore dissented, making an able
argument. In closing he said:

The statutes of this State confer upon woman the right to
practice law. She may represent her client in the most important
litigation in all the courts, and no one can dispute her right.
She may defend a person charged with murder. Can she not
prosecute one charged with the larceny of a whip? To say she can
not seems illogical.... Individuals may employ her and the courts
must recognize her employment. If the people see fit, by electing
her to an office the duties of which pertain almost wholly to the
practice of the law, to employ her to represent them in their
litigation, why should not the courts recognize the
employment?... Where the constitution and the statutes are silent
as to the qualification for a given office, the people may elect
whom they will, if the person so elected is competent to
discharge the duties of the office.... None of the duties of
prosecuting attorney are of such a character as to preclude one
from their performance simply because of sex.

Charles S. Abbott, Allen S. Morse and T. A. E. Weadock were the
advocates for Mrs. Abbott, and she also made a strong oral argument in
her own behalf. Unfortunately the case was not one which permitted an
appeal to the U. S. Supreme Court.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is forbidden by law to women.

EDUCATION: All universities and colleges admit women. The University
of Michigan (Ann Arbor), one of the largest in the country, was among
the first to open its doors to them. (1869.) Mrs. Lucinda Hinsdale
Stone was a strong factor in securing their admission. In having women
on its faculty, it is still in advance of most of those where
co-education prevails.

In the public schools there are 3,471 men and 12,093 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $44.48; of the women, $35.35.

* * * * *

Michigan may truly be called the founder of Woman's Clubs, as the
first one for purely literary culture of which we have any record was
formed in Kalamazoo, in 1852, by Mrs. Stone, to whom the women of the
State are deeply indebted in many ways. At present (1902) there are
133 in the General Federation with a membership of about 10,000, and a
number are not federated. This State also leads all others in the
number of women's club houses, ten of the leading clubs possessing
their own. There are two of these in Grand Rapids--the St. Cecilia
(musical) costing $53,000, and the Ladies' Literary costing $30,000,
both containing fine libraries, large audience rooms and every
convenience.

FOOTNOTES:

[330] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Mary L. Doe and
Mrs. May Stocking Knaggs, both of Bay City and former presidents of
the State Equal Suffrage Association.

[331] This year strong societies were formed in Detroit, Bay City and
Battle Creek. Michigan sent three representatives, Melvin A. and
Martha Snyder Root and Emily B. Ketcham, to the New England Woman
Suffrage Bazaar held at Boston in December. Mr. and Mrs. Root had
spent much time and money canvassing the State to arouse interest and
secure contributions for this, and at its close New England gave to
Michigan the total proceeds of her sales.

[332] Melvin A. Root presented at this convention a compact digest of
The Legal Condition of Girls and Women in Michigan, which was
published the following year. It has been used widely, not only in
this but in other States, and has proved of inestimable service. A
liberal gift of money came from the Hon. Delos A. Blodgett of Grand
Rapids, a constant friend.

[333] See Chap. XVIII.

[334] Other officers elected: Vice-president, Clara B. Arthur;
corresponding secretary, Alde L. T. Blake; recording secretary, Edith
Frances Hall; treasurer, Martha Snyder Root; auditors, Margaret M.
Huckins, Frances Ostrander; member national executive committee,
Lenore Starker Bliss.

[335] Many petitions in favor of the bill had been sent unsolicited,
this not being a part of the plan of work. After the quick defeat in
the Senate it was found that the chairman of the committee to which
these had been referred had on file the names of 5,502 petitioners
(2,469 men, 3,033 women) out of twenty-one senatorial districts. These
were in addition to many thousands sent in previous sessions, when
petitioning had been a method of work.

[336] Although the Detroit women obtained the change in their law just
before the spring election, they made a house to house canvass to
secure registration and polled a vote of 2,700 women, electing
Sophronia O. C. Parsons to the school board.

[337] It is interesting to note that in Wayne County women registered
and attended primary meetings prior to this decision, but their votes
were held not to invalidate the nominations, although at least one of
the Judges of the Recorder's Court owed his election to being
nominated through the votes of women.

[338] In April, 1896, a large number of the philanthropic women of
Detroit, including many suffragists, organized the Protective Agency
for Women and Children, opening an office in the Chamber of Commerce
Building and employing an agent on salary. Since then it has done
admirable work and has obtained some good legislation.

[339] Mrs. May Stocking Knaggs has been appointed (1901) a member of
the Board of Control of the State Industrial School for Girls, by Gov.
Aaron T. Bliss. [Eds.

CHAPTER XLVII.

MINNESOTA.[340]

The first agitation of the question of woman suffrage in Minnesota,
and the first petitions to the Legislature to grant it, began
immediately after the Civil War, through the efforts of Mrs. Sarah
Burger Stearns and Mrs. Mary J. Colburn, and the first suffrage
societies were formed by these ladies in 1869. The work has continued
with more or less regularity up to the present.

From 1883 to 1890 the State Suffrage Association held its annual
meetings regularly in one or the other of the Twin Cities, Minneapolis
and St. Paul. Susan B. Anthony, Lucy Stone, Henry B. Blackwell, Julia
Ward Howe, the Hon. William Dudley Foulke, Mary A. Livermore, the Rev.
Ada C. Bowles, Abigail Scott Duniway and other eminent advocates were
secured as speakers at different times. Dr. Martha G. Ripley succeeded
Mrs. Sarah Burger Stearns as president in 1883, and was re-elected
each year until 1889. She was followed by Mrs. Ella M. S. Marble for
that year, and Dr. Mary Emery for 1890.

The association contributed toward sending Mrs. Julia B. Nelson to
South Dakota to speak in the suffrage campaign of 1890. On November
18, 19, the State convention was held in St. Paul, Mrs. Stearns
presiding. Mrs. Nelson was elected president. Among the speakers were
Attorney-General Moses E. Clapp, the Reverends Mr. Vail and Mr.
Morgan, Mrs. A. T. Anderson, Mrs. Priscilla M. Niles, Mrs. Ella
Tremain Whitford and the Rev. Olympia Brown of Wisconsin.

In the autumn of 1891 the convention met at Blue Earth City. This
place had not lost the savor of the salt which Elizabeth Cady Stanton,
Susan B. Anthony and Phoebe W. Couzins had scattered in the vicinity
thirteen years before, and the meetings were enthusiastic and
well-attended. The Rev. W. K. Weaver was the principal speaker.

It was largely as the superintendent of franchise of the State Woman's
Christian Temperance Union, which was better organized, that Mrs.
Nelson, president of the suffrage association from 1890 to 1896, was
able to secure thousands of signatures to the petitions for the
franchise which were sent to each Legislature during those years.

The meeting of 1892 took place at Hastings, September 6-8, and was
welcomed by the Rev. Lewis Llewellyn. Letters were read from many
noted people, and addresses given by the Rev. Mr. Morgan, Mrs. Stearns
and several local speakers.

The convention met in Lake City, Aug. 24, 25, 1893, with the usual
fine addresses, good music and representative audiences.

In 1894 Woman's Day was celebrated at the State Fair, its managers
paying the speakers.

In the spring and autumn of 1895 Mrs. Emma Smith DeVoe of Illinois and
Mrs. Laura M. Johns of Kansas, national organizers, lectured
throughout Minnesota and formed a number of clubs. They also attended
the State convention, which was held in the Capitol at St. Paul,
September 10, 11. Gov. D. M. Clough was among those who made
addresses.

In 1896 the president, Mrs. Nelson, gave one month to lecturing and
visiting societies.

In October, 1897, the acting president, Mrs. Concheta Ferris Lutz,
made an extended lecture tour. The annual meeting convened at
Minneapolis in November, at the same time as a conference of the
officers of the National Association. All arrangements were made by
Dr. Cora Smith Eaton, Dr. Ripley and Mrs. Niles. The meetings in the
First Baptist Church, one of the largest in the city, were very
successful. On Sunday evening the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw,
vice-president-at-large of the National Association, preached in the
Universalist Church, and Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the
national organization committee, lectured in the Wesley M. E. Church,
both to crowded houses. The next evening, when Miss Anthony, national
president, and the latter spoke, every foot of standing ground was
occupied, and on Tuesday, when Miss Shaw gave her lecture on The Fate
of Republics, the church was equally well-filled.

Mrs. Nelson, after seven years' service, relinquished the office of
president and Dr. Eaton was elected. Professional duties soon made it
necessary for her to resign and her place was filled by Mrs. Lutz.
Political equality clubs were formed in six different wards of
Minneapolis by Dr. Eaton.

The convention of 1898 was called October 4, 5, at Minneapolis, with
Mrs. Chapman Catt in attendance. The meetings were held in the G. A.
R. Hall, the Masonic Temple and the Lyceum Theater. Mrs. Martha J.
Thompson was elected president and Dr. Ethel E. Hurd corresponding
secretary.

In 1899 the convention met in the court-house of Albert Lea, October
9, 10. On the first evening Mrs. Chapman Catt was the speaker, her
theme being A True Democracy. The Rev. Ida C. Hultin of Illinois
lectured on The Crowning Race. Miss Laura A. Gregg and Miss Helen L.
Kimber, both of Kansas, national organizers, gave reports of county
conventions conducted by them throughout Minnesota, with the
assistance of Mrs. Evelyn H. Belden, president of the Iowa Equal
Suffrage Association. The records showed ninety-eight suffrage
meetings altogether to have been held during the year.

In 1900 the convention took place at Stillwater, October 11, 12. The
officers elected were: President, Mrs. Maude C. Stockwell;
vice-president, Mrs. Jennie E. Brown; corresponding secretary, Miss
Delia O'Malley; recording secretary, Mrs. Maria B. Bryant; treasurer,
Dr. Margaret Koch; auditors, Sanford Niles and Mrs. Estelle Way;
chairman executive committee, Mrs. Martha J. Thompson.[341]

Judge J. B. and Mrs. Sarah Burger Stearns, C. W. and Mrs. Martha A.
Dorsett have been among the oldest and most valued suffrage workers
in the State. Miss Martha Scott Anderson, on the staff of the
Minneapolis _Journal_, gives efficient help to the cause. Three
presidents of the State W. C. T. U., Mesdames Harriet A. Hobart,
Susanna M. D. Fry and Bessie Laythe Scoville have been noted as
advocates of equal rights.[342]

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: In February, 1891, at the request of Mrs.
Julia B. Nelson, president, and Mrs. A. T. Anderson, chairman of the
executive committee of the State association, S. A. Stockwell
introduced in the House a bill conferring Municipal Suffrage upon
women. Mrs. Nelson spent several weeks at the capital looking after
the petitions which came from all parts of the State, interviewing
members of the Legislature, distributing literature and trying to get
the bill out of the hands of the Committee on Elections, to which it
had been referred. After repeated postponements a hearing finally was
granted, at which she made a strong plea and showed the good results
of woman suffrage in Kansas and Wyoming. The bill was indefinitely
postponed in Committee of the Whole, by a vote of 52 yeas, 40 nays.

Among the leaflets placed on the desk of each member was one
especially prepared by Mrs. Nelson, entitled Points on Municipal
Suffrage. One of its twelve points was this: "If the Legislature has
the power to restrict suffrage it certainly has the right to extend
it. The Legislature of Minnesota restricted the suffrage which had
been given to women by a constitutional amendment, when it granted to
the city of St. Paul a charter taking the election of members of the
school board entirely out of the hands of women by giving their
appointment to the mayor, an officer elected by the votes of men
only."[343]

Early in the session of 1893 Mrs. Nelson had a conference with
Ignatius Donnelly, leader of the Populists, who was then in the
Senate. He was willing to introduce a suffrage bill, but as the
Republicans were in the majority it was thought best to have this done
by John Day Smith, the leader of that party in the Senate. Mr. Smith
consented, with the understanding that Mr. Donnelly should help by
championing the bill. "Municipal Suffrage for women with educational
qualifications," was all this bill asked for. Mrs. Nelson, Mrs. Anna
B. Turley and Senator Donnelly made addresses before the Judiciary
Committee at a hearing in the Senate Chamber, with an interested
audience present. Mrs. Nelson also gave an evening lecture here on The
Road to Freedom.

In place of this bill one to submit an amendment to the voters was
substituted. The suffragists were averse to this, but accepted it with
the best grace possible, and enthusiastically worked for the new bill
to amend the State constitution by striking the word "male" from the
article restricting the suffrage. Senators Smith, Donnelly and Edwin
E. Lommen spoke for the bill, and it passed the Senate by 31 yeas, 19
nays.

In the House it was persistently delayed by the chairman of the
Judiciary Committee, George H. Fletcher, and the friends could not get
it upon the calendar in time to be reached unless it should be made a
special order. Edward T. Young endeavored to have this done, but as
there were several hundred other bills to be considered and less than
three days of the session left, his motion was lost. On the last
night, Mr. Young and H. P. Bjorge made an effort to have the rules
suspended and the bill put upon its final passage. The vote on this
motion was 54 yeas, 44 nays, but as a two-thirds vote is necessary it
was lost. Speaker W. E. Lee voted with the affirmative.[344]

Three Suffrage Bills were introduced into the Legislature of 1895, two
in the House and one in the Senate. The first, for an amendment to the
State constitution, was offered by O. L. Brevig and was indefinitely
postponed. S. T. Littleton presented the second, which was to give
women a vote upon all questions pertaining to the liquor traffic. This
found favor in the eyes of the W. C. T. U., as did also the County
Option Bill of J. F. Jacobson, but both were unsuccessful. George T.
Barr introduced a Municipal Suffrage Bill into the Senate, but too
late for it to be acted upon.

In 1897 Ignatius Donnelly secured the introduction of a bill to
enfranchise taxpaying women. A hearing was given by the Judiciary
Committee, at which Mrs. Nelson argued that in simple justice women
who pay taxes should have a voice in their expenditure or be exempted
from taxation, but the bill was not reported.

This year the State Federation of Clubs secured a resolution to submit
an amendment to the electorate in 1898, giving women the privilege of
voting for and serving on Library Boards.

In 1899 the Local Council of Women of Minneapolis obtained the
Traveling Library Bill.

During this year no petitioning or legislative work was done by the
suffragists. The previous legislature had submitted an amendment,
which carried, providing that all amendments hereafter must receive a
majority of the largest number of votes cast at an election, in order
to be adopted. The precedent had been established in 1875 of requiring
a vote of the electors on the granting of School Suffrage to women,
and in 1898, of Library Suffrage, and it was held that _the same would
have to be done_ on granting Municipal or any other form of the
franchise.

Dower and curtesy were abolished March 9, 1875. If either husband or
wife die without a will, the survivor, if there is issue living, is
entitled to the homestead for life and one-third of the rest of the
real estate in fee-simple, or by such inferior tenure as the deceased
was possessed of, but subject to its just proportion of the debts. If
there are no descendants, the entire real estate goes absolutely to
the survivor. The personal property follows the same rules. If either
husband or wife has wilfully and without just cause deserted and lived
separately from the other for the entire year immediately prior to his
or her decease, such survivor shall not be entitled to any estate
whatever in any of the lands of the deceased.

The estate of a child who dies without a will and leaves neither wife
nor children, goes to the father; if he is dead, to the mother.

The wife can not convey or encumber her separate real estate without
the joinder of her husband. The husband can sell or mortgage all his
real estate without her joinder, but subject to her dower. They are
both free agents as to personal property.

If divorce is obtained for the adultery of the wife, her own real
estate may be withheld from her, but not so in case of the husband.

In case of divorce, the court decides which parent is more fit for the
guardianship of children under fourteen years of age; over fourteen,
the child decides. Except when children are given to the mother by
decree of court, the father is the legal guardian of their persons and
property. He may appoint by will a guardian for a child, born or
unborn, to the exclusion of the mother.

The husband must support the family according to his means. Failure to
do so used to be considered a misdemeanor but it has recently been
made a felony punishable by imprisonment in the penitentiary from one
to three years unless he give bond for their maintenance. This is
likely to be of little effect, however, because of the law of
"privileged communications" which makes it impossible for the wife to
testify against the husband.

In 1891 the "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 16
years, after thousands of women had petitioned to have it raised to
18. If the child is under 10 years the penalty is imprisonment in the
penitentiary for life; between 10 and 14 not less than seven nor more
than thirty years; between 14 and 16 not less than one nor more than
seven years, or it may be imprisonment in the county jail not less
than three months nor more than one year.

SUFFRAGE: An amendment to the constitution was adopted in 1875, giving
women a vote on all questions pertaining to the public schools. It
being held afterward that this did not enable them to vote for county
superintendents, an act for this purpose was passed by the Legislature
in 1885. (!) The constitution was further amended by popular vote in
1898, granting to women the franchise for members of Library Boards,
and making them eligible to hold any office pertaining to the
management of libraries. On as harmless an amendment as this 43,600
men voted in the negative, but 71,704 voted in the affirmative; and it
was adopted.

This was probably the last election at which any amendment whatever
could have been carried; for, among four submitted in the same year,
was one providing that thereafter no amendment could be adopted by
merely a majority of those voting upon it, but that it must have a
majority of the largest number of votes cast at that election.[345]
None ever has been submitted which aroused sufficient interest to
receive as large a vote of both affirmative and negative combined as
was cast for the highest officer. Therefore in Minnesota it is
impossible for women to obtain any further extension of the franchise.
Their only hope for the full suffrage lies in the submission of an
amendment to the Federal Constitution by Congress to the Legislatures
of the various States.

OFFICE HOLDING: An act of 1887 declares that a woman shall retain the
same legal existence and legal personality after marriage as before,
and shall receive the same protection of all her rights as a woman
which her husband does as a man; and for any injury sustained to her
reputation, person or property, she shall have the same right to
appeal, in her own name alone, to the courts for redress; but this act
shall not confer upon the wife the right to vote or hold office,
except as is otherwise provided by law. By a constitutional amendment
adopted in 1875 women were made eligible to all offices pertaining to
the public schools and to public libraries. They have served as State
librarians.

Miss Jennie C. Crays was president of the Minneapolis school board for
two years. There are forty-three women county superintendents at the
present time, each having from 100 to 130 districts to visit. Women
have served as clerks and treasurers of school districts.

A law of 1889 gave to women as well as men the powers of constables,
sheriffs or police officers, as agents of the Society for the
Prevention of Cruelty to Animals.

A law of 1891 enabled women to be appointed deputies in county
offices.

Dr. Adele S. Hutchison is a member of the State Medical Board which
examines physicians for license to practice. She was appointed by Gov.
John Lind and is the first woman to hold such a position. Women can
not sit on any other State boards.

There is no law requiring police matrons but they are employed in
Minneapolis and St. Paul by the city charters.

The State hospitals for the insane are required by law to have women
physicians. The steward's clerk in the State Institute for Defectives
is a woman. The State Public School for Dependent and Neglected
Children has a matron, a woman agent and a woman clerk. The State
Training School, once called the Reform School, has women for agent
and secretary.

The State Prison has a matron for the eight women prisoners. There are
about 500 men prisoners (1900).

The Bethany Home at Minneapolis was established by women in 1875, and
is entirely officered by them. In 1900 it cared for 126 mothers and
226 infants, and had a kindergarten and a training school for nurses.
The city hospitals send all their charity obstetrical cases here, and
about half of its support comes from the city.

The Northwestern Hospital for Women and Children was founded by women
in 1882, and until 1899 was entirely officered and managed by them.

The Maternity Hospital for unfortunate women was founded by Dr. Martha
G. Ripley in 1888. In 1899 it cared for 103 mothers and 99 infants.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is forbidden to women by law.
Women were admitted to the bar in 1877 by act of the Legislature.
There are sixty-eight women doctors registered as in actual practice
in the State. In Minneapolis there is an active Medical Women's Club
of physicians of both schools. Women ministers are filling pulpits of
Congregational, Universalist, Christian and Wesleyan Methodist
churches, and the superintendent of the State Epworth League is a
woman.

Women are especially conspicuous in farming, which is one of the
greatest industries of the State.[346]

A number of women own and publish papers, and each of the large
metropolitan dailies has one or more women on its staff.

EDUCATION: Women have been admitted to all departments of the State
University since its foundation, and there are women professors and
assistants in practically every department, including that of
Political Science and the College of Engineering and Mechanic Arts. Of
the four officers of the Department of Drawing and Industrial Art,
three are women. The College of Medicine and Surgery also has women
professors in every department, and women are on the faculty of the
College of Dentistry.

The State School of Agriculture was established in the fall of 1888.
In October, 1897, women were admitted to the regular course of study.
In the Academic Department their class work is with the men, but
instead of the especial branches of carpentry, blacksmithing and field
work, they have sewing, cooking and laundering. They also have a
department of home management, home economy, social culture, household
art and domestic hygiene, Mrs. Virginia C. Meredith, preceptor.

All the other educational institutions are open to women, and the
faculties of the Normal Schools are largely composed of women.

In the public schools there are 2,306 men and 9,811 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $46; of the women, $35.

* * * * *

The State Federation of Women's Clubs, Mrs. Lydia P. Williams,
president, is in effect a suffrage kindergarten, many of its members
working on committees of education, reciprocity, town and village
improvements, household economics, legislation, etc.

In Minneapolis a stock company, capitalized at $80,000, is being
formed to erect a club house for the women's societies.

The Local Council of Women of Minneapolis, organized 1892, is one of
the strongest associations of the kind in the United States. During
the past seven years it has been composed of nearly one hundred
different organizations in the city, and now comprises twelve
departments: reform and philanthropy, church, temperance, art, music,
literature, patriotism, history, education, philosophy, social and
civic. Honorary president, Mrs. T. B. Walker, acting president Mrs. A.
E. Higbee, and corresponding secretary, Mrs. J. E. Woodford, are
largely responsible for the success of the Council. (1900).

The School and Library Association was formed in 1899 at a meeting
called by representatives of the Political Equality, the Business
Women's, the Medical Women's and the Teachers' Clubs of Minneapolis.
Eleven hundred signatures are required for the nomination of a member
of the school board, but the women secured over 5,000 names on each
petition for their candidates for school and library trustees, the
largest one having 5,470. The association sent out dodgers with
pictures and brief write-ups of the candidates, and also leaflets
explaining to the women how to register and vote. Mrs. A. T. Anderson
has been at the head of this work.

Women attend the conventions of the Prohibition and the People's
parties as delegates, and are welcome speakers. Miss Eva McDonald
(Valesh) was secretary of the Populist Executive Committee. Both
Prohibitionists and Populists have passed woman suffrage resolutions
in their State conventions. The Federation of Labor and the Grange
have done the same.

FOOTNOTES:

[340] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Julia B. Nelson
of Red Wing, who for twenty years has been the rock on which the
effort for woman suffrage has been founded in this State. She
acknowledges much assistance from Drs. Cora Smith Eaton and Ethel E.
Hurd, both of Minneapolis.

[341] Among the officers of the State association at different times
have been Mesdames Harriet Armstrong, Sarah C. Brooks, S. P. T. Bryan,
E. G. Bickmore, Fxine G. Bonwell, Annie W. Buell, Charlotte Bolles,
Jessie Gray Cawley, E. L. Crockett, L. B. Castle and Hannah Egleston,
Prof. S. A. Farnsworth, Mesdames Eleanor Fremont, Sarah M. Fletcher,
May Dudley Greeley, Mary A. Hudson, Julia Huntington, Dr. Bessie Park
Hames, Oliver Jones, Miss Anna M. Jones, Mrs. Charles T. Koehler, Miss
Ruth Elise Kellogg, the Rev. George W. Lutz, Mrs. Julia Moore, William
B. Reed, Mesdames Susie V. P. Root, Lottie Rowell, Antoinette B. St.
Pierre, H. G. Selden, Miss Blanche Segur, Mesdames Martha Adams
Thompson, T. F. Thurston, Mr. J. M. Underwood, Miss Emma N. Whitney,
Mesdames Belle Wells, Roxana L. Wilson and Mattie B. Whitcomb.

[342] It would be impossible to name all of the men and women, in
addition to those already mentioned, who have rendered valuable
assistance. Among the more conspicuous are Miss Pearl Benham, Mesdames
R. Coons, M. B. Critchett, J. A. Clifford, Edith M. Conant, Lydia H.
Clark, Miss A. A. Connor, Mesdames Eliza A. Dutcher, L. F. Ferro, H.
E. Gallinger, Doctors Chauncey Hobart, Mary G. Hood, Nettie C. Hall,
Mesdames Norton H. Hemiup, Rosa Hazel, Julia A. Hunt, Doctors Phineas
A. and Katherine U. Jewell, Mrs. Lucy Jones, Miss Eva Jones, Mesdames
Leland, Kirkwood, A. D. Kingsley, V. J. D. Kearney, Frances P.
Kimball, M. A. Luly, Viola Fuller Miner, Paul McKinstry, Jennie
McSevany, the Rev. Hannah Mullenix, Mesdames E. J. M. Newcomb,
Antoinette V. Nicholas, the Reverends Margaret Olmstead, Alice Ruth
Palmer, Mesdames Pomeroy, E. A. Russell, D. C. Reed, the Rev. W. W.
Satterlee, Mesdames Rebecca Smith, Abigail S. Strong, C. S. Soule,
Anna Smallidge, M. A. Van Hoesen, Dr. Mary E. Whetstone, Mesdames L.
May Wheeler, Sarah E. Wilson and E. N. Yearley.

[343] Mrs. Nelson published at this time, through financial aid from
Mrs. Sarah Burger Stearns, a little paper for gratuitous distribution,
called the _Equal Rights Herald_.

[344] This Legislature of 1893 provided for the adoption of a State
Flag, and appointed a committee of women to select an appropriate
design. At the request of a few women the Moccasin Blossom was made
the State Flower by an act of the same Legislature, which was passed
with great celerity.

[345] The vote on this was 69,760 for, and 32,881 against, a total of
102,641; yet the whole number of votes cast in that election of 1898
was 251,250. The amendment itself could not have been adopted if its
own provisions had been required!

[346] The woman farmer turns up the soil with a gang-plow and rakes
the hay, but not in the primitive fashion of Maud Muller. She is
frequently seen "comin' through the rye," the wheat, the barley or the
oats, enthroned on a twine-binder. The writer has this day seen a
woman seated on a four-horse plow as contentedly as her city cousin
might be in an automobile. Among the many plow-girls of Nobles County
is Coris Young, a genuine American of Vermont ancestry, who has plowed
120 acres this season, making a record of eighty acres in thirteen
days with five horses abreast.

CHAPTER XLVIII.

MISSISSIPPI.[347]

In 1884 the idea of an organization devoted exclusively to the
advancement of the "woman's cause" in Mississippi had not assumed
tangible form, granting that even the audacious conception had found
lodgment in the brain of any person. The nearest approach seems to
have been a Woman's Press Club, which sprung into being about this
time, but was short-lived, due to the fact, it is charged, that a
little leaven of "woman's rights" having crept in, "the whole lump"
was threatened.

To the Women's Christian Temperance Union the State is largely
indebted for the existence of its Woman Suffrage Association, which
was organized in Meridian, May 5, 1897, immediately upon the
adjournment of a convention of the State W. C. T. U. The seed sown in
1895 by Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the national
organization committee, and Miss Elizabeth Upham Yates of Maine, and
in 1897 by Miss Ella Harrison of Missouri and Mrs. Mary C. C. Bradford
of Colorado, now produced a harvest of clubs, and resulted in a roster
of friends in twenty-four towns. Mrs. Nellie M. Somerville was elected
president of the association, and Mrs. Lily Wilkinson Thompson
corresponding secretary.

The first annual convention was held in Greenville, March 29, 30,
1898. The second and third took place at Clarksdale, the former April
5, 6, 1899, and the latter in May, 1900.[348] At this meeting the
report of the superintendent of press, Mrs. Butt, showed that
twenty-two newspapers had opened their columns to suffrage articles.
Mrs. Chapman Catt and Miss Mary G. Hay, national organizer, were
present, and the former gave an address to a large and sympathetic
assemblage. She was likewise greeted with good audiences at seven
other towns, among them Jackson, the capital, where she spoke in the
House of Representatives. A work conference was held at Flora in
September of this year.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: The W. S. A. has not attempted any
legislative work, other than the one effort made in 1900 to secure a
bill providing for a woman physician at the State Hospital for the
Insane. This was introduced and championed in the Senate by R. B.
Campbell (to whom the association is also indebted for the compilation
of a valuable pamphlet on The Legal Status of Mississippi Women). It
passed that body almost unanimously, but did not reach the House.

The measure which provided for the State Industrial Institute and
College for Women (white) was the conception of Mrs. Annie Coleman
Peyton, the bill itself being framed by her brother, Judge S. R.
Coleman, a legislator and a leading attorney. It was sent to the
Legislature as early as 1877, but was not at that time even
considered. Mrs. Peyton continued her agitation in its behalf and
succeeded in having it introduced in 1880 and in 1882, but it was
twice defeated. By the time the Legislature convened in 1884, however,
its author had enlisted the sympathy of so many of the prominent men
and women of the State that the bill was passed at that session. Wiley
P. Nash and Mac C. Martin were its earnest champions on the floor of
the House; while Col. J. L. Power, the present Secretary of State,
Major Jonas, of the Aberdeen _Examiner_, and Mrs. Olive A. Hastings
were among the ablest coadjutors of Mrs. Peyton.

In 1900 the suffrage association petitioned Gov. A. H. Longino to
appoint one woman on the board of this institution, which is wholly
for women, but he refused on the ground that it would be
unconstitutional.

In 1880 the Legislature abrogated the Common Law as to its provisions
for wives, being a pioneer among the Southern States to take such
action. It declared:

The Legislature shall never create any distinction between the
rights of men and women to acquire, own, enjoy and dispose of
property of all kinds, or their power to contract in reference
thereto. Married women are hereby emancipated from all
disabilities on account of coverture. But this shall not prevent
the Legislature from regulating contracts between husband and
wife; nor shall the Legislature be prevented from regulating the
sale of homesteads.

The property belonging to the wife at the time of marriage no longer
passes to her husband, although it is still largely under his control.
He becomes her debtor and is accountable to her for her separate
property; and she must have him account to her annually for the income
and profits which he may receive from it, otherwise she will be
barred. If the wife permit the husband to employ the income or profits
of her estate in the maintenance of the family, he will not be liable
to her therefor.

Dower and curtesy are abolished. If either husband or wife die without
a will, leaving no children nor descendants of any, the entire estate,
real and personal, goes to the survivor. But if there are one or more
children or descendants by this or by a former marriage, the surviving
wife or husband has a child's share of both real and personal estate.

Each has equal rights in making a will, although if the provisions are
not satisfactory to the survivor he or she can take under the law, but
this can not be done if separate property is owned equal to what would
be the inheritable portion of the estate.

If the residence is upon the property of the husband, that is the
homestead and exempt from his debts and he is the head of the family.
If it is upon the property of the wife, that is the homestead and
exempt from her debts, and she is the head of the family. In neither
case can it be mortgaged or sold unless both join, but the one owning
it may dispose of it by will.

A married woman may qualify as executor or administrator of the estate
of a deceased person, and as guardian of the estate of a minor or
person of unsound mind.

She may contract, sue and be sued and carry on business in her own
name as if unmarried and her earnings belong to her.

The father is the legal guardian of the minor children and by will may
appoint a guardian of their property, but he can not deprive the
mother of the custody of their persons.

The husband is required by law to support and maintain his family out
of his estate and by his services unless the wife sees fit to allow
him to use her property for this purpose.

Alimony is allowed to the wife whether the suit for divorce is brought
by her or against her, or whether she asks simply for separation; but,
even if divorced, unchastity on her part will bar her right to further
alimony.

The "age of protection" for girls remains at 10 years. The penalty is
death or imprisonment in the penitentiary for life.

The Constitutional Convention of 1890 provided that no Legislature
should repeal or impair the above property rights of married women.

This convention was called primarily to change the constitution with
reference to the elimination of the negro vote. It was composed of
representative men thoroughly alive to what they construed as the best
interests of the State. As one way of circumventing the threatened
supremacy of this vote, the enfranchisement of women was variously
considered. The first amendment for this purpose was submitted by
Judge John W. Fewell:

_Resolved_, That it is a condition necessary to the solution of
the franchise problem, that the right to vote shall be secured by
proper constitutional enactment to every woman who shall have
resided in this State six months, and who shall be 21 years of
age or upward, and who shall own, or whose husband, if she have a
husband, shall own real estate situate in this State of the clear
value of $300 over and above all incumbrances.

The vote of any woman voting in any election shall be cast by
some male elector, who shall be thereunto authorized in writing
by such woman so entitled to vote; such constitutional amendment
not to be so framed as to grant to women the right to hold
office.

This was referred to the Committee on Franchise, composed of
thirty-five members, but was defeated. The idea was that a great many
white women owned property, while very few negro women did, hence the
woman vote would furnish a reserve fund which could be called out in
an emergency, the author of the measure himself being "not an advocate
of female suffrage generally," according to his remarks before the
convention. Many, perhaps a majority, at one time favored the scheme,
it was said, though comparatively few of the committee recognized the
justice of woman's enfranchisement _per se_.

J. W. Odom offered, among other measures from the "California
Alliance" of DeSoto County, a proposition that the right of suffrage
be conferred upon women on "certain conditions" not specified. John P.
Robinson and D. J. Johnson also submitted sections providing for
"female suffrage under certain conditions." Jordan L. Morris offered
the following:

The Legislature shall have power to confer the elective franchise
on all women who are citizens of the State and of the United
States, 21 years of age and upwards, who own, in their own right,
over and above all incumbrances, property listed for taxation of
the value of $500 or upwards, or who, being widows, own jointly
with their own or their husband's children, property of said
value listed for taxation; or who are capable of teaching a
first-grade public school in this State, as prescribed by law,
and who never have been convicted, and shall not thereafter be
convicted of any crime or misdemeanor and not pardoned therefor,
to such extent and under such restrictions and limitations as it
may deem proper to prescribe.

All of these noble efforts resulted in no action whatever to
enfranchise women.

SUFFRAGE: Since 1880 a woman as a freeholder, or leaseholder, may vote
at a county election, or sign a petition for such an election to be
held, to decide as to the adoption or non-adoption of a law permitting
stock to run at large. She may also, if a widow and, as such, the head
of the family, manifest by ballot her consent or dissent to leasing
certain portions of land in the township, known as the "sixteenth
sections," which are set apart for school purposes. As a patron of a
school, which presupposes her widowhood, she may vote at an election
of school trustees, other than in a "separate school district," which
practically limits this privilege to women in the country.[349]

As a taxpayer a woman can petition against the issuance of bonds by
the municipality in which she resides (except where the proposed
issuance is governed and regulated by a charter adopted previous to
the code of 1892), but if a special election is ordered she can not
vote for or against issuing the bonds.

The Legislature in dealing with the liquor traffic may make the grant
of license depend upon a petition therefor signed by men and women, or
by women only, or upon any other condition that it may prescribe; and
it seems to be equally true that the Legislature may grant to women
the right to vote at elections held to determine whether or not local
option laws shall be put in force, but it never has done so.

OFFICE HOLDING: The constitution provides that "all qualified
electors, and no others, shall be eligible to office."

In the constitutional convention of 1890 Jordan L. Morris offered a
resolution "that the Legislature may make women, with such
qualifications as may be prescribed, competent to hold the office of
county superintendent of schools." This amendment was tabled. J. W.
Cutrer submitted a section "making eligible to all offices connected
with the public schools, except that of State Superintendent of Public
Education, all women of good moral character, twenty-five years or
upwards of age," which was not favorably reported. A clause was
introduced by W. B. Eskridge making "any white woman twenty-one years
old, who has been a _bona fide_ citizen of the State two years before
her election, and who shall be of good moral character," eligible to
the office of chancery or circuit clerk; and another, that "any white
woman, etc., shall be qualified to hold the office of keeper of the
Capitol and State librarian."

The last office, as recommended in a separate measure by George G.
Dillard, which was adopted, is the only one to which women are
specifically eligible, but none has held it.

In some counties the constitution has been liberally interpreted to
make women eligible to serve on school boards; this, however, is
regulated usually by the judgment of the county superintendent. Women
are elected to such positions occasionally in the smaller towns.

The code of 1892 created the text-book committee, whose duty is to
adopt a uniform series of books for use in the public schools of a
county. An official record is kept of its specific functions, all
members being required to "take the oath of office," etc., and thus
constituted public officers according to a recent ruling of the
Attorney-General. The majority of these committees are women
teachers, appointed by the county superintendents, but no provision
has been made for their remuneration.

Women can not serve as notaries public.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is legally forbidden to
women. They are licensed to practice medicine, dentistry and
pharmaceutics. It is believed that the statute would be construed to
enable them to practice law, but the test has not been made. Several
women own and manage newspapers.

EDUCATION: The State University has been open to women for twenty
years, and annually graduates a number. Millsaps College, a leading
institution for men, has recently admitted a few women to its B. A.
course, and this doubtless will become a fixed policy. The
Agricultural and Mechanical College and the State Normal School (both
colored) are co-educational. Several women hold college
professorships.

In the public schools there are 3,645 men and 4,254 women teachers:
The average monthly salary of the men is $32.18; of the women, $26.69.

* * * * *

The State Federation of Women's Clubs was organized in 1897 and has a
membership of fifteen societies.

Women have never actively participated in public campaigns except in
local politics where the liquor question has been the paramount issue.
Miss Belle Kearney is a temperance lecturer of national reputation,
and a pronounced advocate of woman suffrage.

FOOTNOTES:

[347] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Hala Hammond
Butt of Clarksdale, president of the State Woman Suffrage Association
and editor of the _Challenge_, a county paper.

[348] Officers elected: President, Mrs. Hala Hammond Butt;
vice-president, Mrs. Fannie Clark; corresponding secretary, Mrs.
Harriet B. Kells; recording secretary, Mrs. Rebecca Roby; treasurer,
Miss Mabel Pugh. Other officers have been Miss Belle Kearney and
Mesdames Nellie Nugent, Charlotte L. Pitman and Pauline Alston Clark.

[349] Any municipality of 300 or more inhabitants may be declared a
"separate school district" by an ordinance of the mayor or board of
aldermen if it maintain a free public school at least seven months in
each year. Four months is the ordinary public term, the additional
three months' school being supported by special taxation. Thus as soon
as a woman has to pay a special tax she is deprived of a vote.

CHAPTER XLIX.

MISSOURI.[350]

The movement toward equal suffrage in Missouri must always recognize
as its founder Mrs. Virginia L. Minor. She was a thorough believer in
the right of woman to the franchise, and at the November election of
1872 offered her own vote under the provisions of the Fourteenth
Amendment to the Federal Constitution. It was refused; she brought
suit against the inspectors and carried her case to the Supreme Court
of the United States, where it was argued with great ability by her
husband, Francis Minor, but an adverse decision was rendered.[351]

The first suffrage association in the State was organized at St. Louis
in the winter of 1867. Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Miss Susan B.
Anthony lectured under its auspices at Library Hall in the autumn of
that year, and a reception was given them in the parlors of the
Southern Hotel. For many years meetings were held with more or less
regularity, Mrs. Minor was continued as president and some legislative
work was attempted.

On Feb. 8, 9, 1892, an interstate woman suffrage convention was held
in Kansas City. Mrs. Laura M. Johns, president of the Kansas
association, in the chair. Mrs. Minor, Mrs. Beverly Allen and Mrs.
Rebecca N. Hazard were made honorary presidents and Mrs. Virginia
Hedges was elected president. Addresses were given by Mrs. Clara C.
Hoffman, the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, Mrs. Mary Seymour Howell of New
York and Miss Florence Balgarnie of England. A club was formed in
Kansas City with Mrs. Sarah Chandler Coates as president.

During the next few years the State association co-operated with other
societies in public and legislative work. Mrs. Minor passed away in
1894, an irreparable loss to the cause of woman suffrage.

In May, 1895, the Mississippi Valley Congress was called at St. Louis
under the auspices of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, and
various other organizations participated. Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw,
president and vice-president-at-large of the National Association,
stopped on their way to California and made addresses. Just before
Miss Anthony began her address, seventy-five children, some of them
colored, passed before her and each laid a rose in her lap, in honor
of her seventy-five years.

The preceding spring the National Association had sent Mrs. Anna R.
Simmons of South Dakota into Missouri to lecture for two months and
reunite the scattered forces. A State suffrage convention followed the
congress and Mrs. Addie M. Johnson was elected president. At its close
a banquet with 200 covers was given in the Mercantile Club Room, with
Miss Anthony as the guest of honor. A local society, of nearly one
hundred members, was formed in St. Louis. During October Mrs. Simmons
again made a tour of the State at the expense of the National
Association.

On June 15, 16, 1896, the annual convention took place in St. Louis
with delegates present from seventeen clubs. Addresses were made by
Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the national organization
committee, Henry B. Blackwell, editor of the _Woman's Journal_, Mrs.
Mary C. C. Bradford of Colorado and others who were in the city trying
to obtain some recognition for women from the National Republican
Convention. Miss Ella Harrison was made president. Public meetings
were called for November 12, 13, in Kansas City, as it was then
possible to have the presence of Miss Anthony, Miss Shaw and Mrs.
Chapman Catt on their return from the suffrage amendment campaign in
California.

In January, 1897, Mrs. Bradford spent three weeks lecturing in the
State, and the president devoted a month to this purpose during the
autumn. The annual meeting convened in Bethany, December 7-9, Mrs.
Johns and Mrs. Hoffman being the principal speakers.

The convention of 1898 was held at St. Joseph, October 17-19, with
Miss Anthony and Mrs. Chapman Catt in attendance, and the board of
officers was re-elected.

In the fall of 1899 a series of conferences, planned by the national
organization committee, was held in twenty counties, being managed by
Mrs. Johnson and Miss Ella Moffatt, and addressed by Miss Lena Morrow
of Illinois and Mrs. Mary Waldo Calkins. These ended with a State
convention at Chillicothe in October.

The annual meeting of 1900 was held in St. Joseph during October, and
Mrs. Johnson was elected president.[352]

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: In 1887, through the efforts of Mrs.
Julia S. Vincent and Mrs. Isabella R. Slack, a bill was introduced in
the Legislature to found a Home for Dependent Children. The bill was
amended until when it finally passed it created two penal
institutions, one for boys and one for girls.

In 1893 a bill proposing an amendment to the State constitution,
conferring Full Suffrage on women, was brought to a vote in the
Assembly and received 47 ayes, 69 noes. In 1895 a similar bill was
lost in the Assembly.

In 1897, largely through the efforts of Miss Mary Perry, a bill was
secured creating a State Board of Charities, two members of which must
be women. This was supported by the Philanthropic Federation of
Women's Societies, who also presented one for women on school boards,
which was not acted upon.

Bills for conferring School Suffrage on women have been presented on
several occasions, but never have been considered. One has been
secured compelling employers to provide seats for female
employes.[353]

Dower and curtesy both obtain. If there are any descendants living,
the widow's dower is a life-interest in one-third of the real estate
and a child's share of the personal property. If there are no
descendants, the widow is entitled to all her real estate which came
to the husband through the marriage, and to all the undisposed-of
personal property of her own which by her written consent came into
his possession, not subject to the payment of his debts; and to
one-half of his separate real and personal estate absolutely, and
subject to the payment of his debts. If the husband or wife die
intestate, leaving neither descendants, father, mother, brothers,
sisters, or descendants of brothers or sisters, the entire estate,
real and personal, goes to the survivor. If a wife die, leaving no
descendants, her widower is entitled to one-half of her separate real
and personal estate absolutely, subject to her debts. (Act of 1895.)

In 1889 an attempt was made to give a married woman control of her
separate real estate, which up to that time had belonged to the
husband. Endless confusion has resulted, as the law applies only to
marriages made since that date. To increase the complications a wife
may hold real property under three different tenures: An equitable
separate estate created by certain technical words in the conveyance,
and this she can dispose of without the husband's joining in the deed;
a legal separate estate, which she can not convey without his joining;
and a common-law estate in fee, of which the husband is entitled to
the rents and profits. In either case, if the wife continually permits
the husband to appear as the owner and to contract debts on the credit
of the property, she is estopped from withholding it from his
creditors. There may be also a joint estate which goes to the survivor
upon the death of either.

No married woman can act as executor or administrator.

The wife's separate property is liable for debts contracted by the
husband for necessaries for the family. If he is drunken and worthless
she may have him enjoined from squandering her property. For these
causes and for abandonment the court may authorize her to sell her
separate property without his signature.

The wife may insure the husband's life, or he may insure it for her,
and the insurance can not be claimed by his creditors.

A married woman may sue and be sued, make contracts and carry on
business in her own name, and possess her wages. She may recover in
her own name for injuries which prevent her from conducting an
independent business, but not for those which interfere with the
performance of household duties, as her services in the home belong to
the husband. She may, however, bring suit in her own name for bodily
injuries.

The wife may sue for alienation of her husband's affections and
recover, according to a recent Supreme Court decision, "even though
they may not be entirely alienated from her and though he may still
entertain a sneaking affection for her."

The husband is liable for torts of the wife and for slanders spoken by
her, although out of his presence and without his knowledge or
consent. (1899.)

The father is the guardian of the persons, estates and education of
minor children. At his death the mother is guardian, but if she
marries again she loses the guardianship of the property because no
married woman can be curator of a minor's estate.

If the husband abandon or fail to support his family, he may be fined
and imprisoned and the court may decree their maintenance out of his
property. The wife must live where and how the husband shall
determine. If she chooses to live elsewhere his obligation to support
her ceases. In case of divorce he must support the children, even if
their custody is given to the mother.

The "age of protection" for girls was raised from 12 to 14 years in
1889 and to 18 years in 1895. The penalty was reduced, however, and is
at present "imprisonment in the penitentiary for a term of two years,
or a fine of not less than $100 or more than $500, or imprisonment in
the county jail not less than one month nor more than six months, or
both such fine and imprisonment, at the discretion of the court."
Between the ages of 14 and 18 years, the girl must be "of previously
chaste character."

SUFFRAGE: Women possess no form of suffrage.

OFFICE HOLDING: In 1897 the Supreme Court decided that women may hold
any office from which they are not debarred by the constitution of the
State. They are now eligible as county clerks, county school
commissioners and notaries public, and for various offices up to that
of judge of the Supreme Court, which are not provided for by the
constitution. It is the opinion of lawyers that they may serve on city
school boards, and they have been nominated without objection, but
none has been elected. Women are barred, however, from all State
offices.

Two women sit on the State Board of Charities, but they can not do so
on any other State boards.

A number are now serving as county clerks and county commissioners.

The W. S. A. and the W. C. T. U. have secured the appointment of
salaried police matrons from the board of police commissioners in St.
Louis, Kansas City and St. Joseph. There are also depot matrons in
these cities, and the first two have women guards at the jails and
workhouses.

St. Louis has a woman inspector of shops and factories.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is legally forbidden to
women.

EDUCATION: This was one of the first States in the Union to open its
Law and Medical Schools to women. In 1850, when Harriet Hosmer, the
sculptor, could not secure admission to any institution in the East
where she might study anatomy she was permitted to enter the Missouri
Medical College.

In 1869 the Law College of Washington University at St. Louis admitted
Miss Phoebe W. Couzins, and she received her degree in 1872.

The State University and all the State institutions of learning are
co-educational. The Presbyterian Theological School admits women.

In the public schools there are 5,979 men and 7,803 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $49.40; of the women,
$42.40.

FOOTNOTES:

[350] The History is indebted for material for this chapter to Mrs.
Addie M. Johnson of St. Louis, president of the State Woman Suffrage
Association.

[351] See History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. II, p. 734, and following,
or Wallace's Supreme Court Reports, Vol. XXI.

[352] Other officers elected: Vice-president, Mrs. Kate M. Ford;
corresponding secretary, Dr. Marie E. Adams; recording secretary, Mrs.
Sue DeHaven; treasurer, Mrs. Alice C. Mulkey; auditors, Miss Almira
Hayes and Mrs. Ethel B. Harrison; member national executive committee,
Mrs. Etta E. M. Weink.

Among those who have held official position since 1894 are:
Vice-presidents, Mrs. Cordelia Dobyns, Mrs. Amelie C. Fruchte;
corresponding secretaries, Mrs. G. G. R. Wagner, Mrs. Emma P. Jenkins;
recording secretary, Mrs. E. Montague Winch; treasurer, Mrs. Juliet
Cunningham; auditors, Mrs. Maria I. Johnston, Mrs. Minor Meriwether.

[353] In 1901 women obtained a law and appropriation for a State Home
for Feeble-Minded Children.

CHAPTER L.

MONTANA.[354]

In August, 1883, Miss Frances E. Willard, national president, came to
Montana and formed a Territorial Woman's Christian Temperance Union in
Butte. At this time Miss Willard in her speeches, and the union in its
adoption of a franchise department, made the initiative effort to
obtain suffrage for the women of Montana. This organization has been
here, as elsewhere, a great educative force for its members, training
them in parliamentary law, broadening their ideas and preparing them
for citizenship. Out of its ranks have come the Rev. Alice S. N.
Barnes, Mesdames Laura E. Howey, Delia A. Kellogg, Mary A. Wylie,
Martha Rolfe Plassman, Anna A. Walker and many other earnest advocates
of the ballot for women. Within the past five or six years a number of
professional and business women have joined the suffrage forces and
to-day they compose a majority of the active leaders.

No attempt was made to organize the State until Mrs. Emma Smith De Voe
was sent by the National Association in 1895. She visited most of the
prominent towns and formed clubs or committees. The first State
convention was called at Helena in September of this year by the
suffrage association of that city, Miss Sarepta Sanders, president,
and Mrs. Kellogg, secretary. It was assisted by Mrs. Carrie Chapman
Catt, chairman of the national organization committee, to whose
eloquent addresses was due the great impetus the cause received at
this time.[355]

Mrs. De Voe again visited the State in the spring of 1896. The annual
meeting took place at Butte in November. Mrs. Harriet P. Sanders, wife
of Senator Sanders, having declined re-election, was unanimously made
honorary president, and Mrs. Ella Knowles Haskell succeeded her in the
presidency. Nearly 300 members were reported.

A large and successful convention met at Helena in November, 1897,
when a State central committee was appointed, with Mrs. Haskell as
chairman and members in nearly every county. Madame F. Rowena Medini
was made president, but she left the State before her year of office
had expired and Dr. Mary B. Atwater filled her place. No convention
being held in 1897 or 1898 she acted as president until that of
October, 1899, when Dr. Maria M. Dean was elected. Mrs. Chapman Catt
was present.

To Mrs. P. A. Dann of Great Falls, a contemporary of Miss Susan B.
Anthony, too much honor can not be given for her years of service and
financial help. U. S. Senator Wilbur F. Sanders has been a loyal
friend. Foremost among the early workers for woman suffrage in Montana
was Mrs. Clara L. McAdow, whose energy and business talent made the
Spotted Horse, a mine owned by herself and husband, a valuable
property.

In July, 1889, Henry B. Blackwell, corresponding secretary of the
American W. S. A., came to Montana to present the question to the
Constitutional Convention. His address was received with warm applause
but the convention refused to adopt a woman suffrage amendment by 34
yeas, 29 nays. A resolution was presented that the Legislature might
extend the franchise to women whenever it should be deemed expedient,
thus putting the matter out of the hands of its proverbial enemies.
The measure had able champions in B. F. Carpenter, W. M. Bickford, J.
E. Rickards, Hiram Knowles, P. W. McAdow, J. A. Callaway, Peter Breen,
T. E. Collins, W. A. Burleigh, W. R. Ramsdell, Francis E. Sargeant,
William A. Clark (now U. S. Senator), its president, and others.
Prominent among those opposed were Martin Maginnis and Allen Joy. It
was lost by a tie vote, July 30. A proposal to submit the question
separately to the electors was defeated by the same vote, August 12.
The constitution conferred School Suffrage, which women already
possessed under Territorial government, and gave to taxpaying women a
vote on questions of taxation.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: In 1895 women secured an enactment that
the commissioners of any county, at the request of a certain number of
petitioners, must call a special election for a vote on licensing the
sale of liquor. A two-thirds vote is necessary to prohibit this. Women
themselves can neither petition nor vote on the question.

This year a bill was introduced by Representative John S. Huseby for a
constitutional amendment granting suffrage to women. It was passed in
the House, 45 yeas, 12 nays; indefinitely postponed in the Senate by a
"rising vote," 14 yeas, 4 nays.

In 1897 a systematic effort was made to secure a bill for this
amendment. Mrs. Ella Knowles Haskell, chairman of the State central
committee, invaded the legislative halls with an able corps of
assistants from the W. S. A. Petitions signed by about 3,000 citizens
were presented, and it looked for a time as if the bill might pass. It
was debated in the House and attracted much attention from the press,
but lacked five votes of the required two-thirds majority. It was not
acted upon in the Senate.

In 1899 Dr. Mary B. Atwater, then president of the State Association,
with other officers and members, succeeded in having a Suffrage
Amendment Bill introduced. Some excellent work was done, but the
measure was lost in Committee of the Whole.

Dower is retained but curtesy abolished. If there is only one child,
or the lawful issue of one child, the surviving husband or wife
receives one-half of the entire estate, real and personal; if there is
more than one child, or one child and the lawful issue of one or more
deceased children, the survivor receives one-third. If there is no
issue living the survivor takes one-half of the whole unless there is
neither father, mother, brother, sister nor their descendants, when
the widow or widower takes it all.

The wife may mortgage or convey her separate property without the
husband's signature. He may do this but can not impair her dower right
to one-third.

A married woman may act as executor, administrator or guardian. She
may also sue and be sued and make contracts in her own name.

A married woman can control her earnings by becoming a sole trader
through the necessary legal process. She thus makes herself
responsible for the maintenance of her children.

The father, if living, or if not, the mother, while she remains
unmarried and if suitable, is entitled to the guardianship of minor
children. In case of divorce, other things being equal, if the child
be of tender years, it is given to the mother, and if of an age to
require education and preparation for business, then to the father.

By the code of 1895 the husband is required to furnish support for the
family as far as he is able, and the wife must help if necessary. Her
personal property is subject to debts incurred for family expenses.
Even though divorce be denied, the court may award maintenance to wife
and children.

Montana is one of three States which make 18 years the legal age for
the marriage of girls. In all others it ranges from 12 to 16 years.

In 1887, on petition of women, the "age of protection" for girls was
raised from 10 to 15 years, and in 1895 to 16. The penalty is
imprisonment not less than five years.

SUFFRAGE: Women may vote for school trustees on the same terms as men,
but not for other school officers. They had this privilege under
Territorial government. Those possessing property may vote also on all
questions submitted to taxpayers. These privileges were incorporated
in the first State constitution.

OFFICE HOLDING: Women may serve as county superintendents or hold any
school district office.

In 1884 there were two women county superintendents; now every county
in the State has a woman in this office. The superintendent of the
Helena schools is a woman. The Rev. Alice S. N. Barnes held the
position of school trustee as early as 1888. Dr. Maria M. Dean has
been elected three times in succession as a trustee in Helena. She is
chairman of the board and has been influential in many progressive
measures.

Women have served on library boards and been city librarians. Miss Lou
Guthrie has been for a number of years librarian of the State Law
Library, and Mrs. Laura E. Howey fills this position in the State
Historical Library.

There has been a woman on the State Board of Charities since its
organization in 1893, Mrs. Howey, Mrs. M. S. Cummins and Mrs. Lewis
Penwell having been successively elected.

Dr. Mary B. Atwater has been for over three years chairman of the
Board of Health of Helena.

Women served as notaries public until a ruling of Attorney-General C.
B. Nolan (1901) declared this illegal.

In 1892, the first year the Populist party put a ticket in the field,
it nominated Miss Ella Knowles for the office of Attorney-General. She
made a spirited campaign, addressing more than eighty audiences, and
alone organized some fourteen counties, being the first Populist to
speak in them. She ran 5,000 votes ahead of her ticket, in a State
which casts only about 50,000. The contest was so close that it was
three weeks before it was decided who had been elected; but when the
votes came in from the outlying precincts, where she was unknown, it
was found that her Republican opponent, H. J. Haskell, had a majority.
Miss Knowles was then appointed Assistant Attorney-General, an office
which she filled for four years to the eminent satisfaction of the
people. During this time she married her rival.

OCCUPATIONS: No occupation is now legally forbidden to women. Mainly
through the efforts of Mrs. Haskell, a bill was passed by the
Legislature of 1889 which gave women the right to practice law. The
Rev. Alice S. N. Barnes was ordained in the Congregational Church in
1896, and has preached regularly ever since. In 1889 she was chosen as
moderator at the Conference of the Congregational Churches of Montana,
at Helena.

EDUCATION: The educational advantages for women are the same as those
accorded men. All institutions of learning--the State University, the
Agricultural College, even the School of Mines--are open to both
sexes.

In the public schools there are 201 men and 885 women teachers. The
average monthly salary of the men is $69.28; of the women, $48.61.

* * * * *

Montana women were awarded seven medals at the World's Fair in Chicago
in 1893. Their botanical exhibit was one of the most notable at the
exposition. It was artistically arranged by Mrs. Jennie H. Moore, the
flowers being all scientifically labeled and properly classified. Of
the $100,000 appropriated to the use of the State Commission, the men
assigned $10,000 to the women for their department, exercising no
supervision over them. At the close of the exposition they brought
back $2,800, which they turned into the State treasury, and $3,000
worth of furniture, which they presented to various State
institutions.

In 1894 there was an exciting contest over removing the location of
the permanent capital and some fear that Helena would lose it. A
number of her leading women, in a special car provided by the Northern
Pacific R. R., visited the prominent towns in Eastern Montana,
speaking and working in the interest of their city and undoubtedly
gaining many votes for Helena, which was selected instead of the
rival, Anaconda.

In 1896 Mrs. Haskell was made a delegate to the Populist convention of
Lewis and Clarke County, which met in Helena, and also to the Populist
State and National Conventions. She took a prominent part in their
proceedings, and was instrumental in securing a woman suffrage plank
in the Populist State platform after a hard fight on the floor of the
convention. At the Populist convention in St. Louis that year she was
chosen a member of the National Committee.

In the autumn of 1900 a number of prominent women of Helena appeared
as representatives of the suffragists before the Lewis and Clarke
County Conventions, and before the State conventions--Republican,
Democrat and Populist--asking that they insert a plank in their
platforms recommending the submission of the question of woman
suffrage to the voters. Only the Populists adopted it. The ladies also
attended the State conventions of the three parties with the same
resolution; but the Populists alone indorsed it, "demanding" suffrage
for women.

One of the important factors in this movement is the Woman's Relief
Corps, an organization which has grown in strength during the last
decade and is making its members staunch patriots and woman
suffragists. It has had an educative influence equal to that of the W.
C. T. U. but on different lines. Women are actively identified with
lodges and clubs, many of the latter being members of the General
Federation of Women's Clubs.

FOOTNOTES:

[354] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Mary Long
Alderson of Helena, one of the first officers of the State Woman
Suffrage Association.

[355] Officers elected: President, Mrs. Harriet P. Sanders;
vice-president, Mrs. Martha Rolfe Plassman; corresponding secretary,
Mrs. Delia A. Kellogg; recording secretary, Mrs. Mary Long Alderson;
treasurer, Dr. Mary B. Atwater; auditors, Mrs. Martha E. Dunckel and
Mrs. Hiram Knowles; delegate-at-large, Mrs. Mary A. Wylie. Dr. Atwater
has been elected to the same office at each succeeding convention.

CHAPTER LI.

NEBRASKA.[356]

After the defeat of the constitutional amendment to confer the
suffrage, which was submitted to the voters of Nebraska in 1882, the
women were not discouraged, but continued to hold their State
conventions as usual. That of 1884 took place at York, in January, and
was welcomed by Mayor Harlan.

On Jan. 16, 17, 1885, the annual meeting was held at Lincoln. Mrs. Ada
M. Bittenbender was the principal speaker, and the convention was
specially favored with music by the noted singer of ante-bellum days,
James G. Clark. Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby, editor of the _Woman's
Tribune_, was elected president.

The convention of 1886 met at Madison, August 18, 19, and was
addressed by Mrs. Elizabeth Lyle Saxon of New Orleans.

On Jan. 6-8, 1887, the convention assembled in the Hall of
Representatives in Lincoln. It was fortunate in having Miss Susan B.
Anthony, who was enthusiastically received by large audiences. The
chancellor postponed the opening lecture of the university course so
that the students might hear her address. Mrs. Saxon again rendered
valuable assistance.

The convention of 1888 met in the opera house at Omaha, December 3, 4,
memorable in being honored by the presence of the two great leaders,
Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, president, and Miss Susan B. Anthony,
vice-president-at-large of the National Association. A reception was
held at Hotel Paxton, and short speeches were made by prominent men. A
notable feature was the exhibit of the rolls containing the names of
12,000 Nebraska men and women asking for equal suffrage.

The convention for 1889 took place in May, at Kearney, James Clement
Ambrose being among the speakers.

Fremont claimed the tenth annual meeting, Nov. 12, 1890, Miss
Anthony, and Mrs. Julia B. Nelson of Minnesota stopping off to attend
it on their return from several months' campaigning in South Dakota.

The convention of 1891 was held at Hastings in October, and that of
1892 at Pender, July 1, 2. In 1893 all efforts were concentrated on
the work done at the World's Fair in Chicago, and the raising of money
to assist the Colorado campaign, and the convention was omitted.

Miss Anthony, now national president, also attended the meeting of
1894, in Beatrice, November 7, 8. This time she was on her way home
from a campaign in Kansas for a suffrage amendment, to which the
Nebraska association had contributed liberally. A telegram announcing
its defeat was handed her on the platform, just as she was about to
begin her speech, and no one who was present ever will forget her
touching account of the efforts which had been made in various States
for this measure during the past twenty-seven years. The delegates
were welcomed by Mayor Schultz.

David City was selected for the next convention, Oct. 30, 31, 1895;
and that of 1896 was enjoyed at the summer session of the Long Pine
Chautauqua Assembly. Mrs. Colby had spent two months lecturing
throughout the State and preparing for this meeting. Money was raised
for the Idaho suffrage campaign, then in progress. Mrs. Colby and Miss
Elizabeth Abbott addressed the Resolution Committee of the Populist
State convention, asking for a woman suffrage plank.

The meeting of 1897, at Lincoln, September 30, was assisted by Mrs.
Ida Crouch Hazlett, a lecturer and organizer from Denver, who was
engaged for State work.

In October, 1898, the convention was held in Omaha during the
executive meeting of the National Council of Women, which enabled it
to have addresses by Miss Anthony, the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw,
vice-president-at-large of the National Association, Mrs. Adelaide
Ballard of Iowa, and other prominent speakers. Mrs. Colby declining to
stand for re-election, after sixteen years' service, Mrs. Mary Smith
Hayward was the choice of the association. One hundred dollars were
sent to South Dakota for amendment campaign work.

In October, 1899, the National W. S. A. sent eight organizers into the
State to hold a series of forty-nine county conventions; 250 meetings
were held, 18 county organizations effected and 38 local clubs formed.
The canvass ended in an enthusiastic convention in the capitol
building at Lincoln, with Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the
national organization committee, the Rev. Ida C. Hultin of Illinois,
Mrs. Evelyn H. Belden of Iowa, Miss Laura A. Gregg of Kansas and Miss
Mary G. Hay of New York, among the speakers. State headquarters were
opened at Omaha with Miss Gregg in charge. Her work has been so
effective that it has been necessary to employ assistants to send out
press articles, arrange for lectures, etc.

In 1900 a very successful annual meeting took place in Blair, October
23, 24, with a representation almost double that of the previous year
and an elaborate program. Mrs. Chapman Catt was again present, there
was much enthusiasm and it was resolved to continue the efforts to
create a public sentiment which would insure a woman suffrage clause
in the new State constitution which is expected in the near
future.[357]

Among the many flourishing local societies may be mentioned that of
Table Rock, which is so strong an influence in the community that the
need of any other club for literary or public work is not felt. It
holds an annual banquet to which husbands and friends are invited, and
the husbands, in turn, under the name of the H. H. (Happy Husband)
Club give a reception to the suffragists, managing it entirely
themselves.

The society at Chadron, under the inspiration of Mrs. Hayward, is one
of the most active, and has sent money to assist campaigns in other
States. A canvass of the town in February, 1901, showed that 96 per
cent. of the women wanted full suffrage.

Mrs. Colby organized a Club in Lincoln which has done excellent
service under the leadership of Dr. Inez C. Philbrick.

Suffrage headquarters have been established at the Chautauquas held at
Long Pine, Beatrice, Salem and Crete, and various Woman's Days have
been held under the auspices of the State Association, at which
speakers of national reputation have made addresses. Anthony and
Stanton Birthdays have been largely observed by the suffrage clubs.

The history of the Nebraska work for the past sixteen years is
interwoven with that of the president, Mrs. Colby, who has given her
life and money freely to the cause. At a convention in Grand Island in
May, 1883, it was voted to establish a suffrage paper at Beatrice, for
which the State association was to be financially responsible, and
Mrs. Colby was made editor. A year later, when the executive committee
withdrew from the arrangement, she herself assumed the entire burden,
and has edited and published the _Woman's Tribune_ to the present
time. In 1888 she issued the paper in Washington, D. C., during the
sessions of the International Woman's Council and the National W. S.
A., publishing eight editions in the two weeks, four of sixteen and
four of twelve pages, each averaging daily 12,500 copies. A few years
afterwards the office was permanently removed to Washington. As long
as Mrs. Colby was a resident of Nebraska she stood at the head of
every phase of the movement to obtain equal rights for women. Miss
Mary Fairbrother, editor and proprietor of the _Woman's Weekly_, has
made her paper a valuable ally.

Miss Helen M. Goff, a lawyer, acted as corresponding secretary of the
State Association for many years, speaking for the cause in political
campaigns, holding a suffrage booth at State fairs, and working in the
Legislature for suffrage bills.[358]

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: In 1887 a bill for Municipal Suffrage was
introduced by Senator Snell of Fairbury, and by Representative Cole of
Juniata. Mrs. Colby had secured 3,000 signatures for this measure, and
with Mrs. Jennie F. Holmes, president of the State Woman's Christian
Temperance Union, worked all winter to secure its passage.[359]

In 1893 three bills were introduced into the Legislature relating to
suffrage for women, and one asking for a law providing for police
matrons in cities of 25,000 or more inhabitants. Miss Goff remained at
the capital all winter looking after these bills. Mrs. Colby,
representing the State W. S. A., and Mrs. Zara A. Wilson the State W.
C. T. U., had charge of the Bill for Municipal Suffrage. J. F. Kessler
introduced this in the House and worked for it. It was defeated by 35
ayes, 48 noes.

The bill for Full Suffrage was introduced into the House by G. C.
Lingenfelter, and championed by W. F. Porter (now Secretary of State)
and others. It was defeated by 42 ayes, 47 noes. The Populist members
supported this, but considered that Municipal Suffrage discriminated
against women in the country. The bill for extended School Suffrage
was introduced too late to reach a vote. The Police Matron Bill was
carried.

In 1895 the W. S. A. decided to do no legislative work except to
second the efforts of the W. C. T. U. to have the "age of protection"
for girls raised to 18 years; and to secure a resolution asking
Congress to submit a woman suffrage amendment to the Federal
Constitution. The latter measure was not acted upon; the former was
successful.

In 1897 bills were introduced for the Federal Amendment, for Municipal
Suffrage, to allow women property holders to vote on issuing bonds,
and to make the right of the surviving husband or wife equal in the
family estate. Both branches of the Legislature invited Mrs. Colby to
address them. Immediately afterward the House Judiciary Committee
approved an amendment to the State constitution, striking out the word
"male," but this was defeated later in the session. The other bills
were not reported from the committees.

In 1899 a hearing was granted to a committee from the suffrage
association urging a resolution asking Congress to submit a woman
suffrage amendment to the State Legislatures, and such a measure was
reported to the House but not adopted.

Dower and curtesy both obtain. A widow is entitled to the life use of
one-third of the real estate. In case the husband die without a will,
after the payment of all debts, charges, etc., she may have household
furniture to the value of $250 and other personal property not
exceeding $200. If any residue remains she is entitled to the same
share that a child receives. If there is no issue living, a widow
takes the use for life of the entire estate, both real and personal.
If there is no kindred of the husband, the widow comes into absolute
possession. If a wife die, leaving no issue, the husband has the life
use of all her real estate. If she leave children by a former husband
they are entitled to all of the estate which did not come to her as a
gift from her surviving husband. If she leave issue by the latter
only, or by both, then the widower has a life interest in one-third of
her real estate. After the payment of her debts her personal property
is distributed in the same way as her real estate.

The wife can mortgage or sell her real estate without the husband's
signature and without regard to his curtesy. He can do the same with
his separate property but subject to her dower. Both must join in an
incumbrance or sale of the homestead.

A married woman may control her own property and wages and carry on
business in her own name.

Father and mother have equal guardianship and custody of minor
children. (1895.)

The husband is expected to furnish suitable maintenance according to
his own ideas. The property which belonged to the wife before marriage
can be levied on for the husband's debts for necessaries furnished the
family if he have no property.

The mother is not "next of kin" and can not sue for damages to a minor
child. In 1900 a child of thirteen was injured by a locomotive, and
the Judge held that the father and not the mother was entitled to
bring suit, although she had a divorce years before and had brought up
the child without any assistance from him.

If a divorce is granted for the wife's adultery "the husband may hold
such of her personal estate as the court may term just and
reasonable." If she secure a divorce on account of his adultery, "the
court may restore to her the whole, or such part as may seem just, _of
her own property_ which she had at marriage. If this is insufficient
for the support of herself and her children the court may decree
alimony from the husband's estate."

The "age of protection" for girls was raised in 1885 from 10 to 12
years; in 1887 from 12 to 15; in 1895 from 15 to 18. The penalty is
imprisonment in the penitentiary not more than twenty nor less than
three years, but the law provides that if such "female child is over
15 and previously unchaste" this penalty shall not be inflicted. For
such the law offers no protection. Nor shall there be conviction for
the crime against a child of any age without other evidence than her
own testimony. (1895.)

SUFFRAGE: In 1869 School Suffrage was conferred on women. In 1875 the
Legislature repealed this law except for widows and spinsters. In 1881
it was again changed, and women since then have voted in school
district matters on the same terms as men; _i. e._, if parents of
children of school age or assessed on property real or personal they
may vote at all elections pertaining to schools. They can not,
however, vote for State or county superintendents or county
supervisors (commissioners). As the last named levy the taxes, and the
other two are the most important officers connected with the schools,
it will be seen that women are deprived of the most valuable school
vote. All efforts, however, to secure an extension of the school
franchise have resulted in failure.

As it requires a majority of the highest number of votes cast at an
election to carry an amendment, it is useless to ask the Legislature
to submit one conferring Full Suffrage upon women.

OFFICE HOLDING: There is nothing in the State constitution or the
statutes making women ineligible to any elective office except
membership in the Legislature.

Although they are not allowed to vote for county superintendents there
are at present sixteen women filling this office, eight of them
serving a second term and three a third, while nineteen are
superintendents or principals of schools. A woman was candidate on the
Fusion ticket for regent of the State University; another has been
registrar since the university opened, and one is at present recorder.

Mrs. Ada M. Bittenbender was candidate for Supreme Judge.

A woman is deputy State auditor. Women are serving or have served as
postmasters and as clerks in both houses of the Legislature, clerk of
the State library and member of the State examining committee of
education. Miss Mary Fairbrother was proof-reader in the House in
1899. Miss Helen M. Goff is assistant reporter in the State department
of the Judiciary. Women act as notaries public.

The W. S. A. and W. C. T. U. secured a bill requiring the appointment
of women physicians at three State insane asylums. There are matrons
at all of the State institutions for the blind, feeble-minded, etc.,
and also at the Girls' Industrial School, although the superintendent
is always a man. The Milford Industrial School has a woman physician,
a woman superintendent and a board of five women visitors. At the Home
for the Friendless all the officers and employees are required to be
women and there is a board of women visitors.

All cities of 25,000 or more are required to appoint police matrons at
$50 per month. This includes only Omaha and Lincoln.

A woman is Secretary of the Board of Trade in Omaha and official agent
for the Humane Society with police powers.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is legally forbidden to
women. A woman is president of one bank and vice-president of another.
Among the many in newspaper work, an Indian, Mrs. Susette La F.
Tibbles, is prominent.

EDUCATION: All institutions of learning are open to women. In the
public schools there are 2,038 men and 7,154 women teachers. The
average monthly salary of the men is $45.05, of the women, $36.56.

* * * * *

The Prohibition party always puts a suffrage plank in its State
platform and women candidates on its ticket, even for the office of
Lieutenant-Governor, but it polls so small a vote that this can be
only complimentary. The Populist and Republican parties have indorsed
equal suffrage at county conventions and elected women on their
tickets. Women go as delegates to the Prohibition and Populist
conventions. One of the strongest of the State organizations is the
Woman's Relief Corps.

FOOTNOTES:

[356] The History is indebted for the material for this chapter to
Mrs. Mary Smith Hayward of Chadron, former president of the State
Woman Suffrage Association.

[357] The present officers of the association are: President, Mrs.
Clara A. Young; vice-president, Mrs. Amanda J. Marble; corresponding
secretary, Miss Nelly E. Taylor; recording secretary, Mrs. Ida L.
Denny; treasurer, Mrs. K. W. Sutherland; auditors, Mrs. Mary Smith
Hayward and Mrs. Getty W. Drury.

[358] Other names which appear from time to time as doing good work
for this cause are the Hon. J. D. Ream, M. H. Marble, J. W. Dundas,
Mesdames A. J. Marble, Susanna A. Kendall, Irene Hernandez, Miriam
Baird Buck, Lucy Merwin, Vannessa Goff, Maria C. Arter, Mary E.
McMenemy, F. C. Norris, M. A. Van Middlesworth, M. A. Cotton, Misses
Viola Kaufman and Edna Naylor.

[359] Mrs. Colby gives this interesting bit of description: "Our
husbands were both in the Senate. We had apartments in the same house,
where, hobnobbing over our partnership housekeeping, we planned our
public work. Our husbands each had a spell of sickness at the same
time, and while our functions of State presidency were temporarily
exchanged for those of nursing, our enemies took advantage of us and
killed that bill, on the very day, February 15, that Gov. John A.
Martin signed the bill under which the women of Kansas have ever since
enjoyed the municipal ballot."

CHAPTER LII.

NEVADA.[360]

The question of equal political rights for women always has been a
subject of discussion in Nevada. Through the efforts of Miss Hannah K.
Clapp and a few other women a suffrage bill was passed by the Senate
in 1883, but was defeated in the House. Miss Mary Babcock was one of
the most efficient of these early workers. Many party leaders,
whenever opportunity permitted, have referred to the justice of
enfranchising the women who with the men braved the dangers and
endured the hardships of pioneer life, and are equally interested in
the material development and political well-being of the State. After
the organization of the Nevada Woman's Christian Temperance Union the
superintendent of the franchise department distributed literature,
brought up the topic at public meetings, urged it as a subject of
debate in clubs and schools and thus secured a steady gain in suffrage
sentiment.

The first step toward associated effort was taken by the women of
Austin, Nov. 30, 1894, in forming the Lucy Stone Non-Partisan Equal
Suffrage League. One or two others were organized that year, and a
general agitation was begun through press and petition work by the
suffragists in every community.

In the spring of 1895 the visit of Miss Susan B. Anthony, president of
the National Association, and the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw,
vice-president-at-large, who were on their way to California, created
such widespread enthusiasm that a new impetus was given to the
movement. A little later Mrs. Emma Smith DeVoe of Illinois was sent by
the National Association to canvass the State with the help of the
local workers. As a result a convention was held at Reno, October 29,
30. Mrs. DeVoe and Mrs. Frances A. Williamson were the principal
speakers, and the ten minutes' addresses by the delegates from various
counties were very clever and acceptable. A State Equal Suffrage
Association was formed with Mrs. Williamson as president; Miss Clapp
and Dr. Eliza Cook, vice-presidents; Fannie Weller, corresponding
secretary; Phoebe Stanton Marshall, recording secretary; Elda A. Orr,
treasurer; Kate A. Martin and Alice Ede, auditors; Annie Warren, press
work; Mary A. Boyd, State Fair work; Emma B. Blossom, superintendent
of literature; Marcella Rinkle, member national executive committee.

The president, who was also chairman of the legislative work
committee, was in the lecture field four months. She had to act as her
own advance agent, but during this time she spoke in every city and
town in the State and organized numerous clubs. Her meetings were well
attended, and great interest was manifested. The second convention was
held at Reno, Sept. 24, 1896, with every county represented. Mrs. Elda
A. Orr was elected president and Mrs. Williamson, State organizer and
lecturer. Mrs. Orr has ever since been continued as president, and to
no one person in Nevada is the cause of woman suffrage so much
indebted for hospitality, financial aid and valuable work.

The public meeting called on November 9 to greet Miss Anthony and Mrs.
Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the national organization committee,
was very successful. Miss Anthony gave a _résumé_ of the exciting
campaign just closed in California, and made an object lesson of its
critical points which greatly amused the audience. Mrs. Chapman Catt
followed in an able argument on woman suffrage as the best and safest
means to secure and maintain good government.

In order to give the movement a more pronounced individuality Mrs.
Williamson and her daughter, M. Laura Williamson, founded the _Nevada
Citizen_, a monthly paper devoted to the social, civil and industrial
advancement of women. They edited and managed it, publishing it at
their own risk, and it received a liberal patronage. After a
successful existence of two years, business called both from the State
and it was discontinued.

In 1897 Mrs. Williamson again canvassed the various counties, and the
most prominent men and women were found willing to give the measure
their indorsement. The third annual meeting was held at Carson City,
October 30, with delegates from most of the counties. The numerous
greetings from leading politicians showed an increasing interest in
this question. Mrs. Orr and Mrs. Williamson were both re-elected. The
former made an able address, and Mrs. Frances Folsom gave a general
review of the laws relating to the property rights of women in the
different States.

The fourth convention was postponed till the meeting of the
Legislature in the winter of 1899, in order that the speakers might
appear before that body with their arguments for the submission of a
woman suffrage amendment to the voters.[361]

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: In 1895 a bill was introduced in the
House by Henry H. Beck, to amend the State constitution by eliminating
the word "male" from before the word "citizen" wherever it occurs. All
amendment bills have to pass two successive Legislatures and then be
submitted to the voters. The Rev. Mila Tupper Maynard and Mrs. Frances
A. Williamson managed the legislative work this year. The former made
an eloquent address before the Legislature in joint assembly. An
exciting debate followed in the House, but the bill was defeated by
six votes. About ten days later it was introduced in the Senate by Dr.
William Comins, who supported it with an able speech. It was strongly
opposed but finally passed by a two-thirds vote. Toward the close of
the session it was reconsidered in the House, and after a spirited
debate was passed by four votes.

In 1897 the legislative work was conducted by Mrs. Williamson. She
read a brief of the constitutional grounds on which women claim the
right of suffrage before the Judiciary Committees of both Houses, and
addressed the Legislature in joint assembly.[362] This year the bill
for a constitutional amendment was introduced in the Senate by Dr.
Comins. The Judiciary Committee recommended its passage, and after a
lively debate it received a two-thirds vote. Later on the bill was
presented in the House by Frank Norcross. It was held in committee and
delayed in every possible way, but finally was brought up in joint
assembly. A stubborn debate followed, in which the advocates made an
able defense, but it was defeated by a tie vote. A motion to
reconsider it was defeated also.

In 1899 the Constitutional Amendment Bill again passed the Senate by
the usual two-thirds vote, and was defeated again in the House by the
usual small vote.

Governors Colcord, Jones and Sadler recommended in their biennial
messages to the Legislature that the proposed suffrage amendment to
the State constitution be submitted to the voters.[363] The Reno
_Gazette_ and Wadsworth _Dispatch_ merit special mention for the able
manner in which they have advocated the suffrage movement.

A married woman may control her separate property if a list of it is
filed with the county recorder, but unless it is kept constantly
inventoried and recorded it becomes community property.

The community property, both real and personal, which includes all
accumulated after marriage, is under absolute control of the husband,
and at the death of the wife all of it belongs to him without
administration. On the death of the husband the wife is entitled to
one-half of it. If he die leaving no will and no children, she may
claim all of it after she has secured the payment of debts to the
satisfaction of creditors. The inheritance of separate property is the
same for both, and either may claim a life interest in a homestead not
exceeding $5,000 in value.

To become a sole trader a woman must comply with certain legal
conditions. Her earnings are considered by law to belong to her if her
husband has allowed her to appropriate them to her own use, when they
are regarded _as a gift from him to her_.

A married woman may sue and be sued and make contracts in her own
name.

The father is the legal guardian of the children and may appoint one
by will. If this is not done, the mother, if suitable, is the guardian
while she remains unmarried.

The husband is required to furnish the necessaries of life to the
family; but there is no penalty for failure to do so, except that
where the neglect has been continued for one year, when it could have
been avoided by ordinary industry, the wife is entitled to a divorce.

In 1889 the "age of protection" for girls was raised from 12 to 14
years. The penalty is imprisonment in the penitentiary for a term of
not less than five years, which may extend for life.

SUFFRAGE: Women possess no form of suffrage.

OFFICE HOLDING: Women are not eligible to any elective or appointive
offices except those of county school superintendents and school
trustees. There are serving at present one county superintendent and
fifteen trustees.

Women act as clerks in State, county and city offices. They can not
serve as notaries public.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is legally forbidden to
women. A number are carrying on mining, and have had mines patented in
their own names.

EDUCATION: Women are admitted to all educational institutions on the
same terms as men.

In the public schools there are 40 men and 274 women teachers. The
average monthly salary of the men is $101; of the women, $61.50.

FOOTNOTES:

[360] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Frances A.
Williamson, first president of the State Equal Suffrage Association.

[361] Among those who have filled the various offices are: Vice
presidents, Margaret Campbell and Susan Humphreys, corresponding
secretaries, May Gill and Catharine Shaw; auditors, A. A. Rattan, Mary
Cowen and Laura A. Huffines; superintendent of press work, Margaret
Furlong; superintendent of literature, Hester Tate; members national
executive committee, Caroline B. Norcross and Elizabeth Webster.

Prominent among the active suffragists, besides those already
mentioned, are Sadie Bath, Lettie Richards, Martha J. Wright, Gerty
Grey, Annie Ronnow, Emma Hilp, Mary Haslett, Mamie Dickey, Edith
Jenkins, Louisa Loschenkohl, Clara Dooley, Mary Bonner, Eliza Timlin
and Josie Marsh.

[362] Mrs. Williamson was assisted by Elda A. Orr, Elizabeth Webster,
Mary Alt, Mary A. Boyd, Jane Frazer, Kate A. Martin, Elizabeth Evans,
Marcella Rinkle, Susan Humphreys, Sara Reynolds, Frances Folsom, Emma
B. Blossom and others, whose womanly and dignified work was
complimented by the legislative body and the public in general.

[363] Among the members of both Houses who from time to time have
championed this question and favored all legislation for the
advancement of women are Messrs. Bell, Birchfield, Coryell, Denton,
Ernest, Garrard, Gregooich, Haines, Julien, Kaiser, Lord, Mante,
Martin, Marshall, McHardy, McNaughton, McCone, Murphy, Richards,
Skagg, Vanderleith and Williamson.

CHAPTER LIII.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.

New Hampshire has been rich in distinguished citizens who believed in
woman suffrage. Ex-United States Senator Henry W. Blair always has
been one of its most devoted advocates, and his successor, Dr. Jacob
H. Gallinger, is no less a staunch friend. The names of both for many
years have stood as vice-presidents of the State Association. From
1868 the Hon. Nathaniel P. and Mrs. Armenia S. White were the pillars
of the movement and there was an efficient organization. His death in
1880 and her advancing years deprived it of active leadership and,
while the sentiment throughout the State continued strong, there was
little organized work. Mrs. White was president for many years and
afterwards was made honorary president. Parker Pillsbury was for a
long time vice-president and later the Hon. Oliver Branch. Mrs. Jacob
H. Ela and Mrs. Bessie Bisbee Hunt served several years as chairmen of
the executive committee.[364] Many petitions for suffrage were
circulated and sent to the Legislature and money was raised for the
National Association. The Grange and the Woman's Christian Temperance
Union have been valuable allies.

On June 29, 30, 1887, a convention was held in Concord and
arrangements made for a systematic canvass of the State.

On Jan. 10, 1889, Mrs. White and other officers of the State
Association were granted a hearing by the Constitutional Convention
then in session. They presented petitions and made a plea that the
State constitution be amended so as to prohibit political
distinctions on account of sex. The special committee reported
"inexpedient to legislate" and their report was adopted.

A State meeting was held in Concord, Dec. 14, 1892, a full board of
officers was elected and it was voted to become auxiliary to the
National American Association and to remain auxiliary to the New
England Association.

On Jan. 10, 1895, the New England W. S. A. held a convention in Nashua
with Miss Elizabeth Upham Yates of Maine, Mrs. Julia Ward Howe, Henry
B. Blackwell and Miss Alice Stone Blackwell, editors of the _Woman's
Journal_, Boston, as speakers. The day after its close the annual
business meeting of the New Hampshire Association was held and was
addressed by Miss Blackwell. On November 8 it called a meeting at the
same place for the transaction of some special business.

On Jan. 10, 1896, and on Feb. 24, 1897, the annual meetings were held
in Nashua, the latter addressed by Miss Blackwell. Mrs. Marilla M.
Ricker, a former officer of the society but now practicing law in
Washington, D.C., was candidate for U. S. Minister to Colombia, and
New Hampshire was one of six States which petitioned for her
appointment. Ex-Senator Blair exerted himself in her behalf, but it is
hardly necessary to say that she was not appointed.

The desire for a more effective organization had grown so strong that
in November, 1900, Mrs. Susan S. Fessenden of Boston was sent into the
State by the New England Association and spent two weeks, forming
clubs in Concord, Newport, Littleton, Andover and North Conway, and
preparing for societies in Nashua and Manchester.

In the autumn of 1901 Miss Mary N. Chase of Andover spent a month
organizing local societies. A convention was called for December 16,
17, in Manchester, at which ten towns were represented. The meetings
were held in the City Hall, and Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, president of
the National Association, was introduced to a fine audience the first
evening by Cyrus H. Little, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
Addresses were made also by Mr. and Miss Blackwell. A strong official
board was elected[365] and an effort will be made to educate public
sentiment to demand a woman suffrage clause from the convention to
revise the State constitution, which is likely to be held within a
short time. On the evening of December 17 Mrs. Chapman Catt spoke in
Concord, the State capital.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: The suffrage association has been
petitioning the Legislature since 1870. That year it secured a law
allowing women to serve on school boards. In 1878 it obtained School
Suffrage for women.

In 1885 it presented a petition, signed by several thousand citizens,
asking the Full Franchise for women, and was given "leave to
withdraw."

In 1887 a bill conferring Municipal Suffrage and permitting women to
hold all municipal offices was presented with a petition signed by
2,500 citizens. A hearing was granted by the committee on July 6 and
300 persons were present. On the 13th it was favorably reported in the
House, but August 6, it was defeated by 87 ayes, 148 noes. This year
the House raised the "age of protection" for girls from 10 to 14 years
but the Senate amended to 13 years.

In 1889 the bill for Municipal Suffrage was again introduced, sent to
the Judiciary Committee and referred to the next session as
"unfinished business."

In 1891 the petitions for this bill contained 3,000 signatures, and
Mr. Angell of Derry also introduced a bill for suffrage for tax-paying
women, but neither was acted upon. This experience was repeated in
1893.

In 1895, after a hearing had been granted to the women, the bill was
reported favorably by the Judiciary Committee and passed a second
reading in the House, but a third was refused. D. C. Remick and M.
Lyford were earnest in their support of the measure. This year the
"age of protection" for girls was raised to 16, but the bill was
vetoed by Gov. Busiel who claimed that it was not properly framed.

Dower and curtesy both obtain. The widow is entitled to a life
interest in one-third of the real estate and a homestead right of
$500, and if she waive the provisions of the will in her favor she
may have, after the payment of debts, one-third of the personal
property if issue survive; if not, one-half. If she waive its
provisions and release her dower and homestead right, she may have,
after all debts and expenses of administration are paid, one-third of
the real estate absolutely if issue by her survive, and, if not,
one-half, and the same amount of personal property. The widower is
entitled to a life interest in all the wife's real estate, and a
homestead right of $500, and if he waive the provisions of her will in
his favor, the same amount of her personal property as she would
receive of his. If he release his curtesy and homestead right he is
entitled to the same amount of her real estate as she would have of
his.

A married woman retains control of her separate property. She can
mortgage or convey it without the husband's joinder but can not bar
his curtesy of life use of the whole or his homestead right; nor can
she deprive him of these by will. The husband has the same privileges,
subject to her dower.

A married woman may carry on business in her own name. She may sue and
be sued and make contracts. Her earnings are her sole and separate
property. She can not become surety for her husband.

The father is the legal guardian but if he is insane or has given
cause for divorce the court may award the minor children to the
mother. The judge of probate may appoint a guardian, when necessary,
to have care of the persons and property of minor children, and it may
be either the father or mother.

If the husband refuse to provide for his family he may be prosecuted
in criminal form. If he is insane or has given cause for divorce the
court may award support out of his property.

The common law making 12 years the legal age for a girl to marry has
been retained by special statute.

The "age of protection" for girls is 13 years with a penalty of
imprisonment not exceeding thirty years, but no minimum punishment
named.

SUFFRAGE: Since 1878 women, possessing the same qualifications
required of men, that is, residence in the district three months
preceding the election, are entitled to vote for members of the school
board and for appropriations of money. There are no county
superintendents, and the State Superintendent of Instruction is
appointed by the Governor and Council. The city ordinances of
Manchester, Franklin and Nashua prohibit women from this suffrage, but
they may vote in Concord, the capital.

New Hampshire was the first State in New England to give School
Suffrage to women.

OFFICE HOLDING: Women are eligible to all elective or appointive
School offices except where it is forbidden by special charters. They
are not eligible to any other elective office.

A number are serving on School Boards. They may sit on State Boards
which are appointed by the Governor. They have done so only on the
Board of Charities and Corrections and on that of the State Normal
School.

There is no law requiring women physicians in any State institutions,
or police matrons in any city. One has been appointed in Manchester.

Women may act as notaries public.

OCCUPATIONS: On July 25, 1889, Chief Justice Charles Doe of the
Supreme Court delivered the opinion that women may become members of
the bar and practice in all the courts. No occupation or profession is
legally forbidden. Ten hours are made a working day.

EDUCATION: The old college of Dartmouth at Hanover is for men only.
The State Agricultural College at Durham admits both sexes.

In the public schools there are 256 men and 2,714 women teachers. The
average monthly salary of the men is $69.75; of the women $40.59.

FOOTNOTES:

[364] Among other officers since 1884 are: Presidents, Mrs. E. J. C.
Gilbert and Miss Josephine F. Hall; vice-presidents, Judge J. W.
Fellows, Gen. Elbert Wheeler, the Rev. Enoch Powell, Mrs. Martha E.
Powell, John Scales, Mesdames C. A. Quimby, Caroline R. Wendell, N. H.
Knox, Marilla H. Ricker, M. L. Griffin, Fanny W. Sawyer and Mary
Powers Filley; corresponding secretaries, Mrs. Jacob H. Ela, Mrs.
Maria D. Adams; recording secretary, the Rev. H. B. Smith; treasurers,
Mesdames A. W. Hobbs, C. R. Meloon, Uranie E. Bowers and Miss Abbie E.
McIntyre; auditor, Mrs. C. R. Pease; executive committee, Mrs. Mary E.
H. Dow and Mrs. (Dr.) Tucker.

[365] President, Miss Mary N. Chase; vice-president, Mrs. Elizabeth B.
Hunt; secretary, Miss Mary E. Quimby; treasurer, the Rev. Angelo Hall;
auditors, Miss C. R. Wendell and the Hon. Sherman E. Burroughs.

CHAPTER LIV.

NEW JERSEY.[366]

Although many local suffrage meetings had been held in New Jersey
prior to 1867, in that year a State Society was organized by Lucy
Stone, which met regularly in various cities until she removed to
Massachusetts a few years afterwards, when the association and its
branches gradually suspended, except the one at Vineland, with Mrs.
Anna M. Warden as president. Mrs. Cornelia C. Hussey, Mrs. Katherine
H. Browning, Mrs. Warden and others continued to represent the State
as vice-presidents at the national conventions.

In 1890 Dr. Mary D. Hussey, who had been a member of the old society,
invited a number of active suffragists to unite in forming a new State
association. Eleven responded and, at the residence of Mrs. Charlotte
N. Enslin, in Orange, February 5, a constitution was adopted, Judge
John Whitehead elected president and Dr. Hussey secretary and
treasurer.[367]

In 1891 the Rev. Antoinette Brown Blackwell became president; Mrs.
Amelia Dickinson Pope was elected in 1892; and in 1893 Mrs. Florence
Howe Hall, daughter of Mrs. Julia Ward Howe, accepted the presidency.

The first public meeting of the association was held at Orange, March
4, 1893, where Mrs. Clara C. Hoffman of Missouri, gave an address. The
first auxiliary society formed was that of Essex County, with forty
members, Mrs. Jennie D. De Witt, president. Five other State meetings
were held and the membership trebled. Among the lecturers were Aaron
M. Powell, Mrs. Blackwell, Mrs. S. M. Perkins of Ohio, and the
president. A number of clergymen gave sermons on suffrage, 14,000
pages of literature were circulated in seventeen of the twenty-one
counties, and the _Woman's Column_ was sent to 200 persons at the
expense of Mrs. Cornelia C. Hussey. The women's vote at school
meetings greatly increased and a number were elected trustees. The
annual convention was held at Newark in November.

The constitutional amendment campaign in the neighboring State of New
York had a very favorable effect on public opinion in New Jersey
during 1894. In addition to the usual meetings a memorial service in
honor of Lucy Stone was held in Peddie Memorial Church, Newark, one of
the largest churches in the State, with more than 2,000 people
present, Mrs. Mary A. Livermore being the chief speaker. Another
meeting was held in Orange, Mrs. Julia Ward Howe making the principal
address.

A sunflower lunch was given to raise funds for the campaign in Kansas
and $200 were sent, of which half was contributed by Mrs. Hussey.
Among the vast amount of literature circulated were 1,000 copies of
suffrage papers. The State convention was held as usual in Newark,
November 24. This year the Populist party declared for woman suffrage
in its State convention. The Knights of Labor also have indorsed it.

In 1895, before entering upon the three years' campaign for the
restoration of School Suffrage, which had been declared
unconstitutional the previous year, the association presented to the
Legislature petitions signed by about 1,000 persons, asking for the
restoration of full suffrage to the women of New Jersey, which had
been taken away in 1807. This was done not with any expectation of
success but in order to place the association on record as having
demanded this right. In the new measure for School Suffrage they
begged that it might include the women of towns and cities instead of
merely country districts, according to the law of 1887, but this was
refused.

Mrs. Anna B. S. Pond arranged a course of lectures for the benefit of
the School Suffrage fund and, with a souvenir, $100 were raised. A
handsome suffrage flag was presented to the association by Miss Martha
B. Haines, recording secretary.

Four meetings of the State association were held in Newark, and one in
Plainfield during the year, and lectures were given by Mrs. Lillie
Devereux Blake of New York, Mrs. Annie L. Diggs of Kansas, Miss
Elizabeth Upham Yates of Maine, and Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman
of the national organization committee. The fifth convention assembled
in the chapel of Trinity (Episcopal) Church, Elizabeth, November 29.
Mrs. Ella B. Carter, chairman on press work, stated that many leading
papers were advocating the restoring of School Suffrage. Mrs. Harriet
L. Coolidge, chairman of the School Suffrage Committee, reported that
about fifty women had held the office of trustee since 1873, when this
right was given, that twelve more were still serving despite the
Supreme Court decision, and that women had voted in school meetings in
almost every county.

The School Suffrage Resolution passed the Legislature, but as it had
to be approved by two successive Legislatures before it could be
submitted to the voters, it was necessary to agitate the subject so
the law-makers might see that the people really desired the passage of
this measure, and the winter of 1896 was devoted to this purpose. A
new circular setting forth the success it had previously been was
circulated in connection with the petition. As the president was
unable to attend the session of the Legislature, Miss Mary Philbrook,
chairman of the Committee on Laws, took charge of the measure, which
in March was passed for the second time without opposition. It was
decided, however, to have certain other proposed amendments to the
constitution altered, and that for School Suffrage was kept back with
the others, as the constitution can be amended only once in five
years.

In the spring circulars were sent to 300 newspapers to be published,
urging women to attend school meetings and to exercise the scrap of
franchise still left to them--a vote on appropriations.[368] New
Jersey sent $150 to the National Association and $50 to California for
its campaign this year, in addition to the money spent on State work.
The annual meeting was held in Orange, Nov. 27, 1896. A vote of thanks
was tendered Miss Jane Campbell of Philadelphia for her generous gift
of 300 copies of "Woman's Progress" containing an account of suffrage
in New Jersey by Mrs. Hall.

The signatures to the petition were increased to over 7,000 in 1897,
and the Legislature passed the resolution for the School Suffrage
Amendment for the third time, in March. The association at once began
active work to influence the voters. Meetings were held in halls,
churches and parlors in all parts of the State and many articles were
published explaining the scope of the amendment. The State Federation
of Women's Clubs, the Granges, Working Girls' Societies, Daughters of
Liberty, the Ladies of the G. A. R., the Junior Order of American
Mechanics and other organizations gave cordial indorsement. Mrs. Hall
delivered three addresses on this subject before the State Federation
of Clubs; Mrs. Emily E. Williamson, afterwards its president, also
made a strong speech, urging the members to work for the amendment,
and paid for 5,000 of the Appeals which were sent out. The W. C. T. U.
rendered every possible assistance in securing signers for the
petitions and educating public sentiment.

During the summer an extensive correspondence was carried on with
prominent people including the State board of education, State, county
and city superintendents of public instruction, etc. They were asked
to sign An Appeal to the Friends of Education which clearly set forth
the advantages of the proposed amendment. Having obtained the one
hundred influential signatures desired the document was widely
distributed to the press. Copies were sent to many organizations of
men and women, and also to the clergy, with the request that they
would use their influence with their congregations. A number did so,
but probably many were afraid to speak on this subject lest they
injure the chances of the Anti-Gambling Amendment to the constitution,
which was to be voted on at the same time. The school authorities
strongly indorsed the amendment and related the benefit which School
Suffrage for women had been within their experience. Extracts from
these letters, including one from the State Superintendent of Public
Instruction, the Hon. Charles J. Baxter, thanking the association for
work in its behalf, were widely published.

The Republican State Executive Committee and some county committees
indorsed the amendment. Efforts were made to have it presented at the
many meetings which were held in behalf of the Anti-Race Track
Amendment, but they were not always successful. Through an unavoidable
circumstance the press work fell principally on the president. The
corresponding secretary, Dr. Hussey, gave an immense amount of labor,
devoting the whole summer to the work of the campaign. Mrs. Angell
rendered most efficient service, a part of it the sending of a letter
to nearly every minister in the State. Mrs. L. H. Rowan was chairman
of the finance committee but so sure were the friends of success that
only $150 were expended.

The special election was held Sept. 28, 1897, and the result was a
great disappointment. The School Suffrage Amendment, to which it was
generally supposed there would be practically no opposition, was
defeated--65,021 ayes, 75,170 noes. The adverse vote came almost
entirely from the cities where the actual experiment never had been
made. The country districts, where women had exercised School
Suffrage, understood its workings and voted for the amendment. The
Germans in particular opposed it, and it was said that they and many
other voters understood it to give complete suffrage to women. As it
was printed in full on the ballot itself, the carelessness and
indifference of the average voter were thus made painfully apparent.

The labor was not altogether wasted, however, as through it the people
were brought to understand that women still had a partial vote at
school meetings. (See Suffrage.) For instance the women of Cranford,
where a new schoolhouse was badly needed, were told by their town
counsel that they had lost the ballot, but the president of the
suffrage association informed them of the error of this learned
gentleman, and they came out and voted, the campaign being conducted
by the Village Improvement Association, a club composed of women. The
majority in favor of the new schoolhouse was only seven. The
opposition called a second meeting and reversed this decision. The
women circulated petitions and compelled the school board to call a
third meeting where they won the day. It was voted to erect one new
building to cost $24,700 and another on the south side to cost nearly
$11,000.

This same year, in South Orange, two unsuccessful attempts were made
to get an appropriation to build a much-needed High School. The men
finally decided to call upon the women for help. Nearly 500 attended
the meeting, and the $25,000 appropriation was carried by an
overwhelming majority. The school at Westfield and two new High School
buildings at Asbury Park and Atlantic Highlands were built because of
the women's vote. Manual training was introduced into the Vineland
schools through the zeal of women. A report from Moorestown says: "The
year that women first began to vote at school meetings marks a decided
revival of intelligent interest in our public schools." In Scotch
Plains, where the meetings were held in the public school building, a
holiday afterwards had always been necessary in order to clean it.
With the advent of the feminine voters, expectoration and peanut
shells ceased to decorate the floors, and the children were able to
attend school the next day as usual. The Women's Educational
Association introduced manual training into the public schools of East
Orange.[369]

A number of meetings of the State association were held during 1897,
and among the speakers were Mrs. Mary C. C. Bradford and Mrs. Ellis
Meredith of Colorado, Mrs. Celia B. Whitehead and Miss Laura E.
Holmes. The annual convention took place at Wissner Hall, Newark,
November 30.

Three State meetings were held in 1898, the conference of the National
Board co-operating with the State association, taking the place of the
convention. This was held May 6, 7, at Orange, and was the strong
feature of the year. Through the efforts of the local committee, Mrs.
Minola Graham Sexton, chairman, a large attendance was secured. Among
the speakers were the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, vice-president-at-large
of the National Association, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, Mrs. Mariana W.
Chapman, president of the New York State Association, and a number of
State women. New Jersey contributed this year $648 to the Organization
Committee of the National, most of which went to the Oklahoma
campaign. The largest contributions were from Mrs. Cornelia C. Hussey,
$450; Moorestown League (Miss S. W. Lippincott) $50; collections at
Orange, $41; Essex County, $40; Mrs. A. Van Winkle, $20.

The annual meeting was held at Camden, Nov. 29, 1898. Mrs. Rachel
Foster Avery, corresponding secretary of the National Association, and
Miss Jane Campbell, president of the Philadelphia county association,
were the afternoon speakers, Mrs. Bradford making the principal
address of the evening. The New Jersey Legal Aid Association was
formed this year in Newark, Dr. Hussey taking an active part. The
first president was Miss Cecilia Gaines, who was succeeded by Mrs.
Stewart Hartshorn. Its object is to give legal assistance to those
unable to pay for it, and especially to women. All its officers are
women, and a woman attorney is employed. Up to the present time (1901)
it has had applications from 700 persons.

Two meetings of the State Association were held in 1899. A
contribution of $220 was made to the National Organization Committee.
At the annual meeting, held November 28, at Jersey City, Major Z. K.
Pangborn, editor of the _Journal_, made an address at the evening
session. The principal speaker was Mrs. Percy Widdrington of London,
who gave an account of woman suffrage and its good practical results
in England.

Resolutions of deep regret for the death of Aaron M. Powell, editor of
_The Philanthropist_, were adopted.

The State Association held two meetings during 1900, and did a great
deal of work in preparation for the National Suffrage Bazar. Dr.
Hussey was made chairman of the Bazar Committee, while Mrs. Sexton
arranged the ten musical entertainments which were given during the
Bazar. The tenth annual convention was held at Moorestown, November
13, 14. There was a large attendance, including many men. The new
national president, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, was the principal
speaker. Others were Mrs. Lucretia L. Blankenburg, president of the
Pennsylvania Association; Mrs. Mary V. Grice, president of the State
Congress of Mothers; Mrs. Catharine B. Lippincott, representing the
Grange, and Mrs. Hall, who spoke on the American Woman in the American
Home.

Mrs. Hall, who had been president during the whole period of active
life of the association, declined re-election. She did so with the
greatest reluctance, but felt that the increasing pressure of work
made it important that some one with more leisure at her disposal
should fill the office. Mrs. Sexton was elected president.[370]

Mrs. Cornelia C. Hussey is the largest contributor in New Jersey to
the suffrage cause in general. Since many of her donations have been
made to the National Association directly, not passing through the
hands of the State treasurer, they can not be computed here, nor does
she herself know their full amount. She has given also most liberally
to State work and her contributions run well up into the thousands. A
number of New Jersey women have been made life members of the National
Association by her. She is a member of its organization
committee.[371]

In early days Mrs. Theresa Walling Seabrook stood almost alone in the
W. C. T. U. in her advocacy of woman suffrage and it required ten
years of effort to secure a franchise department, of which she was
made the first superintendent. For many years, however, this
organization has been an active and helpful force and undoubtedly has
made numerous converts, besides securing valuable legislation. The
Grange has been always a faithful ally of the woman suffrage cause.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: On Feb. 13, 1884, a special committee of
the Assembly granted a hearing on the petition of Mrs. Celia B.
Whitehead and 220 others, asking the restoration of the right of Full
Suffrage which had been unconstitutionally taken away from women in
1807. (See Suffrage.) Henry B. Blackwell and the Rev. Phoebe A.
Hanaford of Massachusetts and Mrs. Theresa Walling Seabrook presented
the question. They asked also for School Suffrage. The committee
reported favorably on both measures. The former reached a vote and was
defeated by 24 yeas, 27 nays.

In 1887 Dr. William M. Baird, Speaker of the Assembly, had a bill
introduced conferring School Suffrage on women in villages and country
districts, and advocated it from the floor. It passed unanimously,
March 23, not on its merits but because the Speaker wanted it. It was
passed by the Senate March 31, by 15 yeas, 2 nays, and signed April 8,
by Gov. Robert S. Green.

This year Aaron M. Powell and the Rev. A. H. Lewis secured a law
raising the "age of protection" for girls from 10 to 16.

In 1894 the courts decided that the law granting School Suffrage to
women was unconstitutional and that an amendment to the constitution
would be necessary to enable them to exercise it. The suffrage
association immediately took steps to secure a resolution submitting
this amendment to the electors, as previously described. In 1895 it
was introduced in the Senate by Foster M. Voorhees (now Governor) and
passed in June by 13 yeas, 2 nays. It passed the Assembly by 36 yeas,
one nay. It had to be acted upon by two Legislatures. In March, 1896,
it passed the Senate unanimously; and the Assembly by 57 yeas, one
nay. A technicality required it to pass the third Legislature, which
it did in March, 1897--Senate, 15 yeas, 1 nay; Assembly, 42 yeas, 5
nays.

In April, 1894, it was enacted that women might be notaries.

In March, 1895, a bill was secured making women eligible to
appointment as Commissioners of Deeds, after having failed in 1891,
'92 and '94, and Miss Mary M. Steele was appointed.

In 1896 Miss Mary Philbrook, an attorney, with the help of the
suffrage officials, secured a bill making women eligible as Masters in
Chancery and was herself the first one appointed.

This year the State Teachers' Association secured a law permitting a
Teachers' Retirement Fund to be created, which, with some amendments
in 1899, enables a teacher after twenty years' service, if
incapacitated for further work, to receive from $250 to $600 per
annum. Some improvement also was made in the property laws for women.

In April, 1898, through the efforts of the Federation of Women's
Clubs, a law was passed and an appropriation made for State Traveling
Libraries.

Dower and curtesy obtain. The widow is entitled to a life use of
one-third of the real estate and, if there is a child or children, to
one-third of the personal property absolutely; if there are no
children, to one-half of it. The remainder of the real and personal
estate goes to the husband's kindred. "The widow may remain in the
mansion house of her husband free of rent until dower is assigned."
The widower is entitled to the life use of all the wife's real estate,
and if there is no will, to all her personal property without
administration. She may, however, dispose of all of it by will as she
pleases. She can not by will deprive the husband of his curtesy in
real estate, except by order of the Court of Chancery when she is
living separate from him. She can not encumber or dispose of her
separate estate without his joinder. He can mortgage or convey his
real estate without her joinder but it is subject to her dower. Her
separate property is liable for her debts but not for those of her
husband.

Since 1895 a married woman may contract as if unmarried, and sue and
be sued in her own name as to property, but for personal injuries the
husband must join. She can not become surety.

Since 1896 she may carry on business in her own name, her earnings and
wages are her separate property, and her deposits in savings banks are
free from the control of her husband.

The father is the legal guardian of the persons and estates of minor
children. At his death the mother becomes guardian. In case of
separation with no misconduct on the part of either, the mother has
the preference until the child is seven years old, after which the
rights are equal. Provision is made for the access of the mother to
infant children. On the death of the one to whom the child is assigned
it is subject to the order of the court.

The husband must furnish such support as will maintain the wife in the
position in which he has placed her by marriage. If he refuse he must
give bonds or go to jail. The wife must contribute to the support of
the family if the husband is unable.

The "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 16 years in
1887. The penalty is a fine not exceeding $1,000 or imprisonment at
hard labor not exceeding fifteen years, or both. No minimum penalty is
named.

No girl under fourteen shall be employed in a factory, and no children
under fourteen shall be employed in any workshop or factory over ten
hours a day or sixty hours a week. The failure of employers to
provide seats for female employes beside a work bench or counter shall
be punished as a misdemeanor.

SUFFRAGE: New Jersey is the first State in which a woman ever cast a
ballot. The constitution adopted July 2, 1776, conferred the franchise
on "all inhabitants worth $250, etc." In 1790 a revision of the
election law used the words "he or she," thus giving legislative
sanction to a construction of the constitution which placed women in
the electorate. While the records show that women did vote for various
officers, including President of the United States and members of the
Legislature, yet in those days of almost absolute male supremacy, when
it was not customary for women to own even $250 worth of property and
all they possessed became the husband's at marriage, it is not to be
supposed that very many could avail themselves of the privilege.
Enough did so, however, to make them a factor in the fierce political
contentions which soon arose, and to gain the enmity of politicians.
In 1807 the Legislature passed an arbitrary act limiting the suffrage
to "white male citizens." This was clearly a usurpation of authority,
as the constitution could be changed only by action of the voters.
Nevertheless, men were in power and women were no longer permitted to
exercise the franchise.

In 1844 a convention framed a new constitution in which the suffrage
was restricted to "white males," and only men were allowed to vote on
its adoption. Women were still electors according to the existing
constitution, and yet they were not permitted to vote for delegates to
this convention nor for the ratification of the new constitution. No
Supreme Court could have rendered any other decision than that this
was illegally adopted.

For exactly eighty years women were deprived of any franchise. During
the last twenty of this period they made repeated efforts to vote and
presented numerous petitions to the Legislature to have their ancient
right restored. In 1887 this body enacted that women might vote at
school meetings (i. e. in villages and country districts) for
trustees, bonds, appropriations, etc.

In 1893 a law was enacted giving the right to vote for Road
Commissioner to "all freeholders." An election was very soon contested
at Englewood, and in June, 1894, the Supreme Court decided that the
act was illegal because "it is not competent for the Legislature to
enlarge or diminish the class of voters comprehended within the
constitutional definition." [The court had forgotten about that
Legislature of 1807.]

This gave the opportunity for those who were opposed to women's
exercising the School Suffrage. At a special election for school
trustees held in Vineland, July 27, 1894, the women were forcibly
prevented from depositing their ballots. The State Superintendent of
Public Instruction was appealed to and he directed the county
superintendent to appoint a board of trustees, as the election from
which the women were excluded was illegal. This was done on the advice
of the Attorney-General, who held that the constitution by empowering
the Legislature to "provide for the maintenance and support of a
system of free public schools," gave it the power to confer on women
the right to vote at school meetings for school officers.

Without following the details it is only necessary to relate that the
Supreme Court declared that "the State constitution says, 'Every male
citizen, etc., shall be entitled to vote for all officers that are now
or may be hereafter elective by the people' (!) and school trustees
are elective officers within this provision, therefore the Act
allowing women to vote for them is unconstitutional."

Women had been voting for these officers seven years under this Act,
and always for the benefit of the schools, according to the almost
universal testimony of educational authorities. It now became
necessary, in order to continue this privilege, to obtain an amendment
to the constitution. The story of the three years' effort made by the
State Suffrage Association for this purpose is related earlier in the
chapter. Since this had to be made they begged that the amendment
might include School Suffrage for the women in towns and cities also,
but this was refused. And yet even a proposition to restore School
Suffrage to those of villages and rural districts, when submitted to
the voters, was defeated at the election on Sept. 28, 1897, by 65,029
yeas, 75,170 nays, over 10,000 majority.

While the Supreme Court decision took away the vote for trustees it
did not interfere with the right of women in villages and country
districts to vote on questions of bonds and appropriations for the
building of schoolhouses and other school purposes, and that is the
amount of suffrage now possessed by women in New Jersey. When the
school laws were revised in 1900 this fragment was carefully guarded
and provision made for furnishing two boxes, one in which the men
might put their vote on all school matters, and the other where women
might put theirs on the ones above specified.

OFFICE HOLDING: In 1873 a law was passed that "no person hereafter
shall be eligible to the office of school trustee unless he or she can
read and write," and women were authorized to serve when duly elected.
In 1894, when the School Suffrage was taken away by the Supreme Court,
thirty-two were holding the office and the decision did not abrogate
this right. They have continued to be elected and twenty-seven are
serving at the present time. At Englewood, in 1899, Miss Adaline
Sterling was president of the board. Women are not eligible as State
or county superintendents.

Four of the nine trustees of the State Industrial School for Girls are
women, and a woman physician is employed when one is needed.

Dr. Mary J. Dunlop has been superintendent and medical director of the
State Institution for Feeble-Minded Women since 1886, and three of the
seven managers are women.

There are no women physicians in any other State institution and no
law requiring them. In most of the hospitals there are training
schools for nurses with women superintendents.

The State Board of Children's Guardians has a woman chairman of the
executive committee, and a woman attorney.

The State Charities Aid Association has seven women on the Board of
Managers, including the general secretary. Women sit on the boards of
the State School for Deaf Mutes, the Home for Waifs and those of some
county asylums. Most of the almshouses have matrons in the female
department but there are no women on the boards of management.

A matron and three assistants are in charge of the women in the
penitentiary and there is a matron at the jails of most cities. In
some of them police matrons have been appointed, but no law requires
this.

In the State Hospital at Trenton over eighty women are employed,
including four supervisors, a librarian, stenographers, nurses, etc.

In the State Home for Boys there are over twenty women, including
principal of school, teachers, matrons, typewriters, etc.

There are women on a number of Public Library Boards, and one, at
least, acts as treasurer. The head librarian and all the assistants of
the Plainfield public library are women. Sixty of the ninety-nine
public libraries in the State employ women librarians, and five are
served by volunteers. Most of the assistants in all cities are women.

Women act as masters in chancery, commissioners of deeds and notaries
public, and one at least has served as district clerk.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is legally forbidden to
women. Admission to the bar having been denied to Miss Mary Philbrook,
in 1894, solely on account of her sex, she requested a hearing before
the Judiciary Committee of the Legislature of 1895, which was
addressed by Mrs. Florence Howe Hall, president of the State Suffrage
Association, Mrs. Carrie Burnham Kilgore, a lawyer of Philadelphia,
and Miss Philbrook herself. Soon afterward a law was enacted making
women eligible to examination for admission to the bar, which, in
June, was passed successfully by Miss Philbrook, who thus became the
first woman lawyer. There are now eight. In 1899, Miss Mary G. Potter
of the New York Bar, Miss Philbrook of the New Jersey Bar, and Dr.
Mary D. Hussey of the New York University Law School, called a meeting
of women attorneys at East Orange. A committee was appointed which
organized the Women Lawyers' Club in New York, on June 24, with
members in both States.

There are about one hundred women physicians in the State,
seventy-five allopathic and the rest belonging to other schools. They
are members of most of the county medical societies, which makes them
members of the State Medical Society. Dr. Sarah F. Mackintosh was the
first woman admitted to a county society (Passaic) in 1871. Dr.
Frances S. Janney was elected president of the Burlington County
Medical Society in 1900, the first to receive such an honor. The first
meeting of women physicians took place in Atlantic City, June, 1900,
when those of the State gave a reception to those from other States
who were attending the convention of the American Medical Association.
The Medical Club of Newark, the first organization of women
physicians, was formed the next November, with seventeen charter
members from Newark and its vicinity, Dr. Katherine Porter of Orange,
president.

EDUCATION: Princeton University is closed to women, and so are
Princeton Theological Seminary (Presb.), Drew Theological Seminary
(Meth. Epis.) and Rutgers College (Dutch Reformed). There is no
college for women in New Jersey. The State Normal School is
co-educational.

In the public schools there are 833 men and 5,806 women teachers. The
average monthly salary of the men is $86.21; of the women $48.12. In
Plainfield the principals of all the public schools, except the High
School, are women. This is due to the fact that the city
superintendent from 1881 to 1892 was a woman, Miss Julia Buckley
(afterwards dean of the woman's department of Chicago University), and
the custom established by her has been continued.

* * * * *

New Jersey has so many associations of women that they have acted as a
bar against the formation of suffrage clubs, women feeling that they
had already too many meetings to attend. The State Federation of
Women's Clubs has been an active and progressive force. It secured
State Traveling Libraries; and if the Palisades are preserved from
destruction, as now seems likely, this will be due to its earnest
efforts. It was influential, in 1899, in having the kindergarten made
a part of the public school system. It also has a town improvement
department, with numerous branches. Several of its auxiliary clubs
have founded public libraries, and some of them have conducted
campaigns to put women on the school board. Other clubs have supported
kindergartens and arranged free lectures for the public.

FOOTNOTES:

[366] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Florence Howe
Hall of Plainfield, president of the State Woman Suffrage Association
for the past eight years, and to Dr. Mary D. Hussey of East Orange,
its founder and corresponding secretary.

[367] The others present were Mesdames Phebe C. Wright, Alice C.
Angell, Sarah A. McClees, Caroline Ross Graham, Katherine H. Browning,
Anna M. Warden, Mrs. Minola Graham Sexton, Mrs. Emma L. Blackwell.

[368] The sending of this yearly circular to the press, shortly before
the time of the annual school meeting, has been continued under the
special charge of the president.

[369] East Orange also had from 1894 to 1900 a school committee
consisting of ten women elected every year at the annual school
meeting--a sort of auxiliary association which did good work. In 1900
it became a city, and the school officers are now elected at the polls
where women can not vote.

[370] The remaining officers elected were: Vice-president, Mrs. W. J.
Pullen; corresponding secretary, Dr. Mary D. Hussey; recording
secretary, Miss J. H. Morris; treasurer, Mrs. Anna B. Jeffery;
auditor, Mrs. Mary C. Bassett.

The other officers who have served during the past ten years are:
Vice-presidents, Mrs. Katherine H. Browning, Mrs. Margaret C.
Campfield, Rev. Antoinette Brown Blackwell, Mrs. Harriet Lincoln
Coolidge; corresponding secretary, Mrs. Charlotte C. R. Smith;
recording secretaries, Miss Martha B. Haines, Mrs. Emma L. Blackwell,
Mrs. Alice C. Angell, Miss Mary Philbrook; treasurers, Mrs. Charlotte
N. Enslin, Dr. Mary D. Hussey, Mrs. Stephen R. Krom; auditors, Aaron
M. Powell, Miss Susan W. Lippincott, Mrs. J. M. Pullen; chairmen press
committee, Anna B. S. Pond, Dr. Florence de Hart.

[371] Among many others who have served faithfully as local presidents
and in other ways are Dr. Ella Prentiss Upham, Mrs. Maria H. Eaton,
Mrs. Samuel R. Huntington, Mrs. Madge S. MacClary, Mrs. Sarah S.
Culver, Miss M. Louise Watts.

CHAPTER LV.

NEW MEXICO.[372]

At the Constitutional Convention held in 1888 an effort was made to
secure equal political rights for women, but it received little
support. In September, 1893, Mrs. E. M. Marble visited Albuquerque and
organized a suffrage club with Mrs. G. W. Granger as president. In
December, 1895, Mrs. Laura M. Johns, president of the Kansas E. S. A.
and national organizer, spent a few days in New Mexico, on the way to
and from Arizona, and formed several clubs.

In 1896 Mrs. Julia B. Nelson, president of the Minnesota W. S. A.,
began work in the Territory under the auspices of the National
Association, her first address being delivered at Raton, April 1, and
her last May 12, at the same place. Her mission was to discover the
suffragists, make converts, arrange for a Territorial convention and
effect an organization auxiliary to the national.[373] As a result a
convention was held at Albuquerque, April 28, 29, conducted by Mrs.
Johns and Mrs. Nelson. A Territorial association was formed and the
following officers were elected: President, Mrs. J. D. Perkins;
corresponding secretary, Mrs. Alice P. Hadley; recording secretary,
Miss Clara Cummings; treasurer, Mrs. Martha C. Raynolds.

In 1897 and 1898 no conventions were held, on account of the absence
of several of the officers from the Territory. Through the efforts of
Mrs. Hadley (herself prevented by physical infirmity), H. B.
Fergusson, delegate to Congress for New Mexico, represented the
Territory and made a speech in the convention of the National
Association at Washington in 1898.

In November, 1899, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the national
organization committee, and Miss Mary G. Hay, secretary, spent one day
in Santa Fé with George H. and Mrs. Catherine P. Wallace. Mr. Wallace
was secretary of the Territory, and in their home, the historic old
Palacio, forty people gathered to hear Mrs. Chapman Catt lecture. She
made an hour's address, after which there was an interesting
discussion. As a result, a meeting was called for December 19, and the
Territorial association was reorganized with the following officers:
President, Mrs. Wallace; vice-president, Mrs. Hadley; corresponding
secretary, Mrs. Esther B. Thomas; recording secretary, Mrs. Anna Van
Schick; treasurer, Miss Mary Morrison; member national executive
committee, Mrs. Ellen J. Palen. Several vice-presidents were named and
twenty-five members enrolled.[374]

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: On Feb. 10, 1893, a bill was passed in
the Lower House declaring the right of female citizens to vote at
elections and hold offices relating to public schools and public
education. It was not acted upon by the Senate. In 1895 this bill was
defeated.

In 1899 a bill was introduced by Representative McIntosh of San Juan
County (near the Colorado line), on request of his constituents, for
the extension of School Suffrage to women. This received the favorable
votes of one-third of the Lower House, but did not reach the Senate.

A law was passed April 2, 1884, defining the rights of the married
woman. It secured to her the control of property owned by her at the
time of marriage and of wages earned afterward, made her not liable
for her husband's debts and gave her the same power to make contracts,
wills, etc., as was possessed by him. The law at present is as
follows:

Curtesy still obtains. One-half of the community property goes to
the wife whether the husband dies testate or intestate. In
addition to this she is entitled to one-fourth of the rest of his
estate, "provided this deduction shall only be made when said
property amounts to $5,000, and the heirs be not descendants;
although it may exceed this sum in the absence of the latter.
Also from the property of the wife the fourth shall be deducted
as the marital right of the husband, and upon the same
conditions, should the husband without this aid remain poor." If
there are no legitimate children surviving, the widow or widower
shall be heir to all the acquired property of the marriage
community.

By act of 1897, a mortgage not executed by the wife shall in no wise
affect the homestead rights of the wife or family.

By act of 1899: "The signature or consent of the wife shall not be
necessary or requisite in any conveyance, incumbrance or alienation of
real property owned by the husband, whether such property became his
before or during coverture; but the right to make such conveyance or
create such incumbrance shall exist in the husband to the same extent
as though he were unmarried."[375]

The father is the legal guardian of the minor children.

The husband is not required by law to support the family.

In 1887 the "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 14
years, with penalty of imprisonment not less than five nor more than
twenty years.

SUFFRAGE: Women have no form of suffrage.

OFFICE HOLDING: In 1899 a bill passed for appropriations, etc., for
the Deaf and Dumb Asylum recommended the appointment of two women on
the Board of (five) Trustees. The appointments were duly made and
confirmed.

Women serve as members of county school examining boards.

The new office of supervising teacher of the Government Indian Pueblo
Schools has been filled by Miss Mary E. Dissett.

Women are special masters in court, notaries public, court and
legislative stenographers in Spanish and English and census
enumerators. In the last two administrations a woman has acted as
private secretary to the Governor.

A woman has been appointed commissioner for New Mexico to take
testimony in Indian depredation claims.

At a Territorial Irrigation Convention, in 1900, one woman was a duly
elected delegate, taking part in the discussions, etc.

OCCUPATIONS: All professions and occupations are open to women. They
conduct ranches and engage in mining. In Santa Fé the Woman's Board of
Trade, an incorporated body, has so ably conducted the work for
charities and for civic improvements as to arouse a sentiment that
women might well be intrusted with educational and more extended
municipal affairs. In Las Cruces an organization of women is doing a
similar work.

EDUCATION: All educational institutions are open to both sexes, and
degrees are conferred alike upon men and women. The Territorial
University at Albuquerque, the Las Vegas Normal University and others
have women on their faculties.

At the meeting of the Territorial Educational Association in December,
1899, a council was formed composed of twenty-five members, both women
and men. At its first meeting, in September, 1900, a resolution in
favor of School Suffrage for women was unanimously adopted.

In the public schools there are (approximately) 390 men and 316 women
teachers. The average salaries are not obtainable.

* * * * *

The call to arms for the Spanish-American War brought men to the
different recruiting posts in New Mexico, but no provision for them
had been made by the government. The women of Santa Fé, Albuquerque,
Las Cruces, Las Vegas and other towns quickly organized Soldiers' Aid
Societies and raised funds to feed and care for them, till the
companies were mustered in and came under Uncle Sam's charge.

At the Territorial Democratic Convention in Albuquerque, April, 1900,
the following was included in the platform: "It is our belief that
women should be granted an equal voice and position with men in all
matters pertaining to our public schools."

The native Spanish-Americans have great reverence for their elders.
Among a few of the old Don families where the eldest member living is
a senora, so greatly are her wishes and opinions respected that the
entire community will vote as she dictates; the politician has only to
secure her allegiance and he is sure of the vote in her precinct. The
suffrage bills which have been presented to the Legislature have not
been opposed by the Spanish-American members, but by the
Anglo-Saxons.

FOOTNOTES:

[372] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Catherine P.
Wallace of Santa Fé, president of the Territorial Suffrage
Association. While Mr. Wallace was consul-general to Australia, in
1890, she visited New Zealand and assisted the women there in their
successful effort for the franchise. When this subject was before the
Australian Parliament at Melbourne, she furnished the Premier with the
debate in the United States Congress on the admission of Wyoming, and
with other documents.

[373] Mrs. Nelson visited Raton, Blossburg, Albuquerque, Santa Fé,
Springer, Las Vegas, Watrous, Wagon Mound, Socorro, San Marcial, Las
Cruces, Deming, Silver City, Hillsboro and Kingston, giving two or
three lectures at each place and leaving a club in many.

[374] Among the best known of the advocates are Mrs. M. J. Borden,
Professor and Mrs. Hiram Hadley of the Agricultural College, President
and Mrs. C. L. Herrick and Miss Catherine Fields, all of the
Territorial University; Mr. and Mrs. Jefferson Raynolds, Judge and
Mrs. McFie, Col. and Mrs. I. H. Elliott and Secretary George H.
Wallace.

[375] This law was repealed by the Legislature of 1901, and it was
made impossible for either husband or wife to convey real property
without the signature of the other.

CHAPTER LVI.

NEW YORK.[376]

The State of New York, home of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B.
Anthony, may be justly described as the great battle-ground for the
rights of women, a title which will not be denied by any who have read
the preceding three volumes of this History. The first Woman's Rights
Convention in the world was called at Seneca Falls in 1848.[377] New
York was also a pioneer in beginning a reform of the old English
Common Law, so barbarous in its treatment of women. And yet, with all
the splendid work which has been done, the State has been slow indeed
in granting absolute justice. At the commencement of the new century,
however, the legal and educational rights of women are very generally
conceded, but their political rights are still largely denied. Except
during the Civil War, there has not been a year since 1851 when one or
more conventions have not been held to demand these rights, and when a
committee of women has not visited the Legislature to secure the
necessary action. A State association was formed in 1869.

The convention of 1884 met in the Common Council Chamber at Albany,
March 11, 12, with the usual large attendance of delegates from all
parts of the State, and the evening sessions so crowded that an
overflow meeting was held in Geological Hall. Mrs. Lillie Devereux
Blake, the president, was in the chair and addresses were made by
Mesdames Matilda Joslyn Gage, Mary Seymour Howell, Caroline Gilkey
Rogers and Henrica Iliohan; and by Mrs. Abigail Scott Duniway of
Oregon, Mrs. Elizabeth Boynton Harbert of Illinois and Mrs. Helen M.
Gougar of Indiana, who had come from the national convention in
Washington. On the way to Albany a large reception had been tendered
to them at the Hoffman House in New York. On March 13 a hearing was
held in the Assembly Chamber before the Judiciary Committee on the
bill for Full Suffrage for women. The room was filled and strong
speeches were made by all of the above women. Gov. Grover Cleveland
gave a courteous reception to the delegates.

In 1885 the convention took place in Steinway Hall, New York, February
12, 13, all the counties being represented by delegate or letter. The
speakers were Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Mrs. Gage, Mrs. Howell,
Mrs. Rogers and the Rev. Dr. Charles H. Eaton and Mrs. Delia S.
Parnell (mother of Charles Stewart Parnell). On the evening of the
12th a large reception to Mrs. Stanton was given at the Murray Hill
Hotel.

The convention of 1886 met in Masonic Hall, New York, March 23, 24.
Addresses were made by Miss Susan B. Anthony, James Redpath, Mesdames
Blake, Howell, Rogers and Iliohan, Gov. John W. Hoyt of Wyoming and
Mrs. Margaret Moore of Ireland. A reception was tendered to Dr.
Clemence S. Lozier at the Park Avenue Hotel.

In the fall an interesting observance was arranged by the State
Suffrage Association when the statue of Liberty Enlightening the
World, given to the American nation by France, was unveiled on October
28. There was a great excursion down the bay to witness this ceremony
and the association chartered a boat which was filled with friends of
the cause. A place was secured in the line between two of the great
warships, and, while the cannon thundered a salute to the majestic
female figure which embodied Freedom, speeches were made on the
suffrage boat by Mrs. Blake, Mrs. Margaret Parker of England, Mrs.
Harriette R. Shattuck of Massachusetts, Mrs. Gage, Mrs. Howell and
others.

The convention met again in New York at Masonic Hall, April 21, 22,
1887, and was addressed by Madame Clara Neymann, Rabbi Gustave
Gottheil, Mrs. Florence McCabe, Mrs. Gage, Mrs. Howell, Dr. Lozier and
others.

In 1888 the annual meeting assembled at the same place, March 22, 23.
It was attended by the many delegates who had come from European
countries to the International Congress of Women about to be held in
Washington, D. C. Among the speakers were Baroness Alexandra
Gripenberg of Finland and Mrs. Ashton Dilke, Mrs. Alice Scatcherd and
Mrs. Zadel Barnes Gustafson of England. On the evening preceding the
opening of the convention a large reception was given to these foreign
ladies at the Park Avenue Hotel.

The State convention was held in Rochester, Dec. 16, 17, 1890, in the
First Universalist Church. Its distinguishing feature was the
reception given in the Chamber of Commerce to Miss Susan B. Anthony by
her fellow townsmen, as a welcome home from her long and hard campaign
in South Dakota. The large rooms were handsomely decorated and over
600 people were present during the evening, including President David
Jayne Hill and a number of the faculty of Rochester University,
several members of Congress and many men of prominence.

The speakers at the convention were Miss Mary F. Eastman of Boston,
the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, Mrs. Greenleaf, Mrs. Blake, Mrs. Howell and
Miss Anthony. Mrs. Blake positively declined a re-election, having
served eleven consecutive years, and Mrs. Jean Brooks Greenleaf was
elected president. During Mrs. Blake's presidency she had many times
canvassed New York and had extended her lecture tours into various
other States, going as far west as California.

Henceforth, in addition to annual conventions, the association adopted
the plan of holding mid-year executive meetings in various cities for
the transaction of business, with public sessions in the evenings
addressed by the best speakers.

In 1891 the convention met in Auburn, November 10, 11, the audiences
crowding the opera house on both evenings. Miss Anthony, Mrs.
Greenleaf, Mrs. Blake, Mrs. Howell and Miss Shaw were the speakers,
with an address of welcome from Mrs. J. Mary Pearson. Reports showed
that the membership had doubled in the last year, and that Woman's Day
had been observed at many fairs, resulting in the forming of county
organizations. A resolution was adopted urging the Legislature to
appoint some women on the State Board of Managers for the Columbian
Exposition in 1893. The convention closed with a reception at the
elegant home of Mrs. Eliza Wright Osborne, niece of Lucretia Mott and
daughter of Martha C. Wright, two of those who called the first
Woman's Rights Convention.

Syracuse was selected for the annual meeting of 1892, November 15-17.
Miss Anthony, president of the National Association, was in
attendance, and the opera house was filled at all the sessions. Mrs.
Martha T. Henderson, vice-president-at-large, who had been appointed
to represent the State, was delegated to arrange for the noon-day
suffrage meetings during the Columbian Exposition. Mrs. Greenleaf's
address reviewed the great debate which had taken place at the New
York Chautauqua Assembly the preceding August, between the Rev. Anna
Howard Shaw and the Rev. J. M. Buckley, editor of the _Christian
Advocate_, and emphasized the evident sympathy of the immense audience
with the side of the question presented by the former. Suffrage Day
had been observed at the Cassadaga Lake Assembly with an address by
Miss Anthony, and also at the State Fair. The association was
congratulated on the fact that there had been a further extension of
School Suffrage during the year.

All interest centered in the approaching convention to revise the
constitution of the State, through which it was hoped a woman suffrage
amendment would be obtained. Miss Anthony, Mrs. Blake and Mrs. Howell
had been appointed to address the Legislature, which they had done in
April of this year, for the purpose of securing women delegates to
this convention, that was to be held in 1893, but eventually was
deferred one year. Committees were appointed which visited the
political State conventions the following summer, asking a declaration
in their platforms for this amendment, but were unsuccessful.

The annual meeting of 1893 was held at Brooklyn, in Long Island
Historical Hall, Nov. 13-16. It was welcomed by Mrs. Mariana Wright
Chapman, president of the Brooklyn suffrage society. The plan of work
was perfected, which had been prepared by Miss Anthony and Mrs.
Stanton, for an active canvass of the State in behalf of a plank in
the approaching Constitutional Convention. Addresses were made by Mrs.
Julia Ward Howe and Henry B. Blackwell of Boston, Miss Anthony, the
Rev. Miss Shaw, national vice-president-at-large; Mrs. Ella A. Boole,
Aaron M. Powell, Gen. C. T. Christiansen, Mrs. Anna C. Field, Mrs.
Emma Bourne, Mrs. Blake and others. Among the resolutions adopted was
the following:

The thanks of this association are due to Gov. Roswell P. Flower
for his recognition of woman's ability in the appointment to a
State office of our national president, Susan B. Anthony, viz: as
one of the Board of Managers of the State Industrial School at
Rochester.

The great campaign of 1894, undertaken to secure a clause for woman
suffrage in the revised State constitution, will be considered further
on in this chapter.

The annual convention met in Ithaca, Nov. 12-14, 1894, the opera house
being filled with the usual large audiences. It was welcomed by Mayor
Clinton D. Bouton and President Jacob Gould Schurmann of Cornell
University. Miss Anthony was present and a galaxy of eloquent New York
women made addresses.

Newburgh entertained the convention Nov. 8-12, 1895. The speakers were
Miss Anthony, Dr. Edward McGlynn, Miss Elizabeth Burrill Curtis,
daughter of George William Curtis; Miss Arria S. Huntington, daughter
of Bishop Frederick D. Huntington; Miss Margaret Livingston Chanler,
Madame Neymann, Mrs. Maude S. Humphrey, Mrs. Chapman, Mrs. Cornelia K.
Hood, Miss Julie Jenney, Mrs. Boole, Mrs. Annie E. P. Searing, Mrs. M.
R. Almy, Miss Harriette A. Keyser, Mrs. Blake, Mrs. Howell, the Rev.
Miss Shaw and Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the national
organization committee. Miss Anthony was especially stirred by a
previous speech which reflected on the dress, manners and social
standing of the pioneers in the movement for the rights of women, and
which felicitated the present advocates on their great superiority in
these respects. She named the pioneers, one by one, paid warm tribute
to their beautiful personality and commanding ability and asked where
a woman could be found in all the present generation to excel, if,
indeed, to equal them.

The delegates enjoyed visits to the many interesting places in the
neighborhood, including West Point and Vassar College. A beautiful
reception was given by Mrs. C. S. Jenkins. It was supposed that the
disappointment of the previous year in failing to secure an amendment
from the Constitutional Convention would result in a falling off in
membership, but instead this was found to be considerably augmented.
At the close of the convention the delegates went to New York to
attend Mrs. Stanton's eightieth birthday reception at the Metropolitan
Opera House.

The convention of 1896 was held in Rochester, November 18, 19, with
more delegates present than ever before. It was preceded by a
reception on the evening of the 17th, where the guests were delighted
to greet Miss Anthony and her little band, who had arrived that
morning from their arduous field of labor in the California amendment
campaign. The welcome for the city was extended by Mayor George
Warner. Many of the speakers of the previous year were present, with
the addition of the Rev. Antoinette Brown Blackwell, the first
ordained woman minister, and the noted colored woman of anti-slavery
days, Harriet Tubman. The press chairman, Mrs. Elnora Monroe Babcock,
reported that, instead of the 135 newspapers of the year before, 253
in the State were now using suffrage matter regularly furnished by her
committee.

On the Friday night succeeding the convention a banquet was given in
honor of Miss Anthony, with over 200 guests. Mrs. Mary Lewis Gannett
was toastmistress and Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw made interesting
addresses.

Mrs. Greenleaf, who had done such heroic work during the past six
years and sustained the association on so high a plane, felt obliged
to decline a re-election, and Mrs. Mariana Wright Chapman was
unanimously chosen for her place. Mrs. Greenleaf was appointed
fraternal delegate to the annual meeting of the State Grange, and Mrs.
Howell to the State Labor Convention, and both were cordially
received. The Grange had on several occasions declared for woman
suffrage.

Geneva extended a welcome to the convention Nov. 3-5, 1897, and
successful meetings were held in Collins Hall and the opera house. The
speakers from abroad and many delegates were entertained at the
handsome home of Mrs. Elizabeth Smith Miller, daughter of Gerrit
Smith. Added to the usual list were Miss Alice Stone Blackwell,
recording secretary of the National Association; the Rev. Annis Ford
Eastman, Mrs. Gannett, Mrs. Mary E. Craigie, and Miss M. F. Blaine,
Charles Hemiup, W. Smith O'Brien, the Rev. Remick and Dr. William H.
Jordan of Geneva. A pleasant event of the year had been the carving of
Miss Anthony's face on the stairway of the magnificent new Capitol
building at Albany, by order of George W. Aldridge, State
superintendent of public works.

On April 28, 29, 1898, the fortieth anniversary of the first Woman's
Rights Convention was held in Rochester. This city also had
entertained that convention which had adjourned in Seneca Falls to
hold a session here. The anniversary proceedings took place afternoons
and evenings in the Central Presbyterian church with a fine corps of
speakers.[378]

On Nov. 8-11, 1898, the annual meeting was held in the court house at
Hudson. It was welcomed by the mayor, Richard A. M. Deeley, for the
city and by Mrs. Mary Holsapple for the local suffrage club. An
address of greeting also was given by Judge Levi S. Longley, and the
Hudson Club extended its courtesies. A letter from Mrs. Stanton was
read by her daughter, Mrs. Harriot Stanton Blatch of England, who also
made an address. Many of the strong speakers were present who have
been frequently mentioned in connection with these State conventions.
The treasurer reported receipts for the year $3,220.

Chautauqua County invited the convention of 1899 to Dunkirk, November
1-3, and entertained it royally. There was a reception on the first
evening, and a luncheon was given every day to the delegates who
wished to remain at the hall between sessions. Both day and evening
meetings were large and enthusiastic, the former held at the Woman's
Union, the latter in Academy Hall. Mayor Alexander Williams welcomed
the convention for the city, and Mrs. Ellen Cheney for the county in a
witty poem, Mrs. Chapman responding. Stirring addresses were made by
the Hon. F. S. Nixon and Dr. J. T. Williams. Miss Anthony was present,
with many of the old speakers and several new ones, among them Mrs.
Carrie E. S. Twing.

The last annual meeting of the century convened at Glens Falls, Oct.
29-Nov. 1, 1900, in Ordway Hall. Addresses of welcome were made by the
Hon. Addison B. Colvin and the president of the Warren County
association, Mrs. Susie M. Bain. Mrs. Chapman Catt, Miss Shaw, Mrs.
Boole, president State Woman's Christian Temperance Union; Mrs.
Chapman, Mrs. Howell and Miss Harriet May Mills were among the
principal speakers. A notable feature was the presence of many bright
and enthusiastic young workers. Pledges of support were made for the
national bazar to be held the next month in New York.

Among the resolutions adopted was one congratulating Miss Anthony upon
her success in raising the last of the $50,000 fund which was to open
the doors of Rochester University to women.

In addition to this long array of conventions without a break, the
mid-year executive meetings in various cities have been of almost
equal interest. At nearly every one of these State conventions Miss
Anthony has assisted with her inspiring presence and strong words of
counsel. To many of them Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, not able to come
in person, has sent ringing letters of encouragement, for which the
affectionate greetings of the delegates have been returned. New York
has the largest membership of any State in the Union and pays the
largest amount of money into the national treasury each year, not
alone in auxiliary dues, but in private subscriptions.

The State association has had but three presidents in over twenty
years: Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake, 1879-1890; Mrs. Jean Brooks
Greenleaf, 1890-1896; Mrs. Mariana W. Chapman, 1896 and still serving.
Mrs. Matilda Joslyn Gage was continuously in office from the time a
State association first existed.[379]

With active work in progress for so many years, and with suffrage
organizations in the counties and towns throughout all of this large
State, it would be impossible to make personal mention of even a small
fraction of those who have aided the movement. The hundreds who have
furnished the money and the thousands who have served in a quiet way
through all the years would require a separate chapter.[380]

It would be equally impossible to describe the efforts made from year
to year, the meetings held, the memorials presented to political
conventions, the debates, the parliamentary drills, the lecture
courses, the millions of pages of literature distributed, the
struggles to place women on the school boards, the special efforts of
the standing committees on legislation, press, industries, work among
children, etc. It is far more difficult to write the history of a
State where so much has been done than where the tale may be quickly
told. No State is better organized for suffrage work.[381] There is no
doubt that a strong sentiment exists outside of New York City in favor
of the enfranchisement of women. However, with the adverse influence
always exerted by a great metropolis, it is impossible to foretell
when this will be accomplished.

CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT: The history of the struggle of a
comparatively few women to secure a clause for equal suffrage in the
State constitution, when it was revised in 1894, told in the fewest
possible words, is as follows:[382]

As early as 1887 Gov. David B. Hill, at the earnest request of the
State Suffrage Association, had recommended that women should have a
representation in the convention which would frame this revision. Miss
Susan B. Anthony, Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake, Mrs. Mary Seymour
Howell and Mrs. Caroline Gilkey Rogers addressed a joint committee of
the Legislature urging that women delegates should be permitted to sit
in this convention. Mrs. Blake also prepared a strong written appeal
which was sent to every member. Gov. Roswell P. Flower in his message
in 1892 made a similar recommendation. Again Miss Anthony, Mrs. Blake
and Mrs. Howell made a plea for women, this time before the Assembly
Judiciary Committee.

The original bill provided for a certain number of delegates to be
appointed by the Governor, among these four to represent the
Prohibitionists, three the Labor Party and three the Woman Suffrage
Association. The power of the Governor to appoint was afterwards
declared unconstitutional. A bill allowing three women delegates
passed the Assembly, but was defeated in the Senate. The act which
finally was secured provided that all the delegates should be elected,
and that there should be two representatives each for the Prohibition,
Labor and Socialist parties. None was granted to the Suffragists; but
the law said: "The electors may elect any citizen of the State above
the age of twenty-one years."

The following was then sent to each of the political party
conventions, through properly accredited delegates:

Among other duties incumbent upon the members of your honorable
body is that of nominating delegates-at-large to the convention
called for the revision of the State constitution. As women are
eligible to these positions we offer you the names of three who
have been selected by the executive board of the State W. S. A.
as their choice of delegates for that convention, with the hope
that you will accept them as candidates of your own.

The names presented were those of Miss Anthony, Mrs. Howell and Miss
Emily Howland, the last a large taxpayer and an excellent business
woman. The ladies were courteously listened to by the Democrats, and
refused an opportunity to speak by the Republicans. Similar efforts
were made in district conventions.

Both Republicans and Democrats, however, refused to nominate any
women, the compensation of $10 per day, in addition to the political
power conferred, making the positions entirely too valuable to give to
a disfranchised class. The name of even Susan B. Anthony was declined
by the Republicans of her district. The Democrats of that district,
who were in a hopeless minority, made the one exception in the whole
State and nominated Mrs. Jean Brooks Greenleaf, who ran some votes
ahead of the rest of the ticket.

[Illustration:

MARY S. ANTHONY.
Rochester, N. Y.

JEAN BROOKS GREENLEAF.
Rochester. N. Y.

MARIANA W. CHAPMAN.
Brooklyn, N. Y.

EMILY HOWLAND.
Sherwood, N. Y.

ELIZA WRIGHT OSBORNE.
Auburn, N. Y.

]

Every effort was now directed toward obtaining a clause in the new
constitution, as there was little doubt that if this could be done it
would be adopted with the rest of that instrument. An eloquent appeal
was issued to all the friends of liberty throughout the State, urging
them to assist in securing this measure of justice to women. A
campaign was carefully planned with an ability which would have been
creditable to experienced political managers, and $10,000 were raised
and expended with the most rigid economy.[383]

To save rent headquarters were established in Miss Anthony's own home
in Rochester, which soon became a beehive of industry, and the work
increased until practically every room was pressed into service. The
president of the State association and campaign committee, Mrs.
Greenleaf, and the corresponding secretary, Miss Mary S. Anthony, gave
practically every hour of their time for six months to this great
effort. The postoffice daily sent mail sacks to the house, which were
filled with petitions and other documents and set out on the porch for
collection.

Miss Anthony herself, at the age of seventy-four, spoke in every one
of the sixty counties of the State, contributing her services and
expenses. This series of mass meetings was managed by Miss Harriet May
Mills and Miss Mary G. Hay. The Rev. Anna Howard Shaw spoke at forty
of these, and Mrs. Howell at a large number. The entire management of
New York City was put into the hands of Mrs. Blake, while the campaign
for Brooklyn was conducted by Mrs. Mariana W. Chapman. Mrs. Carrie
Chapman Catt made thirty-eight speeches in these two cities and
vicinity. Mrs. Stanton, from her home in New York, sent many strong
articles to the metropolitan press, which were copied throughout the
State. Mrs. Martha R. Almy. State vice-president, was an active
worker.

Women of social influence in this city, who never had shown any public
interest in the question, opened headquarters at Sherry's, held
meetings and secured signatures to a suffrage petition. The leaders of
this branch were Mrs. Josephine Shaw Lowell, Mrs. Joseph H. Choate,
Dr. Mary Putnam Jacobi, Mrs. J. Warren Goddard, Mrs. Robert Abbe, Mrs.
Henry M. Sanders and Miss Adele M. Fielde. Among those who signed the
petition were Chauncey M. Depew, Russell Sage, Frederick Coudert, the
Rev. Heber Newton, the Rev. W. S. Rainsford, Bishop Henry C. Potter,
Rabbi Gustave Gottheil, John D. Rockefeller, Robert J. Ingersoll and
William Dean Howells.

One of the surprises of the campaign was the organization in Albany of
a small body of women calling themselves "remonstrants," under the
leadership of the Episcopal bishop, William Croswell Doane, and Mrs.
John V. L. Pruyn. Another branch was organized in New York City by
Mrs. Francis M. Scott, and one in Brooklyn with Mrs. Lyman Abbott at
the head and the support of her husband's paper, _The Outlook_.

The suffrage forces circulated 5,000 petitions and secured 332,148
individual signatures, about half of them women (including 36,000
collected by the W. C. T. U.) and memorials from labor organizations
and Granges, bringing the total, in round numbers, to 600,000.[384]
The "remonstrants" obtained only 15,000 signatures, yet at that time
and ever afterwards many of the newspapers insisted that the vast
preponderance of sentiment among men and women was opposed to equal
suffrage.

A part of the work was to collect statistics showing the amount of
property on which taxes were paid by women. It was impossible to
obtain these in New York City, but in three-fifths of the towns and
cities outside it was found to be $348,177,107. In Brooklyn women paid
one-fourth of all the taxes. The drudgery of preparing these tax lists
and recounting and labeling all the petitions was done chiefly by Miss
Isabel Howland.

During the convention an office and a reception room in the Capitol
were granted for the use of the women. On May 24 Miss Anthony and Mrs.
Greenleaf addressed the Suffrage Committee of the Constitutional
Convention in the Assembly Chamber of the Capitol at Albany. A large
crowd was present, including the committee and most of the delegates.
Mrs. Greenleaf's remarks were brief but forcible, and Miss Anthony
spoke earnestly for three-quarters of an hour, seeming to have the
full sympathy of her audience.

The women of New York City were accorded a hearing on May 31, and
strong arguments were made by Dr. Jacobi, Miss Margaret Livingstone
Chanler, Mrs. Blake and Miss Harriette A. Keyser. On June 7 the
Suffrage Committee was addressed by representative women, in
five-minute speeches, from all of the Senatorial districts outside of
New York City.[385] Mrs. Greenleaf presided at all these
meetings.[386]

The final hearing was accorded June 28, when U. S. Senator Joseph M.
Carey, who had come from Wyoming by invitation for this purpose, made
a most convincing argument based on the practical experience of his
own State for twenty-five years. He was followed by Mrs. Howell and
Mrs. Mary T. Burt, president of the State W. C. T. U.

All of these addresses in favor of recognizing woman's right to the
franchise were valueless except for the creation of public sentiment
and as a matter of history, for the chairman of the convention, the
Hon. Joseph H. Choate, had appointed a Suffrage Committee the large
majority of whom were known anti-suffragists, and he was reported to
have said before the convention met that the amendment should not be
placed in the constitution. The committee made an adverse report,
which was discussed by the convention on the evenings of August 8 and
15, with the Assembly Chamber crowded at each session.[387] The
advocates of adopting a woman suffrage plank were led by the Hon.
Edward Lauterbach and the opponents by Mr. Root and William P.
Goodelle, chairman of the Suffrage Committee.[388]

While the ballot was being taken Mr. Choate went on the floor among
the delegates, and himself gave the last vote against the amendment.
The ballot resulted--in favor of the amendment, 58; opposed, 98.

Even though a defeat, this was a decided advance over the
Constitutional Convention of 1867, when there were but 19 ayes and 125
noes. Then less than one-seventh, this time more than one-third of the
members were in favor of the enfranchisement of women.

The following month Miss Anthony and Mr. Lauterbach addressed the
Committee on Resolutions of the State Republican Convention, and Miss
Anthony and Mrs. Blake that of the Democratic, asking for a
recognition of woman suffrage in their platforms, but both ignored the
request.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION: Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Miss Susan B.
Anthony were the pioneers in legislative work for woman suffrage, the
former making her first speech before a committee--in behalf of
property rights--as early as 1845, and continuing her appeals for the
various rights of women during twenty-five years, after which her
addresses were given usually before the committees of the United
States Congress. Miss Anthony made her first appearance in Albany in
1853, and her last one before a committee there in 1897. She devoted
her strongest efforts to the Legislature of her own State until the
demands of national work became so great as to absorb most of her
time, and then she, too, transferred her appeals to the legislative
body of the United States, although assisting always the work in New
York.

Meanwhile other competent laborers had come into the field. In 1873
Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake began her legislative work, and for
twenty-five years there were few bills in the interests of women under
consideration at Albany which were not managed by her, with an able
corps of assistants, chief among whom was Mrs. Mary Seymour Howell.

For fifty years there is an almost unbroken record of the efforts of
women to secure equality of rights from the Legislature of New York,
and they have succeeded to the extent that now, with the exception of
the statute providing for dower and curtesy, but few serious
discriminations exist against women in the laws, although the
injustice of disfranchisement has been mitigated in only a slight
degree.

When the Legislature assembled on Jan. 1, 1884, Mrs. Blake and Mrs.
Howell were at hand to further the interests of the pending bill "to
prohibit disfranchisement on account of sex." On March 13 a hearing
was held in the Assembly Chamber before the Judiciary Committee and a
large audience. The speakers were Mrs. Abigail Scott Duniway of
Oregon, Mrs. Elizabeth Boynton Harbert of Illinois and Mrs. Helen M.
Gougar of Indiana, Mrs. Blake, Mrs. Howell and Mrs. Caroline Gilkey
Rogers. On May 8, after an exciting debate, the bill was defeated--57
ayes, 62 noes.

The bill of 1885 was drawn by Mrs. Blake and was accompanied by a
strong written argument, with many court decisions to show that it was
within the power of the Legislature itself to protect all citizens
from disfranchisement. This was presented by Gen. James W. Husted,
speaker of the House. Two hearings were given in the Assembly
Chamber, at which addresses were made by Mrs. Stanton, Mrs. Blake,
Mrs. Howell, Mrs. Rogers and Gov. John W. Hoyt of Wyoming.

The bill was debated April 7. General Husted, Mayor James Haggerty and
Dr. J. T. Williams spoke in favor; Gen. N. M. Curtis and Kidder Scott
in opposition. The vote stood 57 ayes, 56 noes, but a constitutional
majority was lacking.

During the summer Mrs. Blake spoke in almost every district whose
member had voted against the measure.

In 1886 a bill for Municipal Suffrage only was presented, drawn by
Augustus Levy and introduced in the Senate by George Z. Erwin, in the
House by Speaker Husted. On February 10 a hearing took place in the
Assembly Chamber. Mrs. Blake presided and the speakers were Mrs.
Matilda Joslyn Gage, Mrs. Howell, Mrs. Rogers and Mrs. Annie Jenness
Miller. On March 2 the Senate gave a hearing to Mr. Levy and James
Redpath. The campaign this winter was one of the most vigorous ever
made. Besides the executive officers of the State association, who
were in Albany some days of every week, much help was secured by the
occasional visits of prominent women and the numerous letters of
influential people from all parts of the State. On the night of the
final vote the Assembly Chamber was filled by friends of the measure
and many officials were present, including the Lieutenant-Governor and
the Attorney-General. As this bill would give women only the right to
vote in municipal affairs, it had many supporters who would not have
favored full suffrage. The debate was long and earnest, Mr. Erwin,
General Husted, Mr. Longley of Brooklyn, Mr. Freligh of Ulster and
others speaking in favor, and General Curtis, William F. Sheehan and
others in opposition. The roll-call was taken in great excitement, and
the ayes went up until their number reached 65, the constitutional
majority. A round of applause broke out, but in an instant two men
arose and changed their votes from the affirmative to the negative, so
that on the final call the vote stood, 63 ayes, 52 noes.

This winter another law was enacted to remove all doubts as to the
constitutionality of the one of 1880, which conferred School Suffrage
on women in villages and country districts. Representative Charles
Sprague introduced a bill making mothers and fathers joint guardians
of their children, but it was defeated.

In 1887 Mrs. Howell drew up the Municipal Suffrage Bill, which was
introduced by Senator Erwin. She spent ten days personally
interviewing every senator until she had the promise of the twenty
votes which were given the bill on its final passage, seventeen being
necessary. There were but nine noes.

After the clerk had read the bill in the Assembly, Speaker Husted
said: "If there is no objection this bill will go at once to the third
reading." Wm. F. Sheehan, the leading opponent of woman suffrage, was
asleep at the time and so it was thus ordered. Mrs. Howell continued
her efforts, but the measure was defeated--48 ayes, 68 noes--by a
moneyed influence from New York City, after nearly enough votes to
carry it had been promised.

A bill providing police matrons in cities, with the exception of New
York and Brooklyn, was secured from this Legislature. It had been
passed in 1882, but not signed by Gov. Alonzo B. Cornell; passed again
in the Assembly in 1883, but defeated in the Senate by the Police
Department of New York City. The bill was finally secured by the
Woman's Prison Association, but it was not made mandatory and no
attention was paid to it by the city authorities.

A bill was presented this year to relieve women from the death
penalty, on the ground that since they had not the full privileges of
men they should not suffer equal punishment. The measure was ably
supported, but failed to pass.

In 1888 the Municipal Suffrage Bill was presented in the Senate by
Charles Coggeshall, and in the Assembly by Danforth E. Ainsworth. A
hearing in the Senate Chamber on February 15 was addressed by Mrs.
Blake, Mrs. Rogers and the Rev. Anna Garlin Spencer of Rhode Island.
The bill was lost in the Senate by a tie vote, 15 ayes, 15 noes; in
the House by 48 ayes, 61 noes.

Laws were enacted at this session providing that there shall be women
physicians in all State insane asylums where women are patients; and
also that there shall be at least one woman trustee in all public
institutions where women are placed as patients, paupers or criminals.

In 1889 the Municipal Suffrage Bill was again presented in the
Assembly by Mr. Ainsworth, but it was lost by 56 ayes, 43 noes, not a
constitutional majority.

In 1890 the Municipal Suffrage Bill was presented by Speaker Husted,
but was defeated by 47 ayes, 52 noes.

In 1891 no legislative work was attempted beyond the efforts toward
securing a representation of women in the Constitutional Convention,
which it was supposed would be held at an early date.

In 1892 an act was passed to enable women to vote for County School
Commissioners, which received the signature of Gov. Roswell P. Flower.

This year a Police Matron Bill was obtained which was made mandatory
in cities of 100,000 and over. This bill had been passed several times
before and vetoed, but it finally obtained the Governor's signature.
Even then the Police Commissioners of New York refused to appoint
matrons until the matter was taken up by the Woman Suffrage League of
that city. This was the end of a ten years' struggle on the part of
women to secure police matrons in all cities. Most active among the
leaders were Mrs. Mary T. Burt, Mrs. Abby Hopper Gibbons and Mrs.
Josephine Shaw Lowell, backed by the W. C. T. U., the Prison Reform,
the Suffrage and various other philanthropic and religious societies.

In 1892 Hamilton Willcox, who had worked untiringly in the Legislature
for many years, had a bill introduced in the Assembly to give a vote
to self-supporting women. It was referred to the Judiciary Committee,
but met with general disfavor. Mrs. Howell being in the Assembly
Chamber with friends one evening, three of its members invited her to
go to their committee room and draw up a bill for Full Suffrage,
telling her they would report it favorably in place of the Working
Woman's Bill. This she did and the new bill was at once reported. The
next week she gave every moment to working with the members for it,
aided by General Husted, Mr. Willcox and William Sulzer. On Friday
morning, one week from the day the bill was reported, it came to the
final vote and passed by 70 ayes, only 65 being required for the
constitutional majority. Excitement ran high at this success and ten
minutes were given for congratulations to Mrs. Howell by friends and
foes alike. The Monday following she carried the bill from the
Engrossing Committee to the Senate. Only three days of the session
were left and the committee held no more meetings, so she saw
separately each member of the Judiciary Committee and all gave a
vote in favor of considering the bill. Mr. Sheehan was now
Lieutenant-Governor and presiding officer of the Senate and would
allow no courtesies to Mrs. Howell, but one senator, Charles E.
Walker, arranged for her to see every member, and she secured the
promise of 18 votes, 17 being required. On Thursday evening, although
Senator Cornelius R. Parsons made many attempts to secure recognition,
the bill was not allowed to come before the Senate. There was every
reason to believe Governor Flower would have signed it.[389]

In 1893 Mrs. Cornelia H. Cary worked for a bill providing that on all
boards of education one person out of five should be a woman, but it
failed to pass. The measure making fathers and mothers joint guardians
of their children, so often urged, became a law this year chiefly
through the efforts of the Women's Educational and Industrial Union of
Buffalo, which had been hampered constantly in its efforts to care for
helpless children by the interference of worthless fathers.[390]

A law also was enacted, championed by Col. George C. Webster, giving
to a married woman the right to make a valid will without her
husband's consent.

The season of 1894 was given wholly to the work of securing a woman
suffrage amendment in the revised State constitution.

In 1895 Mrs. Martha R. Almy, as chairman of the Legislative Committee,
began work in Albany early in January and was absent but one
legislative day from that time until May. She was assisted by Mrs.
Helen G. Ecob, and their effort was to secure a resolution to amend
the constitution by striking out the word "male." In order to submit
such an amendment in New York, a resolution must be passed by two
successive Legislatures.

Judge Charles Z. Lincoln, the legal adviser of Gov. Levi P. Morton,
drew up the resolution and it was introduced January 22 in the
Assembly by Fred S. Nixon, and in the Senate by Cuthbert W. Pound. It
was favorably reported by the Senate Judiciary Committee early in the
session. The chairman of the Assembly Committee, Aaron B. Gardenier,
was very hostile, and after every effort to get a report had been
exhausted, Mr. Nixon and Mrs. Almy made a personal appeal to the
committee and were successful. On March 14 six men brought in the
mammoth petition for woman suffrage which had been presented to the
Constitutional Convention the previous year. The resolution was passed
by 80 ayes, 31 noes. This was a remarkable action for the first
Legislature after the great defeat in the Constitutional Convention
only a few months before.

When the measure came to the Senate it was moved by Senator Pound to
substitute Mr. Nixon's resolution for his own, as they were identical.
But Amasa J. Parker[391] objected in order to make it run the gauntlet
of the Senate Committee again, and this gave the anti-suffragists an
opportunity to oppose it. He then asked for a hearing for Bishop
William Croswell Doane and others before the State Judiciary
Committee, of which he was a member, which Chairman Edmond O'Connor
granted. The committee met but once a week, and twice the hearing was
postponed to accommodate the opposition. The second time, as no one
appeared against the resolution, it was again reported favorably. Just
after this had been done Mr. Parker appeared and objected, and the
chairman agreed to recall it and give the opposition one more chance.
On April 10, the time appointed for the hearing, Bishop Doane sent a
letter declining the honor of appearing, but a delegation from New
York City came up, and Mrs. Francis M. Scott and Prof. Monroe Smith of
Columbia University addressed the committee opposing the measure.
Mrs. Almy and Mrs. Mary H. Hunt replied in its behalf. For the third
time the resolution was reported favorably by the Senate Committee,
and April 18 the vote was taken. Senators Pound, Coggeshall and
Bradley spoke in favor, and Jacob H. Cantor in opposition. It was
carried by 20 ayes, 5 noes.

When the resolution went to the Revision Committee it was found that
in one section there was a period where there should have been a
comma. Mrs. Almy was obliged to remain two weeks and get an amendment
through both Houses to correct this error. Finally the resolution was
declared perfect, and was ordered published throughout the State, etc.
Then it was discovered that the word "resident" was used instead of
"citizen," and the entire work of the winter was void. As it is not
required that copies of original bills shall be preserved, the
responsibility for the mistake never can be located.

The Senate of 1896, by a change in the term of office, was to sit
three years instead of two; and a concurrent resolution, in order to
pass two successive Legislatures, would have to be deferred still
another year, so no work was attempted.

On Jan. 4, 1897, when the Legislature assembled, every member found on
his desk a personally addressed letter appealing for the right of
women citizens to representation, signed by all the officers of the
State Suffrage Association and by the presidents of all the local
societies. The resolution asking for a suffrage amendment was
introduced in the Senate by Joseph Mullen, in the Assembly by W. W.
Armstrong, and was referred to the Judiciary Committees. Repeated
interviews by Mrs. Mariana W. Chapman, Mrs. Mary E. Craigie, chairman
of the legislative committee, and other members were not sufficient to
secure a favorable vote even from the committees, as they were
frightened by the action of the preceding Legislature.

The New York Society Opposed to the Further Extension of Suffrage to
Women was at work on the spot, and every legislator received a letter
urging him not to consider any kind of a bill for woman suffrage.
Finally a hearing was appointed by the Senate Committee for March 24.
In the midst of a snowstorm, all the way from Rochester came the
National president, Miss Anthony; from New York City, the State
president, Mrs. Chapman; the chairman of the national organization
committee, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt; Dr. Mary Putnam Jacobi and Miss
Elizabeth Burrill Curtis; from Syracuse, Miss Harriet May Mills; and
in Albany already were Mrs. Blake, Mrs. Almy, Mrs. Julia D. Sheppard
and a number of local suffragists. Miss Anthony, Mrs. Chapman Catt and
Miss Mills addressed the committee. As the delegation withdrew one
senator said to another: "I do not know what is to become of us men
when such women as these come up to the Legislature." Nevertheless the
resolution was not reported by the committee.

Under the auspices of a Civic Union of all the boroughs of the
proposed "Greater New York," an active campaign was carried on during
this winter to secure various advantages for women under the new
charter, but it met with no especial success.

In 1898 Mrs. Mary Hilliard Loines was chairman of the legislative
committee, and Mrs. Florence Dangerfield Potter, a graduate of Cornell
and of the New York University Law School, acted as attorney. The
Suffrage Amendment Resolution was introduced the first week of the
session by Representative Otto Kelsey, a steadfast friend of woman
suffrage. The usual number of letters was sent throughout the State to
secure co-operation and a hearing was given March 2 in the Assembly
library. The speakers introduced by Mrs. Loines were Mrs. Chapman,
Miss Mills, Mrs. Craigie, Miss Margaret Livingstone Chanler and Mrs.
Martha A. B. Conine, a member of the Colorado Legislature. The Rev.
William Brundage of Albany spoke forcibly in favor of the amendment.
No opponents were present. Although the chairman and some members of
the committee were in favor, it was learned that the majority were
opposed, so a vote was not pressed. The Senate committee being the
same as the previous year, it was thought not worth while to introduce
the resolution into that body.

In 1899 the legislative work differed from that of the years directly
preceding, the executive committee having decided that it might be
wiser to ask for some form of suffrage which the Legislature itself
could grant without submitting the question to the voters. The
following bills were authorized:

1: To make it obligatory to appoint at least one woman on school
boards in those cities, about forty-six in all, where the office
is appointive.

2: To amend the village law, making it obligatory that in all
charters where a special vote of tax-payers is required on
municipal improvements or the raising or distribution of taxes,
women properly qualified shall vote on the same basis as men.

A great many letters had been sent to Gov. Theodore Roosevelt, then
newly elected, asking him to recognize the rights of women in his
inaugural address, which he did by calling the attention of the
Legislature to "the desirability of gradually extending the sphere in
which the suffrage can be exercised by women." These two bills,
therefore, were sent to him for approval and he appointed an interview
at Albany with a committee from the State association. Mrs. Loines,
Mrs. Blake, Miss Mills, Miss Mary Lyman Storrs and Mrs. Nellie F.
Matheson went with the State president to this interview, and the
Governor cordially indorsed the bills.

Letters were sent to the legislators and also to the presidents of the
county suffrage societies, asking them to influence their
representatives. The bill for the Taxpayers' Suffrage was introduced
into the Assembly by Mr. Kelsey. That good work was done was evident
by the vote--98 ayes, 9 noes.

But the battle was with the Senate, where the bill was introduced by
W. W. Armstrong. On February 22 a hearing was given in the Senate
Chamber before the Judiciary Committee. Suffragists and opponents were
there in force. The latter were represented by Mesdames Arthur M.
Dodge, W. Winslow Crannell and Rossiter Johnson. The State president
introduced the suffrage speakers, Miss Chanler, Mrs. Blake and Mrs.
Harriot Stanton Blatch, the last being qualified from residence to
testify to the good effect of this kind of suffrage in England. Mrs.
Elizabeth Smith Miller, Miss Anne Fitzhugh Miller and others were
present. Owing largely to the influence of Elon R. Brown the committee
brought in an adverse report.[392] Senator Armstrong moved to disagree
and the vote, thus called for, in the Senate stood 21 ayes, 24 noes--a
vote on the report, not on the bill, but it put the Senate on record.

The Bill for Women on Appointed Boards of Education, which had been
changed under protest of the suffragists to "one-third of the members
of the board" from "at least one woman," was voted on April 19. In the
Assembly it received 59 ayes, 23 noes; but 76 was the constitutional
majority, so Senate action was useless. It was bitterly opposed by
many prominent school officers.

In 1900 the Legislature made a glaring exhibition of the position in
which a non-voting class can be placed. Early in the session a
resolution was offered on the motion of Senator Thomas F. Grady of New
York City, "that it is not expedient or advisable to attempt at this
session any changes in the constitution in regard to woman suffrage."
It passed by 26 ayes, 17 noes. Let it be said, for the honor of the
State, that there were senators who protested indignantly against such
trampling upon the rights of the people. Several who voted in favor of
this resolution afterwards voted for the suffrage bill.

The Bill for Woman Suffrage on Tax Questions was introduced the very
next day by Senator Armstrong. Soon afterward it was presented in the
Assembly by Mr. Kelsey. On March 22 it passed with only two negative
votes--John Hill Morgan of Brooklyn and James B. McEwan of Albany.
When this bill came to the Senate there were so many before it that
April 4 its friends moved to take it up out of order by suspension of
rules. Senators Armstrong, Coggeshall and Lester H. Humphrey spoke in
favor, Senator Grady against. The vote in favor was 23 ayes, 19 noes
(nine of these from New York City), but twenty-six votes were
necessary to suspend. The situation, however, was more encouraging
than the year before. The legislative committee of the State W. S. A.
this year consisted of Mesdames Loines, Blake, Matheson, Priscilla D.
Hackstaff and Ella Hawley Crossett.

In 1901 the committee was composed of Mesdames Loines, Hackstaff,
Craigie, Jean Brooks Greenleaf and Lucy P. Allen. All efforts were
centered on the bill to give taxpaying women the right to vote on
questions of taxation. A conference with Governor Odell showed his
friendliness to the bill and disclosed the fact that he had used his
influence to amend the charter of his own city of Newburg to give this
privilege to women.

Speaker Nixon, in his opening address, referred to the bill as a
measure of justice which he hoped would be introduced every year until
it became a law. Mr. Kelsey for the third time constituted himself its
champion, and worked earnestly for its success. Letters poured in from
all parts of the State, the W. C. T. U. co-operated cordially, and
hearings were granted by House and Senate committees. The bill passed
the Assembly February 26 by 83 ayes, 29 noes. Of the latter 18 were
from New York City. Of the 38 absent or not voting 22 were from that
city.

In the Senate the bill was referred to the Judiciary Committee as
usual. On March 20 a hearing before this committee was arranged for
those in favor and opposed. It was conducted by Mrs. Loines for the
suffragists, who were represented by Mrs. Chapman, Miss Chanler, a
large taxpayer in Dutchess County, and Miss Alice Stone Blackwell of
Boston, but a taxpayer in New York. Mrs. Arthur M. Dodge was at the
head of the eighteen women who came from the anti-suffrage society to
protest against taxpaying women being granted a representation on
questions of taxation. The other speakers were Mrs. Rossiter Johnson
of New York City, Mrs. Crannell of Albany, and Mrs. William Putnam of
Groton who read a paper written by Mrs. Charles Wetmore. The first
took the ground that the bill was unconstitutional. The second
protested against the attempt "to force widows, spinsters and married
women to vote against their will." The third begged the members of the
Senate Committee "not to be hoodwinked into believing this was not a
suffrage measure," and assured them that "many of the members had
pledged themselves to vote for it without recognizing that it was a
suffrage bill." She also said: "For the last fifty years, while the
suffragists have been wasting their strength in the effort to get the
ballot, we, and women like us, have been quietly going ahead and
gaining for women the rights they now enjoy in regard to education,
property and the professions. The suffragists had nothing to do with
it."

The friends of the bill in the Senate tried in vain to obtain a report
from the Judiciary Committee, the chairman, Edgar Truman Brackett,
being opposed to the bill. Finally, on April 11, Senator Humphrey
moved "to discharge the committee from further consideration," which
was carried by 22 ayes, 20 noes. On April 19 it was brought to a vote
and passed by 27 ayes, 14 noes, 8 of the latter from New York City.
Mr. Grady was absent.

The bill was signed by Gov. Benjamin F. Odell, April 24, 1901. It was
generally understood that U. S. Senator Thomas C. Platt was in favor
of the measure. Judge Charles Z. Lincoln, chairman of the Statutory
Revision Committee, gave most valuable assistance.

The effect of this bill was far greater than had been anticipated,
because of the importance of New York as a State. Before six months
had passed women in considerable numbers had voted in a dozen
different places. Although it applied only to towns and villages,
these numbered about 1,800. What was of more importance, the principle
had been recognized. There was scarcely a newspaper in the United
States that did not contain an editorial upon the subject, which in
the vast majority of cases declared the law to be just.

LAWS: Dower and curtesy obtain. If the husband die without a will the
widow is entitled to the life use of one-third of the real estate and,
after the payment of the debts, to one-third of the personal estate
absolutely. If there are no children she may have one-half of the
latter--stocks, cash, furniture, pictures, silver, clothing, etc.--and
the other half goes to the husband's relatives, even down to nephews
and nieces. The widow may, however, have the whole if it does not
exceed $2,000. If it exceed that amount, $2,000 may be added to her
half. If there are no relatives of the husband she may have all the
personal property. If there has been a living child the widower has a
life interest in all the wife's estate. If there have been no children
he takes all the personal property absolutely, and her real estate
goes to her next of kin. If there is a child living he has one-third
of the personal property absolutely.

The husband is liable for the wife's debts before marriage to the
extent of any property acquired from her by ante-nuptial agreement.
She holds her separate property, however acquired, free from any
control of the husband and from all liability for his debts. She can
live on her own real estate, and forbid her husband entering upon it.

Either husband or wife can make a will without the knowledge or
consent of the other, the latter disposing of all her separate
property, the former of all but the wife's life interest in one-third
of the real estate. The law provides, however, that no person having
husband, wife, child or parent can bequeath over one-half of his
property, after payment of debts, to any institution, association or
corporation.

The wife can mortgage or convey her real and personal estate without
the husband's signature. He may do this with his personal property but
not with his real estate.

A married woman may carry on any trade or business and perform any
labor or services on her own account, and her earnings are her sole
and separate property. She may sue and be sued as if unmarried, and
may maintain an action in her own name and the proceeds of such action
will be her separate property.[393]

She may contract as if unmarried and she and her separate estate are
liable. A woman engaged in business can not be arrested for a debt
fraudulently contracted. All women enjoy certain exemptions from the
sale of their property under execution which in the case of men are
granted only to householders--that is, a man who provides for a
family.

The husband's creditors have no claim to a life insurance unless the
annual premiums have exceeded $500; and it is also exempt from
execution for the wife's debts.

Common Law marriages are legal, requiring neither license nor
ceremony, and 14 years is the legal age for the girl.[394]

Absolute divorce is granted only for adultery. In case of either
absolute or limited divorce the husband may be required to pay alimony
to the wife during her life, even if she should marry again.

Every married woman is joint guardian of her children with her
husband, having equal powers, rights and duties in regard to them, and
on the death of either parent the survivor continues guardian. (1893.)

A husband is required to support his wife commensurately with his
means and her station in the community, without regard to the extent
of her individual property. If he fail to do this or if he abandon his
family he may be arrested and compelled to give security that he will
provide for them and will indemnify the town, city or county against
their becoming a charge upon the public within one year. Failing, he
may be sent to prison or penitentiary for not less than six months'
hard labor, or until he gives such bond, but none of this is
obligatory on the court.

In 1887 the "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 16
years, and it was made optional with the court to impose less than the
existing penalty of ten years' imprisonment. A few years afterward it
was proposed to reduce the age to 12 years. Mrs. Mary H. Hunt, in
behalf of the W. C. T. U., went before the Judiciary Committee and
said: "I represent 21,000 women and any man who dares to vote for this
measure will be marked and held up to scorn. We are terribly in
earnest." The matter was dropped. In 1895 the age was raised from 16
to 18, with a penalty for first degree of not more than twenty years'
imprisonment; for second degree, not more than ten. No minimum penalty
is named. Trials may be held privately, and it is the testimony of the
various protective associations of women that it is almost impossible
to secure convictions.

The laws contain many provisions for the benefit of female employes;
among them one that if any employer in New York City fail to pay wages
due up to $50, none of his property is exempt from execution and he
may be imprisoned without bail.

SUFFRAGE: In 1880 a law was enacted by the Legislature declaring that
"no person shall be deemed ineligible to serve as any school officer,
or to vote at any school meeting, by reason of sex, who has the other
qualifications now required by law."

It was the undoubted intention to give School Suffrage to all women by
this law, but at once Attorney-General Hamilton Ward rendered a
decision that it did not apply to cities but only to places where
separate "school meetings" were held, mainly country districts and
villages.

In 1881 another attempt was made by the Legislature to confer School
Suffrage on all women by striking out the word "male" in an old
statute of 1864, but as it failed to amend the very portion of the law
which referred to School Commissioners, this left the condition
unchanged.

In 1886 the Legislature tried it again by enlarging the qualifications
of voters, but as the words "school district" were used it did not
succeed in giving the suffrage to any women except those who already
possessed it.

In 1892 the Legislature once more came boldly to the rescue, and
undertook to enact that women should have a vote for _District_ School
Commissioners, which would bring under its provisions all the women of
the State. The Act read: "All persons without regard to sex, who are
eligible to the office of School Commissioner, and have the other
qualifications required by law, shall have the right to vote for
School Commissioner."

As the Act of 1880 had said specifically that "no person shall be
deemed ineligible to serve as any school officer by reason of sex,"
this seemed to settle the question. The Act further provided that "All
persons so entitled to vote for School Commissioner shall be
registered as provided by law for those who vote for county officers,
and whenever School Commissioners are to be elected it shall be the
duty of the county clerk to prepare a ballot to be used exclusively by
those who, by reason of sex, can vote only for School Commissioner."

This Act went into effect in April, 1893, and in the autumn Mrs.
Matilda Joslyn Gage registered in Manlius, Onondaga County.
Immediately the board of inspectors were requested to remove her name
from the registry. They refused and application was made to the
Supreme Court to strike off her name, on the sole contention that she
was not a lawful voter on account of her sex. The application was
granted on the ground that the Act conferring upon women the right to
vote for School Commissioner was unconstitutional. The inspectors
obeyed the order. Mrs. Gage appealed to the General Term, where the
order was affirmed, and then she carried her case to the Court of
Appeals. The decision here was in brief that a School Commissioner is
a _county officer_, and that by the State constitution only male
citizens may vote for such officers. The decision closed by saying: "A
Constitutional Convention may take away the barrier which excludes the
claimed right of the appellant, but until that is done we must enforce
the law as it stands."[395]

Thus after twenty years of time, four acts of the Legislature and
three decisions of the highest courts, the School Suffrage for women
is still confined exclusively to those of the villages and country
districts. The law condensed reads as follows:

Every person of full age residing in any school district, etc.,
who owns or hires real property in such district liable to
taxation for school purposes; and every such resident who is the
parent of a child who shall have attended the school in said
district for a period of at least eight weeks within one year
preceding such school meeting; and every such person, not being
the parent, who shall have permanently residing with him or her a
child of school age, etc.; and every such resident and citizen as
aforesaid, who owns any personal property, assessed on the last
preceding assessment-roll of the town, exceeding $50 in value,
exclusive of such as is exempt from execution, and no other,
shall be entitled to vote at any school meeting held in such
district, for all school district officers and upon all matters
which may be brought before said meeting. No person shall be
deemed ineligible to vote at any such school district meeting, by
reason of sex, who has one or more of the other qualifications
required by this section.[396]

This was the only suffrage granted to women until 1901, when the
following was enacted by the Legislature:

A woman who possesses the qualifications to vote for village or
town officers, except the qualification of sex, and who is the
owner of property in the town or village assessed upon the last
preceding assessment-roll thereof, is entitled to vote upon a
proposition to raise money by tax or assessment.

This law is believed to include about 1,800 places. The bill for it
was managed by a committee of the State Suffrage Association in three
successive Legislatures.

By the city charters of eleven of the thirty-six third-class
cities--Amsterdam, Cohoes, Corning, Geneva, Ithaca, Jamestown,
Newburg, Niagara Falls, North Tonawanda, Oswego and Watertown,
taxpaying women have a vote on special appropriations. Hornellsville
also conferred this privilege but it was declared illegal by the
corporation council, because the word "resident" was used instead of
"citizen."

OFFICE HOLDING: By a statute of 1880 women are eligible for any school
office. The State Superintendent of Public Instruction is elected by
the Legislature. Instead of county superintendents, as in most States,
New York has District Commissioners. A district may comprise either a
part or the whole of a county, but no city may form any part of it. At
present ten women are serving as District Commissioners. A
considerable number sit on the school boards of cities and villages
but no exact record is kept. In Greater New York thirty women serve as
school inspectors; there are also four supervisors in the departments
of sewing, cooking, kitchen-garden and physical culture, at salaries
ranging from $2,000 to $2,500.

The same law which enables women to serve as District School
Commissioners makes them eligible to all district offices, including
those of trustee, collector, treasurer and librarian, as the law in
prescribing qualification, omits the word "male."[397]

Women also are eligible to the office of village clerk. They serve as
notaries public, clerks of the Surrogate Court and deputy tax
collectors. Miss Christine Ross of New York City is a certified public
accountant and auditor.

Most cities have police matrons. Sixty fill this position in Greater
New York at a salary of $1,000 per annum.

Women are employed as city physicians in several places. The law
requires one woman physician in each State hospital for the insane and
eleven are at present employed, leaving only the State Homeopathic
Hospital at Gowanda[398] and the Manhattan Hospital on Long Island
without one.

One woman trustee is required on the board of every State institution
where women are placed as patients, paupers or criminals, but this is
not strictly obeyed. A list of the boards of eleven hospitals shows
twelve women and sixty-five men, but four have no women members. Two
women are on the board of Craig Colony of Epileptics; three on that of
the Custodial Asylum for Feeble-Minded.

The following are serving as State officials: On State Board of
Charities of twelve commissioners, one woman, with thirteen employed
in different departments at from $480 to $1,400 per annum; State
Superintendent Woman's Relief Corps, at $1,500; two State hospital
accountants at $1,400, three at $700; principal of House of Refuge for
Women at Hudson, $1,200; superintendent Western House of Refuge,
$1,200; five in Commission of Lunacy Department, $700 to $1,400;
fourteen in the State Library, $50 to $175 per month; seven in
Administrative Department of the Board of Regents of the University of
New York, and thirteen in the College and High School Departments (not
teachers), $720 to $1,200 per annum; ten in Home Education Department,
$50 to $150 per month; in the Department of Public Instruction, five
confidential clerks at from $900 to $2,000; in Bureau of Examinations
seven women at $900 (men in same positions receive $1,800); in State
Museum one woman at $600; in Training Class Bureau two women clerks at
$900; three women in office of Secretary of State at $900; one index
clerk in Bureau of Charitable Institutions at $1,050; one in State
Comptroller's office at $1,050; one examiner for Civil Service
Commission at $900 (men receive $1,400 for same work), and three
stenographers at $600 to $900; two State's prison stenographers at
$1,000; a Bertillon indexer, $1,200; one clerk for Commission of
Labor, $1,200; one for Free Employment Bureau, $900; under
Superintendent of Insurance, five women, $1,200 to $1,400; in office
of State Architect three, $626 to $900; in Bureau of Records two
clerks, $1,200; thirteen women are Factory Inspectors or employes in
that department, $600 to $1,500; twelve in the service of Commissioner
of Excise, $720 to $1,080.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is legally forbidden to
women. Several are presidents of banks, a number are brokers, many are
directors of corporations and there are women managers of countless
enterprises.

EDUCATION: The two great universities, Cornell at Ithaca and Columbia
in New York City, admit women to all departments and grant them the
full degrees. In Cornell they recite in the same classes with the men
students, and have the additional advantage of a residential hall on
the campus. There are no women on the faculty. Dr. M. Carey Thomas,
president of Bryn Mawr College, has been a member of the board of
trustees for several years. The women undergraduates of Columbia have
class-rooms and residence in Barnard, an independent corporation but
an affiliated college, its dean having the same relation to Columbia
as the heads of all the other colleges. The faculty is composed partly
of the regular Columbia staff and partly of special professors, among
whom are a number of women. The seniors attend certain courses in
philosophy and science in the regular university classes, and all of
these are open to post graduates. The University of New York, situated
in and near the city, is co-educational in its post-graduate courses
and in its Departments of Law, Pedagogy and Commerce. Its Law
Department is celebrated for the prominent women it has graduated.
Pratt Institute of Brooklyn is open to both sexes alike.

The Universities of Syracuse and Rochester are co-educational. The
latter was opened in 1900 through the efforts of the women of the city
in raising a fund of $50,000. The project would have failed, however,
had it not been for the assistance of Miss Anthony. On the morning of
the day when the limit would expire which had been fixed by the
trustees for the raising of this sum, $8,000 were still lacking.
Every possible source had been exhausted and in despair the women
appealed to Miss Anthony, who already had collected and turned over a
considerable amount. She set out with the wonderful determination
which always has characterized her, and at 4 o'clock in the afternoon
she went before the board of trustees with the full quota in checks
and pledges, making herself responsible for the last $2,500.

Union Theological Seminary of New York City (Presbyterian) is one of
the very few orthodox institutions of this kind which admit women.

The State is distinguished by having in Vassar the first of the great
colleges for women which offer a course of study approximating that of
the best universities. It was founded in 1861. Over 700 students are
in attendance.

Besides seven large co-educational institutions there are eight or ten
smaller ones for boys alone and several for girls alone.

In the public schools there are 5,405 men and 28,587 women teachers;
in New York City 1,263 men and 10,949 women. The average annual salary
for teachers in the cities outside of New York is $597; in that city,
which employs one-third of the whole number, $1,035. The average
annual salary in the commissioner districts is $322.49. There are
women in Greater New York receiving $2,500; there are hundreds in the
State receiving one-tenth of that sum. So far as it has been possible
to secure an estimate there is fully as much discrepancy between men's
and women's salaries for the same work as in other States.

* * * * *

The women of Greater New York take a prominent part in political
campaigns. There are seven or eight Women's Republican Clubs, a Health
Protective Association and a Woman's Municipal League which were
active in 1897 when Seth Low, president of Columbia College, was
candidate for mayor on the Reform ticket.[399] There is also a
flourishing Ladies' Democratic Club.

A unique observance is the annual Pilgrim Mothers' Dinner at the
renowned Waldorf-Astoria Hotel. This was instituted in December, 1892,
by the New York City Suffrage League, Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake,
president, in memory of those noble women, who are apt to be
overlooked at the celebrations in honor of the Pilgrim Fathers.

New York divides with Massachusetts the honor of forming the first
Woman's Club--Sorosis, in 1868--and it continues foremost among the
States in the size and influence of its organizations of women. Over
200, part of them suffrage societies, belong to the Federation of
Clubs, and these represent only a portion of the whole number. There
are eighty auxiliaries to the State Suffrage Association.

FOOTNOTES:

[376] The History is indebted for the material for this chapter to
Mrs. Mariana Wright Chapman of Brooklyn, Mrs. Jean Brooks Greenleaf of
Rochester, and Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake of New York, the presidents
of the State Woman Suffrage Association during the past twenty years.

[377] See History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. I, p. 67.

[378] Those making addresses were Miss Anthony, Miss Shaw, Mrs.
Chapman Catt, Mrs. Gannett, Mrs. Searing, Rabbi Max Landsberg, the
Hon. Charles S. Baker, the Hon. John Van Voorhis, the Rev. H. Clay
Peeples, the Rev. Ward Platt, the Rev. H. H. Stebbins, the Rev. J. W.
A. Stewart and Prof. S. A. Lattimore, acting president of the
Rochester University.

Addresses of welcome: Miss Mary S. Anthony for the City Political
Equality Club, the Rev. W. C. Gannett for the church that welcomed the
first convention, Mrs. Jean Brooks Greenleaf for the State
association.

The committee of arrangements were Mesdames S. A. West, Amy E. T.
Searing, J. G. Maurer, S. C. Blackall, Florence D. Alexander, Mary L.
Gannett, D. L. Kittredge, Emma B. Sweet, A. B. Taylor, D. L. Johnson,
F. B. Van Hoesen; Misses Jessie Post, Frances Alexander; Messrs. C. G.
Alexander and Joseph Bloss.

[379] The others who have held office since 1883 are as follows: Mary
S. Anthony, Martha R. Almy, Elnora Monroe Babcock, Henrietta M.
Banker, Ella Hawley Crossett, Hannah B. Clark, Elizabeth Burrell
Curtis, Everline R. Clark, Charlotte F. Daley, Margaret H. Esselstyne,
Mrs. Hannah L. Howland, Emily Howland, Isabel Howland, Cornelia K.
Hood, Maude S. Humphrey, Mary Seymour Howell, Priscilla Dudley
Hackstaff, Ada M. Hall, Martha H. Henderson, Helen M. Loder, Anne F.
Miller, Jennie McAdams, Harriet May Mills, Clara Neymann, Eliza Wright
Osborne, Mary J. Pearson, Helen C. Peckham, Mary Thayer Sanford, Kate
Stoneman, Kate S. Thompson, Emily S. Van Biele, Emilie J. Wakeman.

[380] Aside from those elsewhere mentioned, the names which seem to
occur most often in looking over the records are those of Dr. Sarah L.
Cushing, Dr. Cordelia A. Greene, Zobedia Alleman, Abigail A. Allen,
Kornelia T. Andrews, Amanda Alley, Mary E. Bagg, Charlotte A.
Cleveland, Ida K. Church, Susan Dixwell, Eliza B. Gifford, Esther
Herman, Ella S. Hammond, Mary Bush Hitchcock, Belle S. Holden, Mary H.
Hallowell, Emeline Hicks, Mary N. Hubbard, Marie R. Jenney, Rhody J.
Kenyon, Lucy S. Pierce, Harriet M. Rathbun, Martha J. H. Stebbins,
Julia D. Sheppard, Chloe A. Sisson, Delia C. Taylor.

[381] Much of the credit for the excellent organization is due to Miss
Harriet May Mills, State organizer, daughter of C. D. B. Mills of
anti-slavery record. Miss Mills is a graduate of Cornell University,
and is devoting her youth and education entirely to the cause of woman
suffrage.

[382] The story of this canvass, the largest and most systematic which
ever has been made for such a purpose, is given in full in "Record of
the New York Campaign of 1894," a pamphlet of 250 pages, issued by the
State association in 1895, and placed in many libraries throughout the
country. It is given also, with many personal touches, in the Life and
Work of Susan B. Anthony, Chap. XLII.

[383] From treasurer's report: Emily Howland generously contributed
$1,200. That staunch friend, Sarah L. Willis of Rochester gave $720.
Abby L. Pettengill of Chautauqua County, $220. Mr. and Mrs. H. S.
Greenleaf of Rochester, $200. General C. T. Christiansen of Brooklyn
began the contributions of $100, of which there were eight others from
our own State--Semantha V. Lapham, Ebenezer Butterick, Mrs. H. S.
Holden, Marian Skidmore, Hannah L. Howland, Cornelia H. Cary, Mr. and
Mrs. James Sargent; Mrs. Louisa Southworth of Ohio.

[384] One who was a witness gives this description:

"There were no more dramatic scenes during the convention than those
afforded by the presenting of the petitions. The names were enrolled
on pages of uniform size and arranged in volumes, each labeled and
tied with a wide yellow ribbon and bearing the card of the member who
was to present it. At the opening of the sessions, when memorials were
called for, he would rise and say: 'Mr. President, I have the honor to
present a memorial from Mary Smith and 17,117 others (for example),
residents of ---- county, asking that the word 'male' be stricken from
the Constitution.' Often one after another would present a bundle of
petitions until it would seem as though the entire morning would be
thus consumed. They were all taken by pages and heaped up on the
secretary's table, where they made an imposing appearance. Later they
were stacked on shelves in a large committee room.

"Mrs. Burt, the president of the W. C. T. U., brought in the petitions
of her society all at once, many great rolls of paper tied with white
ribbon. A colored porter took them down the aisle on a wheelbarrow."

[385] Mesdames Cornelia K. Hood, Cornelia H. Cary, Mariana W. Chapman,
Mary E. Craigie, Cora Sebury, Martha R. Almy, A. E. P. Searing, Elinor
Ecob Morse, Marcia C. Powell, Helen G. Ecob, Susie M. Bain, Carrie E.
S. Twing, Clara Neymann, Selina S. Merchant, Henrietta M. Banker,
Maude S. Humphrey, Mary Lewis Gannett; Dr. Sarah H. Morris; Misses
Arria S. Huntington, Emily Howland, Elizabeth Burrill Curtis.

[386] A hearing, on June 14, was given to the "Antis," as the press
dubbed the remonstrants. Their petition against being allowed the
suffrage was presented by the Hon. Elihu Root, and the speeches were
made by Francis M. Scott, the Rev. Clarence A. Walworth, the Hon.
Matthew Hale and J. Newton Fiero. Letters were read from the Hon.
Abram S. Hewitt and Austin Abbott.

[387] Among the earnest advocates of the suffrage article were Judges
Titus and Blake of New York, Judge Towns of Brooklyn, Judge Moore of
Plattsburg, Messrs. Lincoln, Church and McKinstry of Chautauqua,
Maybee of Sullivan, Cornwall of Yates, Powell of Kings, Cassidy of
Schuyler, Kerwin of Albany, Phipps of Queens, Fraser of Washington,
Arnold of Dutchess, Bigelow and Campbell of New York, Roche of Troy.

Speeches in opposition were made by Messrs. McClure, Goeller and
Platzek of New York, Fuller of Chenango, Griswold of Greene, Mereness
of Lewis, Sullivan of Erie, Lester of Saratoga, Hirshberg of Newburg,
Kellogg of Oneonta, Mantanye of Cortland, Cookinham of Utica.

[388] Members of committee in favor of woman suffrage clause: Edward
Lauterbach, Mirabeau Lamar Towns, Vasco P. Abbott, John Bigelow,
Gideon J. Tucker. Opposed: William P. Goodelle, Henry J. Cookinham,
John F. Parkhurst, Henry W. Hill, D. Gerry Wellington, John W.
O'Brien, Henry W. Wiggins, Thomas G. Alvord, David McClure, De Lancy
Nicoll, John A. Deady, William H. Cochran.

[389] In the work for other bills Mrs. Howell was assisted by Miss
Kate Stoneman, New York's first woman lawyer, Mrs. Sarah A. Le Boeuf,
Mrs. Joan Cole and Miss Winnie, all of Albany. George Rogers Howell,
assistant and also State librarian, aided his wife in every way. As a
State officer for many years he had strong influence and it always was
used for woman's political freedom. During these years Mrs. Howell, as
president of the Albany Political Equality Club, conducted many public
meetings in the Senate Chamber of the historic old Capitol building
until it was torn down. Legislators and State officers came each
Tuesday night to hear the suffrage speeches.

[390] In 1860, after ten years of persistent effort by Mrs. Stanton,
Miss Anthony and other pioneer workers, who had gathered up thousands
of petitions and besieged the Legislature, session after session, a
law was secured giving father and mother joint guardianship. In 1862,
so quietly that the women were not aware of it, the Legislature
repealed this law and again vested the guardianship solely in the
father. Although repeated efforts were afterwards made to have the
mother's right restored, this was not done for thirty years.

[391] Senator Parker is a brother of Mrs. J. V. L. Pruyn, who
organized the first anti-suffrage society in the State, at Albany.

[392] In Senator Brown's own city of Watertown, over 50 per cent. of
the women had just voted to bond the city for a new High School, the
press giving them full credit for it, but he persistently opposed this
bill.

[393] It was not supposed that this right could be questioned, but in
1901, in New York City, a woman who was supporting her children by
washing while her husband was in the hospital, was thrown from a
trolley car with her baby in her arms and injured so that she could
not work. She brought suit against the Street Railway Company before a
municipal court, and was awarded $147.50. The company appealed to the
Supreme Court and Justice David Leaventritt reversed the decision,
saying in his opinion, "At Common Law the husband was absolutely
entitled to the earnings of his wife, and neither the Enabling Act of
1860 nor the broader one of 1864 has affected the right, unless the
service and earnings were rendered and received expressly upon her
sole and separate account." Afterwards in explanation he said that the
woman had not made it clear in her suit that she was working for
herself and not performing service for her husband.

In 1902 a law was passed securing absolutely to married women their
own earnings and the right to sue for damages by loss of wages in case
of personal injury.

[394] In 1901 an attempt was made to correct this evil, and a
ridiculous law was passed and duly signed by Governor Odell providing
that a couple may become husband and wife by signing an agreement
before witnesses, but in order to make this legal it must be recorded
within six months. If at the end of this time it has not been recorded
both are free to marry somebody else. If the fourteen year old wife
should not know of this legal requirement she may find herself
abandoned without redress.

[395] This decision covers many pages with hair-splitting definitions,
tracing the laws governing School Commissioners back to 1843, and
summing up with the following unintentional satire.

"The Constitution, in Article 2, Section 1, prescribes the
qualifications of voters 'for all officers that now are or hereafter
may be elected by _the people_,' and confines the franchise
specifically to 'male citizens.' The office of School Commissioner was
one thereafter made 'elective by _the people_,' through the operation
of the alternative given by Article 10, Section 2, which provides that
'all officers whose offices may hereafter be created by law shall be
elected by _the people_ or appointed as the Legislature may direct.'
That is, in such cases, it may choose between election and appointment
and in the latter event may dictate the authority and mode of
appointment. The Legislature chose that the office should be elective,
and, becoming such, it fell within the scope and terms of the
constitutional provisions applicable to elections by _the people_."

[396] By the charters of the third class cities of Auburn, Geneva,
Hornellsville, Jamestown, Norwich, Union Springs and Watertown women
have School Suffrage on the same terms as men. The city of Kingston is
divided into several common and union free school districts and women
are authorized to vote.

[397] For legal opinion see Appendix for New York.

[398] In 1902 the hospital at Gowanda, the largest of the kind in the
State, placed a woman on its staff as specialist in gynecology.

[399] In 1901, when Mr. Low was again a candidate and was elected,
these clubs were a prominent factor in the campaign. They arranged
meetings, addressed large audiences, raised $30,000 and circulated
1,000,000 pieces of literature. Their work was commended by the press
of the whole United States and much credit was given them for the
success of the Reform ticket. When the Board of Education of forty-six
members was appointed by Mayor Low, various societies petitioned him
to give women a representation upon it, but he declined to do so.

CHAPTER LVII.

NORTH CAROLINA.[400]

The only attempt at suffrage organization in North Carolina was made
by Miss Helen Morris Lewis, Nov. 21, 1894. A meeting was called at the
court house in Asheville and attended by a large audience, which was
addressed by Miss Lewis and Miss Floride Cunningham. Thomas W. Patton,
mayor of the city, made a stirring speech in favor of giving the
ballot to women. At his residence the next day a society was formed
with a membership of forty-five men and women; president, Miss Morris;
vice-president, T. C. Westall; secretary, Mrs. Eleanor Johnstone
Coffin; treasurer, Mayor Patton. The next mayor of Asheville, Theodore
F. Davidson, also advocated woman suffrage.

In 1895 addresses were made in various cities by Miss Laura Clay of
Kentucky and Miss Elizabeth Upham Yates of Maine, who had been
attending the national convention in Atlanta.

Later on Miss Frances E. Willard, president of the National Woman's
Christian Temperance Union, and Miss Belle Kearney, a noted lecturer
from Mississippi, aroused considerable enthusiasm in various places by
pleas for woman suffrage in their temperance addresses. Miss Lewis has
spoken in a number of towns and at the State Normal School. No
organized work has been done, however, and but little public interest
is felt.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: Early in February, 1895, as a result of
the suffrage meeting held in Asheville, a bill was presented in the
Legislature to place women on school boards. Mrs. Lillie Devereux
Blake of New York, a native of North Carolina, addressed the
legislators in its behalf and upon the rights of women. The bill
provoked a hot discussion but was defeated. It is impossible to obtain
a record of the vote.

In 1897 a bill to permit women to serve as notaries public
was defeated in the House on the ground that it would be
unconstitutional, as this is a State office. The same year a bill
providing for the appointment of women physicians in the State insane
asylums was referred to a committee and never reported.

Bills also have been presented for full suffrage and suffrage for
tax-paying women, but none has been acted upon. Several Acts have been
passed prohibiting employers from working women in the chain gangs on
the public roads in different counties.[401]

The most unjust discriminations against women in the property laws
were removed by the Constitutional Convention of 1868. Since then a
married woman may acquire and hold real estate and have the enjoyment
of its income and profits in her own separate right, and she may
dispose of it by will subject to the husband's curtesy (the life use
of the whole); but she can not sell any of it without his consent. The
husband can not sell his real estate so as to cut off the dower of the
wife (the life use of one-third) without her consent.

The code of 1883 stipulates that if the husband receives the income of
the wife's separate property and she offers no objection, he can not
be made liable to account for his use of it for more than one year
previous to the date of the complaint or of her death. By an act of
1889, the husband is required to list the property of the wife "in his
control."

Both dower and curtesy obtain. If there are neither descendants nor
kindred the widow is heir of the entire estate. If there are not more
than two children, and the husband die without a will, one-third of
the personal property goes to the widow; if there are more than two
children, she shares equally with them; if there be no child or legal
representative of a deceased child, one-half goes to the widow, the
other half to the kindred of the husband. If a wife die without a
will, the widower has a life estate in her real property, if there has
been issue born alive, and all of her personal property absolutely,
subject to her debts.

A homestead to the value of $1,000 is exempt from sale during
widowhood unless the widow have one in her own right.

The wife is not bound by contract unless the husband joins in writing.
In actions against her he must be served with the suit.

The wife can not be a sole trader without the husband's written and
recorded consent, unless living apart from him under legal divorce or
separation, or unless he is an idiot or a lunatic, or has abandoned
her or maliciously turned her out of doors. She controls even her
wages only under these circumstances.

The divorce laws make the discrimination against women that while the
husband can secure a divorce for one act of adultery on the part of
the wife, she can secure one from him on this ground only if he
separates from her and lives openly in adultery.

The father is the legal guardian of the persons and education of the
minor children, and may appoint a guardian by will even for one
unborn. The court appoints the guardian for the estate.

Wilful neglect by the husband to provide adequate support for the wife
and children is a misdemeanor.

The "age of protection" for girls still remains 10 years, with a
penalty of death. Over 10 and under 14 the crime is a misdemeanor,
punishable with fine or imprisonment in the penitentiary at discretion
of the court, if the child has been previously chaste.

SUFFRAGE: Women possess no form of suffrage.

OFFICE HOLDING: By the State constitution only those entitled to vote
are eligible to office. Women are thus barred from every elective and
appointive office, even that of notary public.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is legally forbidden to
women. They are admitted to the State Medical Society and made
chairmen of various sections. There has been a revolution of public
sentiment during the past twenty years in regard to women in
wage-earning occupations. What formerly would have caused ostracism is
now regarded as proper and commendable.

EDUCATION: In 1897 the post-graduate work of the State University was
opened to women. The undergraduate departments are still closed to
them. Other institutions are about equally divided among
co-educational, for boys only and for girls only. The State Normal and
Industrial School for Girls (white) and the Agricultural and
Mechanical College for Boys (colored), both at Greensborough, offer
excellent opportunities. There are four other universities and
colleges for colored students.

In the public schools there are 4,127 men and 4,077 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $25.07; of the women,
$22.24.

FOOTNOTES:

[400] The History is indebted for most of the information in this
chapter to Mrs. Sarah A. Russell of Wilmington, the wife of Gov.
Daniel L. Russell.

[401] In 1901 a bill, supported by a petition largely signed by women,
which provided for a reformatory for youthful criminals where they
might be separated from the old and hardened, was introduced in the
Legislature but never was brought to a vote.

CHAPTER LVIII.

OHIO.[402]

The second Woman's Rights Convention ever held took place at Salem,
Ohio, in April, 1850, and such meetings were continued at intervals
until the beginning of the Civil War. After the war a State
association was formed, but the records of its existence are not
available. In the early summer of 1884 Mrs. Rachel S. A. Janney, whose
husband was president of the State Agricultural College (now the State
University), called a convention in Columbus, at which Mrs. Rosa L.
Segur, Mrs. Ellen Sully Fray, Mr. and Mrs. O. G. Peters, Mrs.
Elizabeth Coit and family, Mrs. Ammon of Cleveland, and other
well-known advocates were present. So few were in attendance, however,
that it was thought best not to organize permanently, but Judge Ezra
B. Taylor of Warren was chosen president and Mrs. Frances M. Casement,
vice-president. Judge Taylor, in declining because of Congressional
duties, expressed sympathy and interest in the movement. He was a
member of the Judiciary Committee of the U. S. House of
Representatives for thirteen years, and through his influence when
chairman, in 1890, a majority report in favor of a Sixteenth Amendment
to the Constitution to enfranchise women was submitted to the House
for the first and last time.

Mrs. Casement did very efficient work, especially in the northern part
of the State, and as a result a large and enthusiastic meeting was
held at Painesville, her home, in May, 1885, and a State association
regularly organized. On the list of officers were placed three persons
who through all these years have made the enfranchisement of women
their paramount work--Mrs. Casement, Mrs. Segur of Toledo and Mrs.
Coit of Columbus. Mrs. Casement, who was made president, always has
given generously of time and money and is still a member of the
executive committee. Mrs. Segur, who was elected corresponding
secretary, also continues her activity. She does much press work and
is one of the main supports of the Toledo W. S. A., which has held
regular monthly meetings since its organization in 1869. Mrs. Coit was
chosen treasurer and held the office fourteen years, during which she
seldom missed a convention or an executive meeting. In 1900 she was
made honorary president without one dissenting vote.[403]

In addition to the State conventions from two to five executive
committee meetings have been held yearly since 1885. Before the
adoption of the biennial sessions of the Legislature, there were
usually conferences at Columbus in midwinter to influence legislation,
and different members remained there for weeks. Mrs. Sarah C.
Schrader, Mrs. Martha H. Elwell and Mrs. Louisa Southworth rendered
especially valuable service in such matters.

Mrs. Southworth, in her home at Cleveland, also had charge of the
systematic enrollment of persons indorsing woman suffrage, which has
been very effective in answering the objection that women do not want
to vote. This was begun in 1888, when she was made national
superintendent of enrollment, as she was a thorough advocate of this
method of petition. Bills for woman suffrage introduced into the
Legislature need the backing of many names, and in this way more can
be added each year. The blanks are headed: "We believe that women
should vote on equal terms with men;" and an effort is made to keep
the names of men and women separate. The original lists are carefully
preserved, but typewritten copies for reference are made and
classified according to towns, counties and Congressional districts,
pains being taken each year not to register duplicates. The entire
expenses, amounting to several thousand dollars, have been borne by
Mrs. Southworth. All of the canvassers have contributed their
services.[404]

Good educational work has been done through Woman's Day at colleges,
camp meetings and county fairs. A memorable occasion was that of the
Centennial Celebration of the city of Cleveland in 1896. One day was
devoted to the consideration of the advancement of woman in
philanthropy, education, domestic science, etc. Although the speakers
had been requested not to touch upon the question of her political
enfranchisement, three women indirectly mentioned it and these
received the heartiest applause of any brought out in the course of a
whole day of able speechmaking. One of them was not permitted to
retire until she acknowledged in a graceful word or two the enthusiasm
of the audience. The committee having charge of this celebration asked
a woman in each township on the Western Reserve to gather facts in
regard to its early women, and over 200 granted the request. These
papers when published made four volumes of valuable information
respecting the pioneer women of this famous section of Ohio.

In 1896 the Rev. Henrietta G. Moore, a Universalist minister of
Springfield, and Miss Laura A. Gregg of Kansas, visited seventeen
towns and cities in the interest of the State W. S. A. and formed
numerous organizations.

A conference of national and State officers, with several public
meetings, was held at Toledo in the autumn of 1897, Mrs. Fray,
president of Lucas County, making the arrangements. The following
spring Mrs. Harriet Brown Stanton of Cincinnati did the preparatory
work for a two days' meeting in that city, the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw,
vice-president-at-large, and Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the
organization committee of the National Association, being the
speakers.

In the spring of 1900 Mrs. Harriet Taylor Upton, president of the
State association, visited fifteen principal towns preparing the way
for organization, while in others plans were made by correspondence.
Five persons participated in the campaign made later: Miss Shaw and
Mrs. Chapman Catt as speakers, each contributing two weeks of time;
Miss Harriet May Mills and Miss Mary G. Hay, of New York, national
organizers; Mrs. Upton accompanying the party. The object was to
ascertain suffrage sentiment and to organize the northwestern part of
the State. The next work was done in the southern part, Ohio women
making the arrangements and Dr. Frances Woods of Iowa acting as
speaker and organizer. At the close of 1900 the State had twice as
many members as the year before, with vastly increased interest and
activity. This growth was due to many causes, not least among them
being the work and inspiration of Miss Elizabeth J. Hauser, who was
corresponding secretary for five years, and for ten has scarcely
missed a convention.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION: In 1888 the Legislature was asked to submit to the
voters an amendment giving Full Suffrage to women. This measure was
lost, and a Municipal Suffrage Bill met a like fate.

In 1889 a bill for Full Suffrage was defeated in the Senate by 19
ayes, 9 noes, a three-fifths majority being required.

In 1890 a similar bill was introduced in the House and discussed at
length. It received 54 ayes, 47 noes, but not a constitutional
majority.

In 1891 the Legislature was petitioned without result, and in 1892 and
1893 School Suffrage Bills were defeated by small majorities.

It was enacted in 1893 that mayors in cities of 10,000 inhabitants and
upward shall furnish proper quarters for women and female children
under arrest, and that these shall be out of sight of the rooms and
cells where male prisoners are confined. The law further provides for
the appointment of police matrons.

In 1894 a Municipal Suffrage Bill was introduced but was not reported
from committee. This year, however, School Suffrage was granted to
women.

To Mrs. Caroline McCullough Everhard and Mrs. Katherine B. Claypole,
president and recording secretary of the State W. S. A., women are
largely indebted for this law. Like all reform measures, it was
preceded by many discouraging defeats. In 1892 a bill was introduced
into the House by E. W. Doty, providing that women should vote for and
serve as members of school boards. It was lost by seven votes,
reconsidered in the adjourned session of 1893 and lost again by six
votes. Another bill was introduced into the House in January, 1894, by
Gustavus A. Wood, but was defeated by 47 ayes, 43 noes. Mrs. Everhard
then made an earnest appeal to Senator William T. Clark to introduce
the same bill. He promptly acceded and it passed the Senate on April
10 by 20 ayes, 6 noes. It was returned to the House and passed April
24 by 55 ayes, 26 noes, 11 not voting. Mr. Clark at once sent a
telegram to the president of the association: "Woman suffrage bill a
law; truth is mighty yet."

In 1894 the Legislature was asked to enact a law making women eligible
as trustees of homes and asylums for women and children. The request
was refused on the ground that the law would be declared
unconstitutional because such trustees must be electors.

In 1896 Free Traveling Libraries were established.

In 1898 the Legislature provided that a woman could be a notary
public. Two months later the law was declared unconstitutional, as
notaries must be electors.

LAWS: In 1884 a law was enacted giving a married woman the right to
sue and be sued and to proceed in various other matters as if
unmarried. Her personal property and real estate were liable to
judgment, but she was entitled to the benefits of all exemptions to
heads of families.

In 1887 married women obtained absolute control of their own property.
This act gave a wife the right to enter into any engagements or
transactions with her husband, or any other person, to hold and
dispose of real and personal property and to make contracts.

Dower was retained but curtesy abolished, except for a man married
before 1887 and regarding property owned by his wife before that date.
Either husband or wife on the death of the other is now entitled to
one-third of the real estate for life. If either die without a will,
and there are no children or their legal representatives living, all
the real estate passes to the survivor, and the personal property
subject to the debts. If there are children, or their legal
representatives, the widow or widower is entitled to one-half of the
first $400, and to one-third of the remainder subject to distribution.
A homestead not exceeding $1,000 in value may be reserved for the
widow.

In 1893 it was made legal for a married woman to act as guardian; and
in 1894 as executor or administrator.

By the code of 1892 the father is legal guardian of the children and
may appoint a guardian by will, even of one unborn. If he has
abandoned the mother, she has custody.

The husband must support his wife and minor children by his property
or labor, but if he is unable to do so, the wife must assist as far as
she is able. The father or, when charged with maintenance thereof, the
mother of a legitimate or illegitimate child under sixteen, who being
able, either by reason of having means or by labor or earnings, shall
neglect or refuse to provide such child with proper home, care, food
and clothing; or, if said child is a legal inmate of the county or
district children's home, shall refuse to pay the reasonable cost of
its keeping, shall upon conviction be guilty of felony and punished by
imprisonment in the penitentiary for not more than three years nor
less than one, or in a county jail or workhouse at hard labor for not
more than one year nor less than three months.

In 1887 the "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 12
years; in 1894 from 12 to 14; in 1896 from 14 to 16. The penalty is
imprisonment not more than twenty nor less than three years.

SUFFRAGE: The law of 1894 permits women, on the same terms as men, to
vote for members of the boards of education (trustees), but not for
State Commissioner (superintendent) nor on any question of bonds or
appropriations. There are no county commissioners in Ohio.

The history of this law, after it passed into the Revised Statutes, is
as follows: In December, 1894, Mrs. Ida M. Earnhart of Columbus, whose
husband, Senator M. B. Earnhart, had championed the bill, was one of
the first women to register for voting at the school election to be
held the next April. For the purpose of a test case a written request
was made of the board of elections to strike her name from the list;
they refused and suit was brought in the name of the State of Ohio
against the board and Mrs. Earnhart. The case was argued in the
Circuit Court of Franklin County in January, 1895. Mrs. Caroline
McCullough Everhard, president of the State W. S. A., attended the
hearing. Senators William T. Clark and M. B. Earnhart ably defended
the law. On February 1 the decision was rendered by Judge J. G.
Shauck, Judges Charles G. Shearer and Gilbert H. Stewart concurring in
the opinion, which declared the law to be constitutional. The case was
appealed to the Supreme Court, where the decision of the lower court
was sustained. This completed the victory which the State suffrage
association had worked so hard to win. More than 30,000 women voted at
the first election following. In the spring of 1902, 14,800 women
registered in Cleveland and 80 per cent. voted.

Everything was quiet until the winter of 1898, when the activity of
the suffragists was again called out by the introduction into the
House of a bill by A. J. Hazlett to repeal the School Suffrage law.
The board of elections of Cleveland had asked for this. Forthwith
letters were sent to all the suffrage clubs by Mrs. Everhard, and
requests were made to many prominent persons to use their influence
against it. Protesting petitions were circulated and, with more than
40,000 names, were sent to the Legislature in a very short time. On
Feb. 10, 1898, members of the legislative committee of the State W. S.
A. appeared before the House Committee on Elections and spoke against
the bill. Through courtesy to Mr. Hazlett, who was a member of this
committee, it was reported back, but without recommendation, and when
brought to a vote in the House it was overwhelmingly defeated--76
against repeal, 22 in favor.

OFFICE HOLDING: No woman can be elected or appointed to any office,
with the exception of that of school trustee, as the statutes provide
that all incumbents must be electors. The same law applies to the
boards of all State institutions. It also prevents women from serving
as notaries public.

They can act as deputies, since these are considered merely as clerks.
The law specifies that women can be Probate Court deputies because
minors are eligible to that office.

Women can not be State School Commissioners, and there is no office of
county commissioner. They are serving acceptably on the school boards
of various towns and cities, but no official record is anywhere kept
of the exact number.[405]

A law of 1892 says: "In all asylums for the insane there shall be
employed at least one female physician." There are eight such
institutions in the State and at present only four have women
physicians.

The same year it was made mandatory on every Judge of Common Pleas to
appoint in his county a board of visitors consisting of three men and
three women, whose duty it is to make periodical visits to the
correctional and charitable institutions of the county and to act as
guardians _ad litem_ to delinquent children.

A law of 1893 requires police matrons in all cities of 10,000
inhabitants and over. They must be more than thirty years old, of good
moral character and sound physical health, and must have the
indorsement of at least ten women residents of good standing. Their
salary is fixed at not less than two-thirds of the minimum salary paid
to patrolmen in the same city, and they may serve for life unless they
are discharged.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is legally forbidden to
women.

EDUCATION: Oberlin was the first co-educational college in the United
States (1833). Antioch was the second (1853). The State University and
all other State institutions of learning always have been open to both
sexes alike. Of the thirty-four colleges and universities twenty-seven
are co-educational, five are for men and two for women. There are
seventy-nine higher educational institutions other than colleges, such
as academies, normal and business schools, theological seminaries,
etc. Of these eight are for men, ten for women, fifty-nine
co-educational and two without statistics.

In the public schools there are 10,556 men and 15,156 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $50; of the women, $40.

* * * * *

Ohio is one of the leading States in the number of women's clubs--289,
with a membership of 10,300, being enrolled in the General Federation.
It was principally through the efforts of this large body of women
that a bill was passed in 1896 providing for Traveling Free Libraries
and 900 are now in circulation, more than in any other State. It also
was instrumental in securing a bill for the establishment of State
Normal Schools in connection with Ohio and Miami Universities.

The Rookwood Pottery of Cincinnati, which has more than a national
reputation, is the result of the intelligence and well directed
efforts of a woman--Mrs. Maria Longworth Nichols (now Mrs. Bellamy
Storer). Inspired by the Japanese display at the Centennial Exposition
in Philadelphia, in 1876, she began experimenting with the clays of
the Ohio valley and eventually developed the exquisite pottery which
is found in every art museum and large private collection in the
country, and whose manufacture employs a number of skilled artists.

FOOTNOTES:

[402] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Harriet Taylor
Upton of Warren, treasurer of the National-American Woman Suffrage
Association since 1892 and president of the State association.

[403] Presidents of the State association: Frances M. Casement,
1885-1888, Martha H. Elwell, 1888-1891, Caroline McCullough Everhard,
1891-1898, Harriet Brown Stanton, 1898-1899, Harriet Taylor Upton,
1899 and now serving.

State Conventions: Painesville, 1885, Toledo, 1886, Cleveland, 1887;
Chillicothe, 1888, Akron, 1889, Massillon, 1890, Warren, 1891, Salem,
1892, Delaware, 1893, Cincinnati, 1894, Ashtabula, 1895, Alliance,
1897, Cincinnati, 1898, Akron, 1899, Athens, 1900. During the
Presidential campaign of 1896, when William McKinley, a resident of
Ohio, was a candidate, the excitement was so intense that it was
thought wise to abandon the convention, which was to have been held in
October at Springfield.

[404] When the State Suffrage Association decided to abandon this
work, Mrs. Southworth was elected State superintendent of franchise by
the W. C. T. U. and the enrollment was continued. At their national
convention, in 1901, it showed 50,000 names and aroused great
enthusiasm. Of these, 9,650 were collected in the four cities of
Cleveland, Cincinnati, Columbus and Toledo; during the year 7,500
names had been added to the list. The system has been adopted by the
unions in many States.

[405] Mrs. Harriet Taylor Upton, the author of this chapter, is now
serving her second term on the board of education in Warren, O. In the
spring of 1898 the local political equality club determined to have
some women in this position and selected Mrs. Upton and Mrs. Carrie P.
Harrington. Two vacancies having occurred, the board (which fills such
vacancies) was asked to appoint them but refused. Their names
therefore were presented to the Republican caucus in the spring of
1898. Instead of two candidates, as usual, there were four, as the two
vacancies were to be filled for the remainder of the term. The board
and the politicians still refused to recommend the women, so six names
went before the caucus. The women were asked whether they wanted to
run for the short term to fill the vacancies or for the full term of
three years. They refused to say, but simply asked that their names
should be considered. They had little hope of anything but to fill the
vacancies, as the president and treasurer of the present board were
candidates for the long term. The night of the caucus was very stormy,
but the women of the city turned out in force and, with the assistance
of the men, the two women were nominated for the long term. A
Republican nomination is equivalent to an election in Warren.

The board was magnanimous, both ladies were placed on committees and
most courteously treated. The next year Mrs. Upton was made chairman
of the most important committee, that on supplies, buildings and
grounds, which expends nine tenths of all the money used by the board.
The other woman member was added to this committee when the new
grammar school was begun in 1899. It is considered one of the best
ventilated and best planned buildings in that part of the State.

In the spring of 1901 both were triumphantly re-elected. Mrs. Upton
was continued as chairman of her committee, and Mrs. Harrington was
made chairman of the next in importance, that on text books. [Eds.

CHAPTER LIX.

OKLAHOMA.[406]

Oklahoma Territory was opened to settlement April 22, 1889, and its
first woman's organization was the Woman's Christian Temperance Union,
founded in Guthrie, March 10, 1890, by Mrs. Margaret O. Rhodes, under
the direction of Miss Frances E. Willard. In the following April a
convention was called at Oklahoma City, delegates coming from ten
societies, and Mrs. Rhodes was elected president. In October, 1890,
the first annual convention was held in Guthrie, the capital, Mrs.
Alice Williams of Missouri being the principal speaker. The first
Legislature was in session and she also addressed this body making a
strong plea for legislation in favor of temperance and woman suffrage.

In 1895 Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the organization
committee of the National Suffrage Association, arranged for a
lecturer to visit all the principal towns on the Rock Island and Santa
Fé Railroads, and Miss Laura A. Gregg of Kansas was selected for this
pioneer work. She came into the Territory the first week in October
and lectured in twelve places, forming clubs. Her campaign closed at
Guthrie where the first suffrage convention was held, November 11, 12,
and an association organized. Miss Margaret Rees was elected
president,[407] Mrs. J. R. Keaton, secretary, and Mrs. R. W. Southard,
delegate to the national convention.

Mrs. Julia B. Nelson of Minnesota was sent into the Territory by the
National Association for three months in May, 1896. She spoke in
twenty-three towns, organizing a number of clubs, and on June 7, 8,
closed her work with a mass meeting in Guthrie.

The third convention was held in Perry, Nov. 13, 14, 1897, Mrs. Laura
M. Johns of Kansas being present as the chief speaker. Mrs. Celia Z.
Titus was elected president; Margaret Rees, corresponding secretary;
Sarah L. Bosworth, recording secretary; Eva A. Crosby, treasurer.

In September, 1898, Miss Mary G. Hay, organizer for the National
Suffrage Association, arranged for a campaign, preparatory to asking
the Legislature to grant woman suffrage, as in a Territory full
suffrage can be given by legislative enactment. In October Mrs.
Chapman Catt came on and meetings were held in the chief towns, where
committees were appointed to look after petitions and other necessary
work. This series of meetings closed November 6, 7, with the annual
convention in Oklahoma City. Mrs. Rhodes was elected president, Mrs.
Della Jenkins, vice-president, Miss Rees continued as secretary, Mrs.
Minnie D. Storm made treasurer.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION: In the first Legislature, in 1890, specific work
was begun for woman suffrage. When the law regarding the franchise was
under discussion a petition was presented praying that it should read,
"Every citizen of the age of 21 shall have a right to vote," instead
of "every male citizen." A proposition for this was lost by three
votes in the House and was not considered by the Council. School
Suffrage was granted to women.

In 1897 a bill asking for the enfranchisement of women was prepared by
Miss Margaret Rees and introduced in the House, where it was carried
by a vote of 13 yeas, 9 nays, but was killed in the Council. Mrs.
Johns, who had been sent by the National Association, labored most
earnestly for the bill and won hundreds of friends for the cause by
her wise council and able management.

After the suffrage convention in 1898, described above, Miss Hay
returned to New York and Miss Laura A. Gregg was appointed by the
National Association to co-operate with the Oklahoma women in securing
the franchise from the Legislature of 1899. Their efforts and the
results were thus related in the report to the National Suffrage
Convention at Grand Rapids, Mich., in April, by Mrs. Chapman Catt, who
had remained in Guthrie most of the winter looking after the interests
of the bill with the discretion and ability for which she is
distinguished:

Last November headquarters were opened in a business block at
Guthrie, in charge of Miss Gregg, from which an active
correspondence was conducted, resulting in a large petition and a
constant accession of new recruits. There was a most thorough
system of press work, nearly every newspaper in the Territory
aiding the movement. The strongest and best men espoused our
cause and the outlook seemed propitious. The Legislature convened
the first week in January, but an unfortunate quarrel arose
between it and the Governor which hindered legislation and
compelled our campaign to drag throughout the entire sixty days'
session. Miss Gregg continued her work at headquarters during the
winter, and Miss Hay spent a month in Guthrie looking after the
interests of our bill. It finally passed the house, 14 yeas, 10
nays, the week before the session was to close, and immediately
the opposition concentrated its efforts on the Council. However,
a majority were pledged to support our measure, and we felt
little fear.

As soon as the news spread that the bill was through the House, a
telegram was received by each member of the Council from the
Albany (N. Y.) women remonstrants. These were not all phrased
alike, but each asked the recipient: "What can be done to defeat
the woman suffrage bill? Answer at our expense." At nearly the
same moment, the chief agent of the Saloonkeepers' League, an
association recently organized, as they claimed, "to protect our
interests from unjust legislation," appeared upon the scene. Only
a week remained of the legislative session. Whether this agent of
the Oklahoma saloons came at the invitation of the Albany
remonstrants, or the Albany remonstrants sent their telegrams
offering assistance at the instigation of the Saloonkeepers'
League, or whether their simultaneous appearance was by chance, I
am unable to say. That they appeared together seems significant.
If they work as distinct forces, a study in the vagaries of the
human reason is presented in the motives offered to the public by
these two organizations. The Albany remonstrants would protect
the sweet womanly dignity of Oklahoma women from the debasing
influence of politics. The Saloonkeepers' League would save the
debasing influence of politics from the sweet womanly dignity of
Oklahoma women. So these Albany women, who never fail to inform
the public of their devotion to the church, join hands with the
Oklahoma saloonkeepers, who never fail to declare that the church
is a fanatical obstacle to personal liberty. A queer union it is,
but some day the world will discover the mystery which has
consummated it!

It so happened that in this Legislature there was a member who
for thirty years, in a neighboring State, had been an avowed
friend of suffrage. This was known to all Oklahoma, and even the
enemies expected him to lead our forces in the Council. This man
not only betrayed us, but headed the opposition in a
filibustering effort to keep the bill from coming to a final vote
and succeeded. Now, why did he fail us? Did he renounce the faith
of a lifetime? No. Did the suffragists offend him? No; but even
if they had done so a man of character does not change his views
in a moment for a personal whim. Why, then, this change? Any
member of the Legislature, for or against suffrage, if he would
speak as frankly to others as he did to us, would tell you it was
for money. Rumor was plentiful stating the amount and the donor.
The saloons all over Oklahoma, with a remarkable unanimity of
knowledge, boasted beforehand that the bill was killed and that
this man was the instrument which they had used, and while they
were boasting he was conferring with us and promising us his
faithful support, hoping to conduct the filibustering so adroitly
that we could not detect his hand in it....

To come to the main point, we had won the victory but a crime
robbed us of it. Suffragists know how to bear defeats with
fortitude, for each one is only a milestone showing the progress
made on a journey, but a defeat by the defection of a friend is a
new thing in the history of our movement.

Dr. Delos Walker of Oklahoma City was one of those who assisted in
every way possible to give the ballot to the women of the Territory.
Dr. C. F. McElwrath of Enid championed the bill in the House and
secured its passage over the head of every opponent. The efforts of
the women were supplemented also by those of Senator I. A. Gandey and
Representative William H. Merten, both of Guthrie, and T. F. Hensley
of El Reno, editor of the _Democrat_.

LAWS: Dower and curtesy do not obtain. If either husband or wife die
without a will, leaving only one child or the lawful issue of one
child, the survivor receives one-half of both real and personal
property. If there is more than one child or one child and descendants
of one or more deceased children, the widow or widower receives
one-third of the estate. If there is no issue living the survivor
receives one-half; and if there is neither issue, father, mother,
brother nor sister, the survivor takes the whole estate. A homestead
may be occupied by the widow or widower until otherwise disposed of
according to law.

Husband or wife may mortgage or convey separate property without the
consent of the other.

A married woman may sue and be sued and make contracts in her own
name. She may carry on business as a sole trader and her earnings and
wages are her sole and separate property.

The usual causes for divorce exist but only a 90 days' residence is
required. A wife may sue for alimony without divorce. In cases where
both parties are equally at fault the court may refuse divorce but
provide for the custody and maintenance of children and equitable
division of property.

The father is the legal guardian of the children. At his death the
mother becomes the guardian, if a suitable person, but if she
remarries the guardianship passes to the second husband.

The husband is expected to furnish a suitable support for the family,
but no punishment is prescribed for a failure to do this.

No law existed for the protection of girls until 1890 when the age was
made 14 years. In 1895 it was raised to 16 years. The penalty is first
degree (under 14), imprisonment not less than ten years; second degree
(under 16), not less than five years. In both cases the girl must have
been "of previous chaste character."

SUFFRAGE: The first Territorial Legislature (1890) granted School
Suffrage to the extent of a vote for trustees.

OFFICE HOLDING: Women may hold all school offices. Eleven of the
twenty-three counties have women superintendents. They are not
eligible to State offices but are not prohibited by law from any
county offices. One woman is registrar of deeds and one is deputy U.
S. marshal. There are at the present time about one hundred women
notaries public.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is legally forbidden to
women. Ten hours is made a legal working day.

EDUCATION: All educational institutions are open alike to both sexes.
In the public schools there are 914 men and 1,268 women teachers. The
average monthly salary of the men is $31.93; of the women, $26.20.

* * * * *

Thirty Federated Clubs in Oklahoma, with over 700 members, are taking
up successfully a great variety of public work. Guthrie contains eight
of these, with a membership of more than one hundred, and the library
committee has succeeded in starting a library, which has now seven
hundred volumes.

FOOTNOTES:

[406] The History is indebted for material for this chapter to Mrs.
Margaret Olive Rhodes of Guthrie, president of the Territorial Woman
Suffrage Association.

[407] Mrs. Rachel Rees Griffith and her two daughters are known as the
Mothers of Equal Suffrage in Oklahoma. Miss Margaret was the first
Territorial president, while no one has done more in the local club of
Guthrie than Miss Rachel. Mrs. Griffith is nearly eighty years of age,
but fully expects to live to see the women of Oklahoma enjoying the
full franchise.

CHAPTER LX.

OREGON.[408]

After the defeat of the woman suffrage amendment in 1884 no organized
effort was made for ten years, although quiet educational work was
done. On the Fourth of July, 1894, a meeting was called at the
residence of Mrs. Abigail Scott Duniway in Portland and a committee
formed which met every week for several months thereafter. Woman's Day
was celebrated at the convention of the State Horticultural
Association, in September, by invitation of its president, William
Salloway. Addresses were made by N. W. Kinney and Mrs. Duniway, and
Governor Lord and his wife were on the platform. On October 27 a mass
meeting was held at Marquam Grand Theater, at which a State
organization was effected and a constitution adopted which had been
prepared by the committee.[409]

In January, 1895, the association secured from the Legislature a bill
for the submission of a woman suffrage amendment, which it would be
necessary for a second Legislature to pass upon. The annual meeting of
the State Association was held at Portland in November as quietly as
possible, it being the aim to avoid arousing the two extremes of
society, consisting of the slum classes on the one hand and the
ultra-conservative on the other, who instinctively pull together
against all progress. Officers were elected as usual and the work went
on in persistent quietude.

The convention of 1896 met in Portland, November 16.[410] Mrs.
Duniway, the honorary president, was made acting president, that
officer having left the State; Mrs. H. A. Laughary, honorary
president; Dr. Annice F. Jeffreys, vice-president-at-large; Ada
Cornish Hertsche, vice-president; Frances E. Gotshall, corresponding
secretary; Mary Schaffer Ward, recording secretary; Mrs. A. E.
Hackett, assistant secretary; Jennie C. Pritchard, treasurer. These
State officers were re-elected without change until November, 1898,
when Mrs. W. H. Games was chosen recording secretary and Mrs. H. W.
Coe, treasurer. In 1899, and again in 1900, Mrs. Eunice Pond Athey,
formerly of Idaho, became assistant secretary.

The year 1896 was a period of continuous effort on the part of the
State officers to disseminate suffrage sentiment in more or less
indirect ways, so that other organizations of whatever name or nature
might look upon the proposed amendment with favor. Early in this year
the executive committee decided to organize a Woman's Congress and
secure the affiliation of all branches of women's patriotic,
philanthropic and literary work, to be managed by the suffrage
association. It was resolved also to obtain if possible the attendance
of Miss Susan B. Anthony, president of the National Association, who
was at that time in the midst of the amendment campaign in California.

Never has there been a more successful public function in Oregon than
this Congress of Women, which was held the first week in June, 1896,
with Miss Anthony as its bright particular star. The love of the
people for the great leader was universally expressed, socially as
well as publicly. The speakers represented all lines of woman's
work--education, art, science, medicine, sanitation, literature, the
duties of motherhood, philanthropy, reform--but sectarian and
political questions were excluded. It was most interesting to note the
clever manner in which almost all the speakers sandwiched their
speeches and papers with suffrage sentiments, and also the hearty
applause which followed every allusion to the proposed amendment from
the audiences that packed the spacious Taylor Street Church to
overflowing. Mrs. Sarah B. Cooper, the noted San Francisco
philanthropist, was a special attraction and made many converts to
woman suffrage by her beautiful presence and eloquent words.

For ten consecutive days in July commodious headquarters were
maintained at the Willamette Valley Chautauqua, under the supervision
of the State recording secretary, Mrs. Ward. The Rev. Anna Howard Shaw
Day was the most successful one of the assembly. Miss Shaw spoke as if
inspired, and afterward a large reception was held in her honor.

Thirty-six regular meetings and four mass meetings were held by the
suffrage association during the year.

The Woman's Club movement had by this time assumed important
proportions among society women, under the tactful management of that
staunch advocate of equal rights, Mrs. A. H. H. Stuart; and the
suffragists joined heartily in the new organization, which, in spite
of its non-political character, strengthened the current of public
opinion in behalf of the proposed amendment.

The Oregon Emergency Corps and Red Cross Society became another
tacitly acknowledged auxiliary. The Oregon Pioneer Association
approved the amendment by unanimous resolution, and the State Grange,
the Grand Army of the Republic, the Woman's Christian Temperance
Union, the Good Templars, the Knights of Labor, the Printers' Union,
the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers and other organizations were
recognized allies.

In 1898 the second Woman's Congress took place at Portland in April
under the auspices of the executive committee of the State E. S. A.,
forty affiliated societies of women participating.

The suffrage business for this year was all transacted in executive
sessions, and no convention held.

Woman's Day at the Willamette Valley Chautauqua in July, when forty
different organizations of men and women were represented, was a great
success. Suffrage addresses were given by Mrs. Alice Moore McComas of
California, Dr. Frances Woods of Iowa, and Mrs. Games. Col. R. A.
Miller, the president, himself an ardent suffragist, extended an
invitation for the following year.

In 1899 Mrs. Duniway was invited by the Legislature to take part in
the joint proceedings of the two Houses in honor of forty years of
Statehood.

This year, in preparation for the election at which the woman suffrage
amendment submitted by the Legislature of 1899 was to be voted on, 106
parlor meetings were held, 30,000 pieces of literature distributed,
and the names and addresses of 30,000 voters in fourteen counties
collected. Mrs. Duniway spoke by special invitation to a number of the
various orders and fraternities of men throughout the State, most of
whom indorsed the amendment. The usual headquarters were maintained
during the Fair, under the management of Dr. Jeffreys.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION: The Legislature, having changed its time of
meeting from September in the even years to January in the odd ones,
convened in 1895. Through the efforts of its leading members, a bill
passed both Houses in February to submit again a woman suffrage
amendment to the voters. The resolution proposing it was carried
without debate in the House by 41 ayes--including that of Speaker
Moore--11 noes. In the Senate the vote was 17 ayes, 11 noes. As
Mrs. Abigail Scott Duniway was lecturing in Idaho, the State
suffrage association was represented at this Legislature by its
vice-president-at-large, Dr. Annice F. Jeffreys.

The meeting of the Legislature of 1897 found the women ready and
waiting for the necessary ratification of the amendment; but the
Solons of the non-emotional sex fell to quarreling among themselves
over the United States senatorial plum and, being unable to agree on a
choice of candidates, refused to organize for any kind of business, so
another biennial period of public inactivity was enforced upon the
suffragists.

The Legislature convened in January, 1899, and with it came the
long-delayed opportunity. Mrs. Duniway and Dr. Jeffreys had charge of
the Suffrage Amendment Bill. They were recognized by prominent
members, and admitted by vote to the privileges of the floor in each
House. Senator C. W. Fulton, who had distinguished himself as the
champion of the amendment in 1880 and 1882, was requested by them to
carry their banner to victory once more. He assured them that
personally he was willing, but said so many bills on all sorts of
side issues had been insisted upon by women that the members were not
in a mood to listen to any more propositions from persons who had no
votes.

The ladies did not press the matter, but for days they furnished
short, pithy letters to the papers of the capital city, answering
fully all of the usual objections to woman suffrage. They also sent an
open letter to each member of the Legislature, explaining that this
plea for equal rights was based wholly upon the fundamental principle
of self-government, and not made in the interest of any one reform. In
this were enclosed to every Republican member Clarkson on Suffrage in
Colorado and Clara Barton's Appeal to Voters; to every Democrat her
Appeal and some other document, taking care to keep off of partisan
toes. At length Senators Fulton and Brownell, leaders in the Upper
House, considered the time ripe for calling up the amendment, which
was at once sent in regular order of business to the Lower House,
where it was referred to the Judiciary Committee and--buried.

Finally Senator Fulton secured a request from the Senate that the bill
be returned for further consideration, and a hearing was made a
special order of business. The room was filled with ladies and Mrs.
Duniway was asked to present the claims of the women of the State,
over half of whom, through their various societies, had asked for the
submission of the amendment. On the roll-call which followed the vote
stood 25 ayes, one no.

The measure was made a special order of business in the House the same
evening. The hall was crowded with spectators, Mrs. Duniway spoke ten
minutes from the Speaker's desk, and the roll-call resulted in 48
ayes, 6 noes.

A feature of the proceedings was the presentation by one of the
members, in a long speech, of a large collection of documents sent by
the Anti-Suffrage Association of Women in New York and Massachusetts.
The preceding autumn they had sent a salaried agent, Miss Emily P.
Bissell of Delaware, to canvass the State against the bill.

The succeeding campaign was very largely in the nature of a "still
hunt." Mrs. Ida Crouch Hazlett, of Colorado, held meetings for two
months in counties away from the railroads and did effective work
among the voters of the border. Miss Lena Morrow, of Illinois, also
did good service for some time preceding election, in visiting the
various fraternal associations of men in the city of Portland, by whom
she was generally accorded a gracious hearing. These ladies
represented the National Association.[411]

All went well until about two weeks before election day, June 6, 1900,
and the measure in all probability would have carried had it not been
for the slum vote of Portland and Astoria, which was stirred up and
called out by the _Oregonian_, edited by H. W. Scott, the most
influential newspaper in the State. It was the only paper, out of 229,
which opposed the amendment. But notwithstanding its terrible
onslaught, over 48 per cent. of all the votes which were cast upon the
amendment were in its favor. Twenty-one out of the thirty-three
counties gave handsome majorities; one county was lost by one vote,
one by 23 and one by 31.

The vote on the amendment in 1884 was 11,223 ayes; 28,176 noes. In
1900 it stood 26,265 ayes; 28,402 noes. Although the population had
more than doubled in the cities, where the slum vote is naturally the
heaviest and is always against woman suffrage, the total increase of
the "noes" of the State was only 226, while in the same time the
"ayes" had been augmented by 15,042.

LAWS: If either husband or wife die without a will and there are no
descendants living, all the real estate and personal property go to
the survivor. If there is issue living, the widow receives one-half of
the husband's real estate and one-half of his personal property. The
widower takes a life interest in all the wife's real estate, whether
there are children or not, and all of her personal property absolutely
if there are no living descendants, half of it if there are any.

All laws have been repealed that recognize civil disabilities of the
wife which are not recognized as existing against the husband, except
as to voting and holding office.

By registering as a sole trader a married woman can carry on business
in her own name.

In 1880 the Legislature enacted that "henceforth the rights and
responsibilities of the parents, in the absence of misconduct, shall
be equal, and the mother shall be as fully entitled to the custody and
control of the children and their earnings as the father, and in case
of the father's death the mother shall come into as full and complete
control of the children and their estate as the father does in case of
the mother's death."

If the husband does not support the family, the wife may apply to the
Circuit Court and the Judge may issue such decree as he thinks
equitable, generally conforming to that in divorce cases, and may have
power to enforce its orders as in other equity cases.

The "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 14 in 1864 and
from 14 to 16 years in 1895. The penalty is imprisonment not less than
three nor more than twenty years. The fact that the victim was a
common prostitute or the defendant's mistress is no excuse.

SUFFRAGE: In 1878 an Act was passed entitling women to vote for school
trustees and for bonds and appropriations for school purposes, if they
have property of their own in the school district upon which they or
their husbands pay taxes.

OFFICE HOLDING: Women are not eligible to any elective office, except
that of school trustee.

An old law permitted women to fill the offices of State and county
superintendents of schools, but it was contested in 1896 by a defeated
male candidate and declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court.

Women can not sit on any State boards.

They are employed as court stenographers, and in various subordinate
appointive offices. They may serve as notaries.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is legally forbidden to
women.

EDUCATION: All the large educational institutions are open to women.
In the public schools there are 1,250 men and 2,443 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $43; of the women, $34.81.

FOOTNOTES:

[408] The History is indebted for the material for this chapter to
Mrs. Abigail Scott Duniway of Portland, honorary president of the
State Equal Suffrage Association and always at the head of the
movement in Oregon.

[409] Dr. Frances A. Cady, Lydia Hunt King, Eugenie M. Shearer,
Charlotte De Hillier Barmore, Mary Schaffer Ward, Gertrude J. Denny,
Alice J. McArty, Ada Cornish Hertsche, Maria C. DeLashmutt, Cora
Parsons Duniway, Frances Moreland Harvey and Abigail Scott Duniway.

[410] Department superintendents chosen: Evangelical work, Mrs.
Charlotte De Hillier Barmore; press, Mrs. Eugenie M. Shearer; round
table, Mrs. Julia H. Bauer; music, Mrs. H. R. Duniway, Mrs. A. E.
Hackett; Cooper Medal contests, H. D. Harford and Mrs. S. M. Kern;
health and heredity. Dr. Mary A. Leonard; legislation and petitions,
Dr. Annice F. Jeffreys, Mrs. Duniway. Fifteen counties were
represented by Dr. Annie C. Reed and Mesdames F. M. Alfred, R. A.
Bensell, F. O. McCown, A. A. Cleveland, F. M. Lockhart, J. H. Upton,
J. L. Curry, A. R. Burbank, M. E. Thompson, J. W. Virtue, A. S.
Patterson, A. C. Hertsche and J. J. Murphy.

[411] The chairmen of the county committees were Miss Belle
Trullinger, now the wife of Gov. T. T. Geer, and Mesdames R. A.
Bensell, J. A. Blackaby, Thomas Cornelius, S. T. Child, C. H. Dye, W.
R. Ellis, J. B. Eaton, P. L. Fountain, J. B. Huntington, Almira
Hurley, T. B. Handley, Ellen Kuney, H. A. Laughary, Stephen A. Lowell,
A. E. Lockhart, M. Moore, James Muckle, J. J. Murphy, Jennie McCully,
Celia B. Olmstead, R. Pattison, A. S. Patterson, N. Rulison, Anna B.
Reed, E. L. Smith, Thomas Stewart, C. U. Snyder, C. R. Templeton, M.
E. Thompson, J. H. Upton, J. W. Virtue, Clara Zimmerman.

CHAPTER LXI.

PENNSYLVANIA.[412]

The thought of woman suffrage in Pennsylvania always brings with it
the recollection of Lucretia Mott of Philadelphia, one of the four
women who called the first Woman's Rights Convention, at Seneca Falls,
N. Y., July 19, 20, 1848, and among the ablest advocates of the
measure.[413]

The Pennsylvania Woman Suffrage Association was organized Dec. 22,
1869, with Mary Grew as president.[414] There have been annual
meetings in or near Philadelphia regularly since that time, and large
quantities of suffrage literature have been distributed.[415] In 1892
Miss Grew resigned, aged 80, and was succeeded in the presidency by
Mrs. Lucretia L. Blankenburg, who still holds this office.

The convention of 1900 took place in Philadelphia, November 1, 2, and
the other officers elected were vice-president, Mrs. Ellen H. E.
Price; corresponding secretary, Mrs. Mary B. Luckie; recording
secretary, Mrs. Anna R. Boyd; treasurer, Mrs. Margaret B. Stone;
auditors, Mrs. Mary F. Kenderdine and Mrs. Selina D. Holton. Miss Ida
Porter Boyer, superintendent of press work, reported that 326
newspapers in the State, exclusive of those in Philadelphia which were
supplied by a local chairman, were using regularly the suffrage matter
sent out by her bureau, and that the past year this consisted of
17,150 different articles.

A number of able speakers have addressed the Legislature or canvassed
the State from time to time, including Miss Susan B. Anthony and the
Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, president and vice-president of the National
Association; Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the national
organization committee; Henry B. Blackwell, editor of the _Woman's
Journal_; Mrs. Charlotte Perkins Stetson of New York, Mrs. Mary C. C.
Bradford of Colorado, Miss Elizabeth Upham Yates of Maine, and Miss
Laura A. Gregg of Kansas; Judge William N. Ashman, Miss Matilda
Hindman, Miss Boyer, Mrs. Blankenburg and Miss Jane Campbell,
president of the Philadelphia society.[416]

The latter is the largest and most influential suffrage society in the
State. Previously to 1892 the Philadelphians who were identified with
the movement belonged to the Pennsylvania association. In the fall of
this year it was decided to make it a delegate body, and as that meant
barring out individual memberships, the Philadelphia members formed a
county organization. Miss Grew was invited to lead the new society,
but feeling unable to perform the necessary duties she accepted only
the honorary presidency. It was, however, largely owing to her counsel
and influence that so successful a beginning was made. After her death
in 1896 the office of honorary president was abolished.

The first president of this society was Miss Campbell, who has been
annually re-elected. The club has quadrupled its membership in the
eight years of its existence, counting only those who pay their yearly
dues, and has now 400 members. It has worked in many directions;
distributed large quantities of literature; has sent speakers to
organizations of women; fostered debates among the young people of
various churches and Young Men's Literary Societies by offering prizes
to those successful on the side of woman suffrage; held public
meetings in different parts of the city, which includes the whole
county; assisted largely in the national press work, and always lent a
generous hand to the enterprises of the National Association.[417]

In 1895 this society prepared a list of all the real and personal
property owned by women within the city limits, which amounted to
$153,757,566 real and $35,734,133 personal. These figures comprise 20
per cent. of the total city tax, and all of it is without
representation.

With the hope of arousing suffrage sentiment, classes were formed
under the auspices of the State association to study political
science; Mrs. Susan S. Fessenden of Massachusetts was employed to
organize clubs in the State; requests were sent to all the clergymen
of Philadelphia to preach a sermon or give an address on Woman
Suffrage; and prizes of $5, $10 and $15 were offered for the three
best essays on Political Equality for Women, fifty-six being received.

A Yellow Ribbon Bazar was held in Philadelphia in 1895, the net
proceeds amounting to over $1,000. Miss Mary G. Hay, Miss Yates and
Miss Gregg were then employed as organizers, and were very successful
in forming clubs. There are now sixteen active county societies.[418]

LEGISLATIVE ACTIONS AND LAWS: In 1885 Miss Matilda Hindman was sent to
Harrisburg to urge the Legislature to submit an amendment to the
voters striking out the word "male" from the suffrage clause of the
State constitution. As a preliminary, 249 letters were sent to members
asking their views on the subject; 89 replies were received, 53
non-committal, 20 favorable, 16 unfavorable. Miss Hindman and eleven
other women appeared before a Joint Committee of Senate and House to
present arguments in favor of submitting the amendment. A bill for
this purpose passed the House, but was lost in the Senate by a vote of
13 ayes, 19 noes. This was the first concerted action of the
Pennsylvania suffragists to influence legislation for women. A legacy
of $1,390 from Mrs. Mary H. Newbold aided their efforts to secure the
bill.

Political conditions have been such that it has been considered
useless to try to obtain any legislative action on woman suffrage, and
no further attempts have been made. To influence public sentiment,
however, mass meetings addressed by the best speakers were held in the
Hall of the House of Representatives during the sessions of 1893, '95,
'97 and '99.

In 1897 and 1899 the suffragists made strenuous attempts to secure a
bill to amend the Intestate Law, which greatly discriminates against
married women, but it was killed in committee.

Owing to a gradual advance in public sentiment laws have been enacted
from time to time protecting wage-earning women; also enlarging the
property rights of wives, enabling them to act as incorporators for
business of profit, and giving them freedom to testify in court
against their husbands under some circumstances.

In 1891 a number of influential women decided to form a corporation,
with a stock company, for the purpose of building a club house and
equipping the same to rent as a business of profit. The charter was
refused, because several of the women making application were married.
After some delay enough single women were found to take out the
letters patent. When incorporated the original number organized the
company and built the New Century Club House in Philadelphia, which
paid five per cent. to stockholders the first year. One of the members
of this board of directors, to save time and trouble, made application
to be appointed notary public, but she was refused because the law did
not permit a woman to serve. Public attention was thus called to the
injustice of these statutes and, after much legislative tinkering,
laws were passed in 1893 giving wives the same right as unmarried
women to "acquire property, own, possess, control, use, lease, etc."
The same year women were made eligible to act as notaries public.

Dower and curtesy both obtain. If there is issue living, the widow is
entitled to one-third of the real estate for her life and one-third of
the personal property absolutely. If no issue is living, but
collateral heirs, the widow is entitled to one-half of the real
estate, including the mansion house, for her life, and one-half of the
personal estate absolutely. If a wife die intestate, the widower,
whether there has been issue born alive or not, has a life interest in
all her real estate and all of her personal property absolutely. If
there is neither issue nor kindred and no will the surviving husband
or wife takes the whole estate.

A husband may mortgage real estate, including the homestead, without
the wife's consent, but she can not mortgage even her own separate
estate without his consent. Each can dispose of personal property as
if single.

As a rule a married woman can not make a contract, but there are some
exceptions. For instance, she can contract for the purchase of a
sewing-machine for her own use. The wife must sue and be sued jointly
with the husband.

A married woman must secure the privilege from the court of carrying
on business in her own name.

The law provides that the party found guilty of adultery can not marry
the co-respondent during the lifetime of the other party. If any
divorced woman, who shall have been found guilty of adultery, shall
afterward openly cohabit with the person proved to have been the
partaker of her crime, she is rendered incapable of alienating either
directly or indirectly any of her lands, tenements or hereditaments,
and all wills, deeds, and other instruments of conveyance therefor are
absolutely void, and after her death her property descends and is
subject to distribution according to law in like manner as if she had
died intestate. This latter clause does not apply to a divorced man.

In June, 1895, through the legislative committee of the State W. S.
A., Mrs. Lucretia L. Blankenburg, chairman, and with the co-operation
of other women's organizations, the following law, championed by
Representative Frank Riter, was secured:

A married woman who contributes by the efforts of her own labor
or otherwise toward the support, maintenance and education of her
minor child, shall have the same and equal power, control and
authority over her said child, and the same and equal right to
the custody and services, as are now possessed by her husband who
is the father of such minor child.

The best legal authorities are undecided as to whether labor within
the household entitles the mother to this equal guardianship or
whether it must be performed outside the home. The father is held to
be the only person entitled to sue for the earnings of a minor child,
and as no legal means are provided for enforcing the above law it is
practically of no effect.

The law says, "As her baron or lord, the husband is bound to provide
his wife with shelter, food, clothing and medicine;" also:

If any husband or father neglect to maintain his wife or
children, it is lawful for any alderman, justice of the peace or
magistrate, upon information made before him, under oath or
affirmation, by the wife or children, or by any other person, to
issue his warrant for the arrest of the man, and bind him over
with one sufficient surety to appear at the next Court of Quarter
Sessions, there to answer the said charge.

If he is found to be of sufficient ability to pay such sum as the
court thinks reasonable and proper, it makes an order for the
comfortable support of wife or children, or both, the sum not to
exceed the amount of $100 per month. The man is to be committed
to jail until he complies with the order of the court, or gives
security for the payment of the sum. After three months'
imprisonment, if the court find him unable to pay or give
security, it may discharge him.

In 1887 the "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 16
years. The penalty is a fine not exceeding $1,000, and imprisonment by
separate and solitary confinement at labor, or simple imprisonment,
not exceeding fifteen years. No minimum penalty is named.

SUFFRAGE: Women possess no form of suffrage.

OFFICE HOLDING:[419] The State constitution of 1873 made women
eligible for all school offices, but they have had great difficulty in
securing any of these. Out of 16,094 school directors in the State
only thirty-two are women. In Philadelphia a Board of Public
Education, appointed by the courts, co-operates with the school
directors. This board consists of forty-one members, only three being
women. In the entire State, six women are reported to be now filling
the offices of county and city school superintendent and assistant
superintendent.

In seventeen years but sixty-seven women (in twelve counties) have
been appointed members of the Boards of Public Charities.

In 1899 a law was passed recognizing Accounting as a profession, and
Miss Mary B. Niles is now a Certified Public Accountant and Auditor.

There have been women on the Civil Service Examining Board for nurses,
matrons, etc., but there are none at present.

To Pennsylvania belongs the honor of appointing the first woman in a
hospital for the insane with exclusive charge--Dr. Alice Bennett,
Norristown Asylum, in 1880. Now all of the six State hospitals for the
insane employ women physicians. In Philadelphia there are five
hospitals under the exclusive control of women.

Women have entire charge of the female prisoners in the Philadelphia
County jail. Police matrons are on duty at many of the station houses
in cities of the first and second class, sixteen in Philadelphia.

Committees of women, officially appointed, visit all the public
institutions of Philadelphia and Montgomery counties.

Dr. Frances C. Van Gasken served several years as health inspector,
the only woman to fill such an office in Philadelphia.

Six women are employed as State factory inspectors and receive the
same salary as the men inspectors.

Within the past ten years a large number of women have become city
librarians through appointment by the Common Councils.

Mrs. Margaret Center Klingelsmith, LL.B., is librarian of the State
University Law School, but has been refused admission to the Academy
of Law (Bar Association) of Philadelphia, although there is a strong
sentiment in her favor led by George E. Nitzsche, registrar of the Law
School.

OCCUPATIONS: The only prohibited industry is mining. No professions
are legally forbidden to women.

In 1884 a graduate of the Law Department of the University of
Pennsylvania, Mrs. Carrie Burnham Kilgore, made the fight for the
admission of women to the bar and was herself finally admitted to
practice in the courts of Philadelphia. Judges William S. Pierce,
William N. Ashman and Thomas K. Finletter advocated this advanced
step.

There are 150 women physicians in Philadelphia alone.

EDUCATION: The Woman's Medical College of Philadelphia, Clara
Marshall, M. D., dean, was incorporated in 1850.[420] The idea of its
establishment originated with Dr. Bartholomew Fussell, a member of
the Society of Friends. Its foundation was made possible through the
effective work of Dr. Joseph S. Longshore in securing a charter from
the Legislature. Dr. Hannah Myers Longshore was a member of the first
graduating class, a pioneer among women physicians, and through her
skill and devotion won high rank in her profession.[421] In 1867 the
name was changed by decree of court from Female Medical College to
Woman's Medical College. It is the oldest and largest medical school
for women in the world, and has nearly 1,000 alumnae, including
students from nineteen foreign countries. The management is entirely
in the hands of women.

In 1861 the Woman's Hospital was founded, mainly through the efforts
of Dr. Ann Preston, to afford women the clinical opportunities denied
by practically all the existing hospitals. It is now one of the
largest in Philadelphia.

During the past twenty years a number of educational institutions have
been opened to women. Of the forty colleges and universities in the
State, just one-half are co-educational; three are for women alone;
two Catholic, one military and fourteen others are for men alone. Of
the sixteen theological seminaries, only one, the Unitarian at
Meadville, admits women. They have the full privileges of the Colleges
of Pharmacy and Dentistry in Philadelphia.

The principal institutions closed to women are the Jefferson Medical,
Hahnemann Medical, Medico-Chirurgical, Franklin and Marshall,
Haverford, Lafayette, Moravian, Muhlenberg, St. Vincent, Washington
and Jefferson, Waynesburg, Lehigh and most of the departments of the
Western University.

In the University of Pennsylvania (State) women are admitted on equal
terms with men to the post-graduate department; as candidates for the
Master of Arts degree; and to the four years' course in biology,
leading to the degree of B. S. They may take special courses in
pedagogy, music and interior decoration (in the Department of
Architecture) but no degree. The Medical, Dental and Veterinary
Departments are entirely closed to them. Of the large departments, Law
is the only one which is fully, freely and heartily open to women on
exactly the same terms as to men, and it confers the degree of LL. B.
upon both alike. There are no women on the faculty, but Prof. Sara
Yorke Stevenson, the distinguished archoælogist, is secretary of the
Department of Archæology and Paleontology and curator of the Egyptian
and Mediterranean Section.

The Drexel Institute, founded and endowed by Anthony J. Drexel, was
opened in December, 1891. Instruction is given in the arts, sciences
and industries. All the departments are open to women on the same
terms as to men. Booker T. Washington has a free scholarship for a
pupil, and one is held by the Carlisle Indian School.

Bryn Mawr, non-sectarian, but founded by Joseph W. Taylor, M. D., a
member of the Society of Friends, was opened in 1885. It stands at the
head of the women's colleges of the world, and ranks with the best
colleges for men. Miss M. Carey Thomas, Ph. D., LL. D., is president.

Notwithstanding these splendid educational advantages, as late as 1891
there was no opportunity in the Philadelphia public schools for a girl
to prepare for college or for a business office. In 1893 the present
superintendent, Edward Brooks, reorganized the Girls' High School,
arranging a four years' classical course and a three years' business
course.

There are in the public schools 9,360 men and 19,469 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $42.69; of the women, $38.45.
In Philadelphia the average for men is $121.93; for women, $67.61. In
this city, by decree of the board of education, the highest positions
are closed to women.

* * * * *

Pennsylvania is rich in women's clubs, 117 belonging to the State
Federation. The three largest are the New Century, with 600 members;
Civic, 500; New Century Guild (workingwomen), 400--all in
Philadelphia. Most of the clubs have civic departments. The suffrage
societies have full membership in the State Federation of Clubs. The
Civic and Legal Education Society of Philadelphia, composed of men and
women, has lecture courses on national, State and municipal government
and a practical knowledge of law. A study class of municipal law is
conducted by Mrs. Margaret Center Klingelsmith, the law librarian of
the State University.

FOOTNOTES:

[412] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Lucretia
Longshore Blankenburg of Philadelphia, who has been president of the
State Suffrage Association since 1892.

[413] See History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. I, p. 67.

[414] Officers in 1884: President, Mary Grew, vice presidents, John K.
Wildman, Ellen M. Child, Passmore Williamson, corresponding secretary,
Florence A. Burleigh, recording secretary, Anna Shoemaker, treasurer,
Annie Heacock, executive committee, Mary S. Hillborn, Martha B. Earle,
Sarah H. Peirce, Gertrude K. Peirce, Joshua Peirce, Leslie Miller,
Maria P. Miller, Harriet Purvis, Caroline L. Broomall, Deborah
Pennock, J. E. Case, Matilda Hindman, Dr. Hiram Corson.

[415] These meetings have been held in Chester, West Chester,
Lancaster, Reading, Lewistown, Oxford, Kennett Square, Norristown,
Scranton, Pittsburg, Harrisburg, Philadelphia, Chester and Columbia.

[416] For an account of the Citizens' Suffrage Association, Edward M.
Davis, president, see Vol. III, p. 461.

[417] At the annual meeting of October, 1900, the following were
elected: President, Miss Jane Campbell; vice-presidents, Miss Eliza
Heacock and Miss Elizabeth Dornan; corresponding secretary, Miss
Katherine J. Campbell; recording secretary, Mrs. Olive Pond Amies;
treasurer, Mrs. Mary F. Kenderdine. Sixteen delegates were elected to
represent the society at the State convention.

[418] Among the men and women who have been especially helpful to the
cause of woman suffrage since 1884, besides those already mentioned,
are Robert Purvis, John M. Broomall, Edward M. Davis, Drs. Hannah E.
Longshore, Jane V. Myers, Jane K. Garver; Mesdames Rachel Foster
Avery, Emma J. Bartol, Eliza Sproat Turner, Elizabeth B. Passmore, J.
L. Koethen, Jr., Helen Mosher James, Charlotte L. Peirce, Ellen C. H.
Ogden, Mary E. Mumford, Elizabeth Smith, J. M. Harsh, J. W. Scheel, H.
C. Perkins, Hanna M. Harlan, Misses Julia T. Foster, M. Adeline
Thomson, Susan G. Appleton, Julia A. Myers, L. M. Mather, Lucy E.
Anthony.

[419] William and Hannah Penn were both Proprietary Governors of the
colony, William from the time of its settlement in 1682 until 1712,
when he was stricken with illness. Hannah then took up the affairs and
administered as governor until William's death in 1717, and after that
time until her son became of age.

Sidney Fisher, in his account of the Pennsylvania colony, says that
this is the only instance in history where a woman has acted as
Proprietary Governor. Hannah Penn was skilful in her management and
retained the confidence of the people through financial and political
embarrassments.

[420] See History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. I, p. 389.

[421] Drs. Joseph and Hannah Myers Longshore were the uncle and mother
of Mrs. Lucretia L. Blankenburg. [Eds.

CHAPTER LXII.

RHODE ISLAND.[422]

Rhode Island was one of the pioneer States to form a woman suffrage
association. On Dec. 11, 1868, in answer to a call signed by a large
number of its most distinguished men and women, a successful meeting
was held in Roger Williams Hall, Providence, and Mrs. Paulina Wright
Davis was elected president of the new organization.[423] Many series
of conventions in different parts of the State were held between 1870
and 1884, at which the officers and special speakers presented
petitions for signatures and prepared for legislative appeals.

In 1884, by unanimous vote of the Assembly, the State House was
granted for the first time for a woman suffrage convention. Four
sessions were held in the Hall of the House of Representatives, and
Frederick Douglass, Susan B. Anthony, Lucy Stone, Henry B. Blackwell,
William Lloyd Garrison, Mary F. Eastman and others addressed great
throngs of people who filled the seats, occupied all the standing room
and overflowed into the lobbies.

Up to the present date this association has held an annual convention
in October, a special May Festival with social features in the spring,
and from one to four meetings each intervening month. These have been
rendered attractive by papers and addresses from the members and by
public speakers of ability from different parts of the United States
and from other lands. In addition to this active propaganda special
organizers have been secured from time to time to canvass the State
and win intelligent support for the cause.

The association has had but three presidents--Paulina Wright Davis for
the first two years, Elizabeth Buffum Chace from 1870 until her death
in 1899, aged ninety-two, and Ardelia C. Dewing, now serving. When
Mrs. Chace was unable longer to be actively the leader, Anna Garlin
Spencer, who returned in 1889 to reside in Rhode Island, as first
vice-president acted for her about seven years and Mrs. Dewing for the
remainder of the time. Mrs. Davis was an exquisite personality with
soul ever facing the light; Mrs. Chace, a woman of granite strength
and stability of character, with a keen mind always bent upon the
reason and the right of things, and with a single-hearted devotion to
the great principles of life.[424]

The vice-presidents of the association number "honorable names not a
few."[425] Among them was the Rev. Frederick A. Hinckley, who during
the eleven years of his ministry in Providence, 1878-1889, acted as
the first vice-president and did the greatest possible service to the
association in all ways, ever championing the principle of equality of
rights. The secretaries of the association always have been among the
leaders in the movement. At first Rhoda Anna Fairbanks (Peckham) was
the single officer in that capacity. In 1872 Anna C. Garlin (Spencer)
was added as corresponding secretary but resigned in 1878 when her
marriage required her removal from the State.[426] Mrs. Ellen M.
Bolles served from 1891 to 1900 when Mrs. Annie M. Griffin was
elected. There have been but three treasurers--Marcus T. Janes, Mrs.
Susan B. P. Martin and Mrs. Mary K. Wood.[427] The chairman of the
Executive Committee has always shared the heaviest burdens. Mrs.
Chace was the first chairman. Mrs. S. E. H. Doyle succeeded her and
continued in the office until her death in 1890. Mrs. Anna E. Aldrich
then served to the end of her life in 1898. The association has done a
great deal of active work through its organizers, the brilliant and
versatile Elizabeth Kittridge Churchill, Mrs. Margaret M. Campbell,
Mrs. Louise M. Tyler, and others. Mrs. Ellen M. Bolles, from 1890 to
1898, acted as organizer as well as secretary.

The State Society affiliated with the New England Woman Suffrage
Association from the first; with the American in 1870 and with the
National-American in 1891. It was incorporated in 1892 and has been
the recipient of legacies from James Eddy, Mrs. Rachel Fry, Mrs. Sarah
Wilbour, Mrs. Elizabeth B. Chace and others. It raised and expended
for the woman suffrage campaign of 1887 more than $5,000 and has had
some paid worker in the field during most of the years.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION: From the first year of its existence, 1869, the
State Association petitioned the Legislature for an amendment to the
constitution abolishing sex as a condition of suffrage, and hearings
were held before many committees.

In 1885, through the influence of Representative Edward L. Freeman, a
bill for such an amendment actually passed both Houses, but failed
through some technicality.

In 1886 it passed both Houses again by the constitutional majority of
two-thirds. It was necessary that it should pass two successive
Legislatures, and the vote in 1887 was, Senate, 28 ayes, 8 noes;
House, 57 ayes, 5 noes. The amendment having been published and read
at the annual town and ward meetings was then submitted to the voters.
It was as follows: "Women shall have the right to vote in the election
of all civil officers and on all questions in all legal town, district
or ward meetings, subject to the same qualifications, limitations and
conditions as men."

The story of this campaign can be compressed into a few sentences, but
it was a great struggle in which heroic qualities were displayed and
was led by the woman whose life has meant so much for Rhode Island,
Mrs. Elizabeth Buffum Chace, who had as her able lieutenant the Rev.
Frederick A. Hinckley, and as her body-guard all the faithful leaders
of the suffrage cause in the State and helpers from other
States.[428] Headquarters were established immediately in the business
center of Providence. These rooms were opened each morning before nine
o'clock and kept open until ten at night throughout the contest. The
campaign lasted twenty-nine days, during which ninety-two public
meetings were held, some in parlors but most in halls, vestries and
churches. Miss Cora Scott Pond came at once into the State to organize
the larger public meetings and Miss Sarah J. Eddy and Mrs. C. P.
Norton arranged for parlor meetings. The regular speakers were Henry
B. Blackwell, William Lloyd Garrison, the Revs. C. B. Pitblado, Louis
A. Banks, Frederick A. Hinckley, Ada C. Bowles; Mesdames Mary A.
Livermore, J. Ellen Foster, Zerelda G. Wallace, Julia Ward Howe,
Katherine Lente Stevenson, E. S. Burlingame, Adelaide A. Claflin; Miss
Mary F. Eastman and Miss Huldah B. Loud.[429] Miss Susan B. Anthony
was invited to make the closing speech of the campaign but declined as
she considered the situation hopeless.

The cities and towns were as thoroughly canvassed by these speakers as
the short time permitted. A special paper, _The Amendment_, was edited
by Mrs. Lillie B. Chace Wyman, assisted by Miss Kate Austin and Col.
J. C. Wyman; the first number, issued March 16, an edition of 20,000,
and the second, March 28, an edition of 40,000. They contained
extracts from able articles on suffrage by leading men and women,
letters from Rhode Island citizens approving the proposed amendment,
and answers to the usual objections.

The principal newspapers of Providence, the _Journal_ and the
_Telegram_, both led the opposition to the amendment, the former
admitting in an editorial, published March 10, "the theoretic justice
of the proposed amendment to the constitution conferring suffrage upon
women," but hoping it would be rejected because "whatever may be said
for it, the measure has the fatal defect of being premature and
impolitic." The opposition of the _Telegram_ was more aggressive and
even of a scurrilous type. To offset this hostility if possible the
suffrage association hired a column of space in the _Journal_ and half
a column in the _Telegram_ and kept this daily filled with suffrage
arguments; toward the end of the campaign securing space also in the
_Daily Republican_. The papers of the State generally were opposed to
the measure, but the Woonsocket _Daily Reporter_, Newport _Daily
News_, Hope Valley _Sentinel-Advertiser_, Pawtuxet Valley _Gleaner_,
Providence _People_, Bristol _Phenix_, Central Falls _Visitor_ and a
few others gave effective assistance. The association distributed
about 39,000 packages of literature to the voters.

In the Providence _Journal_ of April 4 the names of over ninety
prominent voters were signed to this announcement: "We, the
undersigned, being opposed to the adoption of the proposed Woman
Suffrage Amendment to the Constitution, respectfully urge all citizens
(!) to vote against it at the coming election."

The next day the _Journal_ contained in the space paid for by the
association the signatures of about the same number of equally
prominent men appended to this statement: "We favor the passage of the
Woman Suffrage Amendment which has been submitted to the voters of
Rhode Island for action at the coming election." The same issue
contained a list of many of the most distinguished men and women in
this and other countries, beginning with Phillips Brooks and Clara
Barton, and headed, "Some Other People of Weight Who Have Indorsed
Woman Suffrage. Match This if You Can."

The election was held April 6, 1887, and at the sixty-two polling
places men and women were on hand to urge the electors to vote for the
amendment. The result was 6,889 ayes, 21,957 noes--the largest defeat
woman suffrage ever received.

Many of the ablest lawyers having decided that no extension of
franchise, not even a school vote, could be secured in Rhode Island
through the Legislature (except possibly Presidential Suffrage) and
the amendment to the constitution having been defeated by so heavy a
vote, it was deemed best not to ask for another submission of the
question for a term of years. Therefore other matters, involving
legal equality of the sexes, formed for a while the chief subjects for
legislative work.

In 1892 a special appeal was made to the General Assembly to confer
upon women by statute the right to vote for presidential electors.
Three hearings were had before the House committee but the bill was
not reported.

In 1895 a hearing, managed by Mrs. Jeanette S. French, was granted by
the Senate committee. A number of able women of the State made
addresses and the committee reported unanimously in favor of
submitting again an amendment for the Full Suffrage. It was too late,
however, for further action and was referred to the May session. At
that time it passed the Senate but was lost in the House by a small
majority.

In 1897 the Governor was empowered by the General Assembly to appoint
a commission to revise the State constitution. This was deemed by many
as opposed to the spirit of the basic law of the Commonwealth, in
substituting a small appointive body for the Constitutional Convention
of Electors previously considered necessary to revise the fundamental
law of the State, but the commission was appointed. The Woman Suffrage
Association early presented a claim for a hearing which was granted
for May 11. The Rev. Anna Garlin Spencer conducted it and introduced
the other speakers who were all citizens of the State and of influence
in their communities.[430] After interviews were held with the
commission, the association adopted resolutions which were afterwards
incorporated in a letter and read by Mrs. Bolles to the Committee on
Revision. It said in part:

We are informed that you consider it inadvisable to incorporate a
suffrage amendment in the revised constitution lest it endanger
the acceptance of other proposed and necessary changes. This view
may be correct, but surely it need not prevent you from advising
a provision by which the Legislature would be empowered to extend
suffrage to women at its discretion, and this we greatly desire.
A conservative measure of this nature could not call out a large
amount of antagonism from the voters, while it would be a great
help to women in their efforts to obtain a voice in such matters
of public concern as are of vital importance to their interests.
The constitution of Rhode Island is far behind the spirit of the
age in its treatment of women, as only one other State makes it
equally difficult for them to obtain even the simplest form of
political rights. In revising the fundamental law this fact ought
not to be overlooked and the instrument should be so constructed
as to bring it up to date in this respect.

These appeals were not responded to favorably by the Commission,
although great courtesy and willingness to consider the subject were
manifested, and a large minority vote was given in the Commission
itself to empower the Legislature to grant suffrage at discretion by
statute. The proposed revision was submitted to the electors and
during the campaign preceding their vote the association passed the
following resolution at its annual meeting of Oct. 20, 1898:
"Resolved, That we consider the proposed constitution unworthy the
intelligence and civilization of the age, for these reasons: First, It
does not give suffrage to women citizens and makes the obtaining of an
amendment for this purpose even more difficult than it is at present
by requiring a larger legislative majority to submit any question to
the voters. Second, It restricts the suffrage of men by a property
qualification."

The revised constitution was voted down by a large majority.

LAWS: The Suffrage Association from its first existence closely
watched legislation affecting women and children, and often appeared
by representative speakers before committees engaged in framing
changes in such laws; but in 1892 and '93 a special effort was made to
secure full legal equality for men and women. Miss Mary A. Greene, a
Rhode Island lawyer, educated for and admitted to the bar in
Massachusetts, was engaged to prepare a full statement of the existing
laws relating to women and children and to draw up a code for
suggestion to the Legislature which should embody the exact justice
for which the association stood. This step was taken at that time
because the Legislature had just appointed a Committee of Codification
to consider the statutes bearing on domestic relations, contract
powers, etc. The suggestions of the association, as prepared by Miss
Greene, were not acted upon in any formal way, still less with
completeness, but the changes made in the interest of equal rights for
women were marked and the association had a distinct share in them.
The property laws for women are now satisfactory except that of
inheritance which is as follows:

Dower and curtesy both obtain. If the husband die without a will,
leaving children, the widow is entitled to the life use of one-third
of the real estate, and to one-third of the personal property
absolutely, the remainder going to them. If there are no children or
descendants she takes one-half of the personal property and as much of
the real estate for life as is not required to pay the husband's
debts. The other half of the personal property goes to the husband's
relatives and, after her death, all of the real estate. The widower is
entitled to a life use of all the wife's real estate if there has been
issue born alive. If she die without a will he may take the whole of
her personal property without administration or accountability to the
children or to her kindred. The widow and minor children are entitled
to certain articles of apparel, furniture and household supplies and
to six months' support out of the estate. The widow has the prior
right as administrator.

The wife may dispose of her personal and real property by will, but
can not impair the husband's curtesy, or the life use of all her real
estate. The husband may do the same subject to the wife's dower, or
life use of one-third of the real estate.

If any person having neither wife nor children die without a will "the
property shall go to the father of such person if there be a father,
if not, then to the mother, brothers and sisters."

All the property of a married woman, whether acquired before or after
marriage, is absolutely secured to her sole and separate use, free
from liability for her husband's debts. Personal and real estate may
be conveyed by her as if unmarried, the latter subject to the
husband's curtesy. Her husband must present an order from her to
collect the rents and profits.

A married woman may make contracts, sue and be sued, and carry on any
trade or business, and her earnings are her sole and separate
property. She can not, however, enter into business partnership with
her husband.

Neither husband nor wife is liable for the torts of the other. The
wife's property is liable for her debts or torts.

A married woman may act as executor, administrator or guardian if
appointed to those offices by will, but she can not be appointed to
them by the court except to the guardianship of children.[431]

In case of divorce for fault of the husband the wife may have dower as
if he were dead. If alimony be claimed the dower is waived. If the
divorce is for the fault of the wife, the husband, if entitled to
curtesy, shall have a life estate in the lands of the wife, subject to
such allowance to her, chargeable on the life estate, as the court may
deem proper. In case of separation only, the petitioner may be
assigned a separate maintenance out of the property of the husband or
wife as the case may be.

The father is the legal guardian of the minor children. At his death
the mother is entitled to the guardianship and custody. The mother may
be appointed guardian by the court during the husband's lifetime. If
he is insane or has deserted or neglected his children she is entitled
to full custody.

If the wife is deserted by her husband unjustifiably and not supported
by him, she may receive authority from the court for the custody and
earnings of her minor children, and he may be imprisoned not less than
six months nor more than three years. If he abandon her and is absent
from the State one year or more or is condemned to prison for a year
or more, the court can order the income from his property applied to
the support of his family.

A law of 1896 provided that a wife owning property might contract in
writing for the support of her husband and children, but this was
repealed in three months. She is not required to support them by her
labor or property, as the husband is the legal head of the family.

The most of the above laws have been enacted since 1892.

Until 1889, 10 years was the age for the protection of girls, but then
it was made 14 years, with a penalty of not less than ten years'
imprisonment. In 1894 it was raised to 16 and the penalty made not
more than fifteen years with no minimum number specified. The former
penalty still holds, however, for actual rape.

SUFFRAGE: Women have no form of suffrage. The husband may vote as a
taxpayer by right of his wife's real estate.

OFFICE HOLDING: Eligibility to office is limited by the constitution
to electors. The article referring to school committee (trustees)
merely says, however, that they shall be "residents of the town." In
1872 and '73 the suffrage association procured by direct effort an Act
qualifying women to serve on school committees and many have done so
with distinction. There are sixteen now serving in the State. The city
charter of Pawtucket requires one of the three members to be a woman.

As far back as 1869 an appeal was made by the suffrage association
that women should be placed on all boards of management of
institutions in which women were confined as prisoners or cared for as
unfortunates. In partial response an Act was passed in 1870
establishing an Advisory Board of Female Visitors to the charitable,
penal and correctional institutions of the State. This board had no
powers of control, but had full rights of inspection at all times and
constituted an official channel for criticism and suggestions. It is
still in existence and is composed of seven representative women.

The association was not satisfied with a board of such limited powers
and in 1874 it memorialized the Legislature for an Act requiring that
women, in the proportion of at least three out of seven, should be
placed on the State Board of Charities and Correction, with equal
powers in all particulars. This petition was presented for three years
successively and special hearings granted to its advocates, but at
last was definitely refused. In 1891, however, two institutions, the
State Home and School for Dependent Children and the Rhode Island
School for the Deaf, were placed in charge of boards of control, to be
appointed by the Governor, to report to the Legislature and to
exercise full powers of supervision and management, "at least three of
whom shall be women."

In 1878 a meeting was held by the association to consider the need of
good and wise women in all places where unfortunate women are in
confinement, and the matter of placing police matrons in stations was
discussed. Agitation followed and the W. C. T. U., under the
enthusiastic lead of Mrs. J. K. Barney, adopted the matter as a
special work, the W. S. A. aiding in all possible ways. In March,
1881, the first police matron in the country (it is believed) was
appointed in Providence and installed as a regular officer. From this
beginning the movement spread until in 1893 an Act was passed by the
General Assembly, without a dissenting voice, requiring police matrons
in all cities, the nominations in each to be recommended by twenty
women residents in good standing.

The first agitation for women probation officers was started in a
meeting of the State Suffrage Association in 1892. The W. C. T. U. and
the leaders in rescue mission work in Providence continued the
movement, and in 1898 a woman was appointed in Providence to that
office, with equal powers of the man probation officer, to be
responsible for women who are released on parole.

In 1893 an Act was passed as the result of a determined movement
lasting several years, in which the suffrage association shared,
although the principal leaders were the labor reform organizations of
the State and the Council of Women of Rhode Island (to which body the
W. S. A. was auxiliary). It raised the legal age of the child-worker
from ten to twelve years, provided for sanitary conditions and moral
safeguards in shops and factories, and for the appointment of two
factory and shop inspectors, "one of whom shall be a woman," to secure
its enforcement. The man and woman inspector were made exactly equal
in power, responsibility and salary, instead of the woman being, as in
most States, a deputy or special inspector. Mrs. Fanny Purdy Palmer
was chosen for this position.

Appointive offices which women have held recently, or are holding, are
assistant clerk of the Supreme Court and Court of Common Pleas;
stenographer for same; clerk to State Commissioner of Public Schools;
clerk to State Auditor and Insurance Commissioner; as superintendent
of State Reform School for Girls, and as jailer in Kent county.

No woman has ever applied to serve as notary public, but doubtless it
would not be considered legal.

OCCUPATIONS: No occupation or profession is forbidden to women, but a
test is soon to be made as to whether they will be admitted to the
bar. Women are prohibited from contracting to work more than ten hours
a day. They can bind themselves to be apprentices till the age of
eighteen, men until twenty-one.

EDUCATION: Rhode Island contains only one university--Brown--founded
in 1764. In 1883 Miss Helen McGill and Miss Annie S. Peck, college
graduates, addressed a meeting at Providence on the higher education
of women. Arnold B. Chace was requested at this time to report at the
next regular meeting of the State Suffrage Association the prospects
for the admission of women to Brown University, as he was treasurer of
the university corporation. At a later meeting the Rev. Ezekiel Gilman
Robinson, then president of the university, by request addressed the
association and declared his views, saying in substance that he was
not in favor of their admission, especially in the undergraduate
departments, as the discipline required by young men and women was
quite different and all social questions would be complicated by the
presence of the latter.

After much discussion at other meetings it was decided to form a
committee, representing several organizations interested in the
advancement of women, to work more definitely in this direction. On
Feb. 20, 1886, a number of ladies assembled at the home of Mrs. Rachel
Fry, a prominent member of the suffrage association, and, after
discussion and advice from Mr. Chace, appointed a committee.[432]
Three days later it met at the home of Mrs. R. A. Peckham, organized
and elected Miss Sarah E. Doyle chairman and Mrs. Fanny Purdy Palmer
secretary. It met again March 14, to hear reports on the conferences
of the members with professors of the university, and the result
showed a considerable number of them in favor of the project. To
influence public opinion the committee published statistics showing
that thirty young women of Rhode Island were attending colleges
outside the State, and argued that most of these who now were "exiles"
would gladly receive the higher education at home.

The movement was accelerated by the act of four young girls, Elizabeth
Hoyt, Henrietta R. Palmer, Emma L. Meader and Helen Gregory, who took
by permission the classical course in the Providence High School, at
that time limited to boys; and in 1887 addressed a petition prepared
by David Hoyt, the principal, to the president of the university,
urging that when their preparation was complete they might be allowed
to share the educational privileges of Brown. They received a
discouraging response and all turned to other colleges.

Up to this time friends on the faculty and in the corporation of the
university were working up a scheme for the unofficial entrance of
women and their instruction in the class-rooms, and the committee had
engaged itself with the practical details connected with this plan.

On Feb. 4, 1889, this somewhat informal committee organized an
association and adopted a constitution which declared its object, "to
secure the educational privileges of Brown University for women on the
same terms offered to men." Of the thirty-two original signers to this
constitution eighteen were members of the State Suffrage Association
and the number included the president, two vice-presidents, secretary,
treasurer and four members of the executive committee. The same
officers were continued.

Prof. Benjamin Franklin Clarke was from the first an earnest supporter
of the claims of the women, and worked within the faculty as Arnold B.
Chace did in the corporation. When in 1889 Elisha Benjamin Andrews
(who as professor had in 1887 indorsed the woman suffrage amendment)
became the president of the university, the cause of the higher
education of women took a great leap forward. In October, 1891, the
Women's College connected with Brown University was established and a
small building hired for its home. Six young women, among them the now
distinguished president of Mount Holyoke College, Miss Mary Woolley,
entered the class rooms. The results of the next ten years are thus
summed up in the official year-book for 1901:

The Women's College was founded in October, 1891. At first only
the privileges of university examinations and certificates of
proficiency were granted. In June, 1892, all the university
degrees and the graduate courses were opened. In November, 1897,
the institution was accepted by the corporation and officially
designated the Women's College of Brown University. The immediate
charge, subject to the direction of the president, was placed in
the hands of a dean. All instruction was required to be given by
members of the university faculty. Pembroke Hall, which was built
by the Rhode Island Society for the Collegiate Education of
Women, was formally transferred to the university in October,
1897, and was accepted as the recitation hall of the Women's
College.

The record of the admission of women to this ancient university is
part of the history of the Woman Suffrage Association, because all the
initial movements were taken by that body, the society which continued
the work was separated from the association only for purposes of
practical efficiency, and the first principle on which the movement
proceeded was that of absolute equality in educational opportunity,
which is the corollary of political democracy. With its actual opening
to women, however, other elements of leadership assumed control and
have secured later results.

On Jan. 16, 1892, the original association having practically secured
its object, the money in the treasury was turned over to the Women's
Educational and Industrial Union, and from that body finally found its
way to a scholarship fund for the Women's College, and the association
disbanded. Later the need for raising funds to meet the requirement
for buildings and endowments led to the reorganization of the work,
and the present Rhode Island Society for the Collegiate Education of
Women was formed. Miss Doyle was elected the president of this new
association, as she had been of the old. At the dedication of Pembroke
Hall, which the efforts of this later society had secured, the early
history (especially the connection of the Woman Suffrage Association
with the work) was not dwelt upon, but the facts should have permanent
record to furnish one more proof that woman suffrage societies have
started great collateral movements, which, when they are fully
successful, often forget or do not know the "mother that bore
them."[433]

It was not until 1893 that the full classical course of the Providence
High School, preparatory for the university, was officially thrown
open to girls, although a few had previously attended. Now all
departments, including the manual training, are open alike to both
sexes, and there are no distinctions anywhere in the public schools.
In these there are 207 men and 1,706 women teachers. The average
monthly salary of the men is $103.74; of the women, $51. Only one
other State (Mass.) shows so great a discrepancy.

* * * * *

The Association of Collegiate Alumnæ has an active branch in Rhode
Island. Seventeen clubs representing 1,436 members belong to the State
Federation. The Local Council of Women, which is auxiliary to the
National Council, has a membership, by delegate representation, of
thirty-two of the leading educational, church, philanthropic and
reformatory societies of Providence and of the State. About one-half
of these have men as well as women for members, but all are
represented in the Council by women. This body has done many important
things, having taken the most active part in securing Factory and Shop
Inspection; initiated the formation of the Providence Society for
Organizing Charity; started the movement for a Consumers' League and
launched that association; and is now at work to secure a State
institution for the care and training of the Feeble-Minded. The
Council holds from six to ten private meetings in the year, at least
two public meetings, and an annual public Peace Celebration in
conjunction with the Peace Committee of the International Council of
Women.

FOOTNOTES:

[422] The History is indebted for this chapter to the Rev. Anna Garlin
Spencer of Providence, vice-president-at-large of the State Woman
Suffrage Association.

[423] See History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. III, p. 340.

[424] The annual meeting in October, 1895, celebrated the completion
of a quarter of a century's service on the part of Mrs. Elizabeth
Buffum Chace as president of the Rhode Island Woman Suffrage
Association. Letters from absent friends were read expressing their
high appreciation of her life-long service in the cause of humankind
as well as womankind. Mrs. Julia Ward Howe, Mr. William Lloyd Garrison
and Miss Mary F. Eastman attended to speak for the cause, and to
testify their love for Mrs. Chace. The Hon. E. L. Freeman, ex-Gov.
John W. Davis and others of the State also spoke words of great
respect. The association honored itself by once more electing Mrs.
Chace its chief officer, although she had expressed a strong desire to
retire from the position as she felt that the burden of the work
should be borne by younger shoulders. [Annual Report to National
Suffrage Convention.

[425] Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Julia Ward Howe, Rowland Hazard,
Phebe Jackson, Susan Sisson, Sarah Helen Whitman, Elizabeth K.
Churchill, Abraham Payne, Sarah T. Wilbour, Charlotte A. Jenckes,
George L. Clarke, Francis C. Frost, Susan R. Harris, Augustus Woodbury
and many others of the best known and most useful citizens.

[426] Others were Mrs. M. M. Brewster, Mrs. Mary C. Peckham, Mrs.
Rowena P. B. Tingley, Miss Charlotte R. Hoswell, Mrs. Anna E. Aldrich
and Mrs. Martha Knowles.

[427] Present board: President Mrs. A. C. Dewing; first
vice-president, Mrs. Thomas W. Chase; second vice-president, Mrs.
Ellen M. Bolles; third vice-president, Mrs. Charlotte B. Wilbour;
secretary, Mrs. Annie M. Griffin; treasurer, Mrs. Mary K. Wood;
auditors, Mrs. O. I. Angell, Mrs. Elizabeth Ormsbee; honorary
vice-presidents, the Hon. H. B. Metcalf, Dr. L. F. C. Garvin and
Arnold B. Chace.

[428] The officers were: President, Mrs. Chace; vice-presidents, Mr.
Hinckley, Arnold B. Chace, Phebe Jackson, Mary O. Arnold and Julia
Ward Howe; acting secretary, Mrs. Anna E. Aldrich; treasurer, Mrs.
Mary K. Wood; executive committee, Mrs. S. E. H. Doyle, Miss Sarah J.
Eddy, Mesdames Aldrich, Fanny Purdy Palmer, C. P. Norton, Louisa A.
Bowen, Elizabeth C. Hinckley, Susan C. Kenyon, Mary E. Bliss, Frances
S. Bailey and S. R. Alexander, from whom the campaign committee was
selected.

[429] Occasional addresses were made by Gen. Thomas W. Chace, Col. J.
C. Wyman, Judge R. C. Pitman, Dr. L. F. C. Garvin, the Revs. H. C.
Westwood, Augustus Woodbury, H. I. Cushman, N. H. Harriman, Thomas R.
Slicer, O. H. Still, J. H. Larry; Messrs. Olney Arnold, Augustine
Jones, R. F. Trevellick, Ralph Beaumont, John O'Keefe and others.

[430] Dr. Helen C. Putnam represented the physicians, Mrs. Mary Frost
Evans the editors, Miss Sarah E. Doyle the teachers, Mrs. Mary A.
Babcock and Mrs. A. B. E. Jackson the W. C. T. U., Mrs. L. G. C.
Knickerbocker and Mrs. S. M. Aldrich women in private life, while the
W. S. A. contributed Mrs. J. S. French, Mrs. A. C. Dewing and Mrs.
Ellen M. Bolles. Edwin C. Pierce and Rabbi David Blaustein, members of
the association, also spoke in favor of suffrage for women.

[431] The right to be appointed by the court was given to married
women by Act of 1902.

[432] Mrs. Francis W. Goddard, Miss Sarah E. Doyle, principal of the
Girls' High School of Providence; Mrs. M. M. Brewster, president of
the Women's Educational and Industrial Union; Mrs. Fanny Purdy Palmer
and Mrs. R. A. Peckham, representing the State Suffrage Association;
Mrs. Augustine Jones, representing the Friends' School, and Mrs. M. E.
Tucker.

[433] The Suffrage Association has held one meeting in Pembroke Hall,
however, which was presided over by its acting president and at which
the daughter of Julia Ward Howe, Mrs. Florence Howe Hall, spoke upon
"The Political Position of Women in England," and the use of Sayles
Hall of Brown University was freely granted for a series of meetings
under the auspices of the W. S. A. devoted to a presentation of
"Woman's Contribution to the Progress of the World." These were
addressed by Abba Goold Woolson, Mary A. Livermore, Lillie Devereux
Blake, Lillie Chace Wyman, Alice Stone Blackwell, Mary F. Eastman,
Prof. Katherine Hanscom and the Rev. Anna Garlin Spencer.

In October, 1901, Miss Susan B. Anthony addressed the students and was
enthusiastically received.

CHAPTER LXIII.

SOUTH CAROLINA.[434]

In 1890 Mrs. Virginia Durant Young being on a visit to Mrs. Adelaide
Viola Neblett at Greenville, these two did so inspire each other that
then and there they held a suffrage conference with Mrs. S. Odie
Sirrene, Mrs. Mary Putnam Gridley and others, and pledged themselves
to work for woman's enfranchisement in South Carolina.

Mrs. Young made a suffrage address to the Woman's Christian Temperance
Union of Beaufort in 1891, and later spoke on the subject by
invitation at Lexington and in the Baptist church at Marion. She
eventually succeeded in forming a State association of 250 men and
women who believed in equal rights, and interested themselves in
circulating literature on this question. Its officers for 1900 are
Mrs. Young, president; Mrs. Mary P. Prentiss, vice-president; Miss
Harriet B. Manville, corresponding secretary; Mrs. Gridley, treasurer.

In 1895 Miss Susan B. Anthony, president of the National Association,
Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake of New York, and Mrs. Ellen Battelle
Dietrick of Massachusetts, made addresses at various places, on their
way home from the national convention in Atlanta. In April of this
year Miss Laura Clay of Kentucky, Miss Helen Morris Lewis of North
Carolina, and Miss Elizabeth Upham Yates of Maine, with Mrs. Young and
Mrs. Neblett, began a suffrage campaign at Greenville. They went
thence to Spartanburg, Columbia and Charleston. Here the party
divided, Miss Clay and Mrs. Young going to Georgetown, Florence,
Marion, Latta, Darlington, Timmonsville and Sumter. Later Mrs.
Neblett, Miss Clay and Mrs. Young spoke at Allendale, Barnwell,
Hampton and Beaufort.

Miss Clay, auditor of the National Association, worked four months in
South Carolina this year at her own expense. Half of the time was
spent in Columbia, assisting Mrs. Young and others in the effort to
have an amendment giving suffrage to taxpaying women incorporated in
the new constitution then being framed. They had hearings before two
committees in September, and presented their arguments to the entire
Constitutional Convention in the State House, with a large number of
citizens present. The amendment failed by a vote of 26 yeas, 121 nays.

President D. B. Johnston, of the Girls' Industrial and Normal College,
and John J. McMahan, State superintendent of instruction, have done
much to advance the educational status of women, and both believe in
perfect equality of rights. Among other advocates may be mentioned the
Hon. Walter Hazard, Dr. William J. Young, McDonald Furman, B. Odell
Duncan, George Sirrene, Col. John J. Dargan, Col. Ellison Keith, the
Rev. Sidi H. Brown, Col. V. P. Clayton, the Rev. John T. Morrison,
Samuel G. Lawton, J. Gordon Coogler and William D. Evans, president of
the State Agricultural Society.

Miss Martha Schofield, superintendent of the Colored Industrial School
at Aiken, regularly enters a protest against paying taxes without
representation. Other women who have been devoted workers in the cause
of suffrage are Miss Mary I. Hemphill, editor with her father of the
Abbeville _Medium_; Mesdames Marion Morgan Buckner, Daisy P. Bailey,
Florence Durant Evans, Lillian D. Clayton, Gertrude D. Lido, Cora S.
Lott, Abbie Christensen, Martha Corley and Mary P. Screven; Dr. Sarah
Allen; Misses Claudia G. Tharin, Iva Youmans, Annie Durant, Kate Lily
Blue and Floride Cunningham.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: In 1892 Mrs. Virginia Durant Young
petitioned the Legislature for her personal enfranchisement, adopting
this method of presenting the arguments in a nutshell, and as "news"
they were widely published and commented on. At this session Gen.
Robert R. Hemphill, a stanch advocate, presented a bill in the Senate
to give women the franchise and the right of holding office, and
brought it to a vote on December 17; yeas, 14, nays, 21.

In 1895 numerously signed petitions for suffrage were sent to the
Legislature by the women of Fairfax, Lexington and Marion. The right
of petition was also frequently used by the members of the State W. C.
T. U.

In 1896 Mrs. Young addressed the Legislature in behalf of Presidential
Suffrage for women.

In 1892, '93, '95 and '98 the laws were improved in regard to married
women's property rights, allowing them to hold real estate
independently of their husbands, restraining husbands from collecting
debts or wages owing to their wives, and making the wife's signature
necessary to the legality of mortgage.

In 1895 was enacted by the Constitutional Convention that, "The real
and personal property of a woman, held at the time of her marriage, or
that which she may thereafter acquire, either by gift, grant,
inheritance, devise or otherwise, shall be her separate property, and
she shall have all the rights incident to the same, to which an
unmarried woman or a man is entitled. She shall have the power to
contract and be contracted with, in the same manner as if she were
unmarried."

Dower prevails but not curtesy. If either husband or wife die without
a will the other has an equal claim on the property. Should there be
one or more children, the survivor receives one-third of the real and
the personal estate. If there are no lineal descendants, but
collateral heirs, the survivor takes one-half of the entire estate. If
there are no lineal descendants, father, mother, brother, sister,
child of such brother or sister, brother of the half-blood or lineal
ancestor, the survivor receives two-thirds of the estate and the other
third goes to the next of kin. If there is no kin, the survivor takes
the whole estate.

A homestead to the value of $1,000 is exempted to "the head of the
family."

South Carolina is the only State which does not allow divorce.

The father is the legal guardian of the children, and may appoint a
guardian of their persons and property by will.

The law requires the husband to support the family, but there is no
effective way for its enforcement. Any one may sell the wife
necessaries and subject the husband's property to the payment of the
bills, if he does not furnish a suitable support, but he can claim his
homestead against such a debt and in many ways render this remedy
unavailing.

In 1895 the "age of protection for girls" was raised from 10 to 14
years. The penalty is "death, with privilege of the jury to recommend
to mercy, whereupon the penalty may be reduced to imprisonment in the
penitentiary at hard labor during the whole lifetime of the prisoner."

Seduction under promise of marriage is punished by a fine of not less
than $500 nor more than $5,000, or imprisonment for not less than six
months nor more than five years.

SUFFRAGE: Women possess no form of suffrage.

OFFICE HOLDING: In the early '90's Gov. Benjamin R. Tillman secured
the election of the first woman State librarian. Ever since this
office has been filled by a woman, elected annually by the
Legislature. No other elective office is open to women.

A number of the engrossing clerks in the Senate are women.

Through the efforts of the W. C. T. U. there is a police matron at
Charleston.

Dr. Sarah Allen was appointed physician in the State hospital for the
insane in 1896, and still holds the position.

There are women directors on the board of the Columbia Library
Association.

Women do not serve on the board of any State institution.

They can not be notaries public.

OCCUPATIONS: Women are not permitted to practice law. No other
profession or occupation is legally forbidden to them.

EDUCATION: In 1894 the State University at Columbia opened its doors
to women. In the same year the Medical College of Charleston admitted
them, and still later Furman University (Baptist) at Greenville. These
were direct results of the agitation for equal rights. Charleston
College and Clemson Agricultural College are closed to women, but they
may enter the other educational institutions. Gov. Benjamin R. Tillman
was largely instrumental in securing the Girls' Industrial and Normal
College at Rock Hill, in 1894.

In the public schools there are 2,245 men and 2,728 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $25.18; of the women,
$24.29.

FOOTNOTES:

[434] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Virginia D.
Young of Fairfax, owner and editor of the _Enterprise_ and president
of the State Woman Suffrage Association.

CHAPTER LXIV.

TENNESSEE.[435]

No organized work for woman suffrage had been done in Tennessee up to
1885, when Mrs. Elizabeth Lyle Saxon was appointed president of the
State by the National Association. In 1886 she removed to Washington
Territory and Mrs. Lida A. Meriwether was made her successor. As the
best means of obtaining a hearing from people who would not attend a
suffrage meeting, Mrs. Meriwether decided to begin her work in the
ranks of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union. After three years of
quiet effort in this organization (of which she was State president)
she succeeded in adding the "franchise" to its departments and having
a solid suffrage plank nailed into its platform by unanimous vote. In
May, 1889, she formed in Memphis the first local suffrage club, with a
membership of fifty.

In January, 1895, Miss Susan B. Anthony, president of the National
Association, and Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of its
organization committee, came to Memphis and were welcomed not only by
the suffrage society, but also by the Local Council of Women, the
Woman's Club and the Nineteenth Century Club. They addressed a fine
audience in the Young Men's Hebrew Association Hall.

The following June Mrs. Meriwether was employed by the National
Association to lecture and organize for two weeks, and visited the
most important towns in the State.

In May, 1897, Miss Frances A. Griffin of Alabama made a six weeks'
lecture and organizing tour under the auspices of the association,
during which she spoke in every available town of any size, Mrs.
Nellie E. Bergen acting as advance agent. No other organizing work
ever has been done in Tennessee.

The first State suffrage convention was held at Nashville in May,
1897, an association formed and Mrs. Meriwether unanimously elected
president. This was in fact an interstate convention, being held
during the Tennessee Centennial Exposition at the invitation of the
managing committee, who offered the suffragists the use of the Woman's
Building for three days to give reasons for the faith that was in
them. Delegates were present from Tennessee, Kentucky, Alabama,
Mississippi and Illinois. Addresses were given by Miss Laura Clay and
Mrs. Lida Calvert Obenchain of Kentucky, Mrs. Virginia Clay Clopton
and Miss Griffin of Alabama, Miss Josephine E. Locke of Illinois, Mrs.
Flora C. Huntington and Mrs. Meriwether.

The second convention took place at Memphis, April 22, 1900, Mrs.
Chapman Catt and Miss Mary G. Hay, national organizer, in attendance.
Mrs. Meriwether was elected honorary president for life; Mrs. Elise M.
Selden was made president and Miss Margaret E. Henry, corresponding
secretary. On Sunday evening Mrs. Chapman Catt addressed a mass
meeting in the Grand Opera House, and the next evening spoke in the
audience hall of the Nineteenth Century Club, both given free of
charge.

One incident will further show the growth of public sentiment in this
direction. In 1895 a prominent Memphis woman sent to the _Arena_ an
article entitled The Attitude of Southern Women on the Suffrage
Question, which she claimed to be that of uncompromising opposition.
In conclusion she said: "The views presented have been strengthened by
opinions from women all over the South, from the Atlantic Coast to
Texas, from the Ohio to the Gulf. More than one hundred of the
home-makers, the teachers and the writers have been consulted, all of
them recognized in their own communities for earnestness and ability.
Of these, only thirteen declared themselves outright for woman
suffrage; four believed that women should vote upon property and
school questions; while nine declined to express themselves. All the
others were opposed to woman suffrage in any form." She then gave
short extracts from the letters of eighteen women, four in favor and
fourteen opposed.

The editor wrote to Mrs. Josephine K. Henry of Kentucky asking for an
article from the other side. She sent one entitled The New Woman of
the New South, and the two were published in the _Arena_ of February,
1895. Mrs. Henry gave extracts from the letters of seventy-two
prominent women in various parts of the South--all uncompromising
suffragists. She had written to Mrs. Meriwether that, as her opponent
was from Tennessee, she wanted a distinct voice from that State, and
requested her to give a few reasons for desiring the suffrage and
obtain the signatures of women to the same. Mrs. Meriwether supplied
the following:

We, the undersigned women of Tennessee, do and should want the
ballot because--

1. Being 21 years old, we object to being classed with minors.

2. Born in America and loyal to her institutions, we protest
against being made perpetual aliens.

3. Costing the treasuries of our counties nothing, we protest
against acknowledging the male pauper as our political superior.

4. Being obedient to law, we protest against the statute which
classes us with the convict and makes the pardoned criminal our
political superior.

5. Being sane, we object to being classed with the lunatic.

6. Possessing an average amount of intelligence, we protest
against legal classification with the idiot.

7. We taxpayers claim the right to representation.

8. We married women want to own our clothes.

9. We married breadwinners want to own our earnings.

10. We mothers want an equal partnership in our children.

11. We educated women want the power to offset the illiterate
vote of our State.

Mrs. Meriwether sent this "confession of faith" to the presidents of
every suffrage club and W. C. T. U. in Tennessee, giving them a
fortnight to obtain signatures and adding, "The King's business
requires haste." In two weeks it was returned with the names of 535
women, while several presidents wrote: "If you could only give us two
weeks more we could double the number."[436]

LEGISLATIVE ACTIONS AND LAWS: Dower and curtesy both obtain. The widow
receives one-third of the real estate, unless there are neither
descendants nor heirs-at-law, when she takes it all in fee-simple. Of
the personal property she takes a child's share, unless there are no
lineal descendants, when she takes it all. The widower is entitled to
a life interest in the wife's real estate, if there has been issue
born alive, and to all of her personal estate whether there are
children or not. The law provides that a homestead to the value of
$1,000 shall inure to the widow.

The wife can neither sue nor be sued nor make contracts in her own
name, unless the husband has deserted her or is insane. The husband is
entitled to her earnings and savings.

Meigs' Digest says: "The general principle of the law is that marriage
amounts to an absolute gift to the husband of all personal goods of
which the wife is actually or beneficially possessed at the time, or
which come to her during coverture. So that if it be money in her
pocket or personal property in the hands of a third party, the title
vests at once in the husband.

"By right of his marriage the husband takes an interest in his wife's
real estate, and during their joint lives the law gives him a right to
the crops, profits and products of her lands. He has the usufruct of
all her freehold estate. The husband is entitled to the profits of all
lands held by the wife for her life, or for the life of another.

"When a marriage is dissolved at the suit of the husband, and the
defendant is owner in her own right of lands, his right to and
interest therein and to the rents and profits of the same, shall not
be taken away or impaired, but the same shall remain to him as though
the marriage had continued. And he shall also be entitled to her
personal estate, in possession or in action, and may sue for and
recover the same in his own name.

"When the wife is forced to separate from her husband, by reason of
cruel and inhuman treatment from him, she may, by a bill in equity,
have a suitable provision made for her support, out of the rents and
profits _of her land_."

The code says: "A father, whether under the age of twenty-one years,
or of full age, may by deed executed in his lifetime or by last will
and testament in writing, from time to time and in such manner and
form as he thinks fit, dispose of the custody and tuition of any
legitimate child under the age of twenty-one years and unmarried,
whether born at the time of his death or afterwards, during the
minority of such child, or for a less time." If the father abandon the
family the mother becomes guardian, but she can not appoint one by
will.

No law requires the husband to support wife or children.

The legal age for marriage is fourteen years for boys and twelve for
girls.

By earnest pleading and continual petitioning during the past ten
years women have secured the following: 1. The passage of a bill
making women eligible as superintendents of county schools. 2. Police
matrons in two cities--Memphis and Knoxville. 3. A law raising the
"age of protection" for girls from 10 to 16 years (1893), but if over
12 the crime is only a misdemeanor. The penalty is, if under 12,
"death by hanging, or, in the discretion of the jury, imprisonment in
the penitentiary for life or for a period not less than ten years;" if
over 12, "imprisonment in the penitentiary not less than three months
nor more than ten years; provided no conviction shall be had on the
unsupported testimony of the female ... or if the female is a bawd,
lewd or kept female." (1895.)

SUFFRAGE: Women possess no form of suffrage.

OFFICE HOLDING: Women are not eligible to any elective office except
that of county superintendent of schools, which was provided for by
special statute about 1890. They can not serve as school trustees.

For a number of years all the librarians and engrossing clerks of both
Senate and House have been women. They can not act as notaries public.

OCCUPATIONS: Women have engaged in the practice of law, but this was
forbidden by a recent decision of the Supreme Court (1901). It was
based on the ground that an attorney is a public officer, and as women
are not legally entitled to hold public office they can not practice
law.

EDUCATION: Degrees in law have been conferred upon several women at
Vanderbilt University, for white students, and at Fiske University,
for colored. All institutions of learning, except a few of a sectarian
nature, are coeducational.

In the public schools there are 5,019 men and 4,195 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men (estimated) is $31.88; of the
women, $26.18.

FOOTNOTES:

[435] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Lida A.
Meriwether of Memphis, honorary president of the State Woman Suffrage
Association.

[436] Among prominent men who have aided in protective and progressive
work for women are Legislators W. H. Milburn, Thomas A. Baker and
Joseph Babb; Editors G. W. Armistead of the _Issue_, Gideon Baskette
of the Nashville _Banner_ and J. M. Keating of the Memphis _Appeal_;
the Revs. H. S. Williams, W. B. Evans, C. H. Wilson and T. B. Putnam;
Judges E. H. East and Arthur Simpson. Among women may be mentioned
Mesdames E. J. Roach, Georgia Mizelle, Bettie M. Donaldson, Margaret
Gardner, Emily Settle, Ida T. East, Caroline Goodlett, S. E. Dosser,
A. A. Gibson, Mary T. McTeer and Kate M. Simpson; Misses Louise and
Mary Drouillard, J. E. Baillett, M. L. Patterson and S. E. Hoyt. Lo!
all these are of the faithful--and yet "the half hath not been told."

CHAPTER LXV.

TEXAS.[437]

The first addresses in favor of woman suffrage in Texas are believed
to have been given by Mrs. Mariana T. Folsom in 1885. The first
attempt at organization was made on May 10, 1893, when Mrs. Rebecca
Henry Hayes called a meeting in the parlors of the Grand Windsor Hotel
at Dallas for the purpose of forming a State association. Fifty-two
names were enrolled; Mrs. Hayes was made president, Dr. Lawson Dabbs
corresponding secretary, and Margaret L. Watrous, recording
secretary.[438] Mrs. Sarah S. Trumbull was elected State organizer and
auxiliary associations were formed in various towns. Mrs. Hayes
traveled 9,000 miles in the interest of this cause during the next two
years, but as Texas has 360 counties and a scattered and widely
separated population, organized work is very difficult.

In 1896 Mrs. Elizabeth Good Houston became president. Mrs. Alice
McAnulty served a number of years most efficiently as corresponding
secretary. Dr. Grace Danforth also did effective work. Mrs. L. A.
Craig presented the question to the Democratic State Convention of
1894, but without any practical result. Mrs. McAnulty and Mrs.
Elizabeth Fry attended the Populist State Convention the same year,
but no action was taken.

Since 1887 the State W. C. T. U. has been pledged to woman suffrage.
The president, Mrs. S. C. Acheson, under whose management it was
adopted, was an enthusiast upon the subject. Mrs. Fry was the first
State superintendent of franchise, and, through both the W. C. T. U.
and the W. S. A., has rendered valuable service. Later, Mrs. Mary E.
Prendergast filled this position, distributing much literature and
speaking in many cities. Judge Davis McGee Prendergast became a
convert before his wife and convinced her of the righteousness of
woman suffrage. These two ladies are southern-born and life-long
Texans.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: In 1891, through the efforts of the W. C.
T. U., the "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 12
years. In 1895 it was raised to 15 years. The penalty is death or
imprisonment in the penitentiary from not less than five years to
life.

No attempt ever has been made to secure the franchise, but at this
time (1895) the women learned that thirty of the legislators believed
in woman suffrage, one of them declaring: "If some of these seats were
occupied by women, we men would do better work."

Neither dower nor curtesy obtains. If there are any lineal descendants
a surviving husband or wife is entitled to a life interest in
one-third of the real estate and to one-third of the personal estate
absolutely; if none, to all the personal property and a life interest
in one-half the real estate. If there are neither father, mother,
brothers, sisters nor their descendants, the surviving husband or wife
is entitled to the whole estate, both real and personal, as to
separate property.

In addition to such provision, one-half of the community property
passes to the widow or widower if there are one or more children and
the whole of such property if there are no lineal descendants. A widow
or widower is also entitled to retain a homestead not exceeding $5,000
in value. If either husband or wife die without a will or become
insane, and there are no living descendants, and the other party to
the marriage has no separate estate, the community property passes to
the survivor without an administration, unless there is a guardianship
by the State of the insane spouse. If, however, there are descendants,
the survivor has the exclusive management of the community property. A
woman loses this right if she contract another marriage. In the event
of the insane person being restored to a sound mental condition, an
accounting of such property must be rendered.

The property which a woman owns at marriage, or acquires by gift,
devise or descent afterward, remains her separate estate, but passes
under the absolute control of the husband, except that he can not sell
it without her consent.

The wife can not sell her separate property without the husband's
consent. He may sell his separate property without hers.

He may also sell the community property, except the homestead, without
her consent.

The wife must sue and be sued jointly with her husband in regard to
her separate property, and all other matters.

The wages of the wife belong to the husband as part of the community
property, whether she is living with him or separate from him.

Divorce is granted to the husband if the wife commit a single act of
adultery; to the wife, only if the husband has abandoned her and lived
in adultery with another. The law places the division of the property
entirely in the hands of the judge, but provides that "nothing herein
contained shall be construed to compel either party to divest himself
or herself of real estate." Supreme Court decisions have laid down the
general rule that separate property shall be restored to its owner.
Where there are no children the community property may be divided as
in case of death. The court, however, may make such provision as it
deems essential for the support of wife or children or an invalid
husband. If necessary it may place separate or community property in
the hands of trustees, the rents and profits to be applied to the
maintenance and education of the children or the support of the wife.
The judge assigns the children for their best interests. In general
practice the mother, unless disqualified morally, retains the custody
of female children of any age and of males to the age of eight, when
they are usually given to the father. There is no absolute rule, and
in case of children or property an appeal may be taken to a higher
court.

The father is the natural guardian of the persons and education of the
minor children, and is entitled to be appointed guardian of their
estates.

The law of support, revised in 1895, provides that "if the husband
fail to support the wife or children from the proceeds of the land
_she_ may have or fail to educate the children as the fortune of the
_wife_ would justify, she may in either case complain to the County
Court, which upon satisfactory proof shall decree that so much of
_her_ proceeds shall be paid to the wife for the support of herself
and the education of the children as the court may deem
necessary."[439]

SUFFRAGE: Women possess no form of suffrage.

OFFICE HOLDING: Most of the public offices have some women on their
clerical force, that of the comptroller having seven. They are paid
the same as men for the same work.

Women were postmasters of both Senate and House in the Legislature of
1900, and acted as clerks of committees.

They can serve as notaries public.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is legally forbidden to
women. They practice law and medicine, are managers of many kinds of
business and proprietors of hotels, and two have been presidents of
banks.

Mrs. Henrietta King is widely known as "the Cattle Queen of the
World." Her ranch covers a million acres, and the net proceeds of her
sales of horses and cattle are estimated at $500,000 a year. A number
of women own and manage ranches.

EDUCATION: Most of the leading institutions of learning are open to
both sexes. Among these are the State University, Baylor University
(Baptist), Southwestern University (Methodist South), Fort Worth
Polytechnic (Methodist Episcopal), Trinity University (Cumberland
Presbyterian) and Wiley University (colored). Austin College and the
State Agricultural and Mechanical College are restricted to male
students.

The State Industrial College for Girls (white) was established by the
Legislature of 1900, with an appropriation of $60,000. All of the
industries will be taught, from domestic science to draughting. The W.
C. T. U. and others had been petitioning for this ten years.[440]

The Prairie View State Normal School for colored youth of both sexes
has had an Industrial Department from its beginning years ago. A
movement is now on foot to establish such a department as a portion of
the public school system. Austin already has one, made possible by
legacy, and its fine results have greatly inspired the law-makers.

One woman has served as superintendent of schools at Waco, and there
are many women principals of High Schools.

There are in the public schools 7,347 men and 7,672 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $49.20; of the women, $35.50.

* * * * *

Practically all of the progressive steps enumerated above have been
taken since 1883. When it is remembered that less than twenty years
ago women were virtually ostracized if they attempted any kind of
occupation outside the home, even teaching being looked upon askance,
the changes seem almost miraculous.

Texas has 130 Woman's Clubs with a membership of about 3,500. With
other good works they have distributed great quantities of reading
matter among isolated families. They also have established forty
public libraries and four traveling libraries.

FOOTNOTES:

[437] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Helen M.
Stoddard of Fort Worth, president of the State Woman's Christian
Temperance Union.

[438] Under the direction of Dr. Dabbs a Congress of Women was held in
connection with the State Fair, and a Texas Woman's Council was
formed, not committed to suffrage but progressive in its views.

[439] The lawyer who was consulted as to the accuracy of these
statements said, after a careful examination: "There are so many other
laws bearing upon each of these that all this is necessarily
imperfect, but there is enough else, that is likewise true, to fill a
book."

[440] In 1901 Mrs. Helen M. Stoddard was appointed by Gov. Joseph D.
Sayers a member of the committee to locate this school. The
appointment was confirmed by the Senate, and the committee of twelve
men elected her secretary. She received, of course, the same pay as
the other members. Later three women were placed on the Board of
Regents, herself among the number. [Eds.

CHAPTER LXVI.

UTAH.[441]

To write the history of woman suffrage in Utah one must turn backward
to 1870, when the Legislature of the Territory passed a bill
conferring the franchise upon women, to which acting-Governor S. A.
Mann affixed his signature February 12. From that time women voted at
all elections, while some of them took a practical interest in public
matters and acted as delegates to political conventions and members of
Territorial and county committees.

The first attempt to elect a woman to any important office was made in
Salt Lake City at the county convention of 1878, when Mrs. Emmeline B.
Wells was nominated for treasurer. She received the vote of the entire
delegation, but the statute including the word "male" was held to
debar women from holding political offices. A bill was presented to
the next Legislature with petitions numerously signed asking that this
word be erased from the statutes, which was passed. Gov. George W.
Emory, however, refused to sign it, and though other Legislatures
passed similar bills by unanimous vote, none ever received his
signature or that of any succeeding governor.

In June, 1871, Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Miss Susan B. Anthony,
the president and vice-president-at-large of the National Woman
Suffrage Association, stopped at Salt Lake City on their way to the
Pacific Coast and met many of the prominent men and women.

In 1872 the _Woman's Exponent_ was established, and it is impossible
to estimate the advantage this little paper gave to the women of this
far western Territory. From its first issue it was the champion of the
suffrage cause, and by exchanging with women's papers of the United
States and England it brought news of women in all parts of the world
to those of Utah. They also were thoroughly organized in the National
Woman's Relief Society, a charitable and philanthropic body which
stood for reform and progress in all directions. Through such an
organization it was always comparatively easy to promote any specific
object or work. The Hon. George Q. Cannon, Utah's delegate in the
'70's, coming from a Territory where women had the ballot, interested
himself in the suffrage question before Congress. He thus became
acquainted with the prominent leaders of the movement, who went to
Washington every winter and who manifested much interest in the women
afar off in possession of the rights which they themselves had been so
long and zealously advocating without apparent results. Among these
were Mrs. Stanton, Miss Anthony, Mrs. Isabella Beecher Hooker and
others of national reputation.

Women were appointed as representatives from Utah by the National
Suffrage Association, and the correspondence between its officers and
Mrs. Wells, who had been made a member of their Advisory Committee and
vice-president for the Territory, as well as the fact that the women
of Utah were so progressive on the suffrage question and had sent
large petitions asking for the passage of a Sixteenth Amendment to the
Federal Constitution to enfranchise all women, resulted in an
invitation for her to attend its annual convention at Washington, in
January, 1879. Mrs. Wells was accompanied by Mrs. Zina Young Williams
and they were cordially welcomed by Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony.
This was a valuable experience for these women, as, even though they
had the right of suffrage, there was much to learn from the great
leaders who had been laboring in the cause of woman's enfranchisement
for more than thirty years. They were invited to address the
convention, and selected with others to go before Congressional
committees and the President of the United States, as well as to
present important matters to the Lady of the White House. The kindness
which they received from Mrs. Hayes and other noted women always will
remain a pleasant memory of that first visit to the national capitol.
On their return home they took up the subject of the ballot more
energetically in its general sense than ever before through public
speaking and writing.

During the seventeen years, from 1870 to 1887, that the women of Utah
enjoyed the privilege of the ballot several attempts were made to
deprive them of it. In 1880 a case came before the Supreme Court of
the Territory on a mandamus requiring the assessor and registrar to
erase the names of Emmeline B. Wells, Maria M. Blythe and Cornelia
Paddock from the registration list, also the names of all other women
before a certain specified date, but the court decided in favor of the
defendants.

In the spring of 1882 a convention was held to prepare a constitution
and urge Congress to admit Utah as a State. Three women were
elected--Mrs. Sarah M. Kimball, Mrs. Elizabeth Howard and Mrs.
Wells--and took part in framing this constitution, and their work was
as satisfactory as that of the male members. Although this was a new
departure, it caused no friction whatever and was good political
discipline for the women, especially in parliamentary law and usage.

This year another case was brought, before the Third District Court,
to test the validity of the statute conferring the elective franchise
upon the women of the Territory. A registrar of Salt Lake City refused
to place the names of women upon the list of voters, and Mrs. Florence
L. Westcott asked for a writ compelling him to administer the oath,
enter her name, etc. The case was called for argument Sept. 14, 1882,
Chief Justice James A. Hunter on the bench, and able lawyers were
employed on both sides of the question. The decision sustained the
Legislative Act of 1870 under which women voted. Associate Justice
Emerson agreed with Judge Hunter, and Associate Justice Twiss
acknowledged the validity of the law, but insisted that women should
be taxpayers to entitle them to the right. This test case decided all
others and women continued to vote until the passage of the
Edmunds-Tucker Law, in March, 1887. During this period women gained
much political experience in practical matters, and their association
with men acquainted with affairs of State, in council and on
committees gave them a still wider knowledge of the manipulation of
public affairs.

In September, 1882, the National W. S. A. held a conference in Omaha,
Neb., and Mrs. Wells and Mrs. Zina D. H. Young attended. Miss Anthony,
Mrs. May Wright Sewall, chairman of the Executive Committee, and many
other distinguished women were in attendance. Mrs. Wells, as
vice-president for Utah, presented an exhaustive report of the
suffrage work in the Territory, which was received with a great deal
of enthusiasm.

At the national convention in Washington the previous January the
proposed disfranchisement of Utah women by the Edmunds Bill had been
very fully discussed and a resolution adopted, that "the proposition
to disfranchise the women of Utah for no cause whatever is a cruel
display of the power which lies in might alone, and that this Congress
has no more right to disfranchise the women of Utah than the men of
Wyoming."[442] This sympathy was gratefully acknowledged by the women
of the Territory.

The suffrage women throughout the various States made vigorous
protests against the injustice of this pending measure. A committee
appointed at the convention in Washington, in the winter of 1887,
presented a memorial to the President of the United States requesting
him not to sign the bills, but to veto any measure for the
disfranchisement of the women of Utah.[443] Mrs. Belva A. Lockwood
made an able speech before the convention on this question. There were
at that time several bills before Congress to deprive Utah women of
the elective franchise.

During the subsequent years of this agitation every issue of the
_Woman's Exponent_ contained burning articles, letters and editorials
upon this uncalled-for and unwarranted interference with the affairs
of the women of this Territory. The advocates of the rights of all
women stood up boldly for those of Utah, notwithstanding the scoffs
and obloquy cast upon them. It was a fierce battle of opinions and the
weaker had to succumb. The strong power of Congress conquered at last,
and the Edmunds-Tucker Act of 1887 wrested from all the women, Gentile
and Mormon alike, the suffrage which they had exercised for seventeen
years. Naturally they were very indignant at being arbitrarily
deprived of a vested right, but were obliged to submit. They were
determined, however, not to do so tamely but to teach their sons,
brothers and all others the value of equal suffrage, and to use every
effort in their power toward securing it whenever Statehood should be
conferred.

Mrs. Arthur Brown and Mrs. Emily S. Richards were appointed to
represent the Territory at the National Suffrage Convention in
Washington in 1888, and were there authorized to form an association
uniform with those in various States and Territories. Heretofore it
had not been considered necessary to organize, as women were already
in possession of the ballot.

Mrs. Elizabeth Lyle Saxon and Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby, who had been
lecturing on suffrage in Oregon and Washington, visited Salt Lake in
September, 1888. They spoke in the theater, and on the following day a
reception was tendered them in the Gardo House, where they had the
opportunity of meeting socially between five and six hundred people,
both Gentiles and Mormons, men and women. The same evening another
large audience in the theater greeted them, and on the day succeeding
at 10 A. M. there was a meeting for women only in the Assembly Hall.
These meetings were held under the auspices of the Woman's Relief
Society, Mrs. Zina D. H. Young, president. Though they occurred at a
time when the people were suffering from indignities heaped upon them
because of unjust legislation, yet a strong impression was made on
those (mostly Gentiles) who never previously had been converted to
suffrage.

After careful deliberation and several preliminary meetings in the
office of the _Woman's Exponent_, a public call was made through the
daily papers, signed by the most influential women of Salt Lake City,
for a meeting in the Assembly Hall, Jan. 10, 1889, to organize a
Territorial Suffrage Association. Mrs. Richards occupied the chair and
Mrs. Lydia D. Alder was elected secretary _pro tem_. Prayer was
offered and the old-fashioned hymn, "Know this that every soul is
free," was sung by the congregation.[444] One hundred names were
enrolled and Mrs. Caine and Mrs. Richards were elected delegates to
the National Convention. Mrs. Caine was already at the Capital with
her husband, the Hon. John T. Caine, Utah's delegate in the House of
Representatives. Mrs. Richards arrived in time to give a report of the
new society, which was heard with much interest.

Within a few months fourteen counties had auxiliary societies.
Possibly because of the former experience of the women there was very
little necessity of urging these to keep up their enthusiasm. Towns
and villages were soon organized auxiliary to the counties, and much
good work was done in an educational way to arouse the new members to
an appreciation of the ballot, and also to convince men of the
benefits to be derived by all the people when women stood side by side
with them and made common cause.

On April 11, three months after the Territorial Association was
organized, a rousing meeting was held in the Assembly Hall, in Salt
Lake City, Mrs. Alder, vice-president, in the chair. Eloquent
addresses were made by Bishop O. F. Whitney, the Hon. C. W. Penrose,
the Hon. George Q. Cannon, Dr. Martha P. Hughes (Cannon), Mrs. Zina D.
H. Young, Mrs. Richards, Ida Snow Gibbs and Nellie R. Webber.

A largely attended meeting took place in the County Court House, Ogden
City, in June, the local president, Elizabeth Stanford, in the chair.
Besides brief addresses from members eloquent speeches were made by C.
W. Penrose and the Hon. Lorin Farr, a veteran legislator. The women
speakers of Salt Lake who had been thoroughly identified with the
suffrage cause traveled through the Territory in 1889, making speeches
and promoting local interests, and strong addresses were given also by
distinguished men--the Hons. John T. Caine, John E. Booth, William H.
King (delegate to Congress), bishops and legislators. The fact can not
be controverted that the sentiment of the majority of the people of
Utah always has been in favor of equal suffrage.

At the annual meeting, held in the Social Hall, Salt Lake City, in
1890, Mrs. Sarah M. Kimball, a woman of great executive ability, was
elected president.[445]

In 1890 Mrs. Kimball and Maria Y. Dougall went as delegates to the
National Convention and reached Washington in time to be present at
the banquet given in honor of Miss Anthony's seventieth birthday. In
Mrs. Kimball's report she stated that there were 300 paid-up members
of the Territorial Association exclusive of the sixteen county
organizations.

During 1890 the women worked unceasingly, obtaining new members and
keeping up a vigorous campaign all the year round. Meetings were held
in the most remote towns, and even the farmer's wife far away in some
mountain nook did her part toward securing the suffrage.

On July 23, 1890, the day Wyoming celebrated her Statehood, the
Suffrage Association of Utah assembled in Liberty Park, Salt Lake
City, to rejoice in the good fortune of Wyoming women. The fine old
trees were decorated with flags and bunting and martial music
resounded through the park; speeches rich with independent thought
were made by the foremost ladies, and a telegram of greeting was sent
to Mrs. Amalia Post at Cheyenne.

Conventions were held yearly in Salt Lake City, with the best speakers
among men and women, and the counties represented by delegates. Many
classes in civil government also were formed throughout the Territory.

At the National Convention in Washington, in February, 1891, there
were present from Utah ten representatives, and the number of paid-up
members entitled the delegates to twenty votes, the largest number of
any State except New York.

On Feb. 15, 1892, the association celebrated Susan B. Anthony's
birthday in one of the largest halls in Salt Lake City, handsomely
decorated and the Stars and Stripes waving over the pictures of Mrs.
Stanton and Miss Anthony. Several members of the Legislature took part
in the exercises, which were entirely of a suffrage character. A
telegram was received from Miss Anthony which said, "Greetings, dear
friends: that your citizens' right to vote may soon be secured is the
prayer of your co-worker." A message of love and appreciation was
returned.

On July 29, 1892, a grand rally in the interest of suffrage was held
in American Fork, attended by the leaders from Salt Lake City and
other parts of the Territory. Ladies wore the yellow ribbon and many
gentlemen the sunflower; the visitors were met at the station with
carriages and horses decorated in yellow, and bands of music were in
attendance. Mrs. Hannah Lapish, the local president, had charge, a
fine banquet was spread, and the entire day was a grand feast of
suffrage sentiment. C. W. Penrose was the orator.

During 1892 Mrs. Wells traveled in California and Idaho, and wherever
she went, in season and out of season, spoke a good word for the
cause, often where women never had given the subject a thought, or had
considered it brazen and unwomanly. The annual convention in October
was an enthusiastic one, but the real work of the women during that
year was for the Columbian Exposition, though a suffrage song book was
published and much literature circulated, not only in Utah but
broadcast throughout the West; and Mrs. Richards did some work in
Southern Idaho.

In some striking respects 1893 was a woman's year, and much was done
to advance the suffrage cause indirectly. The association gave a large
garden party in Salt Lake, with addresses by Mrs. Minnie J. Snow, Mrs.
Julia P. M. Farnsworth and the Hon. George Q. Cannon.

At the annual convention Mrs. Wells was elected president, Mrs.
Richards vice-president, and they continued in office during the time
of the struggle to obtain an equal suffrage clause in the State
constitution. Mrs. Wells made personal visits throughout the
Territory, urging the women to stand firm for the franchise and
encourage the men who were likely to take part in the work toward
Statehood to uphold the rights of the women who had helped to build up
the country, as well as those who since then had been born in this
goodly land, reminding them that their fathers had given women
suffrage a quarter of a century before.

In February, 1894, Mrs. Wells called an assembly of citizens for the
purpose of arousing a greater interest in a Statehood which should
include equal rights for women as well as men. The audience was a
large one of representative people. They sang Julia Ward Howe's
Battle Hymn of the Republic and also America, and brilliant addresses
were made by the Hon. John E. Booth, the Hon. Samuel W. Richards, Dr.
Richard A. Hasbrouck, a famous orator formerly of Ohio, Dr. Martha
Hughes Cannon, Mrs. Zina D. H. Young and Mrs. Lucy A. Clark. As a
result of this gathering parlor meetings were held in various parts of
the city, arousing much serious thought upon the question, as the
Territory was now on the verge of Statehood.

On July 16 President Grover Cleveland signed the enabling act and the
_Woman's Exponent_ chronicled the event with words of patriotic ardor,
urging the women to stand by their guns and not allow the framers of
the constitution to take any action whereby they might be defrauded of
their sacred rights to equality. Miss Anthony's message was quoted,
"Let it be the best basis for a State ever engrossed on parchment;"
and never did the faith of its editor waver in the belief that this
would be done.

From this time unremitting work was carried on by the women in all
directions; every effort possible was made to secure a convention of
men who would frame a constitution without sex distinction, and to
provide that the woman suffrage article should be included in the
document itself and not be submitted separately.

At the annual convention in October, 1894, a cordial resolution was
unanimously adopted thanking the two political parties for having
inserted in their platforms a plank approving suffrage for women.

The November election was most exciting. Women all over the Territory
worked energetically to elect such delegates to the convention as
would place equal suffrage in the constitution.

After the election, when the battle was in progress, women labored
tactfully and industriously; they tried by every means to educate and
convert the general public, circulated suffrage literature among
neighbors and friends and in the most remote corners, for they knew
well that even after the constitution was adopted by the convention it
must be voted on by all the men of the Territory.

In January, 1895, the president, Mrs. Wells, went to Atlanta to the
National Convention, accompanied by Mrs. Marilla M. Daniels and Mrs.
Aurelia S. Rogers. In her report she stated that the women of Utah had
not allied themselves with either party but labored assiduously with
both Republicans and Democrats. In closing she said: "There are two
good reasons why our women should have the ballot apart from the
general reasons why all women should have it--first, because the
franchise was given to them by the Territorial Legislature and they
exercised it seventeen years, never abusing the privilege, and it was
taken away from them by Congress without any cause assigned except
that it was a political measure; second, there are undoubtedly more
women in Utah who own their homes and pay taxes than in any other
State with the same number of inhabitants, and Congress has, by its
enactments in the past, virtually made many of these women heads of
families."

A convention was held February 18 in the Probate Court room of the
Salt Lake City and County building. Delegates came from far and near.
Mrs. Wells presided, and vice-presidents were Mrs. Richards, Mrs. C.
W. Bennett; secretary, Mrs. Nellie Little; assistant secretary, Mrs.
Augusta W. Grant; chaplain, Mrs. Zina D. H. Young. A committee was
appointed by the Chair to prepare a memorial for the convention,[446]
and stirring speeches were made by delegates from the various
counties.

In the afternoon as many of the ladies as could gain admittance went
into another hall in the same building, where the Constitutional
Convention was in session, and where already some members had begun to
oppose woman suffrage in the constitution proper and to suggest it as
an amendment to be voted upon separately. The Hon. F. S. Richards, a
prominent member, presented their memorial, which closed with the
following paragraph: "We therefore ask you to provide in the
constitution that the rights of citizens of the State of Utah to vote
and hold office shall not be denied or abridged on account of sex, but
that male and female citizens of the State shall equally enjoy all
civil, political and religious rights and privileges." This was signed
by Emeline B. Wells, president Woman Suffrage Association; Emily S.
Richards, vice-president; Zina D. H. Young, president National
Woman's Relief Society; Jane S. Richards, vice-president, and all the
county presidents.

The next morning a hearing was granted to the ladies before the
Suffrage Committee. Carefully prepared papers were read by Mesdames
Richards, Carlton, Cannon, Milton, Pardee and Pratt. Mrs. Wells spoke
last, without notes, stating pertinent facts and appealing for
justice.

There was much debate, pro and con, in the convention after this time,
and open and fair discussions of the question in Committee of the
Whole. The majority report was as follows:

_Resolved_, That the rights of citizens of the State of Utah to
vote and hold office shall not be denied or abridged on account
of sex. Both male and female citizens of this State shall equally
enjoy all civil, political and religious rights and privileges.

The minority report submitted later was too weak and flimsy to be
considered.

The women addressed a cordial letter of appreciation and thanks to the
committee who had so nobly stood by their cause.[447] Having secured
this favorable report the women had not supposed it would be necessary
to continue their efforts, and it would not have been except for a
faction led by Brigham H. Roberts who actively worked against the
adoption of this article by the delegates.[448] Numerously signed
petitions for woman suffrage from all parts of the Territory were at
once sent to the convention.

On the morning of April 8 the section on equal suffrage which had
passed its third reading was brought up for consideration, as had been
previously decided. The hall was crowded to suffocation, but as the
debate was limited to fifteen minutes it was soon disposed of without
much argument from either side. The vote of the convention was 75
ayes, 6 noes, 12 absent. Every member afterwards signed the
constitution.

On May 12, Miss Anthony and the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, president and
vice-president-at-large of the National Association, arrived, as
promised, to hold a suffrage conference. They were accompanied by Mrs.
Mary C. C. Bradford and Mrs. Ellis Meredith of Colorado. The
conference met in the hall where the Constitutional Convention had
adjourned a few days before. Mrs. Wells presided and Gov. Caleb W.
West introduced Miss Anthony, assuring his audience it was a
distinguished honor, and declaring that the new State constitution
which included woman suffrage would be carried at the coming election
by an overwhelming majority. Miss Anthony responded in a most
acceptable manner. Governor West also introduced Miss Shaw who made an
eloquent address. Mrs. Bradford and Mrs. Meredith were formally
presented and welcome was extended by Mesdames Zina D. H. Young, W.
Ferry, B. W. Smith, J. Milton, C. E. Allen, M. I. Home, E. B. Ferguson
and the Hon. J. R. Murdock, a pioneer suffragist and member of the
late convention.

The same afternoon a reception was given in honor of the ladies at the
handsome residence of the Hon. F. S. and Mrs. Richards, attended by
over three hundred guests, including State officials, officers and
ladies from the military post, and many people of distinction. The
conference lasted two days, with large audiences, and the newspapers
published glowing accounts of the proceedings and the enthusiasm. Many
social courtesies were extended.

Miss Anthony and her party held meetings in Ogden and were honored in
every possible way, the Hon. Franklin D. Richards and his wife and the
Hon. D. H. Peery being among the entertainers there.

The question soon arose whether women should vote on the adoption of
the constitution at the coming November election. The commission which
had been appointed by the U. S. Government to superintend affairs in
Utah, decided at their June meeting to submit the matter to the
Attorney-General. There was considerable agitation by the public
press; some newspapers favored the women's voting and others thought
its legality would be questioned and thus the admission to Statehood
would be hindered. The women generally were willing to abide by the
highest judicial authority.

A test case was brought before the District Court in Ogden, August 10.
The court room was crowded with attorneys and prominent citizens to
hear the decision of Judge H. W. Smith, which was that women should
register and vote. The case was then carried to the Supreme Court of
the Territory and the decision given August 31. Chief Justice Samuel
A. Merritt stated that Judge G. W. Bartch and himself had reached the
conclusion that the Edmunds-Tucker Law had not been repealed and would
remain effective till Statehood was achieved, and that he would file a
written opinion reversing the judgment of the lower court. Judge
William H. King, the other member, dissented and declared that "the
disfranchisement of the women at this election he regarded as a wrong
and an outrage."

The opinion of the Supreme Court could not be ignored and therefore
the women citizens acquiesced with the best grace possible.
Unremitting and effective work continued to be done by the suffrage
association, although the foremost women soon affiliated with the
respective parties and began regular duty in election matters. The
leaders went through the Territory urging women everywhere to look
after the interests of the election and see that men voted right on
the constitution, which was not only of great importance to them and
their posterity but to all women throughout the land.

Women attended conventions, were members of political committees and
worked faithfully for the election of the men who had been nominated
at the Territorial Convention. A few women also had been placed on the
tickets--Mrs. Emma McVicker for Superintendent of Public Instruction,
Mrs. Lillie Pardee for the Senate, and Mrs. E. B. Wells for the House
of Representatives, on the Republican ticket, and it was held that
although women were not allowed to vote, they might be voted for by
men. But finally, so many fears were entertained lest the success of
the ticket should be imperiled that the women were induced to
withdraw. Mrs. Wells' name remained until the last, but the party
continuing to insist, she very reluctantly yielded, informing the
committee that she did it under protest. On Nov. 5, 1895, the
Republican party carried the election by a large majority; the
constitution was adopted by 28,618 ayes, 2,687 noes, and Full Suffrage
was conferred on women.

[Illustration:

LAURA M. JOHNS.
Salina, Kan.

MARY J. COGGESHALL.
Des Moines, Iowa.

EMMELINE S. WELLS,
Salt Lake City, Utah.

MARY SMITH HAYWARD.
Chadron, Neb.

JULIA B. NELSON.
Red Wing, Minn.

]

President Cleveland signed the constitution of Utah, Jan. 4, 1896, and
the inaugural ceremonies were held in the great tabernacle in Salt
Lake City, January 6, "Utah completing the trinity of true Republics
at the summit of the Rockies." Gov. Heber M. Wells took the oath
administered by Chief Justice Charles S. Zane, and at a given
signal the booming of artillery was heard from Capitol Hill.
Secretary-of-State Hammond read the Governor's first proclamation
convening the Legislature at 3 o'clock that day. Mrs. Pardee was
elected clerk of the Senate and entered upon the duties of the office
at the opening session, signing the credentials of the U. S.
Senators--the first case of the kind on record. C. E. Allen had been
elected representative to Congress, and the Legislature at once
selected Frank J. Cannon and Arthur Brown as United States Senators.

At the National Suffrage Convention in Washington, the evening of
January 27 was devoted to welcoming Utah. Representative Allen and
wife were on the platform. The Rev. Miss Shaw tendered the welcome of
the association. Senator Cannon, who had just arrived in the city,
responded declaring that woman was the power needed to reform
politics. Mrs. Allen and Mrs. S. A. Boyer spoke of the courage and
persistence of the women, and Mrs. Richards gave a graphic account of
the faithful work done by the Utah Suffrage Association.

In January, 1897, Mrs. Wells attended the National Convention in Des
Moines, Iowa, and described the first year's accomplishments to an
appreciative audience.

On Oct. 30, 1899, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the National
organization committee, and Miss Mary G. Hay, secretary, came to Salt
Lake City on the homeward way from Montana, and a meeting was held in
the office of the _Woman's Exponent_, Mrs. Wells in the chair and
about twenty-five ladies present, all ardent suffragists. After due
deliberation a committee was appointed, Mrs. Richards, chairman, Mrs.
J. Fewson Smith, secretary, to work for suffrage in other States,
especially Arizona. Subsequently this committee organized properly,
adopted the name Utah Council of Women, and did all in their power to
raise means and carry on the proposed work, and dues were sent to the
national treasury.

In February, 1900, Mrs. Richards, president, and Mrs. Lucy A. Clark,
delegate, went to Washington and took part in the National Convention
and the celebration of Miss Anthony's eightieth birthday. On this
occasion the Utah Silk Commission presented to her a handsome black
silk dress pattern, which possessed an especial value from the fact
that the raising of the silk worms, the spinning of the thread and all
the work connected with its manufacture except the weaving was done by
women.

During this year the Council of Women worked assiduously to make a
creditable exhibit at the national suffrage bazar, Mrs. Mary T. Gilmer
having personal charge of it in New York City.

LAWS: Dower and curtesy are abolished. The law reserves for the widow
one-third of all the real property possessed by the husband free from
his debts, but the value of such portion of the homestead as is set
apart for her shall be deducted from this share. If either husband or
wife die without a will leaving only one child or the lawful issue of
one, the survivor takes one-half the real estate; if there are more
than one or issue of one living, then one-third. If there is issue the
survivor has one-half the personal estate. If none he or she is
entitled to all the real and personal estate if not over $5,000 in
value, exclusive of debts and expenses. Of all over that amount the
survivor receives one-half and the parents of the deceased the other
half in equal shares; if not living it goes to the brothers and
sisters and their heirs.

Also the widow or widower is entitled to one-half the community
property subject to community debts, and if there is no will, to the
other half provided there are no children living.

A homestead not exceeding $2,000 in value and $250 additional for each
minor child, together with all the personal property exempt from
execution, shall be wholly exempt from the payment of the debts of
decedent, and shall be the absolute property of the surviving husband
or wife and minor children. This section shall not be construed to
prevent the disposition by will of the homestead and exempt personal
property.

A married woman has absolute control over her separate property and
may mortgage or convey it or dispose of it by will without the
husband's consent. The husband has the same right, but in conveying
real estate which is community property, the wife's signature is
necessary.

A married woman may engage in business in her own name and "her
earnings, wages and savings become her separate estate without any
express gift or contract of the husband, when she is permitted to
receive and retain them and to loan and invest them in her own name
and for her own benefit, and they are exempt from execution for her
husband's debts." (1894.)

A married woman may make contracts, sue and be sued in her own name.

The father is the legal guardian of the children, and at his death the
mother. The survivor may appoint a guardian.

Support for the wife may be granted by the court the same as alimony
in divorce, if the husband have property in the State. If not there is
no punishment for non-support. (1896.)

The "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 13 years in
1888, and to 18 years in 1896. The penalty is imprisonment in the
penitentiary not less than five years.

SUFFRAGE: The Territorial Legislature conferred the Full Suffrage on
women in 1870, and they exercised it very generally until 1887 when
they were deprived of it by Congress through what is known as the
Edmunds-Tucker Act. Utah entered the Union in 1896 with Full Suffrage
for women as an article of the State constitution.

That they exercise this privilege quite as extensively as men is shown
by the following table prepared from the election statistics of 1900.
It is not customary to make separate returns of the women's votes and
these were obtained through the courtesy of Governor Wells, who, at
the request of the Utah Council of Women, wrote personal letters to
the county officials to secure them. Eleven of the more remote
counties did not respond but those having the largest population did
so, and, judging from previous statistics, the others would not change
the proportion of the vote.

Counties. Registered. Voted.

Men. Women. Total. Men. Women. Total.

Salt Lake 14,083 13,328 27,411 13,102 12,802 25,904
Utah 5,921 5,922 11,843 5,649 5,650 11,299
Cache 3,112 3,210 6,322 2,946 3,085 6,031
Box Elder 1,759 1,548 3,307 1,677 1,466 3,143
Davis 1,175 1,327 2,502 1,133 1,277 2,410
Carbon 986 511 1,497 937 477 1,414
Uintah 851 683 1,534 796 622 1,418
Iron 743 672 1,415 708 646 1,354
Washington 690 752 1,442 690 752 1,442
Piute 409 264 673 399 246 645
Morgan 408 387 795 398 378 775
Rich 404 289 693 398 286 684
Wayne 342 302 644 318 309 627
Grand 285 135 420 263 129 392
Kane 280 341 621 219 285 504
San Juan 123 61 184 106 56 162

31,571 29,732 61,313 29,738 28,486 58,198

Total registration of men 31,571
" vote " " 29,738
Registered but not voting 1,833
Total registration of women 29,732
" vote " " 28,486
Registered but not voting 1,246

It will be seen that in five counties the registration and vote of
women was larger than that of men, and in the State a considerably
larger proportion of women than of men who registered voted. Women
cast nearly 50 per cent. of the entire vote and yet the U. S. Census
of this year showed that males comprised over 51 per cent. of the
population.

All of the testimony which is given in the chapters on Wyoming,
Colorado and Idaho might be duplicated for Utah. From Mormon and
Gentile alike, from the press, from the highest officials, from all
who represent the best interests of the State, it is unanimously in
favor of suffrage for women. The evidence proves beyond dispute that
they use it judiciously and conscientiously, that it has tended to the
benefit of themselves and their homes, and that political conditions
have been distinctly improved.[449]

OFFICE HOLDING: Governor Heber M. Wells at once carried into effect
the spirit of the constitution, adopted in 1895, by appointing women
on all State boards of public institutions where it was wise and
possible. Two out of five places on the Board of the Deaf and Dumb
Institute were given to women, Harriet F. Emerson and Dr. Martha
Hughes Cannon.

The first Legislature, 1896, passed "An act for the establishment of
sericulture" (raising of silk worms). Women had worked energetically
to secure this measure, and it was appropriate that five of them,
three Republican and two Democratic, should be appointed as a silk
commission, Zina D. H. Young, Isabella E. Bennett, Margaret A. Caine,
Ann C. Woodbury and Mary A. Cazier. Each was required to give a
thousand-dollar bond. A later Legislature appropriated $1,000 per
annum to pay the secretary.

Two women were appointed on the Board of Regents of the State
University, Mrs. Emma J. McVicker, Republican and Gentile; Mrs.
Rebecca E. Little, Democrat and Mormon. Both are still serving. Two
were appointed Regents of the Agricultural College, Mrs. Sarah B.
Goodwin and Mrs. Emily S. Richards.

At the close of the Legislature the Republican State Central Committee
was reorganized; Mrs. Emmeline B. Wells was made vice-chairman, Miss
Julia Farnsworth, secretary. The Democratic party was quite as liberal
toward women and the feeling prevailed that at the next election women
would be placed in various State and county offices. There were many
women delegates in the county and also in the State conventions of
both parties in 1896, and a number of women were nominated.

It was a Democratic victory and the women on that ticket were
elected--Dr. Martha Hughes Cannon to the Senate, Eurithe Le Barthe and
Sarah A. Anderson to the House; Margaret A. Caine, auditor of Salt
Lake County; Ellen Jakeman, treasurer Utah County; Delilah K. Olson,
recorder Millard County; Fannie Graehl (Rep.), recorder Box Elder
County, and possibly some others.

In the Legislature of 1897, Mrs. Le Barthe introduced a bill
forbidding women to wear large hats in places of public entertainment,
which was passed. Dr. Cannon championed the measure by which a State
Board of Health was created, and was appointed by the Governor as one
of its first members. She had part in the defeat of the strong lobby
that sought to abolish the existing State Board of Public Examiners,
which prevents incompetents from practicing medicine. She introduced a
bill compelling the State to educate the deaf, mute and blind; another
requiring seats for women employes; what was known as the Medical
Bill, by which all the sanitary measures of the State are regulated
and put in operation; and another providing for the erection of a
hospital for the State School of the Deaf, Dumb and Blind, carrying
with it the necessary appropriation. All the bills introduced or
championed by Dr. Cannon became laws. She served on the Committees on
Public Health, Apportionment, Fish and Game, Banks and Banking,
Education, Labor, etc.

At the close of their second term the Senate presented her with a
handsome silver-mounted album containing the autographs of all the
Senators and employes. She had drawn what is known as the long term,
and at its close she was chosen to present a handsome gavel to the
president of the Senate in behalf of the members. Thus far she has
been the only woman Senator.

In 1899 Mrs. Alice Merrill Horne (Dem.), the third woman elected to
the House, was appointed chairman of the State University Land Site
Committee, to which was referred the bill authorizing the State to
take advantage of the congressional land grant offered for expending
$301,000 in buildings and providing for the removal of the State
University to the new site. At a jubilee in recognition of the gift,
held by the faculty and students, at which the Governor and
Legislature were guests, Mrs. Horne was the only woman to make a
speech and was introduced by President Joseph T. Kingsbury in most
flattering terms for the work she had done in behalf of education. She
championed the Free Scholarship Bill giving one hundred annual Normal
School appointments, each for a term of four years; and one creating a
State Institute of Art for the encouragement of the fine arts and for
art in public school education and in manufactures, for an annual
exhibition, a course of lectures and a State art collection, both of
which passed. She was a member of committees on Art, Education, Rules
and Insane Asylum; was the only member sent to visit the State Insane
Asylum, going by direction of the Speaker of the House, as a committee
of one, to surprise the superintendent and report actual conditions.
Mrs. Horne was presented with a photographed group of the members of
the House, herself the only woman in the picture.

The November election of 1900 was fraught with great interest to the
women, as the State officials were to be elected as well as the
Legislature, and they were anxious that there should be some women's
names on the tickets for both the House and Senate, and that a woman
should be nominated for State Superintendent of Public Instruction by
both parties. For this office the Republican and the Democratic women
presented candidates,--Mrs. Emma J. McVicker and Miss Ada Faust,--but
both conventions gave the nomination to men. Meantime Dr. John R.
Park, the superintendent, died suddenly and Gov. Wells appointed Mrs.
McVicker as his successor for the unfinished term.

Mrs. J. Ellen Foster, of Washington, D. C. was sent to Utah by the
Republican National Committee, and with Mrs. W. F. Boynton and others,
made a spirited and successful campaign.

There never has been any scramble for office on the part of women, and
here, as in the other States where they have the suffrage, there is
but little disposition on the part of men to divide with them the
"positions of emolument and trust." Only one woman was nominated for a
State office in 1900, Mrs. Elizabeth Cohen for the Legislature, and
she was defeated with the rest of the Democratic ticket. All of the
women who have served in the Legislature have been elected by the
Democrats.

Several women were elected to important city and county offices. In
many of these offices more women than men are employed as deputies and
clerks.

In 1900 Mrs. W. H. Jones was sent as delegate to the National
Republican Convention in Philadelphia, and Mrs. Elizabeth Cohen to the
Democratic in Kansas City, and both served throughout the sessions.
This is the first instance of the kind on record, although women were
sent as alternates from Wyoming to the National Republican Convention
at Minneapolis in 1888.

Women are exempted from sitting on juries, the same as editors,
lawyers and ministers, but they are not excluded if they wish to serve
or the persons on trial desire them. None has thus far been summoned.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is legally forbidden to women
except that of working in mines.

EDUCATION: All of the higher institutions of learning are open to both
sexes. In the public schools there are 527 men and 892 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $61.42; of the women, $41.19.

* * * * *

Women in Utah always have been conspicuous in organized work. The
National Woman's Relief Society was established at Nauvoo, Ills., in
1842, and transferred to Salt Lake City in 1848. It is one of the
oldest associations of women in the United States--the oldest perhaps
of any considerable size. It has over 30,000 members and is one of the
valuable institutions of the State. The National Young Ladies' Mutual
Improvement Association has 21,700 members and in 1900 raised $3,000
partly for building purposes and partly to help the needy.[450] There
are also a State Council of Women, Daughters of the Pioneers,
Daughters of the Revolution, Council of Jewish Women, etc.
Thirty-three clubs belong to the National Federation but this by no
means includes all of them.

FOOTNOTES:

[441] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Emmeline B.
Wells of Salt Lake City, editor of the _Woman's Exponent_, and
president of the Territorial Association during the campaign when Full
Suffrage was secured. Valuable assistance has been rendered by Mrs.
Emily S. Richards of that city, vice-president during the same period.

[442] Committee: Lillie Devereux Blake of New York, Virginia L. Minor
of St. Louis, Harriet R. Shattuck of Boston, May Wright Sewall of
Indianapolis and Ellen H. Sheldon of Washington, D. C.

[443] Committee: Lillie Devereux Blake, Matilda Joslyn Gage, Caroline
Gilkey Rogers and Mary Seymour Howell, of New York; Clara B. Colby,
Nebraska; Sarah T. Miller, Maryland; Elizabeth Boynton Harbert,
Illinois; Harriet R. Shattuck, Massachusetts, and Louisa Southworth,
Ohio.

[444] The officers elected were: President, Margaret N. Caine;
vice-presidents, Lydia D. Alder, Nellie R. Webber, Priscilla J. Riter;
secretary, Cornelia N. Clayton; corresponding secretary, Charlotte I.
Kirby; treasurer, Margie Dwyer; executive committee, Maria V. Dougall,
Nettie Y. Snell, Ann E. Groesbeck, Phoebe Y. Beatie and Jennie Rowe.

[445] Vice-presidents, Mrs. Richards, Ann D. Groesbeck and Caroline E.
Dye; recording secretary, Rachel Edwards; corresponding secretary,
Julia C. Taylor; treasurer, Margie Dwyer; executive committee,
Cornelia H. Clayton, Margaret Mitchell, Nellie Little, Theresa Hills
and May Talmage.

[446] Mesdames Richards, Young, Bennett, G. S. Carlton, J. S. Gilmer,
Romania B. Pratt, Phebe Y. Beatie, Amelia F. Young, Martha H. Cannon,
C. E. Allen, Emma McVicker, Ruth M. Fox, Priscilla Jennings, Lillie
Pardee and Martha Parsons.

[447] Hon. J. F. Chidester, chairman; A. S. Anderson, Joseph E.
Robinson, Parley Christianson, Peter Lowe, James D. Murdock, Chester
Call, Andreas Engberg, A. H. Raleigh, William Howard, F. A. Hammond,
S. R. Thurman. In addition to this committee those who sustained the
women and pleaded their cause were Messrs. Richards, Whitney, Evans,
Cannon, Murdock, Rich, Hart, Ivins, Snow, Robinson, Allen, Miller,
Farr, Preston, Maeser and Wells. There were others, but these were the
foremost.

[448] Mr. Roberts was elected to Congress on the Democratic ticket in
1900, although strenuously opposed by the women of Utah, irrespective
of politics, but largely owing to the vigorous protests of the women
of the whole United States, he was not permitted to take his seat.
[Eds.

[449] See Appendix--Testimony from Woman Suffrage States.

[450] In 1889 Mrs. Susa Young Gates established the _Young Woman's
Journal_, a monthly magazine, as the organ of this association,
although it was for eight years financially a private enterprise. The
president, Mrs. Elmina S. Taylor, was her constant help and
inspiration. The first year Mrs. Lucy B. Young, mother of the editor,
then past sixty, took her buggy and traveled over Utah explaining the
venture and securing subscriptions. Two thousand numbers a year were
published. Of late years the business managers have been women. In
1897 Mrs. Gates made over the magazine to the association without any
consideration, but was retained as editor. There were at this time
practically no debts and 7,000 subscribers, which later were increased
to 10,000.

CHAPTER LXVII.

VERMONT.[451]

Much credit is due to the New England Woman Suffrage Association for
the life and efficiency of the Vermont society. In 1883 this
organization secured the services of Mrs. Hannah Tracy Cutler of
Illinois for a series of lectures. At the close of these, and pursuant
to a call signed by twenty-five citizens, a convention was held at St.
Johnsbury, November 8, 9, when, with the aid of Lucy Stone and Henry
B. Blackwell, editors of the _Woman's Journal_, Mrs. Julia Ward Howe
of Massachusetts, and Mrs. Cutler, the State W. S. A. was formed.[452]

In over seventy towns and villages local committees have been
appointed to distribute literature, circulate petitions and further
the general plans of work. For the past two years the editors have
been supplied with suffrage papers weekly or fortnightly.

Lecture trips have been arranged for the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw,
vice-president-at-large of the National Association, Mrs. Zerelda G.
Wallace of Indiana, the Rev. Ada C. Bowles, the Rev. Louis A. Banks,
Miss Alice Stone Blackwell, Miss Diana Hirschler, Miss Ida M. Buxton,
of Massachusetts, and Mrs. M. L. T. Hidden. Eighty appointments have
been filled by Miss Mary N. Chase, A. B. Thirty conventions have been
held at which valuable aid has been rendered by Mr. and Miss
Blackwell, Miss Shaw, Mrs. Howe, Mrs. Mary A. Livermore and Mrs.
Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the national organization
committee.[453]

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: Harvey Howes of West Haven was the only
man in a convention called to amend the State constitution in 1870,
who voted to grant full political rights to women; 233 voted in
opposition.

To secure to taxpaying women the right of Municipal Suffrage, has been
the special line of legislative work for the State association.
Petitions asking for this, with signatures varying in number from
1,225 to 3,616, and bills to grant it, have been presented in both
Houses of the Legislature at nine biennial sessions, beginning with
1884. In every instance save one these have been referred to the
Judiciary Committees.

In 1884 a Municipal Suffrage Bill was introduced into the House by O.
E. Butterfield and supported by himself and Messrs. Adams, Henry,
Stickney and others, but was lost by 69 yeas, 113 nays.

In 1886 a bill to permit all women to vote who paid taxes was
introduced and strongly advocated in the House by Luke P. Poland. It
was amended without his consent to require that they should pay taxes
on $200 worth of property, and passed by 139 yeas, 89 nays. In the
Senate it was championed by Messrs. Bates, Blake, Bunker, Clark,
Cushing, Foster, Pierce, Smith, Stanley and Swain, but was lost by 10
yeas, 18 nays.

In 1888 a Municipal Suffrage Bill was introduced into the House by C.
P. Marsh, chairman of the Judiciary Committee, that gave a hearing at
which the State W. S. A. was represented. Later, at a public hearing
in Representatives' Hall, Henry B. Blackwell, Prof. W. H. Carruth of
Kansas, Col. Albert Clarke, Mrs. Mary W. Foster and Miss Laura Moore
urged the passage of this bill. It was reported to the House "without
expression of opinion." The friendly members on the committee were
Messrs. Marsh, Ballard and Mann. In the debate which followed, these
three, with Messrs. Southworth and Dole, supported the bill; and a
letter was read from Amasa Scott, presenting arguments in its favor.
It was lost by 38 yeas, 192 nays.

Still later in this session a petition signed by the officers of the
State association asking that "property owned by women be exempt from
taxation," was presented in the House; as was also a bill by Hosea
Mann providing that, "The property, both real and personal, owned by
women shall be exempt from taxation, except for school purposes." This
was defeated without debate.

In 1890 a Municipal Suffrage Bill was introduced into the House by Mr.
Mann and favorably reported by the Judiciary Committee, with reasons
given "why the bill ought to pass," signed by Messrs. Thompson,
Darling, Enright, Mann, Robinson and Smith of St. Albans. It was
advocated by them, Smith of Royalton and others, but was lost by 99
yeas, 113 nays.

During this session a bill to incorporate the Vermont W. S. A., was
introduced into the Senate by S. E. Grout. It was favorably reported
from the General Committee, but was refused passage without debate by
8 yeas, 10 nays.

In 1892 Wendell Phillips Stafford introduced the Municipal Suffrage
Bill into the House; it was made a special order and was championed by
Messrs. Stafford, Booth, Darling, Enright, Martin, Taylor, Weston and
others, and was passed by 149 yeas, 83 nays. When it reached the
Senate it was reported from the Judiciary Committee with a weighty
amendment, and a third reading was refused by 18 yeas, 10 nays.

At this session Gov. Levi K. Fuller in his address, under the heading
of Municipal Suffrage, called attention to this question and advised
"giving the matter such consideration as in your judgment it may
warrant."

In 1894 the bill was introduced again into the House by Hosea Mann,
who advocated and voted for this measure in four sessions of the
Legislature. Four members of the Judiciary Committee were
favorable--Messrs. Ladd, Lord, Lawrence and Stone. Its champions were
Messrs. Mann, Burbank, Bridgeman, Butterfield, Fuller, Peck, Paddock,
Smith of Morristown, Vance and others. It was defeated by 106 yeas,
108 nays.

In 1896, for the first time, a Municipal Suffrage Bill was introduced
into the Senate, by Joseph B. Holton. It was reported favorably by the
committee; ordered to a third reading with only one opposing voice;
advocated by Messrs. Holton, Hulburd, Merrifield and Weeks, and passed
without a negative vote. When the bill reached the House it was
reported from the Judiciary Committee "without recommendation." It was
supported by Speaker Lord, Messrs. Bates, Bunker, Childs, Clark,
Haskins, McClary and others, but a third reading was refused by 89
yeas, 135 nays.

In 1898 petitions for Municipal Suffrage signed by 2,506 citizens were
presented to the Legislature and a bill was introduced into the House
by E. A. Smith. This was reported by an unfriendly chairman of the
Judiciary Committee at a time when its author was not present, and was
lost without the courtesy of a discussion.

In 1900, petitions for Municipal Suffrage for Women Taxpayers were
presented to the Senate; a bill was introduced by H. C. Royce, and at
a hearing granted by the Judiciary Committee Henry B. Blackwell, L. F.
Wilbur, the Hon. W. A. Lord and Mrs. E. M. Denny gave arguments for
it. Adverse majority and favorable minority reports were presented by
the committee. By request of Messrs. Royce and Brown, the bill was
made a special order, when it was advocated by Messrs. Royce and
Leland; but a third reading was refused by 13 yeas, 15 nays. Later in
this session, a petition signed by the officers of the State W. S. A.,
asking that "women, who are taxpayers, be exempt from taxation, save
for school purposes," was presented to the Senate. This was, by the
presiding officer, referred to the Committee on the Insane.

The names of all members voting for suffrage bills have been preserved
by the State association. The names of the opponents pass into
oblivion with no regrets.

In 1900 a bill was presented, for the second time, by the Federation
of Clubs, providing for women on the boards of State institutions
where women or children are confined, but it was killed in committee.

In 1884 the law granting to married women the right to own and control
their separate property and the power to make contracts, was secured
through the efforts of the Hon. Henry C. Ide, now United States
Commissioner in the Philippines. Since 1888 their wages have belonged
to them.

Dower and curtesy were abolished by the Legislature of 1896. Where
there are no children the widow or the widower takes in the estate of
the deceased $2,000 and one-half of the remainder, the other half
going to the relatives of the deceased. If there are children, the
widow takes absolutely one-third of the husband's real estate
(homestead of the value of $500 included) and one-third of his
personal property after payment of debts; the widower takes one-third
of the wife's real estate absolutely, but does not share in her
personal property.

The Court of Chancery may authorize a wife to convey her separate
property without the signature of her husband. The husband can
mortgage or convey all his separate property without the wife's
signature, except her homestead right of $500.

The law equalizing the division of property to the fathers and mothers
of children dying without wills, was secured by Representative T. A.
Chase in 1894.

Senator O. M. Barber, now State auditor, was the author, in the same
year, of the law allowing a married woman to be appointed executor,
guardian, administrator or trustee.

The father is the legal guardian and has custody of the persons and
education of minor children. He may appoint by will a guardian even
for one unborn. (Code, 1894.)

If the husband fail to support his wife the court may make such
decision as it thinks called for, and the town may recover from a
husband who deserted his wife and children, leaving them a charge upon
it for one year previous to the time of action.

A married woman deserted or neglected by her husband "may make
contracts for the labor of her minor children, shall be entitled to
their wages, and may in her own name sue for and recover them."

In 1886 the "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 14
years. In 1898 it was raised to 16 years. The penalty is imprisonment
in the penitentiary not more than twenty years or a fine not exceeding
$2,000, or both, at the discretion of the court. No minimum penalty is
named.

SUFFRAGE: Women have the same right as men to vote on all questions
pertaining to schools and school officers in cities, towns and graded
school districts; and the same right to hold offices relating to
school affairs. This law, which had been enacted in 1880 and applied
to "school meetings," was re-enacted when the "town system" was
established in 1892, and gave women the right to vote on school
matters in the town meetings.

OFFICE HOLDING: Since 1880 "women 21 years of age" may be elected to
the office of town clerk, and to all school offices.

In 1900 thirteen women were elected town clerks; six were serving as
school directors, eighty-four as county superintendents and
seventy-five as postmasters, according to the Vermont _Register_,
which is not always complete.

Women sit on the State Board of Library Commissioners. In 1900 they
were made eligible to serve as trustees of town libraries.

This year also a law making women eligible to the office of notary
public was secured by Representative J. E. Buxton.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is legally forbidden to
women.

EDUCATION: Equal advantages are accorded to both sexes in all the
colleges, except that the State University, at Burlington, does not
admit women to its Medical Department.

In 1888, Dr. E. R. Campbell, president of the society, reported as
follows: "The Vermont Medical Society opens wide its doors to admit
women, and bids them welcome to all its privileges and honors, on an
equal basis with their brother physicians."

In the public schools there are 509 men and 3,289 women teachers. The
average monthly salary of the men is $41.23; of the women, $25.04.

* * * * *

Progressive steps have been taken in the churches of most
denominations. In 1892, for the first time, women were elected as
delegates to the annual State Convention of the Congregational
Churches. In 1900 there were fifteen accredited women delegates in the
convention. The Domestic Missionary Society, an ally of this church,
has employed sixteen women during the past year as "missionaries," to
engage in evangelistic work in the State.

The Vermont Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, although it
does not admit women to its membership, has passed resolutions five
times in the last ten years, indorsing equal rights, and has
petitioned the Legislature to grant them Municipal Suffrage. For this
credit is due to the Rev. George L. Story and the Rev. L. L. Beeman.

The Free Baptist Church passed a resolution declaring unequivocally
for the Christian principle of political equality for women at its
Yearly Meeting in 1889. That year, for the first time in its history,
it sent a woman delegate to the General Conference.

A similar resolution was passed at a meeting of the Northern
Association of Universalists, later in the same year. This church
admits women to equal privileges in its conventions and its pulpits.
This is also true of the Unitarian Church.

The annual meeting of the State Grange in 1891 adopted this
resolution: "We sympathize with and will aid any efforts for equal
suffrage regardless of sex."

All the political parties have been urged to indorse woman suffrage.
The Prohibitionists did so in their annual convention of 1888. At the
Republican State Convention that year the Committee on Resolutions,
through its chairman, Col. Albert Clarke, presented the following,
which was adopted: "True to its impulses, history and traditions of
liberty, equality and progress, the Republican party in Vermont will
welcome women to an equal participation in government, whenever they
give earnest of desire in sufficient numbers to indicate its
success."

FOOTNOTES:

[451] The History is indebted for this chapter to Miss Laura Moore of
Barnet, who has been secretary of the State Woman Suffrage Association
for seventeen years.

[452] The following have been presidents: Mrs. M. L. T. Hidden, C. W.
Wyman, Mrs. M. E. Tucker, the Hon. Hosea Mann, Willard Chase, Mrs. A.
D. Chandler, L. F. Wilbur, Mrs. P. S. Beeman, the Rev. George L.
Story, Miss Elizabeth Colley, A. M.

Among those who have served on the executive board are Mesdames L. E.
Alfred, A. F. Baldwin, F. W. Brown, A. M. W. Chase, E. L. Corwin, C.
J. Clark, L. D. Dyer, P. R. Edes, M. W. Foster, C. D. Gallup, S. F.
Leonard, Emma J. Nelson and Julia A. Pierce; Misses Clara Eastman, O.
M. Lawrence, Laura Moore, Julia E. Smith and Mary E. Spencer; the Hon.
Chester Pierce, Col. Albert Clarke, Dudley P. Hall and G. W. Seaver.

[453] Some of those who have rendered excellent service to the cause
are Mesdames Clara Bailey, Lucia G. Brown, M. A. Brewster, Inez E.
Campbell, H. G. Minot, G. E. Moody, Harriet S. Moore, Emily E. Reed,
Clinton Smith, Mary H. Semple, Anna E. Spencer, L. B. Wilson and Jane
Marlette Taft; Misses Caroline Scott, Eliza S. Eaton and I. E. Moody;
the Rev. Mark Atwood, L. N. Chandler, Editor Arthur F. Stone and
ex-Gov. Carroll S. Page.

CHAPTER LXVIII.

VIRGINIA.

As early as 1870 and 1871 Miss Susan B. Anthony, Mrs. Matilda Joslyn
Gage of New York and Mrs. Paulina Wright Davis of Rhode Island
lectured on woman suffrage in Richmond. There has been, however, very
little organized effort in its behalf, although the movement has many
individual advocates. Since 1880 the State has been represented at the
national conventions by Mrs. Orra Langhorne, who has been its most
active worker for twenty years. Other names which appear at intervals
are Miss Etta Grimes Farrar, Miss Brill and Miss Henderson
Dangerfield. A few local societies have been formed, and in 1893 a
State Association was organized, with Mrs. Langhorne as president and
Mrs. Elizabeth B. Dodge as secretary and treasurer. Its efforts have
been confined chiefly to discovering the friends of the movement,
distributing literature and securing favorable matter in the
newspapers. The Richmond _Star_ is especially mentioned as a champion
of the enfranchisement of women. In 1895 Miss Anthony, president of
the National Association, on her way home from its convention in
Atlanta, addressed a large audience at the opera house in Culpeper.
Later this year Miss Elizabeth Upham Yates of Maine spoke in the same
place. Mrs. Ruth D. Havens of Washington, D. C., lectured on The Girls
of the Future before the State Teachers' Normal Institute.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: Petitions have been sent to the
Legislature from time to time, by the State association and by
individuals for woman suffrage with educational qualifications, the
opening of State colleges to women, the appointment of women
physicians in the prisons and insane asylums, women on school boards,
proper accommodations in jails for women prisoners and the separation
of juvenile offenders from the old and hardened. None of these ever
has been acted upon.

In 1898 a bill to permit women to serve as notaries public was vetoed
by the Governor as unconstitutional.

Dower and curtesy both obtain. The wife inherits a life interest in
one-third of the real estate. If there are children she has one-third
of the personal property absolutely; if none, one-half. The husband
inherits all of the wife's personal property whether there are
children or not, and the entire real estate for life if there has been
issue born alive. If this has not been the case he has no interest in
the wife's separate real estate. The homestead, to the value of
$2,000, is exempted for the wife.

By Act of 1900, a married woman may dispose as though unmarried of all
property heretofore or hereafter acquired. She can sell her personal
property without her husband's uniting. He has the same right. She can
sell her land without his uniting, but unless he does so, if curtesy
exist, he will be entitled to a life estate. Unless the wife unites
with the husband in the sale of his real estate, she will be entitled
to dower.

By the above Act a married woman may contract and be contracted with,
sue and be sued, in the same manner and with the same consequences as
if she were unmarried, whether the right or liability asserted by or
against her accrued before or after the passage of the act. The
husband is not responsible for any contract, liability or tort of the
wife, whether the liability was incurred or the tort was committed
before or after marriage.

There has been no decision as to the wages of a married woman since
the above Act; but it is believed they would be held to belong to her
absolutely, even if not engaged in business as a sole trader.

The father is the legal guardian of the minor children, and may
appoint a guardian for such time as he pleases.

The husband is liable for necessaries for the support of the family,
and can be sued therefor by any one who supplies them.

The "age of protection" for girls was raised from 12 to 14 years in
1896. The penalty is death or imprisonment in the penitentiary not
less than five nor more than twenty years.

SUFFRAGE: Women possess no form of suffrage.

OFFICE HOLDING: No offices are filled by women except that there is
one physician at the Western Insane Asylum and, through the efforts
of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, a matron in the woman's
ward of the State prison.

Women are employed as clerks in various county offices. They can not
serve as notaries public.

OCCUPATIONS: Under the ruling of the courts, a woman can not practice
law. No other profession or occupation is legally forbidden to women.

EDUCATION: For the higher education the women of Virginia must go
outside of their State.[454] The State Superintendent of Free Schools
and the Secretary of the State Board of Education both express great
regret at this fact, and the hope that all institutions of learning
will soon be opened to them. Secretary Frank P. Brent says:

We have as yet no women acting as school superintendents or
members of school boards, but I feel sure the Constitutional
Convention will make women eligible to one or both of these
positions.

Last year I had the honor to decide that in matters pertaining to
the educational affairs of this State, the wife may be regarded
as the head of the family, although the husband is living; and
this decision has just been reaffirmed by the United States Court
of Appeals.[455]

Women are admitted to several of the smaller colleges. The
Randolph-Macon College in Ashland, and the Woman's College at
Lynchburgh, both under the same presidency, rank well among
institutions for women only. Miss Celestia C. Parrish is
vice-president. Hampton Institute, for negroes and Indians, is
co-educational.

The public schools make no distinction of sex. There are 2,909 men and
5,927 women teachers. The average monthly salary of the men is $32.09;
of the women, $26.39.

FOOTNOTES:

[454] The State Universities are closed to women only in Virginia,
Georgia and Louisiana, and the undergraduate departments in North
Carolina.

[455] The decision of the court was "When an intelligent, active,
industrious, frugal woman finds she has married a man who, instead of
coming up to the standard of a husband, is a mere dependent ... and
leaves to her the support of the family, it would be contradictory of
fact and an absurd construction of the law to say that he, and not
she, is the head of the family."

This is believed to be the first legal decision of the kind and has
created wide discussion.

CHAPTER LXIX.

WASHINGTON.[456]

The history of woman suffrage in Washington begins with the passage of
a bill by the Legislature, giving women the full rights of the ballot
on the same terms as men, which was approved Nov. 23, 1883, by the
Territorial Governor, William A. Newell. This was due principally to
the efforts of a few individuals, both men and women, as there was no
organization.[457]

The municipal elections of the following spring brought the first
opportunity to exercise the newly-acquired right. The women evinced
their appreciation of it by casting 8,368 ballots out of the whole
number of 34,000, and the leading papers testified to the widespread
acknowledgment of the strength and moral uplift of their vote.

The general election of November, 1884, naturally showed a larger vote
by both men and women, the latter casting 12,000 out of the 48,000
ballots. It was estimated at this time that there were less than
one-third as many women as men in the Territory. When the scattered
population, the long distances and the difficulties of travel are
taken into consideration it must be admitted that women took the
largest possible advantage of the recently granted privileges.

For the next two years they continued to use the franchise with
unabated zeal, and newspapers and public speakers were unanimous in
their approval. In a number of instances the official returns, during
the three-and-a-half years they possessed the suffrage, exhibited _a
larger percentage of women voting than of men_. Chief Justice Roger S.
Greene of the Supreme Court estimated that at the last election before
they were disfranchised four-fifths of all the women in the Territory
went to the polls.

Many women have remarked upon the increased respect and courtesy of
the men during this period. Mrs. Elizabeth Matthews, who removed from
New Orleans to Port Townsend in 1885, states that, although accustomed
from babyhood to the deferential gallantry of the men of the South,
she never had dreamed that any women in the world were receiving such
respectful consideration as she found in Washington Territory at that
time. The political parties realized the necessity of putting their
best men to the front, and it was fully conceded that ethics had
become a factor in politics.

Prior to the Legislature of 1886 some discussion arose as to the
constitutionality of the Equal Suffrage Law, and, in order to remove
all doubt, a strengthening Act was passed, which was approved by Gov.
Watson C. Squire, November 29.

On Feb. 3, 1887, the case of _Harlan vs. Washington_ came before the
Territorial Supreme Court. Harlan had been convicted of carrying on a
swindling game by a jury composed of both men and women, and he
contested the verdict on the ground that women were not legal voters.
The Supreme Court, whose _personnel_ had been entirely changed through
a new Presidential administration, decided that the law conferring the
elective franchise upon them was void because it had not been fully
described in its title. This decision also rendered void nineteen
other laws which had been enacted under the same conditions.

The members of the next Legislature had been elected so long before
the rendering of this decision that their seats could not be
contested; and as their election had been by both men and women they
were determined to re-establish the law which the Supreme Court had
ruthlessly overthrown. Therefore the Equal Suffrage Law was
re-enacted, perfectly titled and worded, and was approved by Gov.
Eugene Semple, Jan. 18, 1888.

The members of a convention to prepare a State constitution were soon
to be chosen, and the opponents of woman suffrage were most anxious to
have the question considered by the Supreme Court before the election
of the delegates. They arranged that the judges of the spring
municipal election in a certain precinct should refuse to accept the
vote of a Mrs. Nevada Bloomer, the wife of a saloon-keeper and herself
an avowed opponent of woman suffrage. This was done on April 3, and
she brought suit against them. The case was rushed through, and on
August 14 the Supreme Court decided that the Act of January 18 was
invalid, as a Territorial Legislature had no right to enfranchise
women, and that in consequence the Equal Suffrage Law was void. The
Judges responsible for this decision were Associate Justices George
Turner and William G. Langford.

The very Act of Congress which organized the Territory of Washington
stated explicitly that, at elections subsequent to the first, _all
persons should be allowed to vote upon whom the Territorial
Legislature might confer the elective franchise_.

By the organic act under which all the Territories were formed women
had been voting in Wyoming since 1869 and in Utah since 1870. The
arbitrary disfranchisement of the women of the latter by Congress in
1887 demonstrated that this body did have supreme control over
suffrage in the Territories, and therefore unimpeachable power to
authorize their Legislatures to confer it on women, as had been done
by that of Washington. There never was a more unconstitutional
decision than that of this Territorial Supreme Court. Congress should
have refused to admit the Territory until women had voted for
delegates to the constitutional convention and on the constitution
itself.[458]

Without doubt the Supreme Court of the United States would have
reversed the decision of the Territorial Court, but Mrs. Bloomer
refused to allow the case to be appealed, and no one else had
authority to do so.

As the women were thus illegally restrained from voting for delegates,
the opponents of their enfranchisement were enabled to elect a
convention with a majority sufficient to prevent a woman suffrage
clause in the constitution for Statehood.

Henry B. Blackwell, corresponding secretary of the American W. S. A.,
came from Massachusetts to assist in securing such a clause. After a
long discussion as to whether he should be permitted to address the
convention, both sides agreed that the delegates should be invited to
hear him in Tacoma Hall. His address was highly praised even by
newspapers and persons opposed to equal suffrage. Four days later,
with Judge Orange J. Jacobs and Mrs. Elizabeth Lyle Saxon, he was
granted a hearing before the Suffrage Committee of the convention.

The question of incorporating woman suffrage in the new State
constitution was debated at intervals from Aug. 9 to 15, 1889. The
fight for the measure was led by Edward Eldridge and W. S. Bush. In a
long and able argument Mr. Eldridge reviewed the recent decision of
the Supreme Court and made an eloquent plea for justice to women.
Substitutes granting to women Municipal Suffrage, School Suffrage, the
right to hold office, the privilege of voting on the constitution, all
were defeated. Finally a compromise was forced by which it was agreed
to submit a separate amendment giving them Full Suffrage, to be voted
on at the same time as the rest of the constitution, women themselves
not being allowed to vote upon it.[459]

Only two-and-a-half months remained before election, the women were
practically unorganized, there were few speakers, no money, and the
towns were widely scattered. Miss Matilda Hindman of Pennsylvania and
Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby of Washington, D. C., editor of the _Woman's
Tribune_, came on and canvassed the State. Both were effective
speakers and they received as much local assistance as possible, but
all the money and influence which could be commanded by the
disreputable element that had suffered from the woman's vote were
brought to bear against the amendment, and its defeat was inevitable.

The constitution was adopted Nov. 5, 1889, the woman suffrage
amendment receiving 16,521 ayes, 35,913 noes; an adverse majority of
19,392.

In 1890 the first State Legislature conferred School Suffrage on women
to the extent of voting for trustees and directors.

The political campaign of 1896 was one in which reform of all kinds
was unusually in evidence. Three women sat as delegates in the State
Fusion Convention at Ellensburg. Mrs. Laura E. Peters, president of
the suffrage club at Port Angeles, was a Populist delegate and was
chosen a member of the Platform Committee. Through her efforts a
suffrage plank was inserted in the platform of that branch of the
convention.

The president of the State Suffrage Association, Mrs. Homer M. Hill,
said in her official report: "The People's Party was composed of
Silver Republicans, Populists and Democrats. At the State convention
these met in separate sessions. The Democrats voted down a resolution
demanding that the Committee on Platform bring in a report favoring
the amendment. The Silver Republicans passed one 'commending the
action of the Free Silver party in presenting to the people the
proposed amendment to the constitution.' The Populists inserted in
their platform a plank declaring that 'direct legislation without
equal suffrage would be government by but one-half of the people,' and
unequivocally favored the amendment.

"Although each of these three parties had its own platform, the
combination formed the People's Party and made its fight upon one
composed of eleven planks, or articles of faith, to which all three
agreed, _but equal suffrage was not one of them_. Therefore the
so-called union platform, minus suffrage, was the one generally
published and used as the basis of the campaign speeches. Because of
this no speaker of the People's Party was obliged to mention the
amendment, and it was avoided as an issue in the campaign; the State
Central Committee permitted each speaker to say what he pleased
personally, but he was not allowed to commit the party or to urge men
to vote for it. Nearly every one, however, advocated equal suffrage.

"The Republicans, in convention at Tacoma, adopted the following:
'Firmly believing in the principle of equal rights to all and special
privileges to none, we recommend to the voters of the State a careful
consideration of the proposed constitutional amendment granting equal
suffrage;' and this always was published as part of the platform. A
few of the leading Republican orators advocated the amendment and none
spoke against it. Its defeat is commonly attributed to the fact that
20,000 of the People's party did not vote upon it, and that _the
Republicans passed the word a short time before election to vote
against it_.

"Mrs. W. Winslow Crannell, who was sent out by the Albany (N. Y.)
Anti-Suffrage Association, did not hold a meeting of women or a public
meeting in the State. She conferred with men whom the anti-suffrage
representative, Alfred Downing of Seattle, already knew, and her
coming tended to arouse the loyal support of the suffragists.

"The Prohibition party gave official indorsement. The Social
Democratic party and the Socialist Labor party both inserted suffrage
planks in their platforms. The latter claims 9,000 votes in the
State."

The Fusion party was everywhere successful and the Legislature of 1897
was composed of reform elements. Mrs. Peters had charge of the Equal
Suffrage Bill, which was introduced on the first day of the session by
the Hon. J. P. de Mattos, and proposed to amend the constitution by
striking out the word "male" from the suffrage clause. This passed the
House on February 4 by 54 ayes, 15 noes. The bill was amended in the
Senate and was strongly supported by Joseph Hill and W. V. Rinehart.
The amended bill passed the Senate on February 25 by 23 ayes, 11 noes,
and was returned to the House.

Here it reached a vote March 11, the last day before the close of the
session, only through Mrs. Peters' slipping up to Speaker Charles E.
Cline's desk and whispering to him to recognize L. E. Rader, who
wished to present it. As the Speaker was a staunch suffragist he did
so. The bill passed by 54 ayes, 15 noes, and was sent back for the
signature of the President of the Senate and then returned to the
House for the Speaker to sign. Mrs. Peters thus relates what happened
after he had done so:

By the merest accident, Senator Thomas Miller, a friend, obeyed
an impression to examine the bill to see if it were all right,
when lo and behold! he discovered that the true bill had been
stolen during the short recess and an absolutely worthless bill
engrossed and signed. Senator Miller at once made the fraud
public and Speaker Cline tore his signature from the bill. On
Thursday morning, the last day, a certified copy of the true bill
was sent to the House, where it was ratified and returned to the
Senate. I then requested the President of the Senate to make me a
special messenger to take the bill to the Governor for his
signature. As I happened to hold the peculiar position of having
voted (at the State convention) for both those gentlemen, and as
I had taken pains to remind them of that fact, and as both the
Governor and Lieutenant-Governor were suffragists, I found no
difficulty in having my request granted. I said that the bill had
been delayed, deformed, pigeon-holed and stolen, and I would not
feel safe until it was made law by the Governor's signature.

I was duly sworn in as special messenger, and very proudly
carried the bill to the office, where Gov. John R. Rogers
affixed his signature to it and declared it law.

The history of the campaign which followed, as condensed by the
president, Mrs. Hill, shows that active work did not begin until the
convention held at Seattle in January, 1898. The executive committee
was called together after its adjournment and the situation thoroughly
canvassed. A resolution which welcomed work for the amendment by other
societies under their own auspices was unanimously passed, as it was
realized that there was not time in which to bring all suffragists
into line under one management. Money was scarce and hard to obtain,
and public attention was divided between the Spanish-American War and
the gold excitement in Alaska. The association at once turned its
attention to the obtaining of funds, the securing of the favorable
attitude of the press and the formal indorsement of the amendment by
other organizations.

Clubs were formed in wards and precincts to hold meetings, assist the
State association financially, distribute literature and circulate a
petition for signatures of women only, asking that the voters cast
their ballots for the proposed amendment. It was impossible to
prosecute the petition work thoroughly throughout the State, but the
largest cities--Seattle, Tacoma, Spokane and Olympia--with many
country precincts, both east and west of the mountains, were very
satisfactorily canvassed. It was found that over 88 per cent. of all
the women asked to sign the petition did so. The rest were divided
between the indifferent and those positively opposed. No one received
a salary for services. Less than $500 was collected, and $5.47
remained in the treasury, after every bill was paid, the day before
election.

The State association issued 5,000 pieces of literature of its own, a
booklet of thirty pages containing testimonials from leading citizens
of the four Free States--Wyoming, Colorado, Utah and Idaho. Early in
the campaign Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the national
organization committee, sent 62,200 pieces. Henry B. Blackwell, editor
of the _Woman's Journal_, shortly before the election forwarded from
Boston 500 pieces to each of the thirty-four counties in Washington.
This literature no doubt helped to swell the vote for the amendment.

Forty country newspapers were regularly sent free to State
headquarters; the city papers at half-rates. The press was courteous
in every instance, and either advocated equal suffrage, kept silence
or opened its columns to both sides. The Seattle _Daily Times_
strongly favored it.

The Christian Church Convention, which met in Tacoma early in the
campaign, gave hearty indorsement to the amendment. The M. E. Church
Conference followed at the same place with a vote of 27 ayes, 26 noes;
the Congregational Convention at Snohomish with one dissenting vote.
Presbyterian and other ministers throughout the State quietly gave
their support. The ministerial associations of Seattle each received a
committee from the E. S. A. One of the members of the Ministers'
Association of Spokane read a paper on Equal Suffrage, which was
interestingly discussed, showing eight in favor, three opposed and one
doubtful. The Christian Endeavorers at their convention in Walla Walla
passed a resolution calling attention to the approaching election, and
asking for the intelligent consideration of the amendment; eight of
the trustees were in favor of recommending active work in local
societies, but because the sentiment was not more nearly unanimous no
action was taken. The Independent Order of Good Templars and the
Prohibition party indorsed the amendment. The Woman's Christian
Temperance Union lent a helping hand judiciously. All demands and
arguments were non-sectarian and non-political, being based upon the
claims of justice as the only tenable ground on which to stand.

Many of the most self-sacrificing workers came from the liberal and
free-thought societies, which are generally favorable to equal rights.
The Western Central Labor Union of Seattle extended courtesies to the
E. S. A. and kept suffrage literature in its reading-room. The
_Freemen's Labor Journal_ of Spokane, State organ of the trades
unions, supported the amendment. Single Taxers, as a rule, voted for
it. The State Grange in convention formally indorsed it and promised
support.[460]

On Nov. 5, 1898, the amendment was voted upon, receiving 20,658 yeas,
30,540 nays; majority opposed, 9,882. As in 1889, the adverse
majority was 19,392, a clear gain was shown of 9,510 in nine years.

In 1899 a bill was prepared for the State association by Judge J. W.
Langley, amending the constitution so that whenever an amendment
giving the right of suffrage to women should be submitted to the
people, the women themselves should be permitted to vote upon it. John
W. Pratt introduced the bill in the House, but it was referred to the
Committee on Constitutional Revision and not reported. Near the close
of the session Mr. Pratt brought it up on the floor of the House. A
motion to postpone it indefinitely was immediately made and,
practically without discussion, was carried by almost a unanimous
vote.

ORGANIZATION: For twelve years before the women of Washington were
enfranchised, Mrs. Abigail Scott Duniway of Oregon was in the habit of
canvassing the Territory in behalf of woman suffrage, traveling by
rail, stage, steamer and on foot, and where she found halls and
churches closed against her, speaking in hotel offices and even
bar-rooms, and always circulating her paper the _New Northwest_. The
Legislature recognized her services by a resolution in 1886, when
accepting her picture, The Coronation of Womanhood. There was not
during all this time any regularly organized suffrage association.
When in the summer of 1888 the women of the Territory saw the
franchise taken away from them by decision of the Supreme Court, a
number of local societies were formed and soon banded themselves into
an association of which the Hon. Edward Eldridge was president until
his death in 1892. Afterward A. H. Stewart was made president, Mrs.
Laura E. Peters, vice-president, and Mrs. Bessie Isaacs Savage,
secretary. Mrs. Zerelda N. McCoy was president of the Olympia Club,
and Mrs. P. C. Hale, treasurer.

On Jan. 21, 22, 1895, the first delegate convention was held in
Olympia, and a State Equal Suffrage Association formally organized.
Mrs. Savage was elected president; Mrs. Clara E. Sylvester,
vice-president; Mrs. Lou Jackson Longmire, secretary; Mrs. Ella Stork,
treasurer. In April a special meeting was held in Seattle and the
State was divided into six districts for organization and other work,
as it was evident there would soon be another amendment campaign.

The second convention was held in Seattle, Jan. 29, 30, 1896, with the
Hon. Orange J. Jacobs as the principal speaker.

Throughout 1897 the efforts of the suffragists were directed toward
securing a resolution from the Legislature for the submission of an
amendment, and no convention was held.

In January, 1898, the State association again met in Seattle. Mrs.
Homer M. Hill was elected president; Mrs. Peters, vice-president; Miss
Martha E. Pike, secretary; Mrs. Savage, treasurer.

The management of the exposition held in Seattle for three weeks in
October, kindly accorded space to the Red Cross, Equal Suffrage
Association, W. C. T. U., Kindergarten and City Federation of Women's
Clubs. Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, with Miss Mary G. Hay, paid
Washington a visit during this month. She spoke in the first M. E.
Church at Seattle to a large audience, and the Woman's Century Club
tendered her a reception. At Tacoma the Woman's Study Club arranged a
lecture for her in the Tacoma Hotel parlors, which was well attended
by representative people. Mrs. Emma C. McCully made the preparations
for her at Ellensburg, and Mrs. Lida M. Ashenfelter bore the expense
of the meeting at Spokane.

In December, 1899, the State Teachers' Association passed a resolution
strongly indorsing equal suffrage. The Mental Science Convention took
similar action.

Since the defeat of the amendment in 1898 no State conventions have
been held. During 1900 the corresponding secretary, Miss Pike, visited
many towns and conferred with representative women in reference to
again taking up the work; while the president, Mrs. Hill, endeavored
to secure the interest and indorsement of the various political
parties.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: In 1886 the Legislature amended the
Homestead Law and gave to widows possession of the homestead, wearing
apparel and household furniture of their deceased husbands, and the
right to comply with the legal provisions for securing homesteads in
case the husbands had not done so; it further declared that the
homestead should be inviolate from executions for the payment of
debts, either individual or community; it amended the community
property law, giving husband and wife equal rights in the
testamentary disposition of it. It also enabled married women to act
as administrators.

In 1890 the Legislature conferred School Suffrage upon women. The act
was approved by Gov. E. P. Terry on March 27. The same Legislature
passed a bill requiring employers to provide seats for their female
employes, and enacted that all avenues of employment should be open to
women. It amended the community property law so that husband or wife
could prevent the sale of his or her interest.

In 1891 a bill was passed which made a woman punishable for the crime
of arson, even though the property set fire to might belong to her
husband.

The Legislature of 1893 appropriated $5,000 for the Woman's Department
of the State at the World's Fair in Chicago. A bill passed this year
provided matrons for jails in cities of 10,000 or more inhabitants.
The "age of protection" for girls was raised from 12 to 16 years.
Unfortunately the title of this bill was omitted and in compiling the
code it was excluded, but the Supreme Court afterward legalized the
action of the Legislature.

In 1899 the age was raised to 18 years. This was accomplished through
the efforts of the W. C. T. U., under the management of Misses Mary L.
and Emma E. Page. The penalty is imprisonment in the penitentiary for
life or "for any term of years." No minimum penalty is given. Deceit
or fraud may be considered force.

Married women were granted the right to act as executors of wills in
1899.

Dower and curtesy are abolished. The testamentary rights of husband
and wife are the same in regard to their separate property. If either
die without a will, leaving only one child, or the lawful issue of
one, the widow or widower takes half the real estate. If there is more
than one child living, or one child and lawful issue of one or more
children deceased, the widow or widower takes one-third of the real
estate. If there is no descendant living the survivor receives
one-half the real estate, unless there is neither father, mother,
brother nor sister of the decedent living, when he or she takes all of
it. The surviving husband or wife has one-half the personal property
if there is issue living, otherwise all of it, after the debts are
paid.

The old Spanish law in regard to community property obtains. While
each retains control of his or her separate estate, the control of the
community property is vested absolutely in the husband. This includes
all acquired after marriage by the joint or separate efforts of
either; lands acquired under the homestead laws; lands purchased with
money derived from profits or loans of the wife's separate estate;
lands purchased by her with money saved from household expenses; and
the court has held that even her earnings outside the home are
community property unless she is living apart from her husband. The
husband can not convey this without the wife's signature, and he can
not dispose of more than one-half of it by will. Upon the death of
either husband or wife one-half of the community property descends to
the survivor, and the other half is subject to testamentary
disposition. If there is no will the survivor takes half and the heirs
of the deceased half; if there are none he or she takes the whole. The
survivor has the preference in the right of administration.

A married woman may make contracts and sue and be sued in her own
name. Husband and wife can not enter into business partnerships with
each other.

By an act of 1879 father and mother were given equal guardianship of
the children, and in case of the death of either the guardianship
passed to the survivor. But in 1896 the Legislature enacted that the
father might appoint by will a guardian of both persons and estates of
minor children to the exclusion of the mother.

The same Legislature passed a law making the expenses of the family
and education of the children chargeable upon the property of both
husband and wife, or either of them, and provided that in relation
thereto they might be sued jointly or separately.

SUFFRAGE: Since 1890 women may vote for school trustees, bonds and
appropriations on the same terms as men, but can not vote for State or
county superintendents.

OFFICE HOLDING: In the fall of 1894 Miss Ella Guptil was elected
superintendent of schools for Clallam County. Her right to hold the
office was contested by her opponent, C. E. Russell. Miss Guptil asked
the following Legislature to make her position definite, and in
February, 1895, a bill was passed and approved by Gov. John H. McGraw
which removed all doubt, and she assumed the office.

At the present time (1900) there are seven women county
superintendents. Women may sit on the school boards of all cities and
towns. They are not eligible to any other elective office.

In 1897-98 Mrs. Carrie Shaw Rice served as a member of the State Board
of Education. Women do not sit on other boards.

The law requires women matrons in the jails of all cities of 10,000
inhabitants and upwards, but not at police stations.

Women are employed in subordinate capacities in various State and
municipal offices. They are also librarians in many places.

They can not serve as notaries public.

OCCUPATIONS: It was enacted by the Legislature of 1890 that:
"Hereafter in this State every avenue of employment shall be open to
women; and any business, vocation, profession and calling followed and
pursued by men may be followed and pursued by women, and no person
shall be disqualified from engaging in or pursuing any business,
vocation, profession, calling or employment on account of sex:
Provided, That this section shall not be so construed as to permit
women to hold public office."

EDUCATION: All of the educational institutions are open to both sexes
alike.

In the public schools there are 1,033 men and 2,288 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $42.13; of the women,
$34.53.

FOOTNOTES:

[456] The History is indebted for the material for this chapter to
Miss Martha E. Pike of Seattle, corresponding secretary of the State
Equal Suffrage Association.

[457] See History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. III, p. 776.

[458] For further information see Appendix for Washington.

[459] For addresses and other proceedings see the _Woman's Tribune_,
Oct. 5, 1889, and the following numbers.

[460] That practically all of the best elements in the State favored
this amendment, and yet it was defeated, shows how thoroughly the
disreputable classes controlled politics.

CHAPTER LXX.

WEST VIRGINIA.[461]

In 1867 Samuel Young introduced into the Senate of West Virginia a
bill to confer the suffrage on educated, taxpaying women, but it found
no advocates except himself. In 1869 he presented a resolution asking
Congress for a Sixteenth Amendment to enfranchise women, which
received the votes of eight of the twenty-two senators.

No further step ever was taken in this direction until the spring of
1895, when Mrs. Annie L. Diggs of Kansas was sent into the State by
the National Woman Suffrage Association but reported that the question
was too new to make any organization possible. In the fall Miss Mary
G. Hay, national organizer, arranged a two weeks' series of meetings
with the Rev. Henrietta G. Moore of Ohio as speaker, and several clubs
were formed in the northern part of the State. A convention was called
to meet in Grafton, November 25, 26, when an association was formed
and the following board of officers was elected: President, Mrs.
Jessie C. Manley; vice-president, Harvey W. Harmer; corresponding
secretary, Mrs. Annie Caldwell Boyd; recording secretary, Mrs. L. M.
Fay; treasurer, Mrs. K. H. De Woody; auditors, Mrs. M. Caswell and
Mrs. Louise Harden.

The second convention was held at Fairmont in January, 1897, Mrs.
Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the national organization committee,
assisting. Everything was so new that her presence and instruction
were an inspiration and a help, without which it is doubtful whether
the work would have continued. Officers were elected as follows:
President. Mrs. Fannie J. Wheat; vice-president, Mrs. Mackie M.
Holbert; recording secretary, Mrs. Beulah Boyd Ritchie; auditors, Mrs.
Mary Long Parson and Mrs. Mary Butcher; member national executive
committee, Mrs. Mary H. Grove. The corresponding secretary and the
treasurer were re-elected.

In April, 1898, the annual meeting was held at Wheeling, in the
Carroll Club Auditorium. Mrs. Chapman Catt and the Rev. Anna Howard
Shaw, vice-president-at-large of the National Association, made
addresses each afternoon and evening, and both filled the pulpit of
the large Methodist Church on Sunday. All the officers were re-elected
except the treasurer, who was succeeded by Miss J. B. Wilson.

The next convention took place at Fairmont in the fall of 1899, Mrs.
Chapman Catt again assisting to make it a success. The officers
elected were: President, Mrs. Ritchie; vice-president, Mr. Harmer;
corresponding secretary, Mrs. Boyd; recording secretary, Miss Clara
Reinheimer; treasurer, Mrs. Holbert; auditors, Mrs. Georgia G. Clayton
and Mrs. Belle McKinney; member national executive committee, Mrs.
Wheat; press superintendent, Mrs. Manley.

Prior to 1895, the subject of the enfranchisement of women was
practically unknown in West Virginia, but now there is no part of the
State in which the injustice and ignominy of their disfranchisement
has not been brought to the mind and conscience of the voters.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION AND LAWS: In 1897 the Legislature appointed a
committee to draw up a new State constitution, and the suffragists
presented to it a petition, signed by about 600 leading men and women,
asking that the word "male" be omitted from the suffrage clause.
Individual appeals were made and literature sent to each member of the
committee. Many signatures for the petition were obtained at the State
Fair, held in Wheeling, where room for a suffrage booth in the
Manufacturer's Building was given by the president of the board, Anton
Reymann, while every other foot of space was rented out at a large
price. The booth was decorated with portraits of the leaders, Susan B.
Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and made as attractive as
possible.

In 1899 the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw addressed a joint session of both
Houses of the Legislature in behalf of the enfranchisement of women.
Her expenses were paid by the Fairmont suffrage club.[462] The lecture
was a decided success, many members of the Legislature expressing
themselves as favorable to the cause she advocated. The clause
striking out the word "male" was not, however, reported from the
committee, and the whole matter of a new constitution eventually was
dropped.[463]

By an Act of 1891, no child under 12 years of age, of either sex, can
be employed in any mine, factory or workshop.

By an Act of 1893 a married woman may carry on business in her own
name, and her earnings and all property, real and personal, purchased
by her with the proceeds of such earnings, is in all cases her sole
and separate property and not subject to the control or disposal of
her husband or liable for his debts. By another act of this year a
married woman may sue and be sued in any court in her own name.

By an Act of 1895, a married woman may appoint an attorney in fact to
execute any deed or other writing.

By an Act of 1899 employers are required to provide seats for female
employes.

Dower and curtesy both obtain. The widower has a life interest in all
his wife's real estate, whether they have had children or not. The
widow has a life interest in one-third of her husband's real estate,
if there are children living. If there are neither descendants nor
kindred, the entire real estate of a husband or wife dying without a
will goes to the survivor. If there are children living, the widow or
widower has one-third of the personal property, and all of it if there
are none. A homestead to the value of $1,000 is exempted for either.

If a child die possessed of property and without descendants or a will
the father is heir to all of it; if he is dead, the mother inherits
only an equal share with each of the remaining children. If both
parents and all brothers and sisters are dead, the grandfather is the
sole heir; he failing the grandmother shares equally with her
surviving children.

The husband can convey his separate property without his wife's
signature. The wife can not sell or encumber her separate property
without her husband's consent.

The father is the legal guardian of the minor children. If a widow
remarry the guardianship of the children of the first husband passes
to the second, and she can not even appoint a guardian at her death.
No married woman can be a guardian.

The husband is required to furnish support adequate to his property
and position in life.

In 1897 the legal age of marriage for girls was raised from twelve to
sixteen years.

The "age of protection" remains at 12 years. Formerly the penalty was
death or, in the discretion of the jury, imprisonment for not less
than seven nor more than twenty years. In 1891 it was enacted that it
might be regarded as a felony and punished by imprisonment in the
penitentiary not less than two nor more than ten years. Through the
efforts of women bills to raise the age have been repeatedly
introduced but always have been defeated.

SUFFRAGE: Women possess no form of suffrage.

OFFICE HOLDING: In 1887 Dr. Harriet B. Jones was appointed assistant
hospital physician in the State insane asylum, with the same salary
paid the men physicians. She was the first woman ever appointed to
such a position in a State institution in West Virginia. On her
resignation she was succeeded by Dr. Luella F. Bullard, who still
holds the office.

To the untiring energy of Dr. Jones is due the State Industrial Home
for Girls. During two sessions of the Legislature she remained at the
capital, entirely at her own expense and leaving a lucrative practice,
to urge the need of this institution. At length $10,000 were
appropriated for this purpose in 1897 and $20,000 more in 1899. Now a
girl committing a minor offense is no longer placed in jail or in the
penitentiary while her brother for the same misdeed is sent to the
Reform School. Dr. Jones was elected president and all the officers
are women.

The State Home for Incurables also represents the work and ability of
a woman, Mrs. Joseph Ruffner. Before the same Legislatures as Dr.
Jones, she appeared with a bill asking an appropriation, and by
persistence secured one of $66,000. The home is now in successful
operation with Mrs. Ruffner as president. The Governor is required to
appoint boards composed equally of men and women for these two
institutions.

Women sit also on the boards of orphan asylums, day nurseries and
homes for the friendless.

The Humane Society of Wheeling was organized in 1896 with Mrs. Harriet
G. List as president. In 1899 she secured an appropriation of $3,000
from the Legislature to aid in its work.

A woman is librarian on the staff of the Agricultural Experiment
Station. The board of education of Wheeling appoints the three
librarians in the public library, which is supported from the school
fund, and for several years all of these have been women.

In some parts of the State women are appointed examiners to decide on
the fitness of applicants to teach in the public schools, but they can
not sit on school boards.

Women can not serve as notaries public.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is legally forbidden to women
except that of mining.

EDUCATION: All institutions of learning are open to both sexes alike.
Bethany College has admitted women for more than ten years, and four
are on the faculty. In 1897 the State University was made
co-educational, after much opposition. It has eight women on its
faculty, and two of the three members of its library staff are women.

In the public schools there are 4,096 men and 2,712 women teachers. It
is impossible to obtain the average salaries.

FOOTNOTES:

[461] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Annie Caldwell
Boyd of Wheeling, who has been an officer continuously in the State
Woman Suffrage Association since it was organized.

[462] This club raised money by suppers, festivals and a Woman's
Exchange for use in the work. It subscribed for twenty-five copies of
the _Woman's Journal_ to be sent to the State University, to the six
Normal Schools and to various individuals. It also offered $35 in
prizes for the best orations on The Enfranchisement of Women, to be
competed for by the students of the above schools.

[463] In the Legislature of 1901 a bill was introduced conferring on
women the right to vote for Presidential electors, as this can be done
by the legislators without a reference to the voters. The bill was
drawn up by George E. Boyd, Sr. It was reported by the House Judiciary
Committee, February 21, with the recommendation "that it do not pass."
Henry C. Hervey spoke strongly in its favor and was ably seconded by
S. G. Smith, who closed by demanding the ayes and noes on the
Speaker's question, "Shall the bill be rejected?" The ayes were 31,
noes 25, the bill being defeated by six votes. Speaker William G.
Wilson voted against it.

The bill was presented in the Senate by Nelson Whittaker, but U. S.
Senator Stephen B. Elkins came on from Washington and commanded that
it be tabled, which was done.

CHAPTER LXXI.

WISCONSIN.[464]

As a Territory Wisconsin interested herself in equal rights. In the
first Constitutional Convention universal suffrage regardless of sex
or color had a considerable vote. In the second woman suffrage
received a certain amount of favorable consideration. Early in the
history of the State widows were made heirs of all the property in
case of the death of the husband without children, and laws were
passed by which a life interest in the homestead was secured to the
wife. In 1851 the regents of the State University declared that their
plan "contemplated the admission of women," and in 1869 women were
made eligible to all school offices.

The first Woman Suffrage Association was organized in 1869 as a result
of a large convention in Milwaukee, arranged by Dr. Laura Ross and
Miss Lily Peckham, a bright young lawyer, and addressed by Mrs.
Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Mrs. Mary A. Livermore, Miss Susan B. Anthony
and others. Soon after this several local societies were organized.
Its annual meetings since 1883 have been held as follows: 1884,
Richland Center; 1885, Whitewater; 1886, Racine; 1887, Madison; 1888,
Stevens' Point; 1889, Milwaukee; 1890, Berlin; 1891, Menominee; 1892,
Richland Center; 1893, Mukwonago; 1894, Racine; 1895, Evansville;
1896, Waukesha; 1897, Monroe; 1898, Spring Green; 1899, Platteville;
1900, Brodhead.

The president during 1884 was Mrs. Emma C. Bascom, wife of the
president of the State University. On leaving for the East she was
succeeded by the Rev. Olympia Brown, who has been re-elected every
year since.[465] Mrs. Brown was called to the pastorate of the
Universalist Church of Racine in 1878, and during her nine years of
service there held occasional meetings in behalf of woman suffrage in
various parts of the State.

In addition to annual conventions numerous conferences have been held,
too many and too similar in character to make a detailed history of
them essential. In the winter of 1884 a course of lectures was given
in Racine on subjects relating to women by Mrs. Mary A. Livermore,
Mrs. Julia Ward Howe, Mrs. Mary E. Haggart, Mrs. May Wright Sewall and
Mrs. J. G. McMurphy.

In November, 1886, Mrs. Brown held a series of nine district
conventions in company with Miss Anthony and Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby.
On November 1 she received a telegram from Miss Anthony, then in
Kansas, saying that they would join in holding conventions in all the
congressional districts beginning on the 8th. This seemed a very short
time in which to prepare for such a campaign, but by the president's
deciding on places and dates without consultation, sending posters to
the different towns selected and announcements to all the papers of
the State, and then going in person to secure halls and make local
arrangements, the date named found a tolerable degree of preparation.
The canvass opened with a large reception at the home of Mrs. M. B.
Erskine in Racine, which was followed by conventions at Waukesha,
Ripon, Oshkosh, Green Bay, Grand Rapids, Eau Claire, La Crosse,
Evansville and Madison. At the last place the ladies spoke in the
Senate Chamber to a distinguished audience. The effect of these
meetings was marked. Many members were added to the State association,
branches were organized and an impetus given to the work such as never
was known before and has not been repeated. Since then many
conventions have been held by the president of the association, its
several lecturers and outside speakers.

In 1896 the suffrage association kept open house for ten days at the
Manona Lake Assembly; during this time the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw,
national vice-president-at-large, gave one of the Chautauqua lectures
to an audience of 4,000 people.

In 1898 a conference was held in Madison by the officers of the
National Association, attended by the State Executive Board and
representatives of various societies.

The Rev. Ella Bartlett, the Rev. Nellie Mann Opdale and the Rev. Alice
Ball Loomis have each served as State lecturer for two or more years
and proved most efficient. Mrs. Emma Smith DeVoe has also lectured in
the State during several different seasons with excellent effect.

Among those who have aided in the work in an early day may be
mentioned Madame Mathilde F. Anneke, Dr. Laura Ross Wolcott, Mrs. Ella
Partridge, Mrs. Emeline Wolcott; and later Mrs. Lephia O. Brown, the
mother, and J. H. Willis, the husband, of the Rev. Olympia Brown.[466]

Prof. Henry Doty Maxon stands pre-eminent among the men who have
assisted the cause. He was pastor of the Unitarian Church at Menominee
and vice-president of the State Suffrage Association for a number of
years, attended the annual meetings regularly and himself arranged one
of the most successful, which was held in his church, known as the
Mabel Taintor Memorial Hall. Col. J. G. McMynn exerted an influence in
favor of woman's advancement, at an early day. Many men have aided by
giving money and influence, among them State Senator Norman James,
David B. James, Capt. Andrew Taintor, the Hon. T. B. Wilson, Burr
Sprague, M. B. Erskine, the Hon. W. T. Lewis, Steven Bull, the Hon.
Isaac Stevenson, U. S. Senator Philetus Sawyer and Judge Hamilton of
Neenah. The clergy generally have assisted by giving their churches
for meetings. The Richland Center Club and the Greene County Equal
Rights Association deserve special mention for their faithfulness and
generosity. The Suffrage Club of Platteville is also very active.

One of the most important features of the work has been the
publication of the _Wisconsin Citizen_, a monthly paper devoted to
the interests of women. It was started in 1887 to educate the people
on the suffrage bill of 1885 and has continued ever since, no other
one influence having been so helpful to the cause. The association
owes this paper to Mrs. Martha Parker Dingee, a niece of Theodore
Parker, who edited it for seven years, reading all the proofs, without
help and without remuneration; and to Mrs. Helen H. Charlton who has
edited and published the paper from 1894 to the present time.

Miss Sarah H. Richards compiled and published an interesting history
and directory of the Wisconsin Woman Suffrage Association to which the
present sketch is much indebted.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION: Only one measure looking to the extension of
suffrage to women ever has been passed by the Legislature. This was
done in 1885 as the result of the efforts of Alura Collins Hollister,
who was appointed to represent the association in legislative work at
Madison. The following was submitted to the voters: "Every woman who
is a citizen of this State of the age of twenty-one years and upward,
except paupers, etc., who has resided within the State one year and in
the election district where she offers to vote ten days next preceding
any election pertaining to school matters, shall have the right to
vote at such election." This was discussed at length in both branches
of the Legislature and passed on March 13 by a large majority.

It was voted upon at the fall election in 1886 receiving a majority of
4,583, and thus became a law.[467]

It will be noted that this law specifies what women are to vote, viz.:
actual citizens who are not paupers; where women are to vote, viz.: in
the election districts where they reside; when women are to vote,
viz.: when there is an election pertaining to school matters. It does
not specify what women are to vote upon or for whom--they are full
voters without limitation at all elections pertaining to school
matters. What elections pertain to school matters? First, the general
election held once in two years, at which the State Superintendent of
Public Instruction and officers controlling the State University and
other State institutions are chosen. Second, the municipal election
which in most cities pertains to school matters, as a school board or
superintendent is chosen then. Third, other elections in country
villages where one or more school officers are chosen. Fourth, special
elections where subjects relating to schools are voted upon. Of
several suffrage bills reported at this session this one, called the
Ginty Bill, was the only one which provided for a submission of the
question to the voters, which shows the purpose of the framers to have
been to grant State or national suffrage. The broad scope of this law
practically giving women a vote on the election of all national, State
and municipal officers, was pointed out to the leaders of the suffrage
association by some of the men instrumental in its passage, notably
Senator Norman James, chairman of the Joint Special Committee that
reported the bill. It is claimed that the Legislature did not intend
to pass a law so far reaching, but the circumstances of its passage,
political conditions at the time, as well as the statements of its
members and of the committee, show that they did intend to pass this
broad, far-reaching law, giving suffrage to women.

To awaken women to the necessity of voting at the first
opportunity--the municipal election in 1887--the suffrage association
undertook an active canvass of the State which lasted without
interruption until the autumn of 1888, a period of over two years. The
Rev. Olympia Brown gave up her church in Racine and devoted herself
exclusively to the work. The association was assisted by Miss Anthony,
Mrs. Livermore, Mrs. Elizabeth Lyle Saxon, Mrs. Elizabeth Boynton
Harbert and Mrs. Catharine Waugh McCulloch. Some of these speakers
remained a month, others a week and some only for two or three
lectures. The State president attended every meeting.

On the morning of the election in April, 1887, Attorney-General
Charles B. Estabrook sent out telegrams to those places where he
supposed women would be likely to vote, ordering the inspectors to
reject their ballots, which was done; but where they were not advised
by him the ballots of women were accepted.

The next effort of the suffrage leaders was to instruct the people in
the law and the circumstances of its passage, and thus to inspire
confidence in spite of the refusal of the ballots. It was suggested
that as the Presidential election was near at hand, politicians would
not leave it uncertain as to whether or not women were entitled to
vote, but would secure an interpretation of the law from the Supreme
Court without proper argument and presentation of the facts, hence the
State W. S. A. decided to test the matter itself. The case was brought
by Mrs. Brown against the election inspectors in Racine for refusing
to accept her vote, and was ably argued before Judge John B. Winslow
of the Circuit Court, now a member of the Supreme Court of Wisconsin.
He overruled the demurrer of the inspectors, stating that women were
entitled to vote at that election and for all candidates, thus
confirming the law.

An appeal was immediately taken by the inspectors to the Supreme
Court, and in order to keep the subject before the people and to
create a favorable public sentiment the association continued its
canvass by distributing literature and giving lectures. The decision
rendered Jan. 31, 1888, was written by Justice John B. Cassody and was
so vague and loosely worded that lawyers were not agreed as to its
meaning. He reversed the finding of the lower court, however,
declaring the intent of the law to be to confer School Suffrage
only.[468]

The association now found itself confronted by a large debt, the whole
suit having cost about $1,500, but by active work the autumn of 1888
found everything paid. In all this Mrs. Almeda B. Gray, one of the
officers of the association, was a leading spirit, contributing
largely in time and money; Mrs. M. A. Fowler worked night and day,
making routes for speakers and planning the campaign, other women
assisted according to their ability and the club at Richland Center
did excellent service. The decision still left room for litigation,
the claim being made that the ruling of the Supreme Court plainly
recognized the right of women to vote provided their ballots were put
in a separate box.

In the following November Wm. A. McKinley was elected Superintendent
of Schools for Oconto County by the votes of women placed in a
separate box. His election was contested and the case was argued
before Judge Samuel B. Hastings of Green Bay, who, quoting from the
decision of Judge Cassody, decided that women had a right to vote
provided their ballots were put into a separate box. This case also
was appealed to the Supreme Court, where the decision, rendered by
Judge William P. Lyon, Jan. 26, 1890, was that the votes of the women
in Oconto County were illegally counted. The ground for this finding
was that further legislative action was necessary before separate
ballot-boxes could be legally provided. Judge Cassody dissented from
this opinion.

The law then became practically a dead letter, except in a few
instances, until 1901, when an Act of the Legislature provided for
separate ballot boxes for women, and in the spring of 1902 they voted
on school questions.

In 1895 the legislative committee, consisting of Mrs. Jennie
Lamberson, Mrs. Jessie Luther and Mrs. Alice Kollock, assisted by Mrs.
Charlton, secured the introduction of two bills--one to strike the
word "male" from the State constitution, the other for a suffrage
amendment by statute law. A hearing was granted before the joint
committee of both Houses in the Senate Chamber, which was crowded.
Mesdames Elizabeth Boynton Harbert (Ills.), Helen H. Charlton, Nellie
Mann Opdale, Ellen A. Rose and Dr. Annette J. Shaw were the
speakers.[469] The bills were reported favorably but were lost after
discussion.

LAWS: Dower and curtesy obtain. A widow is entitled to a life interest
in one-third of the real estate and, if the husband die without a
will, to the share of a child in the personal estate. If there is no
lawful issue she has the entire estate, both real and personal. The
widower has a life interest in all the real estate of his wife not
disposed of by will, or in all of it if the wife died intestate,
unless she left issue by a former husband, in which case such issue
takes it, free from the right of the surviving husband to hold the
same by curtesy. If the wife die without a will and leave no issue,
the widower is entitled to the entire estate, both real and personal.
There may also be reserved for the widow a homestead of not more than
forty acres of farm land, or one-quarter of an acre in a town, which
at her subsequent marriage or death passes to the heirs of the former
husband. If none exist she does not lose her homestead rights by
marrying again.

The wife may dispose of all her real estate by conveyance during her
lifetime or by will, without the husband's consent. He can not destroy
her dower rights.

A married woman may sue and be sued, make contracts and carry on
business in her own name.

The father, if living, and in case of his death the mother, while she
remains unmarried, shall be entitled to the custody of the persons and
education of the minor children. The father may by will appoint a
guardian for a child, whether born or unborn, to continue during its
minority or for a less time.

Neglect to provide for a wife and minor children is a misdemeanor,
punished by imprisonment in the county jail not less than fifteen
days, during ten days of which food may be bread and water only; or by
imprisonment in the penitentiary not exceeding one year, or in the
county workhouse, at the discretion of the court.

In 1887 a law was passed raising the "age of protection" for girls
from 10 to 14 years. In 1889 this was amended by lowering the age to
12 and reducing the punishment from imprisonment for life to not more
than thirty-five nor less than five years. The clause also was added:
"Provided that if the child shall be a common prostitute, the man
shall be imprisoned in the penitentiary not less than one year nor
more than seven."[470] In 1895 the age was raised again to 14 years
with the same penalty.

SUFFRAGE: By the law of 1885 every woman who is a citizen of this
State of the age of twenty-one years and upwards, except paupers,
etc., who has resided in the State for one year and in the election
district where she offers to vote ten days next preceding any election
pertaining to school matters, shall have a right to vote at such
election. By the present interpretation of this law the suffrage of
women is limited to school officers and questions. Suffrage may be
extended by statute but such law must be ratified by a majority of the
voters at a general election.

OFFICE HOLDING: There is no law authorizing women to hold any elective
office except such as pertains to schools, but they have been eligible
to these since 1869. Eighteen women have served as county
superintendents at the same time; nine are acting at present. They sit
on school boards in a number of cities.

In the Legislature women act as enrolling and engrossing clerks, and
as clerks and stenographers to committees. They are also found as
clerks, copyists and stenographers in the various elective and
appointive State, city and county offices.

In the State institutions they are employed as teachers, matrons,
bookkeepers, supervisors, State agents for placing dependent children,
etc. The Milwaukee Industrial School for Girls, supported partly by
public and partly by private funds, is the only institution managed
entirely by women.

There are no women physicians at any of the State institutions. One
woman was appointed county physician in Waukesha, and one or two have
been made city physicians.

The office of police matron was established by city ordinance in
Milwaukee in 1884. There is none in any other city.

Women act as notaries public and court commissioners.

Women could not sit on any State Boards until the Legislature of 1901
authorized the appointment of one woman on the Board of Regents for
the State University, and one on that of the State Normal School. It
also authorized the appointment of a woman State Factory Inspector.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is legally forbidden to
women.

EDUCATION: In 1851 the regents of the State University took a stand in
favor of co-education. In 1866 an Act reorganizing the university
declared that in all its departments it should be opened to male and
female students; but owing to prejudices it was not until 1873 that
complete co-education was established, although women were graduated
in 1869. All institutions of learning are open alike to both sexes.

In the public schools there are 2,654 men and 9,811 women teachers.
The average monthly salary of the men is $41; of the women, $29.50.

FOOTNOTES:

[464] The History is indebted for most of the material in this chapter
to the Rev. Olympia Brown of Racine, president of the State Woman
Suffrage Association since 1884.

[465] The other officers at present are: Vice-presidents, Mrs. Ellen
A. Rose and Mrs. Madge Waters; chairman executive committee, Mrs. Etta
Gardner; corresponding secretary, Mrs. M. Geddes; recording secretary,
Miss Emma Graham; treasurer, Mrs. Lydia Woodward; State organizer, the
Rev. Alice Ball Loomis; district presidents, Dr. Abby M. Adams,
Mesdames Kate Taylor, M. A. Fowler, L. A. Rhodes, Augusta Morris,
Alura Collins Hollister, L. M. Eastman, Mary Upham, Emma Shores and
Sylvia Rogers; press committee, Mesdames Sarah Buck, Clara F.
Eastland, Jennie Beck and Dora Putnam; finance committee, Mesdames
Anna Gile, Donald Jones and J. B. Hamilton.

[466] Besides those mentioned above, Mesdames Nancy Comstock,
Josephine DeGroat, M. A. Derrick, M. A. Fowler, M. M. Frazier, Laura
James, Dr. Sarah Monroe, E. A. Rose, S. A. Rhodes, Burr Sprague and
Lydia Woodward all have been most valuable helpers. Among generous
contributors have been W. H. Crosby, Charles Erskine; Mesdames L. J.
Barlow, Laura C. Demmon, Almeda B. Gray, Mary E. Hulett, Emma V.
Laughton, Mary Merrill, Margaret Messenger, Hannah Patchen, Dr. Laura
Ross Wolcott, Emeline Wolcott and Park Wooster; those who have aided
by the pen are Mesdames Marian V. Dudley, Clara Eastland, Hattie Tyng
Gardner, Etta Gardner, C. V. Leighton and Minnie Stebbins Savage.

[467] The State constitution provides that the suffrage may be
extended by a law submitted to the electors at any general election.
If it receives a majority vote it is held to have the force of a
constitutional amendment.

[468] The open letter addressed to Judge Cassody, March 28, 1888, by
Mrs. Brown, in regard to this decision, was pronounced by the best
lawyers as unsurpassed in logic, legal acumen, keen sarcasm and
righteous indignation. [Eds.

[469] E. P. Wilder, associate editor of the Madison _State Journal_,
chief official organ of the Republican party, made an excellent
address at this time in favor of woman suffrage, which was afterwards
printed as a leaflet.

[470] This is believed to be the only case on record where the age of
protection has been lowered. The amendment was urged by Senator P. J.
Clawson of Monroe, Green County At its next meeting the county
suffrage society passed the strongest possible denunciatory
resolutions, and thereafter its members worked diligently to defeat
Mr. Clawson for the nomination to Congress, which they succeeded in
doing.

CHAPTER LXXII.

WYOMING.[471]

It is said that a contented people or a happy life is one without a
history. The cause of woman suffrage in Wyoming has not been marked by
agitation or strife, and for that reason there is no struggle to
record, as is the case in all other States. In its story Mrs. Esther
Morris must ever be considered the heroine. A native of New York, she
joined her husband and three sons in 1869 at South Pass, then the
chief town of Wyoming. She was a strong advocate of the
enfranchisement of women and succeeded in enlisting the co-operation
of Col. William H. Bright, president of the first Legislative Council
of the Territory, which that very year passed a bill conferring on
women the full elective franchise and the right to hold all offices.
Gov. John A. Campbell was in some doubt as to signing it, but a body
of women in Cheyenne, headed by Mrs. Amalia Post (wife of Morton E.
Post, delegate to Congress), went to his residence and announced their
intention of staying until he did so. A vacancy occurring soon
afterward in the office of Justice of the Peace at South Pass, the
Governor appointed Mrs. Morris on petition of the county attorney and
commissioners. She tried between thirty and forty cases and none was
appealed to a higher court.[472]

In 1871 a bill to repeal this woman suffrage law was passed by the
Legislature and vetoed by Governor Campbell. An attempt to pass it
over his veto failed. No proposition to abolish it ever was made in
the Legislature thereafter.

In 1884, fifteen years after women had first voted in Wyoming, U. S.
District Attorney Melville C. Brown, at the request of Miss Susan B.
Anthony, sent to the National Association an extended résumé of the
status of women suffrage in the Territory, to which he himself had
been opposed in 1869. It expressed throughout the most emphatic
approval without any qualifications. Some of the statements were as
follows:

Women have exercised their elective franchise, at first not very
generally but of late with universality, and with such good
judgment and modesty as to commend it to the men of all parties
who hold the good of the Territory in high esteem.... It has been
stated that the best women do not avail themselves of the
privilege. This is maliciously false.... The foolish claim has
also been made that the influence of the ballot upon women is
bad. This is not true. It is impossible that a woman's character
can be contaminated in associating with men for a few minutes in
going to the polls any more than it would be in going to church
or to places of amusement. On the other hand women are benefited
and improved by the ballot.... The fact is, Wyoming has the
noblest and best women in the world because they have more
privileges and know better how to use them.

To conclude I will say: Woman suffrage is a settled fact here,
and will endure as long as the Territory. It has accomplished
much good; it has harmed no one; therefore we are all in favor,
and none can be found to raise a voice against it.

In the convention called the first Monday of September, 1889, to
prepare a constitution for admission as a State, this was the first
clause presented for consideration:

The right of citizens of the State of Wyoming to vote and hold
office shall not be denied or abridged on account of sex. Both
male and female citizens of this State shall enjoy all civil,
political and religious rights and privileges.

After just twenty years' experience of woman suffrage no man in this
convention was found in opposition to it, but to the surprise of the
members, one delegate, A. C. Campbell of Laramie, proposed to amend
this section by making it a separate article to be voted upon apart
from the rest of the constitution. He supported his amendment by a
long speech in which he said that he himself should vote in favor of
the article and, from his observations throughout the Territory, he
believed two-thirds or more of the people would do the same, but he
thought they ought to have a chance to express themselves; that "they
were going to have a pretty tough time anyhow getting into the Union,
and if they put in a proposition of this kind without giving those
persons who were opposed to woman suffrage a chance to express
themselves, they would vote against the whole constitution."

The other members of the convention looked upon this as a scheme of
the opponents, and Mr. Campbell had no support to his proposition. On
the contrary, the most eloquent addresses were made by George W.
Baxter, Henry A. Coffeen, C. W. Holden, Asbury B. Conaway, Melville C.
Brown, Charles H. Burritt and John W. Hoyt demanding that the suffrage
clause should stand in the constitution regardless of consequences.
Space will permit only the keynote of these courageous speeches.[473]

MR. BAXTER: ... I defend this because it is right, because it is
fair, because it is just.... I shall ever regard as a
distinguished honor my membership in this convention, which, for
the first time in the history of all this broad land, rising
above the prejudice and injustice of the past, will incorporate
into the fundamental law of the State a provision that shall
secure to every citizen within her borders not only the
protection of the courts, but the absolute and equal enjoyment of
every right and privilege guaranteed under the law to any other
citizen.

MR. COFFEEN: ... The question, as I take it, is already settled
in the hearts and minds and judgments of the people of our
glorious State proposed-to-be, and shall we stand here to-day and
debate over it when every element of justice and right and
equality is in its favor; when not one iota of weight of argument
has been brought against it; when every word that can be said is
in favor of continuing the good results of woman suffrage, which
we have experienced for twenty years?... I shall not go into the
policy or propriety of submitting such a proposition as this now
before us to the people of this Territory....

MR. HOLDEN: I do not desire at this time to offer any reason why
the right to vote should be granted to women; that is not the
question before us. The question is, shall we secure that right
by fundamental law? The proposition now under consideration is,
shall we leave it to the people of Wyoming to say whether or not
the privilege of voting shall be secured to women? Now, Mr.
Chairman, I believe that I voice the wishes of my constituency
when I say that rather than surrender the right which the women
of this Territory have so long enjoyed--and which they have used
not only with credit to themselves but with profit to the country
in which they live--I say that rather than surrender that right
we will remain in a Territorial condition throughout the endless
cycles of time.

MR. CONAWAY: ... The sentiment of this convention, and I believe
of the people whom we represent, is so nearly unanimous that
extended discussion, it seems to me, would be a waste of
time.... If it were proposed to submit to a vote of the people
whether the property of the gentleman from Laramie should be
taken from him, or my property should be taken from me and given
to somebody else, there would be no difference of opinion upon
it. In Wyoming this right of our women has been recognized, has
been enjoyed; there are such things in law as vested rights, and
the decisions of our courts are unanimous that it is not within
the power of the Legislature ever to take away from any person
his rights or his property and to confer them upon another, and
that is what this clause proposes to do, to submit to a vote
whether we shall take away from one-half of our citizens--and, as
my friend has well stated, the better half--a certain right, and
increase the rights of the other half by so doing....

MR. BROWN: I was a member of that second Legislature which tried
to disfranchise women.... From that day to the present no man in
the Legislature of Wyoming has been heard to lift his voice
against woman suffrage. It has become one of the fundamental laws
of the land, and to raise any question about it at this time is
as improper, in my judgment, as to raise a question as to any
other fundamental right guaranteed to any citizen in this
Territory. I would sooner think, Mr. Chairman, of submitting to
the people of Wyoming a separate and distinct proposition as to
whether a male citizen of the Territory shall be entitled to
vote....

MR. HOYT: ... For twenty years the women of this Territory have
taken part with the men in its government, and have exercised
this right of suffrage equally with them, and we are all proud of
the results. No man in Wyoming ever has dared to say that woman
suffrage is a failure. There has been no disturbance of the
domestic relations, there has been no diminution of the social
order, there has been no lessening of the dignity which
characterizes the exercise of the elective franchise; there have
been, on the contrary, an improvement of the social order, better
laws, better officials, a higher civilization. Why, then, this
extraordinary proposition that, after so many years, having
exercised with us the right of suffrage since the foundation of
this Territorial government, women are now to be singled out, to
be set aside, and the question submitted to a vote as to whether
they shall have a continuance of the rights which have been given
to them by unanimous consent, and which they have exercised
wisely and properly and, as my friend says, with profit to the
whole Territory? This is indeed an extraordinary proposition, to
submit to a vote the continuance of a vested right. I will not
impugn the motives of the gentleman who makes it, but I demand as
a matter of justice that it shall be voted down by an
overwhelming majority, and I would that he had never presented
it.... We are told that if we put this clause into our
constitution as a fundamental law, we shall fail to secure its
approval by the people of Wyoming and its acceptance by the
Congress of the United States; but if it should so prove that the
adoption of this provision to protect the rights of the women
should work against our admission, then I agree with my friend,
Mr. Holden, that we will remain out of the Union until a
sentiment of justice shall prevail....

MR. BURRITT: ... Mr. Campbell destroyed any argument that he made
in favor of this amendment by saying, first, that woman suffrage
as a principle is right; second, that he would vote for it if
presented to the people. And he further said that he was not
afraid, in defending the right of petition, to come before this
convention and indorse this proposition to be separately voted
upon, even if it cost him the ladies' vote or the votes of any
other class. That certainly is very courageous on the part of the
gentleman from Laramie.... But I will say this much in addition,
which he did not say, that, as a member of this convention and
believing the right of suffrage to be a vested right, of which it
would be wrong and wicked for us to attempt to deprive women, I
have also the courage to rise above the single constituent that I
have in Johnson County who is opposed to woman suffrage (and I
know but one) and to rise above the majority even of its citizens
if I knew they were opposed, and I am sure that this convention
and this State have as much courage as I have. Believing that
woman suffrage is right, I am sure that this convention has the
courage to go before Congress and say that if they will not let
us in with this plank in our State constitution we will stay out
forever.... I stand upon the platform of justice, and I advocate
the continuance of the right of women to vote and hold office and
enjoy equally with men all civil, religious and political
privileges, and that this right be incorporated as a part of the
fundamental law of the State....

The woman suffrage clause was retained as a part of the constitution,
which was adopted by more than a three-fourths majority of the popular
vote.

A bill to provide for the admission of Wyoming as a State was
introduced into the House of Representatives on Dec. 18, 1889, and
later was favorably reported from the Committee on Territories by
Charles S. Baker of New York. A minority report was presented by
William M. Springer of Illinois, consisting of twenty-three pages, two
devoted to various other reasons for non-admission and twenty-one to
objections because of the woman suffrage article.

As it was supposed that the new State would be Republican, a bitter
fight was waged by the Democrats, using the provision for woman
suffrage as a club. The bill was grandly championed by Joseph M.
Carey, delegate from the Territory (afterward United States senator)
who defended the suffrage clause with the same courage and ability as
all the others in the constitution.[474]

The principal speech in opposition was by Joseph E. Washington of
Tennessee, who said in part:

My chief objection to the admission of Wyoming is the suffrage
article in the constitution. I am unalterably opposed to female
suffrage in any form. It can only result in the end in unsexing
and degrading the womanhood of America. It is emphatically a
reform against nature.... I have no doubt that in Wyoming to-day
women vote in as many [different] precincts as they can reach on
horseback or on foot after changing their frocks and bustles....
Tennessee has not yet adopted any of these new-fangled ideas, not
that we are lacking in respect for true and exalted
womanhood.[475]

William C. Oates of Alabama also delivered a long speech in
opposition, of which the following is a specimen paragraph:

I like a woman who is a woman and appreciates the sphere to which
God and the Bible have assigned her. I do not like a man-woman.
She may be intelligent and full of learning, but when she assumes
the performance of the duties and functions assigned by nature to
man, she becomes rough and tough and can no longer be the object
of affection.

He concluded his argument by saying that if ever universal suffrage
should prevail the Government would break to pieces of its own weight.

The enfranchisement of women was also vehemently attacked by Alexander
M. Dockery of Missouri, George T. Barnes of Georgia, William M.
Springer of Illinois, and William McAdoo of New Jersey. It was
strongly defended by Henry L. Morey of Ohio, Charles S. Baker of New
York, Daniel Kerr and I. S. Struble, both of Iowa, and Harrison B.
Kelley of Kansas.

Every possible effort was made to compel the adoption of an amendment
limiting the suffrage to male citizens, and it was defeated by only
six votes. The bill of admission was passed March 28, 1890, after
three days' discussion, by 139 ayes to 127 noes. During the progress
of this debate Delegate Carey telegraphed to the Wyoming Legislature,
then in session, that it looked as if the suffrage clause would have
to be abandoned if Statehood were to be obtained, and the answer came
back: "We will remain out of the Union a hundred years rather than
come in without woman suffrage."[476]

In the Senate the fight against the suffrage article was renewed with
added intensity. The bill for the admission of Wyoming was reported
favorably through the chairman of the Committee on Territories,
Orville H. Platt of Connecticut, in January, 1890, but was not reached
on the calendar until February 17. On objection from Francis M.
Cockrell of Missouri, that there was not time then for its
consideration, it was postponed, but without losing its place on the
calendar. Not until May 2, however, did it come up again as unfinished
business, and only to be again postponed. On May 8 the bill was set
down for the following Monday, but it was June 25 before it finally
received extended consideration. The debate continued for three days
and the clause conferring suffrage on women took a prominent place.

George G. Vest of Missouri led the opposition and said in the course
of his lengthy oration:

I shall never vote to admit into the Union any State that adopts
woman suffrage. I do not propose to discuss the sentimental side
of the question.... In my judgment woman suffrage is antagonistic
to the spirit, to the institutions, of the people of the United
States. It is utterly antagonistic to my ideas of the Government
as the fathers made it and left it to us. If there were no other
reason I would never give the right of suffrage to women because
the danger to the institutions of the United States to-day is in
hurried, spasmodic, sentimental suffrage.... I believe that with
universal suffrage in this country, the injecting into our
suffrage of all the women of the United States would be the
greatest calamity that could possibly happen to our institutions
and people.... If there were no other reason with me, I would
vote against the admission of Wyoming because it has that feature
in its constitution. I will not take the responsibility as a
senator of indorsing in any way, directly or indirectly, woman
suffrage. I repeat that in my judgment it would be not only a
calamity but an absolute crime against the institutions of the
people of the United States....

In an extended speech John H. Reagan of Texas said:

But what are we going to do, what are the people of this
Territory going to do, by the adoption of this constitution? They
are going to make men of women, and when they do that the
correlative must take place that men must become women. So I
suppose we are to have women for public officers, women to do
military duty, women to work the roads, women to fight the
battles of the country, and men to wash the dishes, men to nurse
the children, men to stay at home while the ladies go out and
make stump speeches in canvasses.... Mr. President, when the
Almighty created men and women He made them for different
purposes, and six thousand years of experience have recognized
the wisdom and justice of the Almighty in this arrangement. It is
only latterly that people have got wiser than their Creator and
wiser than all the generations which have preceded them.... The
constitution of society, the necessity for the existence of
society, the necessity of home government, which is the most
important of all the parts of government, can only be preserved
and perpetuated by keeping men in their sphere and women in their
sphere....

It is a wholesome thing to reflect that after a hard day's
struggle and of rough contacts which men must have with each
other, they can go to a home presided over by one there who
soothes the passions of the day by the sweetness of her temper,
the gentleness of her disposition and the happiness which she
brings around the family circle. But if the wife and the husband
are both out in the bitter contests of the day, making speeches,
electioneering with voters, pushing their way to the polls, they
will both be apt to go home in a bad humor, and there will not be
much happiness in a family during the remainder of the day which
follows such a scene. And while they are both out what will
become of the children? Are they to take care of themselves?

What rights can women expect to have that they do not have now?
They are clothed with the protection of law.[477] In my judgment,
Mr. President, the day that the floodgate of female suffrage is
opened upon this country, the social organism will have reached
the point at which decay and ruin begin.... Why, sir, what is the
advantage? If the head of the family votes he is apt to reflect
the views of the family. It is more convenient than to have all
the family going out to vote.

Wilbur F. Sanders of Montana interrupted Senator Reagan to ask if the
law should not be an expression of the intellectual and moral sense of
all the people, and whether governments did not derive their just
powers from the consent of the governed.

John T. Morgan of Alabama entered into a long and sarcastic argument
to prove that if a woman could vote in Wyoming she might be sent to
Congress and then she could not be admitted because the law says a
senator or representative "must be an inhabitant of the State in which
_he_ is chosen." He ignored the fact that all legal papers are made
out with this pronoun, which presents no difficulty in their
application to women.

Henry B. Payne of Ohio said that he was not in favor of woman
suffrage, and that no woman in England ever had been permitted to
exercise the elective franchise. (Women then had been voting in
England for twenty-one years, the same length of time as in Wyoming.)
He asked, however, if these little technical objections would not be
more than overcome by the moral influence that a woman Representative
might exert in the committee rooms and on the floor of the House.

Mr. Morgan at once launched forth into a panegyric on the moral
influence of woman which certainly demonstrated that if sentimentalism
were a bar to voting, as Senators Vest and Reagan had insisted it
should be, the senator from Alabama would have to be disfranchised.
Part of it ran as follows:

It is not the moral influence of woman upon the ballot that I am
objecting to, and it is not to get rid of that or to silence or
destroy such influence that I oppose it, but it is the immoral
influence of the ballot upon woman that I deprecate and would
avoid. I do not want to see her drawn into contact with the rude
things of this world, where the delicacy of her senses and
sensibilities would be constantly wounded by the attrition with
bad and desperate and foul politicians and men. Such is not her
function and is not her office; and if we degrade her from the
high station that God has placed her in to put her at the
ballot-box, at political or other elections, we unman ourselves
and refuse to do the duties that God has assigned to us.

I can say for myself and for those who are dearest to me of all
the objects in this life, that I would leave a country where it
was necessary that my wife and daughters should go to the polls
to protect my liberties. I would just as soon see them shoulder
their guns and go like Amazons into the field and fight beneath
the flag for my liberties, as to see them muster on election day
for any such purpose.[478]

James K. Jones of Arkansas based his argument on the estimate of an
equal number of men and women in Wyoming, and assumed that all the
women had voted in favor of the suffrage clause and that therefore it
did not represent the wishes of men, thus denying wholly the right of
women to a voice in a matter which so vitally concerned themselves. In
reality women formed considerably less than one-third of the adult
population, while the constitution was adopted by more than a
three-fourths vote.

William M. Stewart of Nevada and Algernon S. Paddock of Nebraska
defended the right of the Territory to decide this question for
itself.

George Gray of Delaware declared his belief that "woman suffrage is
inimical to the best interests of society." John C. Spooner of
Wisconsin disapproved the enfranchisement of women, but believed
Wyoming had a right to place it in its constitution.

Orville H. Platt of Connecticut in urging the acceptance of the report
said:

I never have been an advocate of woman suffrage. I never
believed, as some senators do, that it was wise. But with all
that, I would not keep a Territory out of the Union as a State
because its constitution did allow women to vote, nor would I
force upon a Territory any restriction or qualification as to
what its vote should be in that respect. When Washington
Territory came here and asked for admission and the bill was
passed, it had had woman suffrage, and I was appealed to by a
great many citizens all over the United States to keep it out of
the Union, so far as my action could do so, until it restored the
right of women to vote which had been taken away under a decision
of its own courts--taken away, as I thought, unjustly; for I did
not consider that decision good law. The senator from
Massachusetts, Mr. Hoar, interrogated me when I was advocating
the admission of Washington as to why we did not incorporate into
that enabling act some language that should undo the wrong which
had been done by the Supreme Court of the Territory and restore
to women the right of voting. I said then, as I say now, that I
think this is a matter which belongs to the Territory; and I am
surprised that gentlemen who are so devoted to home rule as a
sacred right which should never be interfered with in this
republic, should not be willing to allow to a Territory, when it
asks for admission, the right to determine whether women should
or should not be permitted to vote by the constitution of the
proposed State.... Why should we, the Congress of the United
States, stand here and say to that Territory, where women have
enjoyed the right of voting for twenty years, and nobody arises
to gainsay it or to intimate that they have not exercised the
right wisely, why should we stand here and say: "Keep out of the
Union; we will let no community, no Territory, in here which does
not deprive its women of the right they have enjoyed while in a
Territorial condition"?

After every possible device to strike out the obnoxious clause had
been exhausted, the bill to admit Wyoming as a State was passed on
June 27, 1890, by 29 ayes, 18 noes, 37 absent.[479] Although Henry W.
Blair of New Hampshire and Henry M. Teller of Colorado interposed
remarks showing a thorough belief in the enfranchisement of women,
there was no formal argument in its behalf, it being generally
understood that all Republicans would vote for the bill in order to
admit a Republican State, and a number did so who were not in favor of
woman suffrage.

When the people of Wyoming met at Cheyenne, July 23, to celebrate
their Statehood, by Gov. Francis E. Warren sat Mrs. Amalia Post,
president of the Woman Suffrage Association. The first and principal
oration of the day was made by Mrs. Theresa A. Jenkins, of which the
History of Wyoming says:

Proceeding to the front of the platform, Mrs. Jenkins, in clear,
forceful tones which penetrated to the very outskirts of the
crowd, delivered without manuscript or notes an address which in
logic and eloquence has rarely if ever been equaled by any woman
in the land.... At its conclusion she received an ovation and was
presented with a magnificent basket of flowers.

The great incident of the celebration, the presenting of the
flag, next followed. Mrs. Esther Morris, the "mother" of the
woman suffrage movement in this State, who is widely respected
for her great ability and heroic womanhood, was by general
consent accorded the post of honor and made the presentation to
Governor Warren. Gathering its folds about her she said:

"On behalf of the women of Wyoming, and in grateful recognition
of the high privilege of citizenship which has been conferred
upon us, I have the honor to present to the State of Wyoming this
beautiful banner. May it always remain the emblem of our
liberties, 'and the flag of the Union forever.'"

The Governor, on receiving it from Mrs. Morris, made an eloquent
response during which he paid this tribute to women:

"Wyoming in her progress has not forgotten the hands and hearts
that have helped advance her to this high position; and, in the
adoption of her constitution, equal suffrage is entrenched so
firmly that it is believed it will stand forever.... Women of
Wyoming, you have builded well, and the men of Wyoming extend
heartiest greeting at this time. They congratulate you upon your
achievements, and ask you to join them in the future, as in the
past, in securing good government for our commonwealth."

The poet of the day was a woman, Mrs. I. S. Bartlett, who gave The
True Republic. In every possible way the men showed their honor and
appreciation of the women, and from this noble attitude they never
have departed.

In May, 1895, Miss Susan B. Anthony, president of the National
Association, carried out a long-cherished desire to visit Wyoming. She
was on the way to take part in the Woman's Congress of San Francisco,
accompanied by the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, vice-president-at-large, and
they stopped at Cheyenne where they were the guests of Senator and
Mrs. Carey, who gave a dinner party in their honor, attended by
Governor and Mrs. Richards, Senator and Mrs. Warren, Mrs. Morris, Mrs.
Jenkins, Mrs. Post and other distinguished guests. They went
immediately from dinner to the new Baptist church, which was filled to
overflowing, and were introduced by the Governor. At the close of the
lecture Mrs. Jenkins said, "Now I desire to introduce the audience to
the speakers." She then called the names of the Governor and all his
staff, the attorney-general, the United States judges, the senators
and congressmen, the mayor and members of the city council. Each arose
as his name was mentioned, and before she was through it seemed as if
half the audience were on their feet, and the applause was most
enthusiastic.

Miss Anthony often spoke of this as one of the proudest moments of her
life--when it was not necessary to beg the men in her audience to do
justice to women, but when these men, the most eminent in the State,
rose in a body to pay their respects to the women whom they had
enfranchised without appeal, and to those other women who were
devoting their lives to secure political freedom for all of their sex.

During the more than thirty years which have elapsed since the
suffrage was given to women, not one reputable person in the State
ever has produced any evidence or even said over his or her own
signature that woman suffrage is other than an unimpeachable success
in Wyoming.

Every Governor of the Territory for twenty years bore witness to its
good results. Governors of Territories are appointed by the President,
not elected by the people, and as they were not dependent on women's
votes, their testimony was impartial.

Year after year the State officials, the Judges of the Supreme Court,
ministers, editors and other prominent citizens have testified in the
strongest possible manner to the beneficial results of woman
suffrage.[480]

Gov. Francis E. Warren said in 1885: "I have seen much of the workings
of woman suffrage. I have yet to hear of the first case of domestic
discord growing therefrom. Our women nearly all vote." He also
reported to the Secretary of the Interior: "The men are as favorable
to woman suffrage as the women are. Wyoming appreciates, believes in
and indorses woman suffrage." In his official report the next year he
stated: "Woman suffrage continues as popular as at first. The women
nearly all vote and neither party objects." And in 1889: "No one will
deny that woman's influence in voting always has been on the side of
good government. The people favor its continuance." In the same year,
while still Governor, he wrote:

After twenty years' trial of woman suffrage in Wyoming Territory,
it is pronounced an unqualified success by men and women alike,
and of both political parties.... I sincerely hope that all the
new States will so provide that it may prevail immediately, or
that it can be extended at any time hereafter when their
Legislatures desire, if they are not now ready to take the step.

The women of Wyoming have been exceedingly discreet and wise in
their suffrage, so much so that the different Legislatures have
not attempted its overthrow, although majorities have sometimes
been largely Republican and at other times largely Democratic.

During all his years as United States senator Mr. Warren never has
failed to give his testimony and influence in favor of the
enfranchisement of women.

In 1889 Delegate Joseph M. Carey wrote from the House of
Representatives at Washington: "Wyoming Territory has for twenty years
had full woman suffrage. It has commended itself to the approval of
our people of all parties ... I sincerely hope the new States will
adopt suffrage principles without regard to sex, or provide by a
clause in their respective constitutions that the Legislatures may by
statute confer the right of franchise upon women." Throughout his
subsequent term in the United States Senate he was consistent in this
attitude and has remained so ever since.

Following the example of every Territorial Governor, Amos W. Barber,
the first State Governor, declared:

Woman suffrage does not degrade woman. On the contrary, it
ennobles her and brings out all the strong attributes of true
womanhood. To their credit be it said, the women are almost a
unit for ability, honesty and integrity wherever found, in high
life or low life. A man must walk straight in Wyoming, for the
women hold the balance of power and they are using it wisely and
judiciously. The cause of education is their first aim. They are
making our schools the model of the country, and, too, they can
make a dollar go much further than their husbands can.

In 1900 a petition was circulated in the State, asking Congress to
submit a Sixteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution, prohibiting
the disfranchisement of United States citizens on account of sex. It
was signed by the Governor, the Secretary of State, the Auditor of
State, the State Superintendent of Instruction, the State engineer,
the Judges of the Supreme Court, the United States district attorney,
the United States surveyor general, the director and the observer of
the United States Weather Bureau, the mayor of Cheyenne and a long
list of editors, ministers, lawyers, physicians, bankers and the most
prominent women in the State. Mrs. Carey, who had the petition in
charge, wrote to Miss Anthony: "Thousands of names could be secured if
it were necessary."

Literally speaking the testimony from Wyoming in favor of woman
suffrage is limited only by the space for this chapter.[481]

In 1901 this joint resolution was passed:

WHEREAS, Wyoming was the first State to adopt woman suffrage,
which has been in operation since 1869 and was adopted in the
constitution of the State in 1890; during which time women have
exercised the privilege as generally as men, with the result that
better candidates have been elected for office, methods of
election purified, the character of legislation improved, civic
intelligence increased and womanhood developed to greater
usefulness by political responsibility; therefore,

_Resolved_, By the House of Representatives, the Senate
concurring, That, in view of these results, the enfranchisement
of women in every State and Territory of the American Union is
hereby recommended as a measure tending to the advancement of a
higher and better social order;

_Resolved_, That an authenticated copy of these resolutions be
forwarded by the Governor of the State to the Legislature of
every State and Territory, and that the press be requested to
call public attention to these resolutions.

EDWARD W. STONE, _President of the Senate_.
J. S. ATHERLEY, _Speaker of the House_.
Approved Feb. 13, 1901.

DEFOREST RICHARDS, _Governor_.

For a number of years women served on grand and petit juries. In
compiling the first volume of the Laws of Wyoming, Secretary and
Acting Governor Edward M. Lee said:

In the provisions of the woman suffrage clause, enacted in 1869,
we placed this youngest Territory on earth in the van of
civilization and progress. That this statement has been verified
by practical experience the testimony is unanimous, continuous
and conclusive. Not a link is wanting in the chain of evidence
and, as a Governor of the Territory once said: "The only
dissenting voices against woman suffrage have been those of
convicts who have been tried and found guilty by women jurors."
Women exercised the right of jurors and contributed to the speedy
release of the Territory from the régime of the pistol and
bowie-knife. They not only performed their new duties without
losing any of the womanly virtues, and with dignity and decorum,
but good results were immediately seen. Chief Justice J. H. Howe,
of the Supreme Court, under whose direction women were first
drawn on juries, wrote in 1872: "After the grand jury had been in
session two days the dance-house keepers, gamblers and
_demi-monde_ fled out of the State in dismay to escape the
indictment of women jurors. In short, I have never, in
twenty-five years' experience in the courts of the country, seen
a more faithful and resolutely honest grand and petit jury than
these."

The best women in the Territory served as jurors, and they were
treated with the most profound respect and highly complimented for
their efficiency. The successor of Chief Justice Howe was opposed to
their serving and none were summoned by him. Jury duty is not
acceptable to men, as a rule, and the women themselves were not
anxious for it, so the custom gradually fell into disuse. The juries
are made up from the tax lists, which contain only a small proportion
of women. There are no court decisions against women as jurors, and
they are still summoned occasionally in special cases.

Women have not taken a conspicuous part in politics. The population is
scattered, there are no large cities and necessarily no great
associations of women for organized work. They are conscientious in
voting for men who, in their opinion, have the best interests of the
community at heart. More latitude must necessarily be permitted in new
States, but in 1900 they decided that it was time to call a halt on
the evil of gambling, and as the result of their efforts a law was
passed by the present Legislature (1901) forbidding it. The Chicago
_Tribune_ gave a correct summing-up of this matter in the following
editorial:

The women of Wyoming are to be credited with securing one reform
which is a sufficient answer, in that State at least, to the
criticism that woman suffrage has no influence upon legislation
and fails to elevate political action. There will be no legalized
gambling in Wyoming after the first of January next, the
Legislature having just passed a law which makes gambling of
every kind punishable by fine and imprisonment after the above
date.

This has been the work of the women. When they began their
agitation about a year and a half ago, gambling was not only
permitted but was licensed. The evil was so strongly entrenched
and the revenue accruing to the State so large that there was
little hope at first that anything would be accomplished. The
leaders of the crusade, however, organized their forces skilfully
in every town and village. Their petitions for the repeal of the
gambling statute and for the passage of a prohibitory act were
circulated everywhere, and were signed by thousands of male as
well as female voters. When the Legislature met, the women were
there in force, armed with their voluminous petitions. The
gamblers also were there in force and sought to defeat the women
by the use of large sums of money, but womanly tact and
persuasion and direct personal appeals carried the day against
strong opposition. The Legislature passed the bill, but it was
the women who won the victory.

The most prejudiced must admit that women could not have done this if
they had not represented at least as many votes as the gambling
fraternity.

LAWS: The first Legislature (1869), which conferred the suffrage upon
women, gave wives exactly the same rights as husbands in their
separate property.

Dower and curtesy have been abolished. If either husband or wife die
without a will, leaving descendants, one-half of the estate, both real
and personal, goes to the survivor. If there are no descendants,
three-fourths go to the survivor, one-fourth to the father and mother
or their survivors, unless the estate, both real and personal, does
not exceed $10,000, in which case it all passes to the widow or
widower. A homestead to the value of $1,500 is exempted for the
survivor and minor children.

A married woman may sue and be sued, make contracts and carry on
business in her own name.

The father is the guardian of the minor children, and at his death the
mother. There is no law requiring a husband to support his
family.[482]

The "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 14 years in
1882, and from 14 to 18 in 1890. The penalty varies from imprisonment
for one year to life. Seduction under promise of marriage up to the
age of 21 years is a penitentiary offense. Male and female habitues of
a house of ill-repute are considered guilty of the same offense, but
the man is liable for a fine of $100 and imprisonment for sixty days,
while the woman is liable for only half this punishment.

SUFFRAGE: Women have had the Full Franchise since 1869.

No separate record is kept of their votes, as they have exercised the
suffrage so long that this would seem no more necessary than to keep
one of the men's votes. The census of 1900 gives the percentage of men
in the State as 63 (in round numbers) and of women as 37. The estimate
of those who are best informed is that 90 per cent. of the women who
are eligible use the suffrage.

OFFICE HOLDING: Since the organization of the Territory in 1869 women
have been eligible to all official positions, but there never has been
any scramble for office.

No woman ever has served in the Legislature.

Miss Estelle Reel was State Superintendent of Public Instruction for
four years. She is now National Superintendent of Indian Schools,
appointed by President William McKinley, and has 300 of these under
her charge.

Miss Grace Raymond Hebard is librarian of the State University, and
for the past ten years has filled the position of secretary of the
board of trustees, upon which women serve.

Miss Bertha Mills is clerk of the State Land Board, with a salary
equal to that of any clerk or deputy in the State House.

Miss Rose Foote was assistant clerk in the House of Representatives of
the last Legislature, and as a reader she left nothing to be desired.
Women frequently serve as legislative enrolling clerks. There have
been women clerks of the courts.

Women hold several important clerkships in the State Capitol and are
found as stenographers, etc., in all the State, county and municipal
offices.

In many districts they serve on the school board, and nearly all of
the counties elect them to the responsible position of superintendent.
As such they conduct the institutes, examine teachers and have a
general supervision of the schools.

OCCUPATIONS: The only industry legally forbidden to women is that of
working in mines.

EDUCATION: All educational advantages are the same for both sexes.

By a law of 1869 Wyoming requires equal pay for men and women in all
employment pertaining to the State. This includes the public schools,
in which there are 102 men and 434 women teachers. But here as
elsewhere the men hold the higher positions and their average monthly
salary is $60.40, while that of the women is $42.86.

FOOTNOTES:

[471] The History is indebted to the Hon. Robert C. Morris of
Cheyenne, clerk of the Supreme Court of Wyoming, for much of the
information contained in this chapter.

[472] Mrs. Morris is the mother of Robert C. Morris, and this
paragraph is inserted by the editors. A full account of this first
experiment in woman suffrage will be found in Vol. III, Chap. LII.

[473] Published in full in Wyoming Historical Collections, Vol. I.

[474] In an address Mr. Carey said later: "I was agreeably surprised
to have so many of the ablest men in Congress, both in public and in
private conversation, disclose the fact that they firmly believed the
time would come when women would be permitted to exercise full
political rights throughout the United States."

[475] See laws for women in Tennessee chapter.

[476] Miss Susan B. Anthony was an interested and anxious listener to
this debate from the gallery of the House, and a joyful witness to the
final passage of the bill.

[477] See laws for women in Texas chapter.

[478] In 1901, when a convention in Alabama was framing a new
constitution, Senator Morgan sent a strong letter urging that this
should include suffrage for tax-paying women.

[479] A telegram announcing that President Harrison had signed the
bill was handed to Miss Anthony while she was addressing a large
audience at Madison, S. D., during the woman suffrage campaign in that
State, and those who were present say, "She spoke like one inspired."

By request of Miss Anthony and Lucy Stone, officers of the National W.
S. A., the woman suffrage clubs of the entire country celebrated on
the Fourth of July the admission into the Union of the first State
with the full franchise for women, and an address from Mrs. Stanton
was read--Wyoming the First Free State for Women.

[480] From 1876 to 1883 Edgar Wilson Nye (Bill Nye) was editor of the
Laramie _Boomerang_, in which he published the following as the result
of his eight years' observation of woman's voting:

"Female suffrage, I may safely and seriously assert, according to the
best judgment of the majority in Wyoming Territory, is an unqualified
success. An effort to abolish it would be at once hooted down. Its
principal opposition comes from those who do not know anything about
it. I do not hesitate to say that Wyoming is justly proud because it
has thus early recognized woman and given her a chance to be heard.
While she does not seek to hold office or act as juror, she votes
quietly, intelligently and pretty independently. Moreover, she does
not recognize the machine at all, seldom goes to caucuses, votes for
men who are satisfactory, regardless of the ticket, and thus scares
the daylights out of rings and machines."

[481] See Appendix--Testimony from Woman Suffrage States.

[482] When the attention of a distinguished jurist of Wyoming was
called to these laws he said the question never had been raised, but
there would be no objection to changing them.

CHAPTER LXXIII.

GREAT BRITAIN.

EFFORTS FOR THE PARLIAMENTARY FRANCHISE.[483]

BY MISS HELEN BLACKBURN, EDITOR OF THE ENGLISHWOMAN'S REVIEW, LONDON.

The chapter on Great Britain contributed by Miss Caroline Ashurst
Biggs to Vol. III of this History of Woman Suffrage brought the story
down to the passage of the Representation-of-the-People Act of 1884
which extended Household Suffrage to the Counties and created the
Service Franchise, thus giving the ballot to a large number of
agricultural labourers and men who had their residence on premises of
which their employers paid the rent and taxes, but which still left
all such women without any franchise whatsoever.

With the passing of that Act may be said to have begun a new phase in
the movement. During the '70's there had been a debate and division on
the Women's Suffrage Bill in the House of Commons nearly every year.
After the General Election of 1880 the question of Household Suffrage
in the Counties came to the front, and all the efforts of the Women's
Suffrage Societies were directed and inspired by the anticipation that
when the claims of the agricultural labourer were dealt with, those of
women would find their opportunity. But far from this, they were left
practically in a worse position than before, for now 2,000,000 new
voters were added to the number of those who could make prior claim to
the attention of their representatives.

_1885._--Immediately after the General Election which followed the
passing of the new Reform Bill, Mr. Gladstone gave notice of his Bill
for Home Rule for Ireland and the party feeling aroused was of such
intensity that the Liberal party was cloven in twain. The Women's
Suffrage movement was affected by the keen party strife, in which
women were as deeply interested as men, and the question of their
enfranchisement was no longer the only rallying point for their
political activity. This period is marked by a rapid development of
organisations amongst women for party purposes. In the Primrose
League, which had been started in 1883, women had been assigned
unprecedented recognition as co-operating with men on equal footing
for political purposes. It does not promote special measures but lays
down for its principle the Maintenance of Religion, of the Estates of
the Realm and of the Imperial Ascendancy of the British Empire, thus
indicating its Conservative tendency. The Women's Liberal Federation,
founded in 1885 to promote liberal principles, endeavours to further
special measures. The Women's Liberal Unionist Association founded in
1888 had for its principal object the defence of the legislative union
between England and Ireland.

Thus women entered actively into the work of the three respective
parties, and this re-acted in various ways on the Women's Suffrage
propaganda. It might seem that this had a depressing effect, for the
rigid neutrality in regard to party which always had characterised the
National Societies for Women's Suffrage might easily seem dull and
tame to the ardent party enthusiasts, and many of the Liberal women
threw their energies by preference into the Women's Liberal
Associations, but the old charge that women had no interest in
politics, now received its complete quietus. It seems indeed a far cry
from the manners of sixty years ago, when to talk politics to a woman
was considered rude, to the manners of to-day when the Primrose League
balances its 75,000 Knights with 63,000 Dames, besides associates
innumerable, both men and women; and the Women's Liberal Federation
with its 448 Associations has actively worked for candidates in a
great number of counties in England.

_1886._--The number of members returned after the General Election of
1885 who were understood to be favorably inclined towards the
enfranchisement of women, exceeded any previous experience and on
February 18th the motion to adjourn discussion was rejected by 159
ayes, 102 noes, and the bill passed second reading without further
division; but before going into Committee another dissolution of
Parliament took place.

The General Election which followed was even more favorable, the
friendly Members returned being in an actual majority, and yet session
after session passed and the pressure of Government business consumed
Parliamentary time.

_1887-1890._--The need of a central point, such as is afforded when
there is a bill before the House, round which all the suffrage forces
could rally independent of party, made it difficult for them to
maintain their cohesion. The Central Committee of the National Society
for Women's Suffrage had been such a point but it could not escape the
distracting outside influences, and a revision of its rules took place
in December, 1888, with the result that the Society as hitherto
existing dissolved and reformed in two separate organisations. One of
these established new rules which enabled it to affiliate with
Societies formed for other purposes; and one adhered to the old rules
which admitted only organisations formed with the sole object of
obtaining the Franchise. But if, as was held, the internal
re-organisation of the Societies redounded to greater strength, even
more so did an unprecedented attack from the outside, in the Summer of
1889, when the _Nineteenth Century_ opened its pages to a protest
against the enfranchisement of women, to which a few ladies in London
society had been diligently canvassing for signatures. The appearance
of this protest was naturally the sign for an immediate counterblast,
and the two Central Societies in London put a form of declaration into
immediate circulation. The _Fortnightly Review_ gave space to a reply
from the pen of Mrs. Millicent Garrett Fawcett and to a selection from
the signatures which poured into the Suffrage Offices with a rapidity
that was amazing, as in sending out the forms for signature numbers
had not been aimed at but rather it was sought to make the list
representative. The _Nineteenth Century_ had contained the names of
104 ladies, mostly known as wives of public men, while those who had
taken part in work for the good of the community and to advance the
interests of women were conspicuous by their absence. The
_Fortnightly_ gave space for about 600 names asking for the suffrage,
selected from over 2,000 received within a few days.[484]

This was the last work in which the distinguished reformer, Miss
Caroline Ashurst Biggs, took part, as she died in September, 1889.
Miss Lydia Becker, editor of _The Women's Suffrage Journal_, which she
had founded in 1870, passed away the following Summer. These two
deaths were an irreparable loss to the movement for the
enfranchisement of women.

_1891._--Parliamentary prospects grew brighter and Mr. William
Woodall, who had charge of the Suffrage Bill, obtained May 13th for
its consideration. The first Lord of the Treasury, Mr. W. H. Smith,
had received a deputation appointed by the Suffrage Societies April
20th, to present him with a largely signed memorial praying that Her
Majesty's Government would reserve the day appointed for the
discussion of a measure "which suffers under the special disadvantage
that those whom it chiefly concerns have no voting power with which to
fortify their claims." They received the assurance that the House
would not adjourn before the 13th, and that the Government had no
intention of taking the day for their business.

On April 30th, however, when the Government proposed to take certain
specified days for their business, Mr. Gladstone objected, insisting
that they should be uniform in their action and take all Wednesdays up
to Whitsuntide. This afforded a manifest opportunity for shelving the
Suffrage Bill which the opponents were quick to perceive and,
although Mr. Smith declared himself unable to take this day, Sir Henry
James moved that all Wednesdays be taken. This was carried and the
Government, for probably the first time in Parliamentary History, had
a day forced on them.

_1892._--Better fortunes attended the endeavours of the Parliamentary
leaders in the following session. Mr. Woodall having accepted office
in the Government, Sir Algernon Borthwick (now Lord Glenesk) undertook
the necessary arrangements for the introduction of the Bill. This was
placed, by the result of the ballot for a day, in the hands of Sir
Albert Rollit, who set it down for April 27th in the following terms:

Every woman who (1) in Great Britain is registered as an elector
for any Town Council or County Council, or (2) in Ireland is a
rate-payer entitled to vote at an election for guardians of the
poor, shall be entitled to be registered as a Parliamentary
elector and, when registered, to vote at any Parliamentary
election for the County borough or division wherein the
qualifying property is situate.

This Bill was brought forward for second reading on the appointed day
by Sir Albert Rollit with a powerful statement of the question, and a
debate followed marked by a high and serious tone. For this brief
narrative it will suffice to note the closing speech from the Right
Hon. A. J. Balfour, who concluded by saying that whenever any
important extension of the Franchise was brought up "they would have
to face and deal with the problem of Women's Suffrage--and deal with
it in a complete fashion." The division showed 175 for the Bill, 192
against--a result which was a surprise to both sides, for the
opponents had exerted themselves in a manner beyond all precedent;
they had sent round a whip signed by twenty members, ten on each side
of the House, and Mr. Gladstone had written a letter to Mr. Samuel
Smith, that had been circulated as a pamphlet, in which amongst other
points he urged that at least it should be ascertained "that the
womanly mind of the country was in overwhelming proportion and with
deliberate purpose bent on procuring the vote."

_1893-1895._--At the opening of the Parliament it was a great
satisfaction to the Women's Suffrage party that Viscount Wolmer (now
the Earl of Selborne) had undertaken the Parliamentary leadership of
the question. It will hardly be needful here to go into all the causes
which thwarted the vigilance of the leader in procuring a hearing for
the measure in that Parliament.

On June 1st, 1895, a representative Conference was held at Westminster
Town Hall to consider a plan for an appeal to the House of Commons
from women all over the United Kingdom. Miss Florence Davenport Hill,
who presided, briefly explained that the object of such an appeal was
to convince the country in a more emphatic manner than could be
possible by the petitions, memorials and demonstrations that already
had been tried again and again, all of which were necessarily limited
in their scope. This appeal should be from women of all ranks and
classes in all parts of the United Kingdom. The Appeal for the
Parliamentary Franchise then agreed upon was managed by a committee
appointed from the chief organisations amongst women.

_1896._--This effort to "focus the diffused interest of women in the
suffrage into one concentrated expression" resulted in the collection
of 257,796 signatures, nearly every constituency in the United Kingdom
being represented. Although the Appeal was in readiness for
presentation in the session of 1895, a suitable opportunity did not
arise until 1896, when a fairly good place had been drawn in the
ballot by Mr. Faithfull Begg and the Bill was set down for May 20th.
Permission was obtained to place the Appeal in Westminster Hall on May
19th, and passes were given to the Committee to enable them to show it
to any Members of Parliament who might wish to inspect it.
Accordingly--although it was already known that all Wednesdays had
been taken in Government business--the Appeal of the women of this day
and generation for constitutional rights was placed in that grand old
Hall, round which the Parliamentary associations of a thousand years
are clustered. Many Members showed great interest in studying the
signatures from their respective constituencies.

Irrespective of the interest called forth, other good results
followed, for the Women's Suffrage Societies had been drawn into
pleasant relation with a great many new friends and helpers all over
the country. It was also shown that women who differed widely on
political and social questions could work cordially and unanimously
for this common object. The closer union which this work had brought
about led to the modification of the Special Appeal Committee into a
combined Committee for Parliamentary Work. A Conference held in the
Priory Rooms, Birmingham, October 16th, attended by delegates from all
the Women's Suffrage Societies, greatly assisted concerted action.

_1897._--All was thus in good working order when at the opening of the
session an excellent place was drawn in the ballot by Mr. Faithfull
Begg (M. P. for St. Rollox division of Glasgow) and the Women's
Franchise Bill was set down for February 3rd, when it passed second
reading by a majority of 71. The old opponents sent out a strong whip
against the Bill and mustered in force, but they were exceeded by the
old friends, nor did the division show the whole strength of the
movement, as many known to be favorable were still absent at that
early date of the session.[485] A statement issued by the National
Union of Women's Suffrage Societies, said:

This vote places the question of Women's Suffrage in a new phase,
and its friends have only to continue to press it upon the
attention of Parliament and the public in order to render it
necessary at no distant date that it should be dealt with by the
Government of the day. This has been the history of nearly all
important measures of reform. They have very rarely been placed
on the Statute Book by private members; but private members by
repeatedly bringing a particular question before the House give
the opportunity for its full consideration by Parliament and the
country, so that in due time it takes its place as a Government
measure. It will be the aim of the Union to put Women's Suffrage
in this position, so that no Government, of whatever party, shall
be able to touch questions relating to representation without at
the same time removing the electoral disabilities of women.

The closer coalition that Autumn of all the Societies which make
Women's Suffrage their sole object into a National Union was in itself
a symptom of that new phase, and the combined Sub-Committee was now
further modified into the Executive Committee of the National Union of
Women's Suffrage Societies.

_1898-1899._--The value of this second reading has been permanent
notwithstanding that its progress through the next stage of going into
Committee was thwarted by what even the _Times_ described as an
"undignified shuffle." The rule that Bills which have reached
Committee stage before Whitsuntide should be taken on Wednesdays after
Whitsuntide in their turn, so that if any one Bill is not finished on
the day it is taken it is carried to the next, was so worked as to
shut out the Women's Franchise Bill in 1899, and the rule which was
meant to give equitable share to all was abused by purposely
protracted talk over Bills which had no claim to such profuse
attention.

This was the last opportunity that the pressure of the eventful years
with which the century closed afforded for Parliamentary debate. The
great meeting in Queen's Hall, London, June 29th, 1899, when the
National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies gave hearty welcome to
their fellow-workers from all parts of the globe during the
International Council of Women, remains the latest event of public
significance.

* * * * *

The new House of Commons, 1901, includes 267 members who have voted in
former Parliaments on the question of extending the Parliamentary
Franchise to Women; of these 96 are opponents, 171 are supporters. One
has continued to be a consistent opponent from the division on Mr.
John Stuart Mill's amendment to the Reform Bill of 1867. Two have
continued to be consistent supporters from the same division. Of
members whose first time of voting dates from one or other of the
numerous divisions which took place between the Reform Acts of 1867
and 1884, there still remain 20 opponents and 25 supporters. Of the
members who recorded their vote for the first time on the question in
the division on Sir Albert Rollit's Bill of 1892, there remain 24
opponents and 30 supporters. Of those whose first votes date from the
division on Mr. Faithfull Begg's Bill in 1897, there remain 51
opponents and 114 supporters.

Thus the ratio of supporters gradually strengthens, and this
notwithstanding the retirement of twice as many tried friends as of
steady opponents. If to these considerations it is added that amongst
the newly-elected members, for each one who is understood to be an
opponent there are at least three understood to be friendly, it will
be seen that the march of time strengthens the ranks of the Women's
Suffrage cause in the House of Commons.

Amongst the supporters who have retired from Parliamentary life are
three past leaders of the Women's Suffrage Bill, Mr. Leonard Courtney,
Mr. Woodall and Mr. Faithfull Begg. Two past leaders now have seats in
the Cabinet, Lord Selborne and Mr. George Wyndham. The Premier, Lord
Salisbury, has been at all times a true friend; the leader of the
House of Commons, the Right Hon. A. J. Balfour, has voted and spoken
in favor of the question in that body.

Mention has been made of the death of Miss Becker and of Miss Biggs.
Miss Isabella M. S. Tod of Belfast, who passed away on December 8th,
1896, was a bright and leading spirit, in Ireland especially. In
November, 1899, the Edinburgh Committee lost their much-loved Hon.
Secretary, Miss Eliza Wigham, who had held that office for more than
thirty years. In the same month Mr. Jacob Bright, who secured the
Municipal Franchise for women, also passed away.

In Ireland the Local Government Act of 1898 gave fresh impetus to
women's public work, and Mrs. Haslam, the veteran Hon. Secretary of
the Dublin Women's Suffrage Society, for the past twenty-six years,
still encourages the rising workers of today.

The North of England Women's Suffrage Society has just sent a petition
with over 29,000 signatures entirely from women working in Lancashire
cotton factories. The petition, which looked like a garden roller from
its size, was brought up by a deputation of fifteen of the women, and
by them placed in the hands of their Parliamentary friends for
presentation.

In London the branches have amalgamated into one Central
Society--President, Lady Frances Balfour; Chairman, Mrs. Millicent
Garrett Fawcett--and life and effort are apparent in every
direction.[486]

The new century has opened with a heavy shadow of sorrow for the
British people in the death of their much-loved sovereign, Queen
Victoria. Her reign will always be conspicuous as an era of change of
tone in regard to the studies and pursuits of women. The extent to
which that change is due to the presence on the throne of a woman full
of goodness--one for whom Truth was her guide and Duty her rule in
every action of her life--will stand out more clearly perhaps to
future generations. But this we know, that during the Victorian era
the idea of separateness in the interests of men and women has grown
less and less, while co-operation and sympathy have grown more and
more, so that these words of one of the pioneer thinkers on this
subject, Mrs. Jameson, have become a key-note to the suffrage
movement: "Whatsoever things are good, whatsoever things are wise,
whatsoever things are holy, must be accomplished by communion between
brave men and brave women."

LAWS SPECIALLY AFFECTING WOMEN.

Half a century ago married women had no right to their earnings, nor
to dispose of their property; all belonged to the husband unless
settled on the wife and then it was in keeping of trustees. Mothers
had no rights in their children. All professions were closed to women.

_1839._--Custody of Infants Act empowered the Lord Chancellor to leave
custody of her child to the mother, up to the age of seven, in case of
divorce.

_1873._--Custody of Infants Act allowed the mother custody of her
child to the age of sixteen in case of divorce.

_1886._--Guardianship of Infants Act gave the right to a surviving
mother to be joint guardian in addition to any appointed by the
father. The Act also enabled her to appoint a guardian in case of the
father's death or incapacity; it also required the Court to have
regard to the wishes of the mother as well as of the father.

_1870-1874._--Married Women's Property Acts secured to them all rights
to property acquired by their own skill and industry, and to all
investments of their own money in their own names.

_1882._--Married Women's Property Act consolidated and amended the
previous act, enabling married women to acquire, hold and dispose by
will or otherwise of any real or personal property without the
intervention of a trustee.

_1876._--Medical Education Act permitted medical degrees to be
conferred on women.

_1890._--Intestates Act provided that when a man dies intestate
leaving a widow and no children, all his estate if under £500, goes to
the widow, if over £500 she shall have £500 in addition to her share
in the residue.[487]

LAWS RELATING TO LOCAL GOVERNMENT. (SUFFRAGE.)

_1869._--Municipal Corporations Act restored to women rate-payers of
England the vote in Municipal Elections which had been taken away by
the Municipal Corporation Act of 1835.

_1870._--Elementary Education Act created School Boards and placed
women on a complete equality both as electors and as eligible for
election.

_1881-1882._--The Municipal Act for Scotland gave to women the same
Municipal Franchise possessed by those of England since 1869. They
already had the School Franchise.

_1888._--The County Electors Act gave women equal franchises with men
for the election of Councillors for the County Councils created by the
Local Government Act of that year.

_1894._--Local Government Act which reorganised the Parochial Poor-Law
Administration in the Counties, confirmed the rights of women to all
Local Franchises and their eligibility as Poor-Law Guardians; and made
them also eligible as Parish and District Councillors.

_1896._--Poor-Law Guardian Act for Ireland made women for the first
time eligible as Poor-Law Guardian.

_1898._--Irish Local Government Act reorganized the system of Local
Government in Ireland on similar lines to that in England. Women who
had hitherto been excluded from the Municipal Franchise now had all
Local Franchises conferred on them and were made eligible for Rural
and Urban District Councils.

_1899._--London Government Act changed the system of Vestries to that
of Borough Councils throughout the Metropolitan Districts. Women had
been eligible on the old Vestries and several were then serving. Their
claim to sit on the new Borough Councils was, however, rejected.

WOMEN IN PUBLIC WORK.

Half a century ago no offices were held by women beyond such parochial
offices as Sextoness, Overseer and Churchwarden, which they
occasionally filled. Their always-existing right to act as Poor-Law
Guardians seems to have been entirely left in abeyance until the early
'70's, when the attention of public-spirited women was being called to
the need of reformation in the workhouses.

_1870._--MEMBERS OF SCHOOL BOARD: Miss Lydia Becker was the first
woman to be elected to public office by the popular vote. This was at
the first School Board election in Manchester, in November, 1870. She
was re-elected at every subsequent triennial election until her death
in 1890. Several were elected in London and other large towns. Their
number has gone on slowly increasing, both in towns and rural
districts, the women being re-elected again and again whenever they
continued to stand.

_1873._--POOR-LAW INSPECTORS: The first woman was appointed Poor-Law
Inspector in 1873. Then for some years there was no other. Two now
fill that office, appointed in 1885 and 1898 respectively.

_1875._ POOR-LAW GUARDIANS: The first Poor-Law Guardian was elected in
1875. There are now over 1,000 serving as Guardians and District
Councillors in England, a few in Scotland, and about 90 in Ireland.

_1892._--ROYAL COMMISSIONS: Women were appointed as Assistant
Commissioners on the Royal Commission of Labor in 1892, and as Royal
Commissioners to enquire into secondary education in 1895.

_1894._--FACTORY INSPECTORS: The first women Factory Inspectors were
appointed in 1894, and six are now serving.

The Education Department also has a few as Inspectors. Local
authorities in large towns are realizing the value of women as
Sanitary Inspectors, and the number of these increases gradually.

STEPS IN EDUCATION.

Half a century ago there was not one school or college where women
could have any approach to University classes. Now there are over
2,000 women graduates, besides 1,500 who hold certificates from Oxford
and Cambridge in place of the degrees which would have been theirs had
those ancient seats of learning opened their gates to women graduates.
The following table shows the particulars:

Approximate
total number
of graduates
Distribution. Women Admitted. in January,
1900.

London University By a supplemental charter of 1878 1,100
Victoria University By its charter of foundation, 1880 180
Royal University of Ireland 1882 425
The Scottish Universities:
Edinburgh, By an ordinance of the University
Glasgow, Commissioners in 1892 empowering
Aberdeen, the admission of women 226
St. Andrews.
University of Wales By a charter in 1893 incorporating the
Colleges of Aberystwith, Cardiff,
Bangor 27
Durham By an amending charter in 1895 25
Girton College, Cambridge Opened for women 1872 529
Newnham College, " Opened for women 1880 577
Halls for Women in Oxford Opened for women 1879 426

The students of the three Women's Colleges above take the examinations
of Cambridge and Oxford and have instruction in part from their
faculties, but receive only certificates instead of degrees. The other
universities grant them full degrees.

The establishment of an equal standard of knowledge for men and women
has brought about the result that the achievements of women in
literature, science and art, once treated as abnormal and exceptional
are now quite normal and usual; and the liberal learning, once
confined to the very few in favored circumstances, is within the reach
of numbers. As a corollary to this it has been recognized that women's
occupations also deserve systematic training, with the result that
when once the training was given the resourcefulness of women has
enabled them to follow out new lines, and a new independence has
dawned upon them. At the same time the sense of personal
responsibility which comes of independence has made many more women
realize that they have a duty to the community, and therefore has
compelled them to set their thoughts and minds to the performance of
those duties. As a natural consequence the fact is being more and more
realized by the Electorate and by Government Departments that women
can bring useful service to the community.

THE ISLE OF MAN.

[The ancient kingdom of the Isle of Man, with an independent
government since the time of the vikings, and making its own laws
which require only the sanction of the Crown, extended Full Suffrage
to women property owners in December, 1880, and the act received the
assent of Queen Victoria, January 5th, 1881. This was extended to all
women rate-payers in 1892.]

PROGRESS IN THE COLONIES.

NEW ZEALAND.[488]

The first of the Colonies of the British Empire to grant the
Parliamentary Franchise to women was New Zealand, therefore, the story
of Colonial Progress fitly opens with the land of the Maories. The
earliest public mention that this writer has been able to find of the
question was in a speech of Sir Julius Vogel to his constituents in
1876, when he said that he was in favor of extending the franchise to
women--but as far back as 1869 a pamphlet on the subject, entitled An
Appeal to the Men of New Zealand, had been written by Mrs. Mary
Müller, who may be fitly termed the pioneer woman suffragist of that
colony.

In 1878 the Government introduced an Electoral Bill which included the
franchise for rate-paying women; this passed the House of
Representatives but met with much opposition in the Upper House on
points unconnected with women's suffrage, so that it was ultimately
withdrawn.

In 1887 Sir Julius Vogel, Colonial Treasurer, introduced a Bill
giving practically universal suffrage to women. This was supported by
the Premier, Sir Robert Stout, and passed the House of Representatives
May 12, 1887, by 41 ayes, 22 noes. Several Members stated that they
only voted for it in the hope that in Committee it would be limited to
owners of property. An amendment proposed to this effect in Committee
was rejected, but this proved a fatal victory, for when the clause was
put as it stood the "noes" carried the day.

A resolution moved by Sir John Hall in 1890, carried by a majority of
26, was a further note of encouragement.

The work for Women's Suffrage was mainly carried on by the Women's
Christian Temperance Union, and they now put forth increased energy,
so that early in 1891 Mrs. Kate W. Sheppard, Franchise Superintendent,
was able to report that many local unions had appointed franchise
superintendents. With what effect they worked was shown when Sir John
Hall presented in August, 1891, a petition for the suffrage seventy
yards long, which was run out to the furthest end of the House; a row
of Members ranged themselves on either side to inspect the signatures
and found no two alike, as some seemed to expect. On September 4th Sir
John Hall's Bill again passed in the House of Representatives, but was
lost by two votes in the Legislative Council, or Upper House.

In 1892 Sir John Hall presented in behalf of the measure the largest
petition ever seen in the New Zealand Parliament. That year the Hon.
J. Ballance introduced an Electoral Bill on behalf of the Government,
in which the most important new feature was the franchise for women.
It passed the House of Representatives, but a difference on technical
details between the two branches of the Legislature delayed its
passage in the Council.

In 1893 the Electoral Act of New Zealand conferred the Franchise on
every person over twenty-one, although this did not carry the right to
sit in Parliament.

As a General Election was close at hand no time was lost in enrolling
women on the register. The report of the New Zealand W. C. T. U. of
1893 supplies the following figures:

Men. Women.
On the Register 177,701 109,461
Voting at the Poll 124,439 90,290

A lady present in Auckland during the election relates that the
interest taken by the Maori women was very great and that nearly half
the Maori votes registered in Auckland were those of women.

The Hon. H. J. Seddon, Premier of New Zealand, when in England for the
celebration of the Queen's jubilee in 1897, spoke of the measure as a
great success, saying, "It has come to stay." The Bishop of Auckland,
speaking at the Church Congress in England that year, said "it had led
to no harm or inconvenience, but the men of New Zealand were wondering
why they had permitted the women of that Colony to remain so long
without the right to vote in Parliamentary elections."

SOUTH AUSTRALIA.[489]

On July 22d, 1885, Dr. Stirling moved a Resolution in the House of
Assembly in favor of conferring the Franchise for both Houses of the
Legislature, on widows and spinsters who possessed qualifications
(property) which would entitle them to vote for the Legislative
Council. The debate was adjourned on the motion of the
Attorney-General and on August 5th the Resolution carried without a
division or serious opposition.

This favorable start is the more remarkable that there had been no
previous agitation, no society or committee formed, no petitions
presented, no meetings held. It was a matter of enlightened conviction
on the part of the legislators. Dr. Stirling introduced a Bill in
1886, in the same terms as his resolution, and on April 13th it passed
second reading by a majority of two of those voting, but as amendments
to the Constitution must have a majority of the whole House, the Bill
could not be proceeded with. A general election followed soon after,
at which Dr. Stirling did not re-enter Parliament, and Mr. Caldwell
took charge of the Bill, which in November, 1889, again passed second
reading in the House of Assembly, but again by an insufficient
majority.

In the Summer of 1889 a public meeting was held to form a Women's
Suffrage League, which set to work holding meetings and collecting
signatures to petitions under the guidance of its Hon. Secretary, Mrs.
Mary Lee. The efforts of the parliamentary friends were thrice
baffled--in 1890, 1891 and 1893--by the necessity for a majority of
the whole House, which stopped further immediate progress though each
time the Bill had passed second reading. The growth of support was,
however, evidenced by the reply of the Premier to a deputation from
the Women's Suffrage League in November, 1893--that "on the question
of Women's Suffrage the Government were in the position of just
persons who needed no conversion, as they were thoroughly at one in
the matter and were willing to do all they could to place Women's
Suffrage on the Statute Book."

When, in August, 1894, the Government brought their Adult Suffrage
Bill to the Legislative Council the opponents did their utmost to
bring about its defeat by obstructive amendments, but in vain. Finally
they moved that the clause prohibiting women from sitting in
Parliament be struck out, expecting thereby to wreck the Bill, but the
supporters of the measure accepted the amendment and so it was carried
by a combination of opponents and supporters, giving women Full
Suffrage and the right to sit in the Parliament. An address and
testimonial were presented to Mrs. Lee by the Hon. C. C. Kingston, the
Premier, Dr. Cockburn, other Members of Parliament and friends. In
making the presentation the Premier said he did so at request of the
Committee, for her important services in one of the greatest
constitutional reforms in Australian history. Royal assent was given
to the Bill in 1895.

The first election under this Act took place in April, 1896.
Statistics published in the _Australian Register_ of June 10th, give
the following totals:

Men. Women.
On the roll in Adelaide and suburbs 30,051 24,585
On the roll in the country districts 47,701 34,581
Voting in Adelaide and suburbs 19,938 16,253
Voting in country districts 31,634 23,059
Percentage voting in Adelaide and suburbs 66.34 66.11
Percentage voting in the country districts 66.32 66.68

Speaking at the Annual Meeting of the Central Committee of the Women's
Suffrage Society in London, July 15th, 1898, Dr. Cockburn (now Sir
John Cockburn, K. C. M. G.) said: "The refining influence of women has
made itself felt in this sphere as in every other: they have elevated
the whole realm of politics without themselves losing a jot of their
innate purity. 'No poorer they but richer we,' by their addition to
the electoral roll."

WEST AUSTRALIA.[490]

The women of West Australia enjoyed the unprecedented experience of
having organised their Franchise League and gained the Franchise in
one year. The question, however, had been more or less before the
Colony since 1893. In that year Mr. Cookworthy had introduced a
Women's Suffrage Resolution in the House of Assembly which was lost by
only one vote.

After the next General Election, Mr. Cookworthy again introduced his
Resolution in 1897, when it was lost by two votes, one of its
strongest supporters being absent. Although there was at that time no
organisation specially for the Suffrage, the Women's Christian
Temperance Union did much to extend interest, and there was a large
body of support to be found amongst the intelligent women of the
Colony. This led to the formation of a Women's Franchise League for
Western Australia.

This League was formally organized at a public meeting of the Leisure
Hour Club in Perth, May 11th, 1899, Lady Onslow presiding. That autumn
a Resolution similar to the one which had been introduced in the
Legislative Assembly passed the Council, and before the year closed
the Electoral Act was passed of which the important part for women
lies in the interpretation clause, which interprets "Elector" as any
person of either sex whose name is on the Electoral Roll of a province
or district. Royal assent to the Bill was given in 1900. Although
women now can vote for members of the Parliament they can not sit in
that body.

Already the Women's Franchise League of Western Australia is
transformed into the Women's Electoral League.

NEW SOUTH WALES.[491]

The Mother Colony seems likely to be the next to enfranchise women.
The question in that Colony first came prominently forward when Sir
Henry Parkes, the veteran statesman and oft-times Premier, proposed a
clause to give equal voting power to women in his Electoral Bill in
1890. The clause was eventually dropped, but the very fact that it had
been introduced in a Government Bill by a man of such high position as
Sir Henry Parkes gave the question the impetus for which the friends
of the movement were waiting to collect the growing interest into
organized form and combined action.

On May 6th, 1891, the Womanhood Suffrage League of New South Wales was
formed, Lady Windeyer was elected president and an active campaign was
begun. On July 30th Sir Henry Parkes moved a Resolution in the
Legislative Assembly "that in the opinion of this House the franchise
for the election of members of the Legislative Assembly should be
extended to women on the same conditions and subject to the same
qualifications as men." The debate was a very long one, occupying
twelve hours and concluding at 3 a. m., when the motion was lost by 34
ayes, 57 noes. The friends of Women's Suffrage were in no way cast
down by this vote. They believed that in a full House on a fair test
division their friends would have been in a majority, but many who
were anxious for the passing of the Electoral Bill voted against Sir
Henry Parkes' motion lest the inclusion of women should imperil its
chances in the Upper House.

The next debate on the question was on November 18th, 1894, when Mr.
O'Reilly moved a Resolution that "in the opinion of this House the
time has arrived when the franchise should be extended to women." This
was supported by Sir Henry Parkes. The Premier, Sir G. H. Reid,
approved of Women's Suffrage in the abstract but objected that the
present Parliament had received no mandate from the people. Sir George
Dibbs thought the demand a just one. Eventually the motion, with the
words "the time has now arrived" omitted, was carried by a large
majority. No debate has taken place since 1894, as the pressure on the
time of the Legislature has been great with Federal and other matters,
but the question was never in a more hopeful position. The sudden
change of government in 1899 placed a strong friend to the cause at
the head of affairs in the present Premier, Sir William Lyne, and at
the annual meeting of the Suffrage League in August, 1900, Mr. Fegan,
M. P. (Minister for Mines) congratulated the women of New South Wales
on being so near the goal of their desires. The Premier had
definitely said that before the session closed a Bill would be
introduced to give women the suffrage, and he hoped that next year
they would be able to disband their League, its work being finished.
The Bill was introduced in 1901 but was lost by 19 ayes, 22 noes.

On Aug. 14, 1902, the bill conferring the Parliamentary Franchise on
women passed the Council. It had already passed the Assembly and is
now law.

VICTORIA.[492]

In Melbourne an organisation for Women's Suffrage has been in
existence some sixteen years, but it is only within the last five
years that the question has come within the region of practical
politics. The movement suffered from want of concentration of energy.
"At one time the original association, though still in existence, was
rivalled by other societies with the same object, but more or less
tinged with local, class or religious characteristics. This rivalry,
though it tended to the growth of the movement, deprived it of force
and eventually led to divided counsels and consequently to comparative
failure." _The Australian Woman's Sphere_[493] from which the above
words are quoted, goes on to say: "A few years since, largely owing to
the patience and tact of the late Annette Bear Crawford, its first
Hon. Secretary, there was formed the 'United Council for Women's
Suffrage' which aimed at including representatives of all the leagues
that had for their main object, or for one of them, the political
enfranchisement of women."

The formation of this Council has been the sign of a new life in the
question in Melbourne. At the General Election of 1894 a determined
effort was made to secure the return of a majority of members pledged
to vote for the suffrage cause. The Government promised a Bill in the
session of 1895, and on November 26th the Premier, Sir George Turner,
introduced a Women's Suffrage Bill which passed the House of Assembly
without a division, but was lost in the Legislative Council by two
votes.

The Women's Suffrage Bill passed the Legislative Assembly in 1897,
'98, '99, 1900, '01, each time with an increased majority, but each
time its progress has been stopped in the Council.

Nevertheless there are many evidences of increasing vitality in the
movement in Victoria, not the least of these being the rise of an
Anti-Women's Suffrage Crusade. These "New Crusaders" have presented a
petition which purports to be signed by 22,987 "adult women" of
Victoria. But in 1891 before the suffrage was a live subject, before
it had entered the region of practical politics, the women suffragists
in six weeks obtained 30,000 signatures of adult women. The first and
the most natural result of the anti-suffrage movement has been to
bring down enquiries on the United Council from all parts of the
Colony how to help Women's Suffrage.

QUEENSLAND.[494]

The Women's Suffrage question appears to have received its first
awakening in Queensland from the visit of Miss Hannah Chenings, who in
1891 came from Adelaide on a lecturing tour in connection with an
effort to obtain a law for the better protection of young girls. Her
account of the Women's Franchise League in South Australia aroused a
wish for a similar organisation here, and after a period of silent
growth the Women's Suffrage Association was formed in 1894, mainly
through the instrumentality of Mrs. Leontine Cooper and Mrs. Maginie,
who, as Miss Allen, had been a member of the New South Wales Society.

At the first annual meeting of this association, in March, 1895, the
report showed that petitions had been presented with over 11,000
signatures, and that letters expressing themselves as favorable to the
measure had been received from thirty Members of the Legislative
Assembly. In the General Election of 1897 a large number of candidates
declared themselves in favor, but so far the effort to carry a Bill
through the House has met with disappointment, and the Women's
Suffrage Association are bending their efforts towards inducing the
Government to bring in a Bill. Here, as in the other Colonies where
they are still unenfranchised, the women feel deeply the injustice of
their exclusion from the Federal Referendum.

TASMANIA.[495]

As long ago as 1885 a Constitutional Amendment Act passed second
reading in the Tasmanian House of Assembly which provided for the
extension of the Franchise to unmarried women rate-payers, but
notwithstanding the support of the Government the question made no
further advance in Parliament.

In recent years a Bill to enfranchise women on the same terms as men
has passed the House of Assembly on several occasions with increasing
majorities, but the opponents are still too numerous to carry it
through the Upper House. The Women's Christian Temperance Union have
been the most energetic workers in its behalf.

[It will be noticed that in each of these Australian States the
Women's Suffrage Bill repeatedly passed the Assembly, or Lower House,
which is elected by the people, but was defeated in the Council or
Upper House, which is composed entirely of wealthy and aristocratic
members, who can be voted for only by these classes, and some of whom
are appointed by the Government and hold office for life. In 1901 a
Federation of the six States was formed with a National Parliament,
both Houses to be elected by the people. In June, 1902, a bill passed
this Federal Parliament giving women the right to vote for its members
and be elected to this body. About 800,000 women have been thus
enfranchised, the largest victory ever gained for this movement.

In South and West Australia and New South Wales women may vote for
members of the State Parliament. In Victoria, Queensland and Tasmania
they may vote for the Federal but not for the State Parliament, an
anomaly which doubtless will be very soon rectified. It is possible
that before this volume is read all the women of the six Australian
States will possess the full franchise by constitutional right.--Eds.]

In the South African Colonies there has been, as yet, no history to
record. That the question simmers in many thoughtful minds there can
scarcely be a doubt, but the time for organised action does not seem
to have yet arrived.

The other Colonies of Great Britain, with the exception of Canada, are
not self-governing.

DOMINION OF CANADA.

The story of the movement to obtain the Parliamentary Franchise in the
Dominion dates back to 1883. In April of that year the Premier, Sir
John Macdonald, introduced a Bill in the Legislature for amending the
electoral law, including a clause which gave the suffrage to unmarried
women who possessed the necessary qualifications.

Previously, on March 9th, the Toronto Women's Literary and Social
Progress Club had gathered in public for the first time in the City
Council Chamber to consider the Suffrage question. Mrs. McEwan
presided and a paper "treating pithily and with much aptness on the
subject of the Franchise" was read by Miss E. Foulds, who moved a
Resolution "that in the opinion of this Meeting the Parliamentary
Franchise should be extended to women who possess the qualifications
which entitle men to vote." This and a second resolution proposing the
formation of a society to forward such legislation as might be
required were both carried, many ladies and gentlemen speaking in
their support and a large number of those present giving in their
names as members. On April 5th an adjourned meeting was held and the
Canadian Women's Suffrage Association was constituted.

Sir John Macdonald's Bill was presented too late to become a law and
was re-introduced in 1884. It was in this year that members of the
British Suffrage Association visited Canada. Miss Lydia Becker and
Mrs. Lilias Ashworth Hallett were among them, and they and several
other English ladies united in sending an address to Sir John
Macdonald thanking him for the introduction of provisions in his Bill
to enable women to vote and expressing their high appreciation of the
just and generous spirit which had actuated him. Mrs. Hallett had some
conversation with Sir John Hall, who told her the only difficulty they
expected in Canada as regarded passing the Bill was from the French
population. This expectation proved to be well-founded. The Women's
Suffrage Clauses were rejected by 51 ayes, 78 noes, after a debate
extending over thirty-one consecutive hours.

It was ten years before any further effort was made to secure the
Parliamentary Franchise. In 1894 a petition for this, in behalf of the
Women's Christian Temperance Union, supplemented by memorials from the
Provinces, was presented by Sir James Grant to the House of Commons,
and by the Hon. Mr. Scott to the Senate, but no resolution was
offered. A Bill introduced by Mr. Dickey, dealing with the electoral
franchise, contained a clause asking suffrage for widows and
spinsters, but the Bill was read only once. Mr. Davis, unsolicited,
brought in a resolution for Women's Franchise on the same terms as
men. Forty members voted for it, one hundred and five against it.

A petition for the Parliamentary Franchise for women, very largely
signed by Federal voters throughout the Dominion, was presented to the
House of Commons and the Senate in 1896. This was the last effort in
the Parliament, and as a change has since been made in the Electoral
Act, making the voters' list for the Dominion coincide with the
Provincial lists, the battle will therefore have to be fought out in
each separate Province.

THE PRESENT POLITICAL CONDITION.[496]

Women in Canada have no vote for any law maker, either Federal or
Provincial. Their franchise is confined to municipalities, which can
only make by-laws that relate to the execution of existing laws. But
although women have no direct vote, they have, by much labor and
united effort, effected some important changes in the criminal code
and civil laws, as well as in the political position of women in the
municipalities. The societies which have accomplished the most, if not
all, of these changes are the Women's Christian Temperance Union, the
Women's Enfranchisement Association and the National Council of Women.

In the Province of Ontario, in 1884, widows and spinsters were given
the Municipal Franchise on the same terms as men. All women, married
or single, if owners of property, may vote on money by-laws where such
are submitted to the electors. Any woman on the assessment roll may
vote for School Trustees and is eligible for this office. In 1892 it
was enacted that women might study law and qualify for the Bar. In
1893 a Bill to give Municipal Suffrage to married women and one to
grant the Provincial Suffrage to all women were defeated by 16 ayes,
53 noes.

In the Province of New Brunswick the Legislature in 1886 gave,
unsolicited, to widows and spinsters the right to vote on the same
terms as men at Municipal elections. In 1893 an Act was passed
permitting the appointment of a woman as School Trustee. This was
amended in 1896 making it compulsory that two on each Board shall be
women.

In the Province of Nova Scotia the Municipal Franchise was granted to
widows and spinsters in 1887. A Bill for the Provincial Franchise was
defeated in 1893; and again in 1894 by one vote. An Act of 1895
permits all women, if rate-payers, to vote on School matters. A
married woman having property in her own right, provided that her
husband is disqualified, may vote in Municipal elections under the
Married Woman's Property Act, since 1891. In the city of Halifax
widows and spinsters who are rate-payers may vote on Municipal
questions. In 1894 a Bill giving women a more extended suffrage was
lost by seven votes; in 1895 by four votes; in 1899 a Bill for the
full Provincial Franchise was lost by twenty-seven votes.

In the Province of Prince Edward Island, in 1888, the Municipal
Suffrage was granted to widows and spinsters owning property. An Act
of 1899 made women eligible to appointment on School Boards.

In the Province of British Columbia, in 1888, the Municipal Franchise
was conferred on widows and spinsters owning property. An Act of 1891
allows the wife of any householder or freeholder to vote on School
matters but not to hold office; in 1897 the Act was amended making
them eligible as School Trustees. This same year all women rate-payers
were given the Municipal Franchise. Only owners of property may vote
on by-laws for raising money upon the credit of the municipality.

In the Province of Manitoba, in 1891, the Municipal Franchise was
extended to women. Any qualified woman rate-payer can vote on School
questions and is eligible for School offices. Women property owners
may vote on all submitted by-laws. In 1892 a measure to give women the
full Provincial Suffrage was defeated by 28 ayes, 11 noes.

In the Province of Quebec, in 1892, the Municipal and School Franchise
was conferred on widows and spinsters on the same terms as on men. The
law relating to the right of women to sit on the School Board was
ambiguous, so a petition was presented that they be declared eligible.
The response to this was an amendment excluding women. In Montreal,
under the old charter, only widows and spinsters who owned property
had the Municipal Franchise; in 1899 this was amended, adding tenancy
with residence as a qualification. In 1898 a Bill granting them the
Provincial Suffrage was lost on division.

In the Northwest Territories, in 1894, the Municipal Franchise was
granted to widows and spinsters. In School matters every woman
rate-payer can vote and is eligible to School offices.[497]

FOOTNOTES:

[483] The women of Great Britain and Ireland possess every franchise
except that for members of Parliament. Local suffrage is restricted to
spinsters and widows, but the important vote for Parish and District
Councils, created by the Local Government Act of 1894, is possessed by
married women "provided husband and wife shall not both be qualified
in respect to the same piece of property." It may be stated in general
terms that all electors must be rate-payers, although there are some
exceptions applying to a small percentage of persons. [Eds.

[484] These were classified in groups: (1) The general list (2) Wives
of clergymen and church dignitaries. This list was headed by Mrs.
Benson and Mrs. Thomson, the wives of the Archbishops of Canterbury
and York. (3) Officials, including ladies who are Poor Law Guardians
and members of School Boards. (4) Education, including the names of
such leaders in the movement for the higher education of women as Mrs.
Wm. Grey, Miss Emily Davies, Mrs. Henry Sidgwick--the Mistress of
Girton, the Principal of Newnham College, upwards of sixty university
lecturers and teachers and head mistresses of High Schools, upwards of
eighty university graduates and certificated students, and there were
omitted for want of space the names of over 200 other women engaged in
the teaching profession. (5) Registered medical practitioners, headed
by Mrs. Garrett Anderson, M. D.; Miss Elizabeth Blackwell, M. D., and
Mrs. Scharlieb, M. D., together with a number of ladies engaged in the
department of nursing. (6) Social and philanthropic workers. (7)
Literature, including Miss Anna Swanwick, Mrs. Anne Thackeray Ritchie,
Miss S. D. Collet, Miss Olive Schreiner, Mrs. Emily Crawford, Miss
Amelia B. Edwards. (7) Art and music. (8) Landowners, women engaged in
business and working women, the latter class represented by the
secretaries of nine women trades' societies, and over 180 individual
signatures of women artisans.

[485] The text of the Bill was as follows:

(1) This Act may be cited as the Parliamentary Franchise (Extension to
Women) Act, 1897.

(2) On and after the passing of this Act every woman who is the
inhabitant occupier, as owner or tenant, of any dwelling-house,
tenement or building within the borough or county where such
occupation exists, shall be entitled to be registered as a voter in
the list of voters for such borough or county in which she is so
qualified as aforesaid, and, when registered, to vote for a member or
members to serve in Parliament.

Provided always that such woman is not subject to any legal incapacity
which would disqualify a male voter.

[486] The first petition for woman suffrage presented to Parliament,
in 1867, was signed by only 1,499 women. The petition of 1873 was
signed by 11,000 women. The petition presented to the members of the
last Parliament was signed by 257,796 women. [Eds.

[487] No reference has been made in the above table to the various
Factory Acts which impose restrictions on women's labour--these belong
to a different department--but whether their interference with the
labor of women be for good or for evil, that interference is an
additional argument for allowing them a voice in the election of
representatives.

[488] In 1877 New Zealand granted School Suffrage to women, and in
1886 Municipal Suffrage.

[489] In 1880 South Australia granted Municipal Suffrage to women.

[490] In 1871 West Australia granted Municipal Suffrage to women.

[491] In 1867 New South Wales granted Municipal Suffrage to women.

[492] In 1869 Victoria granted Municipal Suffrage to women.

[493] The first number of _The Australian Woman's Sphere_ was
published in Melbourne, September 1, 1900. It is edited by Miss Vida
Goldstein and appears monthly.

[494] In 1886 Queensland granted Municipal Suffrage to Women.

[495] Tasmania granted Municipal Suffrage to women in 1884.

[496] This portion of the report is condensed by the editors of the
History from a chapter written by Mrs. Henrietta Muir Edwards for "The
Women of Canada, Their Life and Work," a handbook prepared by the
National Council of Women, at the request of the Canadian Government,
for the Paris Exposition of 1900.

[497] In the city of Vancouver any single woman, widow or spinster,
may vote for municipal officers, and all women possessing the other
necessary qualifications of male voters may vote for all municipal
officers and upon all municipal questions. Married women may vote in
the election of School Trustees. It has recently been decided that a
man possessing no property of his own, and not being a householder in
his own right, may be allowed to vote in municipal matters if his wife
be a property owner or a householder. [Eds.

CHAPTER LXXIV.

WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN OTHER COUNTRIES.

In most of the countries of the world women possess some form of
suffrage, but for many reasons it is almost impossible to define
exactly in what it consists. Like suffrage for men it is largely based
on property, and in most cases can be used only through a proxy.
Generally the woman loses the franchise by marriage and the husband
may vote by right of the wife's property. In Belgium, Luxemburg, Italy
and Roumania the husband votes at local elections by right of the
taxes paid by the wife, and in case of a widow this right belongs to
the eldest son, grandson or great grandson, or if there is none, then
to the son-in-law. The Italian electoral law of 1870 gave a widow the
right to vote by proxy in Parliamentary elections. All the Italian
universities are open to women.

The constitution of Germany says "every German" above twenty-five
years of age shall have the Parliamentary Franchise, but no woman ever
has been permitted to vote under it. There are, besides, twenty-five
constitutions for the different States which form the Empire. By the
wording of some of them, women landed proprietors undoubtedly are
entitled to take part in elections. The Prussian code declares that
the rights of the two sexes are equal, if no special laws fix an
exception, and it gives the Parliamentary Franchise to _every one_ who
possesses the county or burgess suffrage. The by-laws which prescribe
the qualifications for the latter in some instances exclude women and
in others declare that women land holders may act as electors, but
only "through a proctor" (proxy). Teachers undoubtedly, as State
officials, are entitled to take part in local government. Some of the
provinces allow women taxpayers to vote by proxy in the rural
districts. Neither the Government nor public sentiment, however, looks
with favor upon women electors. It is only in recent years that a few
of the most advanced have begun to agitate the question in this
country, which holds a most conservative attitude towards women. They
have recently been admitted to a few of the universities.

In most of the Prussian towns the property qualifications of the wife
are accounted to the husband in order that he may take part in
municipal elections. In Saxony women proprietors of landed estates,
whether married or single, are entitled to a municipal vote but this
can be exercised only by proxy, and for this purpose one of their male
relatives must be invested with their property. In Saxony, Baden,
Wurtemburg, Hesse, the Thuringian States and perhaps a few more, women
are permitted to attend public political meetings and be members of
political societies, but in all other German States they are excluded
from both. They are thus prohibited from forming organizations to
secure the franchise. In Westphalia since 1856, and Schleswig-Holstein
since 1867, all qualified women have some form of suffrage by male
proxy.

In the Austro-Hungarian Empire, since 1862, women with property have a
proxy vote in municipal and provincial elections and for members of
the Lower House of the Parliament, but there are many restrictions to
this law. In Bohemia, since 1873, women who are large landed
proprietors have a proxy vote for members of the Imperial Parliament
and the local Diet.

In Russia among the peasant class the representative of the household
votes. The wife, if owner of the necessary amount of property, may
select her husband as proxy, but he may also delegate his vote to the
wife, and it is a common thing to see her take his place at elections
and at village and country meetings of all kinds. In the cities and
territorial assemblies, women, married or unmarried, possessing
sufficient property, may vote by male proxy for members of the
municipal and county assemblies. Property-owning women of the nobility
may vote by proxy in the assemblies of the nobility. Part of the
universities are open to them. There are 650 women physicians in
Russia.

So far as can be learned women are not eligible to office in the
above-mentioned countries with a very few exceptions.

In Finland, since 1865, widows and spinsters may vote at rural
elections; since 1873 those who are rate-payers may vote at municipal
elections. Since 1889 women are eligible as Guardians of the Poor. In
1900 they were made eligible to all municipal offices. An influential
Finnish Woman's Association with twenty branches is agitating for
suffrage on the same terms as men.

In Holland there is no form of woman suffrage and the constitution of
1887 expressly prohibits it.

Women in Denmark have no franchise, but Premier Duentzer has announced
that the first reform movement of the new Cabinet (1901) will be the
extension of Municipal Suffrage to women.

In 1893, through the efforts of the Socialists, universal suffrage was
granted to men in Belgium. While this gives to every man a vote, it
permits to the married man, if he pays a small tax, two votes as the
head of a family; if he pays tax on what would be about $2,000, or has
a university degree, he is allowed three votes. The vast majority of
those owning property or possessing university degrees belong to the
established (Catholic) Church, and the Socialists soon found
themselves out-voted by a minority. They then instituted a new
movement demanding "one man, one vote," and the Government, which is
Catholic, said: "If you compel this we will enfranchise women,"
believing that this would strengthen its power. At this writing the
contest is going on and becoming more violent.

Switzerland, whose pride is its absolutely republican form of
government, allows no woman a vote on any question or for the election
of any officer. They are admitted to the universities.

In France, in 1898, unmarried women engaged in commerce (including
market women, etc.) were given a vote for Judges of the Tribunals of
Commerce. A Woman Suffrage Society has just been formed in Paris which
is attracting considerable attention. Women are admitted to the
highest institutions of learning.

The laws in all the countries thus far mentioned are most unjust to
women and especially to wives.

Women in Sweden have voted in church matters since 1736. It was
provided in 1862 that women who are rate-payers may vote directly or
by proxy, as they choose, for all officers except for members of the
Parliament. Indirectly they have a voice in the election of the First
Chamber or House of Lords, as they vote for the County Council which
elects this body. They have School and Municipal Suffrage and that for
Provincial representatives. The laws are very liberal to women. All
of the educational institutions, the professions, occupations and many
of the offices are open to them. They are members of the Boards of
Education, Municipal Relief Committees and Parochial Boards. About six
hundred have received university degrees.

In Norway, since 1889, in towns women with children may vote for
school inspectors and be eligible to the school boards. In rural
communes they are eligible as inspectors, and women who pay a school
tax may vote on all school questions and officers, while those who pay
no tax but have children may vote on all questions not involving
expenditures. In 1884 a Woman Suffrage Association was formed under
the leadership of Miss Gina Krog for the purpose of securing the
Municipal Franchise. In 1890 a bill for this purpose received 44 out
of 114 votes in the Parliament. It was then made an issue by the
Liberal party. In 1895 a vote on Local Option was granted to women. In
1898 the Radical party secured universal suffrage for men without
property restrictions. They then came to the assistance of women and
were joined by a large number of Conservatives. In 1901 Municipal
Suffrage was granted to all women who pay taxes on an income of 300
crowns ($71) in country districts and 400 in cities. If husband and
wife together pay taxes on this amount both may vote. About 200,000
women thus became electors. Women are found in many offices, in most
occupations and professions, and are admitted to all educational
institutions.

Iceland, since 1882, grants Municipal Suffrage to tax-paying widows
and spinsters; since 1886 all women have had a parish suffrage, which
enables them to vote in the selection of the clergy, who have a
prominent part in public affairs.

At the Cape of Good Hope women have a limited vote. In the tiny Island
of Pitcairn, in the Southern Pacific, they have the same suffrage as
men. This is doubtless true of many isolated localities whose records
are little known. Among primitive peoples the government is generally
in the hands of the most competent without regard to sex, and some of
these are still under the reign of the Matriarchate, or the rule of
mothers, to whom belong the property and the children. The early
Spanish inhabitants of the North American continent placed much
authority in the hands of women, and the same is true of the Indian
tribes.

CHAPTER LXXV.

NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS OF WOMEN.

The most conspicuous and significant movement which challenges
attention at the beginning of the new century is that toward
organization, and the three great combinations which stand out most
prominently in interest and importance are the organization of
capital, the organization of labor and the organization of women. We
scarcely can go back so far in history as not to find men banded
together to protect their mutual interests, but associations of women
are of very modern date. The oldest on record was formed in
Philadelphia, in the closing days of the eighteenth century--Female
Society for the Relief and Employment of the Poor--which in 1798
established a house of industry in Arch St., known as the Home for
Spinners. The society is still in active existence and gives
employment to a large number of women. Church Missionary Societies of
Women had their origin early in the century, but as mere annexes to
those officered and managed by men. The first association to approach
national prominence was the Female Anti-Slavery Society, founded in
Boston in 1833, which almost cost the reputation of every one who
joined it, so strong was the prejudice against any public action on
the part of women. The American Female Guardian Society and Home for
the Friendless was established in New York in 1834, and still exists,
having cared for 50,000 children. Later in this decade Female Bible
Societies came into being to supply Bibles to penal and charitable
institutions and to put them in various public places.

[Illustration: MRS. IDA HUSTED HARPER.

Author of Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony, and Joint Editor with her
of The History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. IV.]

From 1840 to 1850 the old Washingtonian Societies, composed entirely
of men, were gradually replaced by the Sons of Temperance, and as they
also were decidedly averse to receiving women into their organization,
and as the latter were deeply interested in the subject, a few of them
timidly formed the Daughters of Temperance, in the face of extreme
opposition on the part of both sexes. In the decade following
commenced the agitation of the question of Woman Suffrage, and soon
conventions in its interest began to be of frequent occurrence, to the
joy of the newspapers, most of which treated them with ridicule and
denunciation.

The decade ushered in by 1860 brought the long Civil War, during
which, in the Sanitary Commission, the Woman's Loyal League, the
Freedmen's Bureau and other associations, women displayed an
unsuspected power of organization, and at its close their status in
many ways was completely changed and greatly advanced.

In 1868 the country was electrified by the advent of Sorosis in New
York City and the New England Woman's Club in Boston. These were the
first societies formed by women purely for their own recreation and
improvement--all others had been for the purpose of reforming the weak
and sinful or assisting the needy and unfortunate--and they met with a
storm of derision and protest from all parts of the country, which
their founders courageously ignored. The last quarter of a century has
witnessed so many organizations of women that it would be practically
impossible to record even their names. Every village which is big
enough for a church contains also a woman's club, and they exist in
many country neighborhoods. In the larger cities single societies have
from 500 to 1,000 members, and in a number handsome club houses have
been built and furnished, some of them costing from $50,000 to
$80,000.

From 1850 the annual conventions in the interest of Woman's Rights
were called under the auspices of a Central Committee, but in 1869 the
National and American Woman Suffrage Associations were formed. Five
years later the Woman's Christian Temperance Union sprang into
existence. There are now more than one hundred associations of women
in the United States which are national in their form and aims, and a
number have become international through their alliance with those of
other countries. In 1888, in Washington City, the National Council of
Women, a heroic undertaking, was founded to gather these vast and
diverse organizations into one great body. By 1900 sixteen had become
thus affiliated, representing a membership of about 1,125,000 women.

An International Council also was organized in 1888 to be composed of
similar National Councils in various countries and to meet in a
Congress every five years. At the close of the century fourteen
National Councils had affiliated with the International, representing
a membership of 6,000,000. This is not only immeasurably larger than
any other association of women but is exceeded in size by very few
organizations of men, and its two great Congresses--during the
Columbian Exposition at Chicago in 1893, and at London in 1899--were
occasions of world-wide interest and value.

Each of the more than one hundred national associations of women in
the United States holds its annual, biennial or triennial convention
in some one of the large cities, which is attended by delegates from
all parts of the country. The sessions are presided over by a woman,
discussions are carried on with due attention to parliamentary usage,
a large amount of business is transacted with system and accuracy, and
in every respect these meetings compare favorably with those conducted
by men after centuries of experience. They are treated with the
greatest respect by the newspapers which vie with each other in
publishing pictures of the delegates, their addresses and extended and
complimentary reports of the proceedings. The character of these
national organizations, the scope of their objects and the extent of
their achievements can in no way be so strikingly illustrated as by
giving a list of the most important.[498]

THE INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF WOMEN was organized March 31, 1888, in
Washington, D. C., "to unite the women of all the countries in the
world for the promotion of co-operative internationalism through the
abatement of that prejudice which springs from ignorance and which
can be corrected only by that knowledge which results from personal
acquaintance.

"In the first place its influence has united different organizations
of the same country hitherto indifferent or inimical to each other;
and in the second it has commenced the work of uniting the women of
different nations and abating race prejudice. It has promoted the
movement of peace and arbitration, and through its international
committees it is forming a central bureau of information in regard to
women's contribution to the work of the world."

It is composed at present of fourteen National Councils of as many
different countries representing an individual membership of about
6,000,000 women. Its president is Mrs. May Wright Sewall, who was one
of its founders.

THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF WOMEN was organized in Washington, D. C.,
March 31, 1888. Its constitution is introduced by the following
preamble:

"We, women of the United States, sincerely believing that the best
good of our homes and nation will be advanced by our own greater unity
of thought, sympathy and purpose, and that an organized movement of
women will best conserve the highest good of the family and the State,
do hereby band ourselves together in a confederation of workers
committed to the overthrow of all forms of ignorance and injustice,
and to the application of the Golden Rule to society, custom and law.
This Council is organized in the interest of no one propaganda, and
has no power over its auxiliaries beyond that of suggestion and
sympathy; therefore, no society voting to become auxiliary shall
thereby render itself liable to be interfered with in respect to its
complete organic unity, independence or methods of work, or be
committed to any principle or method of any other society or to any
utterance or act of the Council itself, beyond compliance with the
terms of this constitution."

The scope of the Council's work is indicated by the heads of its
departments: Home Life, Educational Interests, Church and Missionary
Work, Temperance, Art, Moral Reform, Political Conditions,
Philanthropy, Social Economics, Foreign Relations, Press,
Organization; and by its standing committees: Citizenship, Domestic
Science, Equal Pay for Equal Work, Dress Reform, Social Purity,
Domestic Relations under the Law, Press, Care of Dependent and
Delinquent Children, Peace and Universal Arbitration.

Each of these departments and committees works along its special lines
and at the annual executive meetings and the triennial Councils the
reports of their work are discussed, their recommendations considered
and every possible assistance rendered. The general public is invited
to the evening sessions and valuable addresses are made by specialists
on the above and other important subjects.

The Council is composed of sixteen national organizations, one State
Council, six local councils--representing a membership of about
1,125,000 women.

THE NATIONAL WOMAN'S CHRISTIAN TEMPERANCE UNION was organized in
Cleveland, Ohio, Nov. 18-20, 1874, to carry the precepts of the
following pledge into the practice of everyday life: "I hereby
solemnly promise, God helping me, to abstain from all distilled,
fermented and malt liquors, including wine, beer and cider, and to
employ all proper means to discourage the use of and traffic in the
same."

Its object was further stated as follows: "To confirm and enforce the
rationale of this pledge, we declare our purpose to educate the young;
to form a better public sentiment; to reform, so far as possible, by
religious, ethical and scientific means, the drinking classes; to seek
the transforming power of divine grace for ourselves and all for whom
we work, that they and we may wilfully transcend no law of pure and
wholesome living; and finally we pledge ourselves to labor and to pray
that all these principles, founded upon the Gospel of Christ, may be
worked out into the Customs of Society and the Laws of the Land."

The W. C. T. U. is held to be the most perfectly organized body of
women in existence. It originated the idea of Scientific Temperance
Instruction in the public schools and has secured mandatory laws in
every State and a federal law governing the District of Columbia, the
Territories and all Indian and military schools supported by the
Government; 16,000,000 children in the public schools receive
instruction under these laws as to the nature and effect of alcohol
and other narcotics on the human system. Through its efforts the
quarterly temperance lesson was included in the International Sunday
School Lesson Series in 1884, and a World's Universal Temperance
Sunday was secured; 250,000 children are taught scientific reasons for
temperance in the Loyal Temperance Legions, and all these children are
pledged to total abstinence and trained as temperance workers. W. C.
T. U. Schools of Methods are held in all Chautauqua gatherings.

This organization has largely influenced the change in public
sentiment in regard to social drinking, equal suffrage, equal purity
for both sexes, equal remuneration for work equally well done, equal
educational, professional and industrial opportunities for women. It
has been a chief factor in State campaigns for statutory prohibition,
constitutional amendment, reform laws in general and those for the
protection of women and children in particular, and in securing
anti-gambling and anti-cigarette laws. It has been instrumental in
raising the "age of protection" for girls in many States and in
obtaining curfew laws in 400 towns and cities. It aided in securing
the Anti-Canteen Amendment to the Army Bill (1900) which prohibits the
sale of intoxicating liquors at all army posts. It helped to
inaugurate police matrons who are now required in nearly all the large
cities of the United States. It organized Mothers' Meetings in
thirty-seven States before any other society took up the work.
Illinois alone has held 2,000 Mothers' Meetings in a single year.

It keeps a superintendent of legislation in Washington during the
entire session of Congress to look after reform bills. It aided in
preventing the repeal of the prohibitory law in Indian Territory, the
resubmission of the prohibitory constitution of Maine, and in
preserving the prohibitory law of Vermont. It has secured 20,000,000
signatures and attestations, including 7,000,000 on the Polyglot
Petition to the governments of the world. Thousands of girls have been
rescued from lives of shame and tens of thousands of men have signed
the total abstinence pledge and been redeemed from inebriety through
its efforts.

The association protests against the legalizing of all crimes,
especially those of prostitution and liquor selling. It protests
against the sale of liquor in Soldiers' Homes, where now an aggregate
of $253,027 is spent annually for intoxicating liquors, and only about
one-fifth of the soldiers' pension money is sent home to their
families. It protests against the United States Government receiving a
revenue for liquors sold within prohibitory territory, either local or
State, and against all complicity of the Federal Government with the
liquor traffic. It protests against lynching and lends its aid in
favor of the enforcement of law. It works for the highest well-being
of our soldiers and sailors and especially for suitable temperance
canteens and a generous mess. It works for the protection of the home,
especially against its chief enemy, the liquor traffic, and for the
redemption of our Government from this curse, by the prohibition of
the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors for beverage
purposes.

The organizing of this great society in the various States and
Territories, and the systematizing of the work under forty different
departments, is due to the efforts of Miss Frances E. Willard more
than to any other one person, and its success is indebted largely to
her ability and personal popularity. As its president until her death
in 1898, she not only perfected the organization in this country, but
originated the idea of the Polyglot Petition and of the World's W. C.
T. U., which was organized under the auspices of that of the United
States. It now includes fifty-eight different countries and has
500,000 members.

The official organ, _The Union Signal_, a weekly of sixteen pages, is
issued by the Woman's Temperance Publishing Association of Chicago,
which publishes also _The Young Crusader_ and many books and leaflets.
The National W. C. T. U. gives away 5,000,000 pages of literature per
year, exclusive of that circulated by the States and different
departments. It has received and expended since its organization in
round numbers $400,000. This does not include the large expenditures
of the various State and local unions.

Every State and Territory in the United States, including Alaska and
Hawaii, has a W. C. T. U., and one is beginning in the Philippines.
These are auxiliary to the National. It is organized locally in over
10,000 cities and towns. The Young Woman's Christian Temperance Union
is called a branch, also the Loyal Temperance Legions among children.
There are thirty-eight other departments, and it is usual to include
the two branches and speak of forty departments. The membership paying
dues is 300,000. There was a gain of 15,000 members this year above
all losses.

The Frances E. Willard National Temperance Hospital and Training
School for Nurses, in Chicago, is owned and controlled by an
incorporated board of thirty trustees. Its basic principle is the cure
of disease without the use of alcohol as an active medicinal agent.
Eminent physicians are on the staff and every effort is made to have
it rank with the very best of hospitals.

At the national convention in Washington, D. C., in 1900, fifty States
and Territories were represented by 509 delegates. Mrs. Lillian M. N.
Stevens succeeded Miss Willard as president.

THE AMERICAN NATIONAL RED CROSS SOCIETY was organized March 1, 1882,
with headquarters at Washington, D. C. Its object is the relief of
suffering by war, pestilence, famine, flood, fires, and other
calamities of sufficient magnitude to be deemed national in extent. It
is governed by the provisions of the International Convention of Aug.
22, 1864, at Geneva, Switzerland.

Up to the present time relief has been given on fields as follows:
Michigan forest fires, 1881, material and money, $80,000; Mississippi
floods, 1882, money and seeds, $8,000; Mississippi floods, 1883,
material and seeds, $18,500; Mississippi cyclone, 1883, money, $1,000;
Balkan war, 1883, money, $500; Ohio and Mississippi river floods,
1884, food, clothing, tools, housefurnishings and feed for stock,
$175,000; Texas famine, 1885, appropriations and contributions,
$120,000; Charleston, S. C., earthquake, 1886, money, $500; Mt.
Vernon, Ill., cyclone, 1888, money and supplies, $85,000; Florida
yellow fever epidemic, 1888, physicians and nurses, $15,000;
Johnstown, Pa., flood disaster, 1889, money and all kinds of building
material, furniture, etc., $250,000; Russian famine, 1891-2, food,
$125,000; Pomeroy, Ia., cyclone, 1893, money and nurses, $2,700; South
Carolina Islands hurricane and tidal wave disaster, money and all
kinds of supplies, material, tools, seeds, lumber, $65,000;
reconcentrado relief in Cuba, 1898-9, $500,000; American-Spanish War,
1898-9, $450,000; Galveston flood and hurricane, 1900, $120,000;
total, $2,016,200.

Miss Clara Barton was its principal founder and has been its president
continuously.

THE ASSOCIATION OF COLLEGIATE ALUMNAE was organized January 14, 1882;
incorporated by special act of the Massachusetts Legislature, April
20, 1899, to unite the alumnae of different institutions for practical
educational work.

From 1890 to 1901 the association gave fourteen $500 European
fellowships (sharing two others) and ten $300 American fellowships.
Among those holding the fellowships was the first woman admitted to
the laboratory of the United States Fish Commission, the first woman
to receive the Ph. D. degree from Yale, the first woman admitted to
Göttingen University, the first woman permitted to work in the
biological laboratory at Strasburg University, the first American
woman to receive the degree of Ph. D. from any German university, and
the first American woman to receive a Ph. D. from Göttingen and
Heidelberg Universities.

The character of the work accomplished by those holding fellowships
made it possible for the association to establish, three years ago, a
Council to Accredit Women for Advanced Work in Foreign Universities.
Any woman applicant, college graduate or otherwise, found qualified in
work, character and serious purpose, receives a certificate properly
signed and attested which will secure for her, if possible to any
woman, the courtesy and privileges desired at a foreign university.

The organization contributes to the support of the Association for
Maintaining the American Woman's Table at the Zoological Station at
Naples and to that for Promoting Scientific Research by Women. The
latter pays $500 annually for the support of the Woman's Table, and to
promote research has just offered a prize of $1,000, which offer, it
is expected, will be renewed biennially.

The A. C. A. Committee on Corporate Membership maintains a high
standard of colleges whose graduates are admitted to this
organization, which has done much in a quiet way to raise the
standards of department work, equipment and endowment of American
colleges admitting women.

For the past three years the association has published a magazine
containing the addresses and reports given at its annual meetings.
Among its other publications are statistics relative to the Health of
College Women (1885); a Bibliography of the Higher Education of Women
(1897); a full descriptive list of the fellowships for graduate study
open to women in this country, together with a list of the
undergraduate scholarships offered to women in the nineteen colleges
belonging to the A. C. A. (1899). It will soon issue studies of the
growth and development of colleges, a supplement to the Bibliography
of the Higher Education of Women, a study of the child from the point
of view of parents and teachers, and a comprehensive statistical
investigation into the health, occupations and marriage-rate of
college and non-college women.

The work of the national association is carried on largely by standing
committees which are under the leadership of the women most notable in
education--college presidents, deans and professors. Meanwhile, the
president, six vice-presidents and presidents of the various branches,
acting through a salaried secretary-treasurer, give coherency and
support to the development of its various objects. In addition, each
branch has committees which deal with local issues, such as public
school work of all kinds, home economics, development of children,
civil service reform, college settlements, etc. The investigation of
the sanitary conditions of the Boston public schools, 1895-1896,
started the wave of schoolhouse cleaning which has swept across the
country and which has not stopped at schoolhouses but has included
school boards and systems of school administration. The Chicago branch
has just issued a summary of laws relating to compulsory education and
child-labor in the United States, which shows the inadequacy of the
first (except in three States) and the lack of correlation between the
two which makes for lawlessness and crime. It is hoped that this
summary will serve as a basis for agitation which shall not cease
until compulsory education becomes a fact and not a theory.

The association has twenty-five branches and 3,000 members.

THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF WOMEN was organized in New York
in October, 1873, at the very beginning of the club movement, to
interest the women of the country in matters of high thought and in
all undertakings found to be useful to society, and to promote their
efficiency in these through sympathetic acquaintance and co-operation.
It had a number of distinguished presidents and held congresses in
many States, which almost invariably led to the formation of local
clubs for study and mutual improvement, as well as to good works in
other lines. Among the cities in which a congress was held were New
York, Syracuse, Buffalo, Cleveland, Detroit, Chicago, Des Moines,
Denver, Madison, St. Paul, Toronto, Baltimore, Memphis, Knoxville,
Louisville, Atlanta and New Orleans. Many distinguished women were
included in its membership and it had a strong influence in rendering
possible the extensive formation of the women's clubs which are now so
important a feature in American society. Its work is partly chronicled
in two large volumes which give the papers presented and action taken
at the meetings. The many great organizations of women in recent years
have made further work on the part of the association unnecessary.

THE GENERAL FEDERATION OF WOMEN'S CLUBS was organized March 20, 1890,
to bring into communication the various women's clubs in order that
they may compare methods and become mutually helpful. The work is
accomplished through three committees--Art, Education and Industries.
Those on Art have used their influence toward its study and its
application to the home, and also for the quickening of enthusiasm in
horticulture and gardening, from which has developed the beautifying
of public squares and school yards. In Education some of the most
important results are the establishment of hundreds of traveling
libraries, assistance in organizing and fostering kindergartens,
encouragement of manual training in the public schools, and the
formation of Mothers' Clubs for the study of child culture. The
federation has worked with other organizations for the appointment of
women on school boards and legislation for broader educational
advantages for women. In fact, its work has ranged from kindergarten
to university.

The Industrial Committee studies conditions surrounding wage-earning
women and children and encourages co-operation between the woman of
leisure and the one who is self-supporting, and the organization of
laboring women in unions and clubs. One principal object is to
eliminate the child from the factory and then to educate it. The Civic
work has ranged from Health Protective Associations in cities to
Village Improvement Societies.

There are thirty-six State Federations, eleven foreign clubs and
nearly 700 individual clubs belonging to the federation, representing
over 200,000 members (1900).

THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF COLORED WOMEN was organized July, 1896, to
arouse all women, especially colored women, to a sense of their
responsibility, both in molding the life of the home and in shaping
the principles of the nation; to secure the co-operation of all women
in whatever is undertaken in the interest of justice, purity and
liberty; to inspire in all women, but especially in colored women, a
desire to be useful in whatever field of labor they can work to the
best advantage.

Kindergartens and day nurseries for the infants of working women have
been established; mothers' meetings have been generally held and
sewing classes formed; a sanitarium with a training school for nurses
has been founded in New Orleans; ground purchased on which an Old
Folks' Home is to be built in Memphis, and charity dispensed in
various ways. Women on plantations in the "black belt" of Alabama have
been taught how to make their huts decent and habitable with the small
means at their command, and how to care for themselves and their
families in accordance with the rules of health. Schools of Domestic
Science are conducted, and a large branch is that of Business Women's
Clubs. The Convict Lease System, "Jim Crow" Car Laws, Lynching and
other barbarities are thoroughly discussed, in the hope that some
remedy for these evils may be discovered. Statistics concerning the
progress and achievements of colored people are being gathered.
Musical clubs are formed to develop this inherent gift. An organ is
published called _Notes_, edited by Mrs. Booker T. Washington and an
assistant in each State.

The association has 125 branches in twenty-six States and over 8,000
members.

THE NATIONAL CONGRESS OF MOTHERS held its first public convention at
Washington in February, 1897, and permanent organization was effected
there in 1898. Its objects are to raise the standards of home life; to
give young women opportunities to learn how to care for children; to
bring into closer relations the home and the school; to surround the
childhood of the whole world with that wise, loving care in the
impressionable years of life which will develop good citizens.

Practical efforts have been made to accomplish all of these objects.
Mothers have used their influence in behalf of free kindergartens in
the public schools; in having school buildings properly constructed,
lighted, heated and ventilated, and for shorter hours in school and
less study outside. They have lent their efforts to the uplifting of
the drama, since, rightfully used, it can be made a powerful
educational factor, and have worked for a pure press, recognizing that
it is the greatest material power in the world today. They have
regarded their children first of all as future mothers and fathers,
next as citizens, and they are demanding that public educational
systems adopt their standards of values in the adjustment of
curricula.

They have established Mothers' Clubs in many communities, especially
among women whose opportunities for training of any kind have been
meager; have seen that creches and free kindergartens are provided for
the children of the poor; that reading rooms are open for the use of
boys and girls; have urged that women should serve upon all school
boards and those of all prisons and reformatory institutions; have
taken the city fathers to task wherever laws pertaining to the
cleanliness and health of a community are not enforced; have called
mass meetings once a month to discuss questions pertaining to the
welfare of the child; by precept and example have set forth the
advantages of simplicity of dress and entertainment, and have
interested themselves in all kinds of humane work.

State Congresses have been formed in nine States, exact membership not
known. Mrs. Theodore W. Birney was the founder of the organization and
has been its president continuously.

THE NATIONAL WOMAN'S RELIEF SOCIETY was organized March 17, 1842, at
Nauvoo, Ills., being almost the oldest woman's society in existence.
It became national in 1868 and was incorporated in 1892, to assist the
needy, and to care for the afflicted, to lift up the fallen, to
ameliorate the condition of suffering humanity, to encourage habits of
industry and economy; to give special attention to those who have not
had proper training for life, to sacredly care for the dying and the
dead, to minister to the lonely, however lowly, in the spirit of grace
and heavenly charity.

It has been a veritable school of instruction to thousands of women,
and its organization is so perfect that it is comparatively easy to
carry out any plan of work formed by the General Board. Donations are
almost entirely by the members themselves, and they have working
meetings, bazars and fairs occasionally to raise means for the needful
purposes. Many of the branches have built houses for meetings and some
also own houses for their poor instead of paying rent. Industries have
been carried on to supply work to such as were able to do something
for their own support. Of these the most notable is the silk industry
in Utah. Over 100,000 bushels of wheat have been stored in granaries
against a day of famine or scarcity. Hundreds of nurses and many
midwives have been trained under the fostering care of the society. At
present money is being raised by donation to erect a commodious
building in Salt Lake City opposite the Temple, suitable for
headquarters.

The society has 659 branches and 30,000 members in this and other
countries and upon the islands of the sea. Mrs. Eliza R. Snow and Mrs.
Zina D. H. Young have been the only two presidents.

THE INTERNATIONAL SUNSHINE SOCIETY had its origin in the early
nineties in a department edited by Mrs. Cynthia Westover Alden in the
New York _Recorder_, which she afterwards carried into the _Tribune_.
It was first called the Shut-In Society, but the present name was
adopted in 1896 and it was incorporated in 1900.

Its object is to incite its members to the performance of helpful
deeds, and to thus bring happiness into the greatest possible number
of hearts and homes. The membership fee consists of some act or
suggestion that will carry sunshine where it is needed. This may be
the exchange of books, pictures, etc., loaning or giving useful
articles, suggesting ideas for work that can be done by a "shut-in"
and sending the materials for it, making holiday suggestions and a
general exchange of helpful ideas.

There are many Sunshine libraries, some of them traveling, all over
the United States and Canada. In Memphis there is a Sunshine Home for
Aged Men, a Newsboys' Club House and a Lunch Room for Working Girls.
Several branches have Sunshine wards in hospitals. The leading women's
clubs have Sunshine Committees, and hundreds of churches have them in
their King's Daughters' and Christian Endeavor Societies. Among the
thousands of articles which have been placed where they will do the
most good are pianos, sewing machines, invalid chairs, baby carriages,
furniture and clothing of every description.

There are more than 100,000 members and over 2,000 well-organized
branches. The society is officered and managed by women and they
compose the immense majority of the members. Mrs. Alden has been the
president continuously.

THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF JEWISH WOMEN was organized in Chicago in 1893,
as a result of the Congress of Jewish Women, which was a branch of the
Parliament of Religions held during the Columbian Exposition. Its
objects are to bring about closer relations among Jewish women and a
means of prosecuting work of common interest; to further united
efforts in behalf of Judaism through a better knowledge of the Bible,
Jewish literature and conditions. It has given much attention to
social reform through preventive philanthropy and it affiliates with
many organizations of women interested in the public welfare. The
Council conducts manual training and industrial schools, sewing and
household schools, kitchen gardens, kindergartens, mothers' clubs,
boys' clubs, circulating libraries, reading rooms, free baths,
employment bureaus, milk and ice depots for the poor, crippled
children's classes and many other philanthropies.

During the Spanish-American War the Council contributed about $10,000
in money and goods, and in several cities was the first organization
to undertake this relief work. It has sixty-three sections in various
States and 6,000 members. Mrs. Hannah G. Solomon has been president
continuously.

THE WOMEN'S NATIONAL INDIAN ASSOCIATION was organized in March, 1879,
for the civilization, education, enfranchisement and Christianization
of the native Indians of the United States; the first society devoted
exclusively to Indian advancement, to ask and labor for all these; to
demand from the Government lands in severalty, citizenship, industrial
teaching and education for the aborigines (1881), and these were
granted in the passage of the Dawes Severalty Bill in February, 1887.

Besides its important work politically, beginning a movement which has
gained 60,000 Indian citizens, at least 25,000 of whom pay taxes and
10,000 of whom voted at the last elections, it has opened directly or
indirectly Christian, educational and industrial instruction at
forty-seven stations, or in as many tribes; has builded many Indian
homes, starting civilized industries in these and in tribes,
furnishing agricultural implements, sewing machines, looms, stock,
etc., from a loan fund of $12,000. It has various other departments of
help for red men--schools, libraries, temperance teaching, etc.--and
has expended in all these (besides sending missionary boxes of
supplies for the aged and helpless into seventy tribes) from $15,000
to $28,000 annually. It has now a House of Industries where women and
girls are taught sewing, knitting, weaving, etc. Altogether forty-one
buildings have been erected.

The Association has nearly 100 branches in between thirty and forty
States and Territories and has several thousand members. Mrs. Amelia
Stone Quinton was general secretary from the beginning for eight
years, and has since been president continuously.

THE NATIONAL LEAGUE OF WOMEN WORKERS was organized April 29, 1897, in
the interest of working women and their clubs. It is intended that the
League shall stand as a central bureau of information, offering
counsel and help when sought, but not placing restrictions upon any
club. It has issued various publications, a monthly magazine, _The
Club Worker_, a collection of songs, one of practical talks, another
of plays and of entertainments; also a pamphlet entitled How to Start
a Club. It has made a collection of all publications issued by the
various auxiliary State associations and clubs, which are distributed
free of charge to members. Between 8,000 and 9,000 publications are
annually sold and distributed. The secretary each year visits from
fifty to one hundred clubs to acquaint them with the work of other
similar organizations. The League has collected data relating to the
management of lunch clubs, vacation houses and co-operative homes for
working women.

It is made up of five associations, and includes 100 clubs in Vermont,
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania and
Maryland, with a membership of over 8,000.

THE NATIONAL CHRISTIAN LEAGUE FOR THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PURITY was
organized in New York in October, 1885, and a national charter was
obtained in 1889. Its object is to elevate opinion respecting the
nature and claims of morality, with its equal obligation upon men and
women, and to secure a practical recognition of its precepts on the
part of the individual, the family and the nation; to organize the
efforts of Christians in preventive, educational, reformatory and
legislative effort in the interest of Social Purity. It uses every
righteous means to free women and girls from financial dependence upon
men, not only by seeking to raise the status of domestic service, but
by teaching the advantages of self-support in every kind of legitimate
business. During the past six years the League has secured employment
directly for 3,300 applicants; it has supplied temporal and social
benefits to thousands of distressed women; furnished more than
5,000,000 pages of literature helpful to all the people; prevented
and stopped immoral shows and impure exhibitions; clothed the naked,
fed the hungry and housed the shelterless.

The League has Hospital Auxiliaries, Social Culture Clubs, Industrial
Homes with training for Italians and other foreigners; members in
nearly every State and Territory--in Europe, China, Japan, India and
South America. It was founded by Mrs. Elizabeth B. Grannis, who has
been its president continuously.

THE YOUNG LADIES' NATIONAL MUTUAL IMPROVEMENT ASSOCIATION was
organized at Salt Lake City in June, 1869. Associations were formed in
different States, and these were gradually grouped into "stake" or
county societies, each one presided over by a president and her board
of workers. On June 19, 1880, an organization of these "stakes" was
effected and a general president elected. The object is mutual
improvement for all, in spiritual, mental and physical conditions.

It is an educational association and has bettered the condition of
thousands of girls, leading them toward the light, cultivating
unselfishness, a love of humanity, and a desire to help the world; it
has given to all its members a deeper, truer, purer education than
they could otherwise have obtained. While not strictly a beneficiary
organization, it disburses several thousand dollars a year. It owns
considerable property, including houses and libraries.

The association has 507 branches and 22,000 members in ten States and
Territories and a number of foreign countries. Mrs. Elmina Shepard
Taylor has been president since 1878.

THE NATIONAL KINDERGARTEN UNION was organized in July, 1892, to unite
kindergarten interests; to promote the establishment of kindergartens,
and to elevate the standard of their training and teaching. It has
instituted more friendly relations between kindergartners, bringing
together the conservative and radical elements upon a common platform.
A broader conception of the principles of Froebel and their relation
to education in general has been promoted, thus enlarging the scope of
the kindergarten idea and widening its influence. There are at present
seventy branches with 6,000 members.

THE WOMAN'S PRISON ASSOCIATION AND ISAAC T. HOPPER HOME was organized
by Mr. Hopper in 1845 in New York and incorporated in 1854. It was
afterwards sustained for many years by his daughter, Mrs. Abby Hopper
Gibbons. Its object is the amelioration of the condition of women
prisoners, the improvement of prison discipline and the government of
prisons in respect to women; also the support and encouragement of
women convicts after their release. The association has secured in New
York the searching of women prisoners by women; a law requiring police
matrons; one providing a Reformatory for Women and Girls, and others
of like import. The Home is in a large measure self-supporting. From
this first organization a number of similar ones have been established
and the condition of women prisoners has been much improved.

THE NATIONAL HOUSEHOLD ECONOMIC ASSOCIATION was organized in March,
1893, to promote a scientific knowledge of the care of children, and
of the economic and hygienic value of food, fuel and clothing; to
inculcate an intelligent knowledge of sanitary conditions in the home,
and to urge the recognition of housekeeping as a business or trade
which is worthy of highest thought and effort. This was the first
organization to present Household Economics in a comprehensive form as
an important and profound science. The existence of home departments
in nearly every woman's club may be directly or indirectly traced to
its influence. From Maine to California women have received from it
broader and better views of home and home life. It has vice-presidents
in twenty-nine States.

THE NATIONAL WOMAN'S KEELEY RESCUE LEAGUE was organized Sept. 18,
1893, to restore the victim of inebriety and drugs to health and
happiness and to aid the unfortunate inebriate to become a
self-supporting citizen instead of an object of charity; to visit the
families of inebriates and by every means possible aid them to a
higher and better life. It has brought sunshine and happiness into
more than one thousand desolate homes, and enabled the heads of these
homes to become self-supporting. Husbands and wives who have been
driven asunder by the curse of drink have been re-united. Thousands of
children who would have been thrown upon the world or into charitable
institutions have been saved and are now cared for in well-provided
homes. Many a family has been kept from becoming a charge upon
charity, and the current of many a human life has been turned in
wholesome channels.

The League pays for a man's treatment at the time he enters a Keeley
Institute, taking his note (properly secured by the indorsement of
some friend, when possible), and requiring him to pay back in monthly
installments or as his circumstances will permit. This creates a
revolving fund to be used over and over again. It has its friendly
visitors looking after the family while he is taking the treatment and
endeavors to have employment for him upon his return. Men who have
been sent to the work-house repeatedly have been permanently
reclaimed. The League has eighteen branches and 650 members.

THE NATIONAL FEDERATION OF MUSICAL CLUBS was organized January, 1898,
to bring into communication the various musical societies that they
may compare methods of work and become mutually helpful; and to
arrange in different sections of the country Biennial Musical
Festivals. It works for the musical life of the nation by creating a
musical atmosphere, studying composers and their works and bringing
the best talent in various lines to interpret and illustrate these
studies. Large, strong clubs have been helpful in sending their
members to those smaller in numbers and weaker financially. Two
Musical Festivals have been held, national in character, one in St.
Louis in May, 1899, the other in Cleveland in May, 1901, with every
possible artistic advantage of the highest talent.

There are branches in thirty-two States and Canada; 160 clubs are
federated with 12,000 members.

THE NEEDLEWORK GUILD OF AMERICA was organized April, 1885, to collect
new garments and distribute them to hospitals, homes and other
charities, and to extend its usefulness by the organization of
branches. It has distributed to hospitals, homes and other charities
in the United States about 2,500,000 new garments. This includes the
results of two or three special collections for national disasters. It
has 308 branches in this country.

RELIGIOUS:

THE WOMAN'S FOREIGN MISSIONARY SOCIETY OF THE METHODIST EPISCOPAL
CHURCH was organized March 23, 1869. Its object is to engage and unite
the efforts of Christian women in sending missionaries to the women in
foreign mission fields of the church and in supporting them and the
native Christian teachers, and all forms of work carried on by the
society. It has collected and disbursed $5,454,700; sent to foreign
fields 365 missionaries, and established a great educational work for
women throughout the Orient. The first woman's college in Asia, at
Lucknow, India, was founded by this society. It sent the first fully
equipped medical woman to the mission fields of the East, and built
the first hospitals for women in India, China and Korea. Nineteen
hospitals and dispensaries are supported by the society, and 246
missionaries in Africa, Burmah, Bulgaria, China, India, Italy, Japan,
Korea, Malaysia, Mexico, South America and the Philippines, while
twenty-four medical women are now in the field. There are 18,000 girls
and women in its various schools.

The society has eleven branches, covering the whole United States,
5,410 auxiliaries, and 171,765 members. Mrs. Cyrus D. Foss is
president.

THE WOMAN'S HOME MISSIONARY SOCIETY OF THE M. E. CHURCH was organized
July 10, 1880, to enlist and organize the efforts of Christian women
in behalf of the needy and destitute women and children of all
sections of the United States, without distinction of race, and to
co-operate with the other societies and agencies of the church in
educational and missionary work. The total receipts from July, 1880,
to July, 1900, were $2,782,773; total value of property, $736,152.
This property consists of twenty industrial homes and schools, six
mission homes, two immigrant homes, three children's homes, six
centers of city mission work, five deaconess and missionary training
schools, twenty-eight deaconess homes, four rest homes for deaconesses
and missionaries.

The Society has eighty-nine conferences, 2,500 auxiliary societies,
59,000 adult members and 13,500 children. The Deaconess Department was
established in 1888. There are now (1901) 1,160 deaconesses with
$1,600,000 invested in real estate connected with their work. Mrs.
Clinton D. Fisk is president.

THE WOMEN'S FOREIGN MISSIONARY SOCIETY OF THE METHODIST PROTESTANT
CHURCH was organized Feb. 14, 1879, to bring the heathen to Christ. It
has established schools, built churches and done a valuable work
especially among girls. It has twenty branches and about 3,000
members. Mrs. F. A. Brown of Cardington, O., is serving her
twenty-first year as president.

THE WOMAN'S BAPTIST FOREIGN MISSIONARY SOCIETY was organized April 3,
1871. The leading object is the Christianization of women in foreign
lands by furnishing support through the American Baptist Missionary
Union to Christian women employed by said Union as missionaries,
native teachers or Bible readers, together with the facilities needed
for their work. Its missionaries have been sent to Burmah, Assam,
India, China, Japan and Africa. The home constituency is found in the
Baptist churches of the New England and Middle Atlantic States.

The total number of American missionaries supported for a longer or
shorter time is 142. Of these seventy-eight are now connected with the
society, 112 native Bible women employed as visitors in homes, and 367
boarding and day schools with more than 14,000 pupils are maintained.
Many women who have been taught in these schools are exerting a strong
influence as Christian wives, mothers and teachers. The medical
missionaries have cared for souls and bodies alike. One of these
doctors reports 17,000 treatments at her dispensary during the last
year. Large sums of money have also been expended for mission work of
various kinds under the care of the wives of missionaries. The total
amount raised and expended in thirty years is over $2,000,000.

There are numerous auxiliary circles, including about 34,000 women,
besides 10,000 younger women organized in guilds.

THE WOMAN'S BAPTIST FOREIGN MISSIONARY SOCIETY of the West was
organized May 9, 1871, for the elevation and Christianization of the
women of foreign lands by furnishing support to Christian women
employed as missionaries, to native teachers and to Bible women,
together with the facilities needed for their work. It supports 177
schools, 5,337 pupils, 159 teachers and 94 Bible women. In the medical
department it has two hospitals, two dispensaries, twenty medical
students and three helpers; 597 patients were treated in the hospitals
during the past year and 6,130 outside patients. The amount raised
since organization is $885,279, and 105 missionaries have been sent
out. There are 1,530 auxiliaries.

THE WOMAN'S BAPTIST HOME MISSION SOCIETY was organized Feb. 1, 1877,
to aid in spreading the gospel and to Christianize homes by means of
house-to-house visitation and by missions and schools with special
reference to exceptional populations in the United States, and among
neighboring countries. The missionary training school was organized
Sept. 5, 1881, and located at the headquarters of the society, now in
Chicago. The same year records the first issue of the monthly organ,
_Tidings_, which has grown from a four-page circular to a
thirty-two-page magazine, with a monthly circulation of 13,500 copies.
The training school has enrolled 518 students. The Society supports
also two training schools for negro workers--Shaw University, Raleigh,
N. C., and the Caroline Bishop School in Dallas, Texas. It has
employed on its own fields 159 missionaries among foreign populations
in this country from Europe, Indians, Negroes, Chinese, Syrians (from
Asia), Mexicans, Cubans, Porto Ricans and Americans.

The missionaries report, for the year, besides work along many other
lines, 80,635 visits in homes. During the twenty-four years the visits
reported aggregate 1,152,950, and from the headquarters of the Society
have gone 6,478,544 pages of literature. The total cash receipts have
been $1,034,104. Besides providing for its own distinctive work, the
Society has aided the American Baptist Home Missionary Society from
1882 until 1901 to an extent represented by a total of $91,288.

Figures have a certain value, but the best fruit is seen in the
results of the work of the missionaries on the fields, through the
visits in homes, women's meetings, children's meetings, industrial
schools, parents' conferences, Bible bands, fireside schools, training
classes, and the circulation of pure, wholesome literature. Through
this womanly ministry uncounted lives have been transformed and a
multitude of abodes have become Christian homes. There are 2,807
auxiliaries and about 60,000 members.

THE WOMAN'S AMERICAN BAPTIST HOME MISSION SOCIETY was organized Nov.
14, 1878, for the evangelization of the women among the freed people,
the heathen, immigrants and the new settlements of the West, and for
evangelizing and educating the women and children in any part of North
America. The amount raised during the last year was $38,000;
fifty-seven teachers, missionaries and Bible women are supported among
colored people, Indians, Mexicans, Mormons, Chinese, Alaskans and
French Catholics.

THE FREE BAPTIST WOMAN'S MISSIONARY SOCIETY was organized June 12,
1873, to conduct home and foreign missions. This is believed to be the
only Woman's Missionary Society (with possibly the exception of the
Christian and the Friends') which from the beginning has been entirely
independent and not an auxiliary organization. It has furnished eleven
women missionaries for India, one of whom is a professor in the
Theological School and two are physicians, and supports a large number
of schools, many native and Bible women and extensive zenana work.
Besides this it aids all other women missionaries of its
denominational conference board by annual appropriations for their
local work among women and children at the various stations occupied
by Free Baptists. The Rhode Island Kindergarten Hall, the Widows' Home
and the Sinclair Orphanage, all located at Benares, province of
Orissa, India, are the property of this society.

Its home missionary work is connected with Storer College, Harper's
Ferry, W. Va., to which it has furnished thirteen teachers, besides
contributing largely to the erection and equipment of two of the main
buildings. Its receipts have been about $200,000. It has a permanent
fund of about $42,000.

The society has twenty-five State organizations, others in Canada and
India, with between 8,000 and 9,000 members.

THE WOMAN'S PRESBYTERIAN BOARD OF FOREIGN MISSIONS OF THE SOUTHWEST
was organized at St. Louis in April, 1877; originally to create and
foster a practical and intelligent interest in the spiritual condition
of women and children in our own land and in heathen lands. Since the
close of its fourteenth year its work has been for foreign missions
only, being one of the seven woman's auxiliaries to the Board of
Foreign Missions of the Presbyterian church in the United States of
America. It has given to the cause of missions $249,618, and has had
missionaries, as teachers or physicians, in India, China, Japan,
Korea, Siam, Persia and South America. The record of their work has
been of a nature sufficiently encouraging to warrant continued and
larger support. The Board has 605 branches or auxiliary societies and
13,776 members.

THE WOMAN'S BOARD OF HOME MISSIONS OF THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH was
organized in December, 1878, to establish and maintain Christian
schools among those near home. It has eleven stations in Alaska,
eighteen among the Indians, twenty-seven among the Mexicans,
thirty-one among the Mormons, forty among the mountaineers, six among
the foreigners in this country, five among the Porto Ricans, making a
total of 138, with 425 missionaries and teachers and 9,337 pupils.

The Board has secured to the Presbyterian church $750,000 worth of
property and has expended about $3,500,000 since organization. Two
magazines are published, the _Home Mission Monthly_, and _Over Sea and
Land_ for the young, the latter jointly with the Foreign Societies. It
has about 5,000 auxiliary societies with about 100,000 members.

THE CHRISTIAN WOMAN'S BOARD OF MISSIONS was organized Oct. 22, 1874,
to maintain preachers and teachers for religious instruction; to
encourage and cultivate a missionary spirit and effort in the
churches; to disseminate missionary intelligence and secure systematic
contributions for such purposes; to establish and maintain schools for
the education of both sexes.

Fields: The United States, Jamaica, India, Mexico and Porto Rico.
Work: University Bible lectureships, Michigan, Virginia, Kansas,
Calcutta, India; eighteen schools, four orphanage schools, two
kindergartens, four orphanages with 500 children, one Chinese mission,
one hospital, three dispensaries, one leper mission, thirty mission
stations outside the United States; 135 missionaries, besides native
teachers, evangelists, Bible women and other helpers; $900,000 raised
during twenty-six years; income last year, $106,728. Its publications
are _Missionary Tidings_, circulation 13,500; _Junior Builders_, same
circulation; leaflets, calendars, manuals, song books, etc. Property
values: United States, $120,000; India, $60,300; Jamaica, $38,550;
Porto Rico, $10,000; total, $229,650; amount of endowment funds,
$85,000.

This is purely a woman's organization; funds are raised and disbursed,
fields entered and work outlined and managed without connection with
any "parent board," although relations with other organizations of the
church are most cordial. There are thirty-six State organizations,
1,750 auxiliaries, forty-five young ladies' circles, 374 mission
bands, 1,711 junior societies of Christian Endeavor, 177 intermediate
societies and 40,000 members of auxiliaries.

THE WOMAN'S STATE HOME MISSIONARY ORGANIZATION OF THE CONGREGATIONAL
CHURCH represents a slow but steady growth during the past thirty
years. Branches exist now in forty-two States and Territories. The
last report available, that of 1897, showed $100,768 collected that
year and disbursed for the usual home missionary purposes.

THE WOMAN'S CENTENARY ASSOCIATION OF THE UNIVERSALIST CHURCH was
organized in 1869 to assist weak parishes, foster Sunday-schools, help
educate women students for the ministry, endow professorships in
schools and colleges, relieve the wants of sick or disabled preachers,
ministers' widows and orphans, distribute denominational literature,
and do both home and foreign missionary work. Since its organization
it has raised and disbursed over $300,000 and has a permanent fund of
$20,500, the interest of which is annually expended for the purposes
for which the association was organized. Millions of pages of
denominational literature have been distributed. The association has
ten State societies and 100 mission (local) circles.

THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE OF UNITARIAN AND OTHER LIBERAL CHRISTIAN WOMEN
was organized in 1890. Its objects are primarily to quicken the
religious life of Unitarian churches and to bring the women into
closer acquaintance, co-operation and fellowship; to promote local
organizations of women for missionary and denominational work and to
bring the same into association; to collect and disseminate
information regarding all matters of interest to the church, viz.:
needs of local societies, facilities for meeting them, work to be
done, collection and distribution of money, etc.

The Alliance takes part in the missionary work of the denomination,
assisting small churches and starting new ones; supports one or more
students each year at the Meadville Theological School and maintains
several circuit ministers. It has lending and traveling libraries and
libraries for ministers, and has established and maintained three
permanent ones in places where there was no free library. Through its
well-known Post Office Mission it distributes annually about 300,000
sermons and tracts, and through its Cheerful Letter Exchange an untold
amount of miscellaneous literature. Money is not disbursed from a
central treasury, but is given by the branches which are independent
in such matters, an Executive Board making recommendations. The
expenditures of the past ten years have been $419,757. The Alliance
has 255 branches and nearly 11,000 members.

THE WOMAN'S MISSIONARY ASSOCIATION OF THE UNITED BRETHREN IN CHRIST
was organized Oct. 21, 1875, to engage and unite the efforts of women
in sending missionaries into all the world; to support these and other
laborers in mission fields, and to secure by gift, bequest and
otherwise the funds necessary for these purposes. Valuable missionary
work is being done in West Africa, China and the Philippines. The
association in the last twenty-five years has raised $311,920. It has
forty branches and 13,232 members.

THE WOMAN'S FOREIGN UNION OF FRIENDS was organized May, 1890, to
increase the efficiency for spreading the Gospel of Christ among the
heathen, and to create an additional bond between the women of the
American Yearly Meetings. It has been the instrumentality of greatly
quickening the missionary zeal and activity in the denomination. It
established missions in Japan, China, India and in unoccupied parts of
Mexico, and rendered valuable assistance in planting missions in
Alaska, Jamaica and Palestine. It founded and has successfully managed
the _Friends' Missionary Advocate_. During the past ten years $300,000
have been raised and expended. It has ten branches and 4,000 members.

THE WOMAN'S HOME AND FOREIGN MISSIONARY SOCIETY OF THE GENERAL SYNOD
OF THE EVANGELICAL LUTHERAN CHURCH IN THE U. S. A. was organized in
1879. Its object is to cultivate a missionary spirit, to create a
deeper interest in the spread of the Gospel, to disseminate missionary
intelligence, and to engage and unite the efforts of Christian women
in the Lutheran church in supporting missions and missionaries on home
and foreign fields, in co-operation with the Boards of Home and
Foreign Missions and Church Extension. In the Foreign field it is now
supporting eight women missionaries in India, two of whom are
physicians and one a trained nurse. The principal station is Guntur,
Madras Presidency. In Africa it is supporting two women missionaries
at Muhlenberg, Liberia. In the Home field it has helped support
eighteen missions and build churches for twelve of them. The amount
contributed by the societies for the year ending March 31, 1902, was
$27,286.

The Society has twenty-two Synodical Societies, 760 auxiliaries and
20,452 members, active and honorary and cradle roll, besides 489 life
members.

THE WOMAN'S MISSIONARY SOCIETY OF THE GENERAL SYNOD OF THE REFORMED
CHURCH was organized in 1887, to aid in the advancement of the work of
Christian Missions in Home and Foreign Lands. Individual societies had
existed for ten years previous. The last report available is that of
1893, when 144 societies were reported and $10,000 collected during
the year. One-third was expended for foreign and two-thirds for home
missions. The society has published an official organ, the _Woman's
Journal_, since 1894. Women also belong and contribute to the general
missionary societies of the church.

THE INTERNATIONAL BOARD OF WOMEN'S AND YOUNG WOMEN'S CHRISTIAN
ASSOCIATIONS had its beginning in 1871, when thirty of these
associations affiliated for biennial conferences. Later they organized
as the International Board which became incorporated. Its object is to
unite in one central organization these bodies of the United States,
Canada and other countries, and to promote the forming of similar
ones, to advance the mental, moral, temporal and above all the
spiritual welfare of young women.

The Ladies' Christian Union of New York, organized in 1858, was the
first work in this country for the welfare of young business women. A
home was the imperative need of the friendless young women employed in
cities then as it is now, since the small wages received make possible
for them only the poorest quarters amid demoralizing conditions. These
Christian Women opened a house and took into it as many as they could
reach, giving clean rooms, wholesome food, cheap rent, pure moral
atmosphere and religious influences. From this developed the Young
Women's Christian Association.

The federated associations now own property valued at over $5,000,000.
In the evolution of this work the Boarding Homes, now accommodating
over 3,000 at one time, have been supplemented as the need arose. The
Traveler's Aid Department seeks to reach the young, ignorant girls
before the agents of evil who haunt the railroad stations and steamer
landings. During 1900 over 10,000 were thus protected. The Employment
Bureau during this year assisted over 20,000 applicants. The
Educational Department, with day and evening classes, has 15,000
enrolled. There are Recreation Departments, Vacation Homes and many
other important features. Every phase of the life of a girl or woman
is touched by the association. Religion in its broad sense is its
fundamental and guiding principle.

Twenty-three States are represented in sixty associations in the
United States and Canada, with over 20,000 voting and contributing
members, over 500,000 associate members--self-supporting girls and
women--and 2,500 junior members.

THE WOMAN'S NATIONAL SABBATH ALLIANCE was organized in 1895, to
educate the women of America to an intelligent appreciation of the
relation of this one day in seven to the national life, and to
emphasize woman's responsibility and influence, especially in the home
and in society. The work is along educational lines--in creating
public sentiment in favor of better Sabbath observance. While placing
a wedge in every tiny opening, its members have prayed, protested,
proclaimed and practiced. Through this organization Christian women
have become more fearless in standing for their convictions. The
Alliance has twenty-two branches and over 1,000 members.

PATRIOTIC:

THE WOMAN'S RELIEF CORPS, AUXILIARY TO THE GRAND ARMY OF THE REPUBLIC,
was organized July 25, 1883. Its object is specially to aid and assist
the Grand Army of the Republic and to perpetuate the memory of its
heroic dead; to assist such Union veterans as need help and
protection, and to extend needful aid to their widows and orphans; to
cherish and emulate the deeds of army nurses and of all loyal women
who rendered loving service to the country in her hour of peril; to
maintain true allegiance to the United States of America; to inculcate
lessons of patriotism and love of country among children and in the
communities; to encourage the spread of universal liberty and equal
rights to all.

General legislation is enacted by the annual national convention, the
supreme authority; States are governed by department conventions. The
association has educated women in an exact system of reports and
returns. There are no "benefits," as it is strictly philanthropic. It
supports a National Relief Corps Home for dependent army nurses and
relatives of veterans; has secured pension legislation from the
general Government for destitute army nurses; has influenced State
legislation in the founding of homes for Union veterans and their
dependent ones in Colorado, Michigan, Illinois, Missouri, Wisconsin,
Indiana, California, New York and Kansas; has led to the establishment
of industrial education in the Ohio Orphans' Home; has been foremost
in financial aid in every national calamity; has unitedly furthered
patriotic teaching in schools and the flag in school rooms; and has
raised and expended for relief in the eighteen years of its existence,
$2,500,000. The corps has thirty-five departments, 3,174 subordinate
corps and 142,760 members.

LADIES OF THE GRAND ARMY OF THE REPUBLIC were organized Jan. 12, 1886,
to assist the G. A. R., encourage them in their noble work of charity,
extend needful aid to members in sickness and distress and look after
the Soldiers' Homes and the Homes of Soldiers' Widows and Orphans; to
obtain proper situations for the children when they leave the homes;
to watch the schools and see that children are properly instructed in
the history of our country and in patriotism; to honor the memory of
those fallen and to perpetuate and keep forever sacred Memorial Day.
Its departments and circles have spent for relief $16,685 and given to
the G. A. R. $2,658; to the Soldiers' Homes, $364; Soldiers' Widows'
Homes, $1,461; Soldiers' Orphans' Homes, $179.

The organization has twenty-three departments and 28,070
members--mothers, wives, daughters, sisters, granddaughters and nieces
of soldiers and sailors who served honorably in the Civil War.

THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE OF THE DAUGHTERS OF VETERANS OF THE U. S. A. was
organized and chartered in 1885, to perpetuate the memories of the
fathers and brothers, their loyalty to the Union and their unselfish
sacrifices for its perpetuity; to aid them and their widows and
orphans, when helpless and in distress; to inculcate a love of
country and patriotism among women; to promote equal rights and
universal liberty, and to acquire, by donation or otherwise, all
necessary property and funds to carry out the aforesaid objects; to
assist the G. A. R. to commemorate the deeds of their fallen comrades
on the 30th of May.

The Alliance is composed of daughters and granddaughters of the
Northern soldiers who fought in the Civil War, 1861-1865, and has a
sufficient membership to assure the soldiers that their memory will
ever be preserved and their widows and orphans will not want. Over
$2,000 are spent yearly for relief. The value of donations other than
money is nearly double that amount. It has assisted in obtaining
pensions, erected monuments for unknown dead, furnished rooms in
Soldiers' and Soldiers' Widows' Homes, furnished transportation for
helpless soldiers, presented flags and banners, brightened sickrooms
with flowers and cheerful faces. At present it is interested in the
erection of Lincoln Memorial University at Mason City, Ia., where one
building is to be known as the Daughters of Veterans' Building. There
are "tents" scattered all over the Union and many State Departments.

THE MOUNT VERNON LADIES' ASSOCIATION OF THE UNION was organized in
1853. Its purpose was the purchase and preservation of the home and
tomb of General Washington with 200 acres of land. The sum of $200,000
was raised by voluntary contributions from the women of the United
States.

The Regent is elected by the Council and is a life officer. Mrs.
Justine V. R. Townsend of New York is serving at present. The Regent
appoints, and the council at its annual meeting ratifies by votes, one
lady in each State as vice-regent to represent the State. The
association is purely patriotic. The great annual increase of both
home and foreign visitors is gratifying, and testifies to the loving
veneration in which the memory of Washington is held. The entrance fee
of twenty-five cents is sufficient to keep the home and grounds in
perfect colonial order.

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY OF THE DAUGHTERS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION was
organized Aug. 9, 1890, to perpetuate the memory of the spirit of the
men and women who achieved American Independence, by the acquisition
and protection of historic spots and the erection of monuments; by the
encouragement of historical research in relation to the Revolution,
and the publication of its results; by the preservation of documents
and relics, and of the records of the individual services of
Revolutionary soldiers and patriots, and by the promotion of
celebrations of all patriotic anniversaries; to carry out the
injunction of Washington in his farewell address to the American
people, "to promote, as an object of primary importance, institutions
for the general diffusion of knowledge;" to cherish, maintain and
extend the institutions of American freedom, to foster true patriotism
and love of country, and to aid in securing for mankind all the
blessings of liberty.

The society has carried out its desired objects; brought together the
women of the North and South; caused many of them to study the
constitution of their country and parliamentary law; rescued from
oblivion the memory of many heroic women of the Revolution; examined
and certified to the 1,000 nurses sent by the Surgeon General's office
to the Spanish-American War; raised $300,000 in money and sent 56,000
garments to the hospitals during that war; contributed $85,000 for a
Memorial Hall in Washington, D. C. It has organized children's
societies and taught them love for the flag and all it means; made
foreign-born children realize what it is to be American citizens;
offered medals and scholarships for historical essays by pupils in
schools and colleges; helped erect the monuments to Lafayette and
Washington in Paris. By requiring careful investigation of claims to
membership the society has caused many families to become re-united
who had been separated by immigration to remote parts of the country,
and has stimulated a proper pride of birth--not descent from royalty
and nobility but from men and women who did their duty in their
generation and left their descendants the priceless heritage of pure
homes and honest government. The society has 600 chapters and over
36,000 members.

THE SOCIETY OF THE DAUGHTERS OF THE REVOLUTION was organized Aug. 20,
1891, to perpetuate the patriotic spirit of the men and women who
achieved American independence; to commemorate prominent events
connected with the War of the Revolution; to collect, publish and
preserve the rolls, records and historic documents relating to this
period and to encourage the study of the country's history.

Through its State organizations it has marked with tablets historic
places; promoted patriotism by gifts of historical pictures to public
schools; helped to bring about an observance of Flag Day through the
general society; given prizes to various women's colleges for essays
on topics connected with the War of the Revolution; raised $5,000 to
erect a monument at Valley Forge in memory of Washington's Army. The
present work is the establishment of a fund to be loaned in proper
sums to girls trying to make their way through college. It has
nineteen State societies and 3,200 members.

THE COLONIAL DAMES OF AMERICA were organized in New York City, May 23,
1890, to honor the brave men who in any important service contributed
to the achievement of American independence; to collect manuscripts,
traditions and relics and to foster a true spirit of patriotism. A
hereditary society was deemed the most effective for this purpose. It
has made a collection of valuable manuscripts, pedigrees, photographs
and books; effected restorations in the old Swedes' Church at
Wilmington, placed tablets in Baltimore, to Washington, and in
Kingston, N. Y., to Governor Clinton. Historic tableaux have been
given in the city of New York, with readings of original papers and
lectures by historians. The publication of the "Letters to Washington"
from the original manuscripts in the Department of State, has reached
its fourth and last volume. For the sick and wounded in the
Spanish-American War the society raised about $6,600, with a
contribution of hundreds of garments and hospital appliances, and
several of its members worked in hospitals and camps.

The society also has its valued social side. It has five chapters in
New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington and Paris (France), with
about 400 members.

THE NATIONAL SOCIETY OF UNITED STATES DAUGHTERS OF 1812 was organized
Jan. 8, 1892. Its object is to publish memoirs of famous women of the
United States, especially those of the period included in the
eligibility of this society; to urge the Government, through an act of
Congress, to compile and publish authentic records of men in military
and naval service in the war of 1812, and of those in civil service
during the period embraced by this society; to secure and preserve
documents of the events for which each State was famous during this
period; to promote the erection of a home where the descendants of the
brave patriots of this war can be sheltered from the storms of life.

The work done in the various States is as follows: Two tablets, one
marking New York City defenses during the war and one for "those who
served," in the Post Chapel at West Point; Michigan, a monument to
General McComb in the heart of Detroit; Maryland, the restoration of
Fort McHenry (the inspiration of The Star Spangled Banner); Louisiana,
a monument on the field of Cholnette. Massachusetts has received
permission to restore the frigate Constitution and is raising $400,000
for this purpose; Pennsylvania is offering prizes in the public
schools for historical work, and many other enterprises are under way.
It has nineteen State societies with a membership of 776.

THE UNITED DAUGHTERS OF THE CONFEDERACY were organized Sept. 10, 1894.
The objects of the society are educational, memorial, literary and
benevolent; to collect and preserve material for a truthful history of
the War between the States; to honor the memory of those who fought
and those who fell in the service of the Confederacy; to cherish the
ties of friendship among the members of the society and to fulfil the
duties of sacred charity to the survivors of the war and those
dependent upon them. Much aid has been given to aged and indigent
Confederate soldiers. There are homes for these soldiers in every
Southern State and monuments have been erected to the Confederate dead
in nearly every city. The orphans of Confederate soldiers have been
educated and cared for, and in a number of States the society has seen
that correct and impartial histories are used in the public schools.
It has 500 branches and about 25,000 members.

LODGES:

THE SUPREME HIVE LADIES OF THE MACCABEES OF THE WORLD was organized
Oct. 1, 1892, to extend the benefits of life protection to women; to
unite fraternally the wives, mothers, daughters and sisters of the
Knights of the Maccabees, as well as other women who are acceptable;
to educate its members socially, morally and intellectually. Four
hundred and twenty-five death claims were paid in 1900, amounting to
$441,380; and twenty-two disability claims, amounting to $2,400. The
total amount paid in claims from organization to Jan. 1, 1901, is
$1,523,504.

The organization is composed of one supreme body, three subordinate
bodies, known as Great Hives, and 1,835 subordinate or local hives,
with a membership of 84,657, of whom 19,321 are social and 65,336
benefit members.

THE SUPREME TEMPLE RATHBONE SISTERS OF THE WORLD was organized Oct.
23, 1888, for promoting the moral, mental and social conditions of its
members; cultivating a spirit of fraternal love which shall permeate
and control their daily lives; ministering in all ways to the wants of
the sick and needy; watching at the bedside of the dying; paying the
last sad tribute of love and respect to the dead, comforting and
providing for the widow in her afflictions, and daily exemplifying in
every possible way the Golden Rule.

The Supreme Temple has general supervision of the Order throughout the
world and makes the general laws. The Grand Temples, or State
organizations, supervise the local Temples within their domain. The
latter, besides carrying out the principles peculiar to a fraternal
society, select some special work for the good of those outside their
ranks. Reading rooms have been established, funds donated for public
improvements, charity, etc. In order to care for the orphans of
Rathbone Sisters a Home is soon to be erected, the fund being already
set aside for this purpose. The local Temples care for their own poor
and sick. In such disasters as those at Galveston and Jacksonville,
the Temples send liberal donations to their members to relieve their
financial losses.

The Supreme Temple is composed of twenty-four State organizations and
1,124 local Temples, with a membership of 71,247. Four insurance
branches have just been established (1900).

THE ORDER OF THE EASTERN STAR was organized in the latter part of the
eighteenth century--the exact date is not known. Its founders sought
to create a social tie between the families of Masons, but it early
reached a higher standard of usefulness. Among its objects are caring
for the widow and orphan and assisting the Masonic brother in all
deeds of mercy and love. It has founded Eastern Star Homes for widows
and orphans of Masons and has become a mighty impetus in the building
and support of Masonic Homes. Everywhere its members visit the sick,
relieve the distressed and speak words of cheer to the despairing. It
has been found helpful all over the land in carrying forward the
underlying principles of Masonry. It has taught woman to preside in
public meetings and to make herself conversant in parliamentary law.
Masonry unites the heads of families, whereas the Eastern Star unites
the entire families. Its ritualistic teachings are designed to
inculcate morals and to improve the social virtues. The Order
comprises 3,491 chapters with a membership of 218,238.

THE DAUGHTERS OF REBEKAH were organized in 1851 as a side degree of
the Independent Order of Odd Fellows, and chartered lodges were
authorized in 1868. The object is benevolent work. The order stands
very high among charitable organizations and pays out thousands of
dollars each year for the relief of widows and orphans. The report for
the present year shows that 6,212 families were assisted at an expense
of $141,646; and $50,540 were paid for the education of orphans. The
Indiana lodge erected a monument in Indianapolis to Vice-President of
the United States Schuyler Colfax, the principal founder of the order.

The Daughters of Rebekah usually exist wherever there is a lodge of
the I. O. O. F. Men may take the degree but the affairs of the lodges
are entirely in the hands of women. There are 125,300 men and 200,850
women members.

THE GRAND INTERNATIONAL AUXILIARY TO THE BROTHERHOOD OF LOCOMOTIVE
ENGINEERS IN THE UNITED STATES, CANADA, AND MEXICO, was organized Oct.
16, 1887, to elevate the social standing of railroad people, to
promote a fraternal feeling between families of engineers and to
render assistance in time of trouble. The Voluntary Relief
Association, formed in 1890, has paid to needy families of engineers
over $100,000. It has no home for dependents, but helps widows to keep
a home and care for their own children. It secures homes for orphans
and assists in their education out of a special standing fund. There
are $15,000 in the general fund. The order is exclusively composed of
women, who manufacture all supplies and from this source realize a
considerable revenue. Study clubs for intellectual culture are
maintained in the various branches.

There are 255 subdivisions and about 10,000 members. It was founded by
Mrs. W. A. Murdock, who has served continuously as president.

THE LADIES' AUXILIARY TO THE ORDER OF RAILROAD CONDUCTORS OF AMERICA
was organized in 1888. The idea originally was merely social, but so
many objects claimed assistance that, in 1895, the Fraternal
Beneficiary Association was added to help the widows and children of
railway conductors. Assessments were levied and in five years $2,200
had been thus applied. Good speakers, parliamentarians and business
women have been developed and its members have become broader and more
enlightened in every direction. There are 156 local divisions, with a
membership of about 4,000.

MISCELLANEOUS: Various organizations are in existence which are
national in their aims and interests but scarcely have reached
national proportions in the number of auxiliaries and membership.
Among these may be mentioned the SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF AMERICA,
organized in New York in 1883, to disseminate the principles of Social
and Industrial Co-operation; the NATIONAL WOMEN'S REPUBLICAN
ASSOCIATION, founded in 1888; the PRO RE NATA, started in Washington
in 1889, to perfect its members in the art of extemporaneous speaking;
WIMODAUGHSIS, organized in Washington in 1890 for the improvement of
women along all educational lines; the ASSOCIATION OPPOSED TO THE
FURTHER EXTENSION OF SUFFRAGE TO WOMEN; the NATIONAL FLORAL EMBLEM
SOCIETY, formed at the Columbian Exposition in Chicago, 1893, to gain
an expression from the people which shall lead to the adoption of a
national flower and also the selection of State flowers, which have
been chosen in nineteen States and the choice ratified by the
Legislature; the NATIONAL SOCIETY OF NEW ENGLAND WOMEN, founded in New
York in 1895, to promote acquaintance among New England women in
various localities throughout the country for purposes of mutual
helpfulness; the NATIONAL LEAGUE OF AMERICAN PEN WOMEN, started in
Washington City in 1896, to band together women journalists, authors
and illustrators; the WOMEN'S PRESS ASSOCIATION, organized earlier and
with branches in various States; the GEORGE WASHINGTON MEMORIAL
ASSOCIATION, incorporated in 1898, to raise $250,000 toward an
Administration Building to be a part of the university as set forth in
the will of George Washington--$25,000 of this amount being now on
hand and as much more guaranteed; the WOMAN'S LEAGUE OF THE GEORGE
JUNIOR REPUBLIC, formed in 1899 to promote interest in the National
Republic and establish branches; the NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE LEAGUE,
founded in 1900 to obtain for women equality of legal, municipal and
industrial rights through action by the National Congress and the
State Legislatures; WOMAN'S EDUCATIONAL AND INDUSTRIAL UNION; various
associations for improving cities and villages by means of parks,
shade trees, good streets, sanitary appliances, etc.; and countless
others of a social, educational or philanthropic nature.

There are also a number of large national organizations composed of
both men and women, with the latter very greatly predominating. Of
these the most prominent are the UNIVERSAL PEACE UNION, founded in
1866 and chartered in 1888, with forty branches in the United States
and sixty in Europe; the SOCIETY FOR THE PREVENTION OF CRUELTY TO
ANIMALS; the NATIONAL CONSUMERS' LEAGUE; the CHRISTIAN ENDEAVOR
SOCIETY; the EPWORTH LEAGUE; the YOUNG PEOPLE'S UNION; the KING'S
DAUGHTERS AND SONS; the ANTI-VIVISECTION SOCIETY.

The above list shows that women are organized for carrying forward
practically every department of the world's work, and that their
associations have been steadily increasing in number, size and scope
during the past half century. In the early years the Woman Suffrage
Association not only stood alone in its advocacy of enfranchisement
but was regarded with the most strenuous disapproval by all other
organizations of women. In 1881, the Woman's Christian Temperance
Union, principally through the influence of its president, Miss
Frances E. Willard, established a department of franchise, but it was
many years afterwards before the idea of the ballot was received with
favor by any large number of its members. The sentiment is not now
unanimous, but considered as a body there are no more active workers
for woman suffrage. The National Council of Women has no platform, but
its leaders and also those of the International Council are prominent
advocates of the franchise. These are now found in greater or less
numbers in all the organizations but not one of them includes the
suffrage among the specific objects for which it works. As these
broaden the associations frequently find it necessary to appeal to
Legislative bodies, and the result is usually a significant lesson in
the disadvantage of being without political influence. The Federation
of Clubs, organized in 1890, in its endeavor to secure the passage of
bills for various purposes, has applied to more Legislatures, during
the past few years, than has the Suffrage Association. It is indeed a
most interesting study to watch the evolution of the so-called women's
clubs. Formed at first merely for a superficial literary culture, they
widened by degrees into a study of practical matters related to law
and economics. From these it was but a step into civics, where they
are to-day, struggling to improve municipal, and indirectly national
conditions and gradually having revealed to them the narrow
limitations of woman's power in public affairs.

With the exception possibly of the church missionary societies and the
various lodges, there is not one of these associations of women which
does not depend in a greater or less measure on City Councils, State
Legislatures or the National Congress for assistance in securing its
objects. No other means could be so effective in convincing women that
politics, which they have heretofore believed did not directly concern
them, in reality touches them at every point. They are learning that
the mere personal influence which usually was sufficient to gain their
ends in the household, society and the church--the three spheres of
action to which they were confined in the past--must be supplemented
by political influence now that they have entered the field of public
work. Women have been so long flattered by the power which they have
possessed over men in social life that they are surprised and
bewildered to discover that this is wholly ineffectual when brought to
bear upon men in legislative assemblies. They find that it is not
sufficient to have personal attractions or family position--not even
to be a good wife, mother and worker in church and charities--they
must be also constituents. This is a new word which was not in the
lexicon of woman in past generations. They investigate and they see
that whatever may be the private opinion of these legislators, their
public acts are governed by their constituents, and women alone of all
classes in the community are not constituents.

This knowledge could come to the average woman only through
experience, and that which as an individual she might not get in ages
she is gaining rapidly through organization. A summary of the
preceding list shows about 2,000,000 women enrolled in the various
associations. The number which may be duplicated by a membership in
several, is probably balanced by the number in those which do not
state the membership. This list includes only national associations
and it is reasonable to assume that not more than one-half of the
local societies are auxiliary to national bodies. This is known
positively to be the case in the General Federation of Clubs, which
includes less than half of those in the different States. It would be
a decided underestimate to say that 4,000,000 women in the United
States are members of one or more organizations, and it is clearly
evident that this number is increasing. The scope of these
associations is constantly broadening as women themselves are emerging
from their narrow environment and seeing the needs of the world in
wider perspective. They are slowly but certainly learning to devote
their time and energy to larger objects, and they are awakening to a
perception, above all else, of the strength that lies in combination,
a knowledge which was a sealed book to the isolated and undeveloped
women of past generations. No other influence has been so powerful in
enabling woman to discover herself and her possibilities.

There will be no more important element to be reckoned with during the
coming years of the new century than these great associations of
women, constantly gaining strength and momentum, not alone by the
increase of membership but also by its personnel, for now they are
beginning to be composed of college graduates, of property owners, of
women with business experience. More and more they are directing their
attention to public questions, and when brains, wealth, executive
ability, enthusiasm and a strong desire for an honest and moral
government are thoroughly organized in the effort to obtain it, they
must necessarily become a powerful factor in State and national
affairs, and one which inevitably will refuse to be held in a
disfranchised condition after it shall realize the supreme power which
inheres in the suffrage.

There is still another and a more important point of view from which
this subject should be studied. Here are more than 4,000,000 women,
about one-third of all in the country, banded into active, working
organizations. The figures given above show that they are raising and
expending millions of dollars and every dollar for some worthy object.
The list demonstrates beyond question that every one of these great
associations exists for the purpose of improving the conditions of
society and helping and bettering humanity. They represent the highest
form of effort for education, morality, temperance, religion, justice,
patriotism and co-operation. Are not these the very qualities most
needed in our electorate? Is not the nation suffering because of the
lack of them since it has placed the ballot in the hands of ignorance,
immorality, intemperance and lawlessness? Does not an emergency exist
for a political influence which shall counterbalance these and tip the
scale the other way? Can the Government afford much longer to delay
the summons for this great, well-organized, finely-equipped force--if
it is to perfect and make permanent the institutions of the
republic?

FOOTNOTES:

[498] The National Suffrage Association is not included in the list,
as twenty-one chapters of this volume are devoted to its work. It was
the intention to give the name of the president of each organization,
but as this officer is so frequently changed it seemed best to abandon
this plan save in special instances. The figures given are for 1900
with but few exceptions.

The church missionary societies not mentioned here, and some other
national bodies, were appealed to several times for statistics without
response. The list, however, includes all of any considerable size and
importance. It did not seem that it would represent the true
proportions of these associations if arranged alphabetically or
according to date of organization, therefore the editors have used
their individual judgment in placing them.

APPENDIX

EMINENT ADVOCATES OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

The following list is so incomplete as to make the advisability of
using it a matter of grave doubt. No name is given except upon what is
believed to be unimpeachable authority, but it is unavoidable that
scores should be omitted which are entitled to a place. The list will
indicate, however, the character of those who have espoused the cause
of woman suffrage, and it is published with the request that readers
will forward to the editors additional names which can be used, and
mention any which should be omitted, in the second edition of this
volume. There has been no attempt to give all in any profession, but
only a few of those who may fairly be considered representative. The
names, for instance, of clergymen alone who are in favor of the
enfranchisement of women would fill many pages, while those of
prominent lawyers in every community would require almost unlimited
space, as it is a question which appeals especially to the sense of
equity. The following list will indicate sufficiently that this is not
a movement of ultra-radical and irresponsible extremists.

The only President of the United States who declared himself publicly
and unequivocally for woman suffrage was Abraham Lincoln, who said as
early as 1836, "I go for all sharing the privileges of the Government
who assist in bearing its burdens--by no means excluding women," and
later utterances indicated that he did not change his position.
Rutherford B. Hayes never hesitated to express his approval in private
conversation, and in 1872 he assisted materially in placing in the
Republican National Platform the nearest approach to an indorsement
which the movement ever has received from that party. James A.
Garfield said: "Laugh as we may, put it aside as a jest if we will,
keep it out of Congress and political campaigns, still the woman
question is rising on our horizon larger than a man's hand; and some
solution ere long that question must find." Theodore Roosevelt, when a
member of the New York Legislature, voted for a woman suffrage bill,
saying he had been converted by seeing how much the women accomplished
with their school ballot at Oyster Bay, his home. When Governor he
said in his message to the Legislature of 1899: "I call your attention
to the desirability of gradually enlarging the sphere in which the
suffrage can be extended to women." There is reason to believe other
Presidents would have expressed themselves favorably had political
exigencies permitted.

The only Vice-Presidents on record as advocating and voting for woman
suffrage are Hannibal Hamlin, Schuyler Colfax, Henry Wilson and
William A. Wheeler. Such action is likely to mean the personal loss of
votes and injury to one's party, with no compensation other than the
consciousness of having done right, as women can give no reward.
Under these conditions it is surprising that so large a number in the
Congress and State Legislatures have sustained the measures for the
enfranchisement of women.[499]

CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE U. S. SUPREME COURT.

Chase, Salmon P.
Wake, Morrison R.

Practically all of the State Supreme Court Justices of Colorado,
Idaho, Utah and Wyoming, where women have exercised the suffrage for a
number of years, and of Kansas where they have had a municipal vote
for fifteen years, are strong advocates of woman suffrage.

UNITED STATES SENATORS.

Allen, John B. Wash.
Allison, William B. Iowa.
Anthony, Henry B. R. I.
Baker, Edward D. Ore.
Baker, Lucien Kas.
Banks, Nathaniel P. Mass.
Beveridge, Albert J. Ind.
Blair, Henry W. N. H.
Bowen, Thomas B. Col.
Brice, Calvin S. Ohio.
Brown, B. Gratz Mo.
Bruce, Blanche K. Miss.
Burnside, Ambrose R. I.
Burrows, Julius C. Mich.
Cameron, Angus Wis.
Cannon, Frank J. Utah.
Carey, Joseph M. Wy.
Carpenter, Matthew H. Mich.
Chace, Jonathan R. I.
Chandler, Zach. Mich.
Cheney, P. C. N. H.
Clark, Clarence D. Wy.
Clark, William A. Mont.
Conger, Omar D. Mich.
Conover, Simon B. (1874) Fla.
Cullom, Shelby M. Ills.
Davis, Cushman K. Minn.
Dawes, Henry L. Mass.
Depew, Chauncey M. N. Y.
Dillingham, William P. Vt.
Dolliver, J. P. Iowa.
Dolph, Joseph N. Ore.
Dubois, Fred T. Ida.
Farwell, Charles B. Ills.
Ferry, Thomas W. Mich.
Flanagan, J. W. (1871) Texas.
Gallinger, Jacob H. N. H.
Gamble, Robert J. S. D.
Gilbert, Abijah (1874) Fla.
Hamlin, Hannibal Me.
Hansbrough, Henry C. N. D.
Harvey, James M. Kan.
Heitfield, Henry Ida.
Henderson, John B. Mo.
Hoar, George F. Mass.
Jones, John P. Nev.
Kyle, James H. S. D.
Lapham, Elbridge G. N. Y.
Logan, John A. Ills.
Manderson, Charles F. Neb.
Mason, William E. Ills.
Matthews, Stanley Ohio
McDonald, Joseph E. Ind.
Mitchell, John H. Ore.
Mitchell, John I. Penn.
Morton, Oliver P. Ind.
Nye, James W. Neb.
Paddock, Algernon S. Neb.
Palmer, John M. Ills.
Palmer, Thomas W. Mich.
Patterson, John J. (1874) S. C.
Patterson, Thomas M. Col.
Peffer, William A. Kas.
Perkins, George C. Cal.
Pettigrew, Richard F. S. D.
Platt, Thomas C. N. Y.
Plumb, P. B. Kas.
Pomeroy, S. C. Kas.
Pratt, Daniel D. Ind.
Quay, Matthew S. Penn.
Revels, Hiram P. Miss.
Roach, W. N. N. D.
Ross, Jonathan Vt.
Sanders, Wilbur F. Mont.
Sargent, Aaron A. Cal.
Minister to Germany.
Sawyer, Philetus S. Wis.
Sherman, John Ohio.
Shoup, George L. Ida.
Sprague, William R. I.
Stanford, Leland Cal.
Stevens, Thaddeus Penn.
Stewart, William M. Nev.
Summer, Charles Mass.
Teller, Henry M. Col.
Tipton, Thomas W. Neb.
Wade, Benjamin F. Ohio.
Warner, Willard (1869) Ala.
Warren, Francis E. Wy.
West, J. Rodman (1874) La.
White, Stephen M. Cal.
Wilson, Henry Mass.
Wilson, James F. Iowa.
Windom, William Minn.
Sec'y of the Treasury.
Yates, Richard, Sr. Ills.

SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Banks, Nathaniel P. Mass.
Henderson, David B. Iowa.
Keifer, J. Warren Ohio.
Reed, Thomas B. Me.

REPRESENTATIVES IN CONGRESS.[500]

Allen, C. E. Utah.
Baker, Charles S. N. Y.
Baker, William Kas.
Barrows, Samuel J. Mass.
Belford, James B. Col.
Bell, John C. Col.
Blue, Richard W. Kas.
Broderick, Case Kas.
Broomall, John M. Penn.
Browne, Thomas M. Ind.
Butler, Benjamin F. Mass.
Caine, John T. Utah.
Cannon, George Q. Utah.
Caswell, Lucien B. Iowa.
Clapp, Moses E. Minn.
Coffeen, Henry Wy.
Crump, Rousseau O. Mich.
Cumback, William Ind.
Curtis, Charles Kas.
Cutcheon, Byron M. Mich.
Davis, John Kas.
Davis, Thomas R. I.
Dingley, Nelson Me.
Douglas, William H. N. Y.
Featherstone, L. P. Ark.
Fergusson, H. B. N. M.
Fisher, Spencer O. Mich.
Fletcher, Lorin Minn.
Giddings, Joshua R. Ohio.
Glenn, Thomas L. Ida.
Greenleaf, Halbert S. N. Y.
Gunn, James Ida.
Handy, L. G. Del.
Haskins, Kittridge Vt.
Hepburn, W. P. Iowa.
Hitt, Robert R. Ills.
Julian, George W. Ind.
Kahn, Julius Cal.
Kasson, John A. Iowa.
Minister to Germany
Kelley, Harrison B. Kan.
Kelley, William D. Penn.
Kerr, Daniel Iowa.
King, William H. Utah.
Loring, George B. Mass.
Loughridge, William Iowa.
Lucas, W. B. S. D.
Maguire, James G. Cal.
Martin, E. W. S. D.
McCall, Samuel Walker Mass.
McCoid, Moses A. Iowa.
Miers, Robert W. Ind.
Milnes, Alfred Mich.
Mondell, Frank W. Wy.
Morey, Henry L. Ohio.
Morse, Elijah Mass.
Mott, Richard Ohio.
Neville, William Neb.
Northway, S. A. Ohio.
O'Donnell, James Mich.
Orth, Godlove S. Ind.
Payne, Sereno E. N. Y.
Peelle, Stanton J. Ind.
Judge of the U.S. Court of Claims.
Peirce, R. B. F. Ind.
Pence, Lafayette Col.
Pickler, J. A. S. D.
Powers, Henry H. Vt.
Ranney, A. A. Mass.
Ray, George W. N. Y.
Riddle, Albert G. Ohio.
Shafroth, John F. Col.
Simpson, Jerry Kas.
Smith, Henry C. Mich.
Smith, William Alden Mich.
Steele, George W. Ind.
Struble, I. S. Iowa.
Sulzer, William N. Y.
Sutherland, George Utah.
Taylor, Ezra B. Ohio.
Taylor, Robert W. Ohio.
Tongue, Thomas H. Ore.
Topp, Robertson Tenn.
Van Voorhis, John N. Y.
Walker, James A. Va.
Walker, Joseph H. Mass.
Weadock, Thomas A. E. Mich.
White, John D. Ky.
Wilson, Edgar Ida.
Woods, S. D. Cal.

GOVERNORS OF STATES. (Incomplete list.)

Governor Adams, Col.
" Altgeld, Ills.
" Ames, Mass.
" Andrews, Conn.
" Barber, Wy.
" Bates, Mass.
" Begole, Mich.
" Bliss, Mich.
" Brackett, Mass.
" Budd, Cal.
" Burke, N. D.
" Butler, Mass.
" Butler, Neb.
" Campbell, Wy.
" Carpenter, Iowa.
" Chamberlain, Ore.
" Claflin, Mass.
" Clough, Minn.
" Colcord, Nev.
" Davis, R. I.
" Fifer, Ills.
" Folger, N. Y.
Sec'y of the Treasury.
" Fuller, Vt.
" Greenhalge, Mass.
" Hale, Wy.
" Hoyt, Wy.
" Hughes, Ariz.
" Humphrey, Kas.
Governor Hunt, Col.
" Hunt, Ida.
" Jewell, Conn.
U.S. Postmaster General.
" Jones, Nev.
" Knapp, Alaska.
" La Follette, Wis.
" Long, Mass.
Sec'y of the Navy.
" Lord, Ore.
" Luce, Mich.
" McDonald, Ind.
" McIntire, Col.
" Mellette, S. D.
" Morrill, Kas.
" Morton, Ind.
" Murphy, Ariz.
" Newell, Wash.
" Odell, N. Y.
" Osborn, Wy.
" Pattison, Penn.
" Pingree, Mich.
" Porter, Ind.
" Rich, Mich.
" Richards, Wy.
" Rickards, Mont.
" Rogers, Wash.
" Roosevelt, N. Y.
" Routt, Col.
Governor Sadler, Nev.
" Saunders, Nev.
" Savage, Nev.
" Semple, Wash.
" Sprague, R. I.
" Squire, Wash.
" Steunenberg, Ida.
" St. John, Kas.
" Talbot, Mass.
" Thayer, Wy.
" Thomas, Col.
Governor Thomas, Utah.
" Van Sant, Minn.
" Voorhees, N. J.
" Waite, Col.
" Warren, Wy.
" Washburn, Mass.
" Wells, Utah.
" West, Utah.
" Winans, Mich.
" Yates, Sr., Ills.
" Young, Utah.

PRESIDENTS OF UNIVERSITIES. (Incomplete list.)

Andrews, E. Benjamin Brown and Neb.
Aylesworth, Barton O. Pres. Col. Agr. Coll.
Baker, James H. Colorado.
Bascom, John Wisconsin.
Bashford, J. W. Ohio Wesleyan.
Beardshear, Wm. Iowa Agr. College.
Capen, Elmer F. Tuft's College.
Dickinson, Frances E. Harvey Medical (Chicago).
Evans, J. G. Hedding (Ills.).
Hale, Horace M. Colorado.
Hawley, J. H. Willamette (Ore.).
Gates, George A. Iowa College.
Gunnison, Almon St. Lawrence.
Gunsaulus, Frank W. Armour Institute.
Henderson, L. F. Idaho.
Herrick, C. L. New Mexico.
Hill, Walter B. Georgia.
Hurst, John F. American University, D. C.
Irvine, Julia J. Wellesley College.
Jordan, David Starr Leland Stanford.
Kellogg, Martin V. California.
Kingsbury, J. T. Utah.
Knox, Martin Van Buren Red River Valley, N. D.
Latimore, S. A. Acting President Rochester.
Lyons, S. R. Monmouth (Ills.).
MacLean, James Idaho.
Marvin, James Kansas.
Northrop, Cyrus W. Minnesota.
Palmer, Alice Freeman Wellesley College.
Park, John R. Utah.
Purnell, W. H. Delaware College.
Rogers, Henry Wade Northwestern.
Shafer, Helen A. Wellesley College.
Sharpless, Isaac Haverford College.
Slocum, W. F. Colorado College.
Smiley, Elmer E. Wyoming.
Snow, F. H. Kansas.
Stephens, D. S. Kansas City.
Sutliff, Phoebe I. Rockford (Ills.).
Swain, Joseph Indiana and Swarthmore.
Thomas, Martha Carey Bryn Mawr College.
Thwing, Charles F. Western Reserve.
Warren, William F. Boston.
Washington, Booker T. Tuskeegee Institute.
Wells, Daniel H. Utah.
White, Andrew D. Cornell.
Whitney, Orson F. Utah.

CLERGYMEN.

Archbishop Ireland Catholic.
Bishop Bowman, Thomas Meth. Epis.
" Brooks, Phillips Prot. Epis.
" Hamilton, John Wm. Meth. Epis.
" Haven, Gilbert "
" Hurst, John F. "
" Huntington, Fred'k D. Prot. Epis.
" Joyce, Isaac W. Meth. Epis.
" McQuaid of Rochester Catholic
" Moore, David H. Meth. Epis.
" Newman, John P. "
Bishop Potter, Henry C. Prot. Epis.
" Sessums, Davis "
" Simpson, Matthew Meth. Epis.
" Spalding of Peoria Catholic.
" Turner, Henry McN. Meth. Epis.
" Walters, A. "
" Warren, Henry W. "
Ames, Charles G. Unit.
Beecher, Henry Ward Cong'l.
Boardman, George W. Bapt.
Bristol, Frank M. Meth. Epis.
Chadwick, John W. Unit.
Channing, William Henry "
Cheever, George B. Cong'l.
Clarke, James Freeman Unit.
Collyer, Robert Unit.
Conway, Moncure D. "
Cook, Joseph Presb.
Dalton, W. J. Catholic
Duryea, Joseph T. Cong'l.
Eaton, Charles H. Univ.
Eggleston, Edward (author) Meth. Epis.
Foss, Herbert "
Gannett, William C. Unit.
Gladden, Washington Cong'l.
Gottheil, Rabbi Gustave.
Gregg, David Presb.
Hall, Frank O. Univ.
Hillis, Newell Dwight Cong'l.
Hinckley, Frederick A. Unit.
Jones, Jenkyn Lloyd "
Kent, Alexander Liberal.
King, Thomas Starr Unit.
Longfellow, Samuel "
Lorimer, George C. Bapt.
May, Samuel J. Unit.
McGlynn, Edward Cath.
Mills, B. Fay Evang.
Moody, Dwight L. "
Newton, Heber Epis.
Parker, Theodore Unit.
Perin, George H. Univ.
Pierpont, John Unit.
Pullman, James M. Univ.
Rainsford, M. S. Epis.
Reed, Myron W. Liberal.
Savage, Minot J. Unit.
Scully, Thomas Cath.
Shippen, Rush Unit.
Swing, David Liberal.
Thomas, Hiram W. "
Tyng, Stephen H. Epis.

WOMEN MINISTERS.

Blackwell, Antoinette Brown Unit.
Booth, Maud Ballington Vols. of Am.
Brown, Olympia Univ.
Buck, Florence Unit.
Chapin, Augusta, D. D. Univ.
Crane, Caroline Bartlett Unit.
Crooker, Florence Kollock Univ.
Deyo, Amanda "
Eastman, Annis F. Cong'l.
Hanaford, Phebe A. Univ.
Hultin, Ida C. Unit.
Moore, Henrietta G. Univ.
Murdock, Marian Unit.
Safford, Mary J. "
Shaw, Anna Howard Prot. Meth.
Spencer, Anna Garlin Liberal.
Tucker, Emma Booth Salv. Army.
Whitney, Mary Traffern Unit.
Wilkes, Eliza Tupper "
Woolley, Celia P. "

ENGLISH CLERGYMEN.

Archbishop of Canterbury 1901.
" " York "
Archdeacon of Manchester.
Bishop of Edinburgh 1895.
" " Exeter "
" " Hereford "
" " London "
" " Southwell "
Canon Charles Kingsley of Westmin'r.
" Wilberforce " "
Archbishop Cardinal Vaughn Cath.
Archbishop Moran of Australia
Archbishop Nozaleda of the
Philippines Cath.
Hugh Price Hughes.
James Martineau, D. D.
Most Rev. Gordon Cowie, Bishop of
Auckland and Primate of New Zealand.
Newman Hall, LL. B., D. D.

AMERICAN MEN.

Alcott, A. Bronson.
Atkinson, Edward.
Bidwell, Gen. John.
Bigelow, John, Minister to France.
Birney, James G.
Blackwell, Henry B.
Booth, Judge Henry, Dean Union Col. of Law, Chicago.
Bowles, Samuel.
Bradwell, Judge James B.
Brooks, John Graham, Pres. National Consumers' League.
Bryant, William Cullen.
Burdette, Robert J.
Cable, George W.
Childs, George W.
Clark, Francis E., Pres. National Christian Endeavor.
Clemens, Samuel R. (Mark Twain).
Curtis, George William.
Debs, Eugene V.
Dole, Sanford B., Governor of Hawaii.
Donnelly, Ignatius.
Douglass, Frederick.
Dow, Neal.
Emerson, Ralph Waldo
Field, Eugene.
Fields, James T.
Fisk, Clinton B.
Ford, Paul Leicester.
Forney, John W.
Foss, Sam Walter.
Foulke, William Dudley.
Garrison, William Lloyd, Sr. and Jr.
Gompers, Samuel.
Griggs, Edward Howard.
Hale, Gen. Irving.
Harris, William T., U. S. Commissioner of Education.
Hattan, Frank, U. S. Postmaster-General.
Higginson, Thomas Wentworth.
Hooker, John.
Howe, Dr. Samuel G.
Howells, William Dean.
Hurd, Judge Harvey B., Dean Northwestern Univ. Law Col.
Husted, James W., Speaker of New York Legislature.
Hutchinson, John.
Ingersoll, Robert G.
Jackson, Francis.
Jackson, James C., Dansville Sanitorium.
Johnson, Thomas L.
Jones, Samuel M., Mayor of Toledo, O.
Longfellow, Henry Wadsworth.
McCulloch, Hugh, Secretary of the Treasury.
Miles, Nelson A., Lieutenant-General U. S. A.
Morton, J. Sterling, Secretary of Agriculture.
Nye, Edgar Wilson (Bill).
Owen, Robert Dale.
Phillips, Wendell.
Pillsbury, Parker.
Powderly, Terence V.
Purvis, Robert.
Quincy, Josiah.
Ridpath, John Clark.
Rogers, Nathaniel P.
Sage, Russell.
Sargent, Frank P., Com'r of Immigration.
Saxton, Gen. Rufus.
Smith, Gerrit.
Tilton, Theodore.
Tourgeé, Albion W.
Tyler, Moses Coit.
Ward, Lester F., Smithsonian Institute.
Washington, Booker T.
Whittier, John G.
Woolley, John G.
Wright, Carroll D., Pres. U. S. Labor Commission.

AMERICAN WOMEN.

Addams, Jane, Hull House, Chicago.
Alcott, Louisa M.
Alden, Cynthia Westover, Pres. Int'l Sunshine Society.
Anthony, Susan B.
Avery, Rachel Foster, Sec'y Nat'l Suff. Ass'n, 21 years.
Barrows, Isabel C.
Barry (Lake), Leonora M., Grand Organizer Knights of Labor.
Barton, Clara, Pres. American Red Cross Ass'n.
Blackwell, Alice Stone, Editor of _The Woman's Journal_.
Blackwell, Dr. Elizabeth,
Blackwell, Dr. Emily, Founders of Woman's Medical College of
New York Infirmary.
Blake, Lillie Devereux, Pres. Nat'l Legislative League.
Booth, Mary L., Editor of _Harper's Bazar_.
Bradwell, Myra, Founder and editor of _Legal News_.
Byrd, Mary E., Director Smith Coll. Observatory.
Campbell, Helen.
Carr, Mary L., Ex-President W. R. C.
Cary, Alice.
Cary, Phoebe.
Catt, Carrie Chapman, Pres. Nat'l Wom. Suff. Ass'n.
Child, Lydia Maria.
Clay, Laura, Aud. Nat'l Wom. Suff. Ass'n.
Clemmer, Mary.
Colby, Clara B., Editor of _The Woman's Tribune_.
Cooper, Sarah B., Pres. Golden Gate Kinder. Ass'n.
Crowe, Martha Foote, Dean Northwestern University.
Decker, Sarah Platt.
Demorest, Mme. Louise, Editor _Demorest's Magazine_.
Diaz, Abby Morton.
Dickinson, Anna E.
Dickinson, Mary Lowe, Hon. Pres. Nat. Council of Women.
Diggs, Annie L., State Librarian, Kansas.
Edson, Susan A., Physician to Garfield.
Fairbanks, Cornelia C., Pres. Gen. Daughters Am. Rev.
Field, Kate.
Field, Martha R. (Catherine Cole), Ex-Pres. Wom. Int'l Press Ass'n.
Fletcher, Alice, Special Indian Agent (Harv. Univ.)
Foster, J. Ellen, Pres. Nat'l Wom. Rep. Ass'n.
Gage, Matilda Joslyn.
Gardiner, Helen H.
Garrett, Mary E.
Gibbons, Abby Hopper, Pres. Woman's Prison Ass'n.
Gougar, Helen M.
Grannis, Elizabeth B., Pres. Nat'l Social Purity League.
Guiney, Louise Imogen.
Hall, Florence Howe.
Harbert, Elizabeth Boynton.
Haskell, Ella Knowles, Ass't Att'y-Gen. of Montana.
Helmuth, Mrs. William Tod, Pres. Nat'l Council of Women.
Henrotin, Ellen M., Ex-Pres. Gen. Fed. of Clubs.
Holley, Marietta, (Josiah Allen's Wife).
Hollister, Lillian M., Sup. Com. Ladies of Maccabees.
Hooker, Isabella Beecher.
Hosmer, Harriet.
Howe, Julia Ward.
Jacobi, Dr. Mary Putnam.
Kelley, Florence, Ex-Chief State Factory Insp., Ills.
Krout, Mary H.
Leslie, Mrs. Frank.
Lippincott, Sarah J., (Grace Greenwood).
Livermore, Mary A.

Lockwood, Mary S., Editor _Am. Mag._ (D. A. R.).
Logan, Olive.
Lowell, Josephine Shaw, Pres. Wom. Munic. L., New York.
Lozier, Dr. Clemence, Founder Woman's Homeopathic College, New York.
Marshall, Dr. Clara, Dean Wom. Med. Coll., Phila.
McCulloch, Catharine Waugh.
McGee, Dr. Anita Newcomb, Ass't Surgeon U. S. A. in Spanish-American War.
Miller, Flo Jamison, Ex-Pres. Woman's Relief Corps.
Mitchell, Maria.
Mussey, Ellen Spencer, Dean Woman's Law College, Washington, D. C.
Nathan, Mrs. Frederick, Pres. N. Y. Consumers' League.
Palmer, Bertha Honoré, Pres. Board Lady Managers, World's Fair.
Parton, Mrs. James (Fanny Fern).
Patton, Abby Hutchinson.
Paul, A. Emmagene, Sup't of Street Cleaning Dep't, 1st Ward, Chicago.
Peabody, Elizabeth, Educator and philanthropist.
Preston, Dr. Ann, Dean of Med. Coll. and founder of Wom. Hosp.,
Philadelphia.
Sewall, May Wright, Pres. Int'l Council of Women.
Seymour, Mary F., Ed. of _Business Woman's Journal_.
Smith, Dr. Julia Holmes, Dean Nat'l Med. Coll., Chicago.
Solomon, Hannah G., Pres. Nat'l Council of Jewish Wom.
Southworth, Mrs. E. D. E. N.
Spofford, Harriet Prescott.
Stanford, Jane Lathrop (Leland).
Stanton, Elizabeth Cady.
Stetson, Charlotte Perkins.
Stevens, Lillian M. N., Pres. National W. C. T. U.
Stevenson, Dr. Sarah Hackett.
Stockham, Dr. Alice B.
Stone, Lucinda Hinsdale.
Stone, Lucy.
Stowe, Harriet Beecher.
Taylor, Elmina Shepard, Pres. Young Woman's Nat'l Improvement Ass'n.
Terrill, Mary Church, Pres. Nat'l Ass'n of Col. Wom.
Upton, Harriet Taylor, Treas. Nat'l Wom. Suff. Ass'n.
Wallace, Mrs. Lew.
Wallace, Zerelda G.
Ward, Elizabeth Stuart Phelps.
Wells, Emmeline B.
Wells, Ida B.
White, Sallie Joy, Ex.-Pres. N. E. Wom. Press Ass'n.
Whiting, Lilian.
Whitney, Anne, Sculptor.
Willard, Frances E.
Willing, Jennie Fowler.
Winslow, Dr. Caroline B.
Winslow, Helen M., Editor of _Club Woman_.
Young, Zina D. H., Pres. Nat'l Woman's Relief Ass'n.
Zakrzewska, Dr. Marie E., Founder New Eng. Hospital for Women and
Children.

GREAT BRITAIN.

Aberdeen, Countess of, Vice-President-at-Large International Council
of Women.
Aberdeen, Earl of, Gov.-Gen. of Canada.
Anderson, Mrs. Garrett, M. D.
Balfour, A. J., Prime Minister.
Balfour, Lady Frances.
Battersea, Lady.
Becker, Lydia, Editor _Women's Suffrage Journal_.
Begg, Faithfull, M. P.
Benson (Archbishop of Canterbury), Mrs.
Besant, Annie.
Besant, Walter.
Biggs, Caroline Ashurst,
Blackburn, Helen, Editors _Englishwoman's Review_.
Blake, Dr. Sophia Jex.
Blatch, Harriet Stanton.
Bright, Mr. and Mrs. Jacob.
Browning, Elizabeth Barrett.
Butler, Josephine E., Pres. Social Purity League.
Carlisle, Lady, Pres. Woman's Liberal Federation.
Chant, Laura Ormiston.
Cobbe, Frances Power.
Cobden, Richard.
Coleridge, Lord Chief Justice.
Courtney, Leonard H., M. P.
Crawford, Emily.
Davies, Emily, Mistress of Girton.
D'Israeli, Benjamin, Prime Minister.
Edwards, Amelia B.
Fawcett, Henry, M. P. and Postmaster-General.
Fawcett, Mrs. Millicent Garrett, Pres. Wom. Suff. Ass'n Great Brit.
Fry, Elizabeth.
Glenesk, Lord.
Grey, Sir George, K. C. B.
Harberton, Lady.
Haslem, Anna Maria. (Ireland.)
Huxley, Thomas H.
Lucas, Margaret Bright.
Martineau, Harriet.
McLaren, Duncan, M. P.
McLaren, Mrs. Priscilla Bright.
Mill, John Stuart, Mr. and Mrs.
Nightingale, Florence.
Proctor, Adelaide A.
Ritchie, Anne Thackeray.
Rollitt, Sir Albert, Earl of Selborne.
Salisbury, Marquis of. Prime Minister.
Selborne, Earl of.
Sidgwick, Mrs. Henry, Princ. of Newnham.
Somerset, Lady Henry, Pres. World's W. C. T. U.
Somerville, Mary, Astronomer.
Stead, Wm. T.
Tallon, Daniel. Lord Mayor of Dublin.
Taylor, Peter A., M. P., and Mrs.
Thomson (Archbish. of York), Mrs.
Todd, Isabella M. S. (Ireland).
Unwin, Jane Cobden.
Wigham, Eliza.
Wollstonecraft, Mary, Author of Rights of Woman (1792).
Woodall, William, M. P.
Wyndham, Hon. George.

FRANCE.

Dumas, Alexandre (fils).
Hugo, Victor.

AUSTRALIA.

Barton, Edmund, Premier.
Cockburn, Sir John, K. C. W. G.,
Kingston, Hon. C. C., Premier S. Aus.
Lyne, Sir William, Premier N. S. W.
Onslow, Lady.
Parkes, Sir Henry, Premier N. S. W.
Reid, Sir G. H., Premier N. S. W.
Turner, Sir George, Premier Victoria.
Windeyer, Lady.

NEW ZEALAND.

Hall, Sir John.
Seddon, H. J., Premier.
Stout, Sir Robert, Premier.
Vogel, Sir Julius, Colonial Treas.

CANADA.

Hall, Sir John, M. P.
MacDonald, Sir John, Premier.

SOUTH AFRICA.

Schreiner, Olive.

TESTIMONY FROM WOMAN SUFFRAGE STATES.[501]

No attempt is made to give here the mass of testimony which is easily
available from the States where women vote, but only enough is
presented to show its nature and the character of those who offer it.
In the four States where women have exercised the full franchise for
from six to thirty-three years, not half a dozen reputable persons
have said over their own names that any of the evils which were so
freely predicted have come to pass or that its effect upon men, women
or the community has been other than good. The small amount of
criticism which has been openly made has been anonymous or from those
whose word was entitled to no weight. There is not another public
question on which the testimony is so uniformly one-sided, and similar
evidence on any other would be accepted as sufficiently conclusive to
demand a unanimous verdict in its favor.

In 1901 Amos R. Wells, editor of the _Christian Endeavor World_, wrote
to twenty-five ministers of several different denominations, choosing
their names at random among his subscribers in the equal suffrage
States, and asking them whether equal suffrage was working well,
fairly well or badly. One answered that it worked badly, three that it
worked fairly well, and the twenty-one others were all positive and
explicit in saying that it worked well. One point upon which they laid
stress was the increased intelligence and breadth of mind of the
women, and the good influence of this upon their children. Mr. Wells
said in summing up: "Woman suffrage makes elections more expensive,
but it is a grand school for the mothers of the republic."

COLORADO.

In 1898, in answer to the continued misrepresentations of the Eastern
press, the friends of woman suffrage issued the following:

We, citizens of the State of Colorado, desire, as lovers of truth
and justice, to give our testimony to the value of equal
suffrage. We believe that the greatest good of the home, the
State and the nation is advanced through the operation of equal
suffrage. The evils predicted have not come to pass. The benefits
claimed for it have been secured, or are in progress of
development. A very large proportion of Colorado women have
conscientiously accepted their responsibility as citizens. In
1894 more than half the total vote for Governor was cast by
women. Between 85 and 90 per cent. of the women of the State
voted at that time. The exact vote of the last election has not
yet been estimated, but there is reason to believe that the
proportional vote of women was as large as in previous years. The
vote of good women, like that of good men, is involved in the
evils resulting from the abuse of our present political system;
but the vote of women is noticeably more conscientious than that
of men, and will be an important factor in bringing about a
better order.

This was signed by the governor, three ex-governors, both senators,
both members of Congress and ex-senators, the chief justice and two
associate justices of the supreme court, three judges of the court of
appeals, four judges of the district court, the secretary of State,
the State treasurer, State auditor, attorney-general, the mayor of
Denver, the president of the State University, the president of
Colorado College, the representative of the General Federation of
Women's Clubs, the vice-regent of the Mount Vernon Association, and
the presidents of thirteen women's clubs.

* * * * *

I am confident that recognition of woman suffrage in the constitution
of proposed States will not in any way hinder, delay or endanger their
admission. That question is one belonging to the State and not to the
general government, and the opponents of woman suffrage will not, I am
sure, deny to the new States the right to settle that question for
themselves.

HENRY M. TELLER (Rep.), _U. S. Senator_. (1889.)

* * * * *

Instead of rough or vicious men, or even drunken men, treating women
with disrespect, the presence of a single good woman at the polls
seems to make the whole crowd of men as respectful and quiet as at the
theater or church. For the credit of American men be it said that the
presence of one woman or girl at the polls, the wife or daughter of
the humblest mechanic, has as good an effect on the crowd as the
presence of the grandest dame or the most fashionable belle. The
American woman is clearly as much of a queen at the polls, in her own
bearing and the deference paid her, as in the drawing-room or at the
opera. I feel more pride than ever in American manhood and American
womanhood since seeing these gatherings on Tuesday, where men and
women of all classes and conditions met in their own neighborhood to
perform with duty and dignity the selection of their own rulers, and
to give their approval to the principles to guide such officials when
chosen. No woman was less in dignity and sweetness of womanhood after
such participation in public duties, and I do not believe there is a
man of sensibility in Colorado to-day who does not love his wife,
daughter, sister or mother the more for the womanly and gracious
manner in which she helped so loyally and intelligently in this
election.

Indeed, Colorado in this election has left very little of good
argument for its sincere opponents to urge against suffrage. So nearly
all of everything having any good sense in it has been disproved here,
that the opposition is left with very few weapons in its armory, and
all of them weak.

JAMES S. CLARKSON (Rep.),
_U. S. Ass't P. M. General_. (1894.)

* * * * *

When the question was submitted in Colorado, I supported and voted for
the proposition as a matter of abstract right; as every fair man must
admit, when the question comes to him, that a woman has the same right
of suffrage as a man. In advocating suffrage you need no platform but
right and justice; those who will not accept it upon that ground would
not be persuaded though one rose from the dead. I will add, however,
that even the most virulent enemy of woman suffrage can not prove that
any harm has come from the experiment. The test in Colorado is still
too new to expect a unanimous verdict, yet all fair-minded observers
are justified in predicting a higher standard of morals and of
political life as a result of woman suffrage.

ALVA ADAMS (Dem.), _Governor_. (1898.)

* * * * *

I supported the cause of woman suffrage, not because I thought it
would work the political regeneration of the country, but because I
believed it was a woman's due to vote, if she desired to do so. I have
also said, and I reiterate, that the enfranchisement of Colorado women
has in many ways benefited the State, that it was a decided advance,
and that I trusted that other States, in emulation of our example,
would soon give the right to women throughout the land.

CHARLES S. THOMAS (Dem.), _Governor_. (1899.)

* * * * *

There is not a political party in the State that will ever dare to
insert in its platform an anti-suffrage plank; for it must not be
forgotten that upon this question the voting power of the women would
equal that of the men. It is no more likely that the women of Colorado
will ever be disfranchised than that the men will be.

HORACE M. HALE, _former President State University_. (1901.)

* * * * *

Few are so unjust or bold as to argue seriously against the abstract
right of women to vote; and experience in Colorado and other Western
States has done much to dispel the various theoretical and sentimental
objections that have been raised against the extension of this
manifest right.

The largest majorities for woman suffrage were given in the most
intelligent cities, and in the best precincts of each city, while the
heavy majorities against it were in the precincts controlled by the
debased and lawless classes, and the lowest grade of machine
politicians, who rely on herding the depraved vote--showing that these
elements dreaded the effect of woman suffrage, and realized the
falsity of the argument that it would increase the immoral and
controllable vote.

So far as I have been able to judge by observation of elections and
analysis of returns, more women vote in the better districts than in
the slums, and the proportion of intelligent and refined voters to the
ignorant and depraved is larger among women than among men. The
average result, therefore, has been beneficial.

No true, refined woman is any less womanly for studying questions of
public interest and expressing her opinions thereon by means of the
ballot.... The general effect has been decidedly beneficial.
Especially does it act as a governor on the political machines of all
parties to regulate the character of nominees and platforms.

Woman suffrage is accepted as an established fact, and is very little
discussed. I certainly have no reason to think that the general
sentiment in its favor has decreased, or that the measure would fail
to pass with as large or a larger majority than before, if again
submitted to the vote of either the men or women of the State. I have
no hesitation whatever in stating as my own positive conviction that
woman suffrage is both right and beneficial, and that it should not
and never will be repealed in Colorado.

IRVING HALE (of Col.), _General in the Army of the Philippines_.
(1902.)

It is said that equal suffrage would make family discord. In Colorado
our divorce laws are rather easy, though stricter than in the
neighboring States, but since 1893, when suffrage was granted, I have
never heard of a case where political differences were alleged as a
cause for divorce or as the provoking cause of family discord. Equal
suffrage, in my judgment, broadens the minds of both men and women. It
has certainly given us in Colorado candidates of better character and
a higher class of officials. It is very true that husband and wife
frequently vote alike--as the magnet draws the needle they go to the
polls together. But women are not coerced. If a man were known to
coerce his wife's vote I believe he would be ridden out of town on a
rail with a coat of tar and feathers. Women's legal rights have been
improved in Colorado since they obtained the ballot, and there are now
no civil distinctions. Equal suffrage tends to make political affairs
better, purer and more desirable for all who take part in them.

THOMAS M. PATTERSON (Dem.), _U. S. Senator_. (1902.)

* * * * *

IDAHO.

It gives me pleasure to say briefly that the extension of the
franchise to the women of Idaho has positively purified its politics.
It has compelled not only State conventions, but, more particularly,
county conventions, of both parties, to select the cleanest and best
material for public office. Many conventions have turned down their
strongest local politicians for the simple reason that their moral
habits were such that the women would unite against them, regardless
of politics. It has also taken politics out of the saloon to a great
extent, and has elevated local politics especially to a higher plane.
Every woman is interested in good government, in good officers, in the
utmost economy of administration, and a low rate of taxation.

FRANK W. HUNT (Dem.), _Governor_. (1900.)

* * * * *

Woman suffrage has been in operation in Idaho for over four years and
there have been no alarming or disastrous results. I think most people
in the State, looking over the past objections to the extension of the
right of suffrage, are now somewhat surprised that any were ever made.
As to advantages--it is, as in all matters of this kind, difficult to
measure them exactly, because the benefit is largely indirect. I
think, however, that it has exercised a good and considerable
influence over conventions, resulting in the nomination of better men
for office, and that it has been of considerable weight in securing
the enactment of good laws.

S. H. HAYS (Fus.), _Ex-Attorney-General_. (1901.)

* * * * *

The adoption of equal suffrage has resulted in much good in Idaho. The
system is working well, and the best result therefrom is the selection
for public positions, State, county and municipal. Our politics in the
past has been manipulated by political adventurers, more or less,
without regard to the best interests of the people, but principally in
the interests of a small coterie of politicians of the different
parties, who have depended upon the public treasury for subsistence.
The participation of our women in the conventions of our various
political parties and in elections has a tendency to relegate the
professional politicians, at least the worst element, and bring forth
in their stead a better class of people. This tendency is of vast
importance to the State. It compels leaders of political parties to be
more careful in the selection of candidates for different offices of
trust and profit. RALPH P. QUARLES, _Justice of the Supreme Court_.
(1902.)

* * * * *

The Chief Justice and all the Judges of the Supreme Court have
published a statement saying in part: "Woman suffrage in this State is
a success; none of the evils predicted have come to pass, and it has
gained much in popularity since its adoption by our people."

* * * * *

UTAH.

The lawmakers seem to be afraid of enfranchising women because of the
deteriorating effect which politics might have on womankind. If this
be true let the experience of Utah speak. For six years women in this
State have had the right to vote and hold office. Have the wheels of
progress stopped? Instead we have bounded forward with seven-league
boots. Have the fears and predictions of the local opponents of woman
suffrage been verified? Have women degenerated into low politicians,
neglecting their homes and stifling the noblest emotions of womanhood?
On the contrary women are respected quite as much as they were before
Statehood; loved as rapturously as ever, and are led to the altar with
the same beatific strains of music and the same unspeakable joy that
invested ceremonials before their enfranchisement.

The plain facts are that in this State the influence of woman in
politics has been distinctly elevating. In the primary, in the
convention and at the polls her very presence inspires respect for law
and order. Few men are so base that they will not be gentlemen in the
presence of ladies. Experience has shown that women have voted their
intelligent convictions. They understand the questions at issue and
they vote conscientiously and fearlessly. While we do not claim to
have the purest politics in the world in Utah, it will be readily
conceded that the woman-vote is a terror to evildoers, and our course
is, therefore, upward and onward.

One of the bugaboos of the opposition was that women would be
compelled to sit on juries. Not a single instance of the kind has
happened in the State, for the reason that women are never summoned;
the law simply exempts them, but does not exclude them. Another
favorite idiocy of the anti-suffragists is that if the women vote they
ought to be compelled to fight. In the same manner the law exempts
them from military service.

For one I am proud of Utah's record in dealing with her female
citizens. I take the same pride in it that a good husband would who
had treated his wife well, and I look forward with eager hope to the
day when woman suffrage shall become universal.

HEBER M. WELLS (Rep.), _Governor_. (1902.)

There is literally no end to the favorable testimony from Utah, given
by Mormons and Gentiles alike.

* * * * *

WYOMING.

Gov. John A. Campbell was in office when the woman suffrage law was
passed. In 1871 he said in his message to the Territorial Legislature:

There is upon our statute book "an Act granting to the women of
Wyoming Territory the right of suffrage," which has now been in
force two years. It is simple justice to say that the women
entering, for the first time in the history of the country, upon
these new and untried duties, have conducted themselves in every
respect with as much tact, sound judgment, and good sense, as
men.

In 1873 he said: "Two years more of observation of the practical
working of the system have only served to deepen my conviction that
what we, in this Territory, have done, has been well done; and that
our system of impartial suffrage is an unqualified success."

Governor Thayer, who succeeded Campbell, said in his message:

Woman suffrage has now been in practical operation in our
Territory for six years, and has, during the time, increased in
popularity and in the confidence of the people. In my judgment
the results have been beneficial, and its influence favorable to
the best interests of the community.

Governor Hoyt, who succeeded Thayer, said in 1882:

Under woman suffrage we have better laws, better officers, better
institutions, better morals, and a higher social condition in
general, than could otherwise exist. Not one of the predicted
evils, such as loss of native delicacy and disturbance of home
relations, has followed in its train.

Later he said in a public address: "The great body of our women, and
the best of them, have accepted the elective franchise as a precious
boon and exercise it as a patriotic duty--in a word, after many years
of happy experience, woman suffrage is so thoroughly rooted and
established in the minds and hearts of the people that, among them
all, no voice is ever uplifted in protest against or in question of
it."

Governor Hale, who was next in this office, expressed himself
repeatedly to the same effect.

Governor Warren, who succeeded Hale, said in a letter to Horace G.
Wadlin, Esq., of the Massachusetts House of Representatives, in 1885:

Our women consider much more carefully than our men the character
of candidates, and both political parties have found themselves
obliged to nominate their best men in order to obtain the support
of the women. As a business man, as a city, county, and
territorial officer, and now as Governor of Wyoming Territory, I
have seen much of the workings of woman suffrage, but I have yet
to hear of the first case of domestic discord growing out of it.
Our women nearly all vote, and since in Wyoming as elsewhere the
majority of women are good and not bad, the result is good and
not evil.

Territorial Governors are appointed, not elected. As U. S. Senator,
Mr. Warren has up to the present time (1902) repeatedly given similar
testimony. In various chapters of the present volume may be found the
strong approval of ex-U. S. Senator Joseph M. Carey.

Most of these Governors were Republicans. Hon. N. L. Andrews
(Democrat), Speaker of the Wyoming House of Representatives, said in
1879:

I came to this Territory in the fall of 1871, with the strongest
prejudice possible against woman suffrage. The more I have seen
of it, the less my objections have been realized, and the more it
has commended itself to my judgment and good opinion. Under all
my observations it has worked well, and has been productive of
much good. The women use the ballot with more independence and
discrimination in regard to the qualifications of candidates than
men do. If the ballot in the hand of woman compels political
parties to place their best men in nomination, this, in and of
itself, is a sufficient reason for sustaining woman suffrage.

Ex-Chief Justice Fisher, of Cheyenne, said in 1883:

I wish I could show the people who are so wonderfully exercised
on the subject of female suffrage just how it works. The women
watch the nominating conventions, and if the Republicans put a
bad man on their ticket and the Democrats a good one, the
Republican women do not hesitate a moment in scratching off the
bad and substituting the good. It is just so with the Democratic
women. I have seen the effects of female suffrage, and instead of
being a means of encouragement to fraud and corruption, it tends
greatly to purify elections and give better government.

In 1884 Attorney-General M. C. Brown said in a public letter:

My prejudices were formerly all against woman suffrage, but they
have gradually given way since it became an established fact in
Wyoming. My observation, extending over a period of fifteen
years, satisfies me of its entire justice and propriety.
Impartial observation has also satisfied me that in the use of
the ballot women exercise fully as good judgment as men, and in
some particulars are more discriminating, as, for instance, on
questions of morals.

At another time he said:

I have been asked if women make good jurors, and I answer by
saying, that so far as I have observed their conduct on juries,
as a lawyer, I find but little fault with them.... They do not
reason like men upon the evidence, but, being possessed of a
higher quality of intellectuality, i. e., keen perceptions, they
see the truth of the thing at a glance. Their minds once settled,
neither sophistry, logic, rhetoric, pleading nor tears will move
them from their purpose. A guilty person never escapes a just
punishment when tried by women juries.

The effect of woman suffrage upon the people of Wyoming has been
good. It has been said by one man that open, flagrant acts of
bribery are commonly practiced at the polls in Wyoming, and this
statement is made to show that the effect of woman suffrage has
not been good. The statement is not true. In the last election
there were in Cheyenne large sums of money expended to influence
the result, and votes were bought on the streets in an open and
shameless manner. As U. S. Attorney for the Territory, it became
my duty to investigate this matter before a grand jury composed
of men. The revelations before the jury were astonishing and many
cases of bribery were clearly proven; but while a majority of
those composing the jury were men of the highest integrity, there
were so many members who had probably taken part in the same
unlawful transactions that no indictment could be obtained. The
circumstances attending this election were phenomenal. It would
be unjust to the women, however, if I should fail to add that,
while it was clearly proven that many men sold their votes, it
was strikingly apparent that few if any women, even of the vilest
class, were guilty of the same misconduct.

The Hon. John W. Kingman, for four years a Judge of the U. S. Supreme
Court of Wyoming says:

Woman suffrage was inaugurated in 1869 without much discussion,
and without any general movement of men or women in its favor. At
that time few women voted. At each election since, they have
voted in larger numbers, and now nearly all go to the polls. Our
women do not attend the caucuses in any considerable numbers, but
they generally take an interest in the selection of candidates,
and it is very common, in considering the availability of an
aspirant for office, to ask, 'How does he stand with the ladies?'
Frequently the men set aside certain applicants for office,
because their characters would not stand the criticism of women.
The women manifest a great deal of independence in their
preference for candidates, and have frequently defeated bad
nominations. Our best and most cultivated women vote, and vote
understandingly and independently, and they can not be bought
with whiskey or blinded by party prejudice. They are making
themselves felt at the polls, as they do everywhere else in
society, by a quiet but effectual discountenancing of the bad,
and a helping hand for the good and the true. We have had no
trouble from the presence of bad women at the polls. It has been
said that the delicate and cultured women would shrink away, and
the bold and indelicate come to the front in public affairs. This
we feared; but nothing of the kind has happened. I do not believe
that suffrage causes women to neglect their domestic affairs.
Certainly, such has not been the case in Wyoming, and I never
heard a man complain that his wife was less interested in
domestic economy because she had the right to vote and took an
interest in making the community respectable. The opposition to
woman suffrage at first was pretty bitter. To-day I do not think
you could get a dozen respectable men in any locality to oppose
it.

In 1895 U. S. Senator Clarence D. Clark wrote as follows to the
Constitutional Convention of Utah which was considering a woman
suffrage plank:

So far as the operation of the law in this State is concerned, we
were so well satisfied, with twenty years' experience under the
Territorial government, that it went into our constitution with
but one dissenting vote, although many thought that such a
section might result in its rejection by Congress. If it does
nothing else it fulfils the theory of a true representative
government, and in this State, at least, has resulted in none of
the evils prophesied. It has not been the fruitful source of
family disagreements feared. It has not lowered womanhood. Women
do generally take advantage of the right to vote, and vote
intelligently. It has been years since we have had trouble at the
polls--quiet and order, in my opinion, being due to two causes,
the presence of women and our efficient election laws. One
important feature I might mention, and that is, in view of the
woman vote, no party dare nominate notoriously immoral men, for
fear of defeat by that vote. Regarding the adoption of the system
in other States I see no reason why its operation should not be
generally the same elsewhere as it is with us. It is surely true
that after many years' experience, Wyoming would not be content
to return to the old limits, as, in our opinion, the absence of
ill results is conclusive proof of the wisdom of the proposition.

In 1896 the Hon. H. V. S. Groesbeck, Chief Justice of the Supreme
Court, thus summed up the results of twenty-seven years' experience:

1. Woman suffrage has been weighed and not found wanting. Adopted
by a statute passed by the first legislative Assembly of the
Territory, in 1869, and approved by the Governor, it has
continued without interruption and with but one unsuccessful
demand for the repeal of the law. The constitutional convention
which assembled in 1889 adopted the equal suffrage provision and
refused to submit the question to a separate vote by a large
majority. The continuance of the measure for nearly a quarter of
a century, and the determination to incorporate it in the
fundamental law, even at the risk of failing to secure Statehood,
are the strongest arguments of its benefit and permanency.

2. It has tended to secure good nominations for the public
offices. The women as a class will not knowingly vote for
incompetent, immoral or inefficient candidates.

3. It has tended to make the women self-reliant and independent,
and to turn their attention to the study of the science of
government--an education that is needed by the mothers of the
race.

4. It has made our elections quiet and orderly. No rudeness,
brawling or disorder appears or would be tolerated at the polling
booths. There is no more difficulty or indelicacy in depositing a
ballot in the urn than in dropping a letter in the post office.

5. It has not marred domestic harmony. Husband and wife
frequently vote opposing tickets without disturbing the peace of
the home. Divorces are not as frequent here as in other
communities, even taking into consideration our small population.
Many applicants for divorces are from those who have a husband or
wife elsewhere, and the number of divorces granted for causes
arising in this State are comparatively few.

6. It has not resulted in unsexing women. They have not been
office-seekers. Women are generally selected for county
superintendents of the schools--offices for which they seem
particularly adapted, but they have not been applicants for other
positions.

7. Equal suffrage brings together at the ballot-box the
enlightened common sense of American manhood and the unselfish
moral sentiment of American womanhood. Both of these elements
govern a well-regulated household, and both should sway the
political destinies of the entire human family. Particularly do
we need in this new commonwealth the home influence at the
primaries and at the polls. We believe with Emerson that if all
the vices are represented in our politics, some of the virtues
should be.

In 1902 Justice Corn, of the State Supreme Court, made the following
public statement:

Women of all classes very generally vote. Bad women do not
obtrude their presence at the polls, and I do not now remember
ever to have seen a distinctively bad woman casting her vote.

Woman suffrage has no injurious effect upon the home or the
family that I have ever heard of during the twelve years I have
resided in the State. It does not take so much of women's time as
to interfere with their domestic duties, or with their church or
charitable work. It does not impair their womanliness or make
them less satisfactory as wives and mothers. They do not have
less influence, or enjoy less respect and consideration socially.
My impression is that they read the daily papers and inform
themselves upon public questions much more generally than women
elsewhere.

Woman suffrage has had the effect almost entirely to exclude
notoriously bad or immoral men from public office in the State.
Parties refuse to nominate such men upon the distinct ground that
they can not obtain the women's vote.

The natural result of such conditions is to increase the respect
in which women are held, and not to diminish it. They are a more
important factor in affairs, and therefore more regarded. It is
generally conceded, I think, that women have a higher standard of
morality and right living than men. And, as they have a say in
public matters, it has a tendency to make men respect their
standard, and in some degree attempt to attain it themselves.

I have never been an enthusiastic advocate of woman suffrage as a
cure for all the ills that afflict society, but I give you in
entire candor my impressions of it from my observations in this
State.

In 1889, after women in Wyoming had very generally exercised the full
suffrage since 1869, Mrs. Clara B. Colby, editor of the _Woman's
Tribune_, Washington, D. C., compiled a report from the census
statistics. Those relating to crime, insanity and divorce were as
follows:

The population of the United States has increased in the last
decade 24.6 per cent. That of Wyoming has increased 127.9 per
cent. But while the number of criminals in the whole United
States has increased 40.3--an alarming ratio far beyond the
increase of population--notwithstanding the immense increase of
population in Wyoming, the number of criminals has not increased
at all, but there has been a relative decrease, which shows a
law-abiding community and a constantly improving condition of the
public morals. In 1870 there were confined in the jails and
prisons of Wyoming 74 criminals, 72 men and 2 women. The census
of 1880 shows the same number of criminals, 74, as against an
average number of criminals in the other Western States of 645.
This remarkable fact is made more interesting because the 74 in
1890 are all men, and thus the scarecrow of the vicious women in
politics disappears. Wyoming being the only State in which the
per cent. of criminal women has decreased, it is evident that the
morals of the female part of the population improve with the
exercise of the right of suffrage.

There were 189,503 insane in the United States, but there were
but three insane persons in Wyoming in 1880, all men. The
preponderance of insanity among married women is usually
attributed to the monotony of their lives, and since this is much
relieved by their participation in politics we should naturally
expect to find, as a physical effect, a decreased proportion of
insane women where woman suffrage prevails.

From 1870 to 1880 the rate of divorce increased in the United
States 79.4 per cent., three times the ratio of the increase of
population, and in the group of Western States, omitting,
Wyoming, it increased 436.7 per cent., almost four times the
average increase of population, while in Wyoming the average
increase in divorce was less than 50 per cent. of that of the
population.

Compare Wyoming with a typical Eastern State--Connecticut--the
latter has one insane person to every 363 of the population,
Wyoming has one to every 1,497. Nor is this wholly a difference
of East and West, for Idaho, its neighbor, shows one insane to
every 1,029. Especially would voting seem to increase the
intelligence of women, for in Connecticut there are over
seven-tenths as many female idiots as there are male idiots,
while in Wyoming there are only four-tenths as many.

Woman suffrage may have played no part in these statistics, but if
they had shown an _increase_ of crime, insanity and divorce, it
certainly would have been held responsible by the world at large.

* * * * *

NEW YORK.

The History is indebted to Attorney-General John C. Davies for most of
the information on School Suffrage contained in the New York chapter,
and also for the opinion which follows herewith on the right of women
in that State to hold office.

By the Consolidated School Law it is provided, as regarding
School Commissioners, that "No person shall be deemed ineligible
to such office by reason of sex, who has the other qualifications
as herewith provided;" and regarding common school districts, it
is provided that "Every district officer must be a resident of
his district and qualified to vote at its meetings." As certain
women are qualified to vote in any common school district, such
women are thus eligible to any _district_ office, including the
offices of trustee, clerk, collector, treasurer or librarian.

A similar provision in reference to union free schools, that "No
person shall be eligible to hold any school district office in
any union free school district unless he or she is a qualified
voter in such district and is able to read and write," permits
women to hold office as members of the board of education and
other district offices.

Aside from Chapter 214 of the Laws of 1892, which has been held
to be unconstitutional, I know of no provision of law extending
school suffrage to women in _cities_, except that charters of
certain third class cities have extended to women tax-payers the
right to vote upon a proposition involving the raising of a tax.

By the Public Officers' Law, Chap. 681 of the Laws of 1892,
Section 3, it is provided that "No person shall be capable of
holding a civil office who shall not, at the time he shall be
chosen thereto, be of full age, a citizen of the United States,
and resident of the State, and, if it be a local office, a
resident of the political subdivision or municipal corporation of
the State for which he shall be chosen, or within which the
electors electing him reside, or within which his official
functions are required to be exercised."

In the case of Findlay against Thorn, in the City Court of New
York, where the question arose as to the right of a woman to
exercise the office of notary public, Chief Justice McAdam
refused to pass upon the question, holding that the right could
be decided only in a direct proceeding brought for the purpose by
the Attorney-General, in which the notary might defend her title.
And the court adds:

"Whether a female is capable of holding a public office has never
been decided by the courts of this State and it is a question
about which legal minds may well differ. The Constitution
regulates the right of suffrage and limits it to 'male' citizens.
Disabilities are not favored and are seldom extended by
implication, from which it may be argued that if it required the
insertion of the term 'male' to exclude female citizens of lawful
age from the right of suffrage, a similar limitation would be
required to disqualify them from holding office. Citizenship is a
condition or status and has no relation to age or sex. It may be
contended that it was left to the good sense of the Executive and
to the electors to determine whether or not they would elect
females to office and that the power being lodged in safe hands
was beyond danger of abuse.

"If on the other hand it be seriously contended that the
Constitution by necessary implication, disqualifies females from
holding office, it must follow as a necessary consequence that
the Act of the Legislature permitting females to serve as school
officers (Chap. 9, Laws of 1880), and all other legislative
enactments of like import, removing such disqualifications, are
unconstitutional and void. In this same connection it may be
argued that if the use of the personal pronoun 'he' in the
Constitution does not exclude females from public office, its use
in the statute can have no greater effect. The statute, like the
Constitution, in prescribing qualifications for office omits the
word 'male,' leaving the question whether female citizens of
lawful age are included or excluded, one of construction.

"I make these observations for the purpose of showing that the
question whether females are eligible to public office in this
State, is one not entirely free from doubt and should not
therefore be decided where it arises, as it does here,
incidentally and collaterally. When the law officers of the State
see fit to test the question in direct proceedings for the
purpose, it will be time enough to attempt to settle the
contention. In such a proceeding, the case of Robinson (131 Mass.
376, and that reported in 107 Mass. 604), where it was held that
a woman could not be admitted to practice as an attorney and
counselor at law in Massachusetts, and those decided in other
States that they can hold office, may be examined and
considered."

See also Am. and Eng. Ency. of Law, Vol. 19, p. 403-4. I might
add that in this State there are many women who hold the office
of notary public.

* * * * *

WASHINGTON.

The following account of the unconstitutional disfranchising of the
women of Washington Territory in 1888 was carefully prepared by the
editors of the _Woman's Journal_ (Boston). When the editors of the
present volume decided to incorporate it as a part of the History of
Woman Suffrage it was submitted to Judge Orange J. Jacobs of Seattle
for legal inspection. He returned it with the statement that it was
correct in every particular. It constitutes one of the many judicial
outrages which have been committed in the United States in the
determination to prevent the enfranchisement of women:

Women voted in Washington Territory for the first time in 1884,
and were disfranchised by its Supreme Court in 1887.

Equal suffrage was granted by the Legislature in October, 1883.
The women at once began to distinguish themselves there, as in
Wyoming and elsewhere, by voting for the best man, irrespective
of party. The old files of the Washington newspapers bear ample
evidence to this fact. The first chance they had to vote was at
the municipal elections of July, 1884. The Seattle _Mirror_ said:

"The city election of last Monday was for more reasons than one
the most important ever held in Seattle. The presence of women at
the voting-places had the effect of preventing the disgraceful
proceedings usually seen. It was the first election in the city
where the women could vote, and the first where the gambling and
liquor fraternity, which had so long controlled the municipal
government to an enormous extent, suffered defeat."

The _Post-Intelligencer_ said:

"After the experience of the late election it will not do for any
one here to say the women do not want to vote. They displayed as
much interest as the men, and, if anything, more.... The result
insures Seattle a first-class municipal administration. It is a
warning to that undesirable class of the community who subsist
upon the weaknesses and vices of society that disregard of law
and the decencies of civilization will not be tolerated."

Quotations might be multiplied from the papers of other towns,
testifying to the independent voting of the women, the large size
of their vote, the courtesy with which they were treated, and the
greater quiet and order produced by their presence at the polls.

Next came the general election of November, 1884. Again the
newspapers were practically unanimous as to the result. The
Olympia _Transcript_, which was opposed to equal suffrage, said:
"The result shows that all parties must put up good men if they
expect to elect them. They can not do as they have in the
past--nominate any candidates, and elect them by the force of the
party lash."

The _Democratic State Journal_ said: "No one could fail to see
that hereafter more attention must be given at the primaries to
select the purest of material, by both parties, if they would
gain the female vote."

Charles J. Woodbury visited Washington about this time. In a
letter to the N. Y. _Evening Post_, he said: "Whatever may be the
vicissitudes of woman suffrage in Washington Territory in the
future, it should now be put on record that at the election, Nov.
4, 1884, nine-tenths of its adult female population availed
themselves of the right to vote with a hearty enthusiasm."

He goes on to say that he arrived in Seattle on Sunday, and was
surprised at the quiet and order he found prevailing, and at the
general Sunday closing of the places of business: "Even the bars
of the hotels were closed; and this was the worst town in the
Territory when I first saw it. Now its uproarious theaters,
dance-houses, squaw-brothels and Sunday fights are things of the
past. Not a gambling house exists."

Women served on juries, and meted out the full penalty of the law
to gamblers and keepers of disorderly houses. The Chief Justice
of the Territory was the Hon. Roger S. Greene, a cousin of U. S.
Senator Hoar, a man of high character and integrity, and a
magistrate celebrated throughout the Northwest for his resolute
and courageous resistance to lynch law. In his charge to the
grand jury at Port Townsend, August, 1884, he said:

"The opponents of woman suffrage in this Territory are found
allied with a solid phalanx of gamblers, prostitutes, pimps, and
drunkard-makers--a phalanx composed of all in each of those
classes who know the interest of the class and vote according to
it."

In his charge to another grand jury later, Chief Justice Greene
said:

"Twelve terms of court, ladies and gentlemen, I have now held, in
which women have served as grand and petit jurors, and it is
certainly a fact beyond dispute that no other twelve terms so
salutary for restraint of crime have ever been held in this
Territory. For fifteen years I have been trying to do what a
judge ought, but have never till the last six months felt
underneath and around me, in the degree that every judge has a
right to feel it, the upbuoying might of the people in the line
of full and resolute enforcement of the law."

Naturally, the vicious elements disliked "the full and resolute
enforcement of law." The baser sort of politicians also disliked
the independent voting of the women. The Republicans had a normal
majority in the Territory, but they nominated for a high office a
man who was a hard drinker. The Republican women would not vote
for him, and he was defeated. Next they nominated a man who had
for years been openly living with an Indian woman and had a
family of half-breed children. Again the Republican women refused
to vote for him, and he was defeated. This brought the enmity of
the Republican "machine" upon woman suffrage. The Democratic
women showed equal independence, and incurred the hostility of
the Democratic "machine."

Between 1884 and 1888 a change of administration at Washington
led to a change in the Territorial Supreme Court. The newly
appointed Chief Justice and a majority of the new judges of the
Supreme Court [appointed by President Cleveland] were opposed to
equal suffrage, and were amenable, it is said, to the strong
pressure brought to bear upon them by all the vicious elements to
secure its repeal. A gambler who had been convicted by a jury
composed in part of women contested the sentence on the ground
that women were not legal voters, and the Supreme Court decided
that the woman suffrage bill was unconstitutional, because it had
been headed "An Act to Amend Section So and So, Chapter So and So
of the Code," instead of "An Act to Enfranchise Women.".... When
the Legislature met in 1888 it re-enacted the woman suffrage
bill, giving it a full heading, and strengthening it in every way
possible.

Washington was about to be admitted as a State, and was preparing
to hold a Constitutional Convention to frame a State
constitution. There was no doubt that the majority of the women
wanted to vote. Chief Justice Greene estimated that four-fifths
of them had voted at the last election before they were deprived
of the right. Two successive Legislatures elected by men and
women jointly had re-enacted woman suffrage (for its continuance
had been made a test question in the choice of the first
Legislature for which the women voted, and that Legislature had
been careful to insert the words "he or she" in all bills
relating to the election laws). It was admitted on all hands that
if the women were allowed to vote for members of the
Constitutional Convention, it would be impossible to elect one
that would wipe out woman suffrage. It was therefore imperative
to deprive the women of their votes before the members of the
convention were chosen. A scheme was arranged for the purpose.
On the ground that she was a woman, the election officers at a
local election refused the vote of Mrs. Nevada Bloomer, a
saloon-keeper's wife, who was opposed to suffrage. _They accepted
the votes of all the other women._ She made a test case by
bringing suit against them. In the ordinary course of things, the
case would not have come up till after the election of the
constitutional convention. But cases for the restoration of
personal rights may be advanced on the docket, and Mrs. Bloomer's
ostensible object was the restoration of her personal rights,
though her real object was to deprive all women of theirs. Her
case was put forward on the docket and hurried to a decision.

The Supreme Court [George Turner and Wm. G. Langford] this time
pronounced the woman suffrage law unconstitutional on the ground
that _it was beyond the power of a Territorial Legislature to
enfranchise women_. The Organic Act of the Territory said that at
the first Territorial election persons with certain
qualifications should vote, and at subsequent elections _such
persons as the Territorial Legislature might enfranchise_. But
the court took the ground that in giving the Legislature the
right to regulate suffrage, Congress did not at the time have it
specifically in mind that they might enfranchise women, and that
therefore they could not do so.(!) The suffragists wanted to have
the case appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States, but
Mrs. Bloomer refused.

The women themselves being prevented from voting, their friends
were not able to overcome the combined "machines" of both
political parties, and the intense opposition of all the vicious
and disorderly elements, at that time very large on the Pacific
Coast. A convention opposed to equal suffrage was elected, and
framed a constitution excluding women. A friend of the present
writer talked with many of the members while the convention was
in session. He says almost every lawyer in that body
acknowledged, in private conversation, that the decision by which
the women had been disfranchised was illegal. "But," they said,
"the women had set the community by the ears on the temperance
question, and we had to get rid of them." One politician said,
frankly, "Women are natural mugwumps, and I hate a mugwump."

The convention, however, yielded to the pressure sufficiently to
submit to the men a separate amendment proposing to strike out
the word "male" from the suffrage clause of the new State
constitution, but no woman was allowed to vote on it. In
November, 1889, this amendment was lost, the same elements that
defeated it in the convention defeating it at the polls, with the
addition of a great influx of foreign immigrants.

NATIONAL-AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION.

This is the most democratic of organizations. Its sole object is to
secure for women citizens protection in their right to vote. The
general officers are nominated by an informal secret ballot, no one
being put in nomination. The three persons receiving the highest
number of votes are considered the nominees and the election is
decided by secret ballot. Those entitled to vote are three
delegates-at-large for each auxiliary State society and one delegate
in addition for every one hundred members of each State auxiliary; the
State presidents and State members of the National Executive
Committee; the general officers of the association; the chairmen of
standing committees. The delegates present from each State cast the
full vote to which that State is entitled. The vote is taken in the
same way upon any other question whenever the delegates present from
five States request it. In other cases each delegate has one vote.
Any State whose dues are unpaid on January 1 loses its vote in the
convention for that year.

The two honorary presidents, president, vice-president-at-large, two
secretaries, treasurer and two auditors constitute the Business
Committee, which transacts the entire business of the association
between the annual conventions.

The Executive Committee is composed of the Business Committee, the
president of each State, and one member from each State, together with
the chairmen of standing committees; fifteen make a quorum for the
transaction of business. The decisions reached by the Executive
Committee, which meets during the convention week, are presented in
the form of recommendations at the business sessions of the
convention.

The constitution may be amended by a two-thirds vote at any annual
meeting, after one day's notice in the convention, notice of the
proposed amendment having been previously given to the Business
Committee, and by them published in the suffrage papers not less than
three months in advance.

The association must hold an annual convention of regularly-elected
delegates for the election of officers and the transaction of
business. An annual meeting must be held in Washington, D. C., during
the first session of each Congress.

The Committee on Resolutions must consist of one person from each
State, elected by its delegation.

There are few changes in officers and the association is noted for the
harmony of its meetings, although the delegates generally are of
decided convictions and unusual force of character. Men are eligible
to membership and a number belong, but the affairs of the organization
are wholly in the hands of women.

Auxiliary State and Territorial associations exist in all but Wyoming,
Idaho, Utah, Arkansas, Nevada and Texas. Suffrage associations are not
needed in the first three, as the women have the full franchise.

OFFICERS FOR 1900.

Honorary Presidents, ELIZABETH CADY STANTON, New York City; SUSAN B.
ANTHONY, Rochester, N. Y.

President, CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT, New York City.

Vice-President-at-Large, REV. ANNA HOWARD SHAW, Philadelphia.

Recording Secretary, ALICE STONE BLACKWELL, Boston.

Corresponding Secretary, RACHEL FOSTER AVERY, Philadelphia.

Treasurer, HARRIET TAYLOR UPTON, Warren, Ohio.

Auditors, LAURA CLAY, Lexington, Ky.; CATHARINE WAUGH MCCULLOCH,
Chicago.

Honorary Vice-Presidents--[Prominent names mentioned in various
States.]

FOOTNOTES:

[499] For Congressional action see History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. II,
Chaps. XVII, XXIV, XXV; Vol. III, Chap. XXX; present volume, Chaps.
III, V, VI, Chapter on Wyoming, and references in footnote of Chap. I.

[500] This list is most incomplete, as members change so frequently
and the House has not voted on the question since 1869. Most of the
names given above are of those who have in some way openly advocated
the measure. Practically all of the members from the States where
women have the full franchise are in favor, and there always has been
a large number from Kansas. In 1896, in response to letters of
inquiry, many announced themselves as ready to vote for a suffrage
amendment.

[501] This is supplementary to matter contained in the State chapters.

STANDING COMMITTEES.

PROGRAMME--Carrie Chapman Catt, N. Y.; Rachel Foster Avery, Acting
Chairman, Penn.; May Dudley Greeley, Minn.; Lucy Hobart Day, Me.; Kate
M. Gordon, La.

CONGRESSIONAL WORK--Susan B. Anthony, N. Y.; Carrie Chapman Catt,
N.Y.; Harriet Taylor Upton, O.; Helen M. Warren, Wy.; Virginia
Morrison Shafroth, Col.

PRESS WORK--Elnora M. Babcock, N. Y.

ENROLLMENT--Priscilla Dudley Hackstaff, N. Y. and all State
Treasurers.

FEDERAL SUFFRAGE--Sallie Clay Bennett, Ky.; Martha E. Root, Mich.

PRESIDENTIAL SUFFRAGE--Henry B. Blackwell, Mass, and State Presidents.

NATIONAL COMMITTEE ON LOCAL ARRANGEMENTS--Lucy E. Anthony, Penn.

RAILROAD RATES--Mary G. Hay, N. Y.

SPECIAL COMMITTEES.

INDUSTRIAL PROBLEMS AFFECTING WOMEN AND CHILDREN--Clara Bewick Colby,
D. C; Martha E. Root, Mich.; Annie L. Diggs, Kas.; Margaret O. Rhodes,
Okla.; Annie English Silliman, N. J.; Mary C. C. Bradford, Col.; Gail
Laughlin, N. Y.

LEGISLATION FOR CIVIL RIGHTS--Laura M. Johns, Kas.

CONVENTION RESOLUTIONS--Susan B. Anthony, N. Y.; Carrie Chapman Catt,
N. Y.; Ida Husted Harper, D. C.; Anna Howard Shaw, Penn.; Rachel
Foster Avery, Penn.

POLITICAL EQUALITY SERIES--Alice Stone Blackwell, Mass.; Ida Husted
Harper, D. C.

LIFE MEMBERS. (1901.)

_Alabama_--Adella Hunt Logan.

_California_--Mrs. A. R. Faulkner, Mary Wood Swift.

_Colorado_--Mary C. C. Bradford, Emily A. Brown, Amy K. Cornwall,
Louisa S. Janvier, Emily R. Meredith.

_Connecticut_--H. J. Lewis.

_District of Columbia_--Julia L. Langdon Barber, Lucia E. Blount, Mary
Foote Henderson, Margaret J. Henry, Hannah Cassall Mills, Mary A.
McPherson, Martha McWirther, Mary C. Nason, Julia T. Ripley, Sophronia
C. Snow, C. W. Spofford, Jane H. Spofford, Mary E. Terry, Helen Rand
Tindall, Eliza Titus Ward, Nettie L. White.

_Georgia_--Gertrude C. Thomas.

_Illinois_--Sarah O. Coonley, Climenia K. Dennett, Emily M. Gross, Ida
S. Noyes, Dr. Julia Holmes Smith, Elmina Springer, Lydia A. Coonley
Ward.

_Indiana_--Ida Husted Harper, Alice Wheeler Peirce, May Wright Sewall.

_Iowa_--Martha C. Callanan, Nancy Logan, Mettie Laub Romans.

_Kansas_--Mabel LaPorte Diggs, Sarah E. Morrow.

_Kentucky_--Susan Look Avery, Sallie Clay Bennett, Mary B. Trimble,
Laura R. White.

_Louisiana_--Caroline E. Merrick.

_Maryland_--Caroline Hallowell Miller.

_Massachusetts_--Carrie Anders, Martha M. Atkins, Alice Stone
Blackwell, Henry B. Blackwell, Ellen Wright Garrison, Ellen F. Powers,
Caroline Scott, Pauline Agassiz Shaw, Nellie S. Smith.

_Michigan_--Delos A. Blodgett, Daisy Peck Blodgett, Olivia B. Hall.

_Minnesota_--Alice Scott Cash, Elizabeth A. Russell, Sarah Vail
Thompson.

_Missouri_--Phoebe W. Cousins, Virginia L. Minor, Sarah E. Turner.

_Nebraska_--Clara Bewick Colby, Mary Smith Hayward, Mary H. Williams.

_New Hampshire_--Marilla M. Ricker.

_New Jersey_--Florence Howe Hall, Laura Lloyd Heulings, Cornelia C.
Hussey, Dr. Mary D. Hussey, Mrs. S. R. Krom, Susan W. Lippincott,
Calista S. Mayhew, Dr. Sarah C. Spotteswoode, Ellen Hoxie Squier,
Elizabeth M. Vail.

_New Mexico_--Alice Paxson Hadley.

_New York_--Susan B. Anthony, Mary S. Anthony, Victoria Bradley,
Amelia Cameron, Cornelia H. Cary, George W. Catt, Carrie Chapman Catt,
Ella Hawley Crossett, Anna Dormitzer, Rebecca Friedlander, Fannie
Humphreys Gaffney, Matilda Joslyn Gage, Priscilla Dudley Hackstaff,
Sarah V. Hallock, Mary H. Hallowell, Mary G. Hay, Belle S. Holden,
Emily Howland, Hannah L. Howland, Dorcas Hull, Emma G. Ivins, Rhody J.
Kenyon, Mary Elizabeth Lapham, Semantha Vail Lapham, Mrs. Frank
Leslie, Mary Hillard Loines, Anne Fitzhugh Miller, Elizabeth Smith
Miller, Martha Fuller Prather, Euphemia C. Purton, Mary Thayer
Sanford, James F. Sargent, Angelina M. Sargent, Elizabeth Cady
Stanton, Fanny Garrison Villard, Julia Willetts Williams, Sarah L.
Willis.

_Ohio_--Caroline McCullough Everhard, Elizabeth J. Hauser, Sallie J.
McCall, Anna C. Mott, Alice E. Peters, Louisa Southworth, Susan M.
Sturges.

_Oklahoma_--Rachel Rees Griffiths.

_Pennsylvania_--Lucy E. Anthony, Mary Schofield Ash, Rachel Foster
Avery, Emma J. Bartol, Lucretia L. Blankenburg, Ellen K. Brazier, Emma
J. Brazier, Katherine J. Campbell, Kate W. Dewald, Julia T. Foster,
Alvin T. James, Helen Mosher James, Edith C. James, Dr. Agnes Kemp,
Caroline Lippincott, Mary W. Lippincott, Hannah Myers Longshore, Jacob
Reese, Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, Nicolas M. Shaw, M. J. Stecker, M.
Adeline Thomson.

_Rhode Island_--Sarah J. Eddy, Charlotte B. Wilbour, Sarah S. Wilbour.

_South Carolina_--A. Viola Neblett, Martha Schofield.

_Utah_--Emily S. Richards, Emmeline B. Wells.

_Wisconsin_--Rev. Olympia Brown.

_Persia_--Susan Van Valkenburg Hamilton (formerly of Indiana).

DELEGATES TO NATIONAL CONVENTIONS, 1883-1900.

At the national conventions those who occupy the platform and make the
addresses naturally have the most conspicuous place, but those who
come from the various localities, year after year, bringing the
reports from their States and taking their necessary part in the
proceedings, are equally valuable factors. Their names, at least,
should be preserved, and the following list, while by no means
complete, is as nearly so as it has been possible to make it. Those
which are included in the National chapters are not repeated. Many of
the women recorded below receive their deserved mention in the State
chapters.

_Alabama_: Amelia M. Dillard, Minnie Henderson. _Arizona_: Ex-Gov. and
Mrs. L. C. Hughes, Pauline M. O'Neill, Mrs. G. H. Oury. Arkansas: Mary
A. Davis, Lizzie D. Fyler, C. M. Patterson. _California_: Nellie
Holbrook Blinn, Amy G. Bowen, Emilie Gibbons Cohen, Warren C. Kimball,
Lucy Wilson Moore, Julia Schlesinger, Mary Simpson Sperry, Beda S.
Sperry, Mary Wood Swift. _Colorado_: Theodosia G. Ammons, Dr. Mary
Barker Bates, Margaret Bowen, Nettie E. Caspar, Hattie E. Fox, H.
Jennie James, B. R. Owens, Katharine A. G. Patterson, Eliza F. Routt,
Lucy E. Ransom Scott, Mary Jewett Telford, Harriet M. Teller.
_Connecticut_: Mrs. L. D. Allen, Rose I. Blakeslee, Sarah E. Browne,
Caroline B. Buell, Mrs. E. C. Champion, Alta Starr Cressy, Mrs. N. F.
Griswold, Addie S. Hale, Howard J. Hale, Ellen B. Kendrick, Emily O.
Kimball, Grace C. Kimball, Mary J. Rogers, Abby Barker Sheldon.
_Dakota Territory_: Marietta M. Bones, Linda B. Slaughter. _Delaware_:
Mary R. De Vou, Margaret W. Houston, Margaret E. Kent, Patience W.
Kent, Emma Lore, Mary Elizabeth Milligan, Adda G. Quigley, Mary H.
Thatcher, Elizabeth Bacon Walling. _District of Columbia_: Frances B.
Andrews, L. L. Bacon, Mary L. Bennett, Bessie Boone Cheshire, Anna
Gray De Long, Lucy S. Doolittle, Annie M. Edgar, Dr. Susan Edson, M.
J. Fowler, Emma M. Gillett, J. Minnie Holn, Martha V. Johnson, Carrie
E. Kent, Mrs. J. H. La Fetra, Mary S. Lockwood, Sarah J. Messer,
Henrietta C. Morrison, Helen Mitchell, Hattie E. Nash, Mary V. Noerr,
Ellen M. O'Connor, Mary A. Ripley, Mary L. Talbot, Cora De La Matyr
Thomas, Helen Rand Tindall, Eliza Titus Ward, Elizabeth Wilson,
Theresa Williams, Dr. Caroline B. Winslow. Mary H. Williams.
_Florida_: Ella C. Chamberlain. Georgia: D. M. Allen, Margaret
Chandler, Julia Iveson Patton, Gertrude C. Thomas, Adelaide Wilson.

_Idaho_: Mrs. Milton Kelley. _Illinois_: Julia K. Barnes, Mary I.
Barnes, Emma J. Bigelow, Corinne S. Brown, Hannah J. Coffee, C. H.
Crocker, Angelina Craver, Climenina K. Dennet, George H. Dennet,
Sylvia Doton, Emmy C. Evald, Matilda S. Garrigus, Mary T. Hager, Mrs.
Frank L. Hubbard, Mary Louise Haworth, Kate Hughes, Lizzie F. Long,
Lena Morrow, Angie B. Schweppe, Eva Munson Smith, Dr. Alice B.
Stockham, Adeline M. Swain, Nellie J. Tweed, Jessie Waite, Dr. Lucy
Waite, Margaret Will. Indiana: Lizzie M. Briant, Mary G. Hay, Dr. M.
A. Jessup, Etta Mattox, Alice Wheeler Peirce, Bertha G. Wade, Alice G.
Waugh, Iva G. Wooden. Iowa: Alice Ainsworth, Eunice T. Barnett, Lucy
Busenbark, Narcissa T. Bemis, James Callanan, Martha C. Callanan,
Margaret V. Campbell, Mary J. Coggeshall, Nettie Sanford Chapin,
Martha J. Cass, Elizabeth Coughell, Anna B. Crawford, Marietta Farr
Cannell, Ella G. Cline, Mary Mason Clark, Victoria Dewey, Jane Denby,
C. Holt Flint, Nellie C. Flint, Louise B. Field, Mrs. W. P. Hepburn,
Jane Hammond, Julia Clark Hallam, Harriet Jenks, Charles W. Jacobs,
Rosina Jacobs, Mrs. M. Lloyd Kennedy, A. M. E. Leffingwell, Polly A.
Maulsby, Florence M. Maskrey, Mary E. McPherson, Jane Amy McKinney,
Ella Moffatt, Bessie Murray, Emily Phillips, Mary D. Palmer, Emeline
B. Richardson, Mettie Laub Romans, Rowena Edson Stevens, Estelle
Smith, Elmina Springer, Frances Smith, Rev. John Ogilvie Stevenson,
Ina Light Taylor, Roma W. Woods, Frilla Belle Young. _Kansas_: Anna A.
Broderick, Fannie M. Broderick, Jennie Broderick, B. B. Baird, C. H.
Cushing, Mabel La Porte Diggs, Caroline Doster, Martha Powell Davis,
Bertha H. Ellsworth, Nannie Garrett, Dr. Eva Harding, Antoinette
Haskell, Hetta P. Mansfield, Mrs. J. McPatten, Constant P. McElroy,
Jennie Robb Maher, Bina A. Otis, Josephine L. Patton, Carrie L.
Prentiss, Althea B. Stryker, Sarah A. Thurston, Abbie A. Welch, Alonzo
Wardall, Elizabeth M. Wardall, Anna C. Wait. _Kentucky_: Laura S.
Bruce, Mary C. Cramer, S. M. Hubbard, Sarah G. Humphries, Mary K.
Jones, Dr. Sarah M. Siewers, Sarah H. Sawyer, Mrs. M. R. Stockwell,
Amanthus Shipp, Mary Wood, Sallie B. Wolcott, Laura White. Louisiana:
Florence Huberwald, Matilda P. Hero, Dr. Harriet C. Keating, Caroline
E. Merrick, Jr., Katharine M. Nobles, Frances Sladden.

_Maine_: Rev. Henry Blanchard, M. S. Carlisle, Lucy Hobart Day, Martha
O. Dyer, Dr. Abby M. Fulton, Martha W. Fairfield, Helen A. Harriman,
Mary C. Nason, Mary E. A. Osborne, Sarah J. L. O'Brien, Abby A. C.
Peaslee, Cordelia A. Quimby, Sophronia C. Snow, Lucy A. and Lavinia
Snow, Elizabeth P. Smith. _Maryland_: Amanda M. Best, Juliet L.
Baldwin, Emma Madox Funck, Emma Frinck, Annie W. Janney, Annie R.
Lamb, Mary E. Moore, Rebecca T. Miller, Martha S. Townsend, Mary J.
Williamson. _Massachusetts_: Annie T. Auerbach, Richard and Carrie
Anders, Martha Atkins, Mr. and Mrs. Oliver C. Ashton, Esther F.
Boland, Catherine W. Bascom, Samuel J. Barrows, Martha Sewall Curtis,
Adelaide A. Claflin, Emma Clapp, Sophia A. Forbes, Ellen Wright
Garrison, Cora Chapin Godfrey, Adeline Howland, Sarah Hudson, Mary E.
Hilton, Mrs. Arden Hall, Hannah Hall, Charlotte Lobdell, Eveleen L.
Mason, Louisa A. Morrison, Martha A. P. Neall, Ellen F. Powers, Agnes
G. Parritt, Maud Wood Park, John Parker, Cora V. Smart, Silvanus
Smith, Judith W. Smith, Mary Clarke Smith, Nellie S. Smith, Mrs. W. H.
Semple, Jane A. Stewart, Dora Bascom Smith, Addie E. Tarbell, Sarah E.
Wall, Eliza Webber, Elizabeth H. Webster, Evelyn Williams, Dr. Marion
L. Woodward, Mr. and Mrs. John L. Whiting. _Michigan_: Charlotte
Goeway, Mrs. C. D. Hodges, De Lisle P. Holmes, Sarah L. Hazlett,
Margaret M. Huckins, Frances Kinney, Dr. Clara W. McNaughton, Ida J.
Marsh, Nettie McCloy, E. Matilda Moore, Carrie W. Miller, Frances
Wright Spearman, Sarah E. Smith, Elizabeth A. Willard. _Minnesota_:
Nina T. Cox, Lydia R. Eastwood, Mayme Jester, Delilah C. Reid, Judge
J. B. Stearns, Sarah Burger Stearns, Martha Adams Thompson, Sarah Vail
Thompson. _Mississippi_: Harriet B. Kells, Nellie M. Somerville, Lily
Wilkinson Thompson. _Missouri_: Alice Blackburn, Mary Waldo Calkins,
Ella Harrison, Virginia Hedges, Addie M. Johnson, Alice C. Mulky, J.
B. Merwin, Sarah E. Turner, Emaline A. Templeton, Mary U. Vandwert,
Mrs. E. E. Montague Winch, Victoria Conkling Whitney, Isabella
Wightman, Eliza T. Wilson, William Wilson, Sarah Wilson. _Montana_:
Dr. Maria M. Dean, Eva Hirschberg, George W. Jones, Delia A. Kellogg,
Marie L. Mason, Sarepta Sanders, Harriet P. Sanders, Dora D. Wright.

_Nebraska_: Maria C. Arter, Rachel Brill, Clara Cross, Nettie L.
Cronkhite, Abby Gay Dustin, Helen M. Goff, Ellen D. Harn, Ellen A.
Herdman, Irene Hernandez, Lena McCormick, Amanda J. Marble, Maud
Miller, Anna L. Spirk, Sarah K. Williams, Esther L. Warner. _Nevada_:
Hannah R. Clapp, Mary E. Rinkle, Annie Warren, Frances A. Williamson.
_New Hampshire_: Mary A. P. Filley, M. E. Powell, Marilla M. Ricker,
Rev. H. B. Smith. New Jersey: Emma L. Blackwell, Phoebe Baily,
Katherine H. Browning, Hannah Cairns, Jennie D. DeWitt, Dr. Florence
De Hart, Rev. Phoebe A. Hanaford, Mrs. A. J. Jackson, Jane Bryant
Kellogg, Susan W. Lippincott, Ellen Miles, Mary Philbrook, Amelia
Dickinson Pope, Aaron M. Powell, Louise Downs Quigley, Theresa M.
Seabrook, Minola Graham Sexton, Charlotte C. R. Smith, Laura H. Van
Cise, M. Louise Watts, Phoebe C. Wright. _New Mexico_: Fannie Baca, I.
M. Bond, H. D. Fergusson, Ida Morley Jarrett, Mayme E. Marble, Mrs. J.
D. Perkins, Anna Van Schick. _New York_: Mrs. E. Andreas, Mrs. Wilkes
Angel, Ruby Abby, Abigail A. Allen, Dr. Augusta Armstrong, Rev.
Caroline A. Bassett, Victoria Bradley, Sarah F. Blackall, Frances
Benedict, Mrs. R. G. Beatty, Helen M. Cook, Dr. Harriet B. Chapin,
Eveleen R. Clark, Cornelia H. Cary, Noah Chapman, Margaret Livingston
Chanler, Mrs. M. A. Clinton, Charlotte A. Cleveland, Ella Hawley
Crossett, Lucy Hawley Calkins, Nora E. Darling, Marie Frances
Driscoll, S. W. Ellis, Mrs. M. D. Fenner, Laura W. Flower, Dr. Fales,
Catherine G. Foote, Theodosia C. Goss, Eliza C. Gifford, Dr. Virginia
L. Glauner, Elizabeth P. Hall, Mary H. Hallowell, Frances V. Hallock,
Dorcas Hull, Etta E. Hooker, Emily Howland, Isabel Howland, Cornelia
K. Hood, Belle S. Holden, Mary N. Hubbard, Margherita Arlina Hamm,
Ella S. Hammond, Priscilla D. Hackstaff, Mary Bush Hitchcook,
Elizabeth Noyes Hopkins, Ada M. Hall, Marie R. Jenney, Julie R.
Jenney, Frances C. Lewis, Jeannette R. Leavitt, Carrie S. Lerch, Mary
Hillard Loines, Mrs. P. A. Moffett, Pamela S. McCown, Margaret Morton,
Mrs. Joshua G. Munro, Anne Fitzhugh Miller, Sarah A. McClees, Deborah
Otis, Martha F. Prather, Jessie Post, J. Mary Pearson, Lucy S. Pierce,
Abby Hutchinson Patton, Lucy Boardman Smith, Marian H. Skidmore,
Angeline M. Sargent, James Sargent, Jessie J. Cassidy Saunders, Mary
B. Sackett, Jane M. Slocum, Mary Thayer Sanford, Emma B. Sweet, Emma
M. Tucker, Kate S. Thompson, Sarah L. Willis, Kate Foster Warner, Anna
Willets, Cerelle Grandin Weller. _North Carolina_: Lilla Ripley
Barnwell, Floride Cunningham, Miriam Harris, Helen Morris Lewis,
Margaret Richardson. _North Dakota_: Helen de Lendrecie, Dr. Cora
Smith (Eaton), Henrietta Paulson Haagensen, Delia Lee Hyde, Mary S.
Lounsberry, Sara E. B. Smith, Mary Whedon.

_Ohio_: Ella M. Bell, Sarah S. Bissell, W. O. Brown, Frances M.
Casement, Katharine B. Claypole, Mary N. Cunningham, Elizabeth Coit,
Martha P. Dana, Martha H. Elwell, Ellen Sully Fray, Mary C. Francis,
Jannette Freer, Elizabeth Gilmer, Prof. Jennie Gifford, Mary L. Geffs,
Clara Giddings, Eliza P. Houk, Emma C. Hayes, Margaret Hackadorne,
Emma P. Harley, Eason Holbrook, Minnie C. Hauser, Elizabeth J. Hauser,
Cecilia Halloway, Minnie Stull Harris, Prof. Mary Jewett, Josephine
King, Mary J. Lawrence, Mary Folger Lang, Sallie J. McCall, Rev.
Henrietta G. Moore, Mary J. McMillan, Anna C. Mott, Lydia A. D.
Northway, Miss L. J. Ormstead, Addie M. Porter, Alice E. H. Peters, O.
G. Peters, Sarah M. Perkins, Annie Laurie Quinby, Harriet B. Rossa,
Florence Richards, Edythe E. Root, Mrs. N. Coe Stewart, Abbie
Schumacher, Helen R. Smith, Katherine Dooris Sharpe, Hattie A. Sachs,
Harriet Brown Stanton, Dr. Viola Swift, Lottie M. Sackett, Cornelia
Shaw, C. Swezey, Rosa L. Segur. _Oklahoma_: Margaret Rees, Mrs. R. W.
Southard, Celia Z. Titus. _Oregon_: Frances E. Gottshall.
_Pennsylvania_: Olive Pond Amies, Agnes M. Biddle, Mrs. W. C.
Butterfield, Mary Patterson Beaver, A. Isabel Bowers, Emma J. Bartol,
Katherine J. Campbell, Anna M. Child, Alice M. Coates, Elizabeth D.
Green, Susanna M. Gaskill, Caroline Gibbons, Mrs. E. N. Garrett,
Bertha W. Howe, Hetty Y. Hallowell, Lidie C. W. Koethen, Mary F.
Kenderdine, Mary S. Kent, Agnes Kemp, Mary B. Luckie, Alberta
Moorehouse, Mrs. L. M. B. Mitchell, Dr. Jane V. Myers, Esther A.
Pownall, Anna C. Pennock, Elizabeth B. Passmore, Charlotte L. Peirce,
Harriet Purvis, Jacob Reese, Jean B. Stephenson, Nicolas M. Shaw,
Emily H. Saxton, Mary B. Satterthwaite, Margaret B. Stone, Mattie A.
N. Shaw, Mrs. G. W. Schofield, Robert Tilney, Annie L. Tilney.

_Rhode Island_: Mary O. Arnold, Emeline Burlingame Cheney, Elizabeth
Buffum Chace, Ardelia C. Dewing, Jeannette S. French, Charlotte B.
Wilbour. _South Carolina_: Mary P. Gridley, Jean B. Lockwood, Maude
Sindersine, Claudia Gordon Tharin, May Tharin. _South Dakota_: Irene
G. Adams, Ida R. Bailey, Mrs. F. C. Bidwell, Emma Cranmer, Mrs. W. V.
Lucas, Anna R. Simmons, Mrs. C. E. Thorpe. _Tennessee_: Jennie
Bailett, L. Graham Crozier, Mary McLeer. _Texas_: Rebecca Henry Hayes,
L. R. Perkins. _Utah_: Corinne M. Allen, Sarah A. Boyer, Phebe Young
Beatie, Charlotte Ives Cobb, Marilla M. Daniels, Mary E. Gilmer, Annie
Godbe, Sarah M. Kimball, Aurelia S. Rodgers. _Vermont_: Mary N. Chase,
Eliza S. Eaton, Mary Hutchinson, Alice Clinton Smith. Virginia: Elisan
Brown, Nina Cross, Henderson Dangerfield, Elizabeth B. Dodge, Etta
Grymes Farrar, Georgia Gibson, Emma R. Gilman, L. M. Green, Arabella
B. Howard, Anna M. Snowden, Elizabeth Van Lew, Mary B. Wickersham.
_Washington_: Mrs. Francis W. Cushman, Mrs. L. C. Kellogg, Martha E.
Pike. _West Virginia_: Jessie G. Manley, Columbia A. Morgan, Florence
M. Post, Clara Reinhammer. _Wisconsin_: Louisa M. Eastman, Almeda B.
Gray, Laura B. James, Lucinda Lake, Jessie Nelson Luther, Maybell
Park, Dora Putnam, Ellen A. Rose. _Wyoming_: Hon. M. C. Brown, Amalia
B. Post, Mrs. Francis E. Warren.

INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

The famous bibliographer, William Oldys, wrote early in the 18th
century: "The labour and patience, the judgment and penetration, which
are required to make a good index are only known to those who have
gone through this most painful but least-praised part of a
publication." Lord Campbell said, a century later, in his preface to
The Lives of Chief Justices: "I proposed to bring a Bill into
Parliament to deprive an author, who publishes a book without an
index, of the privilege of copyright."

If an index were deemed so valuable in those periods of comparative
leisure, one as complete as possible is surely an absolute necessity
in these days when time is at the highest premium, but the maker is
under obligation to study conciseness in order that the index may not
be as long as the book. It has seemed practicable to reduce very
greatly the length of this one without impairing its efficiency by
asking the reader to bear in mind a few simple facts as to the
arrangement of the History.

Chapters II-XXI are devoted exclusively to the conventions of the
National Suffrage Association and the consequent hearings, reports and
discussions in Congress; the story of each year is complete in its
chapter and the date is in the running title on the right hand page.
The work of the American Association before the two societies united
is complete in Chapter XXII. These chapters contain the _argument_.

Chapters XXV-LXXII comprise the full history of the work in the States
and Territories, one chapter given to each and all alphabetically
arranged with name in running title on the right hand page. Each State
is subdivided and the heads denoted by capital letters, as follows:
Organization, Legislative Action, Laws, Suffrage, Office Holding,
Occupation, Education.

The other chapters are clearly designated in the Table of Contents,
and practically all the information which the book contains on each
subject will be found in its respective chapter. The greatest problem
has been the indexing of the many _speeches_ so as to convey an idea
of their subject-matter, as a number of them cover a variety of
topics, and it has been possible to indicate only the principal
points. The editors trust, however, that the systematic arrangement of
the volume and the full Table of Contents will enable the reader to
obtain the desired information without difficulty.

_Age of Protection_, 460,
and in each State chapter under _Legislative Action and Laws_,
beginning 465.

AMENDMENT CAMPAIGNS FOR WOMAN SUFFRAGE, xxi; 40;
in Calif., 486;
in Col., 513;
in S. D., 553-7;
in Ida., 590;
in Kas., 643;
in N. J., 822;
in N. Y., 847;
in Ore., 895;
in R. I., 909;
in Wash., 973.

AMENDMENT TO NATIONAL CONSTITUTION FOR WOMAN SUFFRAGE,
objection to amending, advantage in securing wom. suff., xx, xxi;
14th amend, and attempts of women to vote under it, 3 et seq.;
15th amend., effect on wom. suff., 6;
effort to amend for Federal Suff. for women, 7;
Nat'l. Ass'n. begins work for 16th amend., 11;
res. for in '84, 25;
Miss Anthony on, 40;
same, 42;
argument for, 54;
sp. of Sen. Palmer, 62;
contrary to State's rights, 68;
first discussion of 16th amend. in Senate, 85;
14th amend., Miss Anthony on, 152; 158;
Senate Com. recom. 16th in '92, 201;
14th grants wom. suff., 204;
women appeal 25 yrs. for 16th amend., 223;
efforts of Nat'l Ass'n. for, 367;
Mrs. Catt on why one is asked for, 369;
Miss Anthony's plea, 373;
American Ass'n. declares for, 410, 417.

AMENDMENTS TO STATE CONSTITUTIONS FOR WOMAN SUFFRAGE,
laws in different States, xvi;
difficulty in Minn and Neb., failure of Sch. Suff. in N.J., xvi;
same in S.D., xvii;
submitted by ten States and results, xxi;
obstacles to securing, xxiii;
comparison of votes, xxix;
votes on, 40;
adopted in Col., 528;
in Idaho, 593;
school and library in Minn., 778;
law similar to amendment in Wis., 988.

AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION,
work of after '84, Chap. XXII; 13;
founded, 14;
union with Nat'l Ass'n., 164.

ANECDOTES, 71;
public money for "shes," 193;
in Tenn., 196;
how men represent women, 197;
of Miss Willard, 215;
woman on throne, 229;
poll tax in Tenn., 241;
women's voices, 334;
woman's product, 337;
from Ala., 341;
Miss Anthony's right bower, 351;
early education, 354-5;
women who have all the rights they want, 360;
Miss Anthony on "antis," 384;
of Abigail Adams, 422;
influence of liquor dealers, 486;
Yon's vote in Col., 519;
a Mass. legislator, 740;
women's money builds State Houses, 763;
suff. bill in Wash., 972.

ANTI-SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION,
advantage of, xxix;
same, 16;
they mean well, 327;
in Ills., 603;
in Mass., 716 et al.;
against mother's guardianship, 744;
in N. Y., 850 et al., 971;
in Aus., 1032.

ANTI-SUFFRAGISTS, see Remonstrants.

AUSTRALIA,
--South, Chapter on, 1027
--West, " " 1029
--New South Wales, " " 1029
--Victoria, " " 1031
--Queensland, " " 1032
--Tasmania, " " 1033
Enfranchises its women, xiv;
first country to grant them Munic. Suff., 224;
eminent advocates of wom. suff., 1084.

BAZAR,
Nat'l. Ass'n., in New York, 365;
Amer. Ass'n. in Boston, descrip. of, Mrs. Howe's and Mrs. Stone's
addresses, 426-8.

BIBLE,
wrong interpretation of, 65;
for wom. suff., 71;
not opp. to, 102; 106;
men's interpretation of, 113;
purpose of Creator, 119;
not alone respons. for subjection of woman, 146;
Woman's Bible, discussion of at Nat'l. conv., 263.

BILL OF RIGHTS, woman's, 154.

BILLS,
for wom. suff., how treated, xxviii;
of Nat'l. Ass'n., W. C. T. U., Fed. of Clubs, etc., 451-3,
and under head of _Legislative Action_ in State chapters,
beginning 465;
Nat'l. Ass'n. protests against Edmunds-Tucker Bill, 26;
same, 71; 78;
res. against, 122-3;
committees on, 939.

BIRTHDAYS,
Miss Anthony's 70th, 163;
her 74th, 223-4;
her 78th, 291;
greetings on, 300;
her 80th, vi;
same, 383; 385 et seq.;
gifts on, 389 et seq.;
celebration of in Lafayette Opera House, Wash't'n., 394-404;
trib. of Wm. Lloyd Garrison, 395,
of Mrs. Coonley-Ward, 401,
of Miss Shaw, 402;
greeting from Mrs. Stanton, 402;
Miss Anthony's response, 403;
letters rec'd., 403;
recep. in Corcoran Art Gallery, 404;
her portrait presented, 405;
her happiness, 405.
--Mrs. Stanton's 80th, 250.
--Rev. Anna Howard Shaw's, 391.

BOARDS,
difficulty of getting women on, 462;
see each State chapter under _Office Holding_, beginning 465;
in Great Britain, 368, 1023.
--Lady Managers World's Fair, indebted to Miss Anthony, 211;
same, 232;
Act of Congress creating, 233; 609.

CALIFORNIA, xv;
Legis. refuses suff. amd't, xx;
Miss Shaw's acc't. of visit of Miss Anthony and herself in '95, 253;
work for suff. amend., 273;
honor to Miss Anthony, 274;
gift to Miss Anthony, 390.
See State Chapter.

CALLS,
for nat'l. suff. conv. of '84, 15;
for first Int'l. Council, 125;
for conv. of '89, 143;
for conv. of '91, 175;
for conv. of '94, 221;
for first Wom. Rights Conv., 288.

CAMPAIGNS, for wom. suff. amdts. See Amendment Campaigns.

CANADA, Dominion of, chapter on, 1034.

CATHOLICS, in politics, 149;
attitude of clergy, 366;
wom. suff. in Summer Sch. at Detroit, 447;
coeducation, 464;
college for women, 575;
on Boston Sch. Bd., 706.

CHIVALRY, specimens of, 16;
absurdity of, 17;
men and women need each other, 36, 44, 45, 49, 59;
Miss Willard on, 141;
Chivalry of Reform, Mrs. Howe on, 170;
injustice of, 188;
in Kas., 199;
mistakes of, 209;
in South, 241;
fear of, 382; 968.

CHURCH, influence on wom. suff., xxiv;
wom. suff. foundation of Christianity, 16;
relation to it, 20;
prayer vs. votes, 22;
same, 37; 41;
res. on creeds and dogmas, 58;
discussion by Mrs. Stanton, Miss Anthony and others, 59 et seq.;
influence of religion over woman, 60;
its connect. with wom. suff., 75;
woman's influence in church, 96;
for equality of rights, Bishop Newman, 112; 121;
value of wom. suff. to, 149;
Mrs. Stanton's demand for its recog. of woman's equality, 165;
upholds man's headship, 176;
opp. to equality of woman, 177;
voice of God has soprano and bass, 200;
M. E. refuses to ordain women, 206;
women might vote at ch. elections, 212;
Miss Shaw on mission of, 229;
Miss Anthony's plea for relig. liberty, 264;
sympathy with wom. suff., 270;
woman's services to, 279;
woman's position in 292; 359; 464; 497; 708; 711; 718; 962-3; 974;
missionary work of women, 1057 et seq.

CLUBHOUSES, WOMEN'S, Wimodaughsis, 184, 188;
in Grand Rapids, 322-3;
in Calif., 508;
in Indpls., 627;
in Mich., 771;
in Phila., 901; 1043.

CLUBS, WOMEN'S, _see_ last paragraph in various State chapters.
In Col., 302; 356;
in Mich., welcome Nat'l suff. conv., 324;
political, 150;
in N. Y., 872;
first women's clubs on record, 1042-3;
Gen'l Federation of, 1050;
Musical, Nat'l. Fed. of, 1056.

COLLEGES. _See_ Universities.

COLORADO, xxi; xxix;
appear. of delegates, 222;
Gov. Waite on wom. suff. in, 232;
women in Legis., 239; 252;
visit of Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw in '95, 253;
effect of wom. suff., 268;
same, 282;
distinguished testimony for, 302-3, 383, 390;
legis. res. in favor of, 327;
Mrs. Welch at conv. of '99, 327;
wom. suff. in, 356;
gift and trib. to Miss Anthony on 80th birthday, 400.
_See_ State Chapter; also Statistics and Testimony.

COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION, Lady Managers, _see_ Boards;
invites Suff. Ass'n. to World's Fair, 184;
ass'n. arranges for booth, 185,
discusses res. to open gates on Sunday, 185,
to prohibit liquor selling, 186;
effect of the Fair on women, 211; 221;
Congress of Women all for suff., 232;
report of Nat'l. Suff. Ass'n. Com., 232; 609.

COMMERCIAL SCHOOLS, Fed. of, adopts wom. suff. res. and petits., 447.

COMMISSIONS, of women demanded for Philippines, 331-2, 343;
U. S. Labor, Miss Laughlin on, 361;
for Paris expos., Mrs. Palmer on, 367.

COMMITTEES, of American Suffrage Association, on arrangements for convs.,
_see_ Chapter XXII;
executive of, 409;
on union with Nat'l. Ass'n., 164, 431.
--of National Suffrage Association on Int'l Council, 124;
on union with Am. Ass'n., 164;
on Columbian Expos., 232. _See_ also 1098-9.
On Miss Anthony's 80th birthday celebration, 395.
--Congressional, on wom. suff., 31.
_See_ Reports.

CONGRESS, power to extend suff., 7 et seq.;
work of Nat'l Suff. Ass'n. with, 11;
committee reports, discussions and speeches, 12;
House debate on Wom. Suff. Com. 31;
wom. suff. sp. of Sen. Palmer, 62;
first discussion of 16th amend. in Senate, 85;
other debates on wom. suff. in Senate, 85;
Blair's sp. in '87, 86 et seq.;
should submit amend., 93;
sp. of Brown, 93 et seq.;
Dolph favors wom. suff., 100;
discussion of women on juries, 104;
Vest opposes wom. suff., 105;
Hoar in favor, 109;
vote in Senate, 110; 112;
authority to enfranchise women, 118;
duty to submit suff. amend., 163;
favorable sentiment, 181;
way to manage a bill in, 218;
needs watching, 365;
work of Nat'l. Ass'n. for 16th amend., 367;
appeals to for 16th amend. to enfranch. women, 445;
for rights of women in new possessions, 446;
amusing debate on admis. of Wy., 998 et seq.
_See_ Amendments and Debates.

CONGRESSES OF WOMEN,
World's Fair, 232, 609;
in San Fr., 253, 479, 481;
Atlanta expos., 263;
London in '99, 352-3;
in Los Angeles, 495;
in Ore., 892-3.

CONSTITUTION, NATIONAL,
more rigid than in other countries, xv,
gives women right to vote, Chapter I;
first appearance of "male," 2;
attempt of women to vote under 14th amend., 3 et seq.;
amend. for Federal Suff. for women, 7;
authority over suff., 8 et seq.;
provides for amending, 100;
vote on wom. suff. amend., 110;
rights of women under, 115;
Mrs. Stanton on its violation in case of women, 138;
fails to protect black men, 153;
Mrs. Blake's argument for wom. suff. under its provisions, 374-5.

CONSTITUTIONS, STATE,
all framed by men; different peculiarities, xv et seq.;
all barred women from suff., 2;
Utah and Wy. included wom. suff. in first, 949, 1003.
_See_ State chapters under _Suffrage_.

CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTIONS. _See_ Conventions.

CONSTITUTIONAL LAW. _See_ Law.

CONTRACTS. _See Laws_ in each State chapter.

CONVENTIONS,
American Suff. Assn., from '84 to '88, 406-428;
early convs. in Phila., 423.
--National Suffrage Ass'n., first one ever called, xiii;
earliest ones, 14;
res. for Int'l. Suff. Conv., 25;
changed attitude of press toward, 57;
first suff. meeting held in Washt'n., 70;
conv. for '88, 137;
complimented by Washt'n. _Star_, 173;
convs. before the war, 205;
alternate ones taken out of Washt'n., Miss Anthony's protest, 218;
the other side, 219;
descript. of '94, 221;
Miss Anthony's method of presiding, 238;
descript. of '95, 236;
of '97, 271.
See Chapters II-XXI.

CONVENTIONS,
work for wom. suff. in political and other conventions, Chap. XXIII.
_See_ State chapters.

CONVENTIONS, Nat'l. Political,
first appeal of women for suff., 435;
appeals in 1900, 440 et seq.
--Republican, record of, 435-7, 440;
for 1900, 443-4.
--Democratic, record of, 437, 440;
for 1900, 444.
--Populist, record of, 437-8, 441;
for 1900, 444.
--Prohibition, record of, 438;
for 1900, 444.
--Other Parties, record of, xviii, 438-9;
for 1900, 444.
_See_ also Democrats, Populists, Republicans, Parties and p. 556.
Women delegates to nat'l. convs., 319, 438-9;
work of Miss Anthony and others, 439 et seq.;
no hope for disfranch. class, 444;
sentiment among delegates, 444-5.
For work in State political convs., _see_ various State chapters.

CONVENTIONS, State Constitutional,
attempts to secure wom. suff. amdts., 432-3; 453;
in Ala., 468;
N. D., 544;
S. D., 552;
Del., 563;
Ky., 669;
La., 680;
Mass., 720;
Miss., 786;
Mont., 797;
N. H., 815;
N. J., 830;
N. M., 835;
N. Y., 203, 847;
Utah, 944;
Vt., 958;
Wash., 969;
Wy., 995.

COUNCILS OF WOMEN, National and International,
first Int'l., 124 et seq.;
permanent Councils formed, 137, 143;
Nat'l. in '91, 175;
Miss Shaw's report of London Int'l., 352;
Miss Anthony's report of same, suff. pervaded all, Amer. wom. showed
effects of liberty, 353;
Nat'l. Council, trib. to Miss Anthony on 80th birthday, 396;
Int'l., same, 397;
Nat'l. Council, founding and work, 1044-5;
Int'l., same, 1044-5.

CREEDS. _See_ Church.

CRIMINALS, at ballot box, xxvi, 37.

CUBA,
Nat'l. Ass'n. demands rights for its women, 325, 330;
appeals to Congress for same, 446.

CURTESY. _See Laws_ in each State chapter.

DEBATES, in Congress,
on Wom. Suff. Com., 31 et seq.;
those of former years, 85;
first and only debate on 16th Amend, to enfranchise women, 87 et seq.;
on admission of Wy., 998 et seq.
--in National Suffrage Conventions, on dogmas and creeds, 59 et seq.;
on taking wom. suff. into church, 75;
on migratory convs., 218;
on Woman's Bible, 263.

DECISIONS. _See_ Supreme Court.

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, applied to women, 102.

DELEGATES, 15;
nat'l. conv. made delegate body, 77;
foreign to Int'l. Council, 135;
dels. to 40th anniv., 288;
to conv. of 1900, 350;
to Paris Expos., 367;
to polit. convs., 319, 438-9;
in Col., 521;
in Kas., 646;
in Mont., 801;
_see_ also Utah Chap.;
to nat'l. suff. convs. from '84 to 1900, 1101.
--Fraternal,
to conv. of '96, 256;
to Wom. Press Ass'n., 291;
to Int'l. Council of '99, 342;
to suff. conv. of '99, 323;
to suff. conv. of 1900, 366.

DEMOCRACY,
disbelief in, xxvi, 179, 277;
wom. suff. asked in name of, 372;
U. S. not a, 374.

DEMOCRATS,
enfranch. workingmen, xvii; 143;
in Calif., 488-9;
in Col., 516;
in S. Dak., 555;
in Ida., 590-2;
in Ills., 605-6;
in Ind., 617;
in Kas., 647, 650-3;
in Mass., 724;
in Mich., 755;
in N. Y., 847-9, 872;
in Utah, 953 et seq.;
in Wash., 971;
in Congress on Wy., 978.
_See_ Conventions.

DENTISTRY, women in, 464; 700.

DISFRANCHISEMENT,
degradation of,
Miss Anthony on, 27; 44; 73; 83; 107;
Mrs. Stanton on, 133; 151; 172;
great sp. of Mrs. Stanton on, 176; 195; 196;
Mrs. Merrick on, 243; 255;
men wd. not endure, 373;
same, 375.
--disadvantages of, 41; 42; 45; 46; 73; 79; 138-9; 190; 195; 196;
to women wage-earners, 312;
same, 377; 359; 365; 373; 379.

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, gift and trib. to Miss Anthony on 80th
birthday, 399.
_See_ chapter on D. C.

DIVORCE, 68; 100; 103;
national law, women should have voice in, 165;
evolution of, 297;
in Wyoming, 362;
in Wy., S. D. and Ok., 460.

DOMESTIC,
household demands on women, 209;
too much housekeeping, 210;
future domestic service, 210;
effect of domestic life on women, 258;
home life of woman suffragists, 279;
what home means, 285;
woman's position in the home, 292;
husbands do not support wives, 171, 208, 311;
home vs. factory work, 311;
college women and home, 358;
need of trained work, 358.
_See_ also _Domestic_ under Suffrage.

DONORS,
to Hist. of Wom. Suff., v, vii;
to Int'l. Council of Wom., 126;
Mrs. Southworth, 257;
Miss Anthony, 287;
in Conn., 536;
in Ga., 582;
Mrs. Avery, 642;
in N. Y., 849.
--women, for education, 356;
in Calif., 507;
in La., 688;
in Md., 700.

DOWER. _See Laws_ in each State chapter.

DRESS,
descrip. of delegates', 56;
of Miss Anthony at conv. of '90, 173;
on 80th birthday, 403-4.

EDUCATION,
higher education of women, résumé of, 463,
and in each State chapter under head of _Education_, beginning 465.
--majority would never consent to, xxii;
statistics of, xxx;
same, 18;
5,000 teachers in Ind. ask for ballot, 37;
educated women will not stand subjection, 44;
educated women deprived of ballot, 74;
intellectual capacity of women, 90; 101;
more than some Senators, 113;
woman senior wrangler at Cambridge, 176;
a century ago, 192;
training of girl of future, 209;
easily obtained, 292, 316;
Mrs. Sewall on Govt. no right to educate women and refuse them
representation, 307;
its effects shown in Amer. women at Int'l. Council in London, 353;
woman's from beginning of century, obstacles, direful predictions,
354-6;
health of women graduates, 355;
women on Faculties, 355;
donations of women to, 356, 507;
must lead to suff., 356;
effect on domestic life, 357;
Catholic, 464;
same, 575;
in Gr. Brit., 1024.
_See_ also Donors, Illiteracy, Public Schools, Universities.

ELECTORATE,
character of, xxiii;
elements needed, xxvi;
what composed of, 23, 37, 39, 68, 81, 138, 148, 195, 258, 269, 316,
324, 371, 415;
in Col., 514;
in S. D., 556;
in Wash., 1098.

ENROLLMENT, Nat'l., for wom. suff., 137; 878.
_See_ Petitions.

EQUAL RIGHTS,
Association for, 14;
demand for by Int'l. Council, 136;
they belong to women, no thanks to men, 146;
crime of denying to women, Mr. Foulke on, 167.
_See_ Progress of.

EUROPE, wom. suff. in countries of. _See_ chapter on, 1038.

FEDERAL SUFFRAGE,
argument for, 6 et seq.;
Miss Anthony on, 10; 78;
Sen. Blair on, 145; 201; 218; 234.

FEDERATION OF WOMEN'S CLUBS,
legis. work, 452.
_See_ closing paragraph in various State chapters, beginning 465,
and also page 1050.

FLAGS,
at conv. of '94, 221;
Col. presents one to Miss Anthony, 222-3;
at conv. of '95, 236;
flag not desecrated by four stars, 278;
golden flag presented to Miss A., 400.

FOREIGNERS. _See_ Immigrants.

FOREIGN COUNTRIES, wom. suff. in. _See_ Chap. LXXIV.

FRANCE,
wom. suff. in, 343, 1040;
eminent advocates, 1084.

GEORGIA, curiosities in, 228;
nat'l. suff. conv. in Atlanta, 236;
illiterate vote, 246.
_See_ State chapter.

GODDESS OF LIBERTY, in N. Y. harbor, 47;
same, 115;
Miss Anthony's features, 120;
Wy. represents, 201;
on nat'l. Capitol, a mockery, 375.

GOVERNORS OF STATES, position on wom. suff., 212;
list favoring wom. suff., 1078;
of Wy. testify for wom. suff., 1087 et seq.

GRAND ARMY OF THE REPUBLIC, favors wom. suff., 184; 644; 893.

GRANGES, favor wom. suff., 184;
always recognized equality of woman, 228;
position of woman in, 327;
nat'l. adopts wom. suff. res. in 1900, 447-8.
_See_ various State chapters.

GREAT BRITAIN, Chap. LXXIII;
efforts for Parliamentary Franchise, 1012, 1020;
Primrose League and Liberal Federation, 1013;
better laws, 1021;
local gov't., 1022;
office holding, 1023;
education, 1024;
colonial progress, 1025 et seq.;
petits. for suff., 1015, 1017, 1020.
-- gives local franchise to women, xiv;
more liberal than U. S. on socialistic questions, 167;
enfranch. workingmen, 305;
same, 311;
progress of wom. suff., 353;
Mrs. Blatch on women on boards and wom. suff. in, 368;
remonstrants in, 369;
eminent advocates of wom. suff. in, 1083.

GUARDIANSHIP, equal of children. _See_ Laws.

HAWAII, Nat'l. Suff. Ass'n. demands rights for its women, 325;
injustice to them, 330;
resolution against "male" in its constitn., 343;
petitions Congress in behalf of its women, 346;
outrageous constitn. adopted by Congress, 346;
Hawaiian members object, 347;
Miss Anthony's work for its women, 365;
appeals to Congress for rights of its women, 446.

HEAD OF FAMILY. _See_ Laws and pp. 458; 945;
in Va., 966.

HEARINGS before Congressional Committees in '84, 36, 42;
in '86, 78;
in '88, before Senate com., 137 et seq.;
in '89, same, 156;
before House, 157;
in '90, before Senate, 158, 162;
before House, 163;
in '92, before Senate, Mrs. Stanton on Solitude of Self, 189;
before House, 194;
in '94, before Senate and House, 235;
in '96, before Senate and House, 267;
in '98, before Senate, 305;
before House, 318;
in 1900, before Senate, 367,
Miss Anthony's plea at 80, 373;
before House, 373;
first appearance of "antis," 381-4.

HISTORY OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE, how it was written and published.
_See_ Preface.

IDAHO, adopts wom. suff. amend., xxi;
welcomed by nat'l. conv., 272;
story of amend, camp'n., 283-4;
gift to Miss Anthony, 390.
_See_ State chapter, also Statistics and Testimony.

ILLINOIS, great petits. for wom. suff., 39;
laws for women, 276.
_See_ State chapter.

ILLITERACY, percentage of, smaller among women than men, xxii, 216;
in Ga., 246;
shut it out from electorate, 316-17;
not the ignorant alone opp. wom. suff., 338, 493;
decides fate of women, 371;
in S. D., 556.

IMMIGRANTS, English view of, 23;
their enfranchisement, 37;
same, 39;
polit. danger of, 68-9;
German view, 73;
in Neb., 81; 82;
welcome to, 116;
enfranchised, Mrs. Stanton on, 138;
political rule of, American women in majority, 148;
placed over women, 195;
preferred to Amer. women, Mrs. Stanton's picture of, 269;
should be welcomed but not enfranch., 316, 317;
in Mich., 324;
compared to Amer. women, 415; 418.

INDIA, effect on its women of English laws, 330.

INDIANS, preferred to women voters in S. D., 182, 557;
Gov't. favors over women, 213;
vs. American women, 313;
effect on women of "land in severalty," 330;
Gov't. grants privileges denied to white women, 374;
authority of their women, 1041.

INDIFFERENCE OF WOMEN, xxii;
same, xxiv;
reasons for, xxv;
same, xxix;
causes of, 20;
men will decide the question, 39;
no means of knowing, 46;
all women should not be punished for, 84;
fear to speak, 92;
pity for, 121;
women put everything before suff., 149, 150;
is result of disfranchis., 160;
does not affect the right of suff., 168;
Miss Blackwell on, 198;
women too much flattered, 208;
dangers of, 259;
always existed, 275;
women do not think, 285;
Miss Blackwell gives examples, 320;
parable of good Samaritan, 360;
natural conservatism, 372;
timidity and ignorance, 415;
selfishness, 420;
those who have all the rights they want, 461;
same in Col., 517.

INDIRECT INFLUENCE, needs responsibility, 55; 96-7;
suff. would destroy, 107; 168; 517.

INDIVIDUALITY of woman, suff. a guarantee of, 82;
should not be allowed to wives, 100;
Mrs. Stanton on right to, 189;
Rev. Anna Howard Shaw on, 230, 361;
Mrs. Spencer on, 328;
new civilization will recognize, 336; 418.

IOWA, reasons for refusing suff. amd't., xxi;
nat'l. conv. in Des Moines, 270;
noted speakers before Legis., 279.
_See_ State chapter.

IRELAND, wom. suff. in, 343;
wom. on school and poor law bds., 368.
_See_ chapter on Great Britain.

ISLE OF MAN, wom. suff. in, 1025.

JOURNALISM, xxv;
wom. in, 154;
early women writers, 295;
women in at Paris expos., 343;
first, 695.

JURIES, women should serve on, 38; 45; 51;
in Wy., 68;
men's obligations, 94;
Senators discuss, 104, 106;
need of women on, 182;
women and jury duty in Ida., 596;
in Utah, 955, 1089;
in Wash., 422, 968, 1008, 1091;
in Wy., 1008.

KANSAS, grants Municipal Suff. to women, xv; xxi; xxix;
treatment of women, 199;
suff. work of Nat'l. Ass'n. in, 220;
descript. of nat'l. delegates, 221-2;
first constit'n. recognizes rights of women, 407;
Amer. Ass'n. meets in Topeka, 417;
early work in, 418, 419;
Mrs. Howe's plea for suff. in, 419.
_See_ State chapter and Statistics.

LABOR, disabilities of women, 41;
relation of wom. suff. to, 70;
same, 79;
suff. has no influence on price of, 98;
wage-earning women should marry, 98;
need of ballot for working women, 115;
same, 122;
Knights of Labor indorse wom. suff., 123;
dignifies woman, 162;
immoral women come from domestic life, 162;
husband does not "support" wife, 171, 208, 311;
man's material achievements, 171;
not woman's curse, 171;
degradation of woman's labor, 177;
organizations favor wom. suff., 184;
indust. emancip. of women, by Carroll D. Wright, have not taken
men's work, new economic factor, leads to suff., 213;
suff. demanded for working women, 216;
women stenographers, 228;
women wage-earners in Fla., 240;
Florence Kelley on labor unions and working woman's need of ballot,
311;
disfranch. women an injury to labor unions, 312;
Fed. of Labor greets Nat'l. Suff. Ass'n., let. from Pres. Gompers,
equal pay for wom., 334;
ass'n. returns thanks, 344;
entrance of women into unions and effect on suff., 349;
appeal of Nat'l. Fed. for wom. suff. in '99, 359;
Miss Laughlin on statistics of wage-earning women, need of ballot, 360;
ancient opp. to, 361;
working woman's great disadvantage, 377;
wages of men and wom., 379; 425;
Nat'l. Fed. petit. for wom. suff. in 1900 after appeal from
Miss Anthony. Nat'l. Bldg. and Trades Council, same, Int'l.
Bricklayers' and Masons', same, 446;
organizations for wom. suff., 448;
K. of L. declare for, 568.
_See_ Statistics.

LABOR ORGANIZATIONS, for wom. suff.
_See_ above, also in Col., 514-16;
in S. D., 556;
in Ills., 602-4; 652;
in Mass., 711-14-33;
in Minn., 782;
in N. J., 821;
in N. Y., 850;
in Ore., 893;
in R. I., 917;
in Wash., 974.

LAW, first woman admitted to practice before U. S. Sup. Ct., 33;
second, 57;
contest of Mrs. Bradwell in Ills. and U. S. Sup. Ct., 152;
contest in Cal., 507;
in Ind., 626;
in Md., 700;
in Mich. to be pros. atty., 770;
in N. J., 833;
in Penn., 904;
Woman's Coll. of, 574;
first woman to apply to practice, 609;
first coll. to graduate a woman, 610.
_See_ also State chapters under _Occupations_.
--women in, send trib. to Miss Anthony on 80th birthday, 398.
--Common, 33; 49; 159;
résumé of and changes made, 454-8; 464;
in N. Y., 865.
--Constitutional, bar to wom. suff., xiv, xv; 371.

LAWS FOR WOMEN, résumé of, 453-8.
--Property, for women, secured by a few, xxiii;
in Ky., 15;
wife is moneyless, 40;
inevitably one-sided, 198;
nine-tenths relate to property, 200;
uncertain for women, 255;
in Ills., 276;
women could secure good laws with suffrage, 424;
present status, far from just to women, 456-8;
Dower and Curtesy, 457;
Guardianship of Children, and liability of "head of family"
for support, 458;
Divorce, and the various causes for, 459;
Age of Protection, 460.
_See_ each State chapter under head of _Legislative Action and
Laws_. For Great Britain, 1021.

LEGACIES, Mrs. Eddy's to Miss Anthony, v;
to Nat'l. Ass'n., 207; 259; 275; 286; 289; 366; 900; 909.

LEGISLATURES, action on bills and resolutions for full and limited
suffrage and other measures, under head of _Legislative Action_,
in each State chapter, beginning 465;
power to grant limited suff., xv;
have granted much to women, 43;
Congress should submit wom. suff. amdt. to, 43, 64, 113;
work of women members in Col., 525-6;
work of women members in Utah, 953 et seq.

LETTERS, telegrams, greetings, etc., to American suff. convs.,
_see_ Chap. XXII;
to natn'l. suff. conv. of '84, 15 et seq.,
from noted English, 21-2,
Bishop Simpson, 24;
of '85, 61;
of '86, 75;
of '87, from Mrs. Stanton, 113,
U. S. Treas. Spinner et al., 123;
of '89, from Mrs. Stanton, 145;
of '91, 179;
of '93, last from Lucy Stone, 213,
from Bishop Hurst, 220;
of '94, from Gov. Waite, Mrs. Sewall, 232;
of '96, 254;
of '97, from Miss Reed, 285;
of '98, from Abigail Bush, Lucinda H. Stone and others, 300-1;
of '99, from Samuel Gompers, 334,
Mrs. Stanton, 337, 342-3;
of 1900, 359, 366.
--to Int'l. Council of '88, 135.
--to Miss Anthony on 70th birthday, 164;
on 80th, 403.
--to various Conventions, 447.
--to Governors of States and Territories, 212.
--to members of Congress, 35, 217, 218, 247, 287, 346.
--to political delegates and conventions, 440 et seq.
--to State constitutional conventions, 433.

LIFE AND WORK OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY, iv; 2.

LIQUOR DEALERS, control in politics, xix;
attitude toward wom. suff., xix;
influence in Iowa, xxi;
in Neb., 80;
allied with women remonstrants, 327;
opposed to wom. suff., 373;
at Nat'l. Brewers' Convention, 447;
in Calif., 273, 486, 491-3, 499, 500;
in Idaho, 284;
in Ariz., 472;
in Col., 512, 517;
in S. D., 556;
in Kas., 650, 660;
in Ok., 888.

LONGEVITY and vitality of women, 29.

LOUISIANA, Miss Anthony on women taxpayers' suff., 360.
_See_ State chapter.

MAGAZINES. _See_ Newspapers.

MAJORITY, opposed to any reform, xxii;
same, xxiii;
same, xxvi;
must ask for wom. suff. no argument, xxxi; xxxii;
never asked for anything, 38;
Miss Anthony on, 42;
wom. suff. should not wait for, 84;
must demand wom. suff., 92;
never granted anything, 275;
oppose every advance, Mrs. Catt on, 369-71.

MARRIAGE, suff. has no relation to, 90;
Sen. Brown's idea of, 94 et seq.;
in wom. suff. States, 103;
Sen. Vest on, 106 et seq.;
position of woman in, regulations made by men, obstacles to
happiness, Mrs. Colby on, 151;
meaning of, narrowness of wives a detriment to men, Mrs. Stanton
on, 161;
interdependence of husband and wife, Mrs. Wallace on, 171;
Mr. Hinckley on, 180;
each supports the other, 171, 208, 311;
of Mr. Blackwell and Lucy Stone, 226;
wife need not give up name, 226;
individuality of wife, Miss Shaw on, 230;
what wives want, 245.
_See_ Domestic.

MASSACHUSETTS, sentiment for wom. suff. in, 36;
Lucy Stone on treatment of women by its Legis., 192;
early education of women, 192;
women taxpayers, 240.
_See_ State chapter.

MATRIARCHATE, Mrs. Spencer on evolution of family life, 328 et seq.;
1041.

MEDICINE, early struggles of women to study, 296;
letter from Dr. Elizabeth Blackwell, 301;
efforts of wom. in, 275, 355;
statistics of women physicians, 275, 355, 370;
first woman to graduate, 355; 463; 574;
first to practice, 748;
only woman dean of mixed college, 610;
Johns Hopkins Medical, 700;
medical societies in N. J., 833;
first woman's med. coll., 904;
tribute of women in, on Miss Anthony's 80th birthday, 394.
_See_ also State chapters under _Occupations_, and for physicians
in institutions under _Office Holding_.

MICHIGAN, Munic. Suff. Bill vetoed, xv;
vote on suff. amend., 35;
Nat'l. Ass'n. meets, 322.
See State chapter.

MILITARY, argument against wom. suff., nearly obsolete, xxxi;
Sen. Palmer on, 64;
military questions must give way to economic, 69;
ability to bear arms not a voting test, 82;
Sen. Blair on military service no connection with suff., 87;
same on women can fight, 90;
Sen. Brown on women and military service, 94, 96, 100;
woman's record, 101, 113;
nation's debt to her, 115;
brute force passing away, 121;
woman's part in war, 161-2, 195;
fighting qualities necessary in women, 183;
women first to see advantage of peace, 208;
Miss Clay on the military argument before Senate Com., 309;
Miss Shaw on, 337;
how women would have managed Span. Am. War, 339.

MINISTERS, early women, 59, 260;
Rev. Anna Howard Shaw on women ministers, 206;
tribute from, on Miss Anthony's 80th birthday, 397; 464;
ministers in favor of wom. suff., 1079. _See_ Sermons.

MINNESOTA, difficulty of carrying wom. suff. amend., xvi;
Amer. Suff. Ass'n. meets in Minneapolis, 411.
_See_ State chapter.

MOTHERHOOD, xxxi;
needed in politics, 40;
not a limitation, 58;
Mrs. Stanton on ancient idea of, 60;
Sen. Blair on maternity and suff., 91;
Sen. Brown on, 94 et seq.;
Sen. Dolph on, 103;
Sen. Eustis on, 104;
Sen. Vest on, 106;
Miss Willard asks suff. for mothers, 142;
mothers should be honored equally with fathers, 194;
mothers should be exempt from wage-earning, 211;
child dearer than all else, 226;
Mrs. Stetson on, 266;
not broad enough, 277;
Mrs. Spencer on motherhood among primitive peoples, 328-333;
suff. and, 283, 303-4, 357;
fits women for suff., 309;
all wom. not fitted for, 362;
Congress of Mothers, 1051.
_See_ also Testimony from Wom. Suff. States, beginning 1085,
and State chapters for Colorado, Idaho, Utah and Wyoming.

MUNICIPAL SUFFRAGE, in Kas., xv;
bill vetoed in Mich., xv; 123;
effect in Kas., 199;
Australia first country to grant, 224;
cities need woman's vote, 278, 420, 422;
in Ireland, 343;
how gained in Kas., 649 et seq.;
in Kas., 652, 664;
in Great Brit., 1012, 1022;
in New Zealand, 1025;
in Australia, 1027 et seq.;
in Canada, 1035 et seq.;
in other countries, 1038 et seq.

NATIONAL SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION, membership and finance, xxx;
contests for right to vote under 14th amend., 4;
abandons attempt, 6;
same for Federal suff., 10;
begins efforts for 16th amend., 11;
work in the States, 11;
work before Congress, 11;
effect on the franchise, 13;
founded in '69, 14;
conventions held, 14;
work in Washington, 15;
finances in '84, 27;
conv. of '88, 137;
finances in '89, 154;
union with American Ass'n., 164;
Miss Anthony declares for free platform, 169;
finances in '92, 185;
last app. of Mrs. Stanton and Lucy Stone, 186;
at Columb. Expos., 217;
freedom of platform, 224;
mem. serv. for Lucy Stone, 225;
finances in '95, org. com. established, 250;
finances in '96, 256;
headqrs. established, 257;
welcomes Utah, 260;
breadth of platf., 264;
finances of '97, Miss Anthony's contrib., 287;
reports on course of study and finance, 289;
demands equal rights for women in every depart., 291;
finances in '99, 342;
Washt'n _Post_ compliments, 349;
advantage of meeting in capital, 351;
finances in 1900, 364;
holds Bazar, 365;
rec'd by Pres. McKinley in 1900, Mrs. McKinley sends flowers, 384;
Miss Anthony resigns presidency, action of conv., her speeches,
etc., 385 et seq.;
her farewell, 393;
Mrs. Chapman Catt elected pres., 387;
introd. by Miss Anthony, sp. of accept., 388;
notices of new pres., 389;
love for Miss Shaw, 389;
celebrates Miss Anthony's 80th birthday, 349 et seq.;
appeals to political convs. and delegates in 1900, 440-3;
nat'l and State work, 450;
work for rights of women in our new possessions, Chap. XIX;
synopsis of constitn., officers, committees, life members and
delegates, 1098 et seq.
For general work, _see_ Chaps. II-XXII.

NEBRASKA, difficulty of carrying amend., xvi;
suff. amend, campn., 80.
_See_ State chapter.

NEED, of man and woman in law and politics, 179;
in the home, everywhere, 180;
of each for other, 266;
same, 284;
of both in Gov't, 310.

NEGROES, how enfranch., xvii;
why disfranch., xviii;
placed above women, 2;
right to suff., 6;
nat'l. amend. necessary, 42;
women should not have suff., 105-6; 311;
deprived of suff. in South, compared to white women, 325;
women in smoking cars, 343;
if denied suff. should not be counted in basis of represent., 376;
trib. of wom. to Miss Anthony on 80th birthday, 398;
her sympathy for, 403;
Nat'l. Ass'n. of Colored Women, 1051.

NEW JERSEY, failure of Sch. Suff. amend., xvi;
first State to grant wom. suff., 19;
account of same, 830. _See_ State chapter.

NEW SOUTH WALES, chapter on, 1029.

NEWSPAPERS AND MAGAZINES.[502]
_Advertiser_ (New Decatur, Ala.), 465.
_Arena, The_, 6, 927-8.
_Argonaut_ (San Francisco), 491.
_Australian Register_, 1028.
_Australian Woman's Sphere_ (Melbourne), 1031.
_Boomerang_ (Laramie, Wyo.), 1006.
_Bricklayer and Mason_, 446.
_Bulletin_ (San Francisco), 491.
_Call_ (San Francisco), 482, 487, 491, 505.
_Chicago Law Times_, 609.
_Christian Advocate_, 207.
_Colorado Springs Gazette_, 525.
_Commercial Gazette_ (Cin'ti), 428.
_Congressional Record_, 110.
_Constitution_ (Atlanta), 244, 246.
_Daily Statesman_ (Boise, Ida.), 319, 591.
_Daily Times_ (Seattle), 974.
_Democrat_ (Grand Rapids), 339.
_Democratic State Journal_ (Wash.), 1096.
_Englishwoman's Review_, 22, 319, 1012.
_Enquirer_ (Cin'ti), 428.
_Evening News_ (Washtn.), 202.
_Evening Post_ (New York), 1096.
_Examiner_ (San Francisco), 491.
_Express_ (Los Angeles), 495.
_Fortnightly Review_, 1014-5.
_Freemen's Labor Journal_ (Spokane), 974.
_Harper's Bazar_, 716.
_Harper's Magazine_, 203.
_Herald_ (Boston), 732.
_Leader_ (Des Moines), 271, 273.
_Legal News, The_ (Chicago), 212, 609.
_Lily_ (Amelia Bloomer, ed.), 250, 295.
_Liquor Dealer_ (Los Angeles), 499.
Massachusetts papers, 711.
_Mirror_ (Seattle), 1096.
_Nevada Citizen_, 811.
_New Northwest_, 975.
_Nineteenth Century_ (Eng.), 1014.
_Oregonian_ (Portland), 896.
_Picayune_ (New Orleans), 680, 683.
_Post_ (San Francisco), 491.
_Post_ (Washtn.), 188, 201, 221, 236, 349, 361, 385, 387, 390-1,
393, 395, 400.
_Post-Intelligencer_ (Seattle), 1096.
_Public Ledger_ (Phila.), 227.
_Record_ (San Francisco), 491.
_Record-Union_ (Sacramento), 491.
_Remonstrance_ (Boston), 512.
_Report_ (San Francisco), 491.
Rhode Island papers, 910-11.
_Saturday Review_ (Atlanta), 582.
_Star_ (Richmond, Va.), 964.
_Star_ (San Francisco), 491.
_Star_ (Washtn.), 173, 189, 318, 388.
_Suffrage Reveille_ (Kas.), 647.
_Suffragist_ (Ills.), 612.
_Sun_ (Baltimore), 698.
_Sun_ (New York), 326, 459.
_Sunday World_ (Los Angeles), 499.
_Sunny South_ (Atlanta), 238.
_Times_ (Leavenworth, Kas.), 645.
_Times_ (London, Eng.), 1019.
_Times_ (Los Angeles), 491, 499.
_Times_ (New York), 364.
_Town Talk_ (Los Angeles), 499.
_Transcript_ (Olympia), 1096.
_Tribune_ (Chicago), 93, 1009.
_Una_ (Paulina Wright Davis, ed.), 294.
_Wisconsin Citizen_, 342, 987.
_Woman's Chronicle_ (Ark), 475-6.
_Woman's Column_ (Boston), 431, 465, 708.
_Woman's Exponent_ (Utah), 936 et al.
_Woman's Forum_ (Ills.), 613.
_Woman's Journal_ (Boston), 221, 236, 256, 342, 350, 381-2, 392,
406, 417, 423, 426, 430, 701, 726, 734, 736, 1096.
_Woman's Standard_ (Ia.), 342, 629.
_Woman's Tribune_ (Washtn.), 76, 126, 164, 296, 342, 306, 575, 970.
_Women's Suffrage Journal_ (Eng.), 22, 1015.
_Young Woman's Journal_, 956. _See_ Press.

NEW YORK, attempt to confer Sch. Suff. on women, xv;
women demand represent. at Centennial, 156;
women taxpayers, 240, 247, 313, 314;
report of Const'l. Conv. of '94, 247;
opinion of Atty. Gen. and other lawyers on Sch. Suff. and
Office-Holding for women, 1094. _See_ State chapter.

NEW ZEALAND, chapter on, 1029;
eminent advocates of wom. suff., 1084.

OCCUPATIONS, résumé of women in, 463;
entrance of women, xxii, xxiii, xxv;
statistics, xxx;
advantage of ballot, 67;
progress of women in, 133;
women first in, 208;
Mr. Bok on women in business, 229;
danger of disfranch. women in, 312;
statistics of wages, 379;
business women send trib. to Miss Anthony on 80th birthday, 398.
_See_ State chapters under head of _Occupations_, beginning p. 465;
also Labor and various professions, Law, etc.

OFFICE-HOLDING by women, résumé of, 462, and in each State chapter
under head of _Office-Holding_, beginning 465;
Sen. Vest on, 108;
Sen. Hoar on, 109;
in Wy., 117;
women first employed in Gov't dept., 123;
in Nat'l. Gov't. depts. at present, 572;
in Gr. Brit, 1023;
in Canada, _see_ chapter on, 1034.

OFFICERS, of Amer. Suff. Ass'n. in '84, 408;
from '84 to 1900, 428;
of Nat'l. Suff. Ass'n. in '84, 27;
from 1869 to 1900, 387;
of Nat'l.-Amer. Ass'n. in '90, 174;
in '92, 186; in '94, 233;
in 1900, 1099.
--of first Nat'l. Council of Women, 137.
--of State Suff. Assns., listed in each State chapter,
beginning p. 465.

OPPONENTS of wom. suff., _see_ Church, Congress, Debates, Electorate,
Indifference of Women, Liquor Dealers, Remonstrants, Reports, etc.
_See_ also for arguments of, p. 93 et seq. and p. 999 et seq.

OREGON, xxi; xxix;
three classes of opponents, 249;
Amer. Suff. Ass'n. aids, 408.
_See_ State chapter.

ORGANIZATION for wom. suff.,
plan of, 26;
inadequacy of, 248;
nat'l. com. established, 250;
Mrs. Catt's work, 254;
her report, 256;
work of Utah women, 262;
necessity of, 273;
report of '97, obstacles to, 289; report of '99, 365;
in various States, 451.
_See_ also State chapters, beginning p. 465.

ORGANIZATIONS OF WOMEN, NATIONAL, Chap. LXXV.
--Ass'n for Adv'mt of Wom., 1050.
--Coll. Alum., Ass'n of, 1048.
--Colonial Dames of Amer., 1066.
--Col'd Wom., Nat'l Ass'n of, 1051.
--Council of Women, Int'l, 1044.
--Council of Women, Nat'l, 1044-5.
--Daughters of Amer. Rev., 1065.
--Daughters of the Rev., 1066.
--Daught. of Vets., Nat'l All., 1064.
--Daught. of Confed., United, 1067.
--Daught. of 1812, Nat. Soc, 1067.
--Daughters of Rebekah, 1069.
--Eastern Star, Order of, 1068.
--Fed. of Clubs, General, 1050.
--G. A. R., Ladies of, 1064.
--Household Econ., Nat'l As., 1056.
--Indian Ass'n. Wom. Nat'l., 1053.
--Jewish Wom., Nat. Coun. of, 1053.
--Keeley Rescue League, 1056.
--Kindergarten Union, Nat'l., 1055.
--Loc. Eng'rs, Ladies' Aux., 1069.
--Maccabees of World, Sup. Hive, Ladies of, 1067.
--Missionary Societies, 1057-1062.
--Mothers, Nat'l. Cong. of, 1051.
--Mt. Vernon Ladies' Ass'n., 1065.
--Music. Clubs, Nat'l. Fed. of, 1056.
--Needlework Guild of Am., 1057.
--Prison Ass'n., Woman's, 1055.
--Railroad Cond., Ladies' Aux., 1069.
--Rathbone Sisters of World, Sup. Temple, 1068.
--Red Cross Soc., Am. Nat'l., 1048.
--Relief Corps, Woman's, 1064.
--Relief Soc., Nat'l. Wom., 1052.
--Sabbath Alliance, Wom., 1063.
--Social Purity, Christian League for, 1054.
--Sunshine Soc., Internat'l., 1052.
--Wom. Chr. Temp. Union, 1045.
--Women Workers, Nat'l., 1054.
--Young Ladies' Mutual Improvement Ass'n., 1055.
--Y'ng Wom. Chr. Ass'n., 1063.
--Miscellaneous, 1069.
--of Men and Women, 1070.
--in Great Britain, Liberal Federation, Primrose League and Nat'l.
Suff. Society, 1013-14.
--general comment on, majority would not have consented to, xxii;
great power of, xxv;
value of anti-suff., xxix;
working toward suff., xxx;
suff. organizations, rank first, 188;
vast increase, 396;
first on record and evolution of, 1042-3;
first temperance organ'zs., 1042;
during Civil War, 1043;
dignity of convs., 1044;
great scope of objects but few for suff., 1070-1;
all leading to it, 1071;
value in develop, of women, 1072;
number enrolled, 1072;
future power, 1073;
Gov't. must have their help, 1073.

PARTIES, _see_ alphabetical list and also Conventions.
So-called Third, xviii;
their general attitude, 143; 425; 438-9; 441; 479; 492; 522-3-4;
554-6; 591; 600; 617; 647; 755-6; 760; 809; 963; 971-2; 974.

PEACE, Conf. at Hague, Nat'l. Suff. Ass'n. expresses sympathy, 336;
res. for Peace services, 337; 344.
_See_ War.

PERSECUTION, of early workers, xxviii;
not ended, xxxii;
of sex causes moral chaos, 42;
fate of reformers, 132.

PETITION, woman's right to, 32;
have exercised it many years, 33;
Congress must not deny, 93.

PETITIONS, for wom. suff., great number, 33;
for many years, 36;
in Ills., 39;
in O., 46; 110;
national enrollment, 137;
million signatures, 184;
size of, 268;
Fed. of Labor for wom. suff., 334;
in Wy., 448;
in N. Y., 850.
_See_ Chap. XXIII and State chapters under _Legislative Action_.
In Great Brit., 1015, 1017, 1020;
in N. Z., 1026;
in Victoria, 1032.
--against wom. suff., 107;
in Ills., 602;
in Mass., 723, 736 et al.;
in N. Y., 850;
in R. I., 911.

PHILIPPINES, Nat'l. Suff. Ass'n. demands rights for their women, 325;
Mrs. Spencer on our duty to the women of our new possessions, 328
et seq.;
discussion, 331 et seq.;
no hope for their women, 347;
testimony in favor before Senate Com., 348.
_See_ Chap. XIX for full statement.

PHARMACY, in Ky., 676.

PHYSICAL ABILITY, woman lacks, 99, 100, 108.
_See_ Military.

PIONEERS, first work for wom. suff., xiii;
early conditions of women, 1;
at Int'l. Council, 136;
in the West, 148;
struggles of, 154;
work of, 188;
appeal for their children, 195;
tributes to by Miss Anthony and Fred. Douglass, 204;
trib. of Douglass to, 227;
in Utah, 261;
gratitude to, 290;
young women should continue their work, 292;
mem. services for, 293;
at conv. of '98, 298-9;
of '99, 336.

PLAN OF WORK, adopted by nat'l. suff. conv. of '84, 26, 62;
by conv. of '87, 122;
suggestions for suff. clubs, 248;
of Amer. Suff. Ass'n. in '84, 410.

POLICE MATRONS, _see_ _Office-Holding_ in State chapters,
beginning p. 465.

POLITICS, effect of women in, xix;
crowding in, xxx;
too hard for women, 94;
in '88, 150;
wom. suff. in polit. meetings, 257;
should advocates suff. take part in? 280 et seq.;
in Utah, 319;
in N. Y., 872;
anti-suffragists in, _see_ Remonstrants.

POLITICIANS, object to wom. suff., xix; xx; xxi;
women as, 99.
For Politics and Politicians, _see_ chapters for States where women
vote and in which wom. suff. campaigns have been held;
also Parties, Conventions, Republicans, etc.

POPULISTS, 444;
in Calif., 488, 491-3;
in Col., xviii, 511, '13, '16, '18, '20, '23;
in Ida., 590, '92, '94;
in Kas., 642-7, 652-5, 657;
in Mont., 800;
in Wash., 971-2.
_See_ Conventions and Parties.

PORTO RICO, Nat'l. Ass'n. demands rights for women in, 325;
appeals to Cong. for same, in 1900, 446.

POSTMASTERS, women, 462.

PRAYERS, Mrs. McLaren on, 22;
Mrs. Gougar on, 37;
Mrs. Crooker on, 43;
Miss Shaw on, 134.
_See_ Church.

PRESIDENTS, of Nat'l. Suff. Ass'n., Mrs. Stanton, in '84, 15;
of united assn's. in '90, 174;
resigns and made hon. pres., 186;
Lucy Stone made hon. pres., 186;
Miss Anthony elected pres. in '92, 186;
resigns in 1900, 385;
Mrs. Chapman Catt elected, 387;
Miss A. made hon. pres., 389.
--and Vice-Presidents of U. S. favoring wom. suff., 1075.
--of Universities and Colleges, same, 1079.

PRESIDENTIAL SUFFRAGE, form of petition, 286;
bill in Kas., 655.

PRESS, present attitude, xxviii;
on dress of delegates, 56;
change in tone, 57;
Miss Anthony against starting paper, 216;
report of nat'l. press work for '96, 286;
for '97, 288;
for '99, 365;
early comment on wom. suff., 293;
wom. suff. dept. in N. Y. _Sun_, 326;
need of women on press, 326;
report to Amer. conv. of '87, 425;
of '88, 431;
press in Calif, campn., 490, 499.
_See_ Newspapers.

PRINCE OF INDIA, everlasting record, 277.

PROGRESS OF EQUAL RIGHTS, reasons for, xiii;
present status, xxv;
hope for future, xxvi;
more rapid in future, xxxiii;
effect of Civil War on, 2;
Congress'l. Com. report, 53;
Sen. Palmer on, 63; 133; 134; 191;
Miss Anthony on, 325; 207; 242; 306;
in public sentiment, 349;
in the South, 362; 369;
social, educat'l, etc., Mrs. Catt on, 392;
as shown in treatment of Miss Anthony, 394, 398;
in position of advocates, 405; 412;
in the laws, 455-8.

PROGRESS OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE, 169; 198;
ears will be unstopped, 199; 290;
appearances of advocates, 318; 326;
13 members electoral coll., 350; 405; 409; 425; 442;
in England, 353, 1012.

PROFESSIONS, women in, _see_ Law, Medicine, etc., also Occupations.

PROPERTY, Lucy Stone on laws in Mass., 192;
owners are one-fourth women, nine-tenths of laws made for property,
200.
Résumé of laws, 453 et seq.
_See_ Laws, also each State chapter under _Legislative Action
and Laws_.

PUBLIC SCHOOLS, statistics of pupils, xxx;
girls formerly not admitted in Mass., 193; 464;
High Schools, in Del., 566;
in Phila., 906;
in Providence, 920.
_See_ each State chapter under head of _Education_, beginning, p. 465.

QUEENSLAND, _see_ chapter on, 1032.

RADICALS, of each new age, xxxiii; 117, 271.

RECEPTIONS, 15; 18; 56; 127; 175; 183; 188; 251; 262; 265; 270; 354; 384.
_See_ various State chapters beginning 465.

REFORMERS, Rev. Anna Howard Shaw on, 131 et seq.

RELIGION, _see_ Church.

REMINISCENCES OF ELIZABETH CADY STANTON, iv; 250.

REMONSTRANTS, women against suff., xxix;
in politics, 16;
called to account, 19;
Mr. Foulke on, 168;
Mrs. Howe on, 170; 171;
three classes of, 249; 258;
Miss Blackwell on, 320;
allied with liquor dealers, 327;
satire on, 361;
Grace Greenwood on, 364;
in England, take advantage of every gain, 369;
Mrs. Catt on, 370;
against education, property laws, etc., 380;
before Sen. com. in 1900, 381;
before House com., amusing occurrences, 382;
in different stages of evolution, 392;
in Col., 512;
in S. D., 557;
in Kansas, 650;
in Mass., 704, 732-3, 736 et al.;
in N. Y., 850, 858-9, 861;
in Ok., 888;
in Ore., 895;
in Wash., 971;
in Austr., 1031.

REPORTS, of Congress'l coms. on wom. suff., 12;
House Judic., of '84, 47 et seq., 52 et seq.;
of '86, 82 et seq.;
of '90, 163;
of '94, 235;
Senate, of '84, 47;
_see_ also 93 et seq;
of '92, 201;
of '96, 207;
work of Miss Anthony and Mrs. Upton in securing, 366.
--of nat'l. suff. conv. of '84, 15;
of Intl. Council of '88, 127;
on nat'l. enrollment, 137, 154, 879;
of Nat'l. Council of '91, 175;
of Columbian Expos. Com., 232.
--State, to nat'l. suff. convs., 15;
to American suff. convs., 432.
--Miss Anthony's on work in conventions of 1900, 439 et seq.

REPRESENTATION, basis of, Federal Constitution on, 8;
women should not be counted till enfranch., 374, 376.
--Indirect, of women by men, 41; 46; 51; 64; 66; 86; 93; 168;
Miss Blackwell on, 197.

REPRESENTATIVES, U. S., favoring wom. suff., 1077.
_See_ State chapters under _Legislative Action_.

REPUBLICANS, enfranch. negro men, xvii; 143;
in Calif., 485, 487, 491;
in Col., 516, 518, 520-5;
in S. D., 555;
in Ida., 590-2;
in Ills., 605-6;
in Ind., 617;
in Kas., 643-7, 649-55, 661;
in Mass., 712, 724, 727;
in Mich., 755;
in N. Y., 848 et seq., 872;
in Utah, 949, 953 et seq.;
in Wash., 971;
in Congress on Wy., 1004;
Nat'l. League of Clubs, 713-14.
_See_ Conventions.

RESOLUTIONS, at nat'l suff. conv. of '69, right of women to vote
under 14th amend., 3;
at conv. of '84, 25;
on death of Wendell Phillips, 25;
for Intl. Council, 25;
on Anna Ella Carroll, 25;
on creeds and dogmas., 58;
memorial of '85, 61;
on carrying wom. suff. into church, 75;
for 16th amend. to Nat'l const'n., 85;
at conv. of '87, 122;
of thanks to men, ridiculed by Mrs. Stanton, 145;
at conv. of '89, 154;
on trial of Susan B. Anthony, 155;
on disfranch. of women in Wash. Ty., 155;
on represent. of wom. at N. Y. Centennial, 156;
by Mrs. Stanton on the church and divorce, 165;
memorial of '90, 174;
at conv. of '91, 184;
for Sunday opening of World's Fair, 186;
to prohibit sale of liquor at same, 186;
mem. of '93, to Geo. W. Curtis and others, 203 et seq.;
at conv. of '93, 216;
mem. of '94, 227;
of '95, 250;
of '96, 259;
against Woman's Bible, 263;
mem. of '97, 275;
at conv. of '98, 290;
mem. of '98, 293;
of Fed. of Labor for wom. suff. in '98, 334;
res. for Peace services, 337;
at conv. of '99, 343;
mem. of '99, 344;
of Fed. of Labor in '99, 359;
mem. of 1900, 366;
res. on wom. suff. in Col., 383;
on Miss Anthony's resignation, 386;
of Amer. suff. conv. in '84, 409;
mem. of Frances D. Gage and others, 409;
at Amer. conv. of '85, 416;
of '87, 425;
for union of two suff. societies, 426;
of Col. Legis., 531;
of Wy. Legis., 1007.
_See_ also various State chapters beginning 465.

REVOLUTION, will it be necessary for wom. suff.? 119;
women will cause, 139.

RIGHT, SUFFRAGE A, proved by Nat'l. Constit'n, xxxii;
guaranteed by it, 1, 3; 38; 45-6;
Rep. Maybury denies, 47;
Rep. Poland, 50; 52;
Cong. Com. report, 54;
Miss Eastman on, 72, 80;
Cong. Com. report, 82;
Sen. Blair on, 86, 89, 90;
Sen. Dolph on, 101-2-5;
Sen. Vest denies, 107;
Mrs. Gage on, 118;
Sen. Blair on, 145;
Mr. Foulke on, 167-8;
Mrs. Howe on, 170;
Mrs. Wallace on, 172;
Mrs. Stanton on, 189;
Lucy Stone on, 191;
Mrs. Catt on, 194;
Miss Blackwell on, 197;
Miss Reed on, 285;
Mr. Garrison on, 305;
Miss Anthony on, 325;
Mrs. Blake on, 374-5;
Chancellor Eliot on, 413; 441-2.

SCHOOL SUFFRAGE, bills vetoed in Calif., xv;
experience in N. Y., xv;
in Wis., xv;
in N. J., xvi;
in S. D., xvi;
men do not exercise, 198, 541; 212;
in Boston, 746;
legality in N. Y., 1093;
in Great Brit., 1022;
in New Zeal., 1025;
in Canada, 1034 et seq.;
where possessed in U. S., 461.
_See_ chapters for these States under _Suffrage_.

SCIENCE and wom. suff., Mrs. Gage on, 28;
botanical objection, 90.

SELF-GOVERNMENT best means of self-development, Mrs. Stanton on, 40.

SENATORS, U. S., favoring wom. suff., 1076.

SERMONS, Miss Shaw on Heavenly Vision and progress of race, 128; 136;
175; 184; 185; 202;
Miss Shaw on Let no man take thy crown, 229;
minister in Atlanta opp. wom. suff., 237;
at Atlanta conv., 246-7; 258;
dean of Chichester against wom. suff., 320;
at conv. of '99. 337;
at conv. of 1900, Miss Shaw on Rights of Women, 361;
Cardinal Gibbons against wom. suff., 366.

SOLDIERS, women as, 309-10;
wom. produce, 310;
efforts to enable to vote, 335;
women bear the arm-bearers, 337.
_See_ Military and War.

SOLITUDE OF SELF, address by Mrs. Stanton, 189.

SOUTH, position of women, 212; 216;
speakers, 222;
women orators of, 236; 238;
its women want suff., 245;
illiterate vote in Ga., 246;
tour of by nat'l. spkrs., 251; 293; 360;
Mrs. Young on progress in, 362;
Ala. and Miss. grant property rights to women, 407; 928.

SOUTH DAKOTA, failure of Sch. Suff. amend., xvii; xxi; xxix;
Nat'l. Ass'n. raises funds for campn., 174;
Miss Shaw describes, 182; 183;
suff. bill vetoed, 414.
_See_ State chapter.

SPEAKERS, at Int'l. Council of '88, 136;
at Miss Anthony's 70th birthday recep., 163;
at 80th birthday recep., 394-5;
at nat'l. suff. convs., _see_ respective chapters, beginning p. 14;
before Congress'l. Coms., _see_ chapters for even years;
at Amer. suff. convs., _see_ Chap. XXIV.
_See_ State chapters for State speakers.
--of House of Representatives favoring wom. suff., 1077.

STATE CHAPTERS, beginning 465.

STATE'S RIGHTS, to grant suff., 50;
same, 78; 118; 144; 234.

STATISTICS, of women wage-earners, xxiii, xxx;
of public schools, xxx;
of foreign vote in Wis., 148;
of women physicians, 275, 355;
health of women graduates, 355;
wages of women, 360, 379;
of woman vote in Col., 525;
in Ida., 595;
in Kas., 660;
in Mass., 746;
in Ohio, 883;
in Utah, 952;
in Wash., 412, 967;
in Wyo., 1010;
in New Zeal., 1026;
in S. Australia, 1028;
vote on wom. suff. in Kas., 647.

SUFFRAGE, WOMAN,
--Advantages of, 21, 41, 53, 55, 65, 66, 83, 159, 161, 162, 178, 181.
--Advocates, character of, xxxii, 412;
debt owed to, 144;
are not dreamers, 421;
list of, 1075;
_see_ debates in Congress, 32 et seq., 85 et seq., 181 et seq.;
also various chapters and p. 1075 et seq.
--Bible, for and against. _See_ Bible.
--Bills for. _See_ Bills.
--Campaigns for. _See_ Amendment Campaigns.
--Church, attitude of. _See_ Church.
--Congressional Action. _See_ Congress.
--Constitutional Phases of. _See_ Constitutions.
--Conventions for. _See_ Conventions.
--Debates on. _See_ Congress.
--Decisions. _See_ Supreme Court Decisions.
--Democracy of. _See_ Democracy.
--Domestic, argument against wom. suff. losing force, xxxi;
Reagan, of Texas, on this point, 31;
John Quincy Adams on, 47;
woman's sphere, 48;
would break up home 49;
proper sphere, 53;
position of woman in all countries, 52, 83;
fear of quarrels, 92;
sphere of two sexes, 94;
woman is queen, 95;
would disrupt family, 99;
harmony not disturbed, 103;
embrace of female politician, 106-7-8, 117;
woman's sphere narrowed, 190;
vote of husband and wife, 198;
wives of great men, 206;
wom. suff. and home, effect where women vote, 315;
evolution of family life, 328;
college wom. and home, 357-8;
no relation between suff. and housekeeping, 362;
modern home happiest, 371;
domestic instincts eternal, 380;
effect of wom. suff. on domestic life in Colorado, 283, 356, 1087;
in Idaho, 595;
in Utah, 319, 1088;
in Wyoming, 117, 181, 302, 1089, 1091-2.
--Economics of, 308;
woman as economic factor, 310;
household economics, 357;
basis of wom. suff., 377.
--Educated, constitutional to require it, 246;
argument against, 258;
argument for, 292, 316;
Gov't. no right to educate women and refuse representation, 307;
Mrs. Stanton on, 316;
education must lead to suffrage, 356.
_See_ Education.
--Ethics of, 20, 43, 69, 80, 81, 116;
influence of woman, 117; 119;
Mrs. Stanton on, 134;
Mrs. Wallace on, 170-1; 254-5;
evolution of wom. suff., Mrs. Spencer on, 308.
--Expediency of, xxiv; 52;
Sen. Vest on, 107; 167; 172;
Phillips on, 381.
--Federal. _See_ Federal Suffrage.
--Illiterate. _See_ Illiteracy.
--Indifference of Women. _See_ Indifference.
--Justice of, 17, 74, 80, 82, 86, 102, 147, 162, 163, 167-8, 183;
Lucy Stone on, 191; 199, 297, 305, 358, 378, 381, 413, 415;
Curtis and Hoar on, 428.
--Labor and. _See_ Labor.
--Legislative Action on. _See_ Legislatures.
--Liquor Dealers and. _See_ Liquor Dealers.
--Majority of women opposed. _See_ Majority.
--Military argument against. _See_ Military.
--Motherhood and. _See_ Motherhood.
--Ministers for and against. _See_ Ministers, Church and Sermons.
--Morality through, xxvi; 18, 22, 24, 39, 43, 67, 115, 120, 136, 308.
--Municipal. _See_ Municipal Suffrage.
--Nature and, limitations of, 53;
Mrs. Stanton on balance of forces, 58;
nature opposes, 94;
can not reverse laws of, 100;
can be trusted, 168;
same, 247;
severe lessons of, 209.
--Need of, 46, 69, 84, 88;
Mrs. Wallace on, 119; 125, 134;
to offset foreign vote, 148; 153;
Senate Com. report, 156;
by wives and mothers, 161; 168; 193; 244;
by city and State, 306;
by home, school and municipality, 379;
by the Government, 429; 433.
--Negroes and. _See_ Negroes.
--Non-partisanship of demand, 38, 80, 81, 143, 173;
debate at nat'l. conv. of '97, 280; 344; 409.
--Opposition to. _See_ Introduction;
of church, State, home and society, Mrs. Stanton on, 177;
ignorance of, 276;
great obstacles, 371.
_See_ also Liquor Dealers, Remonstrants, Congressional Debates
and Reports.
--Organization for. _See_ Organization.
--Petitions for. _See_ Petitions.
--Philosophy of, Mrs. Colby on, 254.
_See_ also Ethics.
--Pioneers of. _See_ Pioneers.
--Progress of. _See_ Progress of Wom. Suff. and Equal Rights.
--Protection of, 17;
Mrs. Stanton on, 41; 44-6, 51, 59, 74, 99, 107, 122, 168, 245,
378, 413;
Higginson on, 424; 426; 428.
--Qualifications for, Sen. Blair on, 87-91;
physical, 51; 94 et seq.
_See_ also Military.
--Right of. _See_ Right, Suffrage a.
--School. _See_ School Suffrage.
--Science of, scientific aspect, by Mrs. Gage, 28.
--Sermons on. _See_ Sermons.
--South and. _See_ South.
--State's Rights and. _See_ State's Rights.
--Taxation and. _See_ Taxation and Taxpayers' Suffrage.
--Temperance through, xxvi; 18;
Bishop Simpson on, 24; 43;
Miss Willard's plea, 141;
res. against liquor selling at World's Fair, 186; 196.
--in Territories. _See_ chapters on Territories.
--Testimony for. _See_ Testimony.
--Universal, approved, xxvii;
Cong. Com. rep., 54;
same, 82;
Mrs. Hooker on, 115; 257; 258; 285; 369.
--War and. _See_ War.

SUFFRAGE, WOMAN,
miscellaneous, full résumé of, _see_ Introduction.
Amount now possessed and how obtained, xxvii, 34, 461.
_See_ also chapters of States and Territories under head of _Suffrage_.
Why denied to woman, xiv et seq.;
effect on politics, xix;
obstacles to, xx et seq.;
future prospects, xxvi et seq.;
where taken away, xxvii, 674, 968;
attempt of women to vote under 14th Amend., 3 et seq.;
capacity for, 13;
evolution of, 18;
Mrs. Spencer on, 308;
scientific view of, 28, 90;
practical experience, _see_ Testimony, chapters on States where
women vote, also Sen. Palmer on, 68, Sen. Dolph on, 103;
dangers of, Sen. Brown on, 96 et seq., Sen. Vest on, 105 et seq.,
999 et seq.;
danger of withholding, Mrs. Stanton on, 119, 139, Mrs. Wallace on, 172;
unequal struggle for, Mrs. Stanton on, 139, 338;
men's indifference to, 187;
peaceful effort for, 231, 245;
industrial emancip. leads to, Carroll D. Wright on, 215;
man improved by, 391;
immense work of a few for, 449.
_See_ Vote, and Presidential, Suffrage; also chapter on Great
Britain and her Colonies and Chap. LXXIV.

SUNDAY OBSERVANCE, Mrs. Stanton on, 166; 186; 217.

SUPREME COURT DECISIONS,
U. S.,
Dred Scott case defining citizens, 4, 78;
on Virginia L. Minor's attempt to vote, 5;
Slaughter House Cases, 5;
Yarbrough on Federal Suff., 8;
on 14th amend., 79; 144; 165;
against right of women to practice law, 153;
on woman's right to vote, 153;
recognizing slavery, 165;
Justices of, favoring wom. suff., 1076.
--State,
on attempt of Miss Anthony, Mrs. Virginia L. Minor and other wom.
to vote, 4 et seq.;
on Federal Suffrage in Kellar case (Ills), 10;
on property rights of women in Calif., 502;
on wom. suff. in Calif., 504;
on wom. suff. amend. in Ida., 272, 593;
on woman's right to vote, to practice law and to sell liquor in
Ind., 621-2, 626;
on Munic. Suff. in Mich., 765;
on Sch. Suff. in N. J., 830;
on Sch. Suff. in N. Y., 867;
same in O., 883;
women's voting on constitn. in Utah, 948;
on wom. suff. in Wash., 968-9, 1096;
in Wis., 990;
Justices of, favoring wom. suff.,
Del., 565;
Ida., 593, 1089;
Kas., 433, 646;
Wy., 1090-1-2.

TASMANIA, chapter on, 1033.

TAXATION,
without representation, xxxi;
in Mass., 34; 38; 65; 66; 97; 148;
of women in N. Y., Mass. and Tenn., 240;
in Ga., 242;
in N. Y., 247, 313, 851;
of women helps pay Legislators, 374;
women should be relieved of until enfranch., 376;
Chicago Teachers' Fed. compels taxation of corporations, 611; 763;
in Phila., 900.

TAXPAYERS' SUFFRAGE,
States where possessed by women, 461.
_See_ chapters for those States under _Suffrage_.
--in La., 681;
in Miss., 787;
in Mont., 799;
in N. Y., 869.
_See_ also Iowa, 635.

TEACHERS,
_see_ Education, Public Schools and Universities.

TERRITORIES,
demand for wom. suff. in, 417;
appeals to Constit'l. Convs. of Dak., Wash., Mont. and Idaho, 439;
Mr. Blackwell visits them in interest of wom. suff., 433;
have a right to control suff., 1003.
_See_ Territorial chapters.

TESTIMONY, in favor of wom. suff.,
from Colorado, 239, 268, 283, 302-3, 338, 356, 383;
Kansas, 191;
Utah, 261, 283;
U. S. Sen. Cannon on, 304;
St. Sen. Martha Hughes Cannon on, 319;
Washington,
U. S. Sen. Palmer on, 68;
U. S. Sen. Dolph on, 103, 421, 1096-8;
in Wyoming,
U. S. Sen. Palmer on, 68,
U. S. Sen. Carey on, 117, 181, 200,
debate on admission to Statehood, 998 et seq.
_See_ Statistics,
also _Testimony from Wom. Suff. States_, beginning p. 1085,
State chapters for Colorado, Idaho, Kansas, Utah and Wyoming
and pp. 1027-28.

UNIVERSITIES AND COLLEGES,
large number of women in, xxii;
women on faculties, 355;
Emma Willard's school, geometry in, 355;
Mt. Holyoke, Latin in, 355;
first Boston High School, 355;
President Eliot on girls in Boston Latin School and Radcliffe, 355;
Johns Hopkins Medical, 700;
Wellesley students for wom. suff., 714;
teachers for, 716;
same, 726;
Smith, same, 716;
Girton and Newnham (Eng.), same, 1015;
woman suffrage in, 709;
Radcliffe, 355, 749;
Columbia, 871;
Rochester, 871;
Brown, 918-20;
Oberlin, 884;
Antioch, 885;
State, closed to wom., 966;
open to women in Gr. Brit., 1024;
in other countries, 1038 et seq.;
presidents of, favoring wom. suff., 1079.
_See_ also Education.

UTAH,
adopts wom. suff., xxi; 252;
visit of Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw in '95, 253;
welcomed by Nat'l. Ass'n., 260;
organiz'n for wom. suff., 262;
gift to Miss Anthony, 390.
_See_ State chapter, also Statistics and Testimony.

VICTORIA, chapter on, 1031.

VOICES, of women, 240; 334-5.

VOTE,
woman's, political complexion of, xviii,
not wanted by politicians and others, xix;
best women would not vote, 50;
they would, 97;
they would not, 98;
women do vote, 93, 117, 181;
first voted in N. J., 19, 830;
future woman will be urged to vote, 211.
_See_ Statistics, Suffrage, Testimony, and chapters for Colorado,
Idaho, Kansas, Utah, Washington, Wyoming, Australia and
New Zealand.
--of nat'l. conv. on carrying wom. suff. into church, 77;
on Woman's Bible, 263;
in U. S. Senate on amend. for wom. suff., 112.

WAGES, _see_ Labor and Statistics.

WILLS, _see_ p. 455 and Laws.

WAR,
hated by women, xix, 84, 208;
man's part compared to woman's, 115;
woman's part in war, 161-2;
first to see advantages of peace, 208;
pathetic war for suff., 231, 245;
war should have consent of women, 335;
women left to fight alone, 338;
badly needed in Span. Am., 339;
women and the South African, 391.
_See_ Military and Soldiers.
--Civil, developed woman, 2;
results frittered away, 159;
woman's part in, 195.

WASHINGTON CITY,
plan to beautify, xxxii;
entertains nat'l. suff. convs. from '69, 14;
Miss Anthony's preference as a place for holding convs., 218, 351.
_See_ accounts of nat'l. convs., Chaps. II-XXII, also chapter on
District of Columbia.

WASHINGTON TERRITORY, xxi; xxix;
Sen. Dolph on enfranch. of its women, 102;
their disfranch. denounced, 155;
full account of this, 1096-8.
_See_ State chapter, also Statistics and Testimony.

WISCONSIN,
Sch. Suff. in, xv;
rule of foreigners, 148.
_See_ State chapter.

WOMANLINESS, 52; 88; 95; 106; 160;
Mrs. Stanton on, 165; 225; 285; 319; 1086 et seq.

WOMAN'S CHRISTIAN TEMPERANCE UNION,
petition for suff., 110; 123;
Miss Willard represents before Sen. Com. of '88, 141-2;
wom. suff. in '81, 215;
at nat'l. conv. of '97, 278.
For bills in Legislatures _see_ pp. 451-2, and various State
chapters under head of _Legislative Action_;
also Canada, New Zealand and Tasmania;
for founding and work, 1045 et seq.;
attitude towards wom. suff., 1070.

WOMAN'S RIGHTS CONVENTIONS,
demands of first one nearly all granted, xiii;
earliest ones held, 14;
40th annivers., 125; 204;
50th anniv., 288;
descrip. of, 298-9;
compared to Bunker Hill, etc., 397; 1043.

WORKINGMEN,
how enfranchised, xvii, same, 305;
in Great Brit., 311;
injured by disfranch. women, 312.
_See_ Labor.

WORKINGWOMEN,
relation of wom. suff. to, 70;
Nat'l. Ass'n. demands suff. for, 216.
_See_ Labor and Statistics.

WYOMING,
adopts wom. suff., xxi;
Nat'l. Ass'n. congratulates on admission, 176;
gavel from, 238; 252;
visit of Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw, 253;
compared to Switzerland, 282;
gift and trib. to Miss Anthony on 80th birthday, 400;
petits. Cong. for 16th amend., 448;
debate in Cong. on admission, 998 et seq.
_See_ State chapter, also Statistics and Testimony.

FOOTNOTES:

[502] It has been impossible to index every paper named in the
History, and only those are given of which special mention is made.

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES.

In order that the following Index may not be overburdened with names,
it has seemed best not to include those of officers and workers in the
various States unless they are listed in some capacity elsewhere.
While this decision causes injustice in some cases, it will be
approved when it is considered that in the Massachusetts chapter, for
instance, about 600 different individuals are mentioned, some of them
a score of times; in those of New York and California, over 300 each,
and in that of Vermont, including only seven pages, nearly 150. With
half-a-dozen exceptions the State chapters are very short and it will
require only a few minutes for the reader to find any name desired.
Most of the prominent State workers are mentioned elsewhere and
therefore are listed. Even with this arrangement the Index contains
almost 1200 names.

Abbott, Dr. Lyman, 742.

Abbott, Mrs. Lyman, organizes anti-suff. soc., 850.

Abbott, Merrie Hoover, contest for office of pros. att'y., 770.

Aberdeen, Ishbel, Countess of, 301;
compliments Amer. wom., 353; 354.

Adams, Abigail, on female education, 354;
courtship, 422.

Adams, Gov. Alva, 302;
talks suff. to Fed. of Clubs, 530; 533;
on wom. suff. in Col., 1087.

Adams, Judge Francis G., 641;
statistics of wom. suff. in Kas., 660.

Adams, Pearl, 27.

Adams, Samuel, on representation, 66.

Addams, Jane, 608; 718.

Adkinson, Florence M., 432; 617; 707.

Adsit, Mrs. Allen C., 322.

Alabama, names for, Chap. XXV.

Alcott, Louisa M., in favor of wom. suff., 411; 431; 702.

Alden, Cynthia Westover, 1052.

Alderson, Mary Long, writes Mont. chap., 796.

Aldridge, George W., 845.

Alford, William H., 488.

Allen, C. E., M. C., 260;
on wom. suff. platform, 261; 949.

Allen, Mrs. C. E., 260.

Allen, U. S. Sen. John B., 158;
favors wom. suff., 162;
reports in favor, 201.

Altgeld, Gov. John P. (Ills.), 606.

Ambrose, James Clement, 802.

Ames, Rev. Charles G., 425;
in Mass., 707 et al., 712.

Ames, Fanny B., 717.

Ames, Gov. Oliver (Mass.), 259; 433;
recom. wom. suff. in message, 706;
same, 723; 718; 727.

Amies, Olive Pond, 201.

Anderson, Mrs. Garrett, M. D., (Eng.), 1015.

Anderson, Martha Scott, 331; 774.

Anderson, Naomi, 490; 646.

Anderson, St. Rep. Sarah A. (Utah), 953.

Andrews, Bishop E. G., 206.

Andrews, Elisha Benjamin, Pres. Brown Univ.,
works for admis. of wom., 919.

Andrews, St. Speaker N. L., wom. suff. in Wy., 1091.

Anneke, Mathilde F., 61;
work in Wis., 987.

Anthony, Col. Daniel Reed, 174; 645.

Anthony, Gov. George T. (Kas.), opp. wom. suff., 649.

Anthony, U. S. Sen. Henry B., 24;
rep. in favor of wom. suff., 47; 61; 89.

Anthony Lucy E., 239; 392;
in Calif, camp'n., 48;, 707; 900.

Anthony, Mary S., 298;
work in N. Y., 849 et al.

Anthony, Susan B., prepares Hist. of Wom. Suff., III;
rec. legacy for, V;
purchases rights of Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Gage and puts book
in libraries, resigns presidency of Nat'l. Assn., VI;
secures money for Vol. IV and invites Mrs. Harper to write it, VII;
demands on her for inform., IX;
tries to prevent "male" in Nat'l. Constit., 2;
trial for voting, 4;
no faith in attempt for Fed. Suff., 11;
winter res. in Washt'n., 12;
forms Nat'l. Ass'n., 14;
issues call for conv. of '84, 15; 17;
arouses interest of Eng. wom., 21;
disgrace of disfranchisement, 27;
never wrote addresses, 28;
writes to 112 M. C.'s, 35; 36;
pleads for 16th Amend, before U. S. Senate Com., 40;
before House Com., 42; 56;
opp. relig. debate in wom. suff. conv., 59; 62;
describes first suff. meet. in Washt'n., 70; 71; 77;
on Sup. Ct. decisions, 78;
arrested under Fed. Law for voting, 79; 81;
on congress'l action on wom. suff., 112; 114;
world needed her, 120;
originates Int'l Council, 124;
issues call, 126;
edits report, 127;
opens Council, 133; 135; 136;
elected vice-pres., 137;
before Senate com. in '88, 140;
opens conv. of '89, 144; 150;
describes efforts to vote under 14th Amend., 152;
conv. res. on outrage of her trial, 155;
at Com. hearings, 156;
wom. in war, 162;
70th birthday, 163;
demands free platform, 169;
as presiding officer, 173;
elected vice-pres. of united ass'ns., 174;
puts Int'l Council Report in libraries, 175;
opens conv. of '91, 176; 180;
Miss Shaw tells treatment of in S. D. Rep. Conv., 182; 184; 185;
elected pres. Nat'l. Am. Ass'n., 186;
winter home at Riggs House, 188;
before House Com., 189;
compliments Sen. Hoar, 201; 202;
opens memorial service of '93, 203;
young wom. should apprec. pioneers, 204;
gains of forty years, 207;
World's Fair Bd. Lady M'g'rs., 211;
on Bd. M'g'rs. N. Y. St. Indust. Sch., 213;
refused seat on W. C. T. U. platform in '81, 215;
on publishing paper, 216;
opp. to convs. outside of Washt'n., 218;
flag present, by Col. women, 222;
every inch of ground contested, 223;
Suff. Ass'n. knows no section, creed or party, 224;
spicy introductions, 225; 227;
part in securing World's Fair Bd. Lady M'g'rs., 233;
wom. never can vote under present Constit'n., 234;
introd. Kate Field, 235; 236;
rare qualities as presid. officer, 238;
examples of repartee, 239, 40, 41;
trib. in Atlanta conv., 241;
young wom. know it all, 249;
announces nat'l. hdqrs., 250;
spks. in Southern cities, 251;
forgets prayer at conv., 252;
Miss Shaw tells of their visit to Western cities, 253;
Miss A. jokes younger wom. on holding her bonnet, on getting
crosswise with newspapers, 254; 257;
spks. at mem. serv. of '96, 260;
birthday luncheon, 262;
sp. on Woman's Bible, 263; 265;
before House Com. of '96, 267; 268;
at Des Moines conv. in '97, 271;
sp. at same, 272;
trib. of _Leader_, 273;
on desecrating the flag, 278; 279;
on partisanship, 281; 286; 287;
opens conv. of '98, 288;
birthday luncheon in '98, 291; 293;
with Mrs. Hooker at conv. of '98, 296; 298;
congrat. on 78th birthday, 300; 301; 304; 318;
before House com. of '98, 321;
sp. at conv. of '99, on wom. in our new possessions, 325; 327; 328;
331;
on wom. in Hawaii, 333;
on women's voices, 334; 335; 337;
a criminal, 339;
all wom. can help, 341; 342;
decides to resign presidency of Nat'l. Ass'n., 349;
vigor at, conv. of 1900, 350;
appearance and opening remarks, Miss Shaw tells of her recep. in
London, and relates funny story, 351;
rep. as delegate to Int'l. Council of '99, 352;
describes recep. by Queen, value of representing something, 354;
introd. Mr. Blackwell, 357; 359; 360; 364;
clears ass'n. of debt, need to watch Congress, 365; 367;
sp. before Senate com. of '99, 373;
asks hearing for "antis," 381;
kindness repudiated, 382-3;
courtesy of Pres. and Mrs. McKinley, 384;
urged not to resign presidency, 385;
insists upon doing so, res. passed by ass'n., her response, 386;
always in office, 387;
introd. her successor, 388;
elected hon. pres., and presented with birthday gifts, 389;
_Post_ describes occasion, 390; 391; 392;
introd. her old board and makes farewell sp., description by
_Post_, 393;
80th birthday celebration in Lafayette opera house, gifts and
tributes, her acknowledgment, 394-404;
evening recep. in Corcoran Art Gallery, description of Miss
Anthony, hour of triumph, 404-5; 426;
first app. at nat'l. polit. conv., 435;
at Nat'l. Repub. conv. in '92, 436;
at Nat'l. Popu. conv. in '92, 437;
vast numb. of convs. attended, 439;
political work in 1900, 440; 443;
letters to convs., 445;
ad. labor convs., 446;
trib. of Brewers' nat'l. conv., 447;
in Ala., 465;
spks. in Ark., 475;
at Calif. Wom. Cong., 480; 482; 486;
in Calif. camp'n., 487;
same, 489;
same, 490;
same, 500;
on Mexicans in Col., 514; 517;
visits Denver, 530;
in Conn., 535; 546;
plan of work to secure suff. amdt., 547;
lect. tour of S. D., 553; 554;
in S. D. camp'n., 555;
Russian voters oppose, goes before K. of L. and Farmers' Alliance, 556;
in Ga., 583;
in Ills., 598;
telegram to Idaho, 590;
in Ind., 615;
same, 616;
before Ind. Legis., 618;
in Iowa, 629;
same, 630;
work in Kas., 640;
tour of Kas., 641;
in Kas. camp'n., 643;
same, 644; 645; 646; 648; 649;
hears of munic. wom. suff. in Kas., 651;
in New Orleans, 678;
second visit, 679;
in Maine, 690;
in Baltimore, 695;
in Boston, 706; 708;
at Adams, 718; 755;
in Mich., 756;
same, 757;
in Ann Arbor, 758;
before Fed. of Labor in Detroit, 759;
before Mich. Legis., 764;
in Minn., 772-3;
in Mo., 790;
welcome from children in St. Louis and banq., 791-2;
in Neb., 802-3;
in Nev., 810-11;
pioneer work in N. Y., 839;
welcome home from S. D., 841;
defends pioneers, 843;
welcome home from Calif., 844;
face carved in N. Y. capitol, 845; 846;
refused by N. Y. Repubs. as delegate, 848;
work in N. Y. const'l. conv., 849;
same, 851;
early legis. work in N. Y., 852;
work for equal guardianship, 857;
last ap. before N. Y. legis. com., 859;
secures admis. of girls to Roch. Univ., 871;
in Ore., 892;
in Penn., 899;
in R. I., 907; 910;
at Pembroke Hall, Prov., 920;
in S. C., 922;
in Tenn., 926;
in Utah, 936;
welcomes Utah wom., 937;
in Omaha, 939;
teleg. to Utah, 942;
same, 944;
in Utah, 947;
Utah ass'n. presents silk dress, 950;
in Va., 964;
in Wis., 985-6;
same, 989; 995;
hears deb. on Wy., 1000;
hears of its admis., 1003;
requests celebration, 1004;
visits Wy., 1005; 1007.

Arizona, names for, Chap. XXVI.

Arkansas, names for, Chap. XXVII.

Armstrong, St. Sen. W. W., for wom. suff. in N. Y. Legis., 859-61-62.

Arthur, President Chester A., receives delegates, 18; 74.

Ashman, Judge William N., in Del., 564;
work in Penn., 899; 904.

Atchison, Prof. Rena Michaels, 606.

Athey, Eunice Pond, 287;
writes Idaho chap., 589;
in Ore., 892.

Atkinson, Gov. W. Y. (Ga.), 583; 587.

Atkinson, Mrs. W. Y., 251.

Auckland, Bishop of (N. Z.), for wom. suff., 1027.

Auclert, Hubertine (France), 23; 27.

Austin, Dr. Harriet N., 205.

Australia, 1027 et seq.

Avery, Rachel Foster, 19; 27; 61; 124;
arranges for Int'l. Council of Wom., 125;
issues call, 126; 128;
arranges Miss Anthony's birthday celebr., 163;
elected secy. united ass'ns., 174;
rep. of Council, 175; 218;
advoc. movable convs., 219;
rep. on Miss Anthony's efforts for Bd. of Lady Mgrs., 232;
opens headqrs., 257;
eulogy of Mr. Sewall, 259;
rep. of Atlanta Expos., 262;
ass'n. makes gift for 21 yrs. as sec'y., 387; 389; 443; 554;
in Del., 563;
at Ga. Expos., 582;
work for World's Fair Wom. Cong., 610;
in Kas., 640-1;
contrib. to Kas. camp'n, 642;
in N. J., 826; 900.

Avery, Susan Look, 612.

Babcock, Elnora Monroe, press work, 326; 342;
press rep., 1900, 365;
press work in N. Y., 844.

Bacon, Elizabeth D., writes Conn. chap., 535; 536.

Bagby, Fannie M., 18.

Bagley, Frances, 345.

Bailey, Hannah J., 201.

Baker, B. P., 417.

Baker, Charles S., M. C., 998.

Balderston, William, 319;
writes Idaho chapter, 589;
trib. to, 590.

Balfour, Hon. A. J., Premier of England, 1016; 1020.

Balfour, Lady Frances (Eng.), pres. suff. soc., 1020.

Balgarnie, Florence (Eng.), 179; 642; 708; 790.

Ballard, Adelaide, 271; 279;
work in Iowa, 631; 803.

Banker, George W. and Henrietta M., 366.

Banks, Rev. Louis A., sp. at Amer. conv. of '86, 421;
in R. I., 910;
in Vt., 957.

Barber, Gov. Amos W., on wom. suff. in Wy., 1007.

Barrett, Mrs. L. B., 410.

Barrows, Anna, household professions for wom., 357.

Barrows, Isabel C., Miss Anthony as philanthropist, 354; 739.

Barrows, Samuel J., M.C., 297; 703; 712.

Barry, James K., 479.

Barry, Leonora M. (_See_ Lake).

Barry, St. Rep. Dr. Mary F. (Col.), 523.

Bartlett, Rev. Caroline J. (_See_ Crane).

Bartol, Emma J., donat. to Vol. IV Hist, of Wom. Suff., VII; 900.

Barton, Clara, at Int'l Council of Wom., 136; 150; 205; 393;
trib. to Mrs. Gage, 429;
for wom. suff., 569; 576;
in Boston, 705; 895; 911;
pres. Red Cross Ass'n., 1048.

Bascom, Emma C., 61; 75.

Bates, St. Supt. Pub. Instruct., Emma (N. D.), 551.

Bates, Lieut. Gov. John L. (Mass.), for wom. suff., 718.

Bates, Dr. Mary H. Barker, 341.

Bates, Octavia W., on wom. in our new possessions, 331.

Battersea, Lady (Eng.), 354.

Beasley, Marie Wilson, 322.

Bebel, August (Germany), 329.

Beck, U. S. Senator James B., opp. wom, suff., 157.

Becker, Lydia (Eng.), 22; 1015; 1023.

Begg, Faithfull, M. P. (Eng.), work for wom. suff., 1017; 1018.

Begole, Gov. Josiah W. (Mich.), 755.

Belden, Evelyn H., wom. and war, 339; 632;
legis. work in Iowa, 634; 774; 804.

Belford, James B., M. C., spks. for wom. suff., 32.

Bell, John C., M. C., on wom. suff. in Col., 390; 524.

Benjamin, Mrs. A. S., 324.

Bennett, Sallie Clay, 6; 16;
on Bible for wom. suff., 71;
before U. S. Sen. Com., 138;
same, 162; 174;
wom. suff. under Const'n, 234; 235; 290;
work in Ky., 665.

Benson (Archbishop of Canterbury) Mrs., petit. for wom. suff., 1015.

Besant, Annie (Eng.), 220; 709.

Beveridge, U. S. Sen. Albert J., for wom. suff., 616.

Bieber-Bohm, Hanna (Germany), 301.

Biggs, Caroline Ashurst (Eng.), 22; 27; 176; 1012; 1015.

Bingham, Chief Justice Edward F., (D. C.), 574.

Birney, Mrs. Theodore W., 1052.

Bissell, Emily P., fears chivalry of men, 382;
in Ore., 895.

Bissell, Mrs. M. R., 323.

Bittenbender, Ada M., 802; 808.

Blackburn, Helen, 319; 369;
writes chap. for Great Britain, 1012.

Blackstone, commentaries, 456.

Blackwell, Alice Stone, 156; 173-4;
sp. before U. S. Sen. Com., 197; 218;
rep. of conv. of '94, 221; 235;
rep. of conv. of '95, 236; 243; 263; 276;
at conv. of '97, 281; 291;
before House com. of '98, 320; 357;
answers "remonstrants" at com. hearings, 383;
chap. on Amer. Suff. Ass'n., 406; 443;
furnishes material for Mass. chap., 701; 712 et al.;
in N. H., 816;
in N. Y., 844;
before N. Y. legis. com., 863; 920;
in Vt., 957.

Blackwell, Rev. Antoinette Brown, 128;
on first Wom. Rights conv., 292; 298; 337;
mem. res. at conv. of '99, 344; 425; 426;
in Boston, 708;
work in N. J., 820 et al.;
in N. Y., 844.

Blackwell, Dr. Elizabeth, 300; 320; 355;
in Eng., 1015.

Blackwell, Dr. Emily, 707.

Blackwell, Henry B., at conv. of '90, 169; 173; 183; 189; 205; 207;
reads last let. of Lucy Stone to conv. of '93, 213; 219; 226;
reminis. of Lucy Stone, 227;
opp. Fed. Suff., 234; 235;
wom. suff. and negro problem, 246; 259; 263; 265;
at conv. of '97, 280;
on Presidential Suff., 286; 294; 298;
Wom. Suff. and Home, 315;
on wom. in uncivilized nations, 332;
attraction of early convs., 357;
res. on Miss Anthony's resignation, 386; 408;
reports res., 409; 415; 417; 418; 425;
value of woman's vote, 429;
at Nat'l. Repub. conv. of '96, 439;
work for Ariz., 470;
in N. D., 545; 553;
in S. D. camp'n., 555;
in Ind., 614;
in Iowa, 628-9;
same, 630;
in Kas., 638;
same, 640;
in Maine, 689;
sec'y. N. E. and Mass. Ass'ns., 701;
work in Mass., 704 et al.;
anniv. Boston Tea Party, 913;
at Nat'l. Conv. Rep. Clubs in '93, 713;
same in '94, 714;
70th birthday, 715; 720;
legis. work in Mass., 721;
in Mich., 755; 759;
in Minn., 772;
in St. Louis, 791;
in Mont., 797;
in N. H., 816;
in N. J., 827;
in N. Y., 842;
in Penn., 899;
in R. I., 907;
same, 910;
in Vt., 957-8;
same, 960;
in Wash., 969; 973.

Blaine, U. S. Sen. James G., 325.

Blair, U. S. Sen. Henry W., 10; 24;
signs fav. rep. on wom. suff., 47;
great sp. in U. S. Senate in favor of enfranch. wom., 86; 93;
in Senate debate, 110;
sp. on Fed. Suff. for Wom., 144;
debt of wom. to, 157;
right of wom. to suff., 162, 164,
in N. H., 815, 816.

Blake, Lillie Devereux, at conv. of '84, 17,
before U. S. Sen. Com., 39, 57,
plan of work, 62,
Rights of Men, 114, 123, 150, 173, 182, 184, 221,
trib. to Lucy Stone, 226, 242, 243,
legislative rep., 248, 251, 263, 265, 290, 298,
voting of soldiers, 335,
legis. rep. at conv. of '99, 342,
const'l argument before House com., 1900, 374,
withdraws as candidate for pres., 387,
at Nat'l Repub. conv. of '96, 439,
in Calif., 478, 513,
in N. D., 546, 553,
in N. J., 822,
assists on N. Y. chap, work in N. Y., 839 et al.,
legis work in N. Y., 853 et al.,
Pilgrim Moth Dinner, 873,
in N. C., 874, 920,
in S. C., 922.

Blanchard, Henry D. D., 689, 705.

Blankenburg, Lucretia Longshore, 18, 227, 231,
in N. J., 826,
writes Penn. chap., work in Penn., 898 et al.,
work for guardianship law, 902.

Blatch, Harriot Stanton (Eng.), 135,
at conv. of '90, 167,
before U. S. Senate com. of '98, wom. and economics, 310,
wom. suff. in England, 368,
wom. and war, 391,
brings her mother's greeting on Miss Anthony's birthday, 402,
in N. Y., 845,
same, 861.

Bleckley, Chief Justice Logan E. (Ga.), 585.

Blinn, Nellie Holbrook, 480,
legislative work, 484, 617.

Bliss Gov. Aaron T. (Mich.), 770.

Blodgett, Mrs. Delos A., 322.

Bloomer, Amelia, 250; 295.

Bloomer, Nevada, case for wom. suff. in Wash. 968,
same, 1098.

Blount, Lucia E., 183.

Blue, Richard W., M. C., 150,
for wom. suff. in Kas., 422, 649.

Bogelot, Isabelle (France), 135.

Bok, Edward W., 229.

Bolles, Ellen M., 200, 711; 720;
work in R. I., 908 et al.

Bowditch, Hon. William I, 23, 702, 713.

Bowles, Rev. Ada C., 61; 128; 425, 723, 772,
in R. I., 910;
in Vt., 957.

Boyd, Annie Caldwell, writes W. Va. chap., work in W. Va., 980 et al.

Boyd, Gov. James E. (Neb), opp. wom. suff., 212.

Boyden, Sarah J., 746.

Boyer, Ida Porter, 291;
press work in Penn., 898.

Boyer, Sarah A., 262.

Brackett, Gov J. Q. A. (Mass.), 718.

Bradford, Mary C. C., 279,
at conv. of '97, 282, 284,
effects of wom. suff. in Col., 356, 368,
in Col., 514,
in Del., 564,
in Ida., 592,
in La., 680,
in Md., 696,
in Miss., 783,
in St. Louis, 791,
in N. J., 825, 826,
in Penn., 899,
in Utah, 947.

Bradford, Atty. Gen. S. B., 660, 762.

Bradley Gov. William O. (Ky.), 673.

Bradwell, Myra B., contest for right of wom. to practice law,
152, 227, 250, 295.

Bray, Olive P., 417, 639.

Breeden, Rev. H. O., welcomes nat'l. conv. to Des Moines, 270.

Brehm, Mane, 619.

Brent, Margaret, 363,
first wom. to ask suff., 695.

Bright, Jacob, M. P., 22, 353, 1020.

Bright, Mrs. Jacob, 22.

Bristol Augusta Cooper, 617.

Bristol, Rev. Frank M., 366.

Broderick, Case, M. C., 231.

Broderick, Jennie, 220.

Brooks, Mrs. (Neb.), 77.

Brooks, Bishop Phillips, 203;
for wom. suff., 704, 911.

Brotherton, Alice Williams, 164.

Brougham, Lord, 292.

Brown, Corinne S., 184.

Brown, Mrs. F. A., 1058.

Brown, Gov. John Young (Ky.), 670.

Brown, U. S. Senator Joseph E., rep. against wom. suff., 47, 90,
sp. in U. S. Senate against wom. suff., 93,
Mrs. Stanton's comment, 113, 157.

Brown, Martha McClellan, 17, 173, 428.

Brown, U. S. Dist. Atty. Melville C., wom. suff. in Wy., 994, 997, 1091.

Brown, Rev. Olympia, 27, 61, 75,
sp. on Rule of Foreigners, 147, 156; 157, 164, 171, 173,
in S. D. camp'n, 555, 630,
in Minn., 772,
writes Wis. chap., work in Wis., 985 et al.

Brown, Mrs. William Thayer, 610.

Browne, Thomas M., M. C., rep. in favor of wom. suff., 52.

Brownell, Dean Louise, 353.

Bruce, U. S. Sen. Blanche K., for wom. suff., 231.

Bryan, William J., 439.

Buck, Rev. Florence, 297.

Buckley, James M., D. D., opp. to wom. in ministry, 207;
opp. wom. suff. at Chautauqua, 842.

Buckley, Dean Julia, sch. work in N. J., 834.

Budd, Gov James H. (Cal.), 480; 486, 504.

Buell, Caroline B., 256.

Burns, Frances E., 324.

Burr, Frances Ellen, rep. nat'l conv. of '85, 58; 174;
in Conn., 536.

Burrows, Frances P. (Mrs. Julius C.), 322; 395; 568; 575

Burt, Mary T., work in N. Y. camp'n., 850 et al.; 856.

Bush, Abigail, let. to conv. of '98, 298; 345.

Butler, Gov. Benjamin F. (Mass.), on right of wom. to vote, 204; 718.

Butt, Hala Hammond, before House com. of 1900, 378;
writes Miss. chap., work in Miss., 703 et al.

Butters, Lieut.-Gov. Archibald (Mich.), favors wom. suff., 765.

Butterworth, Hezekiah, 717.

Buxton, Ida M., in Mass., 703;
in Vt., 957.

Cabot, Mrs. J. Elliott, pres. anti-suff. ass'n., 741 et al.

Caine, John T., M. C., 941.

Caine, Margaret N., 941.

California, names for, Chap. XXVII.

Callanan, James C., 270.

Callanan, Martha C., entertains Nat'l Suff. Com., 270; 629; 630.

Campbell, Helen, 727.

Campbell, Jane, in N. J., 822;
same, 826;
work in Penn., 899 et al.

Campbell, Gov. John A., 994;
wom. suff. in Wy., 1090.

Campbell, Margaret W., 411;
don't class wom. with slaves, 415; 425;
in Iowa, 628 et al.

Campbell, St. Sen. R. B., 784.

Canada, names for, 1034.

Candler, Gov. Allan C. (Ga.), 585.

Cannon, U. S. Sen. Frank J., 260;
spks. for wom. suff., 261; 304; 949.

Cannon, Mrs. Frank J., 260.

Cannon, Cong. Del. George Q., 937; 941; 943.

Cannon, St. Sen. Martha Hughes, 301;
before House com. of '98, wom. suff. in Utah, 319;
work in Utah Senate, 953.

Capen, Elmer Hewett, pres. Tufts Coll., for wom. suff., 727.

Carey, U. S. Sen. Joseph M., on wom. suff. in Wyo., 117;
admission as State with wom. suff., 180; 189; 207; 224; 318; 433; 710;
before N.Y. Constit'l. Conv., 851;
fight for admis. of Wy., 998-9; 1005;
testimony for wom. suff., 1006; 1090.

Carey, Mrs. Joseph M., 117; 184;
sends petit. from Wy., 449;
entertains Miss Anthony, 1005; 1007.

Carpenter, Frank G., 164.

Carpenter, Mrs. Rathbone, 322.

Carroll, Anna Ella, services in Civil War, 26;
efforts for, by Nat'l Ass'n., 183; 234; 416; 568.

Carruth, Prof. W. H., sp. at Amer. conv. of '86, 420;
in Kas., 638;
statistics of wom. suff. in Kas., 660; 706;
in Boston, 715; 725;
in Vt., 958.

Carruth, Mrs. W. H., 715.

Cary, Alice, 295.

Cary, Phoebe, 295; 400.

Cassidy, Jessie J. (_See_ Saunders).

Castle, St. Sen. Miles B., 426; 612; 630.

Caswell, Lucien B., M. C., rep. in favor of wom. suff., 84;
same, 163.

Catt, Carrie Chapman, first appearance on nat'l platform, 169; 187;
before U. S. Sen. Com., 194; 213;
presents flag to Miss Anthony, 223; 229; 245;
rep. to conv. of '95, 248; 250; 254;
to conv. of '96, 256; 263;
sp. at conv. of '97, 274; 279; 284;
organiz'n. rep. to conv. of '98, 289;
to conv. of '99, 342; 346;
to conv. of 1900, 365;
before Senate com. of 1900, 369;
elected nat'l pres., 387;
introd. by Miss Anthony, sp. of acceptance, trib. to Miss A., 388;
press notices, 389;
presents Miss A. with birthday gifts, 389;
sp. on three I's, 392;
presides at birthday celebr., 396; 400; 443;
at Dem. Nat'l conv. of 1900, 444; 449;
in Ala., 465;
work in Ariz., 471:
rep. of work in Ariz., 472; 482; 483; 490;
in Colo. camp'n., 514;
visits Denver, 530; 535; 546; 547;
in S. D. camp'n., 555; 558; 563;
before Del. constit'l. conv., 564;
in Ga., 583;
in Idaho camp'n., 591; 592;
in Ills., 599; 616;
in Iowa, 629 et al.;
in Kas., 642;
same, 644; 645; 646; 648;
in Ky., 667;
before La. constit'l. conv., 680;
in Maine, 690;
in Md., 696; 710; 713;
in Mich., 757;
same, 758; 759;
in Minn., 773; 774;
in Miss., 783; 784;
in St. Louis, 791;
same, 792;
in Mont., 796;
same, 797;
in Neb., 804;
in Nev., 811;
in N. H., 816; 817;
in N. J., 822;
same, 825;
same, 826;
in N. M., 836;
in N. Y., 843;
in N. Y. camp'n., 849;
in N. Y., 860;
in O., 879;
same, 880;
in Ok., 886;
rep. of legis. work in Ok., 887;
in Penn., 899;
in Tenn., 926;
same, 927;
in Utah, 949;
in Vt., 957; 973;
in Wash., 976;
in W. Va., 980;
same, 981.

Catt, George W., 262.

Caulfield, Anna, 336.

Chace, Elizabeth Buffum, work in R.I., 907 et al.

Chace, U. S. Sen. Jonathan, III; rep. in favor of wom. suff., 156.

Chamberlain, Ella C, 240; 577.

Chanler, Margaret Livingston, work in N. Y., 843 et al.

Channing, Dr. William Ellery, 427.

Chant, Laura Ormiston (Eng.), 135;
before U. S. Sen. com., 139; 163; 169;
in Col., 516;
in Boston, 705, 711.

Chapin, Augusta, D. D., 718.

Chapman, Maria Weston, 227.

Chapman, Mariana W., 240; 290;
before U. S. Senate com. of '98, wom. as taxpayers, 313;
in N. J., 825;
assists on N. Y. chap., 840;
work in N. Y., 844 et al.

Chase, Chief Justice Salmon P., for wom. suff., 1076.

Chase, Florence Adele, writes chapter for D. C, 567.

Chase, Mary N., in N. H., 816;
in Vt., 957.

Cheney, Ednah D., in Ky., 665;
work in Mass., 702; 704; 712 et al.

Chichester, Dean of (Eng.), 320.

Child, Lydia Maria, 227; 295.

Childs, George W., 75;
trib. to, 227.

Choate, Hon. Joseph H., defeats wom. suff. in N. Y. Constit'l. Conv.,
852.

Christiansen, Gen. C. T., 843.

Claflin, Adelaide A., 425;
work in Mass., 703 et al.;
in R. I., 910.

Chaflin, Gov. William (Mass.), for wom. suff., 715; 718; 727.

Clapp, Eliza J., 286.

Clapp, Atty.-Gen. Moses E. (Minn.), ad. suff. conv., 772.

Clark, U. S. Sen. Clarence D., presents wom. suff. bill, 7;
wom. suff. in Wy., 1092.

Clark, George W., sings at conv., 19.

Clark, James G., 295; 415; 422; 802.

Clark, U. S. Sen. William A., 797.

Clarke, Alice Judah, assists on Ind., chap., 614.

Clarke, Prof. Benjamin Franklin, of Brown Univ., 919.

Clarke, Dr. E. H., on education, 355.

Clarke, James Freeman, D. D., 146; 412; 431; 702;
petit. for wom. suff. in '57, 721.

Clarkson, U. S. Ass't. P. M. Gen. James S., wom. suff. in Col., 1086.

Clay, Laura, 174; 216; 219;
trib. to Lucy Stone, 226;
non-partisans, 280; 290;
before U. S. Senate com. of '98, wom. suff. and physical develop.,
309; 430; 616; 630;
writes Ky. chap., 665;
work in Ky., 665 et al.;
in New Orleans, 680;
in N. C., 874;
in S. C., 922;
in Tenn., 927.

Clay, Mary B., 15;
before House com., 44; 150; 341;
at Amer. conv., '84, 407; 426;
work in Ky., 665; 761.

Clemmer, Mary, 295.

Cleveland, President Grover, 123;
receives Intl. Council of Wom., 127; 840; 1097.

Cleveland, Mrs. Grover, rec. Intl. Council of Wom., 127; 265.

Clopton, Virginia Clay, 466;
in Tenn., 927.

Clough, Gov. D. M. (Minn.), ad. suff. conv., 773.

Cobbe, Frances Power (Eng.), 21; 26.

Cobden, Jane (_See_ Unwin).

Cobden, Richard, for wom. suff., 21.

Cockburn, Sir John, Premier S. Austr., for wom. suff., 1028.

Cockrell, U. S. Sen. Francis Marion, rep. against worn, suff.,
47; 90; 93;
ridiculed by Mrs. Stanton, 113.

Codman, Mrs. James M., anti-suff., 716.

Coffeen, Henry A., M. C., 231.

Coffin, Charles Carleton, 724.

Coggeshall, Mary J., 629; 633.

Cohen, Elizabeth, polit. deleg., 439.

Coke, Lord, 376.

Colby, Clara Bewick, 6;
res. against creeds and dogmas, 58;
sp. on same, 59;
plan of work, 62;
wom. suff. and labor question, 70;
on the church, 76;
describes campn. in Neb., 80; 117; 122;
Wom. Trib. during Intl. Council, 126;
wom. in marriage, 151; 157; 162; 183; 184; 187;
on Wyoming, 200;
on Fed. Suff., 218; 219; 234; 235; 239; 240; 247;
mem. res. at conv. of '95, 250;
philos. of wom., suff., 254; 263;
mem. res. at conv. of '97, 275-6; 279;
on Wyoming, 282; 292;
mem. res. at conv. of '98, 293; 331; 337;
mem. serv. at conv. of '99, 345; 360;
work with Congress, 367;
descript. of Miss Anthony's 80th birthday, 306;
in S. D. campn., 555; 592;
in Kas., 639; 640; 642;
in Ky, 666;
in New Orleans, 679; 719;
in Mich., 757; 759; 761;
work in Neb., 802 et al.;
in Utah, 940;
in Wash., 970;
in Wis., 986;
statistics from Wy., 1094.

Colcord, Gov. Roswell K. (Nev.), recom. wom. suff. amdt, 813.

Colfax, Vice President Schuyler, founds Daught. of Rebekah, 1069;
for wom., suff., 1075.

Collins, Emily P., in R. I., 536;
in Mass., 706.

Collyer, Rev. Robert, for wom. suff., 703.

Colorado, names for, Chap. XXIX.

Conger, Mrs. Omar D., 233.

Conine, St. Rep. Martha A. B. (Col.), 301;
before House Com. of '98, 319;
elected, 522;
in Ills., 599;
in Iowa, 632;
in N. Y., 860.

Connecticut, names for, Chap. XXX.

Connor, Eliza Archard, 153.

Conway, Mrs. Moncure D., 23.

Conyers, Bennett J., 241.

Cook, Coralie Franklin, brings greetings of colored women on Miss
Anthony's birthday, 398; 404.

Cook, Rev. Joseph, ad. suff. conv., 710;
before Mass. Legis., 727.

Coolbrith, Ina D., 479.

Cooley, Mrs. George Eliot. (_See_ Harper.)

Coonley, Lydia A. (_See_ Ward.)

Cooper, Sarah B., 253; 275; 479;
pres. Wom. Cong., 481;
work in Calif., 488 et al.;
in Ore., 893.

Corbin, Caroline F., 157.

Corey, Rev. Dr., 189.

Corn, Assoc. Justice, wom. suff. in Wy., 1093.

Cornwall, Amy K., 364; 509.

Corson, Dr. Hiram, 275.

Coudert, Frederick, signs suff. petit., 850.

Courtney, Leonard, M. P. (Eng.), work for wom. suff., 1020.

Couzins, Phoebe W., 18;
res. on Phillips and Miss Carroll, 25; 27;
on Goddess of Liberty, 47; 117; 163; 169; 475; 520; 695; 772; 795.

Craigie, Mrs. C. O. H., 564.

Crane, Rev. Caroline Bartlett, sermon at conv. of '91, 184; 764.

Crane, Gov. W. Murray (Mass.), 744.

Cranston, Martha S., writes Del. chap., 563; 564 et al.

Crawford, Emily (Eng.), petit, for wom. suff., 1015.

Cressingham, St. Rep. Clara (Col.), 521.

Crooker, Rev. Florence Kollock, ethics of wom. suff., 20;
before House com., 43; 337; 407; 739.

Cullom, U. S. Sen. Shelby M., 347.

Cunningham, Catherine Campbell, assists on Ark. chapter,
work in Ark., 475.

Curtis, Elizabeth Burrill, 257;
before U. S. Senate com. of '98, are wom. represented, 314;
in Mass., 715;
work in N. Y. 843, et al.

Curtis, George William, 23; 164;
mem. serv., 203; 372;
on wom. suff., 428.

Cutcheon, Byron M., M. C, spks. for wom. suff., 35.

Cutler, Hannah M. Tracy, 275; 406; 407;
mem. to Mrs. Gage, 410; 426; 703;
in Vt., 957.

Dakota (North and South), names for, Chap. XXXI.

Dall, Caroline H., 294.

Dalton, Father W. J., 447; 760.

Dangerfield, Henderson, 212; 964.

Davies, Emily, Mistress of Girton (Eng.), petit, for wom. suff., 1015.

Davies, Atty.-Gen. John C., right of wom. to office in N. Y., 1094.

Davis, U. S. Sen. Cushman K., for wom. suff., 433.

Davis, Edward M., 18; 60; 76;
work in Penn., 899.

Davis, John C., M. C., 231; 235.

Davis, Paulina Wright, 203; 294;
work in R. I., 907;
in Va., 964.

Davis, Thomas, 259.

Dawes, U. S. Sen. Henry L., 111; 164.

Decker, Sarah Platt, 529 et al.

De Garmo, Rhoda, 299.

Delaware, names for, Chap. XXXII.

Demorest, (Mme.) Louise, 75.

Dennison, Ruth C., 27.

Depew, Chauncey M., signs suff. petit., 850.

Desha, Mary, 173.

DeVoe, Emma Smith, at conv. of '96, 265; 284;
in S. D., 549; 555; 590; 599;
in Iowa, 630; 631;
in Kas., 644;
in Ky., 667;
in Minn., 773;
in Mont., 796;
in Nev., 810;
in Wis., 987.

Dexter, Rev. Morton, ed. _Congregationalist_, opp. wom. suff.; 725.

Deyo, Rev. Amanda, 128; 496.

Dickinson, Dr. Frances, 23; 174; 184; 201.

Dickinson, Mary Lowe, 228; 300.

Dietrick, Ellen Battelle, 174;
at conv. of '91, 179;
sp. at conv. of '92, 208;
res. on religious liberty, 216; 219; 229; 234; 248;
memorial service, 259; 430;
in Ky., 666; 706;
work in Mass., 709 et al.; 726; 751;
in S. C., 922.

Diggs, Annie L., 61; wom. suff. in Kas., 199;
at conv. of '94, 221; 234; 235; 248; 263; 268;
at conv. of 1900, 363;
in Ind., 617;
writes Kas. chap., 638; 643;
work in Kas. Legis., 652;
app. St. Librarian, 657;
in Md., 696;
in N. J., 822;
in W. Va., 980.

Dilke, Mrs. Ashton, 135; 841.

Dingley, Nelson W., M.C., 345.

District of Columbia, names for, Chap. XXXIII.

Doane, Bishop William Croswell, opp. wom. suff., 850; 858.

Dodge, Mrs. Arthur M.,
opposes wom. suff. before U. S. Senate com. of 1900, repudiates
courtesy of Miss Anthony, 382;
begs com. not to be moved by consideration for her, 383;
before N. Y. legis. com., 861;
same, 863.

Doe, Chief Justice Charles (N. H.), wom. may practice law, 819.

Doe, Mary L., at conv. of '99, 334;
writes Mich, chap., 755;
work in Mich., 756 et al.

Doggett, Kate Newell, 61; 410.

Dole, Sanford B. (Hawaii), 347.

Dolph, U. S. Sen. Joseph N., 93;
sp. for wom. suff., 100;
same, 104; 218; 295.

Donnelly, St. Sen. Ignatius, for wom. suff., 776-7.

Dorsett, Martha Angle, 417;
work in Minn., 774 et al.

Dorsheimer, William, M. C., 51.

Doster, Chief Justice Frank (Kas.), for wom. suff., 607; 646.

Douglass, Frederick, 136;
at conv. of '89, 151;
reminiscences, 204;
early suffragists, 227;
mem. serv., 259; 298; 403; 430;
in Boston, 704, 713;
in R. I., 907.

Douglass, Joseph, 265; 400; 404.

Dow, Neal, 164.

Downs, H. Margaret, 322.

Doyon, Amelia E. H., 259.

Drake, Gov. Francis M. (Iowa), 270.

Du Bose, Miriam Howard, 228; 235;
work in Ga., 237; 582.

Dunbar, Mrs. (Md.), 77.

Duniway, Abigail Scott,
at conv. of '84, 16; 27; 151; 156; 157; 236; 239;
at conv. of '95, 249;
of '99, 339;
of 1900, 363;
in Idaho, 589; 590;
in Minn., 772;
in N. Y., 839;
writes Ore. chap., work in Ore., 891 et al.;
in Wash., 975.

Duniway, Clyde, 739.

Eagle, Gov. James B. (Ark.), 475.

Earnhart, Ida M., test case for sch. suff. in Ohio, 882.

Eastman, Rev. Annis Ford, 202;
work in N. Y., 844.

Eastman, Mary F., woman's right to suff., 72;
justice of it, 79; 118; 175;
work in Mass., 704 et al.;
legis. work, 721;
in N. Y., 841;
in R. I., 907;
same, 910; 920.

Eaton, Charles H., D. D., for wom. suff., 840.

Eaton, Dr. Cora Smith, in N. D., 545; 551;
assists on Minn, chap., 772;
work in Minn., 773 et al.

Eddy, Eliza Jackson, legacy to Miss Anthony, V.

Edmunds, U. S. Sen. George F., 375; 939.

Edson, Dr. Susan A., 295; 574.

Edwards, Amelia B., petit. for wom. suff., 1015.

Eisenhuth, St. Supt. Pub. Instruct. Laura J. (N. D.), 551.

Eliot, Charles W., pres. Harvard Univ., 266;
on education of wom., 355;
protest against wom. suff., 704;
inherits prejudice, 736.

Eliot, Chancellor Wm. G. (St. Louis), suff. a right, 413; 703.

Elkins, U. S. Sen. Stephen B., opp. wom. suff. in W. Va., 982.

Elliott, Albert H., work in Cal., 482 et al.

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 61; 1092.

Emerson, Mrs. Ralph Waldo, 206.

Ernst, Hon. George A. O., work in Mass., 710 et al.

Eskridge, Gov. C. V. (Kas.), opp. wom. suff., 645.

Estee, Hon. Morris M., 436.

Eustis, U. S. Sen. James B., opp. wom. suff., 104.

Evald, Mrs. Emmy C., 298.

Everett, Edward, 433.

Everhard, Caroline McCullough, at conv. of '92, 185; 201;
work in O., 880 et al.

Fair, U. S. Sen. James G., opp. wom. suff., 36; 47.

Fairbanks, Mayor (Quincy, Mass.), 712.

Fairman, Col. Henry Clay, 238; 582.

Fall, Anna Christy (Mrs. George H.), 741; 745

Fall, St. Rep. George H., work in Mass., 744 et al.

Farwell, U. S. Sen. Charles B., rep. for wom. suff., 156; 158; 162.

Fawcett, Postmaster Gen. Henry, M. P. (Eng.), for wom. suff., 17; 61.

Fawcett, Millicent Garrett, 17; 301;
wom. in India, 330;
suff. meet. in London, 353; 718;
work in Gr. Britain, 1014;
same, 1020.

Fawcett, Philippa, 176.

Faxon, Henry H., 702 et al.

Fergusson, Cong. Del. H. B., 835.

Fessenden, Susan S., in Col., 516;
in N. D., 548; work in Mass., 726
et al.; in N. H., 816; in Penn., 900.

Field, Kate, for wom. suff., 235; 275.

Fish, Sarah, 299.

Fisher, Chief Justice, wom. suff. in Wy., 1091.

Fisk, Mrs. Clinton D., 1057.

Fleming, Gov. Francis P. (Fla.), opp. to wom. suff., 212.

Flemming, William H., M. C., 586.

Fletcher, Alice C., 183; 331.

Flood, Cora Jane, endowment to univers., 507.

Florida, names for, Chap. XXXIV.

Flower, Gov. Roswell P. (N. Y.), 213; 843;
recom. wom. delegates, 848; 856.

Folger, Gov. Charles J. (N. Y.), 61.

Folsom, Mariana T., in Texas, 416; 628; 931.

Foltz, Clara S., in Calif., 478 et al.

Foss, Mrs. Cyrus D., 1071.

Foster, Abby Kelly, 227.

Foster, Judith Ellen, 19;
at Nat'l Repub. conv. of '96, 439;
same, 1900, 444;
in Col., 520; 569; 576;
in Ida., 590;
in Kas., 645;
in Mass., 705;
in R. I., 910;
in Utah, 955.

Foster, Julia (Mrs. J. Heron), 19; 61.

Foster, Julia T., 19; 27; 61; 126.

Foster, Rachel G. (See Avery).

Foulke, Hon. William Dudley, sp. at suff. conv. of '90, 167; 173; 202;
trib. to Lucy Stone, 225; 408; 411; 414;
at Amer. conv. of '86, 418;
value of dreamers, 421;
independ. of politician, 422; 423;
at Amer. conv. of '88, 428; 546;
in Ind., 614;
in Kas., 640;
in Boston, 706;
in Minn., 772.

Fox, Hattie E., 222.

Francis, Mary C., 245.

Franklin, Benjamin, on suff., 66.

Fray, Ellen Sully, 173.

Frear, Associate Justice W. F. (Hawaii), 347.

Fredericksen, Kirstine (Denm'k), 711.

French, St. Supt. Pub. Instruct. Permeal (Ida.), 594.

Friedland, Sofja Levovna (Russia), 364.

Fuller, Gov. Levi K. (Vt), 959.

Fyler, Lizzie Dorman, 19; 475.

Gaffney, Fannie Humphreys, 396.

Gage, Frances Dana, 61; 294;
mem. serv., 409-10;
trib. of Clara Barton, 429; 614.

Gage, Gov. Henry T. (Cal.), 486; 506.

Gage, Matilda Joslyn, work on Hist, of Wom. Suff., III;
sells rights in, VI; VII; 27;
feminine in science, 28; 57;
wom. suff. under U. S. constn., 118; 126; 136; 152; 163;
mem. res., 345;
in Dak., 552;
work in N. Y., 839 et al.;
test case for sch. suff., 867;
in Va., 964.

Gallé, Margarethe, 301.

Gallinger, U. S. Sen. Jacob H., wom. suff. in N.H., 815.

Gamble, U. S. Sen. Robert J., for wom. suff., 559.

Gardiner, Helen H., 146; 263; 715.

Garfield, President James A., 295; on wom. suff., 1075.

Garrett, Mary E., endows Johns Hopkins Med. Coll., 700.

Garrison, Ellen Wright (Mrs. Wm. Lloyd, Jr.), 298.

Garrison, Wm. Lloyd, Sr., 23;
first wom. rights petit., 720.

Garrison, Wm. Lloyd, Jr., 61; 164; 174;
at conv. of '91, 183;
before U. S. Senate com. in '98, 305;
poem to Miss Anthony, 395; 433;
work in Mass., 705 et al.; 712;
in R. I., 907-8.

Gates, George A., pres. Iowa Coll., 276;
for wom. suff., 629.

Gates, Merrill E., pres. Amherst Coll., 709.

Gates, Susa Young, 956.

George, Mrs. A. J., opposes wom. suff., 382;
same, 741.

George, U. S. Sen. J.Z., 194;
rep. against wom. suff., 201.

Georgia, names for, Chap. XXXV.

Gibbons, Abby Hopper, 207; 435;
work for police matrons, 856; 1055.

Gibbons, Cardinal, opp. wom. suff., 367.

Giddings, Joshua R., 614.

Giddings, Mrs. W. D., 322.

Gifford, Prof. Jennie, 235.

Gillett, Emma M., 571; 574.

Gladstone, Wm. Ewart, 1016.

Gleed, J. W., 318.

Glenesk, Lord (Eng.), for wom. suff., 1016.

Goddard, Mary Catharine, early woman editor, 695.

Goggin, Catharine, 611.

Goldstein, Vida (Australia), 1031.

Gompers, Samuel, 184;
letter approv. wom. suff., 334.

Goodnight, Isaac H., M. C., 235.

Goodrich, Sarah Knox, work in Cal., 478 et al.

Gordon, Anna, 304.

Gordon, Kate M., 360;
writes La. chap., 678;
work in Sewerage and Drainage League, 682.

Gordon, Laura de Force, 57; 60; 150;
work in Calif., 478 et al.

Goss, Josephine Ahnafeldt, 324.

Gottheil, Rabbi Gustave, 840; 850.

Gougar, Helen M., wom. before the law, 18;
plan of work, 26;
before U. S. Senate Com., 37;
wom. suff. and Bible, 75; 77;
before House Com., 80; 150;
in Col., 520;
in Ills., 599;
work in Ind., 615 et al.;
test case for suff., 621;
in Iowa, 628;
in Kas., 638 et al.;
in Mass., 705;
in Mich., 756;
in N. Y., 839.

Gould, Helen, 340.

Grannis, Elizabeth B., 1055.

Grant, President Ulysses S., first to appoint wom. postmasters, 462.

Grant, Mrs. Ulysses S., 262; 291.

Gray, Almeda B., 75;
in Cal., 500;
work in Wis., 990 et al.

Gray, St. Rep. Robert S., 714.

Great Britain and Colonies, names for, Chap. LXXIII.

Greene, Dr. Cordelia, donation to Hist. of Wom. Suff., VII.

Greene, Chief Justice Roger S., 407; 412; 422;
work in Wash., 967;
wom. on juries, 1097.

Greenhalge, Gov. Frederick T. (Mass.), 275;
on wom. suff. plat., 713;
recom. wom. suff. in message, 715; 718;
again recom., 729.

Greenleaf, Jean Brooks, before U. S. Sen. Com., 196; 220;
at conv. of '94, 221; 224;
rep. at conv. of '95, 247;
assists on N. Y. chap., 839;
work in N. Y., 844 et al.; 849.

Greenwood, Grace (Sara J. Lippincott), 231; 257; 364.

Gregg, Laura A., 337;
in S. D., 557;
in Del., 564;
in Iowa, 632;
in Kas., 648;
in Md., 697;
in Minn., 774;
in Neb., 804;
in O., 879;
in Ok., 886-7;
in Penn., 899.

Grenfell, St. Supt. Pub. Instruct. Helen M. (Col.), 523; 524.

Grew, Mary, 275; 295; 423; 426; 712;
work in Penn., 898.

Griffin, Frances A., evolut. of South. wom., 335;
at conv. of '99, 341;
in Ala., 465-6;
in Ark., 475;
in Ga., 583;
in La., 681;
in Tenn., 926-7.

Griffing, Josephine S., 295.

Grimké, Angelina (_See_ Weld).

Gripenberg, Baroness Alexandra (Finland), at Int'l Council, 139; 301;
in Mass., 705;
in N. Y., 841.

Groesbeck, Chief Justice H. V. S., 719;
wom. suff. in Wy., 1092.

Gross, Emily M., 395; 612.

Groth, Sophia Magelsson (Norway), 136.

Guild, Mrs. Charles E., anti-suff., 716.

Gullen. Dr. Augusta Stowe (Canada), 301.

Gustafson, Zadel Barnes (Eng.), 135;
in N. Y., 841.

Hackney, Chief Justice Leonard J. (Ind.), decis. on wom. suff. and
wom. lawyers, 623.

Haggart, Mary E., at conv. of '84, 19;
before House com., 45; 75; 411; 425;
work in Ind., 614;
in Kas., 640;
in Wis., 986.

Hale, Horace M., pres. State Univ., wom. suff. in Col., 1087.

Hale, Gen. Irving, wom. suff. in Col., 1087.

Hale, Gov. William, wom. suff. in Wy., 1090.

Haley, Margaret A., 611.

Hall, Florence Howe, farce on wom, suff., 362;
in Mass., 718;
writes N. J. chap., 820;
work in N. J., 822 et al.;
in R. I., 920.

Hall, Sir John, M. P., bill for wom. suff. in N. Z., 1026; 1034.

Hall, Olivia B., 219;
in Mich., 758.

Hamilton, Alexander, 407.

Hamilton, Emerine J., 174.

Hamilton, Bishop J. W., 260; 725-6.

Hamlin, Vice-President Hannibal, for wom. suff., 1075.

Hammond, Hon. Henry C., 244.

Hanaford, Rev. Phebe A., at conv. of '84, 19; 61;
at Int'l Council, 128;
in N. J., 827.

Haney, Mrs. C. S. Burnett, writes Fla. chap., 577-8.

Hansbrough, U. S. Sen. Henry C, for wom. suff., 546.

Harbert, Elizabeth Boynton, at conv. of '84, 17; 24;
before U. S. Sen. Com., 39; 115; 164; 176; 407;
work in Ills., 598;
for World's Fair, 610;
in N. Y., 839;
in Wis., 989; 991.

Harlan, St. Sen. A. D., 423.

Harlan, Associate Justice John Marshall, 10.

Harper, Frances E. W., 425.

Harper, Ida Husted, Miss Anthony asks to write Vol. IV, Hist,
of Wom. Suff., VII;
preface, IX;
Author of Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony, 2;
resolutions at conv. of '98, 290; 291;
dept. in N. Y. _Sun_, 326;
at conv. of 1900, 357;
prepares Congress'l. rep., 366; 482; 487; 488;
work in Calif, campn.,490;
work in Ind., 615 et al.;
monograph on work of Ind. wom., 624;
at Adams, 719.

Harper, Winnifred (Cooley), 490.

Harrah, Rev. C. C., 612.

Harrison, President Benjamin, 436.

Harrison, Mrs. Benjamin, receives Nat'l Council of Wom., 183.

Harrison, Mayor Carter, 608.

Harrison, Ella, 632; 783; 791.

Haskell, Asst. Atty.-Gen. Ella Knowles, at conv. of '96, 262; 297;
in N. D., 547;
work in Mont., 797 et al.

Hatch, Lavina Allen, 157; 235;
at conv. of '95, 240; 263;
writes chap., for Hist., 750;
work in Mass., 752 et al.

Havens, Ruth C. D., girl of the future, 209;
in Md., 697;
in Va., 964.

Haviland, Laura P., 344.

Hawthorne, Rev. Dr., 237.

Hay, Mary G., 365; 444;
in Ariz., 472;
in Cal., 482 et al.;
in Col., 530;
in S. D., 559;
in Del., 563;
in Ills., 599;
in Iowa, 632-4;
in Ky., 667;
in La., 680;
in Miss., 784;
in Neb., 804;
in N. M., 836;
in N. Y., 849;
in O., 880;
in Ok., 887;
in Penn., 900;
in Tenn., 927;
in Utah, 949;
in Wash., 976;
in W. Va., 980.

Hayes, Prof. Ellen, 717.

Hayes, President Rutherford B., favors wom. suff., 1075.

Hayes, Mrs. Rutherford B., rec. Utah delegates, 937.

Hays, Atty.-Gen. S. H., wom. suff. in Idaho, 1088.

Hayward, Mary Smith, writes Neb. chap., 802;
work in Neb., 803 et al.

Hazlett, Ida Crouch, in Cal., 487;
in Neb., 803;
in Ore., 895.

Hearst, Phoebe A., 506;
endowment to Cal. Univers., 508.

Heartz, St. Rep. Evangeline (Col.), 522; 524;
work in Legis., 526.

Hedenberg, J. W., 184.

Helmer, Bessie Bradwell, 609.

Hemiup, Judge Norton H., 414.

Hemphill, St. Sen. Robert R., at conv. of '95, 242;
in S. C. Legis., 923.

Hemphill, Mrs. W. A., 251.

Henderson, Mary Foote (Mrs. John B.), 366;
presents portrait of Miss Anthony to Corcoran Gallery, 405; 569.

Henderson, Prof. L. F., on wom. suff. in Idaho, 595.

Henrotin, Ellen M., 183;
work at World's Fair, 609.

Henry, Josephine K., at conv. of '91, 179; 224;
trib. to Lucy Stone, 226; 240;
southern wom., wants ballot, 244;
legis. rep. 248;
on wom., and electricity, 249;
epigrams, 340;
work in Ky., 668 et al.;
in Tenn., 927.

Hepburn, W. P., M. C., 84.

Hereford, Rev. Brooke, 413;
opp. wom. suff., 722.

Herring, Atty.-Gen. William (Ariz.), 470.

Hewitt, Hon. Abram S., opp. wom. suff., 857.

Higginson, Col. Thomas Wentworth, sp. at Amer. conv. of '87, 423;
in Mass., 706 et al.; 712;
on anti-suffragists, 716;
petit. for wom. suff. in '53, 720;
in R. I., 908.

Hildreth, Ellen Stephens, writes Ala. chap., work in Ala., 465 et al.

Hill, U. S. Sen. David B., 235;
recom. wom. delegates, 847.

Hill, Eliza Trask, 746 et al.

Hinckley, Rev. Frederick A., 163; 174;
husband and wife one, 180;
on divorce, 297;
in Mass., 705;
same, 726;
work in R. I., 908 et al.

Hindman, Matilda, 61-2; 426;
in Col., 509;
in S. D., 555;
in Penn., 899;
in Wash., 970.

Hirschler, Diana, at conv. of 1900, 362;
on Miss Anthony's birthday, 398;
in Del., 564;
in Me., 690;
in Vt., 957.

Hitt, Robert R., M.C., 347.

Hoar, U. S. Sen. George R., 12; 108;
spks. in Sen. for wom. suff., 109; 164;
report in favor, greeted by women, 201; 235; 267;
letter to conv. of '88, 428; 433;
assists wom. suff. in Mass., 704 et al.; 1003.

Hodges, Rev. Dean, 717.

Hoffman, Clara C., in S. D., 558;
in Kas., 642;
in La., 679;
work in Mo., 790 et al.;
in N. J., 820.

Hooker, Isabella Beecher, const'l rights of wom., 115; 117;
on N. Y. Centen., 144; 156; 157; 163;
at conv. of '90, 169; of '91, 179;
before U. S. Sen. com. of '92, 189;
respect of children, 194;
at conv. of '98, 296; 298;
in 1900, 358;
work in Conn., 535 et al.;
in Boston, 705; 937.

Holley, St. Rep. Carrie C., in Col. Legis., 239; 240; 521.

Hollister, Lillian M., 256; trib. to Miss Anthony, 398.

Holly, Myron, 204-5.

Holly, Sally, 204-5; 227.

Holmes, Mary E., writes Ills., chap., work in Ills., 598 et al.

Holt, Gov. Thomas M. (N. C.), opp. wom. suff., 212.

Holt, Judge William H., trib. to worn, in business, 676.

Holt, Gov. Thomas M., opp. wom. suff., 212.

Hopper, Isaac T., 207; 1055.

Home, St. Rep. Alice Merrill, work in Utah Legis., 954.

Horton, Chief Justice Albert H. (Kas.), 433.

Hosmer, Harriet, 164; 795.

Howard, H. Augusta, 201; 235;
entertains nat'l conv., 237; 242;
work in Ga., 581 et al.

Howe, Chief Justice J. H. (Wy.), wom. on juries, 1008.

Howe, Julia Ward, 136;
sp. at Int'l. Council, 140;
chivalry of reform, 170, 173; 179;
trib. to Lucy Stone, 225;
conv. of '94, 229; 362;
at Amer. conv. of '85, 411;
same, 414;
at conv. of '86, 419; 423;
of '87, 426;
bazar in Boston, 427;
conv. of '88, 428;
appeal to Constit'l. Convs., 432; 546;
in Kas., 640; 678;
in Maine, 689;
in Baltimore, 695;
pres. N. E. and Mass. Ass'ns, 701;
work in Mass., 702 et al.; 712; 720;
in Minn., 772;
in N. J., 821;
in N. Y., 842;
in R. I., 908 et al.;
in Vt., 957;
in Wis., 986.

Howell, Mary Seymour, at conv. of '84, 17;
before U. S. Sen. Com., 39;
wom. present and past, 116; 149; 169;
the woman's war, 231;
at conv. of '98, 293; 358; 536;
in S. D. campn., 555;
in Kas., 642;
in Boston, 706;
in Mo., 790;
work in N. Y., 839 et al.;
legis. work, 853.

Howells, William Dean, signs suff. petit., 850.

Howland, Emily, 848.

Howland, Isabel, 851.

Hoyt, Gov. John W, 569;
in N. Y., 840;
wom. suff. in Wy., 1090.

Hoyt, Mrs. John W., 569.

Hubbell, Mr. and Mrs. F. M., 270.

Hubner, Major Charles H., 242.

Hudson, Major J. K., 417;
at Amer. conv. of '86, 418.

Hughes, Hon. James L., at conv. of '94, 231;
in Mass., 715.

Hughes, Gov. L. C., work in Ariz., 470 et al.

Hughes, Mrs. L. C., assists on Ariz, chap., work in Ty., 470 et al.

Hughes, Thomas (Eng.), 321.

Hultin, Rev. Ida C., at conv. of '91, 175; 179; 184;
of '94, 232; 235;
sp. at conv. of '97, 284;
of 1900, 359; 361;
on Miss Anthony's birthday, 397;
in Ills., 599;
in Mich., 758;
in Minn., 774;
in Neb., 804.

Humphrey, St. Sen. Lester H., for wom. suff. in N. Y. Legis., 862-3.

Humphrey, Gov. Lyman U. (Kas.), 433; 652; 762.

Hunt, Gov. Frank W., wom. on juries, 596;
wom. suff. in Idaho, 1088.

Hunt, Dr. Harriot K., 295;
in '58, 721;
first wom. phys., 748.

Hunt, Jane, 294.

Hunt, Mary H., in Ga., 585;
in N. Y., 859;
on "age of consent," 866.

Hunt, Assoc. Justice Ward, sentences Miss Anthony for voting, 153.

Hunting, Rev. S. S., 411; 425.

Huntington, Arria S., 843.

Hurd, Dr. Ethel E., 367; 772;
work in Minn., 774 et al.

Husted, St. Sp'k'r. James W. (N. Y.), favors wom. suff., 853 et al.

Huston, Sup. Judge Joseph W. (Idaho), decis. on wom. suff. amdt., 593.

Hussey, Cornelia Collins, 417;
work for wom. suff., 820;
contributions, 827 et al.

Hussey, Dr. Mary D., writes N. J. chap., 820;
work in N. J., 824 et al.;
forms wom. lawyers' club, 833.

Hutchinson, Abby (See Patton).

Hutchinson, John W., 75;
conv. of '98, 298;
sings at Miss Anthony's birthday, 396;
in Mass., 705.

Idaho, names for, Chap. XXXVI.

Ide, U. S. Com. Henry C, 960.

Illinois, names for, Chap. XXXVII.

Indiana, names for, Chap. XXXVIII.

Ingalls, U. S. Sen. John J., opp. wom. suff., 641.

Ingersoll, Robert J., signs suff. petit., 850.

Iowa, names for, Chap. XXXIX.

Jackson, Francis, 227.

Jackson, Dr. James C., 205; 259.

Jackson, Lottie Wilson, 343.

Jackson, Dr. Mary B., 295.

Jacobi, Dr. Mary Putnam, in Boston, 715;
in N. Y. camp'n., 850 et al.

Jacobs, Judge Orange J., in Wash., 969; 976; 1096.

James, Helen Mosher, 391; 900.

Jenkins, Helen Philleo, 298;
on wom. in Philippines, 331;
work in Mich., 756 et al.

Jenkins, Theresa A., 253;
in Col., 516;
part in Wy. celebration, 1004-5.

Jenney, Julie R., 255.

Jennings, Gov. William S. (Fla.), 579.

Johns, Laura M., 149; 156; 164; 174;
on work in Kas., 220;
at conv. of '94, 221; 224; 248; 263;
in Idaho, 284;
conv. of 1900, 367;
work in Ariz., 470-1; 513;
in N. D., 546;
in S. D. camp'n., 555;
in Idaho camp'n., 591;
in Iowa, 631;
assists on Kas. chap., 638;
work in Kas., 639 et al.;
suggests yellow ribbon suff. badge, 640;
describes Mrs. Diggs' sp., 646;
legis. work, 650;
in Boston, 706; 762;
in Minn., 773;
in Mo., 790-1;
in N. M., 835;
in Ok., 887.

Johnson, Addie M., 632;
writes Mo. chap., 790;
work in Mo., 791 et al.

Johnson, Adelaide, 216.

Johnson, Martin N., M. C., 189; 546.

Johnson, Mrs. Rossiter, opposes wom. suff., 382; 863.

Jones, J. Elizabeth, 275.

Jones, U. S. Sen. James K., III; opp. wom. suff., 1002.

Jones, Jenkyn Lloyd, 705.

Jones, Gov. John P. (Nev.), recom. wom. suff. amd't, 813.

Jones, Mrs. W. H., polit. del., 439.

Jordan, David Starr, pres. Stanford Univ., 480;
for wom. suff., 483.

Julian, George W., M. C., 23;
for wom. suff., 614.

Julian, Laura Giddings, 61; 410.

Kansas, names for, Chap. XL.

Kearney, Belle, at conv. of '98, 293;
in Miss., 789;
in N. C., 874.

Keating, Martha A., 324.

Keefer, Bessie Starr (Canada), 136; 140.

Keifer, J. Warren, M. C., 31;
sp. for wom. suff., 32.

Keith, Mrs. William A., 479 et al.

Kelley, Florence, 23;
working wom. need ballot, 311;
secures factory inspec. law, 604; 608.

Kelley, William D., M. C., spks. at suff. conv., 147; 174.

Kellogg, Atty.-Gen. L. B. (Kas.), 433; 656; 762.

Kelly, Abby (_See_ Foster).

Kelsey, Mary Atwater, 323.

Kelsey, St. Rep. Otto, for wom. suff. in N. Y. Legis., 860 et seq.

Kent, Rev. Alexander, wom. and Hebrew scriptures, 146.

Kentucky, names for, Chap. XLI.

Kepley, Ada H., first wom. law grad., 610.

Ketcham, Emily B., 235;
conv. of '99, 322-3;
work in Mich., 755 et al.

Keyser, Harriette A., 256; 263.

Kilgore, Carrie Burnham, contest for right to prac. law in Penn., 904.

Kimball, Flora M., 345;
work in Cal., 496.

Kimball, Sarah M., 345.

Kimber, Helen L., 644 et al.; 774.

King, Henrietta, largest cattle owner, 934.

King, William H., M. C., 941.

Kingman, Judge John W., wom. suff. in Wy., 1092.

Kingsbury, Elizabeth A., 494.

Klock, St. Rep. Frances S. (Col.), 521

Knox, Dr. Janette Hill, writes chap. for N. D., 544; 551.

Knaggs, May Stocking, at conv. of '96, 255;
of '99, 324;
writes Mich. chap., 755;
work in Mich., 756 et al.

Kollock, Rev. Florence (_See_ Crooker).

Korany, Hanna (Syria), 221; 228.

Krog, Gina (Norway), 1041.

Krout, Mary H., 613.

Kyle, U. S. Sen. James H., for wom. suff., 559.

Lake, Leonora M. Barry, 164; 509; 516.

Lamar, Gov. W. B. (Fla.), 578.

Langford, Sup. Judge Wm. G. (Wash.), 1098.

Langhorne, Orra, old-time South. wom., 212; 228;
work in Va., 964.

Lapham, U. S. Sen. Elbridge G., 12; 36;
rep. in favor of wom. suff., 47; 89; 174.

Laughlin, Gail, wage-earning wom., 360; 361; 739.

Lauterbach, Hon. Edward, sp. for wom. suff., 852.

Lawrence, Margaret Stanton, 163.

Leach, Antoinette D., suit to practice law in Ind., 626.

Lease, Mary E., 617; 657.

Le Barthe, St. Rep. Eurithe (Utah), 953.

Lee, St. Rep. Frances S. (Col.), 523.

Leedy, Gov. John W. (Kas.), 657.

Leggett, Lucy A., 323.

Leonard, Clara T., 107; 721.

Leonard, Emily J., 410.

Levanway, Dr. Charlotte, 345.

Lewelling, Gov. L. D. (Kas.), opp. wom. suff., 645; 657.

Lewis, Helen Morris, 263; 696;
in S. C., 922.

Lewis, Hon. Isaac C., 536.

Lincoln, President Abraham, 305;
favors wom. suff., 1075.

Lincoln, Judge Charles Z., 858; 864.

Lind, Gov. John (Minn.), 780.

Lindhagen, Carl, 301.

Lindsay, U. S. Sen. William, woman's property bill in Ky., 668.

Lippincott, Chancellor J. A., 423.

Lippincott, Sara J. (_See_ Greenwood).

Livermore, Rev. Danled P., 701 et al.

Livermore, Mary A., 407; 408; 410; 411;
let. to Amer. conv. of '85, 412; 426; 427;
appeal to Constitl. Convs., 432; 517;
in Maine, 689;
work in Mass., 704 et al.; 712;
golden wed., 715;
made LL. D., 717;
Sanit. Com., 719;
80th birthday, 720; 732;
on mock referendum, 734;
in N. J., 821;
in R. I., 910; 920;
in Vt., 957;
in Wis., 985;
same, 986;
same, 989.

Locke, Josephine E., 927.

Lockwood, Belva A., 18;
admit, to Sup. Ct., 33; 75;
wom. journalists, 343; 569; 571; 575; 640;
spks. for Utah wom., 939.

Lockwood, Mary S., wom. at Columb. Expos., 211; 254; 569; 575.

Logan, Mrs. John A., 164.

Logan, Millie Burtis, 298.

Long, Secy, of the Navy John D., 346;
assists suff. work in Mass., 707 et al.; 727.

Longfellow, Rev. Samuel G., 703.

Longley, Margaret V., 494.

Longshore, Dr. Hannah Myers, 905.

Longshore, Dr. Joseph S., work for Wom. Med. Coll. in Phila., 905.

Lord, Gov. and Mrs. William P. (Ore.), on suff. platform, 891.

Lore, Chief Justice Charles B. (Del.), 565.

Lorimer, George G., D. D., 718.

Louisiana, names for, Chap. XLII.

Love, Alfred H., 300.

Low, Mayor Seth, 872.

Lowell, Francis C., pres. anti-suff. ass'n., 735.

Lowell, Josephine Shaw, 850; 856.

Lozier, Dr. Abram W., 259.

Lozier, Dr. Clemence S., 16; 146; 295;
work in N. Y., 840 et al.

Lucas, Margaret Bright (Eng.), 22; 124; 174; 423.

Lucas, W. B., M. C., 559.

Luce, Gov. Cyrus G. (Mich.), 756.

Lusk, Hon. Hugh H. (N. Z.), 719.

Lux, Miranda, donat. to educat., 507.

Lyne, Sir William, Premier N. S. W., for wom. suff., 1030.

Lynes, J. Colton, 244.

Lyon, Mary, 320; 355.

MacDonald, Sir John, Premier of Canada, bill for wom. suff., 1034.

Machen, August W., 297.

Macomber, Mattie Locke, 271.

Maddox, Etta, obtains right for wom. to prac. law in Md., 700.

Madison, Pres. James, on Fed. Suff., 7;
same, 8;
a vote necessary, 66.

Maguire, James G., M. C., 480; 489.

Maine, names for, Chap. XLIII.

Marble, Ella M. S., 157; 176; 201;
in Dak., 546; in N. M., 835.

Marsh, Annie McLean, 430.

Marshall, Dean Clara, M. D., 296; 904.

Marshall, Marie (Paris), 711.

Martin, E. W., M. C., 559.

Martin, Ellen A., 600; 604; 609.

Martin, Gov. John A. (Kas.), signs
munic. wom. suff. bill, 651.

Martin, Juliet N., 417.

Maryland, names for, Chap. XLIV.

Mason, Evaleen L., 201.

Mason, Prof. Otis T., 328; 331.

Massachusetts, names for, Chap. XLV.

Massachusetts Nat'l., names for, 750.

Maxwell, Claudia Howard, 235;
entertains nat'l. conv., 237; 581; 582.

May, Abby W., 146.

May, Rev. Samuel J., 227; 702.

Maybury, William C., M. C., rep. against wom. suff., 47.

Maynard, Rev. Mila Tupper (_See_ Tupper).

McAdam, Chief Justice, right of wom. to hold office in N. Y., 1095.

McAdow, Clara L., 554; work in Mont., 797.

McCall, Samuel Walker, M. C., 712.

McClintock, Mary Ann, 288.

McCoid, Moses A., M. C., rep. in favor of wom. suff., 52.

McComas, Alice Moore, 480;
in Ore., 893;
writes S. Calif, chap., 494; 495; 497.

McConnell, Amanda, 174.

McConnelly, Mary A., 323.

McCulloch, Catharine Waugh, 276; 297;
before House com. of 1900, 378; 393; 443; 598;
work in Ills. Legis., 602;
same, 603;
for trustees St. Univ., 606, 607; 616; 630; 696;
in Wis., 989.

McCulloch, Sec. of the Treasury Hugh, 259.

McDiarmid, Clara A., 475.

McDonald, Eva (Mrs. Valesh), 782.

McGlynn, Dr. Edward, spks. for wom. suff., 843.

McKinley, President William, appoints wom. com'r. to Paris Expos., 367;
courtesy to suff. ass'n and Miss Anthony, 384; 570; 1010.

McKinley, Mrs. William, 384.

McLaren, Priscilla Bright, wom. suff. in Eng. and America, 22;
for Int'l. Council, 124; 135; 301; 366.

McLean, Mrs. John R., 262;
luncheon for Miss Anthony, 291.

McLendon, Mary L., welcomes nat'l. conv., 242;
writes Ga. chap., 581; 583.

McMillan, U. S. Sen. James, 571; 572.

McPherson, Mary E., 59.

McQuaid, Bishop, for wom. suff., 366.

McSherry, Justice C. J. (Md.), denies right of wom. to prac. law, 700.

McVicar, Mayor John, 270.

Mead, Elizabeth Storrs, pres. Mt. Holyoke Coll., 709.

Mellette, Gov. Arthur C. (S. D.), 559.

Mendenhall, Dinah, 174.

Meredith, Ellis, 222; 235;
writes Colo. chap., 509; 513 et al.;
in N. J., 825;
in Utah, 947.

Meredith, Emily R., writes Colo. chap., 509.

Meriwether, Elizabeth Avery, 72; 76; 79.

Meriwether, Lee, 72.

Meriwether, Lida A., 182; 187;
sp. before U. S. Senate com., 195; 242; 247; 475;
in Mich., 757;
writes Tenn. chap., work in Tenn., 926 et al.

Merrick, Caroline E., 61; 81; 140;
sp. at conv. of '95, 243;
work in La., 678 et al.

Merrick, Chief Justice Edwin T. (La.), 275; 678.

Merrill, Estelle M. H., 710.

Merritt, Dr. Salome, 730; 750.

Michigan, names for, Chap. XLVI.

Mill, John Stuart, 26; 1019.

Miller, Annie Jenness, 615; 854.

Miller, Caroline Hallowell, sp. at conv. of '84, 20; 72; 114; 147;
187; 263; 296; 391;
work in Md., 695.

Miller, Elizabeth Smith, 435; 844; 861.

Mills, C. D. B., 847.

Mills, Harriet May, 215; 265;
sp. on educat'l freedom, 354;
in Cal., 487;
in Mich., 750;
work in N. Y., 847 et al.;
in O., 880.

Minnesota, names for, Chap. XLVII.

Minor, Francis, wom. suff. under 14th amend., 3;
before U. S. Sup. Ct., 5;
on Fed. Suff., 6; 204.

Minor, Virginia L., vote, trial and decision, 5;
Sup. Ct. reference to same, 9; 17;
right of women to vote under Const'n., 78; 152; 153; 156; 157; 162;
250; 295;
work in Mo., 790 et al.

Mississippi, names for, Chap. XLVIII.

Missouri, names for, Chap. XLIX.

Mitchell, U. S. Sen. John A., rep. for wom. suff., 12.

Mitchell, Lucretia, 235.

Mitchell, Maria, 174.

Montana, names for, Chap. L.

Moore, Rev. Henrietta G., 558; 563; 632; 696;
in O., 879;
in W. Va., 980.

Moore, Laura, writes Vt. chap., work in Vt., 957 et al.

Moore, Margaret (Ireland), 135; 703;
in N. Y., 840.

Moore, Rebecca (Eng.), 705.

Morgan, U. S. Sen. John T., 347;
advises wom. taxpayers' suff., 468;
opp. wom. suff. in Wy., 1001, 1002;
favors taxpayers' suff. in Ala., 1002.

Morgan, Sup. Judge John T. (Idaho), decis. on wom. suff. amdt., 593.

Morris, Judge Esther, first wom. justice of peace, 994;
presents flag to Wy., 1004.

Morris, Gov. Luzon B. (N. J.), 537.

Morris, Hon. Robert C., assists on Wy. chap., 994.

Morrison, Frank, 359.

Morrison, Mrs. (L. A.), 19.

Morrow, Lena, 337; 792;
in Ore., 895.

Morse, Elijah, M. C., 718.

Mosher, Prof. Frances Stewart, 293.

Mott, James, 299.

Mott, Lucretia, 133; 205; 227;
truth for authority, 260; 264; 288; 294; 295; 299.

Murdock, Mrs. W. A., 1069.

Murphy, Claudia Quigley, 219.

Murphy, Eliza, 275.

Murphy, Gov. N. O. (Ariz.), recommends wom. suff., 472.

Mussey, Dean Ellen Spencer, 569; 574; 575.

Names of eminent persons in favor of wom. suff., beginning 1075.

Nebraska, names for, Chap. LI.

Neblett, A. Viola, 289; 922.

Nelson, Julia Ballard, 74; 77;
financial side of wom. suff., 79; 547;
in S. D. campn., 555;
writes Minn. chap., work in St., 772 et al.;
legis. work, 775;
in Neb., 803;
in N. M., 835;
in Ok., 886.

Nevada, names for, Chap. LII.

New Hampshire, names for, Chap. LIII.

New Jersey, names for, Chap. LIV.

New Mexico, names for, Chap. LV.

New York, names for, Chap. LVI.

New South Wales, names for, 1029.

New Zealand, names for, 1025.

Newcomb, Josephine Louise, endows college in La., 688.

Newell, Gov. William A. (Wash.), 967.

Newman, Bishop John P., in fav. of wom. suff., opens conv., 112.

Newton, Rev. Heber, signs suff. petit., 850.

Neymann, Clara, German and Amer. independence, 73; 77;
before House Com., 81; 117; 187; 298;
in Md., 695;
in N. Y., 840.

Nichol, Elizabeth Pease (Scot.), 22.

Nichols, Clarina I. Howard, 61; 294.

Nixon, St. Spkr. F. S., N. Y., 846; 858; 863.

Nordhoff, Charles, 164.

North Carolina, names for, Chap. LVII.

Nozaleda, Archbishop, 348.

Nye, Edgar Wilson (Bill Nye), in favor of wom. suff., 1006.

Oates, William C., M. C., opp. wom. suff., 999.

Obenchain, Lida Calvert, 927.

Obermann, Mr., pres. Brewers' Ass'n., 448.

Odell, Gov. Benjamin F. (N. Y.), for wom. taxpayers' suff., 862; 864.

Ohio, names for, Chap. LVIII.

Oklahoma, names for, Chap. LIX.

Oliver, Rev. Anna, 23;
trib. of Miss Shaw, 206; 207.

Oregon, names for, Chap. LX.

Osborne, Eliza Wright, 298; 342; 842.

Otis, James, 66, on virtual represent.

Otis, Mrs. John G., 220.

Owen, Robert Dale, 619.

Owen, Rosamond Dale, 23.

Palmer, Bertha Honoré, 184; 367;
at Paris Expos., 608;
at Columb. Expos., 609.

Palmer, Fanny Purdy. 711; 917; 918.

Palmer, U. S. Sen. Thomas W., 12;
rep. in favor of wom. suff., 47;
Senate sp. in favor, 62; 127; 164; 366; 554;
in Mich., 755; 756;
ad. Mich. suff. conv., 758, 762.

Pardee, Lillie, 948-9.

Parker, Frances Stuart, 174.

Parker, Margaret E. (Eng.), for Int'l. Council, 124; 840.

Parker, Theodore, 720.

Parkes, Sir Henry, Premier N. S. W., bill for wom. suff., 1029; 1030.

Parkman, Francis, 413;
opp. wom. suff., 721.

Parnell, Delia Stewart, in N. Y., 840.

Parrott, Lieut.-Gov. (Iowa), 279.

Passmore, Elizabeth B., 366; 900.

Patterson, Katherine A. G. (Mrs. Thomas M.), 515 et al.

Patterson, U. S. Sen. Thomas M., 522; 525;
wom. suff. in Col., 1088.

Patton, Abby Hutchinson, 203.

Patton, St. Supt. Pub. Instruct. Grace Espy (Col.), 293.

Paul, A. Emmagene, wom. in street-cleaning dept., 364; 608.

Payne, U. S. Sen. Henry B., 1002.

Peavy, St. Supt. Pub. Instruct. Antoinette J. (Col.), 521.

Peelle, Stanton J., M. C., 426.

Peet, Mrs. B. Sturtevant, 484.

Peffer, U. S. Sen. William A., 231;
in fav. of wom. suff., 267.

Pellew, George, 713.

Penn, Hannah, acting Gov. of Penn., 903.

Pennsylvania, names for, Chap. LXI.

Pepys, Samuel, why new gown for wife, 424.

Perkins, U. S. Sen. George C., 480; 495.

Perkins, Sarah M., 70; 150;
in N. J., 820.

Pettigrew, U. S. Sen. Richard F., 554; 559.

Peabody, Elizabeth, 227.

Pearson, Mrs. (Eng.), 117.

Pence, Lafayette, M. C., 224.

Phelps, Eliz. Stuart (See Ward).

Philbrook, Mary, contest to practice law in N. J., 833.

Philleo, Prudence Crandall, 174.

Phillips, Elizabeth McClintock, 275.

Phillips, Wendell, notifies Miss Anthony of legacy, V; 15; 19;
memorial res., 25; 207; 227; 345; 354;
expediency, 381; 410;
mem. serv. of Mass, ass'n., 702; 708;
petit. for wom. suff. in '53, 720;
same, 721.

Phillips, Mrs. Wendell, trib. to, 25.

Pickler, Alice M. A. (Mrs. J. A.), 173; 183; 235; 423; 544;
writes S. D. chap., 552; 554.

Pickler, Major J. A., M. C., 75; 163; 174; 183; 189;
on wom. suff. bill in S. D., 414; 423;
efforts for wom. suff. in S. D., 543; 554.

Pierce, Gov. Gilbert A., 74; 414; 543.

Pike, Martha E., writes Wash. chap., 967;
work in Wash., 976 et al.

Pillsbury, Mayor George A., 411.

Pillsbury, Parker, 276;
conv. mem. res., 344;
Mrs. Stanton's trib., 345;
wom. suff. in N. H., 815.

Pingree, Gov. Hazen S. (Mich.), 765.

Platt, U. S. Sen. Orville H., on wom. suff., 1003.

Platt, U. S. Sen. Thomas C., favors wom. suff., 864.

Plumb, U. S. Sen. Preston B., for wom. suff., 111.

Poland, Luke P., M. C., report against wom. suff., 50; 958.

Pond, Cora Scott, 425; 427;
work in Mass., 706 et al.;
in R. I., 910.

Porter, Maria G., 275.

Post, Amalia B., 295; 942;
work in Wy., 994; 1004.

Post, Amy, 174; 299.

Potter, Bishop Henry M., signs suff. petit., 850.

Powderly, Terence V., 164; 184.

Powell, Aaron M., in N. J., 820;
mem. res., 826; 828; 843.

Preston, Dr. Ann, 295;
founds Wom. Hosp. in Phila., 905.

Price, Prof. Ellen H. E., 318; 564.

Pruyn, Mrs. John V. L., organizes anti-suff. soc. 850.

Pugh, Sarah, 61; 294.

Purvis, Robert. 23; 136; 163;
trib. of Mrs. Stanton, 345;
in Penn., 900.

Putnam, Rev. Helen G., 555.

Quarles, Sup. Judge Ralph, decis. on wom. suff. in Idaho, 1089.

Queensland, names for, 1032.

Quincy, St. Rep. Josiah, in Mass. Legis., 723.

Quinton, Amelia Stone, 1054.

Rainsford, Rev. W. S., 850.

Ralph, Julian, 363.

Ramabai, Pundita, 136; 321.

Ranney, A. A., M. C., rep. in favor of wom. suff., 84.

Rastall, Fannie H., 613; 641.

Reagan, U. S. Sen. John H., sp. against wom. suff., 31; 1000.

Reed, Charles Wesley, 488.

Reed, Kitty, 285.

Reed, Speaker Thomas B., rep. in favor of wom. suff., 52; 164; 710.

Reel, Estelle, wom. suff. in Wy., 301;
Nat'l. Supt. Indian Sch., 1010.

Renkes, Flora Beadle, 338.

Rhode Island, names for, Chap. LXII.

Rhodes, Margaret Olive, writes Ok. chap., work in Ty., 886 et al.

Rhone, Leonard, 228.

Rich, Gov. John T. (Mich.), signs munic. suff. bill, 764.

Richards, Gov. De Forest (Wy.), advocates wom. suff., 1008.

Richards, Emily S., 262; 400; 593;
assists on Utah chap., work in Utah, 936 et al.; 950.

Richards, Gov. and Mrs. William A. (Wy.), 1005.

Richer, Leon (France), 23.

Richey, Clara M., writes Iowa chap., 628; 632.

Ricker, Marilla M., in Calif., 478;
in N. H., 816.

Riddle, Judge Albert G., sp. at conv. of '89, 144;
trib. to Francis Minor and B. F. Butler, 204.

Ripley, Dr. Martha G., 417;
work in Minn., 772 et al.

Ritchie, Anne Thackeray (Eng.), 1015.

Roach, U. S. Sen. W. N., 546.

Roberts, Brigham H. (Utah), opp. wom. suff., 946.

Robertson, J. M. (Eng.), 719.

Robinson, Emily, 294.

Robinson, Gov. George D. (Mass.), opp. wom. suff., 712.

Robinson, Harriet H., 26; 721; 750.

Robinson, Lelia J., LL. B., 454;
legis. work in Mass., 722; 748.

Rockefeller, John D., signs suff. petit., 850.

Roe, St. Rep. Alfred S., 715; 732.

Rogers, Caroline Gilkey, 19;
before U. S. Sen. com., 38; 57; 118;
work in N. Y., 839 et al.

Rogers, Gov. John R. (Wash.), 973.

Rollit, Sir Albert, M. P., work for wom. suff., 1016.

Roosevelt, President Theodore, recom. wom. suff. to N. Y. Legis.,
861; 1075.

Root, Martha Snyder, 6; 173; 183;
work in Mich., 756 et al.

Root, Melvin A., 183; 337;
work in Mich., 756 et al.; 757.

Rose, Ernestine L., 23; 70; 203; 227; 294.

Ross, Hon. John, 224.

Routt, Eliza F. (Mrs. John L.), 224; 515; 519.

Routt, Gov. John L., 212; 224.

Russell, Sarah A. (Mrs. Daniel L.), writes N. C. chap., 874.

Russell, Thomas, 382;
opp. wom. suff. in Mass. Legis., 733.

Rutherford, Annie O. (Canada), 342.

Sadler, Gov. Reinhold (Nev.), recom. wom. suff. amdt., 813.

Sage, Russell, signs suff. petit., 850.

Salisbury, Marquis of, Premier of England, for wom. suff., 1020.

Sanborn, Frank B., 722.

Sanders, U. S. Sen. Wilbur F., 1001.

Sargent, U. S. Sen. Aaron A., 23; 366.

Sargent, Ellen Clark (Mrs. Aaron A.), 287; 366;
assists on Calif. chap., 478; 481; 482;
in Calif. camp'n., 487;
test case for suff., 504.

Sargent, Dr. Elizabeth C., 135; 366; 487.

Sargent, George C., 504.

Sartoris, Nellie Grant, 262.

Sather, Jane Krom, donat. to Cal. Univers., 507.

Saunders, Charles R., sec'y. anti-suff. ass'n., 735; 737.

Saunders, Jessie Cassidy, 288; 369.

Savage, Rev. Minot J., 703.

Sawyer, U. S. Sen. Philetus, for wom. suff., 987.

Saxon, Elizabeth Lyle, sp. at conv. of '93, 187; 201; 243; 583; 640;
work in La., 678;
in Neb., 802;
in Tenn., 926;
in Utah, 940;
in Wash., 970;
in Wis., 989.

Sayers, Gov. Joseph D. (Texas), 934.

Scatcherd, Alice (Eng.), 124; 135; 140; 705;
in N. Y., 841.

Schenck, Elizabeth T., 61.

Schofield, Martha, 923.

Schreiner, Olive, 146; 398;
petit. for wom. suff., 1015.

Scott, Francis M., opp. wom. suff., 851.

Scott, Mrs. Francis M., organizes anti-suff. soc., 850.

Scully, Rev. Father Thomas, 717; 740.

Seddon, Hon. H. J., Premier N. Z., for wom. suff., 1027.

Seelye, L. Clark, pres. Smith Coll., opp. wom. suff., 722.

Segur, Rosa L., 219.

Selborne, Earl of, for wom. suff., 1016.

Semple, Gov. Eugene (Wash.), signs wom. suff. bill, 155; 968.

Severance, Caroline M., 501.

Severance, Sarah M., 484; 490.

Sewall, Harriet Winslow, 174.

Sewall, May Wright, call for conv. of '84, 15;
sp. at same, 19; 27;
equality of sexes, 36; 71;
sp. at conv. of '86, 74;
before House com., 81; 117;
ex. com. rep., 122;
arranges for Int'l. Council, 125;
call for same, 126;
permanent Council, 137;
wom. in camp'n. of '88, 150;
Miss Anthony's birthday, 163; 173; 175;
World's Fair rep. and wom. suff., 232; 259; 293;
sp. before Senate com. of '98, education and wom. suff., 307;
at conv. of '99, true civilization, peace conf., 336; 337;
at conv. of 1900, 364; 367; 387;
greetings from Int'l. Council of Wom. on Miss Anthony's birthday, 397;
at World's Fair Wom. Cong., 609; 610;
work in Ind., 615; 616; 617;
work for club-house in Indpls., 627;
at Cotton Centennial, 679;
at Adams, 718;
in Mich., 759;
in Omaha, 939;
in Wis., 986;
pres. Int'l. Council, 1045.

Sewall, Judge Samuel E., 146; 227; 721;
work in Mass, for wom. suff., 722 et al.

Sewall, Theodore Lovett, mem. service, 259.

Seymour, Mary F., 127; 227.

Shafer, Helen A., pres. Wellesley Coll., 726.

Shafroth, John F., M. C., on wom. suff. in Col., 267; 303; 524.

Shafroth, Virginia Morrison (Mrs. John F.), trib. and gift on
Miss Anthony's birthday, 400.

Shattuck, Harriette Robinson, 16;
at conv. of '84, 21;
before U. S. Sen. com., 36; 57; 59; 72; 76; 115; 149; 721; 750;
in N. Y., 840.

Shaw, Rev. Anna Howard, sermon on Heavenly Vision, 128; 149; 156;
163; 170; 173; 174;
on S. D. camp'n., 182; 185; 186; 188; 189;
before U. S. Sen. com., 199;
trib. to Mrs. R. W. Emerson and Rev. Anna Oliver, 205; 215; 219; 223;
on wom. behind throne, 228;
sermon at conv. of '94, 229; 233; 235; 239;
logic and emotion of wom., 243;
sermon at conv. of '95, 247;
rep. of trip to Pacific Coast, 253;
Miss Anthony's comment on, 254;
trib. to Mrs. Dietrick, 259; 263;
on Pres. Eliot, 266; 267;
on Miss Anthony in Calif., 274;
no millennium till wom. vote, 278; 279; 282; 288; 304; 305;
at conv. of '99, pioneer women, men are women's product, 336; 337; 339;
closes conv. of '99, 346;
Miss Anthony and her right bower, 351;
rep. as delegate to Int'l. Council of '99, 352; 354;
sermon at conv. of 1900, 361; 373;
closes hearing before House com. of 1900, 380;
birthday present and response, 391;
trib. on Miss Anthony's 80th birthday, 402; 417; 425; 427; 431;
at Nat'l. Popu. conv. in '92, 437; 449;
at Calif. Wom. Cong., 480; 482; 486;
in Calif, camp'n., 487; 490;
visits Denver, 530;
in S. D. camp'n., 555;
in Del., 564;
in Ills., 599;
in Ind., 616;
in Ia., 632; 640;
tour of Kas., 641; 642;
in Kas. camp'n., 643;
same, 644; 645; 646;
in Ky., 666;
in Maine, 689;
in Md., 696;
in Mass., 703 et al.;
in Mich., 756;
same, 757;
in Ann Arbor, 758; 759; 760;
before Mich. Legis., 764;
in Minn., 773;
in Mo., 790; 791;
in Neb., 803;
in N. J., 825;
in Nev., 810;
in N. Y., 841;
debates wom. suff. with Dr. Buckley, 842;
in N. Y. camp'n, 849;
in Ohio, 879-80;
in Ore., 893;
in Penn., 899;
in Utah, 947;
in Vt., 957;
in W. Va., 981;
in Wis., 986;
visits Wy., 1005.

Shaw, Helen Adelaide, 361; 719 et al.

Shaw, Pauline Agassiz (Mrs. Quincy A.), gives $1,000 to pub. Vol. IV,
Hist. of Wom. Suff., VII.

Shaw, Gov. Leslie M. (Iowa), 636.

Sheehan, Lieut.-Gov. William F. (N. Y.), opp. wom. suff., 854; 855; 857.

Sheldon, Ellen H., 27; 126.

Sherman, U. S. Sen. John, 7.

Shippen, Rev. Rush R., 71; 117.

Shinn, Harriet A., 228.

Shortridge, Charles M., 487.

Shortridge, Hon. Samuel, 480.

Sidgwick, Mrs. Henry, principal Newnham Coll. (Eng.), petit. for wom.
suff., 1015.

Simmons, Anna R., 558; 791.

Simpson, Jerry, M. C., 231.

Simpson, Bishop Matthew, for wom. suff., 24; 61; 410.

Skidmore, Marian, 259.

Sloss, Judge M. C. (Calif.), decis. on wom. suff., 504.

Smith, Alice, 235.

Smith, Mrs. Clinton, 575.

Smith, Elizabeth Oakes, 227.

Smith, Gerrit, 203; 227.

Smith, Hannah Whitall, 121.

Smith, Dr. Julia Holmes, at Nat'l. Dem. conv. of '96, 439; 606; 610.

Smith, Rev. Samuel G., 361.

Smith, Sara Winthrop, 6; 184; 201; 218;
wom. suff. under Const'n., 234.

Smith, Mrs. William Alden, 322.

Snow, Eliza R., 1052.

Solomon, Hannah G., 1053.

Somerset, Lady Henry, 710; 714; 718.

South Carolina, names for, Chap. LXIII.

Southwick, Sarah Hussey, 275.

Southwick, Thankful, 227.

Southworth, Louisa, nat'l. enrollment, 137; 219; 240;
donat. for hdqrs. 250; 257; 286;
work in Ohio, 878 et al.;
for W. C. T. U., 879.

Spaulding, Bishop, for wom. suff., 366.

Spence, Catherine (Australia), 221; 224; 730.

Spencer, Rev. Anna Garlin, 61;
sp. at conv. of '91, 179;
sp. before Senate com. of '98, moral develop. and wom. suff., 308;
sp. at conv. of '99, wom. in our new possessions, 328;
in Boston, 707;
same, 712, in N. Y., 855;
writes R. I. chap., 907;
work in R. I., 908 et al.; 920.

Sperry, Mary S. (Mrs. Austin), work in Cal., 486 et al.

Spinner, U. S. Treasurer F. E., 123.

Spofford, Ainsworth R., 715.

Spofford, Charles W., 15; 188;
hospitality to Miss Anthony, 366.

Spofford, Jane H. (Mrs. Charles W.), 15; 27; 126; 174;
work for wom. suff., 188;
hospitality to Miss Anthony, 366; 571;
in Maine, 690.

Spreckles, Claus, community property case, 502.

Springer, William M., M. C., opp. wom. suff., 998.

Squire, Gov. Watson C. (Wash.), testimony for wom. suff., 155; 968.

St. John, Gov. John P. (Kas.), for wom. suff., 648.

Stafford, St. Rep. Wendell Phillips, 713; 959.

Stanford, Jane Lathrop (Mrs. Leland), 356;
endows univers., 507.

Stanford, U. S. Sen. Leland, trib. to, 227;
founds univers., 507; 554.

Stanton, Elizabeth Cady, ten yrs. work on Hist. of Wom. Suff., III;
sells rights in Hist. to Miss Anthony, VI;
mental vigor at 87, VII;
tries to prevent "male" in Nat'l. Consti., 2;
organizes Nat'l. Ass'n., 14;
calls conv. of '84, 15; 21; 27;
self-gov't. best means of self-development, 40;
sp. at conv. of '85, 57;
rights of wom. in church, 59;
power of relig. over wom., 60; 70;
res. on wom. suff. and church, 75; 112;
ridicules rep. of Brown and Cockrell, 113;
part in Int'l. Council of Wom., 124;
sp. at same, 133; 136; 137;
woman's constit'l. right to vote, 138;
objects to thanking men for justice, 145; 150;
prophecy fulfilled, 153;
before U. S. Sen. com. of '90, 158;
questioned by com., 161; 163;
friendship for Miss Anthony, 164;
great. sp. at conv. of '90, 165; 169; 174;
degradation of disfranchm't, 176;
last appearance at nat'l. conv., 186;
Solitude of Self, 189; 205;
trib. to dead, 227; 236;
80th birthday, 250;
Woman's Bible, 263;
Miss Anthony defends her, 264;
House com. in '96, 268; 288;
sp. at conv. of '98, our defeats and our triumphs, 291; 299; 304;
before Senate com. of '98, history of ballot, 316;
wom. are pariahs and fight their battles alone, 337; 342;
trib. to Pillsbury and Purvis, 345; 353; 359;
appeal to House com. of 1900, 376;
long in office, 387; 402; 404; 415;
first app. at polit. conv., 435; 443; 480; 517;
woman's work at Centennial, 526; 715;
in Minn., 772;
in Mo., 790;
in Neb., 802;
pioneer work in N. Y., 839; 844; 846; 849;
early legis. work in N. Y., 852;
work for equal guardianship, 857;
in Utah, 936;
welcomes Utah wom., 937;
in Wis., 985;
ad. on Wy., 1004.

Stanton, Marguerite Berry (Mrs. Theodore), 27.

Stanton, Theodore, 23; 26.

Starrett, Helen Ekin, trib. to Lucy Stone, 407.

Stearns, Judge J. B., 774.

Stearns, Sarah Burger, in Calif., 501; 630;
work in Minn., 774 et al.

Stebbins, Catharine A. F., 299;
work in Mich., 760.

Stebbins, Giles B., in Mich., 760.

Stetson, Charlotte Perkins, at conv. of '96, 255;
same, 258; 263;
ballot and motherhood, 266;
sp. at conv. of '97, 277; 479; 647; 648;
in Boston, 717;
in Penn., 899.

Steunenberg, Gov. Frank, on wom. suff. in Idaho, 594.

Stevens, Lillian M. N., 438; 1048.

Stevenson, J. O., 629.

Stevenson, Katherine Lente, 711;
in R. I., 910.

Stevenson, Dr. Sarah Hackett, 610.

Stewart, John W., M. C., rep. against wom. suff., 82.

Stockham, Dr. Alice B., 61.

Stoddard, Helen M., writes Tex. chap., 931;
work for Girls' Indus. Sch., 934.

Stone, Lucinda Hinsdale, on Dr. Stone's early belief in wom. suff.,
299; 771.

Stone, Lucy, 14; 136; 164;
letter to conv. of '90, 169; 174;
at Nat'l Council of '91, 178; 186; 187; 189;
before U. S. Sen. Com., 191;
conv. of '93, her last message, 213; 221;
mem. service, 225; 227; 236; 294; 320; 357; 387;
acc't of conv. of Amer. Ass'n. of '84, 406;
influence on Kas. laws, 407;
rep. as ch. ex. com. of Amer. Ass'n., '84, 408; 411;
sp. at conv. of '85, 415;
acc't. of Amer. conv. of '86, 417; 418; 423;
at Legislatures, 424;
rep. ch. ex. com., '87, 425;
on union of two ass'ns., 426;
spks. at bazar in '87, 427;
acc't of Amer. conv. '88, 430;
appeal to Constit'l. Convs., 432;
work for Ariz., 470; 509; 513; 514; 517; 546; 553;
in Ills., 598;
in Ind., 614;
in Iowa, 628;
same, 629;
in Kas., 638;
same, 640;
in Maine, 689;
in Baltimore, 695; 702;
work in Mass., 703 et al.;
last pub. ad., 711;
death and funeral, 712;
on Boston Tea Party, 713; 714;
first wom. suff. petit., yrs. in office, 720;
legis. work in Mass., 721;
for equal guardianship, 744;
in Mich., 755; 762;
in Minn., 772;
in N. J., 820;
mem. serv. in N. J., 821;
in R. I., 907;
in Vt., 957;
on admis. of Wy., 1004.

Strong, Lieut. Gov. John (Mich.), favors wom. suff., 763.

Stout, Sir Robert, Premier N. Z., for wom. suff., 1026.

Stowe, Harriet Beecher, 275.

Sullivan, Sup. Judge Isaac N. (Ida.), decis. on wom. suff. amdt., 593.

Sulzer, William, M. C., 856.

Sweet, Ada C., 71.

Swift, Mary Wood (Mrs. John F.), work in Calif., 482 et al.; 501.

Swisshelm, Jane Gray, 410.

Taft, Hon. Alphonso, 428.

Taft, Judge W. H., 348.

Talbot, Gov. Thomas (Mass.), 718.

Taney, Chief Justice Roger B., 4.

Tanner, Gov. John R. (Ills.), 602; 607.

Taylor, Alberta C., 238; 465.

Taylor, Ezra B., M. C., rep. in favor wom. suff., 52;
same, 82;
same, 163; 218; 366;
assists in O., 877.

Taylor, Peter A., M. P., 22; 353.

Taylor, Mrs. Peter A., 22.

Telford, Mary Jewett, 201; 516.

Teller, U. S. Sen. Henry M., 235;
sp. at conv. of '98, 303; 433; 524;
approves wom. suff., 1086.

Tennessee, names for, Chap. LXIV.

Terrell, Mary Church, 298;
sp. at conv. of 1900, 358; 572.

Texas, names for, Chap. LXV.

Thayer, Gov. John M., wom. suff. in Wy., 1090.

Thomann, Gallus, 448.

Thomas, Gov. Charles S., 441; 516; 531;
wom. suff. in Col., 1087.

Thomas, Dean M. Carey, pres. Bryn Mawr Coll., 426;
helps secure Wom. Med. Coll. of Johns Hopkins, 700;
trustee Cornell Univ. 871; 906.

Thomas, M. Louise, 175.

Thomas, Mary Bentley, 239; 263;
writes Md. chap., 695; 696.

Thomas, Dr. Mary F., 75; 146; 406; 407; 410; 411;
letter to Amer. conv. of '85, 413;
70th birthday, 422; 425; 426; 431; 614; 616.

Thomasson, John P., M. P., 22.

Thomasson, Mrs. John P., 22.

Thompson, Elizabeth, donation to pub. Hist. of Wom. Suff., V.

Thompson, Ellen Powell, rep. on Congress'l work, 287;
trib. and gift to Miss Anthony on birthday, 399;
work in D. C., 568 et al.

Thompson, Col. John, 227.

Thompson, Martha J., 367; 774.

Thomson (Archbishop of York) Mrs., petit. for wom. suff., 1015.

Thomson, M. Adeline, 260; 900.

Thorpe, Dr. Juliet, 430.

Thurston, Sarah A., 417; 639 et al.

Tillinghast, Elizabeth Sheldon, 377.

Tillman, U. S. Sen. Benj. R., 925.

Tod, Isabella M. S. (Ireland), 23; 1020.

Todd, Mabel Loomis, 363.

Tomlinson, William P., 417.

Townsend, Justine V. R., 1065.

Trimble, Dr. John, 227.

Trygg, Alli (Finland), 705.

Tubman, Harriet, 718; 844.

Tupper, Rev. Mila (Maynard), 185; 201; 497.

Turner, Sup. Judge George (Wash.), 1098.

Turner, Sir George, Premier Victoria, bill for wom. suff., 1031.

Tyler, Louise M., 509;
work in R. I., 909.

Uhl, Asst. Sec. of State Edwin F., 572.

Unwin, Jane Cobden (Eng.), 21; 711.

Upton, Harriet Taylor, work in Cong., 218; 233; 250; 257;
sp. at conv. of '97, 279;
tells of financial help of Miss Anthony, 286;
rep. '98 289; 337;
wom. on sch. bds., 338;
treas. rep., 1900, 365;
secures Congress'l. rep., 366; 443; 616;
writes Ohio chap., 877;
work in O., 879 et al.;
work on sch. bd., 884.

Utah, names for, Chap. LXVI.

Vance, U. S. Sen. Zebulon B., 157; 158;
questions Mrs. Stanton, 161;
rep. against wom. suff., 201.

Van Cleve, Charlotte O., 414.

Vermont, names for, Chap. LXVII.

Vest, U. S. Sen. George G., 93;
sp. against wom. suff., 105;
spks. against wom. suff. in Wy., 1000.

Victoria (Aus.), names for, 1021.

Victoria, Queen, compared to Amer. women, 160; 162;
rec. Int'l. Council, 354;
trib. to, 1021.

Villard, Oswald Garrison, 739.

Virginia, names for, Chap. LXVIII.

Vogel, Sir Julius, Treasurer N. Z., bill for wom. suff., 1025.

Voorhees, Gov. Foster M. (N. J.), 828.

Wait, Anna C., 18;
welcomes conv. to Kas. in '86, 418;
assists on Kas. chap., 638.

Waite, Catharine V., 609.

Waite, Hon. Charles B., 762.

Waite, Gov. Davis H., on wom. suff. in Col., 232;
signs wom. suff. bill, 513; 520; 533.

Waite, Dr. Lucy, 184.

Waite, Chief Justice Morrison R., U. S. has no voters, 5;
for wom. suff., 1076.

Wall, Sarah, 298.

Wallace, Catherine P., writes N. M. chap., work in Australia
and New Zeal., 835;
in N. M., 836 et al.

Wallace, Zerelda G., 23; 71;
wom. suff. necessity for Gov't., 119; 136; 150;
sp. on a whole humanity, 171; 430;
in Ills., 599; 614; 615;
legis. work in Ind., 618;
in Kas., 640, 650;
in Ky., 665;
in Boston, 706;
in R. I., 910;
in Vt., 957.

Walworth, Rev. Clarence A., opp. wom. suff., 851.

Ward, Eliza T., 174.

Ward, Elizabeth Stuart Phelps, 412; 735.

Ward, Prof. Lester F., 308.

Ward, Lydia A. Coonley, poem on Miss Anthony's eightieth birthday,
401; 610; 612.

Warren, U. S. Sen. Francis E., rep. in favor of wom. suff., 201; 433;
710; 1005;
testimony for wom. suff., 1006;
wom. suff. in Wy., 1090.

Warren, Helen M. (Mrs. Francis E.), trib. and gift on Miss Anthony's
birthday, 400.

Washburn, Gov. Wm. B. (Mass.), 718.

Washington, names for, Chap. LXIX.

Washington, Booker T., 469; 906.

Washington, Mrs. Booker T., 1051.

Washington, Joseph E., M. C., opp. wom. suff., 999.

Wattles, Esther, 300.

Wattles, John O., 300.

Wattles, Susan E., 294.

Waugh, Alice, 235.

Way, Mary Heald, 564.

Webb, Alfred, M. P., 717.

Webster, Prof. Helen, 733.

Welch, Minerva C. (Mrs. A. L.), 327;
wom. suff. in Col., 338; 523.

Weld, Angelina Grimké, 227.

Weld, Theodore D., 259; 702; 709.

Wells, Amos R., collects wom. suff. testimony, 1085.

Wells, Emmeline B., 262; 279;
on wom. suff. in Utah, at conv. of '97, 283;
writes Utah chap., work in Utah, 936 et al.; 949.

Wells, Gov. Heber M., 949; 951; 952;
wom. suff. in Utah, 1089.

Wells, Kate Gannett, 413;
opp. wom. suff., 704; 721.

Wellstood, Jessie M. (Scot.), 19.

Wendte, Rev. C. W., 479; 701 et al.

West, Gov. Caleb (Utah), 947.

West Virginia, names for, Chap. LXX.

Wheeler, Vice-President William A., for wom. suff., 1075.

Whelan, Carrie A., assists on Calif. chapter, 478; 489.

Whipple, Rev. A. B., 718.

Whipple, Charles K., 708.

White, Armenia S., 75.

White, John D., M. C., rep. in favor wom. suff., 12;
sp. for same, 35.

White, U. S. Sen. Stephen M., 495.

Whiting, John L., 205; 702.

Whitman, Sarah Helen, 295.

Whitney, Adeline D. T., opp. wom. suff., 108; 157; 726.

Whitney, Sarah Ware, 629.

Whitney, Victoria C., 263.

Whittier, John Greenleaf, 164; 203; 205; 703.

Whittle, Dr. Ewing (Eng.), 23; 124.

Widdrington, Mrs. Percy (Eng.), in N. J., 826.

Wigham, Eliza (Scot), 19; 1020.

Wilbour, Charlotte B., 23.

Wilbur, Julia A., 27; 260.

Wilbur, Sarah, 259.

Willard, Emma, 355.

Willard, Frances E., 110;
at Int'l. Council, 136;
sp. before U. S. Senate Com., 141; 164; 175; 183;
in Denver, 215;
death, 304; 438; 517; 610; 612; 641;
in Boston, 705; 710; 714;
in Mont., 796;
in N. C., 874; 886;
work in W. C. T. U., 1047; 1048;
estab. dept. franchise, 1071.

Willcox, Albert O., 295.

Willcox, Hon. Hamilton, 706; 856.

Williams, Mary H., 212.

Williamson, Frances A., 263; 483;
writes Nev. chap., 810;
work in Nev., 811 et al.

Williamson, M. Laura, 811.

Wilson, Edgar, M. C., 590.

Wilson, Vice-President Henry, for wom. suff., 1075.

Windeyer, Miss (Australia), 224.

Winship, Dr. A. E., 741.

Winslow, Dr. Caroline B., 275; 295; 574.

Wisconsin, names for, Chap. LXXI.

Wolcott, U. S. Sen. Edward O., 156; 235; 525.

Wolcott, Lieut.-Gov. Roger (Mass.), 713.

Wolf, John B., 59.

Wolf, Simon, 231.

Wollstonecraft, Mary, 147.

Wood, Col. S. N., 407; 653.

Wood, Mrs. S. N., 418.

Woodall, William, M. P., work for wom. suff., 1015.

Woodbridge, Mary A., 641.

Woodbury, Charles J., wom. suff. in Wash., 1096.

Woods, Dr. Frances, 592; 632;
in O., 880;
same, 893.

Woods, Mell C., 279;
on wom. suff. in Ida., 283.

Wright, Hon. Carroll D., sp. on Indust. Emancip. of Wom., 213.

Wright, Frances, 147; 294.

Wright, St. Rep. Harriet G. R. (Col.), 523; 524.

Wright, Martha C., 288; 298; 842.

Wright, Phoebe C., 235.

Wyndham, George, M. P., 1020.

Wyoming, names for, Chap. LXXII.

Yarbrough, Jasper, case of, 8.

Yates, Elizabeth Upham, 213;
sp. at conv. of '95, 228; 242; 247; 263;
in Calif, campn., 487; 490; 536; 558; 696;
in Boston, 707;
in Mass., 714; 718;
in Miss., 783;
in N. J., 822;
in N. C., 874;
in Penn., 899;
in S. C., 922;
in Va., 964.

Yates, Gov. Richard (Ills.), 603.

Young, Virginia Durant, 222; 224; 235; 263; 293;
wom. suff. in South, 362; 583;
writes S. C. chap., work in S. C., 922 et al.

Young, Zina D. H., 939; 1052.

Zelophehad, daughters of, 372.

* * * * *

[Transcriber's Notes:

The transcriber made the following changes to the text to correct
obvious errors:

1. p. xxvi posession --> possession
2. p. 23 Parlimentary --> Parliamentary
3. p. 33 acomplished --> accomplished
4. p. 74 Disfranchisement:t: --> Disfranchisement:
5. p. 175 preceeding --> preceding
6. p. 250 Senaca Falls; --> Senaca Falls,
7. p. 356 "the bottoms,'" --> "The bottoms,"
8. p. 360 they want.'" --> they want."
9. p. 402 unforgetable --> unforgettable
10. p. 531 Ptolomaic --> Ptolemaic
11. p. 643 plaform --> platform
12. p. 709 Northen --> Northern
13. p. 834 in $86.21 --> is $86.21
14. p. 893 mantained --> maintained
15. p. 896 disabilites -->disabilities
16. p. 900 Committe --> Committee
17. p. 974 classess -->classes (Footnote #460)
18. p. 1020 conspicious --> conspicuous
19. p. 1030 ocupying --> occupying
20. p. 1081 Wald --> Waldo
21. p. 1088 to higher plane. --> to a higher plane.
22. p. 1091 encouragment -->encouragement
23. p. 1094 Atorney --> Attorney
24. p. 1096 'Whatever may be --> "Whatever may be

End of Transcriber's Notes]

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The History of Woman Suffrage, Volume IV" ***

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