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Title: The History of Cuba, vol. 1
Author: Johnson, Willis Fletcher, 1857-1931
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The History of Cuba, vol. 1" ***
Etext transcriber's note:
Although several typographical errors have been corrected, the variation
in the use of Spanish accents has not been altered (ie. both Senor and
Señor [tilde n] appear.)
The INDEX included at the end of this etext (which includes volumes 1
thru 4) appears at the end of volume four of _The History of Cuba_. It is
provided here for convenience.
THE
HISTORY OF CUBA
BY
WILLIS FLETCHER JOHNSON
A.M., L.H.D.
Author of "A Century of Expansion," "Four Centuries of
the Panama Canal," "America's Foreign Relations"
Honorary Professor of the History of American Foreign
Relations in New York University
_WITH ILLUSTRATIONS_
VOLUME ONE
[Illustration]
NEW YORK
B. F. BUCK & COMPANY, INC.
156 FIFTH AVENUE
1920
Copyright, 1920,
BY CENTURY HISTORY CO.
_All rights reserved_
ENTERED AT STATIONERS HALL
LONDON, ENGLAND.
PRINTED IN U. S. A.
TO
THE REPUBLIC OF CUBA
CONCEIVED BY
JOSE MARTI
ESTABLISHED BY
THOMAS ESTRADA PALMA
VINDICATED BY
MARIO G. MENOCAL
PREFACE
It is my purpose in these volumes to write a History of Cuba. The title
may imply either the land and its natural conditions, or the people and
the nation which inhabit it. It in fact implies both, and to both I
shall address myself, though it will appropriately be with the latter
rather than with the former that the narrative will be most concerned.
For it is with Cuba as with other countries: In the last supreme
analysis the people make the history of the land. Apart from the people,
it is true, the Island of Cuba is of unusual interest. There are few
countries of similar extent comparable with it in native variety, charm
and wealth. There are few which contribute more, actually and
potentially, to the world's supplies of greatly used products. One of
the most universally used and prized vegetable products became first
known to mankind from Cuba, and there to this day is most profusely and
most perfectly grown and prepared; while another, one of the most
universally used and essential articles of food, is there produced in
its greatest abundance. There also may be found an immense number and
bewildering variety of the most serviceable articles in both the
vegetable and mineral kingdoms, in noteworthy profusion and perfection,
together with possibilities and facilities for a comparable development
of the animal kingdom.
Nor is the geographical situation of the island less favorable or less
inviting than its natural resources. Lying just within the Torrid Zone,
it has a climate which combines the fecund influences of the tropics
with the agreeable moderation of the Temperate Zones. It fronts at once
upon the most frequented ocean of the globe and upon two of the greatest
and most important semi-inland seas. It lies directly between the two
great continents of the Western Hemisphere, with such supremely
fortunate orientation that travel and commerce between them naturally
skirt and touch its shores rather than follow the longer and more
difficult route by land which is the sole alternative. A line drawn from
the heart of the United States to the heart of South America passes
through the heart of Cuba. A line drawn from the mouth of the
Mississippi to the mouth of the Amazon traverses Cuba almost from end to
end. Circled about the island and fronting on the narrow seas which
divide them from it are the territories of no fewer than fourteen
independent national sovereignties. It lies, moreover, directly in the
path of the world's commerce between the two great oceans, the Atlantic
and the Pacific, by the way of that gigantic artificial waterway which,
created largely because of Cuba, was the fulfilment of the world's four
centuries of effort and desire. There is scarcely a more suggestive and
romantic theme in the world's history than this: That Columbus made his
epochal adventure for the prime purpose of finding a passageway from the
Atlantic to the Pacific; or rather from Europe to Asia by way of the
Atlantic, since he assumed the Atlantic and the Pacific to be one; that,
failing to find that non-existent passageway, he found Cuba instead and
imagined that he had found therein the fulfilment of his dreams; that
four centuries later that passageway was artificially provided through
the enterprise and energy of a power which in his day had not yet come
into existence; and that this transcendent deed was accomplished largely
because of Cuba and because of the conflict through which that island
violently divorced herself from the imperial sovereignty which Columbus
had planted upon her shores.
Lying thus in a peculiar sense at the commercial centre of the world,
between North America and South America, between Europe and Asia,
between all the lands of the Atlantic and all the lands of the Pacific
and subject to important approach from all directions, we must reckon
it not mere chance but the provision of benevolent design that Cuba at
almost all parts of her peculiarly ample coastline is endowed with a
greater number of first-rate harbors than any other country of the
world. In recognition of these facts and of their gradual development
and application to the purposes and processes of civilization, is a
theme worthy to pique the interest and to absorb the attention of the
most ambitious historian, whether for the mere chronicling of conditions
and events, or for the philosophical analysis of causes and results.
All these things, however, fascinating as they are and copious as is
their suggestion of interest, are after all only a minor and the less
important part of the real History of Cuba, such as I must endeavor to
write. Without the Cuban people, Cuba would have remained a negligible
factor in the equations of humanity. Without the people of the island,
"what to me were sun or clime?" The genial climate, the fecund soil, the
wealth of mines and field and forest, the capacious harbors and the
encircling seas, all would be vanity of vanities. Nor is it for nothing
that I have suggested differentiation between the Cuban People and the
Cuban Nation. Without the development of the former into the latter, all
these things could never have hoped to reach their greatest value and
utility. The Cuban People have existed for four centuries, the Cuban
Nation in its consummate sense for less than a single generation. Yet in
the latter brief span more progress has been made toward realization of
Cuba's possibilities and destinies than in all those former ages. It is
a circumstance of peculiar significance that almost the oldest of all
civilized communities in the Western Hemisphere should be the youngest
of all the nations. It will be a task of no mean magnitude, but of
unsurpassed profit and pleasure, to trace the deliberate development of
that early colony into this late nation, and to observe the causes and
forces which so long repressed and thwarted the sovereign aspirations of
the Cuban People, and also, more gratefully, the causes and forces
which inevitably, in the slow fullness of time, achieved their ultimate
fulfilment in the secure establishment of the Cuban Nation.
The origin of the Cuban People presents a striking historical and
ethnological anomaly. The early settlers of the island, and therefore
the progenitors of the present Cuban people, were beyond question the
flower of the Spanish race at the very time when that race was at the
height of its marvellous puissance and efficience. The Sixteenth Century
was the Golden Age of Spain, and they were conspicuous representatives
of those who made it so who implanted the genius of their time upon the
hospitable soil of the great West Indian island. That rule has been,
indeed, common to the colonial enterprises of all lands. The best men
become the pioneers. Colonization implies adventure, and adventure
implies courage, enterprise, endurance, vision, prudence, the very
essential elements of both individual and civic greatness. Strong men,
not weaklings, are the founders of new settlements. Even in those lands
which were largely populated involuntarily, as penal settlements, the
same rule holds good; because many of the convict exiles were merely
political proscripts, who in fact were men of virtue, light and leading,
often superior to those who banished them.
There is fruit for almost endless thought and speculation in the
circumstance that so many of the early Cuban settlers, as indeed of all
the Spanish explorers and conquerors of the Sixteenth Century, came from
the two Iberian Provinces of Estremadura and Seville. They were, and
are, two of the most widely contrasting provinces of Spain. The one a
rude, rugged, half sterile region of swineherds and mountaineers,
poverty-stricken and remote; the other plethoric with the wealth of
agriculture, industry and commerce, and endowed above most regions of
the world with the treasures of learning and art. Yet it was from
barren, impoverished and uncultured Estremadura that there came Cortez,
Pizarro, Balboa, De Soto, and their compeers and followers. We might
speculate upon the questions whether great men were thus numerously
produced by nature in that region by way of compensation for the paucity
and poverty of other products; and whether it was because of their
innate genius or because of their desire to seek a better land than
their own, that they became the adventurers that they were. The other
province which most contributed to the founding of Cuba had from time
immemorial been noted for its wealth and culture. In the days of the
Cæsars it had been the favorite colonial resort of the plutocracy and
aristocracy of Rome, and it had been the birthplace of the Emperors
Hadrian, Trajan and Theodosius. Under the Catholic Kings it was the
capital and the metropolis of Spain and the chief mart of her world-wide
commerce. Indeed it would not be difficult to establish the proposition
that it was with the removal of the capital from Seville to Madrid, and
the change of national and international policy which was inseparably
associated with that removal, that the decline of Spain began.
Cuba was thus in her foundation the fortunate recipient of the rugged
and masterful spirit of Estremadura, and of the elements of government
and of social grace and intellectual power which Seville could so well
and so abundantly supply; and these two contrasting yet by no means
incompatible elements became characteristic of the Cuban people;
complementarily contributing to the development of a national character
quite distinct from that of the Mother Country or that of any other of
her offshoots. For the Cuban people and their social organism, separated
far from Spain, though subject to her rule, retained largely unimpaired
their pristine vigor, and avoided sharing in the degeneracy and decline
which befell the Peninsula soon after the malign Hapsburg influence
became dominant in its affairs of state; a decline which in the
Seventeenth Century became one of the most distressing and pathetic
tragedies in the drama of the world.
It was an interesting and a significant circumstance, too, that while
Spain was resplendent and exultant in the Golden Age of the Sixteenth
Century, Cuba remained intellectually dormant and inactive, and that
when at the end of the Eighteenth Century Spain reached her nadir of
degradation, Cuba began to rise to intellectual puissance. While Spain
was great, it was to be said of Cuba _stat nominis umbra_; but when
Spain declined, Cuba arose to take her place, insistent that the race
and its letters, at least, should not universally fall into decay.
* * * * *
It is one of the anomalies of Cuban history that while the island was
denied the enjoyment of even those incipient and inchoate intimations of
potential nationality which were granted to other Spanish provinces,
such as Mexico, Venezuela, Colombia and Peru, it was nevertheless,
perhaps more than any other, involved from early times in the
international complications and conflicts of Spain. At least equally
with the mainland coasts Cuba's shores were ravaged by pirates and
freebooters, and were attacked or menaced by the commissioned fleets of
hostile powers. Her insular character and her geographical position
doubtless accounted for this in great degree, as did also the purblind
policy of Spain in failing to give her the care and protection which
were lavished upon other no more worthy possessions.
So it came to pass that for a time Cuba was actually conquered and
seized by an alien power and was forcibly separated from Spanish
sovereignty; and that for many years thereafter she was the object of
covetous desire and indeed of almost incessant intrigue for acquisition
by two of Spain's chief rivals and adversaries. For nearly half a
century Great Britain and France were frequently, almost continuously,
each planning to annex Cuba as a colonial possession, either by conquest
in war or through barter or purchase in time of peace. It was not until
a third great power arose and asserted in unmistakable terms its
paramount interest in the island, only a little while previous to our
own time, that such designs were reluctantly forsaken.
It was the interesting fortune of Cuba, therefore, not only to engage
the early and earnest diplomatic interest of the United States in her
behalf, but also to afford to that country occasion for the conception,
formulation and promulgation of perhaps the most important of all the
fundamental principles of its state policy in international affairs. We
have suggested, in anticipation of the narrative, that Cuba was largely
to be credited with the inception of the impulse for the prompt
construction of the Isthmian Canal. In a far more valid and direct sense
Cuba suggested the enunciation of the Monroe Doctrine. It is true that
in relation first to Louisiana and then to Florida there had previously
been preliminary hints at and approximations to that Doctrine. But those
were territories contiguous with our own and already marked by the
United States for eventual annexation and incorporation. Cuba, on the
contrary, was entirely detached from our domain, and while there were
then those who anticipated and desired her ultimate annexation, there
was no such confident and determined resolution to that effect that
there was in the case of the other regions named. Cuba was therefore the
first detached country, not destined for annexation, to which the United
States extended and applied the fundamental principle which was later
developed into the Monroe Doctrine. We may not doubt that the Monroe
Doctrine would have been put forward, even had it not been for Cuba. We
may not deny nor dispute that it was because of Cuba and concerning Cuba
that the first specific and indubitable intimation of that doctrine was
given.
The development of American policy toward Cuba is an important and
interesting part of the history of the United States as well as of Cuba.
The progressively significant utterances of the younger Adams, of Clay
and of Forsythe, culminating years afterward in those of Cleveland and
McKinley, form one of the most consistent, logical and convincing
chapters in American diplomatic history. It is marred, we must confess,
by some adventitious excrescences, chiefly contributed by Calhoun and
Pierre Soule. Yet even these, deplorable as they ever must be regarded,
fail to destroy the symmetry of the whole. It is a chapter, indeed,
which more than any other is comprehensive and expository of the whole
spirit and trend of American international transactions.
Cuba has also been intimately connected with three great issues of
American domestic politics, as well as with that supreme principle of
her foreign policy. The first of these was that of human slavery. From
the end of the second war with Great Britain to the beginning of the
Civil War that issue dominated American politics and therefore
determined largely the American attitude toward Cuba. The pro-slavery
influences, which were generally paramount at Washington, resisted all
efforts, which otherwise might have been successful, to draw Cuba into
the community of republics freed from Spanish rule in Central and South
America, because of unwillingness to have her become, like them, free
soil; and subsequently the same influences planned and plotted and
fought for Cuban annexation to the United States, either by conquest or
by purchase, in order that she might thus be added to the slave-holding
domain. On the other hand, the anti-slavery party, because of its
abhorrence of these schemes, opposed the manifestation of what would
have been a quite legitimate and benevolent interest in Cuban affairs.
For forty years Cuba was a pawn in the game between these contending
factions. Of course this issue was disposed of by the Civil War and the
consequent abolition of slavery in the United States.
Another issue was that of expansion. There was from the first a
considerable party in the United States that favored the widest possible
acquisition of territory, sometimes quite regardless of the means, and
it early fixed upon Cuba as what Jefferson and the younger Adams had
declared it to be, the most interesting and most natural addition that
could be made to the federal system. There was also a party that was
resolutely opposed to any further extension of American territorial
sovereignty, whether by conquest or purchase. Sometimes the one and
sometimes the other of these prevailed in American politics, and not
infrequently Cuba was the chief issue between them. Ultimately it was
over Cuba that their greatest conflict was waged; resulting in a
compromise, under which the United States on the one hand renounced all
designs of annexing Cuba, and on the other hand did annex other still
more extensive territories.
The third of these issues was that of the tariff. Commercial relations
between Cuba and the United States were naturally intimate and important
to both countries, and afforded scope for almost endless discussions
concerning and manipulations of tariff duties. It was in the power of
the United States to enhance or to depress the prosperity of Cuba, by
the adjustment of tariff rates. To admit Cuban sugar, not to mention
tobacco, freely or at a low duty, into the American market meant
prosperity for the island. To place a high tariff rate upon it meant
hard times if not disaster in Cuba. During the period between the Ten
Years' War and the War of Independence in Cuba, such tariff changes very
seriously affected the economic and also the political condition of
Cuba; and the final withdrawal of the reciprocity arrangement which had
opened American markets to Cuba was one of the chief provoking causes of
the final revolution in the island. That revolution would doubtless have
come, in any case, but it was measurably hastened and exacerbated by the
economic distress which was thus precipitated upon the island, and
against which it was realized there could be no assurance until Cuba was
an independent nation with full power to regulate and control her own
commerce and her own economic system. Even then, as we shall see, for a
time the island was involved in economic distress because of the
unwillingness of certain sordid interests in the United States to
perform the most obvious and indisputable moral duty of that country
toward its neighbor. There are few passages which the friendly historian
must more regret to record in the story of Cuban-American relations than
that of the delay of the American Congress to enter into proper
commercial reciprocity with Cuba as soon as the independence of that
island was established.
* * * * *
We shall see in these pages why it was necessary, from the very
beginning, for Cuba to be entirely freed and divorced from all political
connection with Spain, and why all the various proposals of autonomy
were essentially and inevitably unacceptable. Such proposals were
repeatedly made, by the Spanish government, but they were invariably
either consciously or unconsciously delusive. The story of Spain's
promises to Cuba is a story of broken promises, and of disappointed
hopes. Nor is that to be wondered at by those who take into
consideration the circumstances in which the promises were made. When
the impossible is promised, the promise is doomed to non-fulfilment.
Spain was in an impossible position. In order to pacify Cuba she had to
promise her reforms, autonomy, liberty. But in order to maintain herself
at home she had to repudiate those promises. Their fulfilment in the
West Indies would have been disastrous in the Iberian Peninsula. While
Spain was a reactionary monarchy at home, she could not practice liberal
and progressive democracy in her colonies. Even when her monarchy became
constitutional, and even during the brief periods of her republican
government, the full concession of Cuba's demands would have been
incompatible with her domestic status. There was an irreconcilable
conflict between the European system--even European republicanism--and
the American system. Spain was compelled for the sake of her Peninsular
integrity and tranquillity to adhere to the former, while Cuba would be
and could be contented with nothing short of the latter. Such were the
terms of the problem which arose in the early part of the Nineteenth
Century. Its only possible solution was in the complete separation of
the two countries, and the complete independence of Cuba.
We must not wonder, however, at the circumstance that this was not
universally recognized at first, but that year after year some of the
wisest and best of Cuban patriots strove merely for reforms in
government under continued and perpetual union with the Spanish crown,
and that they even deprecated and opposed all efforts at independence.
We must not wonder, even, that so late as the War of Independence some
of the foremost Cuban statesmen, who yielded precedence to none in
purity of purpose and in sincere devotion to what they regarded as the
best interests of the island, were willing and even proud to be known as
Autonomists and to essay the impossible task of trying to make an
Autonomist government successful. The Cubans of to-day, with vision
cleared of the red glare of war and of the mists of misapprehension,
doubtless understand what the conditions were at that time and
appreciate the motives, however mistaken they proved to me, of the
Autonomists. American readers, with less vision and comprehension of
Cuban affairs, should equally understand the matter when they are
reminded that the Cuban Autonomists were merely following the example of
some of the men whom Americans most delight to honor.
For precisely the same conditions prevailed, only to a much wider
extent, in the Thirteen Colonies at the beginning of the American
Revolution, when Washington and Franklin and Jefferson and Jay were
American Autonomists, inexorably opposed to independence. Lexington,
Concord and Bunker Hill were fought not for independence but for
autonomy under the British Crown and in perpetual union with the British
Empire. When the First Continental Congress met in the spring of 1774
there was no word, at least, of independence. On the contrary,
according to some of the very foremost members of that historic body,
the idea of independence, at least in the Middle and Southern colonies,
was "as unpopular as the Stamp Act itself." Not only did that Congress
complete its course without saying a word for independence, but it
adopted an address to the people of Great Britain declaring that the
reports which had got abroad that the Colonies wanted independence were
"mere calumnies," and that nothing was desired but equality of rights
with their fellow subjects in the British Isles. The Second Colonial
Congress met after Lexington and Concord and just before Bunker Hill.
John Adams and Thomas Jefferson were members of it. But they spoke no
word for independence. Instead, Jefferson drafted a declaration, which
Congress adopted, to the effect that the Colonies had "not raised armies
with designs of separating from Great Britain and establishing
independent states"; and in other addresses which the same Congress
adopted after the battle of Bunker Hill it was explicitly stated that
the Colonists were loyal to the British Crown, that they wished for
lasting union with Great Britain, and that they had taken up arms not to
find liberty outside of the British Empire but to vindicate and defend
liberty within that Empire. After the adjournment of that Congress in
August, 1775, less than a year before the Declaration of Independence,
so representative a man and so ardent a patriot as John Jay publicly
denounced the imputation that the Congress had "aimed at independence"
as "ungenerous and groundless," and as marked with "malice and falsity."
Not until the spring of 1776 was there any significant turning toward
independence as the inevitable resort.
If I have thus dwelt at length upon well-known facts which pertain to
the history of the United States rather than to that of Cuba, it is in
order to remind American readers, on the strength of a precedent which
they, at any rate, must regard with the highest respect, how reasonable
it was for Cubans even as late as in 1897 and 1898 to cling to a policy
and a hope substantially identical with those which were cherished by
the foremost representative American patriots in 1774 and 1775. We can
see now, they themselves can see now, that they were in error and that
their hopes were vain. But they were no more in error than were the
immortal American Autonomists of the beginning of the American
Revolution.
Similarly it was necessary that Cuba should not only be entirely
separated from Spain but also should be made independent, and not be
annexed to the United States. On that point, too, many good men were in
error. As we shall see, the first important Cuban
revolutionist--although not himself a native Cuban--had in view not
independence but annexation to the United States, and so did many
another sterling patriot after him. Probably the general feeling was
that the one thing supremely essential was to be sundered from Spain,
and since annexation to the United States seemed to promise the
effecting of that most promptly, most easily and most surely, it was to
be accepted as the best solution of the problem. Of course, too, the
annexation sentiment in Cuba was greatly encouraged and promoted by the
advocates of annexation in the United States, who were numerous, and
aggressive, and actuated by a variety of motives.
For three fundamental reasons, however, annexation would have been a
deplorable mistake, for both parties. One was, that the Cuban people at
heart wanted independence and would permanently have been satisfied with
nothing less. Every other Spanish colony in the Western Hemisphere had
attained independent sovereignty, and it would have been a reproach to
Cuba to have been satisfied with any less status than theirs. The second
reason was that Cuba and the United States were incompatible in
temperament, and could not have got on well together. That is to be said
without the slightest reflection upon either. The two countries were of
different racial stocks, different languages, different traditions,
different civic ideals. It was and is possible for them to be the best
of friends and neighbors, but that is quite different from being
yoke-fellows.
The third reason was, that Cuba would not have thought of annexation
without Statehood in the Federal Union, to which the United States would
not or at any rate should not have admitted her. Nor is that any
reflection upon Cuba. The principle was established by governmental
utterances, nearly half a century before Cuban independence was
achieved, and indeed before any important efforts were made by the
United States to purchase Cuba, that outlying territories not contiguous
with the continental Union of States, were not to be considered as
fitting candidates for statehood. Had Cuba been acquired by the United
States at any time it is certain that her admission as a State would
have been vigorously opposed on that historic ground. The sequel would
have been either that Cuba would have been excluded from the Union, to
her entire and intense dissatisfaction, or the United States would have
abandoned a highly desirable policy and would have established a
precedent under which grave abuses might thereafter have occurred.
The redemption of Cuba from Spanish rule was long delayed, for a number
of reasons. One was, obviously, the difficulty of achieving it alone.
The South and Central American provinces had revolted simultaneously, or
in rapid succession, so that each was of assistance to the others. But
at that time Cuba remained faithful to Spain; and when years afterward
she sought to follow the example of the others, she found that she had
to do so single-handed against the undivided might of the Peninsula.
Another very potent reason was, the strength of the pro-Spanish
sentiment and influence in the island, caused by the flocking thither of
many Spanish loyalists from the Central and South American states and
from Santo Domingo. Here, too, American readers may interpret Cuban
conditions through reference to their own history. At the close of the
American Revolution multitudes of British Loyalists left the United
States and settled in Upper Canada, with the result that that Province
of Ontario became proverbially "more British than Great Britain." We
shall see in our narrative how strong the Spanish loyalist party in Cuba
was, and to what extremes it went in its opposition to Cuban
independence. In that we may perceive simply a repetition of conditions
which prevailed at the close of the American War of Independence. It is
probable, too, that the insular position of Cuba, with her coastal
waters controlled by the Spanish fleet, and her central position, making
her an object of intense international interest and intrigue, also
contributed to the same end. Of course, too, since Cuba and Porto Rico
were her last remaining possessions in the Western World, Spain made
extraordinary efforts to retain them and to prevent the success of any
revolutionary movement.
One other influence must be noted, that of the United States. If at any
time the counsels of that country had been harmonious and united, they
would have had a powerful, perhaps a preponderating, effect upon Cuban
affairs. But as we have intimated, and as we shall more fully see in our
narrative, they were strongly, often violently, divided. Some were for
intervention, some were for non-intervention; some were for making Cuba
a free country, some were for preserving it as a slaveholding land; some
were for aiding it to become independent, some were for annexing it to
the United States. There was no unity of policy, and therefore there was
no assurance as to what the United States would do in any given
emergency. Cubans did not know what they could depend upon. If they
revolted, America might help them, and she might not. There can be no
question that this uncertainty was a potent factor in restraining Cubans
from radical action, and that it materially postponed the final crisis.
* * * * *
We shall see that more and more, however, the United States was forced
by the logic of irresistible events into adopting a united and
consistent policy toward Cuba, and that in the ultimate crisis that
country was inextricably implicated with the Cuban cause. This was
indeed a logical development. In each successive Cuban revolution,
beginning with that of Lopez, the United States had been increasingly
interested. Commercial and social relations between the two countries
were strong and intimate. For nearly three quarters of a century the
United States had maintained a quasi-protectorate over the island in
behalf of Spain for the time being, but--though unconsciously--in behalf
of Cuba itself for the greater time to come. The welfare of the United
States had become involved in the disposition of the island in only a
less degree than that of the Cuban people.
There can be no doubt that the United States was of very great service
and assistance to the Cuban patriots in the War of Independence. Nobody
has testified to that fact more earnestly or more comprehensively than
the Cubans themselves. They realized it. They appreciated it. They were
and are profoundly grateful for it. Their testimony to it is ample for
all time. America is relieved of the need of vaunting herself upon it.
It would, however, be of a great error and a great injustice to assume
that the intervention of the United States in April, 1898, was
indispensable to the achievement of Cuban independence, or indeed that
it was the United States that set Cuba free from Spain. That would be as
great a perversion of the truth of history as it would be to pretend
that the United States went to war with Spain over the sinking of the
_Maine_. For the United States to have done the latter would have been
one of the monumental crimes of history; and of course it was not done.
War was inevitable before the _Maine_ went to Havana Harbor, and would
have come just the same if the _Maine_ had not gone thither; perhaps
sooner than it did, perhaps not so soon. So Cuban independence would
have been won by the Cubans themselves if the United States had not
intervened. Possibly it would have come sooner than it did; probably it
would not have come so soon. But it would have come. Nobody who has
studied the condition of affairs as they then were in Cuba can
reasonably doubt it. Nor should recognition of that fact lessen in any
degree the propriety--indeed, the necessity--of the American
intervention or the grateful appreciation thereof which Cubans feel.
To draw once more upon American history for an example which should
convincingly appeal to Americans, the case may be likened to the
intervention of France in the American Revolution. There is no American
who does not remember that performance with sincere gratitude and with
deep appreciation of the undoubtedly great aid which France rendered to
the Thirteen Colonies. But I should doubt if there is a well informed
American willing to concede that the French aid was indispensable, or
that without it Washington and Greene would have been vanquished and the
Revolution would have failed. American independence would have been
achieved without French aid, though perhaps not so promptly and at
greater cost.
An immense service, also, which the United States rendered Cuba in the
War of Independence antedated the actual intervention, and consisted in
the aid in men, money and supplies which went from the United States to
Cuba. It is true that this aid was given largely by Cubans resident in
the United States, though many Americans also gave much in money, and
some were permitted by the Cubans to give themselves for service in the
army. It is also true that much of it was done in surreptitious
violation of the neutrality laws; a species of law-breaking at which
many United States officials were inclined to wink, and which by common
consent was to be regarded as culpable only when it was found out, and
then the finding out was more to be regretted than the act itself was to
be condemned! Such is the "unwritten law" of international relations in
cases in which the technical requirements of the law run counter to
generous and righteous human sympathies.
While, therefore, we must believe that even without American
intervention in the actual war the Cubans would have won their
independence, we may doubt whether such would have been the case if the
United States had not all along been dose at hand, a resourceful and
hospitable country, in which Cuban political exiles could find secure
asylum, in which a Cuban Junta could plan revolution, in which funds to
aid the patriot cause could be raised, and which, in brief, could partly
in secret and partly in the open be used as a base of supplies and
operations. It is to such aid that Cuba owes more than she does to the
achievements of the American army and navy in 1898, admirable and useful
as they were.
Comparably great, as we shall most notably see in the ensuing chapters,
were the services of the United States to Cuba after the War of
Independence. These were manifold. The first was diplomatic, in serving
as an intermediary between Cuba and Spain, in making the treaty of
peace, and in securing the Spanish withdrawal from the island. There is
no doubt that all those things were done more smoothly, more
satisfactorily and more expeditiously than they could have been had they
been left to direct settlement between Cuba and Spain. The services of
the United States during the last part of 1898 were more indispensable
than those of the spring and summer of that year. Indeed, it might
perhaps be claimed that the chief advantage in having the United States
intervene was that it enabled her to play that important part in the
making of peace and the post-bellum readjustment.
The second great service rendered by the United States was the
rehabilitation of the island. This was a manifold undertaking. It
comprised rehabilitation after many years of Spanish misrule and
neglect, and rehabilitation after the ravages of three years of
peculiarly destructive war. The civic maladies to be cured were thus
both chronic and acute. Moreover, the work was political, and sanitary,
and educational, and economic. Order was to be restored, law was to be
administered, government was to be organized, pestilence was to be
abated, schools were to be created, the whole work of civilization was
to be performed. Splendid as was the work of Sampson's fleet at
Santiago, still more beneficent was that of General Wood within the
precincts of that city and throughout the Province of Oriente. Nobly
memorable was the work of Shafter's army, but we shall read history to
little avail if we do not give higher credit to the work of the Military
Governor and his lieutenants.
A third service was in acting as guide, philosopher and friend in the
great task of organizing and installing the native Cuban government
which had been promised by the United States in the act of declaring war
against Spain. That self-abnegatory pledge was a noble thing, and noble
was the faithful fulfilment of it. I have heard of an eminent and
enlightened Cuban who regarded that pledge with incredulity, saying, "It
can never be fulfilled!" and who persisted in that incredulity until
that memorable noonday when the American flag came down from the Palace
and the Morro and the flag of Cuba Libre rose in its place; and then,
with tear-suffused eyes, exclaimed, "It can't be; but it is!" Never
before in the history of the world had such a thing been done, but it
was done and it was well done.
There followed a fourth service, which we may hope has now been
definitely completed, but which in the very nature of the case is a
potentially recurrent service, which may--_absit omen!_--be needed again
and again; and which the United States may be trusted to perform, if
necessary, as faithfully and generously and efficiently as it has
already performed it. For we shall see that after the Cuban government
had been established and had vindicated its existence by great good
service to the island, sordid and treacherous men unlawfully conspired
against it and sought to overthrow it by violence and crime. Their
success would have meant ruin for the island. Their partial success--for
such they had--meant immeasurable loss. But fortunately the United
States intervened as readily against Cuban crime as it had against
Spanish oppression, and the republic was saved, though "as through
fire."
It is this service, following the others which I have named, which
differentiates the Cuban Republic from most of the other states which
have been formed from the Spanish Empire in America. Of the two states
which at one time planned to wrest Cuba from Spain by force and make her
a part of their community of nations, Colombia was for half a century in
a chronic condition of revolution, and Mexico through the same evil
processes has given the word Mexicanize to the political vocabulary. It
was the intention of the United States that Cuba should not fall into
that category; but it is by no means certain that she would not have
done so had it not been for the guardianship of that country.
* * * * *
Our history will disclose more than all these things. These are the
records of achievement. But there are other records, even those of
conditions as they exist, and as they have been made to exist by virtue
of these achievements. Marvellous indeed shall we find them. The story
of Cuba's development from a neglected and oppressed colony to an
independent nation is stirring and impressive, adorned with the names
and deeds of brave men. The story of her development in civilization,
from a backward rank to the foremost, is no less impressive, and it is
adorned with the names and the labors of wise men, statesmen and
scholars, who gave of their best for the welfare of the insular republic
for which so many of their kin gave willingly their very lives.
The account which we shall have of the opulent charms and resources of
Cuba may be regarded as a volume of contemporary history. It will reveal
to us some of the consequences of that narrative of the past which
forms the major portion of our story. But it will be more and will do
more than that. It must serve as an intimation, a suggestion, almost
perhaps a prophecy, of what the future of the Pearl of the Antilles will
be. Grateful as is the work of recalling and rehearsing the story of the
past, from the days of Columbus and Velasquez to the present, the
historian finds it more pleasant and more welcome to dwell upon the
present scene. If these volumes, laboriously produced and with a
consciousness too often of falling short of the high merits of the
theme, shall serve their intended purpose of introducing Cuba, past and
present, more fully and most favorably to the knowledge of the world, I
shall be more than abundantly repaid. But the supreme and most enduring
satisfaction will come from some assurance that I have brought to the
appreciative attention of the world not merely the Cuba of four
centuries past, with all its legends of adventure and romance, and too
often of cruelty and crime, and with its fluctuating though still
persistent progress toward the "foremost files of time," but also and
still more the Cuba of this present moment and, we may hope, of
unmeasured future time. It is a Cuba that is beautiful for situation,
opulent in resources, entrancing in charm, illimitable in
potentialities; a land of "fair women and brave men," upon which
recollection fondly dwells; a land which justifies the latest writer
concerning it to repeat once more the estimate of the first who ever
wrote of it--"the most beautiful that the eyes of man have ever seen."
WILLIS FLETCHER JOHNSON.
New York, U. S. A., June, 1919.
CONTENTS
PAGE
CHAPTER I 1
"In Cuba the Annals of America Begin"--The First Landing Place of
Columbus--Theories Concerning Various Islands--His Expectation of
Reaching the Coast of Asia--Cuba Supposed to be Cathay--The Physical
History of Cuba--Character of the Aboriginal Inhabitants--A Race of
Amiable Savages Without Enduring Monuments.
CHAPTER II 11
Discovery of Cuba on Sunday, October 28, 1492--The First Landing Place
on the Island--Named for the Heir of the Spanish Throne--Appreciation of
the Beauty and Charm of the Island--First Contact with its
Inhabitants--Exploration of the Northern Coast--Cuba Supposed to be the
Country of the Great Khan--Further Explorations of the Coast--Departure
for Hispaniola--Second Visit to Cuba--Exploration of the Southern
Coast--Discovery of Jamaica--Navigating the Caribbean Sea--Some Inland
Excursions--Experiences with the Natives--Reaching the Western End of
the Island--Exhortation of a Native Sage--Columbus's Final Departure
from Cuba.
CHAPTER III 28
First Impressions of Cuba--Columbus's Observations of the People and
Resources of the Island--Native Villages and Boats--Negotiations with
the Natives--First Use of Tobacco by Europeans--Columbus's Meagre
Knowledge of the Island--His Death and Burial in Hispaniola--Removal of
His Remains to Havana--Disputes Concerning His Tomb--Final Return of His
Remains to Spain.
CHAPTER IV 37
Archeology of Cuba--The Oldest Rock Formation--Theory of Cuban
Continuity with Florida--The Eocene Age--Submersion in the Oligocene
Period--Miocene Uplift--Changes During the Pleistocene
Period--Topography of the Island--The Mountain Ranges--The Mountains of
Oriente--The Organ Mountains and Magotes--The Valley of the
Vinales--Plains and Valleys--Composition of the Soil--The Climate of
Cuba--Fortunate Situation of the Island--The Rainfall of a Land of
Sunshine.
CHAPTER V 53
Neglect of Cuba by Spanish Explorers and Conquerors--Rule of
Ovando--Ocampo Discovers Cuba to be an Island--First Attempts at
Colonization--Enciso's Story of Ojeda's Adventure--A Test Between
Christianity and Paganism--The Lust of Gold--Diego and Bartholomew
Columbus--Diego Velasquez Appointed Governor--His First Settlement at
Baracoa--The War with Hatuey--Narvaez and His Horsemen--Las Casas the
"Apostle to the Indies"--More Trouble with the Natives--Exploration of
the Island Throughout its Length.
CHAPTER VI 68
Marriage and Bereavement of Velasquez--Other Settlements Founded in
Cuba--Santiago Made the First Capital--System of
Government--Apportionment of the Natives to the Settlers--Appropriation
of the Land--Evils of the Repartimiento System--The Statesmanship of
Velasquez--Enslavement of the Natives--Famous Men in Cuba's Early
History--Gold Mines and Fertile Plantations--Beginning of the Mission of
Las Casas--Death of King Ferdinand and Accession of Charles I--Cardinal
Ximenes--The Order of St. Jerome--The Fate of the Natives.
CHAPTER VII 81
Gold Mining in Cuba--Political Organization of the Island--Relations
with the Spanish Crown--Development of the Slave Trade--Expeditions to
Yucatan--Exploration of the Mexican Coast--Failure of Grijalva's
Expedition--The Expedition of Christopher de Olid--Unmerited Fate of
Grijalva, the Discoverer and First Explorer of Mexico.
CHAPTER VIII 90
Hernando Cortez Commissioned by Velasquez to Explore Mexico--Some
Romantic Adventures--Why Cortez went to Cuba--His Relations with
Velasquez--A Crisis in Spain's American Affairs--Appointment of
Velasquez as Adelantado--Departure of Cortez--His Refusal to Return when
Summoned by Velasquez--Arrival in Mexico--Appointment of Cortez as Royal
Governor of New Spain--Preparations by Velasquez to Subdue
Cortez--Disastrous Fate of Narvaez's Expedition--Conspiracy to
Assassinate Cortez--Velasquez Removed from the Governorship of
Cuba--Zuazo, the Second Governor--Vindication of Velasquez and
Repudiation of Zuazo--Character and Work of First Cuban Governor.
CHAPTER IX 105
Administration of Manuel de Rojas--The Rise of Cuba's Proper
Interests--Development of Resources--Appointment of Altamarino--Post
Mortem Investigation of Velasquez--Violent Opposition to
Altamarino--Removal of a Discredited Governor--Accession of
Guzman--Controversies over Local Government--Injudicious Course of
Guzman--Protest Against the Tyranny of the Councils--"Cuba for the
Cubans."
CHAPTER X 115
Controversies Over the Treasurership--Appointment of Hurtado, the Honest
but Cantankerous--Fortunes of the Guzman Family--A Marriage for Money
and its Consequences--Services of Vadillo--Investigations and
Reforms--Heavy Sentences Against Guzman--An Appeal to the Council for
the Indies--Manuel de Rojas again Governor.
CHAPTER XI 122
Development of the Church Establishment in Cuba--The First Bishop--Early
Conflict Between Church and State--Transfer of the Cathedral from
Baracoa to Santiago--A Bishop in Politics--The Governor
Excommunicated--Insurrections and Raids of the Natives--Effective Work
of Rojas against the Cimarrones--Disposal of the "Tame" Indians--Further
Conflicts of Church and State--Intervention of the Crown--Practical
Extermination of the Natives--Reforms that Were not Made--Well Meant
Efforts of Rojas--Failure of Attempts to Civilize the Natives--A Good
Governor Ill Treated--His Resignation and Departure.
CHAPTER XII 137
Guzman's Second Administration--A Masterful Politician--Decline of Cuban
Welfare--An Interregnum in the Governorship--The Coming of De Soto--His
Imposing Arrival at Santiago--Progress Across the Island--Vasco Porcallo
de Figueroa Made De Soto's Lieutenant--Cuba a Stepping Stone to
Florida--De Soto's Removal from Santiago to Havana--Organization of the
Florida Expedition--Report of the First Scouts--Departure of De
Soto--Lady De Soto's Faithful Watch--Tragic Fate of the Explorer--Evil
Effects upon Cuba--Serious Trouble with the Indians--Intrigues of Guzman
and Bishop Sarmiento.
CHAPTER XIII 151
Governorship of Juan de Avila--Royal Order against Slavery in the
Mines--An Appeal to the Council for the Indies--Popular Revolt Against
the Council--De Avila's Marriage to a Rich Widow--Removal to
Havana--Appointment of Antonio Chaves--Scandalous Charges Against de
Avila--The Matter Carried to Spain for Settlement--Another Bad
Administration--Chaves Reprimanded by the King--His Persistence in
Slavery--Hurtado's Indictment of Chaves--Gonzalo de Angulo Made
Governor--Trial and Punishment of Chaves--Emancipation Proclamation.
CHAPTER XIV 165
A Bad Time in Cuban History--Santiago in 1550--Raid of a French
Privateer--The Founding and Rise of Havana--The Founding of Puerto
Principe--Baracoa, Trinidad and Other Settlements--Italians and Other
Aliens in Cuba--Efforts to Populate the Island--Importation of Negro
Slaves--Slaves Treated Humanely--Disappearance of the Native
Indians--The Early Industries of Cuba--Discovery of the Copper Mines of
El Cobre--Beginning of the Sugar Industry--Fiscal Policy of the Spanish
Government.
CHAPTER XV 177
A Turning Point in Cuban History--International Interest in the
Island--Raids of French Privateers--A Famous Fight in Santiago
Harbor--The Capture and Looting of Havana--First Building of La
Fuerza--Rise of Havana in Importance--The Governor's Residence in
Havana--Deposition of Angulo--Guarding Havana Against French
Attack--Inadequacy of the Defenses--Seizure of the City by Jacques
Sores--Flight of the Governor and Resolute Defense of Lobera--Attempt to
Destroy the French Conquerors--Destruction of the City.
CHAPTER XVI 191
Administration of Mazariegos--His Disastrous Voyage--Rebuilding of
Havana--Manners and Morals of a Soldier of Fortune--Defense of Havana by
a Military Governor--Improvement of the Fortifications--Rebuilding La
Fuerza--The Founding of Morro Castle--Complications in Florida--Osorio
Appointed Governor--His Care for the Defenses of the Island--The
Campaigns of Pedro Menendez--Conflict Between Osorio and
Menendez--Attempts at Mutiny--Disagreement over
Fortifications--Illegitimate Trade at Santiago--Menendez Appointed
Governor--A Succession of Lieutenants--Charting the Bahama
Channel--Codifying Municipal Ordinances.
CHAPTER XVII 208
Approach of the "Sea Beggars"--More Work on La Fuerza--Seeking Financial
Aid from Mexico--A Requisition for Slave Labor--Investigating Public
Accounts--The Downfall of Menendez--Investigation of His
Accounts--Succeeded by Montalvo--Increase of Smuggling--General Progress
of the Island--Havana the Commercial Metropolis.
CHAPTER XVIII 217
Governorship of Montalvo--Rehabilitation of Santiago--Disorder at
Havana--Conflict with the Rojas Family--Charges Made Against the
Governor--The Increase of Smuggling--Ravages of the French--Seeking
Naval Defenses for Cuba--Haggling Over the Building of La Fuerza--A
Badly Built Fort--Montalvo's Development of Insular Resources--Promotion
of Sugar Growing and General Agriculture--The Governor's Quarrel with
the Bishop.
CHAPTER XIX 228
Administration of Francisco Carreño--The First Cuban Governor to Die in
Office--A Record of Hard Work and Progress--The Problem of Free
Negroes--Features of the Slave System--Some Literally Constructive
Statesmanship--The First Custom House--Trying to Deal with the Land
Question--The Reforms Proposed by Caceres--Development of Stock
Raising--Bad Administration of Torres.
CHAPTER XX 236
Administration of Gabriel de Luzan--Controversies Among Officials--The
Quarrel Between Luzan and Arana--Questions of Official
Residence--Removal of the Royal Accountant--Charges Against the
Governor--Further Efforts to Complete La Fuerza--The Work of
Quiñones--Unseemly Personal and Political Feuds--Investigation of the
Governor's Administration--Renewal of the Quarrel with
Quiñones--Governor and Captain-General Brought into Accord Through Peril
of an Attack by the British--Desperate Preparations for Defense.
CHAPTER XXI 246
War Between Spain and England--Drake's Conquest of Hispaniola--An Attack
upon Cuba Anticipated--Raising Forces for Defense--Feuds Forgotten in
the Common Emergency--Plans for the Defense of Havana--Increase of the
Garrison--Admirable Unity of the People--Drake's Approach to Cuba--His
Landing at the Western End of the Island--Appearance of his Fleet off
Havana--Departure of Drake's Fleet without an Assault--His Doings at St.
Augustine and in the North--Reasons for Not Attacking Havana--Disaster
to Santiago--That City Destroyed by the French--Rebuilt by an Energetic
Patriot--Interest in Copper Mining.
CHAPTER XXII 260
Drake's Menace a Blessing to Cuba--Spanish Interest in Cuba for Its Own
Sake--The Governorship of Tejada--The Public Works of
Antonelli--Building Roads, Dams and Aqueducts--Havana Made a Real
City--Controversy with Bishop Salcedo--Appreciation of Tejada's
Services--Accession of Barrionuevo--Progress of Civilization in
Cuba--The First Theatrical Performance.
CHAPTER XXIII 267
Changes in European Nations--Rise of the Protectionist
Policy--Retaliation by Smugglers--Hostilities against Spain--Prevalence
of Piracy--Some Strong Governors of Cuba--Good Works of Maldonado and
Valdes--Invasions by Pirates--Division of the Island--Interest in
Religious Affairs--Successive Governors Working at Cross
Purposes--Building a Fleet--Protection of the Port of Havana--An Attack
by the Dutch--The Exploits of Oquendo--The Slave Market in Havana--Fall
of Cabrera.
CHAPTER XXIV 283
The Decline of Spain--Enterprise and Aggressions of the Dutch--The Dutch
West India' Company--Governors Who Saved Cuba for Spain--Warring with
Dutch Privateers--The Great Fight with Pie de Palo--Fiscal Reforms in
Cuba--Gamboa's Improvement of Fortifications--Sarmiento's Organization
of Cuban Troops--Ravages of a Great Pestilence--Noble Deeds of the
Religious Orders--Public Works Planned--The Walls of Havana--Aggressions
of the British--Conquest of Jamaica--Records of Piracy--Exploits of
Lolonois--Henry Morgan--British Capture and Plundering of
Santiago--Repairing the Fortifications--A Compact against Piracy.
CHAPTER XXV 304
British Designs against Spanish Possessions--Covetous Eyes Turned upon
Cuba by British Empire-Builders--Isolation of Cuba from Spain--France
Playing False--Cuban Reprisals--Further Attacks by
Freebooters--Controversy over British Prisoners--Disastrous
Earthquakes--Ecclesiastical Troubles--Spain at the Brink of
Bankruptcy--Cordova's Administration--Revised Code of Laws for the
Indies--Civil and Ecclesiastical Controversies--Some Ruthless
Work--Founding of the City of Matanzas--Official Disputes and Scandals.
CHAPTER XXVI 325
The War of the Austrian Succession--The Treaty of Utrecht--Reign of
Philip V--Renewed Conflicts in the West Indies--Settlement of
Pensacola--Aggressions of the French--Cuban Interests Affected by
European Affairs--Increased Protection of the Island--Two Local
Governors--Attacks upon Charleston--Raids of British
Warships--Speculation in Tobacco--More Fortifications in a Time of
Peace--Churches and Convents--Sanitary Measures--Official
Quarrels--Reorganization of the Tobacco Industry--Seeking Administrative
Stability--A Tobacco Insurrection--A Warning to the
British--Fortifications of Havana.
CHAPTER XXVII 345
Great Impetus Given to Discovery and Exploration Throughout the
World--Interesting Observations upon Cuba and the Indies--Some Quaint
Records--A Description of the Natives of Cuba--Something About the
Natural Resources of the Island from Ancient Authorities--Spanish and
Alien Descriptions of Cuba--Early Writings About Cuba in Various
Languages--Fra Vincente Fonseca--A Dutch Description of Cuba--Attention
Given to the Wealth of Cuban Forests--Reasons Given for the Rise and
Subsequent Decline of Spanish Power--Some Superstitions and Legends.
CHAPTER XXVIII 360
Cuba Neglected During an Era of Great Achievements--The Golden Age of
Spain--Culture at Home and Conquest Abroad--A Noteworthy Group of
Spanish Historians--The University of Santo Domingo--The First American
Books--Cuba's Lack of Participation in these Activities, and the Reasons
for it--A Turning Point in Cuban History at the End of the Sixteenth
Century--Cubans Beginning to Become Cubans and Not Spaniards--A
Significant Change in the Temper and Character of the People of the
Island.
ILLUSTRATIONS
FULL PAGE PLATES:
Columbus (Janez Portrait) _Frontispiece_
FACING
PAGE
The Havana Cathedral 36
La Fuerza 146
Morro Castle, Havana 180
San Francisco Church 226
Morro Castle, Santiago 298
TEXT EMBELLISHMENTS:
PAGE
Monument on Supposed First Tending Place of Columbus,
Watling's Island 3
Queen Isabella 13
Diego Velasquez 59
Baracoa, First Capital of Cuba 60
Panfilo de Narvaez 63
Bartholomew de las Casas 64
Ponce de Leon 72
Hernando Cortez 90
Hernando de Soto 140
San Lazaro Watch Tower, Havana 155
Pedro Menendez de Aviles 199
THE HISTORY OF CUBA
CHAPTER I
CUBA; America: America; Cuba. The two names are inseparable. The record
of each is in a peculiar sense identified with that of the other. Far
more than any other land the Queen of the Antilles is associated with
that Columbian enterprise from which the modern and practical history of
the Western Hemisphere is dated. In Cuba the annals of America begin.
This island was not, it is true, the first land discovered by Columbus
after leaving Spain. It was at least the fifth visited and named by him,
and it was perhaps the tenth or twelfth which he saw and at which he
touched in passing. But in at least three major respects it had the
unquestionable primacy among all the discoveries of his first, second
and third voyages, while in his own estimation it was not surpassed in
importance by the main land of the continent which he finally reached in
his fourth and last expedition. It was the first land visited or seen by
him of the identity of which there has never been the slightest
question. It was the first considerable land discovered by him, the
first which was worth while sailing across the ocean to discover, and it
was by far the most important of all found by him in his first three
adventures. It was, also, the first and indeed the only land which
caused him to believe that the theory of his undertaking had been
vindicated and that the supreme object of his quest had been attained.
Let us, in order to appreciate the transcendent significance of his
discovery of Cuba, briefly consider these three circumstances.
We must remember with respect to the first that the identity of
Columbus's first landing place has been much disputed, and indeed has
never been determined to universal satisfaction: We know that it was an
island of small or moderate size. Columbus himself called it in one
place "small" and in another "fairly large." It was level, low-lying,
well watered, with a large central lagoon, which may or may not have
been a permanent feature, seeing that his visit was in the rainy season,
when any depression in the land was likely to be flooded. It was
certainly one of the Bahama archipelago. But that extensive group
comprises 36 islands, 687 cays, and 2,414 rocks. Which of all these was
it upon which the Admiral landed, which was called by the natives
Guanahani, and which, with his characteristic religious fervor, Columbus
immediately renamed San Salvador, the Island of the Holy Saviour?
The distinction has been claimed, by authorities worthy of respectful
consideration, for no fewer than five. Down to the middle of the
Nineteenth Century the weight of opinion and tradition favored Cat
Island, and upon most maps and charts it was designated as "Guanahani,
or San Salvador." It is by far the largest and the northernmost of the
five islands in question. Next, to the southeast, lies Watling's Island,
to which the distinction of having been the scene of Columbus's landfall
has now for half a century been most generally given, and upon maps it
is generally named San Salvador. It is the only one of the five which
stands out in the Atlantic, beyond the generally uniform line of the
Bahamas, as a sort of advance post to greet the voyager from the east.
Samana, south by east from Watling's, also called Attwood's Cay, was
selected as the true Guanahani by some officers of the United States
Coast Survey. Mariguana, further in the same direction, was proclaimed
"La Verdadera Guanahani" by F. A. de Varnhagen in a scholarly treatise
published in 1864 at Santiago de Chili. Finally, Grand Turk Island, at
the southeastern extremity of the Bahama chain, and just north of the
coast of Hayti, was designated by Navarrete, in 1825, and by various
other authorities, chiefly American, at later dates.
[Illustration: MONUMENT ON SUPPOSED FIRST LANDING PLACE OF COLUMBUS,
WATLING'S ISLAND]
The chief interest of these speculations for present consideration in
this writing is their bearing upon the subsequent course of Columbus,
the identity of the next islands which he visited, and finally the point
at which he first touched the coast of Cuba. If the original landfall
was on Cat or on Watling's Island, then the second land visited, which
Columbus called Santa Maria de la Concepcion, was probably either the
tiny island now known as Concepcion or the larger Rum Cay; the third,
called by him Ferdinandina or Fernandina, was either Great Exuma or Long
Island; the fourth, Isabella, may have been either Long Island or
Crooked Island, according to whether Fernandina was Great Exuma or Long
Island; and the coast of Cuba was reached at some point between Punta
Lucrecia and Port Nuevitas. On the other hand, if Grand Turk Island was
first reached, the second land would naturally have been, as Navarrete
held, at Gran Caico; the third at Little Inagua; the fourth at Great
Inagua; and Cuba would have been reached somewhere between Cape Maysi
and Sama Point. To me it seems decidedly the more probable that the
former course was pursued, and I have accordingly adopted the theory
that Columbus first landed in Cuba in the region between Nuevitas and
Punta Lucrecia.
The second circumstance which I have mentioned scarcely requires
discussion. The first, second and third voyages of Columbus were
confined to discoveries and explorations of the West India Islands, and
of all of these, even including Hayti and Jamaica, there can be no
question of Cuba's primacy, whether in size, in wealth of resources, in
political and strategical importance, or in historical interest. It was
so recognized by Columbus himself, who indeed in one respect actually
esteemed it more highly than it deserved. For after long and careful
exploration he became convinced that it was not an island, but was the
mainland of the Asian continent--Mangi, or Cathay: that country of the
Great Khan of which Marco Polo had written and which Toscanelli had
indicated upon his map, and the visiting of which was the supreme object
of the Admiral's enterprise.
To understand this aright we must remember that Columbus was not seeking
a new continent. He had no thought that one existed. He held, with
Isidore of Seville, that all the lands of the world were comprehended in
Europe, Africa and Asia, and that there was only one great ocean, the
Atlantic, which stretched unbroken save by islands from the western
shores of Europe and Africa to the eastern coast of Asia and the East
Indies. Moreover, he considerably overestimated the extent of Asia and
underestimated the circumference of the earth. Years later, long after
the circumnavigation of the globe had been effected, Antonio Galvano,
learned historian and geographer though he was, computed the equatorial
circumference of the earth at only 23,500 miles, or about 1,400 miles
too little; while the best maps of the sixteenth century indicated the
Asian continent as extending far into the western hemisphere, and the
Pacific Ocean as a narrow strip not nearly comparable with the Atlantic
in extent. Schoener's globe, of 1520, which is still to be seen at
Nuremberg, represents the "Terra de Cuba" as integral with the whole
North American continent, with its western coast only five degrees of
longitude or 300 miles from the shore of Zipangu or Japan, and only 30
degrees or 1,800 miles from the mainland of Asia.
Columbus therefore expected to find the coast of Asia in about the
longitude in which he actually found America. When he reached the
Bahamas he confidently assumed them to be the group of islands which
Toscanelli had indicated as lying off the coast of Cathay; and when he
learned from the natives of a much larger island lying to the south,
which they called Colba, Cuba, or Cubanacan, he believed it to be none
other than Cipango, or Zipangu, which Toscanelli had shown as by far the
largest of the East Indian islands. It has been commonly assumed,
apparently with little dispute or attempt at investigation, that Cipango
was Japan. But the distance--1,500 miles--at which it was said to lie
from the coast of China, the southerly latitude assigned to it, and the
multitude of small islands which were clustered about and near it, are
circumstances which suggest that instead of Japan the island meant may
have been Luzon, the northernmost and largest of the Philippines.
However that may be, Columbus promptly decided to steer straight for
Cipango, with the result that he reached the northern shore of the
eastern part of Cuba.
The third circumstance which I have mentioned was then developed. It was
a great triumph, and a vindication of his enterprise, that he had
reached Cipango. But even that was not enough. He was in quest of the
mainland of Mangi or Cathay, the land of the Great Khan. He found in
Cuba no traces of the opulence and splendor of which Marco Polo had
written. Yet the natives frequently referred to "Cuba-nacan" as a great
place somewhere in the interior. The phrase merely meant the central
part of the island, but the final syllable was identified by Columbus
with "Khan," and, with the wish as father of the thought, he presently
conceived the notion that it was not the island of Cipango upon which he
had landed, but the shore of Cathay itself. Further explorations,
including coasting along the northern shore to within a few miles of the
western extremity, confirmed him in this belief, which became absolute
conviction. To the end of his life, therefore, he believed that Cuba was
the eastern extremity of the Asian continent, which indeed Toscanelli
had delineated upon his map as terminating in a long, narrow cape; and
it was upon the strength of this belief and report of Columbus that
Schoener in 1520 and Muenster in 1532 identified Cuba with the whole
North American continent, while various other cartographers of that time
made it integral with Cathay itself. The maps of La Cosa and Ruysch, in
1508, hinted at this. The Nancy Globe, and a notable map in the Sloane
MSS. in the British Museum, dated 1530, do, it is true, indicate Cuba to
be an island, but they also make India Superior and Tibet contiguous
with Mexico at the northwest, with the latter country fronting directly
upon the Indian Ocean. We know, of course, that during his second
voyage, in 1494, while off the southern coast of Cuba, Columbus required
his companions to sign with him a formal declaration that they were off
the coast of Asia. Such, then, was the Admiral's estimate of Cuba, in
which there is no reason to doubt he persisted to the end of his life.
He had achieved the object of his great adventure: He had reached the
country of the Great Khan.
Despite these delusions and vagaries, however, the facts remain that he
did discover and partly explore Cuba, and that it was the first land in
the Western Hemisphere of which that can confidently be said. Cuba is
therefore the starting point of the history of the Columbian discovery
and exploration and the subsequent colonization and civilization of
America. With Cuba the history of the New World begins.
Similarly, and with equal truth, we may say that the history of Cuba
begins with the Columbian discovery of America. That is not true of all
parts of the American continents. Some of them had already had important
histories. The northeastern coast of North America had been visited and
temporarily colonized by the Norsemen, and the northwestern coast by the
Chinese; and both of those peoples had left enduring traces of their
enterprise. The Iroquois and Algonquins had for centuries enjoyed a
degree of social, political and industrial development, the records of
which still survive. The Toltecs, the Mayas and the Incas had risen to a
height of culture not unworthy to be compared with that of Egypt,
Persia, Greece and Rome, the remains of which to this day command the
wonder and admiration of the world. But not so Cuba. Carlyle might well
have had this island in mind when he said, "Happy the people whose
annals are blank in history books."
The physical history of Cuba indicates that in some remote period the
two mountainous ends of the island were two separate and distinctly
different islands, separated by a considerable stretch of sea, and that
they were afterward united by a rising of the bottom of the sea, to form
the central plain of Cuba. It is observed that the two ends are unlike
each other on geological structure and composition, in soil, and in
indigenous flora. Indeed, they have ever differed from each other
radically in their cultivated crops. At what date the union of them
occurred, and by what means it was effected, we can only guess. But it
is a reasonable assumption that the raising of the sea-floor to form the
central plain of the island was caused by one of the seismic
disturbances to which this general region of the earth's surface has
from time immemorial been subject. There are, moreover, reasons for
suspecting that this occurred at a time subsequent to the creation of
man, and indeed after both of the original islands had become inhabited.
That is because the two ends of the island appear, in Columbus's day, to
have been occupied by different races. Of the inhabitants of the western
end we know comparatively little, save that they were more warlike and
adventurous than those at the east, and several authorities have likened
them either to the Caribs or to the Mayas of Yucatan. That they were
Mayas seems, however, doubtful, since they left no traces of the high
degree of civilization which formerly prevailed among that distinguished
race in Yucatan.
The people of the eastern end of Cuba, when the island was discovered by
Columbus, were doubtless of Antillan stock, or "Tainan" as some have
called them, with possibly a slight admixture of Carib, though not
sufficient materially to affect them in any respect. They were
physically a handsome, stalwart people, of a light reddish brown color,
somewhat lighter than the North American Indians. They wore no clothing,
with the exception of the married women, who wore breech clouts, and
confined their adornments to slight necklaces and bracelets. They lived
in neatly constructed cabins of cane or bamboo and thatch, rectangular
or circular in form and generally of two or three rooms each; equipped
with furniture of cane or of handsomely carved wood. For beds, however,
they used hammocks, of woven cotton or plaited grass; the name, hammock,
being of Antillan or Carib origin. These houses were, according to early
Spanish testimony, kept scrupulously clean and neat. They were grouped
in villages, around a central square which served as a market place and
playground.
They were agriculturists, tilling the ground with considerable skill and
producing yuca, corn, beans, peanuts, squashes, peppers and various
other crops, besides fruits and tobacco. They were singularly expert
fishermen, and for the purpose of that pursuit they constructed fine
canoes, of the hollowed boles of large trees, but unlike the Caribs they
do not seem to have resorted to navigation for any other purpose. They
also hunted game on the land, solely for food, but their hunting was
much restricted, since there were no large animals of any kind on the
island. Their manufactures were confined to primitive cotton weaving,
wood carving, basketry, pottery--of a pretty good quality of decorated
ware--and various stoneware implements.
In disposition and manners they were friendly, hospitable, courteous,
and confiding. Despite their nudity they had the unconscious modesty of
nature, and their morals were superior to those of most primitive
peoples. The tradition that venereal diseases prevailed among them and
were thus first made known to European peoples through their having been
acquired from the natives by Columbus's men, seems to be quite void of
foundation; indubitable proof exists of the prevalence of those diseases
in both Europe and Asia at an earlier date than Columbus's time. They
practised but recognized domestic, social and civic equality of the
sexes. They were almost universal tobacco smokers, and it was from them
that the use of that plant was first learned. They were pleasure loving,
much given to dancing, to games of ball, and to swimming.
Their form of government was patriarchal, though there seem to have been
chiefs of some sort over whole villages or even districts. The laws
were, however, mild and humane. In religion they presented a striking
and most grateful contrast to the Toltecs, Aztecs and other peoples of
the continent, having none of the human sacrifices and atrocious
tortures that disfigured their worship. They believed in a Supreme Being
and a future and immortal life. They had a form of worship in which the
use of idols as symbols, and the smoking of tobacco, largely figured.
They had a regularly constituted priest-hood, the members of which they
credited with powers of divination and of healing. There were none of
the revolting practises and superstitions, however, which have been
common to many primitive peoples. They were not warlike, and had no
military organization, but they certainly were not cowards, as some of
the early Spanish conquistadors had cause to know.
They had, it is obvious, nothing which could survive them as a memorial
of their existence. Their architecture, if so it may be called, was most
perishable. They had no art, save in pottery, and that was not highly
developed. They had no literature. The result was that when they
perished through unfavorable contact with a more powerful and aggressive
race they left scarcely a trace of themselves behind, save in the
records and testimony of their conquerors and destroyers. Some specimens
of their pottery have been preserved: the words "hammock" and "canoe"
come to us from them; and the use of tobacco is their universal
memorial.
Such were the aborigines, if not the absolute autochthones, of Cuba.
Their only history lives in the brief and scanty records of them made by
their destroyers. They left no enduring impress upon the island, save
its name. How many they were is unknown, and estimates which are mere
guesses differ widely. In a single generation they disappeared, partly
through slaughter and partly through such diseases as small pox and
measles, which were introduced to the island--of course, not
intentionally--by the Spaniards, and which the natives were unable to
resist. The only significant history of Cuba begins, therefore, with the
landfall of Christopher Columbus upon its shores.
CHAPTER II
Sunday, October 28, 1492, was the natal day of Cuba; the day of its
advent into the ken of the civilized world. At the island which he
called Isabella--either Long Island or Crooked Island--Columbus had
heard of a very great land which the natives called Cuba, and which, the
wish being father to the thought, he instantly identified with Cipango.
Toward it, therefore, his course had thereafter been directed. Progress
was slow, because of contrary winds and calms, and there were numerous
small islands along the way to engage at least passing attention.
Particularly was there a group of seven or eight, lying in a row
extending north and south, which he called the Islas de Arena, and which
we may confidently identify with the Mucaras. Early on the morning of
Saturday, October 27, he had left the last of the Sandy Isles behind,
and from a point considerably to the eastward of them, probably near
what is now known as Rocky Heads, he had set his course a little west of
south for the shore of Cuba. Thus he had passed across the southeastern
end of the Great Bahama Bank, since most appropriately called the
Columbus Bank, until just at nightfall he had seen looming before him on
the southern horizon the mountainous form of a vast land. It was too
late, however, to continue the voyage that night, so he lay to, and at
earliest daybreak of Sunday morning, leaving behind him the islet
fittingly called Caya Santo Domingo, completed his course to the land
which he fondly but vainly hailed as the much-sought Cipango.
The coast at the point at which he reached it seemed specially designed
by nature for his favorable and auspicious reception. There lay before
him what seemed the estuary of a large and beautiful river, free from
rocks or other impediments, and with a very gentle current. It had an
ample depth of water for his vessels, and was sufficiently broad, even
at a considerable distance inland, for them to beat about in. It was
encircled by lofty and picturesque hills, the aspect of which reminded
him of the "Pena de los Enamorados" near Granada, in Spain; and upon the
summit of one of them was what he described as another little hill,
shaped like a graceful mosque. Enchanted with the vision, and gratified
beyond expression at what he confidently assumed to be the reaching of
his goal and the vindication of his enterprise, he gave to the spot a
repetition of the name which he had devoutly bestowed upon his first
landfall, calling the port San Salvador.
The identity of this spot has been much questioned and disputed; perhaps
even more than that of Columbus's first landing in the Bahamas; and it
is not to be regarded as entirely certain. Washington Irving pretty
confidently placed it at Caravelas Grandes, far to the west of Nuevitas
del Principe, while others insist that it was at Nuevitas itself.
Navarrete, on the other hand, with his theory that the first landfall
was at Grand Turk Island, held that Cuba was reached at Nipe Bay, east
of Holguin; while Las Casas and Herrera insisted that the port of San
Salvador was at Baracoa, near Cape Maysi, at the extreme eastern end of
the island. Midway between the extremes, that most scholarly and
judicious of geographers, Sir Clements Markham, selected the natural
harbor of Naranjo, a little to the west of Punta Lucrecia and Punta
Mulas. Other historians and geographers, after painstaking research,
declare that they do not believe the place can be determined.
With this, in the ultimate analysis, I would agree. It is probably
impossible to establish indisputably the identity of the place. Yet it
does seem to me that the arguments in favor of Naranjo, as selected by
Markham, are so strong as to be all but entirely convincing, and that it
will be judicious, therefore, to assume that it was there that the
Admiral first reached the shore of Cuba. A glance at the map shows this
to be the region which was nearest and which he was likeliest to reach
first, coming from either Long Island or Crooked Island, eastward of the
Mucaras, on a south-southwest course, which, we are told, is what he
steered. The port of Naranjo answers to his description in depth and
breadth more nearly than any other on that part of the coast. It is the
estuary of a considerable river, as was Columbus's San Salvador, though
how large the river really was he does not appear to have undertaken to
ascertain, though he did ascend the stream some little distance on his
first day's visit. Finally, it is to be observed that Naranjo is girt
about by hills, precisely as was his San Salvador, and on the crest of
one of them there is a huge rock, jutting up like "another little hill"
and roughly resembling in shape a mosque, because of which the hill is
called "Loma del Temple." This, then, and not Nuevitas, Nipe, nor
Baracoa, I believe to have been the scene of Columbus's discovery of
Cuba.
[Illustration: QUEEN ISABELLA]
We have seen that Columbus at first unhesitatingly believed it to be
Cipango which he had reached. Despite that fact, and also despite the
fact that the natives called it Cuba, he insisted upon renaming it. In
accordance with his previous practice in nomenclature, it must have a
very noble and distinguished name. His first landfall he had named for
the Holy Saviour Himself; the second for the Holy Virgin; the third for
the King, and the fourth for the Queen of Leon and Castile. The next
name in order, in dignity and distinction, was that of the heir to the
dual throne, wherefore he named the land Juana. Most writers, including
Irving, have made the curious but facile mistake of saying that this
name was given "in honor of Prince Juan, the son of Ferdinand and
Isabella." It was, in fact, in honor of Princess Juana, the daughter of
those sovereigns. She was that unhappy princess who because of her
insanity was called "La Loca," and who by her marriage with Philip of
Burgundy and of Hapsburg brought a new dynasty to the Spanish throne and
greatly involved the monarchy in the politics and wars of Central
Europe. Juana was mentally incompetent to succeed to the throne of
Castile which she inherited upon the death of her mother, wherefore she
was compelled to relinquish it to the regency of her father; and when he
united Castile with Aragon, and conquered and annexed Navarre and
Granada, and thus became the first King of Spain, Cuba was renamed in
his honor and known no longer as Juana but as Ferdinandina, or
Fernandina. Still later it was called San Diego, or Santiago; and again
Ave Maria Alfa y Omega. But these names were transitory. The natives
never accepted one of them, but clung to the old name of Cuba, and there
was a fine touch of poetic justice in the fact that that name survived
the extinction of the race that had cherished it. Under the ruthless
rule of the Conquistadores the aboriginal population of the island
almost entirely vanished, and with them practically all traces of their
existence save four. These were the name and use of tobacco, the name
and use of hammocks, the name and use of canoes, and the name of the
island itself.
It would not have been surprising, and it would have been quite
pardonable, had Columbus seen everything in the New World through
glasses of _couleur de rose_. Naturally of a romantic and imaginative
temperament, he experienced in the realization of his long-cherished
ambition such a degree of spiritual and mental exaltation as seldom has
come to mortal man. Yet quite apart from this, the native beauty of
Cuba, as seen to our eyes to-day, abundantly justifies the rhapsodies in
which he indulged in describing it. On that first memorable Sunday he
wrote in his diary, "This is the most beautiful land ever beheld by
human eyes." From the quarter-deck of the _Santa Maria_ he gazed with
rapture upon the profuse verdure of the shore and of the hills which
rose in the back-ground, observing with admiration and surprise that the
trees grew down to the very water's edge, as did also the herbage, as he
had never seen it elsewhere. The palms and other trees were largely of
different kinds from those which he had seen in Spain, in Guinea, and
elsewhere, and they bore flowers and fruit in great profusion, while
among them were innumerable birds, beautiful to the eye and with songs
entrancing to the ear.
Two canoes, containing each several natives, put out from a recess in
the harbor shore to meet the Spanish ships, but when a boat was lowered
from one of the latter, to proceed ahead and take soundings, they
incontinently fled. Columbus himself then entered a small boat and went
ashore, where he found two houses, which he assumed to belong to the
owners of the two canoes. No persons were to be found upon the premises,
and the only living things were "a kind of dog that never barks," which
we may assume to have been some small animal of the ant bear tribe, now
probably extinct or at any rate no longer domesticated. The houses were
notably neat and clean, and were evidently the abode of fishermen, since
in them were nets and cordage of palm fibre, fish-hooks of horn, and
harpoons of bone. All about the houses the herbage was as profuse, at
the end of October, as it was in Andalusia in May. Most of the herbs as
well as the trees were strange to Columbus, but he found some wild
amaranth, and much common purslane. He went some distance up the harbor,
or river as he called it, at every step or stroke of the oars seeing
something new to excite his admiration.
The natives of Guanahani whom he had brought on his ship informed him
that Cuba was a very large island, which could not be circumnavigated in
twenty days; that it contained ten large rivers and that its whole
expanse was well watered. They were also understood by Columbus to say
that gold mines and pearls were to be found in the island, and that
large ships came thither from the mainland domains of the Grand Khan,
ten days' sail away. The bulk of this "information" was of course quite
mistaken by Columbus, his vivid imagination and his eager desires easily
misleading him into interpreting anything which the natives might say,
largely in sign language, as meaning just what he wished to be true.
The next day Columbus left San Salvador and sailed westward along the
coast. That was the direction in which, according to the natives of
Guanahani, the mainland and the capital of the King or the Grand Khan
were to be found. That, too, was the direction in which Mangi and Cathay
were to be found according to the map of Toscanelli, assuming Cuba to be
Cipango: which Columbus at this stage of his enterprise confidently
believed. Of the researches of the great voyager along the Cuban coast
we have a detailed account in his journal. Unfortunately, there is no
certain means of identifying the points at which he landed. They are
described as being so many leagues from his starting point, San
Salvador; wherefore it is obvious that all depends upon the identity of
the latter. Yet it seems to me that his account of his coastwise
explorations strongly confirms the theory that his San Salvador was Port
Naranjo and not Nuevitas. For we are told that six leagues westward he
found a cape or point of land extending toward the northwest; ten
leagues further another point, extending toward the east; one league
further a small river, which he called the Rio de la Luna; and beyond it
another much larger river, which he called the Rio de Mares. This latter
river had for its estuary a broad basin resembling a lake, and its
entrance was marked by two round mountains on the one side and a lofty
promontory on the other.
Now, making reasonable allowance for lack of accuracy in measurements
and for discrepancies in descriptions, this account may readily be
applied to the coast westward from Port Naranjo to Nuevitas, while it is
altogether inapplicable to the coast westward from Nuevitas. For a
score of leagues westward from Naranjo there are capes and mountains and
rivers, and there is more than one river with precisely such a
lagoon-like estuary as that which Columbus found at his Rio de Mares.
Indeed, Port Padre, with its extensive lagoon into which several rivers
flow, or Port Manati, with the Cramal and Yarigua rivers, might either
of them be identified, in approximate distance and in topography, with
the Rio de Mares. On the other hand, if we were to assume Nuevitas to
have been the starting point, what should we find? Either he must have
been skirting the outer side of the Sabinal and Romano keys, and Guajaba
Island, which do not at all coincide with the description given, or he
must have been navigating the great littoral lagoon between those keys
and the mainland of Cuba; in which latter case it is to be observed that
that part of the Cuban coast does not correspond with his description,
and that it is certainly extraordinary that he made no mention of his
voyage having been in what is practically an inland sea. That he could
have passed in through the Nuevitas Channel, or the Carebelas Channel,
or the Guajaba Channel, without observing and remarking upon Sabinal
Key, Guajaba Island, or Romano Key, is simply not supposable. Such a
feature of "Cipango" could not have escaped notice on his first arrival
there, though it might easily have been ignored or passed over as of no
special significance in subsequent explorations.
On Tuesday of that memorable week, October 30, Columbus left the Rio de
Mares and sailed to the northwest for fifteen leagues, and there
discovered a point which he named the Cape of Palms. Beyond it was a
river, the entrance of which was said to be four days' journey from what
the natives called Cubanacan, meaning the heart of the island, the
centre of Cuba. With his characteristic habit of interpreting native
names and statements in accordance with his own desires, Columbus at
once assumed this to mean Kublai Khan, or the City of the Khan, of which
he was in quest; and accordingly he bent all his energies and gave all
his attention to getting thither, disregarding the things which he
passed by on the way. It was probably at this time, therefore, that he
sailed through one of the channels among the keys, and entered the great
coastal sound which stretches from Nuevitas to Caibarien, if not indeed
to Cardenas. He reached the river on Wednesday, but found it too shallow
for his ships, and therefore, after some fruitless cruisings, returned
to the Rio de Mares.
It was on November 12 that he again sailed from the Rio de Mares, and on
the next day that he sailed south-westward into a great gulf, which he
supposed to divide Cuba from another island called by the natives
"Bohio"--the word really meaning not an island at all but "home."
Thereafter for some time he was obviously cruising around Guajaba Island
and Romano Key, which, with Sabinal Key, he supposed to be the mythical
"Bohio." Some port, possibly Boca de la Yana, he called Puerto Principe,
and the water, presumably between Thiguano Island and Cocos Key, he
called the Mar de la Nuestra Senora. Rounding Guillermo Key, as we may
suppose, he swung into the Old Bahama Channel, and by wind and tide was
carried backward to Guajaba Island and perhaps to Nuevitas. Thence he
made his way westward and southward, rounding Point Sama and Point
Lucrecia, and reaching Port Nipe and Port Banes on the morning of
November 27. Those two capacious bays he did not attempt to enter. He
regarded them indeed not as bays but as straits, or arms of the sea, and
the promontory between them he supposed to be an island. At Taco he
landed for a few moments, and then pursued his way, and at nightfall
dropped anchors at what he called Puerto Santo, which we may probably
identify with the modern Baracoa. There he remained until December 4,
when he sailed to the southeast, and the following day passed out of
sight of Cape Maysi and left Cuba behind him; crossing the Windward
Passage to reach "Bohio" or "Babeque," where there were said to be
pearls and gold, and reaching Hayti, or Santo Domingo, which he called
Espagnola. He did not revisit Cuba during the remainder of his first
American voyage.
Espagnola, Latinized by us into Hispaniola, became thereafter the chief
care of the Admiral. It was there that he planted, on his second voyage,
the first European colony in the western hemisphere. But after various
operations in Hayti, marked with both trials and triumphs, during his
second American expedition he returned to the Cuban coast for further
explorations of what he still thought to be Cipango. It was at the end
of April, 1494, that he sailed from Mole St. Nicholas, Hayti, across the
Windward Passage toward Cape Maysi, which he himself had called Cape
Alpha and Omega. Instead, however, of retracing his way to Baracoa and
along the north coast, he went to the left of Cape Maysi and began
skirting the southern coast of Cuba. This route would, according to
Toscanelli's map, take him to the southward of Mangi and Cathay, but it
would lead him to the Golden Chersonesus, around the southern shore of
Asia, and so home to Europe by circumnavigating the globe.
The points visited by him on this excursion are more easily and surely
to be identified than those of his first voyage. His first landing was
at Guantanamo, which he called Puerto Grande. He found an entrance
passage, winding but deep, leading in to a spacious land-locked lagoon,
surrounded by hills covered with verdure. Here he established friendly
relations with the natives, and remained for two or three days. Thence
he sailed westward, as close to the shore as safety would permit, and
frequently entered into friendly intercourse with the natives who
thronged the strand to gaze in wonderment at his strange ships. At
Santiago de Cuba he spent a night, and during his stay he diligently
inquired of the natives for the land in which gold was to be found. They
indicated it to lie farther to the south and west, doubtless meaning
South America. Columbus thereupon set sail in that direction, partly
because gold was most desirable to obtain, and partly because he
assumed the land of gold to be the land of the Great Khan, which he was
still intent upon reaching. The result was his discovery of Jamaica. A
fortnight later, however, on May 18, he returned to Cuba, reaching it at
Cabo de la Cruz, or Cape Cruz. Here he found a large village, whose
chief and indeed all whose inhabitants had heard of him as one descended
from heaven. He was hospitably received, and was able to make many
inquiries about the country. He was told that Cuba was an island, but of
so vast extent that nobody had ever sailed around it. He thereupon set
out to circumnavigate it and sailed from Cape Cruz northward into the
Gulf of Guacanabo. There he found a multitude of small islands, which he
named the Queen's Gardens, and there, remembering that Marco Polo and
Sir John Mandeville had both reported the coast of Asia to be fringed
with a crowded archipelago, he was again confirmed in his belief that he
was approaching the shore either of Cathay or of the Golden Chersonesus.
Navigation among these islands, however, was difficult, dangerous and
slow, particularly when tropical thunderstorms were raging, as they then
were almost daily, and it was with much relief that the expedition at
last reached the Cuban coast, probably at or near Santa Cruz del Sur.
There they were told that they were in the province of Ornofay; the
province which they had formerly visited, at Cape Cruz, was Macaca; and
to the west there lay the important province of Mangon, where they could
secure much fuller information on all subjects. They were again assured
that Cuba was an island, but so vast in extent that nobody could hope
ever to go around it. The mention of the province of Mangon again
stimulated the hopes and fancy of Columbus. He identified it with Mangi,
the southernmost and richest province of the Great Khan, and in this he
was confirmed by the fantastic statement of the natives, that the people
of Mangon had tails and wore long robes to conceal them! Columbus
recalled that Sir John Mandeville had related a similar story as
current among some tribes in Eastern Asia. He therefore set out with
renewed eagerness and expectation for the coast of Mangon.
Emerging from the archipelago, he sailed for many miles along the
southern coast of Cuba, through an open sea, with the mountain ranges of
Santa Clara at his right hand and at his left the open expanse of the
Caribbean, its intense blue attesting its depth. After passing the Gulf
of Xagua, however, there came a sudden change. The sea became shallow,
and thickly dotted with small islands, keys, and banks, while the water
was white as milk. The voyagers had crossed the Gulf of Cazones and were
among the Juan Luis Keys, where the water is shallow and where at times
the agitation of the water by storms causes it to be whitened and
rendered opaque with the calcareous deposit with which the sea floor is
there thickly covered. This character of the bottom also made it
impossible for the vessels to find anchorage. The anchors dragged and
the water became more white and turbid. To the members of the crews
these phenomena caused great terror, which was by no means ill founded,
since there was imminent danger of the vessels being driven ashore and
wrecked. To Columbus, in his state of mental exaltation and high
expectancy, however, they were full of inspiration and encouragement to
proceed, indicating to him that he was entering strange regions where
extraordinary discoveries were to be made. For we must remember that,
far as he was in advance of his time in geographical vision, he still
thought that the earth was not globular but pear-shaped, and he expected
to find tribes of men with tails, and with only one eye and with their
heads growing beneath their shoulders!
Finding anchorage at last upon the shore of a small island, he sent the
smallest of his vessels forward to explore the archipelago and also to
visit the coast of the mainland. The report which was brought back to
him was that the archipelago was as dense and as intricate as the
Gardens of the Queen which they had left behind them, and that the
coast of the mainland was flat, marshy, and covered with almost
impenetrable mangrove forests, far beyond which fertile uplands and
mountain ranges were to be seen, while numerous columns of smoke
ascending gave token of a considerable population. At this the entire
expedition proceeded, to retrace the course which had been pursued by
the pilot caravel, and after much difficulty and occasional groundings
of the vessels, the coast of Cuba was reached, doubtless near the
eastern extremity of the great Zapata Peninsula. The vast marshes gave
little encouragement for landing, and the expedition continued eastward
until Punta Gorda was reached, to which Columbus gave the name of Punta
Serafina.
Rounding this point and heading northward, the fine expanse of Broa Bay
confronted them, with the coast of the Province of Havana far beyond,
and with another archipelago at the west. The mountains which lie between
Guines and Matanzas fringed the horizon, and toward them the Admiral
steered, presently reaching good anchorage off a most inviting coast. The
mangrove swamps of Zapata had been left behind, and here the shore was
high and dry, and covered with groves of palm and other trees. Here a
landing was made, and copious supplies of fresh water were found for the
refilling of their casks, while some of the archers strayed into the
forest in quest of game. One of the latter presently returned in haste
and fear, crying for help. He reported that he had seen in a forest
glade three men of white complexion, clad in long white tunics, leading
a company of about thirty more, armed with clubs and spears. They did
not attack him, but one of them advanced alone as if to speak with him;
whereupon he fled. At this report all his companions joined him in
hastening back to the ships for safety.
When Columbus heard these things he was much pleased. He saw in them
confirmation of what he had been told about the Province of Mangon, with
its men who had tails and who wore long robes to hide them. He at once
sent a strongly armed party inland to seek these men and parley with
them; directing them to go as much as forty miles inland, if necessary,
to find them, and to find the populous cities which he confidently
believed to exist in that region. These explorers readily enough
traversed the open palm forest which bordered the coast. But then they
came to extensive open upland plains or savannahs, with few trees but
with rank grass and other herbage as high as their heads and so dense as
to be almost impenetrable. No roads or paths were to be found, and it
was necessary to cut a trail through the herbage. For a mile they
struggled on, and then gave up the attempt and returned to the ships.
The next day another party was sent in another direction, with no better
results. Its members found fine open forests, abounding with grapevines
laden with fruit, and they saw flocks of cranes which they described as
twice the size of those of Europe. But they also saw on the ground the
footprints, as they supposed, of lions and of griffins, which so alarmed
them that they beat a hasty retreat.
Lions, and indeed all large beasts of prey, were never known to exist in
Cuba, and the griffin was of course never anything but imaginary--unless
a tradition of some prehistoric monster, ages ago extinct. But huge
alligators or caymans abounded in Cuban waters, and the footprints which
frightened Columbus's explorers were doubtless made by them. The
observation of large cranes suggests, also, an explanation of the
panic-stricken archer's story of men clothed in white robes. A flock of
those huge birds, standing erect and in line, with their leader advanced
before them, as is their custom, in the semi-gloom of a strange forest,
might well have given him the impression of a company of white-robed
men. Of course, no men of that description were ever found in Cuba, nor
were there traces of any.
It did not take Columbus long to explore Broa Bay sufficiently to
ascertain that it was not an arm of the sea, but a mere coastal
indentation; whereupon he resumed his westward cruising. A little
further on, probably in the neighborhood of Batabano, he found the shore
inhabited, and though neither he nor his interpreters could understand
the language of the natives, they contrived to hold some communication
with them by means of signs. He gleaned from them in this manner the
information that far to westward, among the mountains, there was a great
king, ruling in magnificence over many provinces; that he wore long
white robes and was considered a semi-divine personage, and that he
never spoke but conveyed his decrees in signs, which nobody dared to
disobey. To what extent this was really intended by the natives, and to
what extent was the mere figment of the Admiral's lively imagination, it
is impossible to say. It is entirely conceivable, however, that the
Cubans had some knowledge of the Aztecs and Toltecs of Mexico, and the
Mayas of Yucatan, and were referring to them. Certainly they could not
have referred to anybody in Cuba. But Columbus, as ever fondly believing
whatever he wished to be true, confidently assumed that they were
telling him of the mythical Prester John, and that he was on the shores
of that potentate's domain. The mountains of which the natives spoke, he
supposed, were those of Pinar del Rio, which were already in sight on
the northwestern horizon.
Concerning the extent of Cuba, and of the coast along which he was
sailing, Columbus could get little information. He was told that the
coast extended westward for at least twenty days' journey, but whether
it then ended, and how it ended, he could not learn. He therefore took
one of the natives with him as a guide, and resumed his voyage. Almost
immediately, however, he plunged into another archipelago, almost as
dense and troublesome as that through which he had passed a few days
before. Making his way through it with great difficulty, he reached the
coast of Pinar del Rio, and effected a landing amid swamps and forests,
only to find the region uninhabited, though frequent columns of smoke
rising inland indicated to him the presence of a considerable
population. For some time he made his way along that inhospitable coast,
which trended steadily toward the southwest, a direction agreeing with
his conceptions of the Asian coast as described by Marco Polo. Surely,
he thought, he was on the coast of Indo-China, headed straight for the
Golden Chersonesus. If he persisted, he would cross the Indian Ocean and
reach the Red Sea, whence he could complete his journey to Europe
overland by way of Palestine; or he could steer southward along the
African coast and around that continent, and so reach home by
circumnavigating the globe.
These fancies appear to have been shared by his companions, among whom
were several accomplished navigators and geographers. The delusions were
of course largely due to the erroneous estimate of the size of the
globe, which made its circumference too little by some thousands of
miles. But his companions could not be persuaded to approve his scheme
of going on to circumnavigate the globe. The glamor of that vision did
not blind their eyes to the worn and dilapidated condition of the ships,
the lack of supplies, and the weariness of the crews. They were in no
condition, they insisted, to proceed further through unknown regions. It
was already satisfactorily demonstrated, they held, that they had
reached the Asian coast. The part of prudence was to turn back to
Isabella, if not to Spain, and refit their vessels for another and
longer voyage.
These counsels finally prevailed upon Columbus himself, at the time when
his flotilla lay at anchor in the Bay of Cortez, near the western
extremity of Cuba. He was indeed so near that extremity that a day or
two more of sailing would have brought him to Cape San Antonio and would
have shown him that Cuba was an island. Or from the top of some tall
tree, or even from the mast head, he might have looked across the lakes
and lowlands of that region and seen the waters of Guadiana Bay, on the
north side of the island. But this was not to be. Instead, he required
every member of his company, from sailing master to cabin boy, to swear
to and sign a formal declaration to the effect that the land which they
had discovered and explored was a part of the Indies and of the Asian
continent. Then, on June 13, he turned his course toward the southeast,
only to enter another archipelago, the San Felipe and Indian keys.
Beyond lay a large land, with mountains, to which he gave the name of
Evangelista. It was, of course, the Isle of Pines, which he reached a
little south of Point Barcos. Taking in a supply of water and wood, he
skirted the coast southward, with the result that he ran into the
land-locked recesses of the Bay of Sunianea. Finding no thoroughfare in
that direction, he sailed back almost to the Bay of Cortez, and then
made his way along the Cuban coast, through the archipelagoes, milky
seas and what not which had given him so much trouble on his westward
trip.
It was on July 7 that the next landing in Cuba was made, at a point on
the southeastern coast of Camaguey, and at the mouth of a fine river
which Columbus called the Rio de la Missa but the identity of which is
now uncertain. It may have been the San Juan de Najasa or the Sevilla,
or one of the several streams between those two. There, in a most genial
and fruitful region, they spent some days and established friendly
relations with the chief of a considerable community. In the presence of
this chief and his retainers an altar was erected beneath a great tree,
and mass was celebrated. An aged native, apparently a priest, watched
this proceeding with much interest, and at its close approached Columbus
and addressed him, saying:
"This which thou hast done is, I perceive, thy method of worshipping thy
God; which is well. I am told that thou hast come hither with a strong
force, and hast subdued many lands, filling the people with great fear.
Be not, however, vainglorious. The souls of men after these bodies are
dead have, according to our belief, one of two journeys to pursue. One
is to a place that is dismal, foul and dark, which is prepared for those
who have been cruel and unjust to their fellow men. The other is to a
place of light and joy, prepared for those who have practised peace and
justice. Therefore if thou art mortal, and must some time die, and dost
expect that all men are to be rewarded according to the deeds done in
their bodies, see that thou work justice and do no harm to those who
have done no harm to thee."
In this address was revealed the most that we know of the religion of
the Cuban aborigines. Columbus listened to it with surprise and
gratification, not having supposed that any such faith or such knowledge
of the future life existed among the natives of Cuba. He responded
through his interpreter sympathetically, assuring the old man that he
had been sent forth by his sovereigns to teach the true faith and to do
good and no evil, and that all innocent and peaceable men might
confidently look to him for friendship and protection. He also had his
interpreter tell the people of the greatness, riches and splendor of
Spain; to which they listened in credulous bewilderment. Then, on July
16, he sailed away from Cuba again, amid expressions of regret by the
chief and his comrades; taking with him one of the young men whom he
afterward sent to the Spanish court. But a storm struck his feeble
vessels and nearly wrecked them. On July 18 they anchored near Cape Cruz
for repairs, and were most hospitably received by the natives. At last,
on July 22, they departed for Jamaica, whence they returned to Isabella.
Never again did Columbus visit Cuba, though he approached its southern
shore on his fourth voyage, on his way to the coast of Central America.
To the end of his life, presumably, he believed Cuba to be a part of the
Asian continent, continuous with Honduras and Veragua.
CHAPTER III
We have already quoted the enthusiastic encomium of Columbus upon Cuba
at his first sight of and landing upon its shore. His diary and his
narrative to the sovereigns of Leon and Castile on his return to Spain
abound with similar expressions, as well as with informing bits of
description of Cuba as they then found it. In the very first days of his
first visit he found villages of houses "made like booths, very large,
and looking like tents in a camp without regular streets but one here
and another there. Within they were clean and well swept, with furniture
well made. All were of palm branches, beautifully constructed. They
found many images in the shape of women, and many heads like masks, very
well carved. It was not known whether these were used as ornaments, or
were to be worshipped."
The waters abounded in fish, and the people of the coast regions were
apparently nearly all fishermen. The only domestic animals were the
"dogs which never barked," and birds in cages. There were seen, however,
skulls like those of cows, on which account Columbus assumed that inland
there were herds of cattle. All night the air was vocal with the songs
of birds and the chirping of crickets and other insects, which lulled
the voyagers to rest. Along the shore and in the mouths of rivers were
found large shells, unlike any that he had known in Spain, but no pearls
were in them. The air was soft and salubrious, and the nights were
neither hot nor cold. On the other islands which he had visited the heat
was oppressive, a circumstance which he attributed to the flat and
low-lying land; while Cuba was mountainous and therefore was blessed
with cooling breezes.
At some point on the northeastern coast, probably in the neighborhood
of Point Sama, a month after his first landing, he imagined that he had
discovered deposits of gold. It was in the bed of a river, near its
mouth, that he saw stones shining, as if with gold, and he had them
gathered, to take home to Spain and to present to the sovereigns. At the
same point some of the sailors called his attention to the pine trees on
a neighboring hill. They were "so wonderfully large that he could not
exaggerate their height and straightness, and he perceived that in them
was material for great stores of planks and masts for the largest ships
of Spain."
Further on, probably in the neighborhood of Baracoa, "they came to the
largest inhabited place that they had yet seen, and a vast concourse of
people came down to the beach with loud shouts, all naked, with darts in
their hands." Columbus desired to have speech with them, and accordingly
anchored his ships and sent boats ashore, bearing gifts for the natives.
The people at first seemed inclined to resist any landing, but when the
Spaniards in the boats pressed on and began to land, without manifesting
any fear, they abandoned their hostile attitude and began to withdraw.
The Spaniards who landed called to them and strove to lure them back,
but without success. They all ran away. In consequence of this and
similar incidents, Columbus wrote:
"I have not been able to see much of the natives, because they take to
flight. But now, if Our Lord pleases, I will see as much as possible,
and will proceed little by little, learning and comprehending; and I
will make some of my followers learn the language--for I have perceived
that there is only one language up to this point. After they understand
the advantages I shall labor to make all these people Christians. They
will readily become such, because they have no religion nor idolatry;
and Your Highnesses"--he was addressing the sovereigns, in his
journal--"will send orders to build a city and fortress, and to convert
these people.
"It does not appear to me," he continued, "that there can be a more
fertile country or a better climate under the sun, with more abundant
supplies of water. This is not like the rivers of Guinea, which are all
pestilential. I thank Our Lord that up to this time there has not been a
person of my company who has had so much as a head-ache, except one old
man who has suffered from stone all his life, and he was well again in
two days. I speak of all three vessels. If it should please God that
Your Highness should send learned men out here, they will see the truth
of all I have said."
While in the neighborhood of Baracoa, at the end of November and
beginning of December, 1492, he saw a canoe made of the hole of a single
tree, 95 palms long and capable of carrying 150 persons. "Leaving the
river, they came to a cove in which there were five large canoes, so
well constructed that it was a pleasure to look at them. They were under
spreading trees, and a path led to them from a very well built
boathouse, so thatched that neither sun nor rain could do any harm.
Within it there was another canoe made out of a single tree like the
others, like a galley with 17 benches. It was a pleasant sight to look
upon such goodly work.
"The Admiral ascended a mountain, and afterward found the country level
and cultivated with many things. In the middle there was a large
village, and they came upon the people suddenly, but as soon as they
were seen the men and women took to flight. The Admiral made the Indian
from on board, who was with him, give them bells, copper ornaments, and
glass beads, green and yellow, with which they were well content. He saw
that they had no gold nor any other precious thing, and that it would
suffice to leave them in peace. The whole district was well peopled....
No arms are carried by them except wands, on the point of which a short
piece of wood is fixed, hardened by fire, and these they are very ready
to exchange.
"Returning to where he had left the boats, he sent back some men up the
hill, because he fancied he had seen a large apiary. Before those he
had sent could return, they were joined by many Indians, and they went
to the boats, where the Admiral was waiting with all his people. One of
the natives advanced into the river near the stern of the boat and made
a long speech, which the Admiral did not understand. At intervals the
other Indians raised their hands to heaven and shouted. The Admiral
thought that the orator was assuring him that he was pleased at his
arrival. But he saw the Indian who came from the ship change the color
of his face and turn as yellow as wax, trembling much and indicating to
the Admiral by signs that he should leave the river, as they were going
to kill him. The Admiral then pointed to a cross-bow which one of his
followers had, and showed it to the Indians, making them understand that
they would all be slain, because that weapon killed people at a great
distance. He also drew a sword from its sheath and showed it to them,
telling them that it, too, would slay them. Thereupon they all took to
flight; while the Indian from the ship still trembled from cowardice,
though he was a tall, strong man."
Columbus then determined to seek further acquaintance with the natives,
and accordingly had his boat rowed to a point on the shore of the river
where they were assembled in great numbers. They were naked, and
painted; some wearing tufts of feathers on their heads, and all carrying
bundles of darts. "I came to them," said Columbus, "and gave them bread,
asking for the darts, in exchange for which I gave copper ornaments,
bells and glass beads. This made them peaceable, so that they came to
the boats again and gave us what they had. The sailors had killed a
turtle, and the shell was on the boat, cut into pieces, some of which
the sailors gave them in exchange for a bundle of darts. They were like
the other people we had seen, with the same belief that we had come from
heaven." They were ready, he added, to give anything that they had in
exchange for any trifle, which they would accept without saying that it
was little, and Columbus believed that they would thus give away gold
and spices, if they had had any. In one of the houses which he entered
"shells and other things were fastened to the ceiling." He thought that
it was a temple, and he inquired, by signs, if such was the case and if
prayers were there offered. The natives replied in the negative, and one
of them climbed up to take down the ceiling ornaments and give them to
Columbus, who accepted a few of them.
It was early in November, 1492, that one of the most noteworthy
discoveries in relation to Cuba was made. At that time Columbus sent
inland from the port at the mouth of the Rio de Mares two men, Rodrigo
de Jerez and Luis de Torres, to explore the inland country and to find
if possible the high road to the capital and palace of the Great Khan.
These men did not find what they had been sent for, but something else,
which proved in after years to be of incalculable value to Cuba and to
the world. To quote Las Casas:
"They met on the road many men and women, passing to their villages, the
men always with half-burned brands in their hands and certain herbs for
smoking. These herbs are dry and are placed in a dry leaf made in the
shape of the paper tubes which the boys make at Easter. Lighted at one
end, at the other the smoke is sucked or drawn in with the breath. The
effect of it is to make them sleepy and as it were intoxicated, and they
say that using it relieves the feeling of fatigue. These rolls they call
'tabacos.'" Some of Columbus's men, when it was reported to them, tried
smoking the "tabacos," and the habit soon became prevalent among the
Spanish colonists in Hispaniola.
These few items, then, compose practically the sum and substance of the
knowledge which Columbus acquired of that land which was, second to only
the continent, by far the most important of all his discoveries. They
are few and meagre. It is indeed doubtful if history records an even
approximately comparable instance of the disappearance of a numerous and
capable people from a country of vast interest and importance, leaving
behind them so few traces of themselves and so little information
concerning them. For these things are not merely all that Columbus
learned about Cuba. They are all that his successors learned and that
the world has ever learned about Cuba as it existed prior to and at the
time of the great discovery. Tobacco, hammocks, canoes, and the name of
the island and the names of various places on it which have persisted in
spite of the repeated attempts to substitute a new nomenclature; these
are the world's memorials of pre-Columbian Cuba.
The brief visits and superficial inspection which we have recorded were
not, however, destined to be the full compass of the Discoverer's
personal relationship to Cuba. While he did not again visit the island
in life, nor give to it any of the attention which ampler knowledge
would have shown him it deserved, his mortal remains were conveyed
thither, and there remained for a considerable period; though by a
strange fatality this fact, well authenticated as it is, has been
persistently and elaborately disputed, until the tomb of Columbus has in
the minds of many become almost as much a matter of speculation and
uncertainty as the place of his birth.
It was on Ascension Day, May 20, 1506, that Columbus died at Valladolid,
in Spain, and there his body was laid to rest in the parish church of
Santa Maria de la Antigua, a church of the Franciscan Fathers. The date
of the first removal is unknown, and is much disputed. Some have placed
it as late as the year 1513, while others, as the result of later and
more assured research, declare it to have been within a year or two, or
at most within three years, of his death. Of the new place of sepulture,
however, there is no question. It was in a chapel of the Carthusian
monastery of Santa Maria de las Cuevas, at Seville; where also, years
afterward, were laid the remains of his son, Diego, who died at
Montalban on February 23, 1526.
But as in life, so in death Columbus must needs be a wanderer. In 1542
the city of Santo Domingo, the capital of that island colony of
Hispaniola to which Columbus's chief attention had been given, demanded
to be made the repository of the body of its founder. Accordingly,
Charles I decreed the removal, and the bodies of Christopher Columbus
and his son Diego were both transferred from Seville to a double tomb in
the cathedral of Santo Domingo, hard by the fortress in which the
Discoverer had once been confined by Bobadilla as a prisoner. Thus far
the record was and is clear; and for two and a half centuries the tomb
remained inviolate. Indeed, it was so little meddled with that its
precise location became a matter of doubt, save that it was somewhere
"in the main sanctuary" of the cathedral.
The first attempt to determine it was made about 1783 by the French
politician and writer, Moreau de Saint-Mery, a kinsman of the Empress
Josephine and a member of the Colonial Council of Santo Domingo.
Diligent inquiry, without actual exhumation, resulted in the information
that the remains of Christopher Columbus, enclosed first in a leaden
casket and then in a massive coffin of stone, lay underneath the Gospel
side of the sanctuary, and that those of his brother, Bartholomew
Columbus, similarly enclosed, lay underneath the Epistle side. This was
contrary, in one respect, to the understanding of years before, which
was that it was the body of Columbus's grandson Luis which lay under the
Epistle side of the sanctuary. The problem was complicated by the fact
that the cathedral had been so remodelled that the tomb of Columbus was
underneath its wall, where actual examination was difficult; and in fact
no exhumation was then attempted.
In 1795, however, the island was transferred to French sovereignty, and
the Spanish governor, on relinquishing his rule, requested permission to
remove the remains of Columbus to Havana, Cuba, in order that they might
continue to rest beneath the Spanish flag. This was granted to him, and
accordingly, in January, 1796, the tomb beneath the wall on the Gospel
side of the sanctuary of the cathedral of Santo Domingo was opened, and
the coffin found within was reverently removed and borne to Havana,
where it was deposited in a new tomb in the cathedral--formerly the
Church of the Jesuits--where its presence was indicated by a medallion
and inscription on the wall of the chancel. For many years that was
indubitably regarded as the tomb of the Discoverer.
It was not until 1877 that doubt of this fact arose. In that year
repairs were made to the cathedral of Santo Domingo, in the course of
which the rector, the Rev. Francis Navier Billini, insisted upon
reopening the tomb underneath the Epistle side of the sanctuary, which
had of old been reputed to contain the coffin of Luis Columbus, but
which Saint-Mery had been informed contained the remains of Bartholomew
Columbus. There was discovered a leaden casket, which, like that which
had been taken to Havana, bore no inscription. But upon or close by it
there lay a sheet of lead bearing the words, "The Admiral Don Luis
Colon, Duke of Veragua and Marquis of...." The remainder was
undecipherable. The casket was therefore accepted as that of Columbus's
grandson; confirming the common belief before the time of Saint-Mery.
Not content with this discovery, the enterprising rector continued his
excavations, and presently the finding of another leaden casket was
announced, which was reported to bear an inscription, much abbreviated,
which, amplified, ran thus: "Discoverer of America; First Admiral." This
created a great sensation, and stimulated Dominican pride. The rector at
once sent for the President of Santo Domingo and other dignitaries of
state and church, including various foreign diplomats and consuls, and
in their presence continued the examination of the treasure trove. Upon
opening the casket, the inner side of the lid was found also to bear an
inscription, greatly abbreviated, which was interpreted as reading:
"Illustrious and Noble Man, Don Cristoval Colon." This the Dominicans
joyfully proclaimed to be proof positive that the remains of the
Discoverer were still in their possession, and that the casket which had
been taken to Havana contained the bones of some other member of the
Columbus family.
From that event arose a controversy which probably will never be settled
to universal satisfaction. The Dominicans marshalled to the support of
their claims various historical and antiquarian authorities, and the
Cubans and the Spanish government secured at least an equal array in
support of their claim that the remains of Columbus had been transferred
to Havana. A strongly convincing report to the latter effect was made to
the Spanish government by Señor Colmeiro, of the Spanish Royal Academy
of History, and his judgment was generally accepted throughout Cuba and
Spain. It was pointed out that the inscriptions contained various
anachronisms indicating that they must have been written at a much later
date than that of the death and interment of Columbus.
Havana therefore continued confidently to pride itself upon being the
repository of the dust of the Great Admiral, and his tomb in the ancient
cathedral was thus recognized and revered by countless visitors. But at
last, in 1899, after the independence of Cuba from Spain had been
accomplished, a request was made by the Spanish Government for the
transfer of the casket and its precious contents back to Spain, where
historically they belonged. It was indeed pointed out that the transfer
to Havana in 1796 had been intended to be only temporary, pending a
fitting opportunity for a further removal to Spain. This request was
granted, and the dust of the Discoverer was finally reinterred in the
cathedral of Seville.
[Illustration: THE HAVANA CATHEDRAL
Originally the church of the Jesuits, this imposing edifice was built in
1656, though not completed until 1724, and took the place of the first
cathedral in 1762. Within a tomb within its walls the remains of
Columbus rested from 1796, when they were taken thither from Santo
Domingo, to 1899, when they were conveyed to Spain.]
CHAPTER IV
Between these first merely tentative and inconclusive visits of Columbus
to Cuba, in which so much was imagined and so little learned or done,
and the actual occupation and settlement of the island, which were
reserved for a few years later, it will be profitable to pause for a
brief space, to review what science has revealed to us of not merely the
pre-Columbian but indeed what we may term the archaic history of this
chief member of the Antillean group. It is a history written in the
rocks and soils, in the mountains and plains and rivers; in brief, the
natural history of the island.
This was something at which Columbus could merely have guessed, if
indeed he had taken the trouble to think of it at all. He knew only that
it was a fair land to look upon and promised to be a pleasant land in
which to dwell; and his successors in the quest hoped to find its river
beds and its mountain rocks rich with the gold which they coveted. That
was all. It remained for the ampler knowledge and the more patient and
painstaking research of later years to analyze the structure of the
island, to discern the causes and the processes through which it had
been developed into its present beautiful and opulent condition, and to
learn that on the surface and just below the surface of its almost
infinitely variegated face there lay the potency and the promise of
wealth beyond the utmost limits of the dreams of those conquistadors of
ancient Spain who were oestrus-driven by the _auri sacra fames_.
Let us consider, then, the geological history of Cuba, so far as it has
been ascertained; and the topography of the land as it has been revealed
through a far more comprehensive survey than that of the Great Admiral's
enraptured vision.
It is, of course, impossible to know the geological history of a country
until its paleontology has been thoroughly studied and investigated.
Where formations of different geological ages are lithologically so
similar as to be often indistinguishable, the only method of
differentiating them is by their fossils. Some paleontological work has
been done in Cuba, but the specimens collected were not accompanied by
the necessary data.
In the present imperfect state of our knowledge of the stratigraphy and
areal geology of the island, it would be hazardous to attempt to
indicate the times at which the various levels were developed, or to
designate the periods during which they remained above the level of the
sea. To do this would require a detailed knowledge of nearly all the
various phases of its geology.
The oldest rocks in Cuba, with the possible exception of the schistose
limestones of Trinidad, are composed of granites and serpentines. The
relative age of these rocks, to the central mass of limestones in the
province of Pinar del Rio, has not been determined, but we do know that
the oldest igneous rocks were themselves folded, faulted and subjected
to other processes of metamorphism, and that subsequent to the changes
to which they were subjected, the entire region was uplifted and deeply
eroded before the cretaceous sedimentation began. No data are available
for determining the geologic period at which the pre-cretaceous erosion
began, but the region has doubtless been standing above the waters of
the ocean for a very long interval, since the amount of rock carried
away has been manifestly great.
The surface upon which the cretaceous sediments were deposited, appears
to have been reduced by erosion to a very low relief, so that the land
was a featureless plain when the cretaceous subsidence began. The time
interval required for the accomplishment of this erosion must have been
very long, since when it began the region was undoubtedly mountainous.
The complex character and disturbed altitude of the pre-cretaceous
rocks, the granites, diorites and other granular rocks which appear on
the surface because of this erosion, were originally formed deep within
the crust of the earth, and therefore furnish a reason for believing
that this period of erosion was exceedingly long.
It has been suggested that during the Jurassic times, the southeastern
coast of the United States was connected by a long isthmus, following
the line of the Antilles, to the northeastern coast of South America.
The data presented would seem to indicate that at least the eastern half
of Cuba stood high above the level during this period of the earth's
history, and although data concerning the western half are less
definite, it too was probably composed of high land masses.
The elevation, and long period of erosion just described, were followed
by subsidence, and on the surface of these old rocks the cretaceous
formations were deposited. The lowest cretaceous rocks yet found are
composed of an arkose, derived in large part from the original igneous
mass. The main body of the strata is composed of limestones, and such
fossils as they contain belong to the genera similar to those of the
cretaceous rocks of Jamaica--Radiolites, Barrettra, Requienia, etc.
During this time the whole of the Island of Cuba was probably submerged
below the level of the sea. The cretaceous rocks in Santa Clara province
occur in the bottoms of synclines, and the projected dips appear
sufficiently to carry the beds over the tops of the dividing anti-clinal
axis. It is believed, however, that the depth of the cretaceous sea over
the island was probably never very great.
Owing to a lack of paleontological data, the history of the island
during the Eocene time is vague, but it is probable that a large part of
it was submerged. This is certainly true of the province of Oriente,
where Eocene fossils have been collected. During, and possibly previous
to that period, volcanic agencies were active in Oriente, since volcanic
rocks are found interbedded with sediments of the Eocene age. The same
forces were probably active in other sections of the island, and the
intrusion of Diorite porphyries in Santa Clara and other provinces
probably took place during that period.
A portion of the island, at least in the vicinity of Baracoa, was deeply
submerged during the lower Oligocene times, as is proved by the
occurrence of radiolarian earth beneath the upper oligocene limestones
near the above town. Radiolarian oozes are at present being formed on
the sea bottom at depths of between 2,000 and 4,000 fathoms. This, of
course, does not prove that the deposits of Baracoa were laid down at so
great a depth as present day dredging would indicate, but we can at
least feel confident that they were formed in very deep water. This does
not imply however that the whole island was sunken to the abysmal
depths.
During the upper Oligocene time very nearly the whole island was
undoubtedly submerged. Previous to this volcanic agencies had been very
active throughout the larger portion of the island. Mountain building in
Oriente had begun before the deposition of upper Oligocene strata, and
the Sierra Maestra had already been elevated to a considerable height
above the sea. It is probable that the sea at this time covered the
whole of the island, with the exception of portions of Oriente province
along its north and south coast, and occasional high peaks along the
axis of the provinces further west.
The Miocene period was one of general uplift. The whole of the island as
we at present know it, was above the level of the ocean's waters. There
were foldings and uplifts during this period, and volcanic elevation
along the axial line being greater than at the sides. It is probable
that the folding of the Oligocene strata noted in the vicinity of Havana
and Matanzas took place during this time. It may be inferred that the
central portion of the province of Oriente was more highly elevated than
the coastal portions, since upper Oligocene limestones occur in this
section at considerably higher elevations than along either the north or
south coast.
It is furthermore very probable that the terracing of the Oligocene
coral reefs, such as may be seen in the vicinity of the city of
Santiago, was taking place during that time. All the evidence goes to
show that these are wave-cut terraces. It may be added here that all of
the elevated Pleistocene coral reefs recorded are plastered on the
surface of the upper Oligocene formations, or in some instances older
geologic rocks. This applies to every later coral terrace that has been
described, beginning with Cabanas and extending entirely around the
island to the City of Santiago.
The existence of marine Pliocene in Cuba has not been proved. There may
be pliocene rocks in the vicinity of Havana some 60 feet above the sea
level. If these are true Pliocene, it would indicate a subsidence during
that time of from ISO to 180 feet. The character of the fauna found in
the quarry on Calle Infanta does not indicate a greater depth than from
SO to 70 feet for the water in which the limestone was deposited.
Subsequent to this deposition, there was an elevation which caused the
land to stand some forty or fifty feet higher than it does to-day. This
probably took place in early Pleistocene times, at which time the Isle
of Pines and Cuba were connected. One reason for the belief in this
elevation is the existence of an old, deep and comparatively narrow cut
in the bed of the present channel leading out of Havana harbor. There is
further evidence of a general elevation found in borings for water,
three miles southeast of the city of Santiago.
At a depth of some 70 feet below the sea level, in the Rio San Juan
Valley, stream-carried pebbles were found. This would indicate that the
bottom of this valley once stood at least 70 feet or more above sea
level. Subsequent to this elevation, there was a subsidence varying from
40 to 70 feet. There were doubtless other slight oscillations during
the Pleistocene period, and these may be going on at the present time,
although we have no evidence from records of actually measured monuments
established since the Spanish occupation of the island.
Paleontologic, biologic and physiographic research seems to indicate
that there has been no land connection between Cuba and North America at
any time since the beginning of the Tertiary, unless perhaps during the
Oligocene period, and it seems probable there was no connection whatever
during cretaceous times.
Cuba furnishes a very interesting field, not only for geologic research,
but for a far more extended study and survey of its many important
mineral zones both for scientific and for economic reasons.
Topographically the surface of Cuba may be divided into five rather
distinct zones, three of which are essentially mountainous. The first
includes the entire eastern third of the province of Oriente, together
with the greater part of its coast line, where the highest mountains of
the island are found. The second includes the greater part of the
province of Camaguey, made up of gently rolling plains broken by
occasional hills or low mountains, that along the northern coast, and
again in the southeast center of the province, rise to a height of
approximately 1,500 feet above the general level.
The next is a mountainous district including the greater part of eastern
Santa Clara. The fourth comprises the western portion of this province
together with all of Matanzas and Havana. The surface of this middle
section is largely made up of rolling plains, broken here and there by
hills that rise a few hundred feet above the sea level.
The fifth includes the province of Pinar del Rio, the northern half of
which is traversed from one end to the other by several more or less
parallel ranges of sierras, with mean altitudes ranging from 1,000 to
2,000 feet, leaving the southern half of the province a flat plain,
into which, along its northern edge, project spurs and foot hills of
the main range.
The highest mountains of Cuba are located in the province of Oriente,
where their general elevation is somewhat higher than that of the
Allegheny or eastern ranges of the United States. The mountainous area
of this province is greater than that of the combined mountain areas of
all other parts of the island. The mountains occur in groups, composed
of different kinds of rock, and have diverse structures, more or less
connected with one another.
The principal range is the Sierra Maestra, extending from Cabo Cruz to
the Bay of Guantanamo, forty miles east of Santiago. This chain is
continuous and of fairly uniform altitude, with the exception of a break
in the vicinity of Santiago where the wide basin of Santiago Bay cuts
across the main trend of the range. The highest peak of the island is
known as Turquino, located near the middle of the Sierra Maestra, and
reaching an altitude of 8,642 feet.
The hills back of Santiago Bay, separating it from the Valley of the
Cauto, are similar in structure to the northern foothills of the main
sierra. In the western part of the range, the mountains rise abruptly
from the depths of the Caribbean Sea, but near the City of Santiago, and
to the eastward, they are separated from the ocean by a narrow coastal
plain, very much dissected. The streams which traverse it occupy valleys
several hundred feet in depth, while the remnants of the plateau appear
in the tops of the hills.
East of Guantanamo Bay there are mountains which are structurally
distinct from the Sierra Maestra, and these continue to Cape Maysi, the
eastern terminus of Cuba. To the west they rise abruptly from the ocean
bed, but further east they are bordered by terraced foothills. Towards
the north they continue straight across the island as features of bold
relief, connecting with the rugged Cuchillas of Baracoa, and with "El
Yunque" lying to the southwest.
Extending west from this eastern mass are high plateaus and mesas that
form the northern side of the great amphitheatre which drains into
Guantanamo Bay. Much of this section, when raised from the sea, was
probably a great elevated plain, cut up and eroded through the ages
since the seismic uplift that caused its birth.
The most prominent feature of the northern mountains of Oriente
Province, west of "El Yunque," is the range comprising the Sierras
Cristal and Nipe. These extend east and west, but are separated into
several distinct masses by the Rio Sagua, and the Rio Mayari, which
break through and empty into harbors on the north coast. The high
country south of these ranges has the character of a deeply dissected
plateau, the upper stratum of which is limestone.
The character of the surface would indicate that nearly all the
mountains of the eastern part of Oriente have been carved through
erosion of centuries from a high plateau, the summits of which are found
in "El Yunque" near Baracoa, and other flat topped mountains within the
drainage basins of the Mayari and the Sagua rivers. The flat summits of
the Sierra Nipe are probably remnants of the same great uplift.
Below this level are other benches or broad plateaus, the two most
prominent occurring respectively at 1,500 and 2,000 feet above sea
level. The highest summits rise to an altitude of 2,800 or 3,000 feet.
The 2,000 foot plateau of the Sierra Nipe alone includes an area
estimated at not less than 40 square miles. It would seem that these
elevated plateaus with their rich soils might be utilized for the
production of wheat, and some of the northern fruits that require a
cooler temperature than that found in other parts of Cuba.
In the province of Oriente, the various mountain groups form two
marginal ranges, which merge in the east, and diverge toward the west.
The southern range is far more continuous, while the northern is
composed of irregular groups separated by numerous river valleys.
Between these divergent ranges lies the broad undulating plain of the
famous Cauto Valley, which increases in width as it extends westward.
The northern half of this valley merges into the plains of Camaguey,
whose surface has been disturbed by volcanic uplifts only by a small
group known as the Najassa Hills, in the southeast center of the
province, and by the Sierra Cubitas Range, which parallels the coast
from the basin of Nuevitas Bay until it terminates in the isolated hill
known as Loma Cunagua.
The central mountainous region of the island is located in the province
of Santa Clara, where a belt of mountains and hills following
approximately northeast and southwest lines, passes through the cities
of Sancti Spiritus and Santa Clara. Four groups are found here, one of
which lies southwest of Sancti Spiritus and east of the Rio Agabama. A
second group is included between the valleys of the Agabama and the Rio
Arimao.
The highest peak of Santa Clara is known as Potrerillo, located seven
miles north of Trinidad, with an altitude of 2,900 feet. A third group
lies southeast of the city of Santa Clara, and includes the Sierra del
Escambray and the Alta de Agabama. The rounded hills of this region have
an altitude of about 1,000 feet although a few of the summits are
somewhat higher.
The fourth group consists of a line of hills, beginning 25 miles east of
Sagua la Grande, and extending into the province of Camaguey. The trend
of this range is transverse with the general geological structure of the
region.
East of the city of Santa Clara the hills of this last group merge with
those of the central portion of the province. The summits in the
northern line reach an altitude of only a thousand feet. The principal
members are known as the Sierra Morena, west of Sagua la Grande, Lomas
de Santa Fe, near Camaguini, the Sierra de Bamburanao, near Yaguajay,
and the Lomas of the Savanas, south of the last mentioned town.
In the province of Pinar del Rio, we find another system, or chain of
mountains, dominated by the Sierra de los Organos or Organ mountains.
These begin a little west of Guardiana Bay, with a chain of "magotes"
known as the "Pena Blanca," composed of tertiary limestone. These are
the result of a seismic upheaval running from north to south, almost at
right angles with the main axis of the chains that form the mountainous
vertebrae of the island.
Between the city of Pinar del Rio and the north coast of La Esperanza,
the Organos are broken up into four or five parallel ridges, two of
which are composed of limestone, while the others are of slate,
sandstones and schists. The term "magote," in Cuba, is applied to one of
the most interesting and strikingly beautiful mountain formations in the
world. They are evidently remnants of high ranges running usually from
east to west, and have resulted from the upheaval of tertiary strata
that dates back probably to the Jurassic period.
The soft white material of this limestone, through countless eons of
time, has been hammered by tropical rains that gradually washed away the
surface and carved their once ragged peaks into peculiar, round,
dome-shaped elevations that often rise perpendicularly to a height of
1,000 feet or more above the level grass plains that form their base.
Meanwhile the continual seepage of water formed great caverns within,
that sooner or later caved in and fell, hastening thus the gradual
leveling to which all mountains are doomed as long as the world is
supplied with air and water. The softening and continual crumbling away
of the rock have formed a rich soil on which grows a wonderful wealth of
tropical vegetation, unlike anything known to other sections of Cuba, or
perhaps to the world.
The valley of the Vinales, lying between the city of Pinar del Rio and
the north coast, might well be called the garden of the "magotes," since
not only is it surrounded by their precipitous walls, but several of
them, detached from the main chain, rise abruptly from the floor of the
valley, converting it into one of the most strangely beautiful spots in
the world.
John D. Henderson, the naturalist, in speaking of this region, says:
"The valley of the Vinales must not be compared with the Yosemite or
Grand Cañon, or some famed Alpine passage, for it cannot display the
astounding contrast of these, or of many well-known valleys among the
higher mountains of the world. We were all of us traveled men who viewed
this panorama, but all agreed that never before had we gazed on so
charming a sight. There are recesses among the Rocky Mountains of Canada
into which one gazes with awe and bated breath, where the very silence
oppresses, and the beholder instinctively reaches out for support to
guard against slipping into the awful chasm below. But the Valley of
Vinales, on the contrary, seems to soothe and lull the senses. Like
great birds suspended in the sky, we long to soar above it, and then
alighting within some palm grove, far below, to rejoice in its
atmosphere of perfect peace."
A mountain maze of high, round-topped lomas, dominates almost the entire
northern half of Pinar del Rio. It is the picturesque remnant of an
elevated plain that at some time in the geological life of the island
was raised above the surface 1,500, perhaps 2,000, feet. This, through
the erosion of thousands of centuries, has been carved into great land
surges, without any particular alignment or system.
Straight up through the center of this mountainous area are projected a
series of more or less parallel limestone ridges. These, as a rule, have
an east and west axis, and attain a greater elevation than the lomas.
They are known as the Sierras de los Organos, although having many local
names at different points. Water and atmospheric agencies have carved
them into most fantastic shapes, so that they do, in places, present an
organ pipe appearance. They are almost always steep, often with
vertical walls or "paradones" that rise 1,000 feet from the floor or
base on which they rest.
The northernmost range, running parallel to the Gulf Coast, is known as
the "Costanero." The highest peak of Pinar del Rio is called Guajaibon,
which rises to an altitude of 3,000 feet, with its base but very little
above the level of the sea. It is probably of Jurassic limestone and
forms the eastern outpost of the Costaneros.
The southern range of the Organos begins with an interesting peak known
as the Pan de Azucar, located only a few miles east of the Pena Blanca.
From this western sentinel with many breaks extends the great southern
chain of the Organos with its various groups of "magotes," reaching
eastward throughout the entire province. At its extreme eastern terminus
we find a lower and detached ridge known as the Pan de Guanajay, which
passes for a few miles beyond the boundary line, and into the province
of Havana.
Surrounding the Organos from La Esperanza west, and bordering it also on
the south for a short distance east of the city of Pinar del Rio, are
ranges of round topped lomas, composed largely of sandstone, slate and
shale. The surface of these is covered with the small pines, scrubby
palms and undergrowth found only on poor soil.
From the Mulato River east, along the north coast, the character of the
lomas changes abruptly. Here we have deep rich soil covered with
splendid forests of hard woods, that reach up into the Organos some ten
miles back from the coast. Along the southern edge of the Organos, from
Herredura east, lies a charming narrow belt of rolling country covered
with a rich sandy loam that extends almost to the city of Artemisa.
Extensions, or occasional outcroppings, of the Pinar del Rio mountain
system, appear in the Province of Havana, and continue on into Matanzas,
where another short coastal range appears, just west of the valley of
the Yumuri. This, as before stated, has its continuation in detached
ranges that extend along the entire north coast, with but few
interruptions, until merged into the mountain maze of eastern Oriente.
Outside of the mountainous district thus described, the general surface
of Cuba is a gently undulating plain, with altitudes varying from only a
few feet above the sea level to 500 or 600 feet, near El Cristo in
Oriente. In Pinar del Rio it forms a piedmont plain that entirely
surrounds the mountain range. On the south this plain has a maximum
width of about 25 miles and ascends gradually from the shores of the
Caribbean at the rate of seven or eight feet to the mile until it
reaches the edge of the foothills along the line of the automobile drive
connecting Havana with the capital of Pinar del Rio.
North of the mountain range, the lowland belt is very much narrower and
in some places reaches a height of 200 feet as a rule deeply dissected,
so that in places only the level of the hill tops mark the position of
the original plain.
The two piedmont plains of Pinar del Rio unite at the eastern extremity
of the Organos Mountains and extend over the greater part of the
provinces of Havana and Matanzas and the western half of Santa Clara.
The divide as a whole is near the center of this plain, although the
land has a gradual slope from near the northern margin towards the
south.
In the neighborhood of Havana, the elevation varies between 300 and 400
feet, continuing eastward to Cardenas. The streams flowing north have
lowered their channels as the land rose, and the surface drained by them
has become deeply dissected, while the streams flowing toward the south
have been but little affected by the elevation and remain generally in
very narrow channels.
East of Cardenas the general elevation of the plain is low, sloping
gradually both north and south from the axis of the island. Considerable
areas of this plain are found among the various mountain groups in the
eastern half of Santa Clara province, beyond which it extends over the
greater part of Camaguey and into Oriente. Here it reaches the northern
coast between isolated mountain groups, extending as far east as Nipe
Bay, and toward the south, merges into the great Cauto Valley.
From Cabo Cruz the plain extends along the northern base of the Sierra
Maestra to the head of the Cauto Valley. Its elevation near Manzanillo
is about 200 feet, whence it increases to 640 feet at El Cristo. In the
central section of Oriente, the Cauto River and its tributaries have cut
channels into this plain from 50 to 200 feet in depth. In the lower part
of the valley these channels are sometimes several miles across and are
occupied by alluvial flats or river bottoms. They decrease in width
toward the east and in the upper part of the valley become narrow
gorges.
A large part of this plain of Cuba, especially in the central provinces,
is underlaid by porous limestone, through which the surface waters have
found underground passages. This accounts for the fact that large areas
are occasionally devoid of flowing surface streams. The rain water sinks
into the ground as soon as it falls, and after flowing long distances
under ground, emerges into bold springs, such as those of the Almendares
that burst out of the river bank some eight miles south of the City of
Havana. Engineers of the rope and cordage plant, just north of the City
of Matanzas, while boring for water, found unexpectedly a swift, running
river, only ten feet below the surface, that has given them an
inexhaustible supply of excellent water.
Most of the plains of Cuba above indicated have been formed by the
erosion of its surface, and are covered with residual soil derived from
the underlying limestones. Where they consist of red or black clays they
are, as a rule, exceedingly fertile. Certain portions of the plains,
especially those bordering on the southern side of the mountains of
Pinar del Rio, are covered with a layer of sand and gravel, washed down
from the adjoining highlands, and are, as a rule, inferior in fertility
to soils derived from the erosion of limestone. Similar superficial
deposits are met in the vicinity of Cienfuegos, and in other sections of
the island, where the plain forms a piedmont adjacent to highlands
composed of silicious rocks.
The most striking and perhaps the most important fact in regard to the
climate of Cuba is its freedom from those extremes of temperature which
are considered prejudicial to health in any country. The difference
between the mean annual temperature of winter and that of summer is only
twelve degrees, or from 76 degrees to 88 degrees. Even between the
coldest days of winter, when the mercury once went as low as 58 degrees,
and the extreme limit of summer, registered as 92 degrees, we have a
difference of only 34 degrees; and the extremes of summer are seldom
noticed, since the fresh northeast trade winds coming from the Atlantic
sweep across the island, carrying away with them the heated atmosphere
of the interior.
The fact that the main axis of the island, with its seven hundred mile
stretch of territory, extends from southeast to northwest, almost at
right angles to the general direction of the wind, plays a very
important part in the equability of Cuba's climate. Then again, the
island is completely surrounded by oceans, the temperature of which
remains constant, and this plays an important part in preventing
extremes of heat or cold.
Ice, of course, cannot form, and frost is found only on the tops of the
tallest mountain ranges. The few cold days during winter, when the
thermometer may drop to 60 after sundown, are the advance waves of
"Northers" that sweep down from the Dakotas, across Oklahoma and the
great plains of Texas, eventually reaching Cuba, but only after the
sting of the cold has been tempered in its passage of six hundred miles
across the Gulf of Mexico.
A temperature of 60 degrees in Cuba is not agreeable to the natives, or
even to those residents who once lived in northern climes. This may be
due to the fact that life in the tropics has a tendency to thin the
blood, and to render it less resistant to low temperature; and also
because Cuban residences are largely of stone, brick or reinforced
concrete, with either tile or marble floors, and have no provision
whatever against cold. And, although the walls are heavy, the windows,
doors and openings are many times larger than those of residences in the
United States, hence the cold cannot readily be excluded as in other
countries. There is said to be but one fireplace on the Island of Cuba,
and that was built in the beautiful home of an American, near Guayabal,
just to remind him, he said, of the country whence he came.
Again, in the matter of rainfall and its bearing on the climate of a
country, Cuba is very fortunate. The rains all come in the form of
showers during the summer months, from the middle of May until the end
of October, and serve to purify and temper the heat of summer. On the
other hand, the cooler months of winter are quite dry, and absolutely
free from the chilling rains, sleets, snows, mists and dampness, that
endanger the health, if not the life, of those less fortunate people who
dwell in latitudes close to 40 degrees.
Cloudy, gloomy days are almost unknown in Cuba, and the sun can be
depended upon to shine for at least thirty days every month, and
according to the testimony of physicians nothing is better than sunshine
to eliminate the germs of contagious diseases. Hence we can truthfully
say that in the matter of climate and health, Cuba asks no favor of any
country on earth.
CHAPTER V
For a considerable time after the last visit of Columbus, Cuba was
strangely neglected by the enterprising explorers and conquistadors of
Spain. Hispaniola, since known as Hayti or Santo Domingo, became the
chief colony and centre of Spanish authority in the Antilles, and it for
many years far outranked Cuba in interest and importance. It does not
appear that for more than a dozen years after the last visit of Columbus
any attempt whatever was made to colonize or to explore the great
island, if indeed it was so much as voluntarily visited. Navigators
doubtless frequently passed near its shores, on their way to and from
Darien and the Venezuelan coast, and occasionally stress of weather on
the "stormy Caribbean" or actual shipwreck compelled some to land upon
it. Such involuntary landings were presumably made either in the
neighborhood of the Zapata Peninsula or, still more probably, not
exactly upon Cuba at all but upon the southern shore of the tributary
Isle of Pines. In consequence, the voyagers carried back to Hispaniola
or to Spain the not unnatural report that Cuba consisted of nothing but
swamps; a report which of course did not inspire others with zeal to
visit so unfavorable a place.
For a similar space of time, too, the delusion that Cuba was a part of
the continent generally prevailed. It is true that on a map of Juan de
la Cosa's, to which the date of 1500 is attributed, Cuba is indicated to
be an island. But the date is not certain, by any means; and it is
notorious that more than one early cartographer drew upon imagination as
well as upon ascertained geographical facts. Somewhat more significant
is the fact that Peter Martyr spoke of Cuba as an island, and said that
some sailors pretended to have circumnavigated it. There is no proof,
however, that this was more than rumor. What seems certain is that as
late as 1508 the best authorities were ignorant whether Cuba was island
or mainland, and that not until that time was the question settled.
Columbus had been succeeded in authority in Hispaniola by Francisco de
Bobadilla, and the latter in turn had in 1501 given way to Nicholas de
Ovando. It does not appear that Ovando sought to colonize Cuba. But he
did wish to determine its extent, and whether it was insular or
continental, and in a memorial to the King of Spain he broached a
proposal for at least its littoral exploration. Ferdinand gave him,
however, no encouragement. On the contrary, he forbade him to spend any
public money on so needless and useless an enterprise. Ovando then
decided to undertake the exploit at his own charge, and, according to
Las Casas, commissioned Sebastian de Ocampo to explore the coasts of the
country and, if he found it to be an island, to circumnavigate it. This
Ocampo did, returning to Hispaniola in the fall of 1508 with the report
that he had sailed completely round Cuba. On the way, he said, he had
made occasional landings, and had found the whole island to be inhabited
by a kindly and intelligent people, well disposed toward Spain.
Immediately following this expedition, various efforts were made to
colonize Cuba, and to enter into relations with the natives. Conspicuous
among these efforts was one which had for its object the introduction of
Christianity into Cuba, and of which an interesting account is given by
Martin Ferdinand de Enciso in his "Suma de Geografia," the first book
ever published about America. Enciso, it will be remembered, was a
partner of Alonzo de Ojeda, that brilliant and gallant cavalier of Spain
who in 1508 was Governor of Nueva Andalusia, a region which we now know
as the Caribbean coast of Colombia. It was Enciso who in 1509 went to
Uraba to the relief of Francisco Pizarro, who had been in command there
but who had become discouraged, had suffered heavy losses from attacks
by the natives, and who was about to abandon the place. It was on one of
Enciso's ships, too, that his friend Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, concealed in
a cask to avoid his creditors, escaped from Hispaniola and was conveyed
to Darien, thus getting his opportunity to cross the isthmus and to
discover the Pacific Ocean.
Enciso relates that a Spanish vessel, cruising off the southern coast of
Cuba, somewhere near Cape de la Cruz, put ashore a young mariner who had
fallen ill, so that he might have a better chance to recover from his
illness than he would on shipboard. The identity of this young man is
not assured, though it has been strongly suggested that he was no other
than Ojeda himself. However that may be, he found himself in his
convalescence the guest of a native chieftain or Cacique who professed
Christianity. The chief had presumably been visited by Ocampo's
expedition. He had been much impressed by the prowess and culture of the
Spaniards, and had desired to become affiliated with the religion which
they professed and to which he attributed their superiority to the
natives of Cuba. Hearing from them that they had been sent thither by
the Comendador Ovando--the Governor of Hispaniola was a Comendador of
the Order of Knights of Alcantara--he chose that title for his own
baptismal name, and was thenceforth known as the Cacique Comendador.
Pleased to find a Christian chief, and grateful for his own restoration
to health, Ojeda--if it was indeed he--erected in Comendador's house an
altar and placed thereon an image of the Holy Virgin, and instructed the
people to bow before it every evening and to repeat the "Ave, Maria!"
and "Salve, Regina!" This was pleasing to Comendador, but offensive to
the neighboring Caciques, who worshipped an idol which they called Cemi.
In consequence a primitive religious war arose among the natives, in
which, according to Enciso, Comendador and his followers were pretty
uniformly successful. His victories were attributed to the intervention
and aid of "a beautiful woman, clad in white, and carrying a wand."
Finally a test was agreed upon which reminds us of Elijah's Battle of
the Gods on the scathed crest of Mount Carmel. A representative warrior
of each party was to be bound securely, hand and foot, and be placed in
an open field for the night, and if one of them was set free from his
bonds, that would be proof of the superiority of his God. "The God who
looses his servant's bonds, let him be the Lord!" This was done, and
guards of both parties were placed about the field, to make sure that
nobody should meddle with the experiment.
At midnight, says Enciso, Cemi came to unbind his follower. But before
he could reach him or touch his bonds, the Holy Virgin appeared, clad in
white and bearing a wand. At her approach, Cemi incontinently fled. At a
touch of her wand the bonds fell from the limbs of the Christian
champion, and were added to those already on the limbs of the other man.
Despite the presence of the guards, the Caciques insisted that there had
been trickery, and demanded another trial, to which Comendador,
confident in his faith, agreed. The result was the same as before. Still
they were unconvinced, and demanded a third trial, at which they
themselves would be present as watchers and guards. This also was
granted, and once more the same miracle was wrought. At that the
Caciques all confessed their defeat and the defeat of Cemi, and declared
that the Virgin was worthy to be worshipped.
This auspicious implanting of Christianity and of good relations between
the natives and the Spaniards did not, unfortunately, endure. It was
interfered with by the too common cause of trouble in those days, the
_auri sacra fames_, the accursed lust for gold. We have seen that King
Ferdinand was unwilling, in his niggardliness, for money to be spent
from his treasury for the exploration of Cuba. But after that work had
been done at Ovando's personal cost, Ferdinand desired to reap the
gains, if any there were. The suggestion was revived that Cuba might be
rich in gold. The King suspected that Ovando and others were deceiving
him concerning the island, and were secretly planning to secure its
riches for themselves. These suspicions were materially increased by the
course of Diego Columbus which, while probably quite honest, was lacking
in tact and worldly wisdom. For when Diego succeeded Ovando as
Governor-General or Viceroy of the Indies, at Hispaniola, one of his
first acts was to commission his uncle, Bartholomew Columbus, to lead an
expedition for the exploration and settlement of Cuba. That was a
legitimate and indeed praiseworthy enterprise. But unfortunately Diego
did not secure in advance the King's authority for it, nor did he
acquaint the King with his intentions. His enemies, however, of whom he
had many, were quick to report the matter to the King, putting it in the
light most unfavorable to both Diego and Bartholomew; and the result was
that Ferdinand at once recalled Bartholomew Columbus to Spain, and
compelled Diego to select another head for the expedition.
In 1510, then, the King directed Diego Columbus to send forth his
proposed expedition to Cuba, to make a careful examination of the
island, to ascertain the character of its resources, and above all to
determine whether it contained gold. He took pains, moreover, to impress
upon Diego and through him the actual members of the expedition, the
eminent desirability of cultivating the most friendly and confidential
relations with the natives, both as a matter of policy and for the sake
of humanity and religion. The result was the sending, early in 1511,
from Hispaniola, of an expedition in which were interested if not
actually implicated a number of the most conspicuous men in the Indies,
and which marked the actual and permanent opening of Cuba to Spanish
settlement and civilization.
Diego Columbus was the son and heir of the Great Discoverer, who under
the terms of the royal compact of 1492 was to inherit all his father's
powers and dignities as Admiral and Viceroy of the Western Hemisphere.
For a time Ferdinand on various pretexts refused to fulfil that compact
and to recognize his rights, but appointed Ovando to rule in Hispaniola
in his stead. But after Diego's marriage to Doña Maria de Toledo, the
daughter of the Grand Commander of Leon and the niece of the King's
favorite councillor and friend, the Duke of Alba, a combination of
personal, social and political influence prevailed for the vindication
of his claims, and he was invested with supreme authority in place of
Ovando, who was provided for elsewhere. Diego seems to have been a man
of integrity and engaging character, though perhaps more idealistic than
practical, and not always a match in policy for the scheming politicians
by whom he was surrounded.
Bartholomew Columbus was the brother of Christopher, was intimately
associated with him in his great enterprises, and was named by him
Adelantado, or Lieutenant Governor, of the Indies. He too was a man of
character and fine parts, bold and enterprising, and possessed of more
practical worldly wisdom than either his brother or his nephew.
These two stood alone, against a numerous company of personal and
political enemies, both in Hispaniola and in Spain. Indeed, as
Bartholomew was recalled to Spain and was kept there for some time,
Diego was left solitary to contend with or to yield to his foes. It was
therefore probably through necessity that he organized the Cuban
expedition largely with men hostile to him.
Miguel Pasamonte was his chief foe. He had been the secretary of Queen
Isabella, and had filled important Ambassadorships, but was now the
royal treasurer in Hispaniola. He had been one of the bitterest enemies
of Christopher Columbus, and had transferred a full measure of hostility
to Diego; and it was he who reported to the King in its most unfavorable
light Diego's plans for sending Bartholomew Columbus to Cuba. In his
hostility to both Christopher and Diego Columbus he was greatly aided
and abetted by Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, Bishop of Seville; who had
violently quarrelled with Christopher Columbus over the fitting out of
his second voyage and who also had transferred his hatred to the
Admiral's son.
[Illustration: DIEGO VELASQUEZ]
Diego Velasquez was another of the faction hostile to the Columbuses,
though at first he had been a friend and companion of the Admiral. It is
probable that he had no personal enmity toward Diego Columbus, but
joined himself to the other faction through motives not unconnected with
personal pecuniary profit. He had gone from Spain to Hispaniola with
Christopher Columbus on his second voyage, and had ever since been one
of the most efficient administrators in that island and indeed in all
the Indies. For a time he was a military leader in campaigns against
hostile natives, and afterward he became Lieutenant Governor of the
island. He was a man of high ability, of singularly handsome person, of
engaging manners, of much popularity, and of abundant force of character
for successful leadership and command of men. He was, however, not
always scrupulous in his dealings, and it was not to his moral credit
that he became the richest man in all the Indies. He was a close friend
and partisan of Pasamonte, and associated with him in the same alliance
were the royal secretary in Hispaniola, Conchillos, and also the royal
accountant, Christopher de Cuellar, who was both the cousin and
father-in-law of Velasquez.
Diego Columbus, then, either through policy or through compulsion,
appointed Velasquez to be his lieutenant in Cuba, and commissioned him
to organize and personally to lead the intended expedition to that
island. He also promised that the King would refund whatever private
expenditures Velasquez and his companions should make on account of it;
a promise which was authorized by the King, but not fulfilled save in
the indirect way of empowering the members of the expedition to recoup
themselves at the expense of the people of the island; an arrangement
decidedly at variance with Ferdinand's former solicitude for good
treatment for the natives. Further than that, Diego had little or
nothing to do with Cuba, and in a short time Velasquez was known not as
Lieutenant but as Governor, as though he were entirely independent of
the Viceroy in Hispaniola.
[Illustration: BARACOA
First Capital of Cuba]
Early in 1511 Velasquez assembled a flotilla of three or four vessels on
the northwest coast of Hispaniola, at or near the place where Columbus
had landed when he discovered that island and first visited it from
Cuba. In the adjacent region he recruited a company of about three
hundred men, and with that force set out for the conquest and
colonization of Cuba. The precise date of his expedition is not to be
ascertained, but it was probably in February or at latest March of that
year. The place of his landing in Cuba, however, is known. It was at
Baracoa, where also Columbus had landed before him. Following the
practice of Columbus and the other explorers he promptly gave the place
a new name of his own selection, calling it the City of Our Lady of the
Assumption. There he established his seat of government and base of
further operations, giving to the place in both civil and ecclesiastical
affairs the technical rank and dignity of a city. But, as also
frequently happened, the new name was unable to supplant the old one in
popular usage; and when, in 1514, the insular capital was transferred to
Santiago de Cuba, and in 1522 the cathedral of the diocese was similarly
transferred, the new name was permitted to lapse, and the place became
again universally known as Baracoa. Despite its vicissitudes of fortune,
therefore, and its loss of its former high estate, Baracoa is entitled
to the triple distinction of having been the site of the first permanent
European settlement in Cuba, of the first civilized government, and of
the first cathedral church.
At Baracoa, immediately upon his arrival, Velasquez built a fort, the
exact site of which is now matter of conjecture, and various other
edifices. These were all constructed of wood, probably of bamboo and
thatch, and no trace of them remains to-day. Search was also promptly
made for gold, and some seems to have been found in the beds of streams,
though in no large quantities, and the attempt to operate mines was soon
abandoned. Attention was then turned to further explorations and
conquests, and to the quest for gold in other parts of the island.
Still more unfortunate than the failure to find much gold, and largely
because of that fruitless quest, was the rise of bitter hostilities
between the Spaniards and the natives. This was also a sequel to and in
part a consequence of the Spanish administration in Hispaniola and
particularly of the part which Velasquez had played therein. Shortly
before coming to Cuba, Velasquez had waged several strenuous and
probably somewhat ruthless campaigns against the natives of Hispaniola,
chiefly in that part of the island which lay nearest to Cuba and in
which he recruited his Cuban expedition. His chief opponent there was a
native chief named Hatuey, who, finding himself unable to cope with the
Spaniards, fled to Cuba with many of his followers and settled in the
country near Baracoa. These refugees were of course quick to report to
the natives of Cuba the cause of their migration, and to portray the
conduct and character of the Spaniards, and of Velasquez personally, in
the most unfavorable light. The natural result was to predispose the
Cuban natives to regard the Spaniards with distrust and aversion. And
when Velasquez himself presently appeared among the very people who had
been thus prejudiced against him, trouble inevitably arose.
The leader in the trouble was Hatuey, who had a large following both of
his own tribe from Hispaniola and also of Cubans. He had maintained a
system of spying and communication through which he kept himself
perfectly informed of the doings of Velasquez, whom he considered his
chief foe, not only politically but personally, and when he learned that
he was coming to Cuba he busied himself with preparations to resist him.
He was foremost in spreading among the Cuban natives all manner of evil
reports concerning the Spaniards, all of which, whether true or false,
found ready credence.
Thus on one occasion, as related by Herrera, he gathered many of the
natives together with a promise to reveal to them the God of the
Spaniards, whom they worshipped and to whom they made human sacrifices
of Indians' lives. When they were assembled and their anticipation was
whetted, he placed before them a small basket filled with gold. "That,"
said he, "is the God which the Spaniards worship, and in quest of which
they are following us hither. Let us, therefore, ourselves pay this God
reverence and implore him to bid his Spanish worshippers not to harm us
when they come hither!" The natives performed a religious dance and
other rites about the gold, until they were exhausted, and then Hatuey
further counselled them to cast the gold into the river, where the
Spaniards could not find it; since if they found it they would continue
their search for more, even to cutting out the hearts of the people in
quest of it.
Whether true or fabricated, the story indicates the attitude of Hatuey
toward the Spaniards and explains the intensity of the bitterness which
prevailed between him and Velasquez. Of course, when the Spaniards
arrived and immediately began to hunt for gold, Hatuey's words about
their God seemed to be confirmed. War began, which soon resulted in the
defeat and capture of Hatuey, who was put to death. Tradition has it
that he was burned at the stake, as was the common custom in those
times, and that just before the fire was lighted he was invited to
accept Christianity and be baptized, but refused on the ground that he
did not want to meet any Spaniards in the other world. He was succeeded
in command of the hostile natives by Caguax, who had been his comrade in
Hispaniola and who had come to Cuba with him; and the hostilities were
continued with the usual result of conflicts between a higher and a
lower civilization. In a short time the province of Maysi was conquered
and partly pacified, and that of Bayamo was invaded.
[Illustration: PANFILO DE NARVAEZ]
At this time and in these operations there appeared in Cuba two more men
of commanding importance in the early history of the island, who were
sent thither from Hispaniola to assist Velasquez soon after the defeat
and death of Hatuey. One of these was Panfilo de Narvaez, a soldier and
the leader of a company of thirty expert crossbow-men who had been
serving in Jamaica but were no longer needed by the governor of that
island, Esquivel. Narvaez was a native of Valladolid, Spain, near which
city Velasquez also had been born. It is possible, indeed, that the two
men were related, since there was a marked physical resemblance between
them; both being tall, handsome, and of a pronounced blond complexion.
At any rate, they had long been friends, and Velasquez was glad to make
Narvaez his chief lieutenant and right-hand man. Narvaez appears to have
been a man of high intelligence, honorable character, and much personal
charm. He was, however, too much inclined toward fighting, was sometimes
reckless in his leadership, and was no more scrupulous in his conduct
toward the natives than were many other conquerors of various lands in
those days of adventure and violence. At the head of a force of more
than a hundred and fifty men, including a score of horsemen, he led the
way in the conquest, first of Bayamo and finally of all the rest of the
island. In his campaign he enjoyed immense advantage from the awe and
terror which were caused among the natives by the appearance of the
horses, which were the first ever seen in Cuba.
[Illustration: BARTHOLOMEW DE LAS CASAS]
The other and more famous of these two men was Bartholomew de Las Casas,
known to the world as the "Protector of the Indians" and as the "Apostle
to the Indies." As a youth he had accompanied his father on Columbus's
third voyage to America, and he had come to the Antilles a second time
and permanently with Ovando, the Governor of Hispaniola, in 1502. In
1510 he was ordained to be a priest, and it was in that clerical
capacity that he was sent over to Cuba to assist Velasquez in the
conquest, pacification and settlement of the island. He appears at first
to have had no important religious scruples against oppression of the
natives, but joined with Velasquez and Narvaez in their sometimes
ruthless policy. When the island was divided among the conquerors under
the system of repartimientos, or allotments of natives as practical
slaves of the Spaniards, he received and accepted without demur his
encomienda or commandery, and held it for some time in partnership with
his friend Pedro de Renteria. But a little later, realizing the
injustice and cruelties which the natives suffered under this system, he
became, as he himself described it, "converted," and thereafter was an
earnest, zealous and almost fanatical champion of their rights. He
visited Spain several times, to secure commissions of inquiry and other
measures for their relief. Also, thinking thus to redeem them from
enforced servitude, he secured royal sanction for the introduction of
Negro slavery and the importation of Negro slaves into Cuba; a policy
which he afterward deeply regretted.
After a brief campaign in Bayamo, which was not particularly successful,
beyond the killing of Caguax and the final dispersion of the force which
Hatuey had organized, Narvaez formed an expedition of perhaps five
hundred men for more extended enterprises, in which he had as his
principal companions Las Casas and a young nephew of Velasquez, Juan de
Grijalva. The precise route of this expedition cannot now be stated. It
certainly, however, traversed the Bayamo region, and went as far west as
Camaguey. It also visited the neighborhood of Cape Cruz and there passed
through the town of Cueyba, as Las Casas called it, where, as hitherto
related, a Spanish mariner, presumably Ojeda, had landed and had
established a Christian shrine with a statue of the Holy Virgin. Here
and at other places amicable relations were maintained between the
Spaniards and the natives.
Unhappily that was not always the rule. At the large town of Caonao,
probably near Manzanillo, a number of Spanish soldiers, as if suddenly
stricken with madness, began a massacre of the natives, killed a great
number, and drove the rest into flight. Narvaez does not seem to have
ordered nor to have taken part in the slaughter, but neither did he
exert himself to prevent it or to stop it. Whereupon Las Casas,
righteously wrathful, bade him to go to the Devil, and thereafter
devoted himself to ministering to the sufferers and to reassuring the
survivors.
From Caonao the expedition moved westward, through the southern part of
the Province of Camaguey, where the natives were so frightened that they
fled to the little islands off the coast which Columbus had named the
Queen's Gardens. Thence it went across the island to the north coast,
and probably in the region of Sagua la Grande, in Santa Clara Province,
found some small deposits of gold. After stopping there for some time,
it continued its progress into Havana Province, where more gold was
found and where, unhappily, serious trouble with the natives was
renewed.
On the way across the island Narvaez had heard of three Spaniards, a man
and two women, who had been shipwrecked on the coast and were living
with the Indians somewhere in the west. He sent word of this report back
to Velasquez, who returned him orders to search for the castaways even
in preference to gold, and who also dispatched a ship along the north
coast to meet Narvaez and his party in the region to which they were
going. In Santa Clara the two women were found, unharmed and well, and
they presently married members of the expedition. Finally, in Havana the
man also was found. He too was unharmed and well, though he had become
in speech and habits more like an Indian than a Spaniard. According to
his story, he and the two women were the sole survivors of a company of
twenty-six. They had fled from Ojeda's ill-starred settlement at Uraba,
on the Gulf of Darien, and were trying to make their way back to
Hispaniola, but had been driven out of their course around the north
coast of Cuba. Not far from Cape San Antonio they had been shipwrecked
and thence had made their way by land, along the north coast. Most of
them had been killed by natives while trying to cross an arm of the sea,
which has been assumed to have been the Bay of Matanzas, which was so
named on that account.
On the Havana coast the expedition met the vessel which Velasquez had
sent. But leaving it in port there the expedition went across the island
again to Xagua, or Cienfuegos, there to meet Velasquez himself and
another expedition which he was leading, and there to spend with him the
Christmas season of 1513. At the beginning of 1514 Narvaez and a hundred
men returned to Havana and thence marched westward into Pinar del Rio,
the vessel keeping in touch with them along the coast. How far they went
in that province is not now certainly known. Some accounts have it that
they stopped at Bahia Honda and there took ship back for Baracoa, while
others insist that they got as far as Nombre de Dios. All that is
certain is that Narvaez and his comrades visited on this expedition all
parts of the island, and thus completed the nominal exploration and
occupation of Cuba in the early part of 1514.
CHAPTER VI
Velasquez was for a number of years the dominant figure in Cuban
history, and he much more than any other man is to be credited with the
settlement of the island and its social, political and economical
organization. He was married at Baracoa in the early part of 1513 to
Donna Maria de Cuellar, daughter of Christopher de Cuellar, the royal
treasurer in the island, but within a week was left a widower. To find
solace for his grief in action, he threw himself with extraordinary
energy into the work of exploring, pacifying and colonizing the island.
After founding the town of San Salvador de Bayamo he went westward, as
already stated, to meet Narvaez and to spend Christmas at Xagua or
Cienfuegos. Less than a month later he founded La Villa de Trinidad, and
later in the year La Villa de Sancti Spiritus and, finally, Santiago de
Cuba. At all of these places excepting the last named gold was found,
though not in any large quantities. He was thus encouraged to continue
his search for that precious metal, while at the same time he was
admonished not to look too much to it for the prosperity of the Island,
but to pay attention to the development of its other resources, and
particularly its obvious agricultural potentialities.
Accordingly in the spring of 1514 he sent a vessel to Hispaniola for
horses and cattle with which to stock Cuba, and for supplies of grain
and other seeds, and agricultural implements. In the cargo which it
brought back to him lay the germ of the subsequent agricultural
greatness of Cuba. At about the same time, also, he founded Cuban
commerce by the establishment of regular communication between the
island and Jamaica, Darien and other Spanish settlements at the south.
In this latter enterprise the King was especially interested, and his
directions to Velasquez were that he should develop it to the largest
possible extent. He did not expect Cuba ever to rival Darien and other
regions in mineral wealth, but that island could, he thought, surpass
them in agriculture, and thus could serve as a source of supply to them,
and as a base of operations.
It was, indeed, in pursuance of this policy of commerce with the
countries at the south and west of the Caribbean that Santiago de Cuba
was founded as the seventh of the seven cities among which the island
was partitioned, and that it was made the insular capital. The site was,
as already stated, the only one at which gold was not found. It was
selected partly because of the secure and commodious harbor, one of the
finest anywhere on the shores of the Caribbean, and partly because its
situation on the south coast made it particularly accessible to and from
Jamaica, Darien and the other regions in which the Spanish crown was
interested. As soon as it was founded, the seat of civil, military and
ecclesiastical authority was transferred thither from Baracoa, and
Santiago de Cuba became the second capital of the island. Meantime
Narvaez, at the north, had founded Havana, which was destined to be the
third and final capital.
Each city or town was made, however, a capital unto itself. The
principle of local autonomy or home rule had long been cherished by the
Spanish people in the Iberian Kingdom, and it was transplanted by them
in an increased degree to their Antillean colonies. In accord with that
principle, these first seven cities were planned and arranged with a
view to civic self-sufficiency. The plan was uniform. Each place had its
central park or plaza, upon which fronted the town hall, the parish
church and the residence of the governor or the alcalde. The plan of
government was also uniform. In each place Velasquez appointed an
Alcalde, who was not a mayor but a judge of first instance; a Deputy
Alcalde, and three regidores or councillors; the Alcalde and the
regidores sitting together forming the Town Council. There were also a
procurador, or public prosecutor; an alguacil, or sheriff; and one or
more escribanos, or notaries public.
There was also at this time established throughout the island a social
and economic system borrowed from Hispaniola, where it had not been in
operation long enough for its evil effects to be demonstrated. Its
intention was unquestionably benevolent, and, given a sufficiently
altruistic quality of human nature, its results might have been good.
With human nature what it was, it became almost unrelievedly evil. This
was known as the system of Repartimiento, or Encomienda. First of all,
the whole territory of the island was partitioned among the seven
cities. Then in each there were appointed persons whom we might describe
as land-holders and slave-holders. The former, known as vecinos, were
the representatives of the king in ownership of the land, all of which
was regarded as the property of the crown, to be apportioned for working
to suitable loyal subjects. The latter were called encomenderos, and to
them were apportioned the native population, in tutelage and servitude.
Now the fundamental evil of the system lay in the appropriation of the
land. It was all taken for the crown, and the natives who had been
occupying it were _ipso facto_ transformed into squatters, or
trespassers. But as the king claimed the whole area of the island, there
was no other land for them to occupy; wherefore they must remain on the
king's land. But if they did that, they must become his serfs. They were
therefore apportioned among the land-holders; to remain in their homes
and to be educated, fed and clothed and generally cared for by the
latter; and in return to do a certain amount of useful work. Thus they
would become civilized and Christianized, and perhaps themselves fitted
to become land-holders.
It was an excellent plan, in theory; and it seemed the more likely to
succeed because the Spanish colonists manifested no such caste prejudice
against the natives as those of some other lands did. Thus it was an
unusual thing for a French settler in North America, and a still more
unusual thing for a British settler, to marry an Indian woman, and such
unions, when they did occur, were generally regarded as debasing. But
there was no such feeling among the Spanish, and intermarriages between
the races, of an entirely legal and honorable character, were not
uncommon and were not regarded with disfavor. Nevertheless, the
repartimiento system soon lapsed into utter evil, as such a relationship
between a superior and an inferior race seems certain to do. In brief,
it became slavery, pure and simple.
The benevolent and statesmanlike spirit of Velasquez was shown, in
contrast to that of most other conquistadors of that time, in the
circumstance that he ordered the natives to be thus impressed into work
for a period of only a single month, to be paid for their labor at a
prescribed rate, and to be engaged as largely as possible in
agricultural pursuits. He did not prohibit the employment of them at
gold mining, but he strove earnestly to extend agricultural enterprise.
This was partly, no doubt, in pursuance of the king's order, that he
should make Cuba a source of food supplies for the supposedly less
favored regions at Darien and elsewhere, but was partly, too, because
Velasquez recognized the agricultural possibilities of Cuba and was
determined to make it self-supporting. He exercised this authority, not
merely as Governor General of the island, but also as Repartidor, or
Partitioner of the Natives, to which office he was expressly appointed
by the king, with responsibility to nobody but the king himself. He
apportioned the natives in lots of from not fewer than forty to not more
than three hundred, according to the land held by the vecino, and
ordered that they be well treated, and of course be not sold nor
transferred from one master to another.
There was, unfortunately, another class of native servitors, to wit,
those taken as captives in battle in the occasional hostilities between
the two races. These were by royal decree made outright and life-long
slaves, subject to be bought and sold and even branded with their
owners' names, like cattle. The number of these being few after the
collapse of Hatuey's short-lived resistance, the practice arose of
adding to their number natives from Mexico, Darien and elsewhere, who
were seized and brought to Cuba as slaves. All this was declared to be
illegal and was ordered abolished by a royal decree which was
promulgated in Cuba in November, 1531. But long before that time the
evil system had become widespread, and had involved in absolute slavery
encomendado natives as well as the captives. The bad results of the
system were reflected upon the masters if possible more than upon the
slaves, and were felt for many years after the native population had so
nearly vanished as to be no longer a factor in Cuban affairs worthy of
consideration.
[Illustration: PONCE DE LEON]
Following the establishment of these political and industrial systems,
Cuban colonization made extraordinarily rapid progress. The island which
for years had been neglected and all but ignored became the chief centre
of Antillean interest. It drew from Hispaniola, Darien and other lands,
both insular and continental, many of their best colonists, including
some who afterward became famous for their achievements elsewhere. Thus,
Hernando Cortez was alcalde of Santiago de Cuba. Bernal Diaz, whose
honest soul revolted against the infamies of Pedrarias Davila at Darien,
settled for a time at Sancti Spiritus before following Cortez to Mexico.
Vasco de Figueroa was a great plantation owner at Camaguey. Las Casas
was at Trinidad until he returned to Spain to begin his propaganda for
the welfare of the Indians. Ponce de Leon also spent some time in Cuba,
and so did La Salle. Velasquez himself was of course settled at Santiago
de Cuba, with Christopher de Cuellar, the royal treasurer, and Hurtado
de Isunsolo and Amador de Lares, fiscal agents of the King. At Santiago
was established the royal assay office and refining works for the output
of the gold mines of the island.
In brief, the island prospered greatly in all respects. The mines were
rich, the plantations fertile and productive, and live stock greatly
thrived. The island, according to Oviedo, became "much populated with
both Christians and Indians." It appears to have been at the instance of
Velasquez that its name was changed in 1515 from Juana to Fernandina, in
honor of the king; an incident which added to the high regard which that
monarch cherished for Velasquez, of whom he said that "no man could more
wisely administer the affairs of the island." This tribute was probably
deserved. But it cannot be said that Velasquez served his King for
naught, or that he promoted the interests of the island to the neglect
of his own, since he himself so greatly prospered that he became the
richest man in all Cuba and probably in all the Antilles, and was so
secure in his place that he could feel quite independent of even the
Admiral himself, Diego Columbus, at Hispaniola.
A noteworthy tribute to Velasquez was paid, also, in a series of cedulas
issued by the King. The first, dated December 12, 1512, thanked him for
his pacification of Cuba and his tactful and humane treatment of the
natives. Another, on April 8, 1513, was much to the same effect, adding
the exhortation: "Because I much desire that all diligence possible be
used to convert the natives of the island, I direct that you undertake
this with all means possible. In nothing can you do me greater service."
Five days later a third cedula formally appointed Velasquez Governor of
the town and fortress of Baracoa, with a salary of 20,000 maravedis a
year. After the complete organization of the insular government and
industrial system, as already described, the King in a cedula of
February 28, 1515, commended all that had been done, adding: "The chief
recommendation I would make to you is that you have all possible care
for the conversion and good treatment of the Indians of the island, and
that you endeavor in every way to have them taught and indoctrinated in
our Holy Catholic Faith and to have them remain in it; so that we may be
without burden on our conscience regarding them and so that you may free
yourself of all the obligation which you have assumed for their
welfare."
It was impossible that Velasquez should, however, escape the attacks of
envy and malice. Suggestions were made to the King that he was growing
too rich, and that he was manipulating the affairs of the island in his
own interest rather than in the interest of the royal treasury. But
these were without effect, save to confirm Velasquez in royal confidence
and favor. To the suggestion that a residencia or investigation be made
of the administration of Velasquez and his lieutenants, the King
returned an emphatic negative. In a cedula of July 7, 1515, he expressly
ordered that no residencia be taken, since he was entirely satisfied
with the administration of the island. This was of material advantage to
Velasquez, and was also a most unusual honor; the more unusual and
noteworthy when we remember that Ferdinand had developed a particularly
selfish and suspicious disposition and was little inclined to give full
confidence to any man.
Nor was the royal favor short lived or confined to the reign of
Ferdinand. In November, 1518, another royal decree from Ferdinand's
successor, Charles I, appointed Velasquez Adelantado of all lands which
he personally or through his agents might discover, and endowed him with
one-fifteenth part of all the revenues which might be obtained from
them. At this time Velasquez was already busy with enterprises of
exploration, and his efforts were redoubled under this incentive. But in
so doing he suffered the same fate that he himself had inflicted upon
Diego Columbus. For he sent Hernando Cortez, who had been alcalde of
Santiago de Cuba, upon the expedition which resulted in the conquest of
Mexico; upon achieving which transcendent exploit, Cortez repudiated him
and his authority, much as Velasquez had repudiated the authority of
Columbus in Hispaniola.
The year 1515 marked a turning-point in the early history of Cuba. In
that year Las Casas began his great crusade in behalf of the natives. At
first, as we have seen, he accepted and approved the repartimiento
system, and himself with his partner and close friend Pedro de Renteria
took several hundred Indians as his wards and servants on the land which
had been allotted to him at Trinidad. But when he became "converted," as
he himself described it, he was convinced that the system, which had
degenerated into little else than slavery, was wholly evil and could be
nothing else, putting all who practised it in imminent danger of hell
fire. To this conviction he was brought through consideration of what he
had heard Dominican friars preach in Hispaniola.
At this time his partner, Renteria, was absent, in Jamaica, and Las
Casas was ignorant of his views on the subject. Moreover, he realized
that the natives whom he had in his possession belonged to Renteria as
much as to him, and he could not properly do anything which would be
injurious to the interests of his partner. Accordingly he went to
Velasquez and told him that his conscience would no longer permit him to
hold slaves, and he must therefore release them; but he wished the
matter held in abeyance and confidence until the return of Renteria, in
order that the latter might protect his own interests as he saw fit. In
addition, he passionately adjured Velasquez, for the sake of his own
soul, to free all the natives and to abolish the repartimiento system.
Velasquez did not follow this advice, but he continued to hold Las Casas
in the highest esteem and to show him all possible favors.
Las Casas then at once began publicly preaching against the sin of
slavery, and proclaiming the right of the natives to equal freedom with
the Spaniards; a course which gave great offense to many in the island
but in which Velasquez protected him. Then he determined to hasten at
once to Spain and to lay the matter before the King, who in his various
cedulas and messages to Velasquez had expressed so much concern for the
welfare of the Indians. He accordingly wrote to Renteria, in Jamaica,
that he was called to Spain on imperatively urgent business, and that
unless he, Renteria, could return to Cuba at once, he would have to go
without seeing him first, which he would regret to do. Upon receiving
this letter, Renteria immediately hastened back to Cuba; and then was
disclosed one of the most extraordinary coincidences in history.
The meeting of the two friends was in the presence of Velasquez and
others, and nothing was said by Las Casas concerning his plans, nor did
Renteria say anything about his own affairs. But as soon as they were
alone together, Renteria announced that he was planning himself to go to
Spain, and that he would therefore accompany Las Casas. He then
explained that while in Jamaica he had gone for a time into "retreat" at
a Franciscan monastery, and while thus engaged in pious meditation had
become convinced that the Indians of Cuba were being very badly treated,
and had resolved to go to Spain and there to plead their cause before
the King, especially asking for the foundation of schools and colleges
in which the Indian youth could be educated. The astonishment and
delight of Las Casas at hearing this was equalled only by the similar
feelings of Renteria when in turn Las Casas told him the purpose of his
proposed mission to Spain. Hundreds of miles apart, and entirely unknown
to each other, the two friends at precisely the same time had been
cherishing the same noble purposes. It was quickly agreed between them
that Las Casas alone should undertake the mission, that their native
wards should be surrendered at once to Velasquez, and that their land
and other property should be sold, if necessary, to provide Las Casas
with the money needed for his journey. In his departure from Cuba and
his journey to Spain, Las Casas was also greatly assisted by Pedro de
Cordova, the head of the Dominican Order in Hispaniola.
Simultaneously with the departure of Las Casas another and very
different mission was dispatched to the same goal. This was one
consisting of Narvaez and Antonio Velasquez--not the Governor, Diego
Velasquez--bearing a petition to the King to the effect that the
repartimiento system should be transformed into one of absolute and
perpetual slavery; so that the land-owners might hold their Indians
permanently, and bequeath them to their heirs like any other property.
That this was sent simultaneously with Las Casas's going is not to be
regarded as a coincidence, however. It is altogether probable that the
action was inspired by knowledge of the purpose of Las Casas and by a
determination to forestall him or to defeat him.
How Ferdinand would have decided between the two, whether the
impassioned eloquence of Las Casas or the gold which Narvaez and Antonio
Velasquez bore with their petition, would have been the more potent,
must ever remain matter of uncertainty; for he was never called upon to
make the decision. Before the issue could be put to him, on January 23,
1516, he died. In the interregnum, before the arrival of the new King,
Charles I, from Flanders, Cardinal Ximenes was Regent, and it was to him
that Las Casas addressed himself; after he had first been scornfully
received and his mission ridiculed by Bishop Fonseca, of Burgos. The
great Cardinal had long been an advocate of humane treatment of the
Indians, and was quite ready to listen to Las Casas, calling into
council for the purpose several other prelates and statesmen. Early in
the hearings, in order to make sure of his ground, Ximenes bade the
clerk to read the full text of the laws relating to the Indians, and
that functionary, being a partisan of the advocates of slavery,
purposely misread one important clause. Las Casas cried out, "That is
not the law!" Ximenes bade the clerk to read it again. He did so, with
the same perversion; and again Las Casas exclaimed, "The law says no
such thing!" Annoyed, Ximenes rebuked Las Casas and threatened him with
a penalty if he interrupted again. "Your Lordship is welcome to send my
head to the block," retorted the undaunted Las Casas, "if what the clerk
has read is in the law!" Other members of the Council thereupon snatched
the laws from the clerk's hand, and found that Las Casas was right,
whereupon the clerk wished that he had never been born, while Las Casas,
as he himself modestly records, "lost nothing of the regard which the
Cardinal had for him or of the credit which he gave to him."
The result of the conferences was that Ximenes authorized Las Casas,
Palacios Rubios and Antonio Montesino to prepare the draft of a plan for
emancipating the Indians and providing for their just government and
education. When the plan was completed and adopted there was some
question as to whom it should be entrusted for execution. Ximenes
invited Las Casas to nominate a commission, but the latter declined
because his long absence from Spain had left him unfamiliar with men
there and their qualifications. The Cardinal therefore decided to select
a commission from among the monks of the Order of St. Jerome. That Order
was selected because, while the Dominicans and Franciscans were already
settled in Hispaniola and Jamaica and had committed themselves to a
certain policy toward the Indian question, the Jeronimites had not yet
gone thither and were quite without bias or predisposition.
This was on July 8, 1516. The following Sunday the Cardinal and other
members of the council, and also Las Casas, went to the Jeronimite
monastery, near Madrid, to attend mass and to make a selection of three
Commissioners or judges from among the twelve who had been nominated by
the head of the Order. There Las Casas was received with much
distinction by the monks and by the Cardinal, to the chagrin of his
enemy the Bishop of Burgos, who was present in the congregation. After
some consideration, Ximenes then announced that Las Casas should be
provided with money and letters of credit to the General of the Order at
Seville, and should himself go thither and select the three
Commissioners. This was immediately done, and the result was the
selection of Luis de Figueroa, Prior of La Mejorada; Alonzo de Santo
Domingo, Prior of Ortega; and Bernardino Manzanedo. These three were
thereupon commissioned by Ximenes to proceed to Hispaniola, to take away
all the Indians held by members of the Council, judges and other
officers, and hold a court of impeachment upon all colonial officers,
who were charged as having "lived, like Moors, without a king." They
were then to consult with both the colonists and the chief men among the
Indians as to the condition of the Indians and the ways and means of
bettering it; so that the Indians, who had become Christians, should be
set free and enabled to govern themselves. They were to assure the
Indians it was the will of the Cardinal that they should be treated as
free men and Christians. That Ximenes was sincere in giving these orders
there can be no question. On more than one occasion he vehemently
declared that the Indians were as a matter of right and should and must
be as a matter of fact free men.
But all this was too late to save the Indians. Immediately upon Las
Casas's departure from Cuba, treatment of the Indians there and
elsewhere in the Indies became more harsh and oppressive, actually
tending toward extinction of the race. Moreover, when the bearers of the
petition of Narvaez and Antonio Velasquez finally got a hearing before
Ximenes, they were referred to the three Commissioners, who were about
to leave Spain for Hispaniola. They therefore went to see them, and
succeeded, apparently, to some degree in alienating them from Las Casas
and his colleagues and in prejudicing them against the Indians; to such
an extent that before their departure for Hispaniola Las Casas had begun
to doubt whether much real good would come from their mission. He and
the three Commissioners travelled to Hispaniola on separate ships, and
on their arrival in that island the three were more ready to confer with
others, even with his opponents, than with him.
It is true that Cardinal Ximenes gave detailed and generally admirable
directions to the Jeronimite Fathers as to the course which they were to
pursue; not only toward the natives of Cuba but also toward those of the
other islands and the continent. These provided that the natives were to
be well treated. They were to be formed into autonomous communities of
their own, under their own chiefs and owning their own land and cattle.
They were to be provided with churches, schools and hospitals, and were
to be converted to Christianity and educated. They were, however, to be
required to work for a part of the time in the gold mines of the
Spaniards, for which service they would be paid a percentage of the gold
obtained. In compensation for thus being deprived of what was fast
becoming the slave labor of the native islanders, the Spanish settlers
of Cuba were permitted each to hold as outright slaves four or five
Caribs from other islands, Negroes from Africa, or, in time, Red Indians
from the North American continent. The net result was that for a time
the Cuban natives were fairly well treated, though their fate was simply
postponed for a few years. At the same time there was generally
established in Cuba, as in most other lands of the world at that time,
the hateful institution of human slavery.
CHAPTER VII
Gold mining in Cuba appears for some time to have been profitable. There
was not the vast opulence of the precious metal which a little later was
discovered in Peru and elsewhere on the South American continent, but
there was enough greatly to encourage an influx of colonists from Spain
and also from the other Antilles. Hispaniola itself was for a time
almost depopulated. Nor did this multitude of settlers consist
exclusively of gold-seekers. There were also many agriculturists,
artificers and tradesmen, who perceived that their activities would be
needed to complement the gold-mining industry.
From the same cause arose at this time an important development of the
political organization of the island. Nominally, all the provincial
capitals were of equal dignity. But the smelting works and assay office
were at Santiago, and thither, therefore, all gold miners had to repair
at intervals, to have their nuggets, dust and ore refined and its value
determined. They came in the spring, just before the beginning of the
rainy season. Naturally their coming thither attracted at the same time
tradesmen from all parts of the island, and Santiago thus became the
business and social metropolis.
Moreover, each of the other provincial capitals deemed it profitable to
send to Santiago at that time an official representative of its local
government. These procuradors, as they were called, came together at
Santiago to exchange experiences and advice and to confer for the
general welfare of their respective communities. Thus early in Cuban
history were the rudiments of a representative insular legislature
established; through the influence of which the various provinces were
drawn together in sympathy and made uniform in administration, and the
foundations of Cuban nationality were laid.
Soon, indeed, a regular organization was voluntarily formed, with the
Alcalde of Santiago as presiding officer and with rules of order and a
programme of procedure. As a result of each annual session of this
primitive insular council an address was prepared for transmission to
the King of Spain. This consisted of a report upon the condition,
progress and prospects of the island, and a request for the supplying of
its legislative, administrative or other needs. In the presentation of
this address the insular council performed a function practically
identical with that of the Spanish Cortes of that time; a body which had
no legislative or other authority, but merely the privilege of protest
and petition to the King. Usually a procurador representing the council
was despatched to Spain, to present the address in person to the King;
who was received with something of the attention and honor which were
paid to important foreign ambassadors.
The first such mission from Cuba to the King was that which has already
been mentioned as consisting of Panfilo de Narvaez and Antonio
Velasquez. It went to Spain in July, 1515, and it bore not alone the
address of the council but also the king's share of the gold that had
down to that time been mined in the island. The amount of that share was
more than 12,000 "pieces of eight," which we must believe was most
welcome to the money-loving King. As that was supposed to be twenty per
cent of the whole output of gold, but was certainly not more than that
proportion, it follows that in about three years more than 60,000 pesos
of gold had been taken. It is not to be wondered at that Ferdinand
welcomed them cordially, and promptly granted many of their requests;
those which required expenditure of cash being paid for out of the
insular tribute which the envoys had brought; and that he expressed
profound satisfaction, as already mentioned, with the existing
government of the island.
One of the requests which these envoys bore was not, however, granted.
That was, their request that the natives of Cuba be given to them in
perpetuity as slaves. In consequence of the refusal to grant this, the
Cuban gold-miners and planters suffered more and more from scarcity of
labor, and more and more engaged in slave-hunting elsewhere to supply
their needs. This pernicious traffic was resolutely opposed by Las
Casas, but not with entire success. But it brought with it in a measure
its own penalty. As a direct result of it there soon occurred an event
mischievous to Cuba, but of transcendent interest to Spain and to all
the world.
The slave-hunters naturally sought new islands, which had not yet been
depopulated, and where the Jeronimite Fathers had not yet established
themselves to interfere with the trade in human flesh. Accordingly in
1516 a squadron of vessels from Cuba visited the Guanajes Islands, as
they had been called by Columbus when he discovered them, off the coast
of Yucatan. There they took many captives, loading all the vessels with
them. Leaving twenty-five men to guard their landing place on the
island, the squadron returned to Cuba with the slaves. Havana was the
port to which they were taken; a port which from that time forward
increased rapidly in importance. Before they could all be landed, the
slaves on one vessel mutinied, overpowered the crew, took possession of
the vessel, and sailed back to the Yucatan islands. There the vessel was
run ashore and wrecked, but the slaves escaped from it and, going
ashore, exterminated the Spanish garrison which had been left there. A
relief expedition was hastily sent from Havana, but it arrived too late.
It found only the wreck of the ship, and no trace of the Spanish
garrison. However, it looted the islands and was thus enabled to carry
back to Cuba some 20,000 pesos in gold.
This had a revolutionary effect. Cubans who were becoming dissatisfied
with the scarcity of slave labor and with the waning production of gold
in the island, were roused by the promise of greater riches in the lands
to the westward, and began to plan further adventures in that direction.
In this movement the first important leader was Francisco Hernandez de
Cordova, a wealthy land-holder, planter and miner of Sancti Spiritus. He
with more than a hundred others equipped a squadron of three vessels, to
sail westward, not, however, for slaves but for gold. One of these
vessels appears to have belonged to Velasquez, the Governor, and in
return for the use of it he asked that the expedition should bring him
back a cargo of slaves. This Cordova indignantly refused, declaring that
the slave-trade was offensive to God and man. So, at least, says Bernal
Diaz del Castillo; though there are others who say that slave trading
was the real object of the expedition. However that may be, the
expedition set out from either Havana or Jaruco, near by, on February 8,
1517, piloted by Antonio Alaminos who, as a boy, had sailed with
Columbus on his fourth voyage on which he skirted the coast of Central
America. Columbus had believed that coast to be the Golden Chersonesus,
a land of fabulous riches, and it was with eagerness that Alaminos
guided the Cuban expedition thither.
The Mugeres Islands were the first land reached after leaving Cape San
Antonio, and two days later, on March 4, 1517, they landed at Punta
Catoche--a name said to have been given to it by them because of the
words "con escotoch" which the natives uttered on greeting them upon
their landing, words meaning "welcome to our home." All thoughts of
seizing slaves were quickly abandoned when they found the natives a well
clad, armed and civilized people, living in large cities, with houses
and temples built of fine masonry, comparable with those of the cities
of Spain. Hostilities, however, speedily arose. It does not appear
whether the Spanish or the natives of Yucatan were the aggressors, but
the upshot of it was that the Spanish were ambuscaded and several of
them were badly wounded. The explorers persisted in their enterprise,
however, and made their way along the northern coast and thence
southward along the shore of the Gulf of Campeche, as far as Champoton.
Hostilities with the natives increased, and nearly a third of the party
perished from wounds or thirst and fever before they got back to
Havana. Moreover, one ship was lost, and the other two were in so bad
condition that they with difficulty were beached for repairs at Havana,
while the survivors marched afoot across the island to Santiago, there
to report to Velasquez the results of their expedition. It is believed
that on their way back they were driven by a "norther" far out of their
course, and touched the southern extremity of Florida, or at least some
of its islands. Cordova himself had been so badly wounded that he was
unable to go to Santiago, but made his way to his home at Sancti
Spiritus, where he soon afterward died.
Immense interest was aroused in Cuba by the tales of Cordova's men, and
by the appearance of the two captive Mayas of Yucatan whom they brought
with them. The reports of large cities, built of stone dressed and
carved and laid in mortar,--reports which were, of course, entirely
true,--piqued curiosity as to the identity of the people who had built
them, and the belief became widespread that they were some of the Ten
Lost Tribes of Israel, or at least descendants of the Jews who were
driven into exile after Vespasian's conquest of Jerusalem. Velasquez
himself was foremost in interesting himself in the matter, perhaps
partly with a desire to recoup the loss of his ship; and he accordingly
sent his nephew Gonzalez de Guzman, of Santiago, as a messenger to the
King in Spain, to tell him of these discoveries and to ask that he,
Velasquez, be commissioned Adelantado of Yucatan and all other lands
which he might discover.
Now we have seen how high an opinion King Ferdinand had of Velasquez;
regarding him as the best possible Governor of Cuba, whose
administration should not be subject even to the balancing and auditing
of accounts which he elsewhere required. But Ferdinand was now dead, and
the new king, Charles, knew not Velasquez, or at least not so well.
Guzman pleaded the cause as strongly as he could, and so, we may assume,
did Narvaez, who was still in Spain, though Antonio Velasquez had
returned to Cuba. The king was not, however, to be so easily persuaded.
He was not unfavorable to the ambition of Velasquez, but neither was he
unhesitatingly favorable to it. Accordingly he temporized. Instead of
giving Velasquez the appointment, he sent two agents, procuradors, to
Hispaniola, to look into the whole matter with plenary authority. These
agents, the name of one of whom marks an epoch in Cuban and in American
history, were Diego de Orellano and Hernando Cortez.
Velasquez was disappointed but not deterred from prosecuting the great
enterprise which he had in mind. He would not wait for the report of the
procuradors and the action which the king might take upon it, but
hastened his preparations for another expedition to Yucatan, which he
regarded as by far the most important land of all that had thus far been
discovered by the Spanish in the Western Hemisphere. The leader of the
new venture was to be his nephew, Juan de Grijalva, who appears not to
have been well fitted for the task. Grijalva was commissioned in
January, 1518, and in the same month set out from Santiago de Cuba with
a flotilla of four vessels. Sailing eastward he rounded Cape Maysi and
thence proceeded north and west along the Cuban coast to what is now
Matanzas, where a stop was made for repairs and supplies. Thence he went
to Havana for further supplies and men, and tarried for some time, so
that it was not until some time in April--some say April 5, others a
much later date--that he finally set out from Cuba. He had four vessels,
carrying two hundred and fifty men, among whom were several of whom the
world was later to hear much; such as Bernal Diaz, and Pedro de
Alvarado, who was captain of one of the vessels. The chief pilot was
Antonio Alaminos, whose plan was to follow the same course that
Cordova's expedition had pursued.
Upon passing Cape San Antonio, however, the little squadron fell into
the grip of a "norther" which carried it somewhat out of its course, and
on May 3 it first sighted land at Cozumel Island, of which Grijalva was
thus the discoverer. Doubling back, the expedition followed the course
of its predecessor around Punta Catoche and along the Yucatan coast to
Champoton. Thence it continued westward, discovering the Tabasco and
other rivers, and the great bay near Vera Cruz which still bears the
name of Alvarado. How far up the Mexican coast it sailed is not
altogether clear, but it certainly passed Cabo Rojo, and probably
reached Tampico and the mouth of the Panuco River. Thus to two Cuban
expeditions must be credited the discovery of the vast empire thereafter
known as New Spain. De Solis and Pinzon had skirted a part of the coast
of Yucatan in 1506 but had made no landing. Indeed, Columbus himself on
his last voyage had visited some of the coastal islands, but had
apparently ignored the proximity of the mainland. Cordova was the first
to reach the actual coast of Yucatan and to explore a portion of that
country. Grijalva in turn was the first to discover and to land in
Mexico; of which country he formally claimed possession, in the name of
Velasquez, for the King of Spain, it was he, too, or some member of his
expedition, who gave to Mexico the name of New Spain.
In his commission Grijalva had been directed to discover and explore new
lands, and to take possession of them for the King of Spain, but he was
forbidden to undertake colonization of them or to make any permanent
settlements. To that prohibition must be ascribed the practical failure
of his expedition. He appears to have realized the desirability of
making permanent settlements, but felt himself restrained by his orders.
His men murmured and almost mutinied because they were not permitted to
build forts, take land, and establish colonies; but Grijalva, though
firm to resist them, dared not violate the orders of his uncle. However,
at midsummer he sent Alvarado back with two ships, carrying the sick and
wounded, and also much treasure in gold which had been obtained from the
natives in barter. He likewise wrote to Velasquez, asking and indeed
urging that his commission be so amended as to permit him to make
permanent settlements in the lands which he had discovered.
It does not appear that Velasquez made a favorable response to this
request, if indeed he made any at all. He had previously manifested his
impatience to learn what Grijalva was doing and what he had found, by
sending Christopher de Olid with one vessel to offer him reenforcements
and supplies, if needed, and to get a report of his achievements. Off
the Mexican coast, however, that expedition ran into a succession of
violent storms which so discouraged and dismayed Olid that he abandoned
his errand and scuttled incontinently back to Cuba without so much as
communicating with Grijalva. The latter, accordingly, after spending the
summer and early fall in Mexico, and despairing of receiving the
increased authority which he deemed essential to the further success of
his expedition, reembarked and returned to Cuba, arriving at Matanzas
early in October.
There he found Olid, who had reached that port only a few days before,
and who had not yet communicated with Velasquez the news of the failure
of his errand. Olid's report to Velasquez, which was then promptly
dispatched, contained therefore the news of Grijalva's return as well as
his own. As soon as he received this, Velasquez sent word to Grijalva to
come at once to Santiago and report to him in person, but to let his men
remain at Matanzas, or at Havana, since he wanted them to serve in
another Mexican expedition which he was already fitting out. Most of the
men were willing to do this, and were accordingly maintained there at
the cost of Velasquez, or of the Spanish Crown, until he was ready to
use them; though a certain number expressed themselves as having had
their fill of exploring and accordingly returned to their homes in
various parts of Cuba.
Grijalva repaired, as summoned, to Santiago, and there met what we must
regard as an unjust and unmerited fate. Velasquez expressed entire
dissatisfaction with his conduct, particularly in not having planted
permanent settlements in Mexico; the very thing which Grijalva had
wanted to do but was forbidden by Velasquez himself to do. This
extraordinary inconsistency on the part of Velasquez can probably be
explained on the ground that he himself had been forbidden by the
Jeronimite Fathers to plant such colonies, and did not venture to
disobey them, but had hoped that Grijalva would disobey them. He further
let his unhappy nephew know that, because of his failure to disobey
orders, he would have no further use for him. He was sending out another
expedition to Mexico, to plant permanent colonies there, but it would be
under other leadership, and Grijalva would have no part in it whatever.
As Grijalva had already alienated most of his men by refusing to break
his orders, he was thus left friendless, and he played no further part
in the history either of the Cuba which he had loyally served or of the
Mexico of which he was the discoverer and first explorer.
CHAPTER VIII
[Illustration: HERNANDO CORTEZ]
The new Mexican expedition was entrusted by Velasquez to the leadership
of the greatest of all the Spanish conquistadors, Hernando Cortez, then
Alcalde of Santiago de Cuba. This famous man was then, in 1518, only
thirty-three years of age. He had been born in Estremadura, had survived
a particularly weak and sickly childhood, and had studied law at the
University of Salamanca. Leaving the University, he enlisted in the
company of Nicolas de Ovando, also of Estremadura, for an expedition to
America. But on the very eve of sailing he went to bid a tender farewell
to his inamorata; while scaling the garden wall to reach her window he
fell and had part of the wall topple upon him, and in consequence was
laid abed for some time, while Ovando's expedition sailed without him.
Recovering from this mishap, he passed a year or two in obscurity and
poverty, and then secured passage, in 1504, for Hispaniola. His courage
and prowess during a storm which threatened to swamp the vessel made him
a conspicuous member of the company, and on landing at Hispaniola he was
quickly taken into the good graces and the employ of both Velasquez and
Ovando. Having overcome his early delicacy of constitution, he was now a
stalwart, handsome youth, of engaging manners, fine education and much
spirit and capacity in martial adventure; in brief, admirably fitted for
the great career which he was already unconsciously confronting.
We have seen that a mishap in a love affair determined the time and
circumstances of his leaving Spain for the New World. A sequel to that
incident again determined his course. He had enlisted in the expedition
of Diego de Nicuesa bound for Darien when from the old injury from his
garden wall disaster there developed an abscess in his right knee, which
again disabled him for a time and restrained him from going on that
voyage. Had he gone on it, perhaps he might have become the conqueror of
Peru, instead of his fellow Estremaduran, Pizarro, who was a member of
Nicuesa's company, and the discoverer of the Pacific, instead of that
other Estremaduran, Balboa, who went to Darien at a little later date.
Instead, Cortez was detailed by Diego Columbus to go to Cuba as a
secretary to Velasquez. In that capacity he acquitted himself so well
that he received an extensive grant of land, together with a large
number of natives as slaves, and for a time he settled down as a Cuban
planter.
His adventurous spirit would not permit him permanently to engage in so
placid an occupation, however, and he presently became involved in some
strenuous transactions which came near to making an end of him.
Precisely what happened is uncertain. Historic accounts differ.
According to Benito Martinez, he made himself the leader of a faction
opposed to Velasquez, and undertook to go from Cuba to Hispaniola in an
open boat to carry to certain royal Judges there complaints and
accusations against the Governor. As he was setting out on this venture,
however, he was betrayed and arrested, was charged with fomenting a
revolt against Velasquez, and was condemned to be hanged. Upon the
intercession of friends, however, Velasquez commuted the sentence into
exile from Cuba, and put Cortez aboard a vessel bound for Hispaniola.
Soon after the vessel sailed Cortez contrived to slip overboard
unperceived, caught hold of a floating log, and swam back to Cuba. There
he found refuge in a church, until once more his passion for the fair
sex came near to being his undoing. For one day as he was slipping out
of the church to keep a love-tryst, he was seized by an alguazil named
Juan Escudero, and returned to prison. Velasquez then again ordered him
hanged, but again yielded to intercession, and gave Cortez his freedom.
Incidentally, Cortez afterward hanged Escudero, in Mexico.
So runs one version of the story, told by Herrera and others. Gomara,
Barcia and others tell quite another. It is to the effect that Cortez
went to Cuba as an accountant for Miguel de Pasamonte, the royal
treasurer, though he also did much business for Velasquez and was in
charge of the assay office and the hospital at Santiago; and that the
feud between him and Velasquez arose over a love affair. Cortez had
engaged himself to marry Doña Catalina Suarez, one of the ladies in
waiting upon Maria de Toledo, the consort of the Admiral and Viceroy,
Diego Columbus, but either delayed to fulfil the engagement or was
suspected of an intention to break it by Velasquez, who was much
interested in the lady's sister. In the course of this feud, Cortez was
arrested and was found to have on his person papers unfriendly to
Velasquez. He escaped, and took refuge in a church. But in time he
emerged from sanctuary, married Doña Catalina, and "lived happily with
her ever after." He also became reconciled to Velasquez, so much that
the latter stood as god-father to the first-born child of Cortez.
This latter story seems the more probable of the two, and more in accord
with what we know of the characters and dispositions of both Velasquez
and Cortez. Certain it is that after their disagreements and conflicts
Velasquez took Cortez back into full favor, made him Alcalde of Santiago
de Cuba, and selected him in preference to his own nephew, Grijalva, to
be the leader of what he himself considered to be the most important of
all his enterprises.
In making this choice, which was of epochal importance both to himself
and to Cuba and the Spanish colonial empire, Velasquez was doubtless
largely influenced by the arguments and persuasions of his own
secretary, Andres de Ducro, and by the royal contador in Cuba, Amador de
Lares. These two appear to have worked together, with a mutual
understanding, and also with an understanding with Cortez; so that we
might almost consider the three to have formed a conspiracy to prevail
upon the Governor. Perhaps their chief argument, or temptation, was to
promise Velasquez the royal appointment as Adelantado, not alone over
Cuba but also over all other lands which he might discover, and it was
shrewdly pointed out to him that if haste was made, he might secure that
appointment in time to claim the enormously rich land of Mexico as part
of his domain. All that would be necessary would be for him to get the
appointment before the return of Grijalva with the official report of
his discoveries. As this appointment was the dearest wish and ambition
of Velasquez's life, it is easy to understand how potent this offer was
in persuading him to make Cortez the leader of the expedition.
There was on the other hand much opposition to the choice. All of the
relatives and many of the friends and counsellors of Velasquez warned
him not to trust Cortez. Las Casas joined his advice with theirs,
warning Velasquez, however, not so much against Cortez as against the
royal contador, De Lares, and anyone whom he might favor. De Lares, he
said, had lived long in Italy, a country then considered to be a very
hotbed of trickery and treachery, and was doubtless deeply imbued with
the spirit of conspiracy and intrigue, which he was quite likely to
exercise against Velasquez himself.
Cortez was of course well aware of these conflicting influences, and for
some time felt much uncertainty as to which side would prove the more
powerful. He especially dreaded the return of Grijalva, fearing that
either he would regain the favor of his uncle, or would give so glowing
a report of the wealth of Mexico as to excite the cupidity of Velasquez
to a degree that would move him to go thither in person. When he learned
that Grijalva had arrived at Havana and was about to come across the
island to Santiago, he pushed preparations for his departure with
feverish haste, apparently determined to set out whether Velasquez
approved his going or not. He borrowed large sums of money, wherever he
could, for fitting out the expedition at his own expense if necessary,
and in fact he did thus provide a large share of its cost. He also
recruited a number of men upon whom he could depend to stand by him in
any emergency; even if he should have to defy the authority of Velasquez
and sail without his permission.
The middle of November, 1518, was the crucial and indeed epochal time;
in which the fate of Velasquez, the fortunes of Cortez, and in a large
measure the future of the Spanish empire in America, were all decided.
Within a week, three major incidents occurred. First, on November 13,
Velasquez received his commission from the King, as Adelantado of Cuba
and all new lands which he might cause to be discovered. In getting that
for him, De Ducro and De Lares fulfilled their promise; whereupon
Velasquez in turn fulfilled his agreement, by confirming the appointment
of Cortez. Two days later, on November 15, Grijalva arrived at Santiago,
and as already stated was unfavorably received. Nevertheless, the
apprehensions of Cortez were partially fulfilled. Velasquez did not,
indeed, restore his nephew to favor, but he was so impressed by the
reports and visible and tangible tokens of the wealth of Mexico, that he
hesitated to let Cortez go. The thought occurred to him that it would be
better to go himself, or to send somebody upon whom he could more
implicitly depend.
His hesitation became known to Cortez, and of course greatly disquieted
and alarmed him. But with the intrepidity and resolution which were
characteristic of him, he hastened his preparations for departure and
added to them preparations for breaking away by force if that should be
necessary. It has been said by some that he finally sailed secretly, by
night. Las Casas tells that story, and the American historian of Cortez,
Prescott, credits and repeats it. Others have pictured Cortez as sailing
away openly, with Velasquez falling upon his knees on the shore,
imploring him not to go. We may prudently relegate both these versions
to the realm of imagination. The far more likely story is that given by
honest Bernal Diaz. He tells us that Andres de Ducro--probably knowing
that there was danger that Velasquez would change his mind and revoke
the appointment of Cortez--urged Cortez to sail without delay; that
Cortez accordingly, the second day after Grijalva's arrival at Santiago
ordered all his men to go aboard ship and remain there; that he then
went with De Ducro and De Lares to bid Velasquez adieu; and that the
next day, November 18, after attending an early mass at the cathedral,
he went aboard and at once set sail for Mexico. That was five days after
the appointment of Velasquez as Adelantado, and three days after the
arrival of the real discoverer of Mexico, Grijalva, at Santiago.
With those three incidents, as we have said, a new era began. We need
not here concern ourselves with the further doings of Cortez, excepting
in that he took from Cuba several hundred of its most venturesome and
competent men, including many of those who had been with Grijalva; and
that he promptly renounced the authority of Velasquez over the new lands
which were to be discovered. The breach between the two occurred when
Cortez, having sailed from Santiago, put into the Cuban port of Trinidad
for men and supplies. There he was intercepted by a messenger from
Velasquez, with orders to return at once to Santiago. If he would not
obey this summons, the Alcalde, Verduzo, was authorized forcibly to
deprive him of his commission and to give it instead to Vasco Portallo.
The latter was a friend of Velasquez, who had formerly been considered
by him for the leadership of the expedition, before the choice fell on
Cortez. Another candidate had been Baltazar Bermudez, whom indeed
Velasquez actually selected for the place, only to have him decline it.
Cortez, as might have been expected, refused to return. Instead, he
prevailed upon the Governor's own messenger to join his expedition. To
the demand of the Alcalde, that he surrender his commission, he replied
with a haughty refusal, and so strong was the force which he had with
him that Verduzo prudently refrained from any attempt to coerce him. He
then wrote a friendly letter to Velasquez, assuring him that he was
giving himself needless concern, took on additional supplies, and
resumed his voyage. He had previously helped himself freely from a royal
storehouse at Macaca, saying that he was going on the King's business
and was therefore entitled to the King's goods. Also he is said to have
stopped a merchant ship bound for Hispaniola, and to have taken such
goods from its cargo as he desired.
Thus provided, he next put in at the harbor at or near Batabano which
had in 1514 been called San Cristobal de la Havana, but which by this
time was falling into some disuse and was surrendering its name to the
far more important port on the northern coast. Here another messenger
from Velasquez intercepted him, with a similar command, to which Cortez
gave a similar reply. Last of all, he touched at Guane, on what is now
appropriately known as Cortez Bay, near the western extremity of the
island; and thence, at the middle of February, 1519, left Cuba for the
island of Cozumel, thence to proceed to Vera Cruz, Mexico. The story of
his burning his ships after he had landed, in order that his men might
have no thought or hope of returning, is historic, and is true. But in
effect he did the same, at least for himself, before that time. He
departed from Cuba in circumstances which made his return to that island
impossible; at least as long as Velasquez was its governor. Then, to
seal the matter and make the breach with his former friend and patron
more absolutely irremediable, immediately upon landing at Vera Cruz he
organized a government by appointing some of his own men to be a
municipal council. Then to that Council of his own creation he
surrendered the commission which Velasquez had bestowed upon him; and
finally, also from his own creatures, he accepted appointment as Royal
Governor of New Spain!
It was of course out of the question that Velasquez would meekly
acquiesce in this flouting of his authority, and particularly in this
open attempt to deprive him of his newly-won authority as Adelantado of
Mexico. He immediately reported to the King what Cortez had done, and
protested against it as a defiance of the King's authority as well as
his own. But Cortez answered his protests and appeals to the Crown with
still more potent arguments in justification of his course. These
arguments took the form of bars and ingots of gold, which he secured in
Mexico and sent to Spain; in some cases "ballasting his ships" with the
precious metal. One of the first of these treasure ships was a
brigantine, dispatched in the midsummer of 1519 under the pilot-captain
Alaminos. As it passed Havana it was espied by Juan de Rojas, a cousin
of Velasquez, who sent word of it to Velasquez. The latter sent out
Gonzalo de Guzman to intercept and seize it, but he failed in the
errand.
Finding his appeals and protests ineffective against the gold of Cortez,
Velasquez determined to use force. He was Adelantado, by royal
commission. Therefore Cortez was a rebel. He rallied his friends, in
both Cuba and Hispaniola. He used his own immense wealth freely for the
purchase and equipment of ships. He enlisted an army twice as great as
the force which had accompanied Cortez. With this expedition he purposed
to follow Cortez to Mexico, and compel his submission. Whether he would
have succeeded in this undertaking, had it not been interfered with,
must remain subject matter of speculation; for there was prompt and
effective interference. Diego Columbus, in Hispaniola, became much
concerned. He was still Admiral, and nominally, at least, superior in
authority to Velasquez as well as to Cortez, and he did not wish to have
his subordinates fighting among themselves. So he sent one of the most
eminent Spanish colonial judges, Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon, to Cuba to
make peace. This envoy reached Santiago in January, 1520, just in time
to find that Velasquez and his expedition had already sailed for Mexico.
With the swiftest vessel he could find he set out in pursuit, and was
lucky enough to overtake them where they had stopped for supplies, in
Corrientes Bay, near the extreme western point of the island.
Ayllon seems to have been vested with no actual authority over
Velasquez. He merely tried to dissuade him from executing his purpose.
He urged him to content himself with sending one or two vessels on to
Mexico, with a summons to Cortez, to return or at least to abandon his
pretensions of independence and to acknowledge the authority of
Velasquez; under penalty of being reported to the King as a contumacious
rebel. The rest of the expedition, he suggested, might be used in
explorations elsewhere. Above all, he pleaded with Velasquez not to go
to Mexico himself, but to return to Santiago, where his presence was
sorely needed. Velasquez yielded to these entreaties so far as to
abandon personal leadership of the expedition. He made Panfilo de
Narvaez leader in his stead, and then returned to Santiago. Ayllon went
along with Narvaez, to keep the peace. The result was that soon after
landing in Mexico, Narvaez was wounded and made captive by Cortez, and
practically all his men, with their stores, munitions, arms and ships,
who had been sent out to subdue Cortez, became loyal followers of that
resourceful conquistador. In fact, we may judiciously reckon that Cortez
owed his success in the conquest of Mexico to the reenforcements which
he thus received from the expedition which had been sent against him.
Later, it is true, some members of Narvaez's party became a source of
serious peril to Cortez. This was at the beginning of the year 1521,
after the death of Montezuma and the _noche triste_, and at the time
when Cortez was planning to return to the city of Mexico as its
conqueror. A number of Narvaez's men entered into a conspiracy to
assassinate Cortez, and at their head was one Villafana, who had been a
very close friend and earnest partisan of Velasquez. Because of that
relationship, it was suspected by Cortez that the man had been incited
to undertake the crime by Velasquez himself. Of this there was, however,
no proof, and no attempt was made to fasten responsibility or odium upon
Velasquez; which we may be sure would have been done had any real ground
for it been discovered. By interesting coincidence, the conspiracy was
made, detected and punished at the very time when, as we shall see,
Velasquez was being removed from the Governorship of Cuba.
Villafana modelled his plans upon those of the slayers of Julius Cæsar.
All the conspirators were to approach Cortez in public, and one of them
was to approach him with what should purport to be a letter from his
father, Martin Cortez, just arrived on a vessel from Spain. The moment
he took the letter and began to read it, all were to rush upon him and
stab him with their knives. Cortez detected the plot just in time. He
personally went with guards to Villafana's apartments and arrested him,
while others took the other conspirators into custody. Villafana was put
to death, and the others were imprisoned. Then Cortez, with
characteristic resourcefulness, turned the incident to account for his
own profit, by making it the pretext for continually thereafter
surrounding himself with an armed body guard of his most trusted
soldiers.
Velasquez returned to Santiago to find affairs in a sad plight. Small
pox, measles and other epidemics were raging, and disastrous tropical
hurricanes had swept the island, destroying crops and buildings. A large
proportion of the most efficient men of the island had followed
Cortez--and Narvaez--to Mexico. Moreover, Diego Columbus, at Hispaniola,
was threatening trouble. It must be remembered that Velasquez had
practically flouted Columbus's authority, almost as much as his own had
been flouted by Cortez. At any rate, the Admiral had a serious grievance
against him, and deemed this a fitting time for calling him to account.
Apparently he was further aggrieved because Velasquez would not more
fully accept the counsel of Ayllon. At any rate, in the middle of
January, 1521, he sent over to Cuba an envoy, to take the place of
Velasquez as Governor of Cuba and to investigate the manner in which
Velasquez had administered his affairs. This envoy was Alfonso de Zuazo,
who thus became the second Governor of Cuba.
In this action Velasquez acquiesced; probably because he durst not do
otherwise. It would have been a dangerous thing in any circumstances to
defy the Admiral; and it would have been superlatively so at a time when
Cuba had just been stripped of its ships and its best fighting men.
Nevertheless, he pointed out that he himself was still commandant of the
fort at Baracoa, and was Repartidor of the natives throughout the
island. This latter was in some important respects a more influential
office than that of Governor, and it Velasquez held, not by the
Admiral's appointment but by virtue of a commission granted directly by
the King himself. He could not, therefore, be superseded or interfered
with in any way by the Admiral or any of his underlings, nor by anybody
short of the King himself. In this he was quite right, and when Zuazo,
relying upon Diego Columbus's authority, did infringe upon some of
Velasquez's functions and powers, the latter complained to the King, and
the King disavowed Zuazo, and severely reprimanded Columbus.
Velasquez was not, however, yet at the end of his difficulties. The
royal vindication of his claims was gratifying, and he doubtless felt
some secret satisfaction in the humiliation of Diego Columbus. But the
son of the great Admiral was not a man to be flouted with impunity, not
even by the King of Spain. True, he acquiesced, perforce, in the royal
decree. But his resourceful mind quickly devised another line of attack
upon Velasquez. At the beginning of 1522, accompanied by two judges of
the supreme court of Hispaniola, he proceeded to Santiago de Cuba, and
there instituted a judicial investigation into the conduct of
Velasquez's administration. To this Velasquez demurred, on the grounds
already mentioned that as Repartidor he was accountable to the King
alone. Diego Columbus responded by pointing out in the commission of
Velasquez as Repartidor a provision that the judges of Hispaniola might
and indeed should give him specific advice as to the conduct of his
office; and such advice they thereupon proceeded to give, in terms
indistinguishable from commands. To this Velasquez could not demur; the
text of his commission did indeed provide for that very thing. But his
retort was prompt and effective. The commission provided for the giving
of advice, but it did not require Velasquez to accept it! As a matter of
fact, it was not accepted but ignored, and Diego Columbus and his judges
returned to Hispaniola in defeat.
One more effort was made by Velasquez to vindicate his authority over
Cortez in Mexico. He went so far as to equip a third expedition of which
he personally took command, intending to invade Mexico and compel Cortez
to submit to his authority. This expedition sailed from Cuba in the fall
of 1522, but never reached the coast of Mexico. It was intercepted by a
message from the King, announcing that he had appointed Cortez to be
Governor of Mexico in entire independence of Cuba, and expressly
forbidding Velasquez to interfere with him in any way. This was
conclusive, and Velasquez returned home, abandoning all further thoughts
of Mexico.
Despite his losses and the great expense to which he had gone in
fruitless Mexican ventures, he was still one of the richest men in Cuba;
especially since the death of his father-in-law, Cristobal de Cuellar,
who had left him the major part of his large fortune. As Repartidor,
also, he continued his activities in public affairs. In the summer of
1523 he personally directed a campaign against a revolt and depredations
of an Indian tribe inhabiting some of the small islands off the Cuban
coast. He suffered humiliation, it is true, in having at about that same
time public proclamation made in Cuba of the royal decree inhibiting him
from further designs against Cortez. But before the end of the year
atonement was made for this in another royal decree completely restoring
Velasquez to his place as Governor of Cuba.
The causes which led to this extraordinary action are obscure, but it
seems probable that the King recognized the really great services and
merits of Velasquez, and it is quite possible that he had reason for
dissatisfaction with Zuazo. At any rate, at about Christmas time, 1523,
Velasquez was restored and Zuazo was summarily dismissed. No charges
were at that time preferred against Zuazo, nor was he prosecuted or
subjected to any penalties. But his commission as Governor was declared
to have been illegal and all his acts to have been therefore null and
void. Everything was therefore put back in as nearly as possible the
condition it was in when Velasquez was formerly Governor.
Zuazo seems to have taken his dismissal philosophically, without demur
or resentment; wherefore we may suspect that as a lawyer he realized
that there had indeed been a fatal flaw in his commission. He remained
at Santiago for a few weeks, and then went to Mexico as the attorney and
envoy of Francisco de Garay, the Governor of Jamaica, who had a
controversy with Cortez as to which of them was the rightful Governor of
Panuco. In this errand he was frustrated by shipwreck and other
vicissitudes, and it does not appear that he ever had an opportunity of
serving Garay as had been intended. In time, however, he reached Mexico,
and was regarded with much favor by Cortez, who appointed him to a
lucrative and influential office. A little later he was extradited by
the Cuban government, and was brought back to that island as a prisoner,
to undergo trial for alleged misdemeanors committed when he was
Governor. This strenuous action was taken in 1525. Zuazo complained
bitterly of such harsh treatment, which probably was unwarranted. At any
rate, he was acquitted; whereupon he went to Hispaniola and spent the
remainder of his life there in prosperity.
We have seen that the restoration of Velasquez to the Governorship of
Cuba came as a sort of solatium for his loss and humiliation with
respect to Mexico. But it did not altogether reconcile him to the
destruction of his hopes and ambitions. On the contrary, he conceived
the scheme of remonstrating with the King and pleading his cause in
person. Setting his affairs in order, therefore, he prepared to set sail
for Spain, and was just on the point of doing so when death supervened.
He died on June 12, 1524, and was interred, according to his wish, in
the cathedral of Santiago de Cuba.
The King, who had so recently both humiliated him and honored him, was
profoundly affected by the loss of one who had added much lustre to the
crown of Spain, and wrote for his tomb an epitaph in Latin, eloquently
setting forth his merits and his services. This was not, however,
inscribed above his remains, and soon was forgotten. Instead, there was
popularly circulated and remembered an epigram upon him coined by some
adversary whose identity is unknown. This declared Velasquez to have
been "Covetous of honor, but more covetous of gain."
This we must regard as unjust. Velasquez had his faults, and some of
them were grave. He was at times arbitrary and ruthless, as most
empire-builders of all lands have been. He was not always grateful to
those who served him faithfully, nor was he impartial in his dealings
with men. These faults were, however, common in those times, and they
were no more marked in Velasquez than in his contemporaries. On the
other hand he unquestionably had great virtues. He had courage, vision,
enterprise, and statesmanlike views for the development of his domain.
His work in Cuba was over-shadowed by that of Cortez in Mexico and of
Pizarro in Peru, but it was in essence not less meritorious than theirs,
for which indeed it prepared and opened the way. It is one of the
tragedies of history that his very tomb should have been forgotten and
lost, and his name remembered as a name and nothing more. For in the
early history of Cuba there is no other name which stands for so much in
conquest and colonization, and in the foundation, organization and
development of the State, as that of the first Cuban Governor, Diego de
Velasquez.
CHAPTER IX
Velasquez had been Governor--technically Lieutenant-Governor under the
Admiral, Diego Columbus, at Hispaniola--for more than thirteen years;
save for the abortive and illegal administration of Zuazo. But after him
gubernatorial terms were destined to be of much shorter duration, and
marked with many vicissitudes. His nominal successor was appointed some
time before his death. Whether in anticipation of his decease, or with
the design of ousting him, is not clear. At any rate, at the middle of
May, probably on May 20, 1524, Juan Altamarino was named by the King to
be the next governor, for a term of two years and no more. He appears
not to have been in any way identified with the island, though probably
he had been associated with Diego Columbus in Hispaniola; and at the
time of his appointment he was in peninsular Spain. He made no haste to
go to Cuba and assume his office, wherefore it was necessary, upon the
death of Velasquez a few weeks later, that some stop-gap governor should
be named. Diego Columbus, who as Admiral might have made such temporary
appointment, was also in Spain. In consequence, the Audiencia or supreme
court of Hispaniola acted in his stead, and appointed Manuel de Rojas.
This forceful and patriotic man was a cousin of Velasquez, who had been
sent by the latter to Spain in July, 1521, as his advocate before the
King in the controversy with Cortez over Mexico. He had served for some
time as Alcalde of Baracoa; he was a loyal friend of Velasquez, and a
man of approved ability and integrity. He was also the first Cuban
governor of Cuba. By that I mean that he was the first to regard Cuba as
a separate entity, apart from Hispaniola and Mexico and even from Spain
itself. Velasquez, vast as were his services, was never able to
dissociate the interests of Cuba from those of Spain, or even from those
of Mexico and other Spanish lands in this hemisphere, insular and
continental; and had actually compromised the welfare of Cuba in
grasping at the Viceroyalty of New Spain. Zuazo, if he is to be reckoned
in the line of governors at all, was quite alien to Cuba. But Rojas was
an insular patriot. He was of course entirely loyal to Spain. But that
fact did not restrain him from developing an intense local patriotism.
He regarded Cuba as a great enough country to command his entire
attention and devotion. His policy was, Cuba for the Cubans; and he was
the first of a line of Governors, not always unbroken, committed to that
enlightened policy.
The island at this time, indeed, well merited such regard. It had been
extensively settled, and its resources were beginning to be developed.
Gold mining was profitably practised. Agriculture and cattle-raising had
made great progress. Juan Mosquera, as the envoy or representative of
the Cuban municipalities in Spain, had in February, 1523, secured from
the King the first recognition of and encouragement for the sugar
industry, which had already been established in Hispaniola, and which
far-sighted men perceived to be capable of great things in Cuba. He had
also, a year earlier, secured from the King grants of free trade between
Cuba and all other Spanish colonies around the Caribbean, insular or
continental; together with some reforms of the royalty system in gold
mining and a comprehensive and orderly scheme of taxation for the
building of roads and bridges and other necessary public works. In fact,
Cuba was beginning to "find herself" and to show herself worthy of the
affection and patriotism of her people.
The administration of Rojas was for the time, however, cut short. It had
been ordered legally enough, but with the understanding that it was only
temporary, pending the coming of Altamarino. Unfortunately the
Hispaniola audiencia went too far. It also appointed Rojas to succeed
Velasquez as repartidor of the natives, which it had no right to do, the
power to make that appointment being reserved exclusively for the King
himself. It does not appear that he misused his power, or even indeed
that he exercised it at all as repartidor; though it is likely that his
illegal appointment to that office caused some quite unmerited prejudice
against him at Madrid. His administration of the governorship, which was
legal, was brief. Altamarino entered Santiago de Cuba on March 14, 1525,
and at once assumed office, and Rojas retired without demur and without
reproach.
Altamarino had been commissioned as juez de residencia, to investigate
the administration and conduct of Velasquez. That commission came of
course from the King, but there is reason for suspecting that Diego
Columbus had something to do with it. If he did not instigate it, he
certainly heartily approved it. Now Velasquez had, at the time of
Altamarino's appointment, been living and in office. But at the time
when Altamarino actually assumed the powers and duties of the
governorship and those of the juez de residencia, Velasquez had been
dead and buried in the cathedral of Santiago for nine months. No such
trifling circumstance as that was, however, to be permitted to cause any
deviation of the course of Spanish official procedure; particularly when
the latter was urged on by personal animus. Diego Columbus had desired
and the King had commanded Velasquez to be investigated, and
investigated he must be, alive or dead. His remains were not, it is
true, to be disinterred and placed at the bar. But his name and
reputation were made the target for all manner of attack. A proclamation
was issued, inviting everybody who had anything against the former
governor to make it known, publicly, fully and fearlessly, being assured
of immunity for anything they might say.
In response there was a mighty flood of insinuations, complaints,
accusations, calumnies. Nor did Altamarino content himself with this.
He ransacked the archives of Cuba for all complaints, protests and what
not that had ever been made, and if the makers of them could be found,
as most of them could, he summoned them before his tribunal and required
them to testify everything they could to the discredit of Velasquez. A
similar inquisition was conducted into the affairs of all the chief
office-holders and administrators under Velasquez. The result was what
might have been expected, seeing that there was no opportunity for
Velasquez to reply to the charges or to cross-examine the witnesses
against him, or to produce other testimony in rebuttal. The founder of
the Cuban State was charged with the acceptance of gifts, including a
horse and a mule; with having levied and collected taxes without special
authority from the King, though these were admittedly for road-building
and other useful public purposes; with having participated in gambling
games, though Rojas pointed out that his fellow gamblers were among the
foremost members of the community; with having failed to check and
punish blasphemous utterances; with having neglected to pay for some of
the supplies which were taken for his Mexican expeditions; and with
having administered justice without due regard to the letter of the
statute law, which was not strange, seeing that he was not a lawyer. In
his mortuary absence, he was found guilty, by default, and was condemned
to pay heavy fines; which were collected from his heirs.
The dead lion was not, however, without his vengeance upon the jackals
that would defile his sepulchre. The inquisition went too far, and too
dearly disclosed its animus. A vigorous resentment and reaction soon
arose, widespread and formidable; among the municipal councils and among
the people. The kinsmen and friends of Velasquez were numerous, loyal to
his memory, and powerful in influence. Gonzalo de Guzman, who had been
the advocate of Velasquez at court at Madrid, not only against Cortez
but also against Diego Columbus himself, and Nuñez de Guzman, the royal
treasurer at Santiago de Cuba, were brothers-in-law of Velasquez; and
Andres Duero, Pedro de Paz, and Diego de Soto were his steadfast
friends. These were all men of wealth and influence. Like Rojas, they
were Cuban colonists, and resented meddling in Cuban affairs by one whom
they considered an outsider. They were, moreover, life members of the
Municipal Council of Santiago, by appointment of the King, and were
therefore independent of the Governor so far as their tenure of office
was concerned, and removable only by the King.
They therefore arrayed themselves solidly against Altamarino, and
rallied to the opposition the councils of the other municipalities and
many of the principal men throughout the island. Altamarino replied by
trumping up charges against several of the life councillors, of having
expended public funds without authorization, and suspended them from
their functions, or attempted to do so. He certainly could not remove
them outright, and there was much question of his right to suspend them,
unless during actual trial in court. The Guzmans and their allies
retorted by obtaining from the court at Hispaniola an injunction
restraining Altamarino from attending meetings of the Council, so that
he would not know whether the suspended members continued their
functions or not. Against this the Governor furiously protested,
declaring that his predecessors had habitually attended all Council
meetings, and he issued an order forbidding the Council of Santiago to
transact any business whatever or indeed to meet officially, in his
absence. Of course this brought matters to an impasse, which could be
solved only through appeal to the King. This was made, and resulted in a
royal decision in favor of the Councils, confirming the injunction of
the Hispaniola tribunal against the Governor's intrusion into council
meetings.
This, in the early autumn of 1525, was obviously the beginning of the
end for Altamarino. A little later, in October of that year, the
various municipal councils of the island united in sending Rodrigo Duran
to Hispaniola, to prefer to the court there charges against Altamarino
of a most serious character. They were indeed tantamount to his
impeachment and a demand for his removal from the Governorship. The
court hesitated to take action so radical, but considered the charges
sufficiently important to warrant reference to the King. The result was
that the King promptly decided against the Governor. Less than nine
months after his actual assumption of office, and little more than a
year and a half after his appointment to it, Altamarino was summarily
removed from the place to which he had been appointed for two years.
Immediately after this, at the beginning of December, 1525, Altamarino's
chief antagonist, Gonzalo de Guzman, a life Councillor of Santiago, was
appointed to succeed him as Governor, and also as Repartidor of the
natives, with all the plenary authority that Velasquez had exercised.
Nor was that all. Guzman was commissioned juez de residencia, to
investigate the affairs of the deposed Altamarino as the latter had
investigated those of the deceased Velasquez. Guzman appears not
actually to have taken office until April 25, 1526, and not to have
begun his inquest into his predecessor's affairs until midsummer of that
year. But he then made up for the delay with the searching and ruthless
character of his investigation. We can scarcely doubt that he was moved
by a large degree of personal vindictiveness. Certainly he seemed to try
to be as irritating and as humiliating to Altamarino as possible; the
more so, perhaps, because he realized that there was nothing serious to
be proved, and that the chief penalty the ex-Governor would suffer would
be the heckling and denunciation which he received during the
investigation. There were charges enough against him, but not one
warranted any severe punishment. As a matter of fact, all the penalties
imposed upon him were light, and they were all promptly remitted by the
King; the royal advisers at Madrid reporting to His Majesty that the
whole business had been nothing but a tempest in a teapot. Nevertheless,
the episode ended the career of Altamarino in Cuba. He at once departed
to Mexico, and was seen in the island no more.
We may now fittingly observe a certain highly significant political
development which at this time was manifested in the island. Reference
has already been made to the rise of a feeling of local pride and
municipal independence in the various provinces into which the island
was divided, and also to the marked assertion of insular patriotism
under Rojas and his colleagues. The former movement dated from as early
as 1518, when Panfilo de Narvaez secured from the King a decree giving
to some of the members of municipal councils life terms of office. In
that year, accordingly, Gonzalo de Guzman and Diego de Sumana were
appointed by the King to be life Councillors, or Regidors, in Santiago;
Alonzo Bembrilla and Bernardino Yniguez in Trinidad; and Francisco Santa
Cruz and, as we might suppose, Panfilo de Narvaez himself in Bayamo. A
little later Diego de Caballero and Fernando de Medina were appointed in
Sancti Spiritus, and Rodrigo Canon and Sancho de Urrutia in Puerto del
Principe. In addition to these there were, of course, other Councillors
appointed by the Governor for limited terms. But the life Councillors
gave tone and direction to the municipal administrations and developed a
certain degree of local independence of the general government of the
island. In brief, there began to be promulgated at this early date the
salutary principle that the various municipalities or provinces were to
enjoy home rule in all purely local matters, while of course remaining
subject to the Governor in everything relating to the general welfare of
the island; and also that the island was to enjoy home rule in all
matters pertaining exclusively to it, while subject and loyal to the
Crown in everything affecting the general welfare and integrity of the
Spanish kingdom and its colonial empire.
The motives and purpose of Narvaez in seeking this permanent tenure for
municipal Councillors have been much debated. He has been charged by
some, and not unnaturally, with a selfish purpose to entrench himself
and his friends irremovably in office. On the other hand there have been
those who have credited him with a high-minded and statesmanlike design
of promoting the welfare of Cuba by securing stability of local
government under the best men. Knowing what we do of his character, it
seems reasonable to suppose that the latter motive was potent, even if
the other also had some influence. What is quite certain is, however,
that the system quickly became a formidable power in Cuban politics,
sometimes beneficent and sometimes mischievous. These permanent
Councillors were powerful in bringing to naught the brief administration
of Zuazo, and they formed, as already stated, the head and front of the
successful opposition to Altamarino. At the same time, through their
control of the election of alcaldes and other local officers they gave
to the local administrations a stability which they might not otherwise
have enjoyed.
With the accession of Gonzalo de Guzman to the Governorship, however, a
strong and widespread reaction against the Councillors arose. This was
doubtless largely provoked by the injudicious action of Guzman himself.
As a life Councillor of Santiago he had been foremost in securing the
exclusion of Altamarino from sessions of the councils. But when he
himself became Governor, he retained his life Councillorship and
therefore insisted upon his right to continue attending the meetings.
Remonstrance against this was made, to the King; he having appointed
Guzman to both offices; but he declined to interfere. He did, however,
appoint additional life Councillors, enough largely to outnumber the
partisans of Guzman. He also took the very important step of authorizing
each municipality to elect from among its Councillors a Procurator, or
public advocate, corresponding in some respects to a Tribune of the
ancient Roman Republic.
These procurators soon found their chief occupation in resisting and
protesting against those acts of the Councils which they deemed inimical
to the public welfare. The procurators of all the municipalities met
together, to compare notes and to take counsel together for the common
good, and there was an increasing inclination among them to oppose what
they regarded as the growing tyranny of the Councils. At such a meeting
of all the procurators, in March, 1528, Manuel de Rojas, procurator for
Bayamo, took the sensational action of presenting a formal popular
protest against what was described as the arrogance and oligarchical
tendencies of the Councils. This provoked an impassioned reply from Juan
de Quexo, the procurator for Havana, who denied the statements and
insinuations of the document and opposed its reception by the meeting.
But after an acrimonious controversy, Rojas won the day. The protest was
received, adopted by the convention, and forwarded to the King of Spain.
Together with it the procurators forwarded to the King some radical
recommendations for the improvement of the insular government. These
were, that the Governor should always be selected from among the bona
fide residents of the island and should be appointed for a term of three
years; that the life tenure of Councillors should be abolished; and that
all councillors, alcaldes and procurators should be elected yearly by
the people.
These suggestions were not in their entirety received favorably by the
King. He refused outright to adopt those relating to the selection and
appointment of governors, and to the abolition of life councillorships.
He did, however, order that the procurators should be elected yearly by
the people, and he greatly enlarged the functions and powers of that
office. A new system of choosing alcaldes was also decreed. Instead of
their being elected yearly by the Councils, it was ordered that the
Council presided over by the alcalde should nominate two candidates,
that the Council members without the alcalde should nominate two more,
and that the Governor should name one; and that from among these five a
first and second alcalde should be chosen by lot.
Thus in the administration of Gonzalo de Guzman the principle of "Cuba
for the Cubans," afterward long neglected, was pretty efficiently
established. The Governor, at that time, and all other royal officers of
the island, were Cuban colonists; and the people were invested with
power to select their own procurators or advocates, who were
irremovable, and who were competent to represent the people not only in
the Cuban courts and in those of Hispaniola, but also before the Royal
Council for the Indies at Madrid, and who were empowered to proceed
against the municipal councils, the royal officials, or even the
Governor himself.
CHAPTER X
The early part of the administration of Gonzalo de Guzman was chiefly
occupied with the investigation of his predecessors' stewardships, and
with controversies with the municipal councils. There was also a
controversy with the Crown over the payment to him of a salary for his
services, which he requested of the King, and which the King ordered to
be paid to him, but which he did not receive. Then came complications
over the royal treasurership in the island. Christopher de Cuellar had
been succeeded in that office by Pedro Nuñez de Guzman. The latter died,
leaving a considerable fortune, and the colonial government at
Hispaniola immediately designated Andres Duero to succeed him
temporarily, until the King should make a permanent appointment; the
expectation apparently being that Duero would be confirmed in the
office. Unfortunately for the success of this design, however, the
temporary appointment had been made without consulting the royal
officials; who were not unnaturally piqued and offended. The result was
that a protest was made to the King, not only against the method of his
appointment but also against Duero himself. To this the King listened
sympathetically, and he presently overruled the appointment of Duero,
and in place of him named Hernando de Castro as temporary treasurer,
until such time as he could have conditions investigated and could
select some fitting man as a permanent incumbent.
Oddly enough, Castro had once before supplanted Duero, as the royal
factor in Cuba. This office had first been held by Bernardino Velasquez,
upon whose death Andres Duero had been appointed to hold it temporarily,
only to be speedily replaced by Castro. The latter appears to have been
one of the most enterprising men of affairs of that time, and to have
done more than most of his contemporaries for the industrial and
economic development of the island. He became engaged in commerce
between Spain and the West Indies at an early date, and paid much
attention to agriculture, which he believed would be the chief permanent
industry of Cuba. It was he who introduced the cultivation of wheat and
other staples, with a view to making the island self-supporting, and for
such activities he received the formal thanks of the King.
Unfortunately, he too somewhat compromised himself by attempting to
appropriate as his own the native Cubans who had been the serfs of
Bernardino Velasquez and whom Duero, the factor pro tempore, had seized.
Soon after the replacing of Duero with Castro as treasurer pro tempore
the former died, and then the latter was in turn replaced by the
permanent appointment of Lopez Hurtado, who held the place for many
years, and who was distinguished at once for his honesty and his
irrepressible cantankerousness. He seemed to have a mania for
faultfinding; though doubtless there was much legitimate occasion for
the exercise of that faculty. To his mind, almost every other man in
Cuba was a knave, and he never wearied of reporting to the King, in
interminable written messages, his complaints and accusations. Not only
in spite of but also because of this he was a most useful public
servant.
Pedro Nuñez de Guzman, who died in 1527, left, as we have seen, a
considerable fortune. Practically all of it was left to his widow, and
her the thrifty Gonzalo de Guzman presently married, and thus got
himself into one of the most serious controversies of his whole career.
A part of the fortune of Pedro consisted of about two hundred Cuban
serfs. These Gonzalo de Guzman, as Repartidor, transferred to the widow,
and then, of course, when he married her, they became his property. This
roused the animosity of the honest but cantankerous Hurtado, who thought
that the Cubans should have been given to himself, as their former
owner's official successor; according to the example set by Hernando de
Castro, as already related. Hurtado accordingly wrote to the King a long
letter on the subject, which, though it did not cause intervention in
that special matter, attracted the King's attention to the complications
which the Guzman marriage was producing.
The mother of the late Pedro Nuñez de Guzman next appeared as a party to
the controversy. This lady, Doña Leonora de Quiñones, who had remained
in Spain, complained that a great injustice had been done to her and to
her other children by the transfer of Pedro's entire fortune to his
widow and thence to the latter's second husband, and she applied to the
Spanish courts for relief. The result was a series of lawsuits, which
scandalized the Spanish courts for a term of years. In these suits many
prominent Cubans were involved, and nearly the whole population of the
island took sides for one or the other of the parties. Street brawls
occurred over it, and the violence culminated in a physical scuffle in
the aisle of the cathedral, between Gonzalo de Guzman and the Alcalde of
Santiago, in which the latter had most of his clothes torn from his
back, and for which Guzman was required to do penance.
The King had given his assent to the Guzman marriage, and was unwilling
to withdraw it, or to censure Guzman for taking and striving to retain
all of Pedro's estate. Nevertheless he remonstrated with the litigants
for the fury of their controversy, which he truly told them was not only
a disgrace to the island but was also a grave practical injury to it.
The conflict continued, however, until all the resources of the law
courts were exhausted. By that time many of the lawyers were
considerably enriched, but a still large part of the estate was
confirmed in the possession of Gonzalo de Guzman and his wife. All this
militated against the confidence with which Guzman had been regarded,
and hastened steps for the subjection of him to the fate of his
predecessors.
We have seen that Guzman had been commissioned to investigate the
administration of his predecessor, Altamarino, and that he had performed
that congenial task with energy and zeal. Now came his own turn to
undergo the same treatment. It was only a little more than two years
after his accession to the governorship that the King or the Crown
officials in Spain concluded that it would be well to have his affairs
looked into. For the performance of this work Juan Vadillo was selected,
in the autumn of 1528. He was a notably efficient man. He had been
employed for some time by the crown as a debt-collector in Cuba,
Hispaniola, Jamaica and Porto Rico, and had been highly successful in
that work; wherefore it was thought that he would subject Guzman's
administration to a particularly thorough examination.
He declined, however, to accept the commission; for a variety of
reasons. One was, that he had thitherto taken his orders and received
his commissions directly from the King, and he considered it beneath his
dignity now to be an underling of a mere Admiral of the Indies--or of
the widow of the Admiral, since the commission for this job was to be
given by the widow of Diego Columbus. Another reason was found in the
terms on which the commission was to be granted. He was to be governor
of Cuba for thirty days. During that time he was to conduct his
investigation of Guzman's administration. Then, with the assumption that
thirty days would afford him ample time to complete the work, he was to
restore the governorship to Guzman, apparently quite irrespective of the
result of his inquest. Still another reason was, that his instructions
were not sufficiently explicit. It was not, for example, made clear
whether he was to replace Guzman as repartidor as well as in the
governorship. A final reason, perhaps not least of all, was that the
salary offered was not sufficient.
While thus declining to accept the commission, Vadillo manifested his
fitness for it and his serviceable interest in Cuban affairs by pointing
out to the sovereign various grave defects in the administration of
Cuban affairs, particularly in that of the repartidor's functions. One
important object of the repartimiento system was to assure a suitable
distribution of native labor throughout the island. It was in fact
operating to just the contrary effect. Some parts of the island were
overcrowded, while others were almost entirely destitute of labor. These
representations had their effect at court; not, it is true, in the
ordering of correction of the evils, but in confirming the desire to
have Vadillo investigate insular affairs.
After more than two years' delay, then, on February 27, 1531, another
summons was sent to Vadillo. This time it was not a request but a
peremptory order to go at once to Cuba and undertake the work. The
conditions were, however, materially changed. He was to have his
commission from the King. He was to be governor for sixty days instead
of thirty. He was to be repartidor, also, in conjunction with the Bishop
of Cuba. He was to have an adequate salary. And at the end of his
investigation of Guzman's administration he was to hand the governorship
over, not necessarily to Guzman again, but to anyone whom he might
choose, until the widow of Diego Columbus should make a permanent
appointment.
On these conditions Vadillo accepted the commission and entered upon his
work with the efficiency and zeal that had marked his former
undertaking. He quickly found that there was much need for
investigation, and of thorough reforms. The whole administration had
become demoralized by the personal jealousies and local feuds which for
years had been raging. Bribery, slander, false arrest, even murder, had
been resorted to by political partisans for the accomplishment of their
ends, until something like chaos had been precipitated upon the unhappy
island. It was in November, 1531, that Vadillo arrived at Santiago de
Cuba on his formidable errand. He purposed to spend a few weeks in
preliminary surveys of the ground, announcing that his sixty days'
incumbency of the governorship would begin on January 1.
On the latter date the actual house-cleaning began. The tremendous
indictment which Guzman had made against Altamarino was a petty trifle
in comparison with that which Vadillo launched against Guzman. There was
scarcely any conceivable form of maladministration which was not charged
against the governor. He had, said Vadillo, interfered with freedom of
suffrage at elections. He had levied and collected taxes for which there
was no warrant in law. He had appointed and commissioned notaries,
although he had no legal power to do so. He had failed to compel married
men either to return to their wives in Spain or to send for their wives
to come to Cuba. He had permitted illicit trade in slaves. He had been
biassed and partial in his administration of justice. All these and
other accusations were made with much circumstance and with a formidable
array of corroborative testimony, against Guzman as governor. Against
him as repartidor it was charged that he had been guilty of gross and
injurious misrepresentations to the Crown and to the people; that he had
assigned natives as serfs to his relatives and friends in defiance of
law; and that he had made the distribution of native labor inequitable.
All these charges were indignantly denied by Guzman, who defended
himself with much vigor and shrewdness. But Vadillo found him to be
guilty of almost every one of them, and sentenced him to pay a heavy
fine and to be removed from office, both as governor and as repartidor.
Against this judgment Guzman made appeal to the Council for the Indies,
in Spain. In order to bring all possible influence to bear upon that
body, he himself went to Spain, in August, 1532, carrying a vast mass of
documents, and accompanied by Bishop Ramirez, who was returning to Spain
to be consecrated. This ecclesiastic had been Guzman's most staunch and
zealous partisan during the investigation. He had gone so far as to
threaten with excommunication anyone who should testify against the
governor, and had actually excommunicated Vadillo. Against this act
Vadillo had protested to the King, and the King had reprimanded the
Bishop and had compelled him to withdraw the writ of excommunication.
Guzman therefore took the Bishop along with him, partly so that the
latter might be formally consecrated and have his conduct if possible
vindicated, and partly to aid himself in his appeal to the Council for
the Indies.
Vadillo did not trouble himself to go to Spain to counteract Guzman's
appeal. A month before the departure of Guzman and the Bishop he left
Cuba for Hispaniola, conscious of having done his duty. He had been a
fearless and thorough investigator and a just judge; and he had rendered
to Cuba and to the Spanish crown services far greater than he ever
received compensation or credit for. Indeed, he did not enjoy so much as
the gratitude of the people of Cuba, most of whom were partisans of
Guzman or of some other political leader, and had become so accustomed
to the corrupt ways which had been followed for years that they were
inclined to resent any attempt at reform.
Upon the expiration of his sixty days' incumbency, Vadillo designated
Manuel de Rojas to be governor in his stead, until an appointment of
permanent character could be made by the Admiral at Hispaniola. Rojas
was reluctant to accept the place, knowing that he would find it more
arduous and even perilous than before, but he was finally prevailed upon
to do so, apparently more through a sense of public duty than for any
expectation of personal advantage.
CHAPTER XI
The first governorship of Gonzalo de Guzman was marked with two features
of very great importance to the young nation--for such we may properly
regard Cuba as having been at that time. One of these was the
development of the ecclesiastical establishment into a strong and
sometimes dominant force in the body politic and social; and the other
was the crisis of the protracted problem of dealing with or disposing of
the native Indians. These two matters were, as they had been from the
beginning, closely related to each other.
It is a commonplace of history that there was a certain thread of
religious motive running all through the exploits of Columbus. He
emphasized the significance of his name, Christopher, Christ-Bearer,
sometimes signing himself X. Ferens. The same idea was expressed, as we
have already seen, in the names which he gave to the various lands which
he discovered. Nor were his successors in exploration and conquest
neglectful of the same spirit. Accordingly the first Spanish settlers in
Cuba took pains to plant there immediately the church of their faith,
and to seek to convert the natives to Christianity. Among the very
earliest to land upon the shores of the island were priests of the Roman
Catholic church, and the first church was built at the first point of
settlement, Baracoa.
Some obscurity invests the records of the early ecclesiastical
organization, but it seems altogether probable that the first Bishop was
Hernando de Mesa, a member of the Order of St. Dominic. There is no
available record of his appointment and consecration, but he appears to
have begun his episcopal work at Baracoa in 1513 and 1514. He built the
first Cuban cathedral at Baracoa, and secured from the Spanish
government in 1515 a system of tithes for the support and propagation of
the church. These tithes were to be paid not in coin but in
merchandise, and they were to be collected not by the priests or other
agents of the church, but by officers of the secular government. The
latter was, moreover, to retain one-third of them for the erection of
new church buildings, a task which it took upon itself as a measure of
public works. It was not infrequently remarked that these royal
tithe-gatherers were much more diligent, prompt and efficient in
collecting the tithes from the people than in turning the proceeds over
to the church.
Bishop De Mesa reigned over the diocese for about three years, and then
was succeeded by Juan de Ubite, concerning whom the records are much
more detailed and explicit. He seems to have been an aggressive and
fearless man, who did not hesitate to engage in controversy and even in
litigation with the royal government over the matter of the tithes. He
protested against the government's retaining and administering the
one-third of the tithes which was devoted to church-building, insisting
that it also should be turned over to the ecclesiastical authorities,
who were best fitted to know the needs and to direct the work of church
building. In this contention he was not successful, but he did manage to
secure the levying of tithes upon the crown estates the same as upon all
other property.
One of the most important achievements of Bishop Ubite was the transfer
of the cathedral from Baracoa to Santiago. For this change he gave two
reasons. One was, that Baracoa was an unhealthful spot; in which he was
surely in error. The other was, that Santiago was a larger and more
important place, indeed, the chief city of the island; in which he was
quite correct. The transfer was authorized by the civil government in
October, 1522, and plots of land were granted to the Bishop for the
sites of the new cathedral and of the houses of the Bishop and other
clergy. These latter were the same plots which are still occupied by
ecclesiastical buildings, in the heart of the city of Santiago de Cuba.
This change of the site of the cathedral was doubtless to the advantage
of the church. It was probably profitable, also, to the good Bishop
personally. Following it he became the proprietor of extensive lands, of
great herds of cattle, and of a number of Negro and Indian slaves. He
interested himself to good effect in seeing to it that the civil
government provided from its third of the tithes abundant funds for
church building, and thus secured the erection of two churches at
Trinidad, one at Sancti Spiritus, and one at Havana, a place even at
that early date rising rapidly in importance.
Bishop Ubite reigned over the diocese until April, 1525, and then, in
circumstances which are obscure and for reasons not clearly apparent,
took the extraordinary step of resigning his see. The office remained
vacant until early in 1527, when Miguel Ramirez was appointed to it.
This third Bishop was, like each of his predecessors, a Dominican. He
was officially styled not only Bishop but also Protector of the Indians,
with the purpose of making him a sort of check upon the Repartidor. He
did not arrive at Santiago until the fall of 1528, when he promptly made
up for the delay by plunging into both industrial and political
activities. Like Bishop Ubite, he was an extensive land owner,
cattle-raiser and slaveholder.
Bishop Ramirez appears to have been a great meddler into politics,
particularly as a hot partisan of Gonzalo de Guzman. He came into
conflict more than once with the royal treasurer, Hurtado, and was
denounced by that austere censor as a scandalous disturber of the peace.
This characterization was provoked by the Bishop's attitude and conduct
toward Vadillo's investigation of Guzman's administration; and it is
probably not unjust to assume that the Bishop's attitude and conduct
were due to the fact that Vadillo had seized a lot of gold which had
been mined by the husband of the Bishop's niece. Vadillo made this
seizure on two grounds: That the nephew-in-law was a mere figure-head
for the Bishop himself, who had no legal right to engage in
gold-mining; and that the gold in question properly belonged to the
royal treasury and therefore should be turned over to Hurtado. At any
rate the Bishop was furious, and strove to restrain, with threats of
excommunication, witnesses from testifying against Guzman in the
inquests which Vadillo was conducting. Vadillo was not at all alarmed or
abashed by the episcopal wrath, but proceeded to look into the affairs
of the church as well as the civil government, and among other reforms
ordered the Bishop and clergy to stop charging for funeral masses higher
fees than those which were charged in Hispaniola. At this the Bishop
seems quite to have lost his head. He began a denunciatory tirade
against Vadillo in the cathedral, at which the latter contemptuously
turned his back upon the speaker and walked out of the building. Then
the Bishop excommunicated him. Vadillo made appeal to the King, and the
King, after careful consideration and investigation, compelled the
Bishop to withdraw the excommunication, and in addition gave his royal
approval to all that Vadillo had done with respect to the church.
In the first clash between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities,
therefore, the former were victorious. Nevertheless, the church exerted
much and steadily increasing influence, particularly in matters relating
to the Indian natives. And these matters were of much importance.
Although the repartimiento system, adopted early in the administration
of Velasquez, was designed and supposed to put all the natives under
government control, it failed to do so. Among those apportioned to the
colonists as serfs--practically slaves--dissatisfaction and resentment
widely prevailed, and insurrections sometimes occurred. But by no means
all the natives were thus apportioned. Some fled to mountain fastnesses,
and others, perhaps the majority, to the small islands or Keys off the
Cuban coast, whence they became known as Key Indians. They used these
islands, moreover, not alone as places of refuge but also as bases from
which to make depredatory raids upon the mainland of Cuba, to the great
detriment and disturbance of the Spanish settlers.
So numerous, extensive and disastrous did these raids become that
Velasquez in 1523 commissioned Rodrigo de Tamayo to organize a military
and naval expedition against the Key Indians, and to kill or capture
them all. This programme was not fully carried out, but it was
sufficiently executed to abate the troubles and to secure peace on the
coasts for several years. Tamayo's commission was renewed by Altamarino,
as a matter of form, there being then no need of action; and when in the
administration of Gonzalo de Guzman there was some recrudescence of
hostilities, the royal government specially authorized the waging of a
campaign which should bring the last of the Key Indians into subjection.
The new outbreaks did not, however, prove sufficiently serious to call
for or to warrant strenuous action.
The scene of trouble was, however, shifted from the coast to the
interior of the island. Several numerous companies of Indians, securely
lodged among the mountains, began hostilities, raiding the very suburbs
of Santiago itself. They were known as Cimarrons, or Wild Indians, to
distinguish them from the serfs and slaves. Their pernicious activities
began in 1529, and in the following year their operations were so
extensive and persistent as to simulate civil war. Manuel de Rojas
organized a force and led it against them with much success, and would
probably have soon made an end of the troubles had he not been
restrained by Guzman. The governor was probably jealous of the ability,
popularity and rising influence of Rojas, and was not willing that he
should gain the prestige which complete victory would confer upon him.
So he called him back in circumstances which would, he thought,
discredit Rojas and make his campaign seem a failure. Vadillo during his
brief administration sought to end the troubles by pacific and
conciliatory overtures, but failed.
It was thus left for Rojas, on becoming governor in succession to
Guzman, to take up again the work from which he had been recalled by his
predecessor. This he did to much effect at the end of 1532. He sent a
strong force against the mountain fastness of Guama, the foremost
chieftain of the Cimarrons, and completely defeated him, putting him to
flight and almost extirpating his band. Shortly after this victory of
Rojas's, Guama was killed by one of his own few remaining followers.
Rojas then sent his troops to disperse Cimarron bands near Bayamo, and
Baracoa, which they did with much success, so that peace and security
were pretty well restored throughout the island.
This left unsettled, however, the other and in some respects more
important and more trying phase of the Indian question, namely, the
treatment and disposal of the "tame" Indians, who for years had been in
a state of practical slavery under the repartimiento system. It will be
recalled that at the beginning they were placed under the protection of
the Jeronimite Order of monks; a protection which did not effectively
protect. In fact, within a dozen years of the foundation of the system
the Jeronimites were more oppressors than protectors, and were chiefly
engaged in making what pecuniary profit they could out of their hapless
wards. On this account their nominal protectorate was formally abolished
by the crown, in 1526, and Gonzalo de Guzman was made repartidor with
powers equal to those which Velasquez had exercised. Indeed, his powers
were even more absolute than those of Velasquez, since the supreme court
of Hispaniola was deprived of jurisdiction over him in his
administration of Indian affairs. Later the Bishop, Ramirez, was made
co-repartidor with him.
There then arose a protracted and bitter rivalry between the governor
and Bishop on the one side and the municipal alcaldes on the other, for
the exercise of powers of inspection of and supervision over the labor
of the natives. Both sides appointed inspectors, whose functions
clashed. Appeal was made to the crown, with the result that the dispute
was decided in favor of the alcaldes, who were authorized to appoint
inspectors, which the governor and Bishop were forbidden to do. As is
usual in such cases, the objects of the contention were the chief
sufferers. Indeed, so wretched became their plight that some inkling of
the truth reached the ears of the King, who thereupon commissioned a
Provincial of the Franciscan Order to go from Hispaniola to Cuba, to
investigate charges of cruelty, and to punish severely all who were
found guilty. The King also directed that he should arrange for the
liberation of the natives to the fullest extent for which they seemed to
be fitted.
Learning of this before the arrival of this commissioner, Guzman and his
friends set energetically to work to defeat his mission in advance. A
vast mass of "evidence" was cooked up, pretending to demonstrate the
unfitness of the Indians for any greater measure of liberty than they
were already enjoying, which was practically none at all. It was
declared that the Indians were at that very time largely armed and
threatening the Spaniards with massacre and extermination, and that any
further privileges granted to them would certainly provoke a tragic
catastrophe. The Indians would exterminate the Spanish colonists and of
course revert to heathen idolatry, and it would be necessary to conquer
and to convert the island over again. This perjured stuff,
responsibility for which must be regarded as the worst stain upon
Gonzalo de Guzman's fame, was presented to the King in the name of the
government and people of Cuba.
But King Charles was no fool. Thousands of miles away though he was, and
absorbed in important problems of other parts of his vast empire, he
took pains to find out the truth about Cuba. Learning it, he threw the
stuff which Guzman had sent him into the waste basket, gave his
Franciscan commissioner stronger orders, declared that he wanted the
Indians to be treated as free men and not as slaves, and promulgated a
set of new laws concerning them. In connection with these laws, as a
statement of the need of them, the King delivered himself of a scathing
indictment of the Cuban government and people for ill-treatment of the
natives and for causing depopulation of the island. (The original
population of the island at the time of the first Spanish settlements is
unknown, but has reasonably been estimated at several hundred thousand.
By the end of Guzman's administration the number of surviving Indians
was reckoned at not more than five thousand!)
These new laws, issued in the latter part of 1526, forbade further
compulsion of the Indians as laborers in the mines. But in the course of
a few weeks some modifications of them--to the disadvantage of the
Indians--were obtained through false representations at court, with the
result that conditions became almost as bad as before. The King next
directed Sebastian Ramirez, who was Bishop of Hispaniola and president
of the supreme court, to report to him on the desirability of retaining
or abolishing the repartimiento system; and that functionary reported in
favor of retaining it. Then Miguel Ramirez was made Bishop of Cuba and
Protector of the Indians; and he, as we have seen, fell completely under
the influence of Guzman. The result was that no reforms were effected,
and the state of the Indians went from bad to worse.
The King learned of this, and was profoundly dissatisfied. In the latter
part of 1529 he demanded to know why reforms had not been effected, and
especially why there had not been made the experiment of granting the
natives entire freedom. Equivocal replies were made, and it was not
until the spring of 1531 that Guzman undertook the experiment. At that
time one of the colonists, who had held some 120 slaves, died, and
Guzman directed that they be set at liberty and be given a chance to
show what they could do as farmers. Every conceivable condition was
imposed upon them which would tend to make the experiment the failure
which Guzman intended that it should be. In the midst of the
experiment, which was to last a year, Guzman was removed from office.
Vadillo, who succeeded him for sixty days, had no authority to do
anything in the premises, and so the completion of the ill-begun
business was left for Manuel de Rojas.
Then began one of the most deplorable passages in all the early history
of Cuba, in which good intentions were frustrated, benevolent purposes
defeated, and the remnants of a race undeservedly doomed to destruction.
Manuel de Rojas should be credited with having been of all men of this
time one of the most honest and able, and most sincere in his desire to
do justice to the native Indians. He saw through the web of trickery and
malign conditions in which they had been enmeshed by those who were
predetermined that the experiment of emancipation should fail, and he
unsparingly denounced it all. The Indians who had been "selected" for
the experiment had in fact not been selected at all, but had been taken
at haphazard, without regard to their fitness; if indeed they had not
been taken largely because of their unfitness. They had, moreover, been
subjected to the instruction and direction of those who seemed more
interested in extorting profit from them than in assisting them to
independence.
Rojas demanded that these abuses should be corrected, and that the
natives should have at least a fair, unhampered chance to show
themselves fit for freedom and Cuban citizenship. As a result of his own
painstaking investigation, he reported to the King that the tales of
Indian insurrections, actual or threatened, which his predecessor had
circulated, were chiefly false; obviously invented for the purpose of
discrediting the Indians. It was the old story: "Give a dog a bad name,
and hang him." The Indians were to be slandered, and represented as
incorrigible criminals, and then doomed to slavery. Moreover, in the few
cases in which revolts or attempted revolts had occurred, the blame
should rest upon the Spaniards more than upon the Indians, for the
former had goaded the latter to desperation by inhuman cruelties, in
resisting which the Indians were manifesting not savagery but manhood.
In support of this view of the situation, Rojas was able to cite many
specific and perfectly well authenticated instances of cruelty and
injustice. To correct these evils he recommended that whenever it was
proved that a mine-owner, farmer or other employer of native labor, had
deliberately treated his Indians cruelly or unjustly, the men should be
taken away from him and either set at liberty or be assigned to a more
humane employer. The danger of thus being deprived of their workmen
would, he plausibly believed, restrain employers from brutality. He also
insisted that the professional "slave catchers," who made a profitable
business of running down and returning to their employers fugitive
Indians, and who notoriously treated such captives with gross cruelty,
should be forbidden longer to ply their nefarious trade.
This wise and humane policy was approved by the crown, and Rojas
sincerely and perseveringly strove to make it effective throughout the
island; devoting to it for a couple of years the greater part of his
time and attention. But unfortunately he found the people, the civil
officials, and to a large extent the clergy, arrayed against him. The
_auri sacra fames_ possessed the people. Slave labor was profitable;
therefore they resented and opposed anything which would deprive them of
it. Especially did they oppose the provision that men should be deprived
of their workmen because they had treated them cruelly. Fines or other
penalties for excessive brutality might be well enough, but to take a
man's slaves away from him was, in their opinion, going too far. He was
not thus deprived of his horses and cattle. Why should he be deprived of
his Indians?
Yet in the face of such opposition Rojas bravely persevered. He seems to
have been animated by two motives, both creditable and honorable. One
was that of humanity and justice. It revolted him to see his fellow
human beings treated as badly as beasts. The other was that of patriotic
policy. He believed that it was bad for Cuba, that it corrupted the
present and compromised the future, to maintain this abominable system
of human slavery. So he flung himself into the work of emancipation and
reform with all the resolution and energy of which he was capable. He
travelled over the island, personally inspecting the conditions of labor
at all points, and personally listening to all complaints, petitions,
suggestions and what not that were offered. Particularly was he
interested in the "experimental village" near Bayamo, where natives were
trying to work out their own salvation on farms of their own. He
corrected as far as possible the unfavorable conditions which had been
imposed upon them, and encouraged them to their best efforts.
Unfortunately the royal government had been misled into sanctioning the
imposition upon these people of burdens "almost too heavy to be borne."
Regardless of the fact that as inexpert beginners in agriculture they
were not likely in the first year or two to make large profits from
their labor, they were weighed down with far heavier taxation than that
to which Spanish colonists were subjected. They were required to pay a
large tribute in cash as "vassals." They were also required to pay large
salaries to various functionaries who were saddled upon them without
their desire or need. One was an ecclesiastic, who was charged with
protecting their spiritual welfare. Another was a layman, who was
supposed to be their political guide, philosopher and friend. These
overseers probably did them much more harm than good, though Rojas seems
to have selected for those places the best men he could find. But the
result of these impositions was that many of the Indians became
discouraged and indicated a preference for returning to serfdom or
slavery. As free men in the experimental village they had to support
themselves and in addition to pay practically all their earnings to the
tax-gatherer. It would be better to give all their labor to an employer
who in return would at least provide them with the necessaries of
existence.
On this ground many of the villagers indicated a desire to abandon the
experiment and return to the old system. It is probable that some of
them were really convinced that this would be best. They were driven to
despair by being thrown upon their own resources and then being
oppressed with unjust taxes. But there is also reason to suspect that
other influences were brought to bear upon many of them. They were
threatened with all manner of punishment and persecution if they did not
renounce the experiment and ask to be returned to slavery. Similar
tactics were certainly employed against those outside of the villages.
Wherever Rojas went on his tours of inspection and investigation, he
heard of natives who had complaints to make, or petitions to offer, or
who wished to be released from serfdom and to enter the free village.
But when he reached the spot and sought for these Indians, they had
disappeared, or had changed their minds. He had little doubt of foul
play, that they were smuggled out of sight, or were coerced into action
and speech contrary to their real desires; but he was seldom able to
prove it, so general was the conspiracy against emancipation.
The result was inevitable. Rojas lost heart. It is possible that he
still clung to his beliefs, but realized that the obstacles to his
policy were too great for him to overcome. It may be, on the other hand,
that he became convinced that he had erred, that the Indians were not as
fit for freedom as he had supposed, and that their general emancipation
was impracticable. In any case, he gave up the struggle. "Before God and
his conscience," he said, he was convinced that little if any good had
come of the experiment of freedom, and that it would be best to abandon
it and to return the Indians to the control of well-disposed Spaniards;
with a proviso that any who wished for freedom and showed fitness for
it should be emancipated. A tone of sadness but of sincerity pervaded
the report in which he made this recommendation. The King accepted it
and approved it, doubtless with the same reluctance and regret which
Rojas must have had in making it; and that chapter of Cuban history was
ended.
Not one of all the early governors of Cuba deserves more grateful memory
than Rojas. Not one of them surpassed him in ability, in statesmanship,
in executive efficiency, in breadth and penetration of vision in
discerning the needs and the possibilities of the island. Not one,
certainly, surpassed if indeed any rivalled him in integrity,
benevolence, and self-sacrificing devotion to duty. Velasquez, indeed,
occupied the governorship for a longer period, and was associated with
more striking events; naturally, being the first and the founder of the
line. But not even he had as true a public spirit or as just a
conception of the ways and means by which a substantial and prosperous
commonwealth was to be developed, as had Manuel de Rojas.
Yet no other governor in those times was more shabbily and ungratefully
treated than he, both during and after his administration. A wise, just
judge, an indefatigable administrator, above all an honest man, he
devoted himself to the task of promoting the interests of the island, of
its people, with a sincerity and a whole-heartedness unfortunately
uncommon in those days or in any days. It is true that he failed to
solve the problem of saving the Indian natives, and some others which
confronted him. But that was not for lack of noble effort or high
purpose. It was because he was either honestly misled by those upon whom
it was necessary for him to rely, or because he found himself confronted
with difficulties too great for a man to overcome alone, and at the same
time abandoned if not actually betrayed and antagonized by those who
should have aided him and with whose aid he might have been triumphant.
He labored at the cost of great self-sacrifice. The salary which was
paid to him by the Crown was insufficient, and his personal fortune was
not large. He was, moreover, too busy with public affairs to engage in
gainful occupations of any kind while governor, and he was too honest to
enrich himself in any devious ways. He spent his own private means
freely for public purposes, not only in official tours of the island,
but in paying the expenses of suppressing Indian outbreaks and
apprehending criminals. The result was that he found himself becoming
impoverished. Nor did he have so much as the consolation of
appreciation. Doubtless the King did appreciate, theoretically, his
loyalty, efficiency and integrity; but he altogether neglected to
manifest his appreciation in a practical manner by giving Rojas the
encouragement and support which he deserved and which he greatly needed.
So far as the people of Cuba were concerned, they showed still less
regard for him, while the majority of their political and social leaders
were openly hostile to him. Guzman and his relatives and friends, who
were numerous and powerful, in particular neglected no opportunity to
thwart, annoy or discredit him.
In these circumstances it was not to be wondered at that Rojas grew
weary of his discouraging and ungrateful task, in which he had not even
the satisfaction of feeling that he was accomplishing something, and
consequently begged to be relieved of it. He had too high a sense of
duty to abandon his place without the permission of the King, and that
for some time was withheld. But at last his increasingly importunate
appeals had their effect. In October, 1535, the King accepted his
resignation, and, it is pleasant to record, paid him a tribute which was
unique and which must have been peculiarly gratifying to Rojas. That
was, that the examination of his accounts should be of an altogether
perfunctory and formal character. There was to be no such inquest as all
other governors had been compelled to endure. There was really no need
of any, but in order to maintain the custom one must be held. But there
were no charges, no investigations, no trials. This was the more
noteworthy because of the hostility of so many of the people, and above
all of Rojas's successor.
But this exemption from inquest was his sole reward. He had asked to be
relieved not merely of the governorship of Cuba but also of all public
duties, in order that he might give his undivided attention to his own
personal and private interests. But this was denied him. The King
accepted his resignation of the governorship, but refused to grant him
permission to join his brother in Peru, where he had hoped to recoup his
fortunes. Instead, he sent him to Jamaica, as a royal auditor of
accounts, an arduous and somewhat invidious duty, which Rojas accepted
doubtless with much reluctance. Still more distasteful was the task
which followed it, which was to return to Cuba to conduct a judicial
investigation into the conduct of the royal officials there, including
the governor himself, and to try those who seemed deserving of
prosecution. To some this would have been a welcome undertaking, since
it involved the prosecution for serious misdemeanors of those
politicians who had been most hostile to him and had given him the
greatest annoyance; and even bringing his arch-enemy, the governor,
Guzman, under scrutiny. But it was a repugnant task to Rojas, who had no
vindictiveness in his nature, and who wished above all to get away and
remain away from the scenes of his unsuccessful labors and agonizing
ordeals. He bore himself, however, with the same firmness, integrity and
high spirit that had marked his former services, and at the end
departed, with the royal permission, from Cuba, not to visit it again.
CHAPTER XII
The successor of Rojas was Gonzalo de Guzman, who thus returned for a
second term of the governorship. That adroit, masterful and often
unscrupulous politician had spent his time in Spain to good advantage.
In various ways and through various methods, not altogether dissociated
from the golden treasure which he carried thither from the mines of
Cuba, he ingratiated himself with a number of influential courtiers, and
through them with the royal court itself. Before long he was able to
secure a revision of the sentence which Vadillo had passed upon him, and
a reversal of its most harsh decrees and a mitigation of others. Thus he
was largely vindicated, and was enabled to plume himself upon having
received the royal favor. At the same time he conducted, through his
faithful retainers, a campaign of intrigue in Hispaniola, with the
result that the Admiral, or Vicereine, the widow of Diego Columbus,
appointed him back to his old place as governor of Cuba. The appointment
was not to be effective, however, until ratified by the King, and such
ratification the King for some time delayed to grant.
Guzman was confident, however, of receiving the royal ratification, and
so, without waiting for it, he proceeded to Cuba as governor-elect, and
began elaborate preparations for resuming office. That was in the
midsummer of 1534, more than a year before Rojas was permitted to
retire. Indeed, we may well believe that it was the presence and conduct
of Guzman that made the island intolerable to Rojas. For Guzman
established himself in a fine house, with a retinue of servants, and
attracted to himself most of the practical politicians of Cuba,
especially those who were inclined to "welcome the coming, speed the
parting, guest." They all knew that Rojas was to retire, and that Guzman
was to succeed him; wherefore they paid all possible deference to the
former and treated the latter with neglect if not with contempt.
The actual change came, as we have already seen, in October, 1535. Rojas
relinquished the governorship, and Guzman resumed it; and a most
grievous decline of Cuba began. Guzman promptly set about serving his
own personal interests, rewarding his friends, and punishing all of his
opponents who were still within reach. Few of them were within reach,
however; all who could do so having fled the island, for Jamaica or
elsewhere. Cuba was thus deprived of some of its most useful citizens,
while its important public offices were filled with self-seeking
politicians.
Happily, this unworthy and detrimental administration was short lived;
and it was ended through what was nothing less than a peaceful
revolution in the political status of Cuba. For some time there had been
controversy and litigation between the heirs of Columbus and the Spanish
crown, concerning the rights, powers and privileges of the former in the
West Indies. The suits came to an end in the spring of 1537, when a
settlement was effected, one of the bases of which was the complete
renunciation, by the heirs of Columbus, of all right, title or
jurisdiction of any kind whatever over the island of Cuba. That of
course completely separated Cuba from the jurisdiction of Hispaniola,
and made it directly responsible to and dependent upon Spain. It was no
longer an adjunct to Hispaniola, but a colony of Spain.
Now thitherto the governor and most of the other officials in Cuba had
received their commissions from the Admiral or Vicereine in Hispaniola,
or from the Supreme Court there. Such was the case with Guzman, though
his Hispaniolan commission had received the ratification of the King. It
was therefore logically held that all commissions thus given in Cuba by
the Hispaniola government became null and void with the emancipation of
Cuba from dependence upon the other and smaller island. In consequence,
Guzman's second term in the governorship came to an end in March, 1537.
An interregnum ensued. The King was contemplating further reorganization
of his American domains, and consequently forebore for some time to
appoint a successor to Guzman, or indeed to any of the important
officials whose terms of office had been involuntarily ended. There had
just been, as we have seen, widespread investigations and trials of
royal functionaries for frauds, and the King was solicitous to find
someone who was indubitably trustworthy, before making further
appointments. The result was that the affairs of the island, which had
been gravely disturbed and damaged by Guzman, went rapidly from bad to
worse, and threatened to plunge into utter chaos.
Nor was the solution of this crisis for the advantage of the island. On
the contrary, it was to its still further detriment. Once before, in the
time of Velasquez, Cuba had been made to suffer greatly because of the
development of Mexico and the exodus of many enterprising Cubans to that
country. That experience was now to be repeated even more disastrously,
in the attempted development of Florida. That country had long been
known. It was placed upon the maps as early as 1502, and it was in 1513,
at the time when Velasquez was making his first settlements in Cuba,
that Juan Ponce de Leon obtained a royal charter to discover and to
settle the Island of Bimini, as it was called, on which there was
reputed to be a fountain of extraordinary curative powers, capable of
restoring to the aged all the vigor of youth. Actual colonization of
Florida was not undertaken, however, until 1521, in which enterprise
Ponce de Leon himself was wounded in a fight with Indians, and came to
Cuba to die. Again in 1527 Panfilo de Narvaez led a large expedition
from Cuba to Florida, in which he and all but four of his six hundred
men were lost in Indian fighting and in a great Gulf storm.
[Illustration: HERNANDO DE SOTO]
There next came upon the scene a far more formidable personage than any
of these, or indeed than any who had visited Cuba since Columbus with
the exception of Cortez. This was none other than Hernando de Soto. Like
many another famous Spanish conquistador, he was an impoverished
nobleman of Estremadura, who had been in youth a protégé of the infamous
Pedrarias d'Avila, the constructive murderer of Balboa and the scourge
of Darien. Through the bounty of d'Avila he had passed through a
university; he had gone to Darien with his patron in 1519; and in 1532
he had gone with reenforcements to Pizarro in Peru. There he played a
great part, personally seizing the Inca monarch, Atahualpa, and
discovering the mountain pass which led to the treasure city of Cuzco.
Incidentally he seized for himself a vast fortune, with which he
returned to Spain, where he married the daughter of d'Avila and for a
time settled down in splendid state.
When, however, Cabeza de Vaca, one of the four survivors of the last
expedition of Narvaez, reached Spain with stories of the marvellous
wealth of Florida, de Soto's adventurous spirit, or his cupidity, was
again aroused. He disposed of part of his estates, purchased and armed
four ships, recruited a force of 620 foot soldiers and 120 horsemen, and
sought from the King a commission to explore, conquer and colonize
Florida. In him the King apparently saw, as he imagined, the solution of
the problem, what to do about Cuba. He accordingly joined Florida and
Cuba together, politically, making de Soto Adelantado of the former and
governor of the latter. With this commission de Soto sailed from Spain
in April, 1538, bound first for Cuba and thence for Florida. The
expedition called for a time at the Canary Islands, where its members
were richly entertained by the Governor of Gomera. There De Soto's wife,
the Lady Isabel, engaged the beautiful daughter of the Governor to
accompany her as her chief lady-in-waiting, a choice which led to some
interesting personal complications, actually affecting the progress of
the expedition.
It was on June 7, 1538, that De Soto arrived at Santiago with probably
the most imposing fleet that had ever yet visited that port or the
waters of Cuba. It comprised more than a score of vessels, carrying more
than a thousand soldiers. This armada comprised the galleons _San
Cristobal_, _Buena Fortuna_, _Magdalena_, _Conception_, _San Juan_, _San
Antonio_, and _Santa Barbara_; one caravel (a three-masted vessel), two
light brigs (two masted), and about a dozen smaller craft. Juan de
Anasco was chief pilot of the expedition, and the captains were Nuñez
Tobar, Luis Morosco de Alvarado, Andres de Vasconcelas, Arias Tinoco,
Alfonso Robo de Cardenosa, Diego Garcia, and Pedro Calderon. Among the
commanders of the troops were Carlos Enriques, Micer de Espinola,
Dionisio de Paris, Rodrigo Gallego, Francisco del Poso, and Diego
Banuelos. Nor was the propagation of the True Faith neglected. It was
entrusted to a mission comprising four priests and a number of Dominican
friars, under the leadership of the friar Luis de Soto, a cousin of the
generalissimo of the expedition. Santiago was naturally selected for the
entry to Cuba seeing that it was still the official capital and that De
Soto was already commissioned Governor. There was a narrow escape from
shipwreck in entering the narrow and somewhat tortuous mouth of the
great harbor, after which the Governor was received by the municipal
functionaries with all the pomp and dignity of which the capital was
capable. Tidings of the coming of the new Governor had spread
throughout the Island and people of consequence from all parts had
flocked to Santiago to welcome him, to seek to ingratiate themselves
with him and to celebrate what they fondly hoped would prove to be the
beginning of a new and splendid era in the history of Cuba. It is
recorded that the gentlemen of the town sent down to the boat landing a
fine roan horse for De Soto to ride and a richly caparisoned mule for
Doña Isabel. He and all his company were lodged in the most luxurious
quarters the town could afford and were hospitably entertained without
cost to themselves. Santiago had at this time about eighty houses which
were described as spacious and well appointed. About half of them were
of masonry and tile and the remainder of boards and thatch. There were
also many attractive country estates surrounding the city.
The day following his landing De Soto formally assumed his authority as
Governor, and Bartolome de Ortiz became Alcalde mayor of Santiago.
Scarcely had he done this, however, when news came that a French corsair
had attacked Havana, ransacked the church, and burned a number of
houses; after which he had sailed away. De Soto at once sent Mateo
Aceituna to the scene, with a company of soldiers and artisans, with
instructions to rebuild the houses and then to begin the construction of
a fort which would serve as an adequate defence for the town. Having
done this, he sent Lady Isabel, escorted by his nephew Don Carlos, to
Havana by sea, with a strong squadron, while he himself with the
remainder of his company set out on horseback for a tour of the islands.
He first went to Bayamo, and thence to Trinidad, and Puerto Principe.
From the latter place he went in a canoe to the great country estate of
Vasco Porcallo de Figueroa at Camaguey, there to get news of Lady
Isabel's arrival at Havana. Thence he proceeded to Sancti Spiritus,
which at that time was a place of only about thirty houses. Half of his
company landed there, and half went on to Trinidad, which was a still
smaller place of not more than twenty houses, though it contained a
hospital for the poor, the only such institution on the whole Island.
Thence he proceeded to Havana without finding another town or settlement
of any kind on the entire road.
During his stay in Havana De Soto deprived Nuñez Tobar of his rank as
Captain-General and gave it instead to Vasco Porcallo de Figueroa,
because Tobar had made love to Doña Isabel's lady-in-waiting, the
daughter of the Governor of Gomera, and indeed had seduced her. In
spite, or perhaps because of this punishment Tobar thereupon married the
girl and afterward joined De Soto's expedition to Florida in a
subordinate capacity.
There can be no question that Hernando de Soto came to Cuba with a
prestige far surpassing that of any of his predecessors. He was in the
prime of manhood and at the height of his fame. He had been the hero of
great adventures and of marvellous achievements, and was possessed of
great wealth. He was not only governor of Cuba but also Adelantado of
Florida, which meant all the lands at the north of the Gulf, from the
Atlantic to Mexico, and thus, it was confidently assumed, Cuba would
become the chief province and Santiago the capital city, of an empire
exceeding in extent and wealth both Mexico and Peru.
These brilliant anticipations were, however, doomed to speedy and most
crushing disappointment. It soon became clear that de Soto regarded Cuba
as a mere stepping stone to Florida, and that he was not merely willing
to sacrifice the island's interests to the gratification of his
continental ambitions, but had from the first been intent upon so doing.
He paid little attention to the representations which were made to him
in behalf of Cuba, or indeed to the duties of his office as governor.
Instead, all his thought seemed to be given and all his efforts
directed, to preparations for proceeding on his way to the alluring
regions beyond the Gulf. Moreover, he tempted into joining him in that
enterprise many of the richest and most forceful men of Cuba. Among
these was Vasco de Figueroa, who had been a comrade of Velasquez. He had
settled in Camaguey as early as 1514, and had grown very rich. We may
say, indeed, that he was the richest and most influential man in all
that part of Cuba. He eagerly accepted an invitation to join the
expedition, as de Soto's first lieutenant, and he drew along with him
many other substantial men from Camaguey and other parts of the island.
Nor was the island thus to suffer for the sake of Florida, merely as a
whole. The capital, Santiago, was specially to suffer. Its traditions
and its long-established interests were nothing to De Soto, who looked
for nothing but to promote his Florida venture. Manifestly, Santiago was
no place to serve as a base of operations to the northward, so he
presently transferred his headquarters to Havana. That city had been
founded in 1514 on the south coast, near what is now Batabano, but a few
years later had been transferred by migration of populace and name to
its present commanding site at the north. In 1537 it had been raided and
partly destroyed by fire, by buccaneers, but at the time of de Soto's
coming was rapidly being rebuilt and restored to greater importance than
before.
So a few weeks after his arrival at Santiago, in the early part of
August, 1538, de Soto ruthlessly closed his mansion at Santiago and
removed his whole household to Havana. His household and his foot
soldiers were sent thither in his vessels, of which he now had five. He
himself with his horsemen travelled overland, Vasco de Figueroa acting
as guide. The beauty and riches of the island seem not greatly to have
impressed the great adventurer; certainly not enough to withhold him for
one moment from his quest. Mountain and plain were alike to him merely
the road toward Florida.
It was late in December before all members of the expedition were
assembled at Havana. There it was necessary to remain a while, to refit
the vessels, gather provisions, and prepare for an adventure into an
unknown and potentially hostile wilderness. Additional ships were
sought, and more men; and recruits came flocking thither eagerly from
all parts of the island. Meanwhile, a scouting party of fifty, with one
vessel, was sent to the Florida coast, to discover a desirable spot for
the landing of the whole expedition. It returned in February, 1539, with
the report that no suitable place could be found, and with a
recommendation against undertaking the venture. This incensed de Soto,
and he made the men hasten back to Florida and not return until they had
found that which was the object of their quest. Their second expedition
lasted three months. At the end of that time they reappeared at Havana,
disembarked, fell upon their knees, and on their knees made their way
from the wharf to the church, where they offered thanks for their
deliverance. This was their fulfilment of a vow which they had made when
they were in imminent danger of death; and they would not so much as
speak to the governor or to anyone until the pious act was completed.
They then reported to de Soto that amid great perils they had found a
place which would be suitable for his purpose. They had named it the Bay
of Espiritu Santo, as it is to this day called, on the West Coast of
Florida. To this place accordingly de Soto hastened, at the end of May,
1539, with nine vessels, more than 500 men beside sailors, and half as
many horses; leaving his wife at Havana as acting governor in his
absence, with Juan de Rojas as her chief assistant. Vasco de Figueroa
soon returned, disgusted with Florida, which he described as a land of
interminable swamps, but he left his son with de Soto to serve as
lieutenant in his stead. Then Gomez Arias, brother of Lady Isabel de
Soto, also returned, with glowing reports of the beauty and wealth of
Florida, and it was proclaimed throughout all Cuba that the expedition
was succeeding beyond all expectation, and that Florida was the garden
of the world. The effect was to excite the Spaniards of Cuba with
eagerness to leave their homes in quest of fortunes in this new land.
Accordingly, when in February, 1540, Diego Maldonado came from Florida
to Havana, to obtain recruits, arms and provisions, there was no lack of
response to his call. It seemed as though almost every able-bodied man
in Cuba had caught the Florida fever, and went flocking to Maldonado's
standard. Eight great ship-loads of men, horses and provisions were
quickly obtained, and sailed away for Florida, leaving behind them three
classes of people in Cuba. There were those who lamented that there had
not been room enough on the ships to take them, too. There were those
who lamented that Cuba was thus being stripped and impoverished to
enrich another country, if not in a vain and profitless quest. There
were also those, the surviving Indian natives, who rejoiced, because the
Spaniards were all leaving Cuba, so that the natives could come to their
own again. But all three classes were mistaken in their views of the
situation.
Maldonado and Gomez Arias sailed away with their eight ships, to meet de
Soto at an appointed place on the Florida coast. Months later they
returned without having met him or having been able to ascertain any
information of his whereabouts. That was in 1541. In 1542 they sailed
again to meet him at the same place; with like result. In 1543 they made
a third such venture, and explored the entire coast from the southern
extremity of Florida to Mexico. They posted messages upon trees, rocks
and headlands. They sent Indian runners inland to inquire for the
adventurers. They resorted to every effort they could devise to find
their missing chief, but all in vain.
Meantime at Havana the Lady Isabel awaited his return, with unfaltering
loyalty and unshaken hope. Bartholomew Ortiz, alcalde mayor, by her
lord's appointment, relieved her of the technical duties of
gubernatorial rule; which was well, for there was much trouble
abroad in the island. It was thus left for her to watch and wait for
the coming of the ship which never came. At morning and at evening, day
after day, she paced the little pathway on the crest of a fort which her
husband had begun to build, the beginning of La Fuerza--of which we
shall hear much more. Hour by hour she gazed from that parapet
northward, not on guard for hostile sail, but to espy the first glimpse
of one returning from the Land of Flowers. There is no more touching
picture in all the early history of Cuba than that of this devoted
woman, scanning the northern horizon in vain for the appearance of one
whose restless and adventurous body was sleeping the last sleep in the
bed of the Father of Waters.
[Illustration: LA FUERZA
Havana's oldest and most famous fortress and the oldest inhabited
building in the Western Hemisphere. The construction of it was prolonged
through the administrations of many Governors and was for years the
chief issue of political contention in the island. It was long the
Governor's residence as well as a fortress; from it Hernando de Soto set
out for the exploration of Florida and the discovery of the Mississippi
River, and from its ramparts his wife, Doña Isabel, long but vainly
maintained her daily vigil for his return.]
News came at last, to end in grief her agonizing vigil. It was near the
end of 1543 that some three hundred weary and worn survivors of de
Soto's expedition reached Panuco, on the Mexican coast, with tidings of
their leader's death and the destruction of all the rest of the party.
They had wandered through what is now the State of Georgia northward as
far as the Tennessee Mountains, thence back to Mobile Bay, in Alabama,
thence northwest to the Mississippi, and to the Ouachita, or Washita, in
Arkansas. While thence descending the Mississippi, in June, 1542, de
Soto had died, and his body had been sunk in the great river. The
remainder of his company, led by Luis de Alvarado, had continued down
the Mississippi River to the Gulf, and thence sailed along the coast to
Panuco.
Thus ended the career of one of the most famous of all the Spanish
explorers; and thus ended another brief but disastrous chapter in Cuban
history. The island had been drained of men, horses, supplies of all
kinds; for its population was still so small that the loss of a few
hundred of its best men and horses was a serious deprivation. Its own
domestic interests had been neglected. Its government had become
inefficient. The Indians, taking advantage of the weakness of the
Spaniards, had begun to cherish hopes of regaining their old freedom,
and in some places had risen forcibly to seek that end, with the effect
of enraging the Spaniards against them even to the extreme of resolving
upon either their complete enslavement or their extermination.
Indeed, serious trouble arose with the Indians during de Soto's brief
stay in the island. Shortly before his arrival there had been an
outbreak of the natives at Baracoa, which resulted in the partial
destruction of that town by burning. Towns built entirely of sun-dried
thatch were easily burned. Hearing of this, de Soto in almost his first
official utterance in Cuba authorized the sending of strong expeditions
against the natives, to hunt them down and destroy them ruthlessly. The
offending Indians were all Cimarrons, or "wild" Indians who had never
been under the repartimiento system, and who expected and solicited the
"tame" Indians to rise and join them. The latter not only refused to do
this, however, but offered to go out and fight and subdue the Cimarrons,
provided they were permitted to do so without being accompanied by
Spanish troops; to which the authorities unfortunately would not agree.
De Soto sent all available men out against the Indians, and suppressed
them, for the time. But as soon as he left Santiago for Havana, taking
with him all the fighting men in the eastern end of the island, the
Cimarrons sprang to arms again behind him and became more menacing than
ever. They again threatened Baracoa, and were active even in the suburbs
of Santiago itself. The departure of Vasco de Figueroa from Camaguey was
disastrous. He had been vigorous and unsparing in his suppression of
even the slightest uprising, and in his absence the Indians were freed
from the greatest restraining influence in that part of the island.
The general confusion of affairs was further aggravated by the intrigues
of two marplots. One of these was Gonzalo de Guzman, who had remained in
the island after his removal from office, and who was never weary in
mischief-making. He kept himself in frequent communication with the
government in Spain, and made all sorts of complaints against de Soto
and against the Florida enterprise. Doubtless he was right in saying
that the taking of so many fighting men out of Cuba for Florida
endangered the peace and safety of the island; though we must think that
he exaggerated the condition of Cuba when he wrote to the Spanish
government that two-thirds of the island had become depopulated, and all
of the towns in the central part of it had been or were in imminent
danger of being burned.
The other trouble-maker was the new Bishop, Diego Sarmiento, who had
succeeded Bishop Ramirez, deceased. He maintained a large establishment
of slaves, and continued the political policy of his predecessor. He had
arrived in Cuba almost simultaneously with de Soto, and inclined toward
the policy of the latter in respect to Florida.
A strong governor might have saved even this unfortunate and unpromising
situation. But there was none. Lady Isabel died of grief a few months
after learning of her husband's fate, and for a time thereafter there
was no actual governor at all. De Soto had been empowered to appoint an
alcalde mayor to serve as his substitute while he was out of the island,
if he so desired. He did thus appoint Bartholomew Ortiz; a good enough
man but aged and infirm, and quite unable to cope with the problems
which confronted him. He found himself involved in a vigorous rivalry
between Santiago and Havana in the matter of fortifications. De Soto had
begun the construction of an earthwork fort at the entrance to Santiago.
Then when he went across to Havana he ordered the building of a strong
fort there of stone masonry. This of course aroused the jealousy of
Santiago, whose indignant citizens pointed out that their city was and
always would be the capital of the island, and was therefore at least as
well entitled to a stone fort as Havana. The sacking and burning of
Havana, and of Carthagena and other places on the continent, alarmed
them, lest Santiago should suffer a like fate. Their insistence was
finally rewarded in the building of a stone fort near the mouth of the
harbor.
CHAPTER XIII
Bartholomew Ortiz was at last, on his earnest entreaty, relieved of his
duties as alcalde mayor in the fall of 1542, and for some time the
insular government was again without a head. But in August, 1543, since
nothing had been heard from or of de Soto for three years, the crown
assumed that he was dead and that his office was vacant. It therefore
appointed Juan de Avila to be not alcalde mayor but governor; permitting
the title of Adelantado of Florida to fall into desuetude. The new
governor was a young lawyer, whose chief recommendation was that he was
a member of the de Avila family, a relative of Lady Isabel de Soto and
of her father, the formidable Pedrarias d'Avila. He seems to have been
doubtful of his own ability to administer the office successfully, and
therefore reluctant to assume its duties. However, he finally came to
Cuba, arriving at Santiago at the beginning of February, 1544, nearly
six months after his appointment. He was, of course, regularly appointed
and commissioned by the crown, with the full powers of governor, and for
those reasons he was received at Santiago with grateful rejoicings. The
people of that city and indeed of all Cuba had become tired of having an
absentee governor and an alcalde mayor in his place.
Juan de Avila's first official act of importance was to make the usual
examination of his predecessor's affairs. This was a slight task,
because of the short time in which de Soto had actually administered the
governorship, and nothing wrong appears to have been found. The affairs
of all other officials were likewise in good order. He then turned his
attention to the question of the Indians; after which, the deluge.
The royal government had for the time acquiesced in the ruthless policy
of de Soto. At least it had not vetoed nor opposed it. But now it had
reconsidered the matter, and had resumed its former and better policy,
of treating the natives justly and kindly, and giving them their
freedom. Perhaps it was moved to do this partly through horror at what
Pedrarias d'Avila had done at Darien, in all but exterminating an entire
race, and was minded to make atonement by requiring the young kinsman of
that "Timour of the Indies" to do the opposite in Cuba. At any rate
orders were sent to Cuba that there should be no more enslavement of the
natives in gold mining. In fact, they were not to be employed in mining
at all. Now as mining was practically the only work in which the Indians
were engaged, the effect of that order, if enforced, would have been
very marked. It would have stopped gold mining, and would have left the
natives in idleness. In fact, it was not enforced. The governor received
it, and transmitted it to the various local officials for promulgation
and enforcement; and they ignored it. Presently the governor wanted to
know why the order had not been obeyed, and was curtly told that it
would have been disastrous to the industries and interests of the
island. This he reported to the crown, asking for further directions.
The reply was a reminder that the new Bishop, Sarmiento, was Protector
of the Indians, and that the governor and he should cooperate for their
welfare and for the enforcement of the decrees in their behalf. But the
people were no readier to listen to the bishop than to the governor;
particularly since that ecclesiastic was himself a slave-holder. Indeed,
the municipal council of Santiago formally protested against his
appointment as Protector of the Indians and refused to recognize his
authority. There were some actual conflicts with force and arms between
the two factions, in which the followers of the local government appear
to have triumphed over the fewer adherents of the Bishop, and from which
no profit nor advantage of any kind accrued to the unhappy objects of
the strife.
When these things were reported to the King and his advisers, there was
much indignation, and new and peremptory orders were sent to the
governor, that involuntary service by the Indians was immediately to be
abolished, and that the natives were to be free to work for whom they
pleased, or not to work at all. Moreover, they were to be treated in all
respects as well as the Spaniards themselves. This radical decree seems
to have impressed the governor and bishop as going a little too far, and
an appeal was made by common consent to the Council for the Indies, in
Spain. That body was divided in opinion, but the majority of it inclined
to a modification of the order, to which the King agreed. The governor
and the bishop were directed to act together for the welfare of the
natives, with a view to granting them ultimately entire liberty and
equal rights. There was to be no more slavery. All the Indian slaves who
had been brought to Cuba from other islands or from the mainland were to
be released and returned to their homes. To hold such slaves, or to
engage in the slave trade, was made a grave penal offense. The native
Cubans who were held under the repartimiento system were not immediately
to be released, but they were not to be transferred from one master to
another, and upon the death of their master they were not to be
bequeathed as chattels to his heirs, but were to be released. Moreover,
if any of the proprietors were proved to be cruel to their native
workmen, or neglectful of their interests, the natives were to be
released from their authority and set at liberty. In all cases, the
natives were to receive fair wages for their labor, and were not to be
compelled to do any kind of work for which they were not suited or to
which they objected. Finally, it was forbidden for the governor, the
bishop, or any other functionary of state or church to hold native Cuban
Indians in bondage, though negro slavery was apparently still
permitted.
These regulations, put forward by the King and the Council for the
Indies, were actually more far-reaching than the order of the crown
which had been disputed, though they would not take effect so abruptly.
The governor received them, and himself had them publicly proclaimed
throughout the island; with prodigious effect. The whole island rose
against them. Municipal councils and others officials, as well as
planters and gold miners, protested against them, and pleaded for at
least postponement of their enforcement until they could have an
opportunity to appeal to the crown and to the Council for the Indies
against them. To this plea for delay, De Avila acceded; to his own
subsequent undoing, as we shall presently see. His own brother, Alfonso
de Avila, turned against him, and went to Spain as the chief spokesman
of the opponents of the new rules.
While the question of the Indians was thus held in suspension, De Avila
turned his attention to other matters, largely matrimonial and domestic.
On coming to Cuba, a young bachelor, he made his home in the house of
the wealthy widow of Pedro de Paz. This lady, who had otherwise been
much married, and who was by birth a member of the formidable Guzman
family, whose name she now bore, was past fifty years old, or about
twice the age of the young governor. Indeed, she had sons and daughters
of about De Avila's age. It was therefore assumed to be quite
permissible for the governor to live in her house. The arrangement
proved in the end, however, to be disastrous. It was probably the lady's
intention from the beginning to take the young man for her husband--her
fourth or fifth. At any rate, his domestic association with her, while
it could not compromise her reputation, did so compromise his that he
could get none of the eligible young women of Cuba to marry him,
although he sought the hands of several of them. So after a time,
despairing of any other bride, and doubtless much impressed by the
wealth of his mature hostess, he married her; and thereafter was her
slave.
[Illustration: SAN LAZARO WATCH TOWER, HAVANA
Built 1536]
For the remainder of the ill-starred administration the lady was the
real governor. A large part of her fortune was in Indian slaves, or in
enterprises dependent upon their labor. Therefore it was she who was
foremost in opposing the enforcement of the decrees for their
emancipation. It was owing to her influence that De Avila acquiesced in
their suspension. Then, when the matter was being appealed, it was she
who constrained De Avila to leave Santiago for a tour of the island,
ostensibly for inspection, but in reality to get away from Santiago,
where the social atmosphere was not agreeable, and to settle in some
more advantageous place.
That new place was found at Havana. Since the burning of it by French
buccaneers that city had been rebuilt in a much more attractive style
than Santiago, and society there was more hospitable to the governor's
wife. A plausible excuse for settling there was, moreover, readily
found. It was necessary, for the protection of the place against another
French attack, that the valiant governor should remain there in person.
For the furtherance of this purpose, he procured the free granting to
him of a choice tract of land, and also the free gift of materials for
building him a fine mansion. Whether the citizens of Havana gave the
materials willingly, for the sake of having the governor of the island
living among them, or under some sort of compulsion, may not certainly
be declared. Two traditions have been extant. One was, that they gave
the materials under compulsion, and that for that reason the governor's
mansion was called the "House of Fear." The other was, that they gave
them willingly, even eagerly, because of actual dread of another French
descent; thinking that if the governor himself lived there, he would
take all possible measures for the defence of the place; and that it was
for that reason that it was called the "House of Fear."
After completing the house and living there for some time, however, De
Avila deemed it politic to return to Santiago. His absence from the
latter place had given rise to great dissatisfaction there and
throughout all the eastern part of the island, where of course the
majority of the population, of wealth and of political and other
influence were still to be found. Indeed, protests had been lodged with
the crown against what was described as the governor's abandonment of
the lawful seat of government of the island. Suspicions of his
unworthiness had already strongly arisen at court, and orders were sent
for the Supreme Court of Hispaniola, which still had jurisdiction in
Cuba, to investigate his conduct. The report was unfavorable, and in
consequence the crown summarily appointed Antonio Chaves to succeed him
as governor; directing Chaves to conduct a searching inquest into De
Avila's administration without regard to the report already made by the
agent of the supreme court of Hispaniola.
The sequel was the greatest public scandal that had thus far marred the
history of Cuba. It was at the beginning of October, 1545, that Antonio
Chaves was commissioned to be governor of Cuba, and it was at the
beginning of June in the following year that he arrived at Santiago and
entered upon the duties of his office. The first task was to investigate
his predecessor, and this he performed with a thoroughness which seemed
ferocious and which certainly suggests either some personal hatred of De
Avila or a natural desire to be cruel and ruthless. He charged De Avila
with having committed malfeasance of office for the furtherance of his
wife's interests; with having engaged in commercial and industrial
enterprises himself, to the detriment of public interests; with having
established monopolies for enriching himself or his wife; with having
both given and accepted bribes; with having intimidated local officials
and the people; and with having, largely at the instance of his wife,
neglected to enforce the order of the King for the emancipation of the
natives.
It is quite probable that De Avila was guilty of most of these charges,
particularly of those in which his wife was concerned. Certain it is
that Antonio Chaves set about trying to prove them with a strenuous zeal
which had never before been displayed. One of his first acts was to
seize and search the governor's house; not merely in its public or
semi-public offices but in its most private parts. The wardrobe of the
governor's wife was ransacked, the furniture examined, the walls and
floors sounded and even broken in quest of concealed treasure. To some
of these proceedings the governor, or ex-governor, and his wife, too,
attempted to offer physical resistance, but they were overpowered and
bound while the search went on. Their servants, or slaves, were
questioned and even, it is said, threatened with torture if they did
not tell all they knew. Under such compulsion they told of bars of gold
hidden underneath the floor of a country house; which were found.
Chaves went so far as to order De Avila to be chained fast to a post in
the market place, where fugitive slaves had formerly been chained, and
the former governor was actually subjected to this indignity, though he
had not yet been convicted and sentenced by a court of justice. But this
was carrying prosecution too far. It was regarded as not prosecution but
persecution. There was a reaction of popular sentiment in favor of De
Avila, and he was assisted to escape from his bonds and to find
sanctuary in the Franciscan monastery. After a time he undertook to get
away, to Spain, but was quickly detected and recaptured by Chaves. After
some further controversy, Chaves discreetly agreed that De Avila might
go to Spain, to defend himself if he could before the Council for the
Indies; doubtless expecting that such defence would be in vain because
of De Avila's offences against that Council's decrees.
So De Avila departed for Spain, with his advocates and his accusers on
the same ship. Most fortunately for him, his wife also went, carrying
with her an ample store of gold and gems which had escaped the search
and confiscation of Chaves. Her conduct in this emergency indicates that
she had a sincere devotion to her young husband, in addition, of course,
to a desire to protect her own material fortune. Certain it is that she
constituted herself his chief and most effective champion, freely
expending in his behalf the gold which she had taken to Spain. She
testified that all the property which he was accused of having
unlawfully acquired was in fact hers and not his, possessed by her
before she was married to him, and that if he had in any sense acquired
it, it was solely through having married her; and there was no law
against a governor's marrying a rich wife.
Her argument prevailed. The litigation in Spain lasted for several
years, during part of which time De Avila was in prison. But in the end
he was released; the heavy fines which had been levied against him were
remitted; and the sentence of perpetual banishment from Cuba was
revoked. Thereupon the devoted couple returned in triumph to Cuba, with
a great retinue of servants, and reestablished themselves at Santiago.
They held aloof from political affairs, and gave their attention to an
exceedingly profitable commerce between Cuba and other West India
Islands and Spain; which happy state of affairs lasted until De Avila's
death, a dozen years later. He left behind him the reputation of being
one of the worst of Cuban governors, not so much because of any inherent
viciousness as because of his weakness of character and his complete
subservience to the often sordid and sometimes unscrupulous doings of
his wife.
That there was any gain for Cuba in the substitution of Antonio Chaves
for Juan de Avila is scarcely, however, to be maintained. On the
contrary, there was probably some loss. It was a substitution of King
Stork for King Log. De Avila had been weak and passive. Chaves was
strong and aggressive; as his campaign against his predecessor
demonstrated. In point of morals there was probably little to choose
between them. So far as enforcement of the laws concerning the natives
was concerned, Chaves was worse than De Avila. For De Avila personally
wished to enforce them, but was dissuaded from so doing by the influence
of his wife and the almost unanimous demands of the officials and
people. Chaves, on the other hand, appears to have been personally
opposed to all emancipation laws, and inclined to subject the natives to
ruthless slavery. Although he had savagely attacked De Avila for
acquiescing in the suspension or postponement of the royal decrees,
Chaves himself went even further in the same direction. He declined to
enforce the laws, protested against them, and petitioned for their
repeal on the ground that they would be ruinous to the material welfare
of the island. The rule against employment of natives in the mines was
especially obnoxious to him, and he advised the crown that unless it
were repealed, together with all other such measures, the island would
soon be "possessed of the devil."
Seeing that Chaves was now doing the very thing that he had condemned
his predecessor for doing, the King was disgusted with him, and sent him
the sharpest kind of a reprimand, reminding him of his gross
inconsistency and bidding him to enforce the law without further ado.
Chaves pretended to obey. In fact, he promptly replied that he was
obeying. But he obeyed only in pretence. He did not scruple to
declare--in Cuba--that he was opposed to giving the natives their
freedom. He did not consider them fit for it. Why? Because they were not
Christians, and if set free they would not become Christians, and
therefore would infallibly be damned eternally. Therefore to save their
souls from hell fire, their bodies must be enslaved, so that they could
find salvation through being physically compelled to conform with the
external practices of Christianity. Particularly necessary was it, he
argued, for this system of spiritual salvation through corporeal bondage
to prevail in the provinces of Trinidad, Sancti Spiritus and Puerto del
Principe, because they had no agricultural interests but were dependent
upon mining, and if they could not compel the Indians to work in the
mines, they would be ruined.
This logic, more ingenious than ingenuous, did not favorably impress the
King, nor was he better pleased with Chaves's proposal that the Indians
should be made free in name only, and that while traffic in them as
chattels should be forbidden, they should in fact remain in involuntary
domestic servitude. Another sharp reprimand was accordingly sent to
Chaves, with an intimation that something worse might follow; to which
warning the governor was blind and deaf. Accordingly, the blow soon
fell.
We have hitherto heard much of Lopez Hurtado, the crabbed, surly and
cantankerous old royal treasurer, with his impregnable honesty. It was
quite impossible that he should countenance even passively such conduct
as that of Chaves. So at the end of 1548 he sent to the King an
appalling indictment of the governor, charging him with all manner of
public crimes and private vices. He declared that Chaves was enriching
himself at the expense of the people, and that he was neglecting public
business for private enterprises, that he was permitting his
subordinates to practice extortion and oppression, that he was
ill-treating and persecuting honest men, and that he was corrupting the
women of the island; all of which was probably true.
The King acted promptly. Chaves had been appointed governor in October,
1545, for a term of four years, at a salary of a thousand ducats a year.
He had now, at the end of 1548, been in office three years and more;
though he claimed that his term ran for four years from June, 1546, when
he actually took office. However, there was no tenure of office law to
keep him in his place beyond the royal pleasure; certainly not to
protect him from removal for cause. So the supreme court of Hispaniola
was directed to investigate him, and Gonzalo Perez de Angulo was
appointed governor in his stead. The court of Hispaniola sent Geronimo
de Aguayo to Cuba to make a private investigation of the governor's
doings; Hurtado agreeing to pay the expenses out of his own pocket.
Aguayo came to Santiago in April, 1549, while Chaves was absent at
Havana, planning to remove the seat of government to that city. Three
months were spent in the investigation, and then Aguayo reported to the
court a docket of about three hundred charges against Chaves, some of
which were serious enough but many of which were altogether trifling.
The court decided to take no action upon them, but to hold them for the
new governor, Angulo, to use as the basis of the investigation which
he, according to law and precedent, would at once make into his
predecessor's administration.
Gonzalo de Angulo had been appointed at the beginning of September,
1548, but did not at once come to the West Indies. He reached Hispaniola
in the summer of 1549, shortly after Aguayo had made his report, and he
remained there for some time, considering the report and conferring with
the members of the supreme court. Finally, at the beginning of November,
he proceeded to Santiago and assumed the governorship. He entered upon
the investigation, using Aguayo's three hundred charges as the basis of
it, despite the protest of Chaves that Aguayo had been a prejudiced
investigator, moved by political and even pecuniary considerations and
intent not upon discovering the truth but merely upon defaming him
(Chaves) to the fullest possible extent.
The result of the new governor's inquest was that at the beginning of
July, 1550, Chaves was arrested and sent as a prisoner to Spain, for
trial there upon a multitude of accusations. These were partly grave and
partly--mostly--frivolous. In the former category was the charge that
Chaves had refused or at least failed to enforce royal decrees for the
enfranchisement of the natives. That was a very serious matter,
apparently, and there was no question that it was true. Indeed, Chaves
admitted it. But, he said, some of these decrees had been suspended,
there had been pleas for the suspension of others, officials had failed
to proclaim some, and the Hispaniola court had interfered with others;
so that the whole business was in a hopeless tangle and he really could
not determine what he ought to do. This argument impressed the Spanish
authorities, and they consequently dismissed that and other like charges
against him.
But when it came to other charges, they could not be got rid of so
easily. Thus, he had refused to pay an apothecary for a dose of
medicine. He had called Hurtado's nephew a Jew! He had called certain
citizens "conspirators" because they were forming some sort of a secret
organization. He had arrested a priest for acting disrespectfully toward
him. These were indeed serious matters; particularly when the irate
Hurtado produced voluminous affidavits, from parents, physicians,
clergy, and whom not, to prove that his nephew like himself was a good
Christian. So for these things Chaves was thrown into prison, and even,
it is said, bound with heavy fetters, until he should pay the fines
which were imposed upon him.
It must be recorded in Chaves's favor that he was unable to pay these
fines. Indeed, he seems not to have had means sufficient to employ a
lawyer to defend him, wherefore he was compelled to conduct his own
case; which he was quite competent to do, being a licentiate of the bar.
There was, then, of course no thought of his being able to influence the
course of justice by the use of money, as De Avila was supposed to have
done. Whether he was actually so poor, or whether his fortune had been
so invested in Cuba that he was unable at once to realize upon it, does
not appear. In charity we may accept the former theory, as the more
creditable to him. At any rate, after two years of litigation and
imprisonment, he secured a final reduction of the fines levied against
him to a little more than 100,000 maravedi, which he was required to pay
within a year. This trifling amount he contrived to raise and so
regained his freedom; going thereafter back to Cuba to settle up his
personal affairs there, and thence to Peru, to engage no more in Cuban
politics.
Apart from his prosecution of Chaves, the first act of Gonzalo de Angulo
on assuming the governorship was to attempt a radical solution of the
Indian problem. This he did by proclaiming the full and universal
emancipation of all natives, however and by whomsoever held. Seeing how
strenuously and vociferously similar action had been resisted only a few
years before, as sure to be ruinous to the island, it is worthy of
remark that this provoked no remonstrances and caused no economic
disturbance. The explanation is simple. The former proposals for
emancipation included slaves who had been brought to Cuba from other
lands, while this one applied only to natives. Now the latter, through
disease, fighting, and other causes, had been steadily decreasing in
numbers, until they were now practically a negligible quantity. They
probably numbered not more than twenty-five hundred in the entire
island. It really mattered little, from an industrial point of view,
whether they were enslaved or free. They were in fact set free, in good
faith, and then practically disappeared. They did not relapse into
primitive barbarism, but they lived in squalor, most of them, and
gradually died out.
Not all of them, however, suffered such a fate. Some settled on lands
near if not actually among the Spanish colonists, adopted the ways of
civilization, and prospered. They acquired freehold of land and houses,
kept herds of cattle, built ships and engaged in commerce. Some of them
intermarried with Spanish families, and the offspring of such unions
often rose to honorable rank in society and the state.
The question of slavery was not by any means disposed of by this
emancipation of the native Indians. There was a much larger number of
slaves in the island who had been brought thither from other countries,
including both insular and continental Indians and African negroes.
Governor Angulo was directed to order their emancipation and
repatriation at the same time with the others. But he withheld the
decree. These foreign slaves were far more numerous than the natives and
were consequently more important to industry and commerce. They had not
been simply "assigned" to owners, like the Cuban Indians, but had been
purchased outright for cash, like any other merchandise, and were
legally as much the property of their owners as land, houses or cattle.
In view of this circumstance, Angulo declined to proclaim their
emancipation.
CHAPTER XIV
The administration of Gonzalo Perez de Angulo marked the lowest point in
the early history of Cuba. That was not because of the character of his
administration, which was indeed better than some of its predecessors,
but because various processes militating against the progress and
prosperity of the island then reached their culmination. Foremost among
these was the migration to Florida, Mexico, Peru and other lands, which
were richer, or were reputed to be richer, than the Pearl of the
Antilles. Cuba contained no such cities and treasures as those of Mexico
and Peru; no such traditions as that of Florida's Fountain of Youth
pertained to her. The island had been explored from end to end, and its
resources were known; though by no means appreciated. The adventurers of
those days were not inclined to engage in agriculture, even in so
fertile a land as Cuba, when the gold and gems of the Incas were within
reach. With the decline and practical disappearance of the Indians, and
the increasing difficulties of the African or other slave trade, the
scarcity of labor disinclined the Spanish settlers even to raise cattle.
The middle of the sixteenth century saw, therefore, a menacing
emigration from Cuba to other lands which threatened to leave the island
uninhabited.
Statistics of those days are scanty and not altogether trustworthy. It
was the custom to report merely the number of householders or
land-owners or heads of families in a place, leaving it to be estimated
how many members each family contained. An exact census of the island in
Angulo's time would astonish the reader of to-day with the meagreness of
the settlements which had been effected in the course of forty years.
Of the seven cities which Velasquez had founded--they were called
cities, and we must through courtesy retain the name--Santiago was still
the largest, and was the capital. It probably contained at the period of
which we are writing fewer than five hundred Spaniards and other
Europeans. De Avila saw only two hundred assembled to welcome him on his
arrival as Governor. The number of houses and other buildings was less
than a hundred. The first town hall and church which were built there
were structures of logs and thatch, which were burned by a fire which
destroyed most of the place in 1528. Four years later the Franciscan
monastery and other buildings shared a like fate. The Spanish government
then urged the erection of buildings of stone with tiled roofs, and a
few such were erected. At the end of Guzman's second administration
there were perhaps a dozen such, of which Guzman himself owned two. The
harbor boasted a single wharf or pier, of logs and earth, near which for
protection two small cannon were placed behind an earthwork.
Such was the Cuban capital in 1550. Three years later, in 1553, a French
privateer entered the harbor, silenced the two cannon, and landed a
company of four hundred men, who outnumbered the entire population of
the place. These freebooters took possession of Santiago and lived there
at their ease, at the expense of the people, during the whole month of
July. Then, having exacted from the inhabitants a ransom of what would
be about $80,000 in modern currency, they departed, leaving the place
uninjured save for the depletion of its people's purses. Following this
visitation there was a numerous exodus of the inhabitants, to Bayamo and
other places; some leaving the island altogether.
Havana was at this time the second city of the island, and was steadily
rising toward first place. It had been the last of the seven cities to
be founded by Velasquez, and was now occupying its third and final site.
It was first planted in July, 1515, near the mouth of the Guines or
Mayabeque River, on the south shore of Cuba; that shore then being the
favorite part of the island for the sake of trade with Jamaica and the
South American continent. But the location was unhealthful, the swarms
of mosquitoes particularly being intolerable, and two years later the
city was transferred almost directly across the island to the north
shore. This second site was near the mouth of the Almendares River, near
the present town of Vedado, and was found to be vastly preferable to the
former one. It was impossible, however, that the superb harbor on which
the city now fronts should be neglected. It had been discovered in 1508
by Sebastian de Ocampo, while circumnavigating the island, and had been
called Carenas. Accordingly in 1519 the young city of Havana, bearing
the Indian name of that province of the island, was transported thither.
Credible tradition has it that the first meeting of the Municipal
Council was held under a huge ceiba tree, and that Mass was first
celebrated at the same sylvan spot, the site of the tree now being
marked by the building known as the Templete, in the heart of the great
city. Two fine historical paintings by the artist Escobar, representing
the two gatherings named, hang upon the walls of that building. In De
Soto's time Havana became marked as the coming capital and metropolis of
the island, partly because of its unsurpassed situation, and partly for
a reason similar to that which caused it first to be founded on the
south coast, namely, for the sake of trade with Mexico and Florida. De
Soto during his brief sojourn there began the erection of the
fortification known as La Fuerza, which has long been noted as the
oldest inhabited building in the western hemisphere which was built by
Europeans. By the time of Governor Angulo, Havana had grown into--or
been reduced to--a community of about two hundred Europeans, and perhaps
three hundred Indians and negro slaves.
Santa Maria del Puerto Principe was originally founded in 1515 on the
north coast, but a dozen years later was removed inland for security
against the rovers of the sea, and became known by its present name of
Camaguey. For many years Vasco Porcallo de Figueroa was its chief man; a
man of wealth and great force of character, who lived like a prince upon
a vast estate with a great retinue of servants and slaves. All the rest
of Camaguey was tributary to him; with a total population of fewer than
five hundred souls.
Baracoa, originally Nuestra Senora de la Asuncion, was the first
permanent settlement in Cuba. Shut off from the rest of the island by a
mountain wall, and visited by several disastrous epidemics, it was all
but obliterated, and in the time of De Soto and Angulo contained fewer
than a dozen European families. As for Trinidad, on the south coast, it
fared even worse, for every Spanish or other European settler deserted
it, chiefly for Sancti Spiritus, leaving there only a score of Indians.
But that did not mean any great accession to Sancti Spiritus, which
place had only about two hundred Europeans, and perhaps as many more
Indians and negro slaves. Bayamo was another city which was moved inland
from its original site. It had in Angulo's time fewer than a hundred
Spaniards and perhaps twice as many Indians and negroes.
Thus after forty years of settlement and colonization, all Cuba had not
more than 1,200 inhabitants of European origin, and perhaps twice that
number of Indians and negroes. The great majority of the former were, of
course, Spaniards. Even at this early date, however, there was a
sprinkling of other nationalities. Some Portuguese came hither in the
second quarter of the century, and engaged in vine growing and
agriculture. Indeed, by the middle of the century most of the profitable
and commercial agriculture of the island was in their hands. The value
of such colonists was appreciated by the Spanish, who were glad to have
others engage in the agriculture for which they themselves had little
taste or aptitude. Accordingly Portuguese settlers were encouraged to
come to Cuba, and legislation was enacted in their favor. Their
naturalization as Spanish subjects was facilitated, and free homesteads
were given to them, of choice agricultural lands.
Some Italians also came to Cuba in those early years, partly as soldiers
of fortune, to enlist in the forces of the island or to seek further
adventures of exploration and conquest, and partly to become
horticulturists and agriculturists, after the manner of the Portuguese.
Even a few Arabs and Moors visited the island, and some German artisans.
French and English there were none, because of the generally prevailing
hostilities between them and Spain.
The Spanish government was chiefly intent upon encouraging conquests in
the great treasure-yielding lands of Mexico and Central and South
America. Yet it was not blind to the potential value of Cuba, nor
altogether neglectful of that island's interests. Various attempts were
made to stimulate immigration and permanent settlement, and even to
prevent settlers, once there, from leaving the island. Some of these
measures were, indeed, so stringent as probably to react against their
own purpose. Thus it was required that merchants and ship-masters
sailing from Cuba for trade with other lands should give bonds for their
return, while the death penalty, with confiscation of estate, was
actually prescribed for many years for all persons leaving the island
without permission from the authorities. The effect of this
extraordinary measure was what might have been expected. Knowing that
once in Cuba it would be difficult and perhaps impossible for them to
get away again, prudent people were reluctant to go thither.
Efforts were also made to stimulate increase of population. Married men
in Spain were forbidden to go to Cuba without taking their wives with
them. Bachelors and widowers in Cuba were not permitted to employ
Indians or to hold slaves, while illicit unions with native women were
discouraged under penalty. Regular marriages with native women were,
however, legitimized, and there were many such which resulted
satisfactorily. In spite of these precautions there were, of course,
some illegitimate children, and these the government took steps to
legitimize, in order that they might, in default of other heirs, inherit
their fathers' property and become substantial members of the community.
The population of Cuba was materially increased in another and by no
means commendable way. This was by the importation of negro slaves from
Africa. The traffic in human beings began in the West Indies at about
the time that Velasquez began the conquest and settlement of Cuba;
perhaps a little before that time. Naturally, with the settlement of
Cuba slave traders visited that island to offer their wares. It must be
recorded to the credit of Velasquez that he at first prohibited the
entrance of negro slaves into the island, and to the end of his life
opposed it though he was forced after a while to permit it. This was
partly on the ground of morals, and partly on that of prudence. He did
not scruple to enslave to some extent the native Cubans. But that was in
order to civilize and Christianize them, and also to afford the
colonists protection from them in their wild native state. Such, at
least, was the argument with which he justified his policy. Moreover,
the Indians were already there, in the island, and had to be dealt with
in some fashion. But it was manifestly a very different thing to import
savages from some distant land for the express purpose of making slaves
of them. The other reason was his fear that if many negroes were
imported they and the Indians would so outnumber the whites as to be a
grave menace.
Nevertheless the slave trade was established and soon attained
considerable proportions. It became so flourishing that presently the
Spanish government forbade private parties to conduct it save under
special charter from the crown and on payment of a considerable royalty
on each negro imported. Ostensibly, this was because it was feared that
too many negroes might be imported, so as to endanger the security of
the colonists, as Velasquez had suggested; but in fact it was largely
for the sake of the revenue which thus accrued to the royal treasury.
The popular sentiment in Cuba was generally in favor of slavery. It was
held that thus only could sufficient labor be secured for the
development of the resources of the island. The number of negroes never
was as great as some colonists urged that it should be, to wit, three
male and three female slaves for every white householder, but it is
probable that before the middle of the century the negro population of
the island outnumbered the European.
Treatment of the slaves was on the whole humane. The negroes were
forbidden to carry weapons, or to go about in companies of more than
four. They were at times subjected to physical punishment by their
masters for misdemeanors, though generally such discipline was required
to be administered by the authorities. Miscegenation between Europeans
and negroes was prohibited under penalty, and as an additional safeguard
against it slaves were required to be imported in equal numbers of the
sexes, and all were required to be married. It may be doubted if a
similar regard for their sexual morals was ever exhibited elsewhere.
There was a provision under which it was possible for industrious and
faithful slaves to purchase their freedom, and a considerable number of
them did so; after which they became members of the community with
almost the same legal rights and privileges as the Europeans.
There was, it is pleasant to record, never the prejudice against the
negro in Cuba that prevailed in the states of North America. He was a
slave, but he was a man. He was a social and political inferior, because
of his enslavement; but he was mentally and spiritually the peer of his
master. The text "Cursed be Canaan" was never thundered from Cuban
pulpits, nor was it ever held that the negro must not be educated nor
instructed in religion. On the contrary, it was required by law that
the slaves should have the advantages of all the services of the church
equally with their masters; and the Spanish aristocrat and his African
slaves thus knelt side by side at the same altar. This attitude of the
races toward each other had two natural results. One was, that the
slaves were generally contented and peaceful, and attempts at
insurrection among them, while not unknown, were rare. The other was,
that amalgamation of the races became frequent and was recognized as
quite legitimate. We have said that miscegenation in illegitimate
fashion, between negro slaves and Europeans, was forbidden. But there
was no ban against marriage between whites and emancipated negroes, and
such unions not infrequently occurred, with satisfactory results.
The importation of negroes naturally increased with the gradual
extermination of the native Indians, and it was favored by the very men
who most strongly inveighed against the enslavement of the Indians. Even
La Casas himself, with all his fervor in behalf of the natives,
acquiesced in negro slavery; favored it, indeed, as a means of saving
the Indians from such a fate. During the second administration of
Guzman, the restrictions which had been placed upon the slave trade were
removed, and free importations, without payment of a royalty, were
thereafter permitted. Indeed, a further step than this was contemplated.
It was urged that if the King wished the Indians to be emancipated, he
should supply their places with negroes. This extraordinary argument
prevailed, and for at least one year all the King's revenues from Cuba
were ordered to be invested in negroes, who were then to be distributed
among the colonists of the island in place of the Indians who were set
free. These were not, however, to be free gifts, but were to be paid for
by the colonists in the course of a term of years. The revenues for that
year amounted to about 7,000 pesos, and it was reckoned that at the
prices then prevailing in the slave market at least 700 slaves could be
purchased. But at the last moment the King, or else the Council for the
Indies, reconsidered the matter, and the slaves were never purchased. At
the same time the enfranchisement of the Indians was postponed.
The early industries of Cuba were, in the order of their importance,
gold mining, stock raising, and agriculture. The last named was
practised by the Spanish settlers only to an extent sufficient to supply
their own needs for food. Stock raising, both horses and cattle, was
engaged in much more extensively, not only to supply local needs but
also to supply the needs of Spanish explorers and gold-seekers in Mexico
and Central and South America, who had no time nor opportunity in their
strenuous quest there to attend to such matters. But the first thought
of the first settlers in Cuba was for gold, and for many years the
mining of that metal was the most profitable occupation. Within the
first twenty years of Spanish settlement more than 500,000 pesos in gold
were secured. Indeed in a single year, 1531, the mines at Cuyeba
produced 50,000 pesos. There were paying mines at Savanna, at Savanna de
Guaimaro, at Puerto Principe, at Portillo, and elsewhere throughout the
central districts of the island; some of them being ore veins in the
mountains and some placers in the river beds. But in the course of
twenty-five years the mines began to fail and new ones were not
discovered, so that by De Soto's time the output of gold had become
insignificant. This was doubtless one of the strong contributing causes
of the migration of so many settlers from the island, the eagerness of
men to seek new fields in Florida, and the general decline which Cuba
then suffered.
There was some compensation for the decline of gold mining in the
discovery of rich copper mines, though the full value of them was not at
first realized. It was during the first administration of Guzman that
copper was discovered at Cobre, near Santiago. (This was the place
where, as formerly related, Alonzo de Ojeda, in gratitude for his
restoration to health, presented a statue of the Holy Virgin to the
native chief, Comendador, who had been his host and nurse and who had
embraced Christianity. The statue was long famous as Our Lady of Cobre.)
There is reason for believing that the Cuban natives had formerly worked
those mines to a considerable extent, for traffic with other lands,
though they themselves apparently did not make use of the metal in their
own arts. The governor, Guzman, learning of the discovery, urged the
development of the mines as the property of the discoverers, while the
royal treasurer claimed that they should belong to the crown. A
controversy was maintained for some time, with the result that the
crown, lightly esteeming the value of the find, permitted private
exploitation of the mines on a basis of ten per cent royalty. An assayer
was sent from Spain to superintend the refining of the copper from the
ore, and suitable works were erected. But little or nothing was done for
several years. Then, after the administration of De Soto, and while the
alcalde mayor, Ortiz, was acting governor, a great demand for copper
arose, for the casting of cannon, in Spain, and interest in the mines
was revived. A German engineer made an agreement with the local
authorities to extract the copper and did so with great success. The ore
was found to be very rich in copper and also to contain so much gold and
silver that it would be worth working for those metals entirely apart
from the copper. Under this expert management the mines became highly
profitable.
In the administration of Angulo the German engineer had two mines
assigned to him as his own, in return for which he instructed all
comers--chiefly slaves who were sent to him for the purpose by the
settlers--in the art of smelting and refining copper. Large quantities
of the copper were at that time sent to Spain, and the first cannon
mounted on La Fuerza, in Havana, were made of it, being cast at the
royal foundry at Seville. It is related that one of these cannon, a
small falconet, burst in the casting, and so badly injured the
superintendent of the works that he had to be taken to a hospital,
where he expressed a bad opinion of Cuban copper. This was the origin of
the really unfounded belief which long prevailed, and which was recorded
in technological works, that Cuban copper had some peculiar quality
which rendered it difficult and even dangerous to work.
The first essays toward the growing of sugar, which has become one of
the greatest industries of the island and in which Cuba surpasses any
other equal area of the earth's surface, were made as already related in
the closing years of Velasquez's administration. They did not at that
time prove important, and nothing more was done until the first
administration of Guzman. That enterprising governor, always ready to do
anything to enrich himself, asked permission to import negro slaves free
of royalty, in order to establish the sugar industry, promising under
penalty to begin the construction of a sugar mill within two years and
to complete it within four years. The crown considered that too long a
time, and refused to waive the royalty on slaves for his benefit,
whereupon he abandoned the scheme. Then Hernando de Castro made a
similar proposal, reducing the time of completion of the mill to three
years. The crown was more favorably impressed by his offer, and agreed
to it, only to have him withdraw it. Juan de Avila and his brother
Alfonso reported strongly in favor of establishing the industry in Cuba,
and asked for a loan of capital from the royal treasury to finance the
undertaking; but nothing was done. Chaves and Angulo also successively
reported that Cuba was admirably adapted to the industry, and it was
known that at that very time sugar growing was enormously successful in
Hispaniola, Porto Rico and other islands. Yet by some strange fatality
nothing practical was done, and the actual establishment of the great
industry was postponed until near the end of the century.
The fiscal policy of the Spanish government was in early years not
unfavorable to Cuba. Apart from a royalty of from five to ten per cent
on precious metals mined, and on copper, and the royalty already
described on the importation of negro slaves, and a customs duty of
seven and a half per cent ad valorem on all imports, the island was free
from taxation. The royalties in question were certainly not oppressive,
and the fact that the Seville government imposed the same customs duty
on all goods imported into Spain from Cuba made the tariff seem entirely
just. Indeed, Cuba was favored above all other islands In the West
Indies for many years. Thus after the middle of the sixteenth century
one-third of what had been the import duty on goods received in Spain
from the West Indies was required to be paid in the Indies as an export
tax; but Cuba alone of all the islands was exempted from this
arrangement. It was not, indeed, until the decline of Spain herself set
in, with increasing expenses for maintaining an inefficient and often
corrupt bureaucracy, and with sorely diminishing resources and revenues,
that Cuba began to be detrimentally exploited for the sake of the Mother
Country.
CHAPTER XV
We have said that the administration of Angulo marked the nadir of early
Cuban history. It also marked the turning point, and the entrance of the
island into international affairs. Not yet had the great duel between
Spain and England begun; which in the next century was to have so
momentous results. France was the enemy. Francis I became King of that
country in 1515, when Velasquez was beginning the settlement of Cuba,
and Charles I (Charles V of the Holy Roman Empire) became King of Spain
in the following year; and in 1521, while Velasquez was still governor
of Cuba, those two monarchs began the first of their series of six wars.
Adopting the policy which was afterward pursued by England against Spain
and against France, and by France against England, France struck at
Spain in her American colonies. During the first, second and third wars,
French attention was chiefly given to conquests in North America, with
occasional raids against Spanish commerce in the Caribbean and along the
coast of Mexico. Cuba appears to have remained unscathed.
With the outbreak of the fourth war in 1536, however, trouble for Cuba
began. French privateers, little better than pirates in their practices,
sometimes, swarmed the Caribbean and the Gulf, preying upon Spanish
commerce and raiding Spanish seacoast towns. The first such blow was
struck at Cuba in 1537. A fleet of five Spanish ships, richly laden, was
about to set forth from Havana for Spain, by way of the Bahama Channel.
Just as they spread their sails and weighed their anchors, a venturesome
French privateer entered the harbor's mouth. The intruder hesitated at
sight of so many vessels, whereupon three of the Spaniards, being well
armed as well as laden, as most ships had to be in those troublous
days, gave chase. The Frenchman retired, fighting stubbornly, as far as
the harbor of Mariel, where he turned at bay and for three days kept up
the unequal conflict. Then, just as he seemed preparing to give up the
fight and flee, an unfavorable wind struck the Spanish ships, placing
them at such disadvantage that their captains ordered them to be
abandoned and burned. This was done, but the French boarded one before
the flames had made headway, extinguished the fire, and sailed away with
the prize. The daring Frenchman then returned to Havana, entered the
harbor with the two ships, and proclaimed to the alcaldes and citizens
that he would do the place no harm if none was done to him, but that if
any attack was made upon his ships, he would sack the town. After a
while he went out and sailed away to the west.
At that same time all commerce out of and into Santiago was practically
blocked by the presence of French privateers hovering off that port. In
April, 1538, an attack was made upon Santiago, and the place was
defended in a most extraordinary fashion. A Spanish vessel tried to
leave port, met a French vessel returning from a raid on Hispaniola, and
tried to scuttle back, but was overtaken and captured at the entrance to
the harbor. Next day, having despoiled the prize, the Frenchman sailed
into the deep harbor, which never before had been thus invaded, and
menaced the town. The town had no defences whatever, and the citizens
were unarmed. Guzman, then just at the end of his administration, was
furious at his helplessness. He railed against the citizens because they
would not rush down to the wharf and repel the invader with clubs and
stones. But railing was in vain, and so there was nothing to do but to
take to flight inland, which most of the officials and citizens did,
carrying all portable treasure with them.
The Frenchman then threatened to burn the town, which Guzman wished he
would do, in order to bring the King's government to its senses and
arouse it to the necessity of defending Cuba. But there chanced to be
in the port a certain merchant of Seville, by name Diego Perez, who was
at least as daring as the Frenchman himself. He had a little merchant
sloop, not more than half the size of the Frenchman, but well armed,
with guns that would carry at least as far as the Frenchman's. He ran
his little craft into water too shallow for the bigger Frenchman, where
he would be secure against ramming or boarding, and there began
peppering the enemy with his long range guns, Perez himself aiming the
best of them. The fight lasted all day, and Perez was ready to resume it
next morning. But in the darkness of the night the Frenchman stole away
and was seen no more in Santiago harbor. Perez had three men killed, and
his vessel was badly damaged; but the Frenchman probably suffered
heavier losses, since two of his men who were killed fell overboard and
were picked up and buried by the Spaniards, and there were almost
certainly others killed. For his valor on thus saving the capital of
Cuba from destruction, Perez received from the King a coat of arms with
a device emblematic of his achievement.
That same Frenchman a little later, having repaired his vessel, wreaked
his revenge upon Havana. When he entered the harbor there the people
fled and left the town for him to loot at his leisure. It is recorded
that he took even the church bells. Moreover, being a truculent
Huguenot, he took an image of Saint Peter from the church and let his
men use it as a target to pelt with oranges! This incident caused De
Soto, who arrived at Havana a little later, to hasten work on the
defences of the place. For some time there had been talk of building a
fort, but no agreement had been reached as to where it should be;
whether at the Cabana, or the Morro, or on the hill in what is now
Central Park. But the Frenchman's raid brought the controversy to an
end, and De Soto was authorized to build wherever he thought best. The
result was the building of La Fuerza. It was hastily built, and
therefore badly, so that ten years later part of it had to be torn down
and the whole remodelled into its present form.
By this time it was considered certain that Havana would one day become
the capital and chief city of Cuba, wherefore it was decided to fortify
it rather than Santiago or any other port. Beside, it was the most
convenient port of call for treasure ships and others plying between
Mexico and Spain. A battery of cannon was therefore placed upon the
Morro headland, long before the building of the castle, and La Fuerza
was strongly armed. It became the custom for treasure ships to put into
Havana harbor, and if pursued to unload their treasure there, for safe
keeping on shore until the danger was past. But no further attack was
made upon Havana or any other Cuban port, and in 1544 the war was ended.
The prospect of Havana's becoming the capital seemed temporarily to be
realized in 1550, when Angulo established his permanent residence
there--the first governor so to do, though some of his predecessors had
spent some time there, and De Avila had actually established a residence
there. Angulo began building a large stone church at Havana, in place of
the wooden thatched hut which had served the purpose before him; he
built an addition to the hospital, two store houses and a slaughter
house, and rebuilt the jail. He also regulated the prices of food, so as
to put a stop to the artificial raising of prices whenever ships came in
for supplies. Yet when, in obedience to the orders of the crown, in
November, 1552, he issued an emancipation proclamation in favor of the
Indians, a storm of abuse broke upon him, in Havana as well as
elsewhere. Santiago, piqued because he had spent so much time away from
that place, took the initiative in demanding a judicial investigation of
his conduct, charging him with venality and peculations. But the city
council of Havana quickly followed suit, made more than fifty specific
charges against him, and provided a ship to fetch a judge from
Hispaniola to try him.
[Illustration: MORRO CASTLE, HAVANA
A grim guardian, seated on the headland at one side of the entrance to
Havana's peerless harbor; founded to protect the city from the
sixteenth-century corsairs; captured in the seventeenth century by the
British and the American Colonists after the most stubborn resistance;
and in later years the prison in which many Cuban patriots were
immured.]
Curiously enough, while Santiago was hostile to him because he would not
live there, Havana was hostile because he would live there. It was
specifically complained that he persisted in living at Havana against
the will of the people of that place. They did not want him there, they
said, because they were convinced that he was there for his own profit.
So they besought the court to compel him to return to Santiago. Other
complaints were that he had imposed various new-fangled devices upon the
city, that he was a gambler, that he engaged in trade for his own
profit, that he permitted his wife to decide suits at law, and that he
had instructed one of his officers to strike with a club anyone who did
not rise to his feet when the governor entered the church.
Angulo denied all the charges, and declared that they had been trumped
up against him because he had obeyed the King in emancipating the
Indians. He went to Hispaniola in person to argue his cause before the
Supreme Court, the chief counsel against him being Alfonso de Rojas. The
court decided in his favor so far as to suspend all action and let him
return to Havana, until the King could pass upon the case. No judge
would be appointed to investigate him, the court added, unless one were
sent from Spain. So the governor returned to Cuba in triumph. Landing at
Santiago, he proclaimed the freedom of all Indians there. Thence he
proceeded to Baracoa, to Bayamo, to Trinidad, and to Puerto Principe,
repeating the emancipation proclamation at each place. At the midsummer
of 1553 he reached Havana, to find that the town council had "deposed"
him, on the ground that he had been absent from his jurisdiction without
leave for more than ninety days; a decree which he ignored. Meanwhile
the crown had appointed a judge to investigate him, but the judge did
not come and the inquest was not held. Soon after his arrival at Havana,
finding that he would not give up the governorship at its word, the town
council begged the Hispaniola court to have him investigated, and the
court commissioned a judge for that purpose, who declined or at least
failed to act. This was in August, 1554.
Now trouble was renewed with France, the sixth war between Henry II, who
had succeeded Francis, and Charles beginning in 1552 and continuing
until 1559, Charles meanwhile abdicating in favor of Philip II in 1556.
The French navy was more potent than ever, and French privateers swarmed
the Spanish Main. Every Cuban port was warned to be on its guard against
attack, Havana most of all, since it was now the richest and was in the
most exposed situation. It was not until the fall of 1553 that the
official news of the renewal of hostilities reached Cuba, and great was
the consternation which it caused.
Juan de Lobera was at that time the commander of the fortifications of
Havana, to wit, La Fuerza. He appears to have been a man of strangely
mingled temperament, at times fearful and timorous, at others resolute
and valiant. At the beginning the former characteristics prevailed. He
realized, only too truly, that the fortifications and petty garrison
would be entirely insufficient for the protection of the place against
any considerable force, such as even a single French ship might bring
against it, and he fell into something like a panic. Happily, however,
he did not desert his post, but made passionate demands upon the
governor and the town council for additional guards. Happily, too, in
the presence of menace the animosities of faction were stilled, and the
council cooperated heartily with the governor whom it had just been
trying to depose and whom only a little later it denounced to the court
as worthy of investigation and indictment.
New guards were supplied. Day and night the beach was patrolled.
Watchmen were stationed on the Morro headland to espy approaching
vessels and to signal the tidings to the fort and city. At the mouth of
the Almendares River, where it was supposed that invaders were likely to
land, horsemen were stationed, to hasten back to the city with news of
any such landing or of the appearance of a hostile vessel. Twelve men,
expert in arms, were held in readiness day and night to man the fort the
moment a strange vessel was reported; La Fuerza being otherwise without
a garrison--which amply justified the commander's lack of faith in its
defensive efficiency. In case of an attack, all able-bodied citizens
were to present themselves in a massed levy under command of the
governor. Every man was to be armed, at least with a sword, day and
night, and none was to absent himself from the city without the
permission of the governor. Every vessel of any kind that approached the
harbor was signalled to stop outside until it could be visited and its
identity be established; though if any refused thus to halt there was no
adequate power to compel it to do so. However, refusal to stop would of
course be regarded as proof of hostile character.
With all these preparations the defensive ability of Havana was
pitifully if not ludicrously slight. Three small cannon manned by twelve
volunteers constituted the armament of a fort which might be attacked by
a ship of twenty guns and two hundred men. The "army" of the place
comprised sixteen horsemen and less than seventy footmen, scarcely any
two of them armed alike. The chief commander under the governor was Juan
de Rojas, who was the governor's bitterest political enemy, though he
had once been his close friend and deputy. He was a brother of the
former governor, Manuel de Rojas. In these circumstances the commander
of the fort awaited with unspeakable trepidation the anticipated
approach of the enemy.
His fears were presently realized in the coming of perhaps the most
formidable of all the Frenchmen then scouring the seas; the famous
Jacques Sores. This daring captain was not only a Frenchman and
therefore hostile to Spaniards on racial and political grounds, but he
was also a Huguenot, like many other French seamen of that day, and
therefore hostile to them on religious grounds. He was supposed to be
under the patronage of the great Condé, and also at one time to have
received material aid from Queen Elizabeth of England. Indeed, he was at
this time regarded as the foremost champion of the Protestant cause at
sea. Although a privateer, he commanded not a single vessel but a
squadron of three, which he handled with the skill of a master mariner.
Sores did not, however, deem it needful to bring his whole array against
Havana. A single vessel, a brigantine, would be sufficient. So it came
to pass that in the early morning of July 10, 1554, a signal came from
the watchers on the Morro headland, that a strange sail, probably
French, was approaching. A shot was fired from La Fuerza, to summon the
men of Havana to arms. Lobera led his garrison of twelve men to their
places within the fort. Angulo took command outside. For an hour or two
there was uncertainty as to the identity of the vessel, and horsemen
were dispatched to the beach to watch its movements. They presently
hastened back with the news that the brigantine had cast anchor off what
is now San Lazaro and had sent ashore two boatloads of armed men, who
were now approaching the city through the jungle. This indicated
treachery, for the jungle was impenetrable save by a certain secret path
which no strangers could know, and indeed it was presently disclosed
that the invaders were guided by two men who had formerly lived in
Havana, one of whom had been a harbor pilot.
The governor unhesitatingly considered discretion to be the better part
of valor, and betook himself to instant flight, conveying his family and
such of his property as he could carry to the native village of
Guanabacoa, at the other side of the bay, where he was joined during the
day by a majority of the residents of Havana. Lobera, on the other hand,
now that he was face to face with a great crisis, forgot his fears and
acquitted himself as a man of valor. With his little garrison, half of
whom were negro slaves, and with a score of refugees, old men, women
and children, he shut himself within the fort, with its walls of stone
and gates of timber, and prepared to fight to the death. He had found
three more cannon and had taken them into the fort, thus totalling six,
with a good supply of ammunition and provisions. He dispatched a message
to Angulo, reproaching him for his cowardly flight and imploring him to
send all able bodied men to the aid of the garrison, for the honor of
Spain. This the governor promised to do at or before nightfall; a
promise which was not kept.
The invaders were commanded by Captain Sores in person. They took
possession of the town without resistance, and then summoned the fort to
surrender; expecting to find in it much treasure from Spanish vessels
which had recently been wrecked on the Florida coast, though in fact no
such treasure was there. Lobera unhesitatingly refused to surrender, and
the fight began. The first assault upon the fort, from the landward
side, was repulsed. Then the brigantine was seen to be approaching at
the other side, accompanied by another and larger vessel of Sores's
squadron, which had just arrived; wherefore Lobera had to transfer two
of his cannon to that side of the fort to prevent a landing of more
troops. A second assault was repulsed, during which a Spanish gunner
shot down the French flag from the staff on which Sores had raised it at
the stone house of Juan de Rojas, which the French had occupied as
headquarters. A third assault, near nightfall, was also repulsed, but
the two wooden gates of La Fuerza were burned with nearly all the
contents of the tower. The little garrison and the refugees spent the
night on an open terrace, with only a little powder and shot and not a
day's food left. Hoping for help from the governor and citizens, Lobera
fired his largest gun at intervals during the night, beat the drums and
sounded bugle calls; but all in vain. "The darkness gave no token."
The French demanded his surrender, promising good treatment, but
threatening a ruthless assault which would mean death if he persisted
in trying to hold his indefensible position. Lobera refused, until the
break of day. Then he saw that no help was approaching from Angulo, that
an overwhelming force of French soldiers surrounded him on all sides,
and that successful defence was impossible. His ammunition was all but
gone. The cords of the crossbows with which his men were armed were
frayed and broken. Some of his men were slain, while some of the
survivors, especially one German gunner, mutinously held converse with
the enemy. The refugees fell on their knees before him bidding him die
fighting if he would, but to let their lives be spared. In this
desperate plight Lobera yielded, offering to surrender on honorable
terms, if the lives of his men were spared and the women were protected
from dishonor. To this Sores gave his word, and the fort capitulated.
The flag of France was raised over La Fuerza, and twenty-odd Spanish
subjects were prisoners.
The women and children were quickly released, but all the men were
locked up in the house of Juan de Rojas, which was the strongest stone
building in the city. About a score more were added to their number, of
Spaniards and Portuguese whom Sores had captured elsewhere.
A few hours after the surrender, word was received from Angulo. He had
at last organized a force of about fifty men, chiefly Indians, and had
started to the relief of the fort when he heard of its capitulation. At
this he realized that all was lost, and retired to Guanabacoa, there to
seek negotiations with the French for the ransom of Havana. A truce was
declared, and the prisoners were released from Rojas's house on parole,
pledged not to fight, or to leave town, and to return to their prison at
nightfall. Angulo offered a ransom of three thousand ducats, declaring
that no more could be raised. The Frenchmen scorned the offer, and
demanded thirty thousand pesos--eighty thousand had been collected at
Santiago the year before--and a hundred loads of bread. Angulo
protested his inability to raise such an amount, but begged for time in
which to see what he could do.
A week passed, the French occupying Havana at their ease and Angulo
scouring the surrounding country, ostensibly for ransom money but in
fact for men and arms. By the end of the week he had surreptitiously
collected a force of 335 men, of whom about thirty-five were Spaniards
and the rest negroes and Indians. They were armed chiefly with clubs and
stones. Himself and eight others were mounted on horseback. With this
motley force he hoped to surprise the French by night, and to capture
Rojas's house, where he would take Sores himself prisoner and release
the Spanish captives.
The desperate plan would probably have succeeded had not some of the
Indians indiscreetly uttered their war cry as they rushed upon the
house, arousing the Frenchmen and giving them time to close and bar the
massive doors. The few Frenchmen who were sleeping outside of the house
were quickly overcome and slain, and Angulo laid siege to the house
itself, summoning Sores to surrender. The French commander was furious
at what he not unreasonably regarded as a breach of the truce. Moreover,
his brother was among those who had been killed outside the house. In a
fury he ordered that all the Spanish prisoners in the house be put to
death. This was quickly done, with the exception of Lobera, who was
confined in an upper room. Sores reserved the killing of him for
himself, and entered the room where Lobera was for that purpose. Lobera
defended himself, meanwhile protesting that he had had no part in the
treachery; and his evidently honest pleas moved a French officer to
intervene in his behalf and to disarm Sores. Then, at the direction of
Sores, Lobera showed himself at a window and addressed Angulo,
reproaching him for the breach of truce, and imploring him to withdraw.
Angulo refused, declaring that he had already recaptured the town, and
that at daylight he would complete the work by capturing the Rojas house
and its inmates.
With the coming of daylight, however, the folly of this course became
apparent. Angulo had, indeed, a larger force than the Frenchmen still
remaining in Havana; though as the latter were far the better armed a
conflict between them would probably have been disastrous to the
Spaniards. But the two ships in the harbor were now aroused and began
firing upon the Spaniards with their artillery, while reenforcements of
men for Sores put off for shore in boats. Sores and his companions made
a fierce sally from the house. The few Spaniards made a stand, but the
negroes and most of the Indians would not oppose clubs and stones to
swords and arquebuses. They fled incontinently to the jungle, followed
by Angulo himself.
His victory thus completed, Sores returned to the house where he had
left Lobera locked in a room with the dead and dying. He absolved the
commander from all responsibility for Angulo's treacherous conduct, and
complimented him upon the valor with which he had defended La Fuerza as
well as upon his good faith. He would not, however, release him without
a ransom, according to the custom of the times. In default of the
ransom, he would take him to France as a prisoner, though treated with
all consideration. Lobera was without means, but his friends with whom
he was permitted to communicate soon raised the required sum of two
thousand two hundred pesos, and he was set at liberty. He thereafter
went to Spain, carrying with him the news of what had happened to
Havana.
The negotiations for the ransom of the town were less successful. Angulo
had fled far inland, and could not be reached, and the Spaniards who
remained could not offer more than a thousand pesos, a sum which Sores
scorned. In default of ransom, therefore, the place was looted and
burned. Three buildings alone remained standing: La Fuerza, the church,
and the hospital. Indeed, the interior of the church was almost entirely
destroyed. Sores and his men were fierce Huguenots, and they tore down
the images of saints and took the robes and altar vestments to make
cloaks for themselves. All the boats found in the harbor were burned.
The neighboring estates for miles around were destroyed, and some of the
negroes who offered resistance were hanged. The harbor was carefully
surveyed and sounded, to facilitate future entries. Finally, his work
being thus thoroughly done, Sores sailed away at midnight of August 5,
less than a month after his arrival.
At the end of September a little French vessel, containing only a dozen
men, entered the harbor, inspected the ruins of the city, and seized a
Spanish caravel which lay there, taking it away with them to the harbor
of Mariel, where there were several French ships. Ten days later the
entire French force entered the harbor of Havana and landed many men.
They did not, however, molest the Spanish residents nor destroy the new
buildings which they were beginning to erect, but seemed to regard them
with good humored tolerance, as too insignificant to merit attention.
Indeed, there were only a few dozen of the Spanish, all told, and they
were helpless and disheartened. The Frenchmen contented themselves with
going to several of the outlying farms and taking all the hides they
could find to add to the cargo which they were already carrying. They
remained there, on amicable terms with the Spanish, for more than a
fortnight, and then sailed away.
These things occurred at the time when Philip of Spain was marrying
Queen Mary of England and was taking possession of the Netherlands, and
when Spain vaunted herself as the foremost military power of the world.
It must not be wondered at that the people of Cuba, and particularly of
Havana, regarded themselves as grievously neglected by those who should
have been their protectors, and bitterly reproached not alone the
governor but even the King himself for not having afforded them more
ample protection. The explanation was, doubtless, that Spain regarded
Mexico, South America, and of course her European possessions, as of
far greater importance than the island whose gold mines were about
exhausted, which had failed to provide iron for Spanish artillery, and
which had served chiefly as a stepping stone to more valuable lands. It
was a strange irony of fate that the island which was thus slighted was
destined to be the most faithful and the longest held of all the
colonial possessions of Spain.
CHAPTER XVI
The disastrous events which have been related in the preceding chapter
suggested to the Spaniards in Cuba and also to the government at Seville
the desirability, if not the necessity, of establishing a more militant
administration of affairs if the island was not to be the prey of all
comers and perhaps ultimately be lost to the Spanish crown. Thitherto,
with the exception of Velasquez and the possible exception of De Soto,
every governor of the island had been a civilian and a lawyer. It seemed
an experiment worth making, then, to appoint a military man to the
office, in the hope that he would be better fitted to provide for the
protection of the island against the privateers and corsairs who roved
the seas in increasing numbers and with increasing boldness. True,
immediately after the abdication of Charles I and the accession of
Philip II, in 1556, a truce was concluded between France and Spain,
which was to last five years. But few expected that it would last so
long, as indeed it did not, being broken in two years; and even while it
did last privateering was by no means abolished. In any case, be it
peace or be it war, Spain had tried to hold her western empire by virtue
of Divine Right and ecclesiastical decrees, and had failed. Now she
would try holding what was left of it with military and naval force; and
to that end would have a soldier for governor of Cuba.
The man chosen was indeed an expert and competent soldier, by no means
devoid of statesmanship. Diego de Mazariegos had been one of the most
efficient lieutenants of Cortez in Mexico, and distinguished himself as
a brave and skilful fighter against the Indians. He had also given much
attention to international relations, and to the privateering which had
become such a scourge of the seas. Indeed, it was through some of his
writings on this latter subject that the court of Seville was led to
consider him as a candidate for the Cuban governorship. Dr. Angulo had
been appointed in 1550, and five years was long enough, it was thought,
for a man to serve, unless he served better than Angulo had done in the
latter part of his term. So Mazariegos was selected to succeed him, in
March, 1555. Juan Martinez, a lawyer, was selected to go with him as
lieutenant governor. These were the last appointments made in Cuba by
King Charles before his retirement from the throne.
Some time was required for preparations for the voyage and for residence
in a new land, so that Mazariegos and Martinez did not sail from Spain
until late in the summer. On the way they suffered shipwreck and
Martinez and all his family were drowned. Mazariegos escaped, but lost
everything he had with him save the clothes which he was wearing. This
disaster made it necessary still further to postpone his assumption of
the governorship, so that he did not reach Cuba until March 7, 1556. It
is noteworthy that instead of landing at Santiago, as every other
governor had done, he went straight to Havana, where Angulo awaited him,
and the very next day, March 8, he was installed as governor. In
accordance with custom he conducted an investigation of Angulo's
accounts and general administration, which was permitted to pass as a
merely formal and perfunctory performance. The passionate demands for
Angulo's indictment and punishment were by this time forgotten.
Havana had been partially rebuilt since the raid of Captain Sores, and
had been completely transformed in character. It had a very much larger
population than before, and that population was restless and turbulent
to a degree. It contained adventurers from every country and of every
type; fortune hunters, fugitive criminals, gamblers, bankrupts, the
shady output of Mexico, Darien and Peru, who sought in Cuba a No Man's
Land in which they would not be troubled with law and order. In this
expectation they reckoned without their host. Or perhaps they counted
upon the rough and ready soldier as likely to countenance a large degree
of laxity. If so, they were mistaken. Mazariegos had indeed the personal
morals of a soldier of fortune. Soon after the death of Angulo he took
the latter's widow for his mistress and lived with her openly, to the
great scandal of the church, until after the death of the lady's mother,
when he married her, as he said he had all along intended to do; the
delay being due to his unwillingness to have a mother-in-law. But this
was regarded by the governor as a trifling peccadillo. Upon graver
offenses, murder, robbery, brawling and what not, he frowned with the
wrath of a Precisian.
Nor was he any respecter of persons. When Francisco de Angulo, the son
of the lady whom he had taken as his mistress and was soon to make his
wife, scandalized law and order with his drunkenness and brawling, he
exiled him to Mexico. For like offenses he also banished Gomez de Rojas,
the youngest brother of Juan de Rojas, one of the foremost citizens of
Havana; expressing as he did so a fervent wish that the young man might
quickly meet with an evil death. As for his own nephew, Francisco de
Mazariegos, when he became notorious for gambling, lechery and fighting,
he inflicted upon him with his own hands a physical chastisement which
was a more than nine days' example to all the other youth of the town.
Santiago still being the nominal capital of the island, the new governor
thought it incumbent upon him at least to visit it. In fact, he spent
nearly the whole year 1557 there, endeavoring to provide it with means
of defence against French privateers. He stationed a captain of the army
there, with four small cannon, some muskets and pikes, and a supply of
gunpowder, urging the citizens to learn to fight so as to defend
themselves. Then, in January, 1558, he hastened back to Havana to defend
it against raiders who were said to be on their way thither. Five months
later a French privateer visited Santiago, took the place without so
much as a blow from the captain, considered it too small and poor to be
worth looting or burning, and sailed away again after collecting only
400 pesos ransom; probably the smallest ransom on record for a capital
city!
On his return to Havana, Mazariegos showed the value of a military
governor for the protection of a city. For six weeks that summer a
French squadron of four vessels lay off Havana, without venturing to
attack the place, knowing that Mazariegos had mobilized and trained for
fighting every able-bodied man in the place, and even some robust and
athletic negro women. But the governor was not satisfied with defence
alone. He contrived to get word to some Spanish captains at Nombre de
Dios, who were going to convoy treasure ships to Spain, with the result
that they presently came up unannounced and captured the whole French
squadron. Again and again thereafter Havana was menaced, even attacked,
but invariably Mazariegos repulsed the enemy, generally with heavy loss
to the latter.
He felt, however, the need of better equipment, particularly of more
cannon, and asked the crown to provide it. The crown declined or at any
rate failed to do so, whereupon he set about doing it himself, and
succeeded in getting, sometimes by rather strenuous means, a number of
cannon and a good supply of powder. But a better fort than the ruins of
La Fuerza was also needed, and to that enterprise he turned his
attention with zeal. At the beginning of his administration Geronimo
Bustamente de Herrera was commissioned by the crown to build a new fort,
but after making plans and engaging workmen he fell ill and had to
abandon the job. At the beginning of 1558, just as Mazariegos returned
thither from Santiago, Herrera was replaced by Bartolome Sanchez, a
competent engineer; who prepared new plans for the rebuilding of La
Fuerza as it stands to this day. The Viceroy of Mexico, who was much
interested in the safety of Mexican treasure ships which might put in at
Havana, contributed 12,000 pesos in gold for the beginning of the work.
There was much trouble in getting laborers for the work, in Spain.
Sanchez wanted at least a hundred negro slaves. The government thought
the number excessive, and gave him authorization for only thirty;
whereupon he declared that the enterprise might as well be given up. In
fact he secured in Spain only fifteen workmen, and with them he sailed
for Cuba, hoping to secure the rest there, or elsewhere in the West
Indies.
The work began early in December, 1558. A stone quarry was opened near
Guanabacoa, and a kiln for making lime was built. But labor was still
lacking. Sanchez wanted two hundred, negro slaves or others, and
appealed to the people of the town to help him get them. In response
they procured for him thirty slaves--their own, whom they were willing
to turn over to him "for a consideration." Then the governor took a hand
in the game. There were forty slaves at Santiago, who had been brought
thither without the proper shipping papers, and were being held for that
reason. Mazariegos sent to Santiago, confiscated them all, and brought
them up to Havana, to work on the new fort. Some French prisoners who
had been taken in a fight off Matanzas were also set at work on it. All
tramps and vagabonds who were arrested were sent to La Fuerza or to the
quarry, and for a time, until the crown stopped it, one third of the
Indian village of Guanabacoa were kept at work on the fort.
Although Sanchez was in charge of the work and was responsible for it,
Mazariegos spent much of his time there, watching it, directing it, and
chastising with tongue and sometimes even with rod all who seemed
laggards at the job. In time he succeeded Sanchez in authority. For
Sanchez incurred much enmity on the part of some influential citizens,
whose houses he took in order to make an open place about the fort. They
accused him of corruption, of making gross errors in the plans for the
fort, of fomenting discord, and of wasting money. He was too busy with
building the fort to pay much attention to these things, even when they
took the form of letters to the King. The outcome of it was that in the
summer of 1560 Sanchez was removed from his place, and Mazariegos was
put in charge of the completion of La Fuerza. A few months later Sanchez
reached Seville, and pleaded his case to so good effect that the crown
was convinced that injustice had been done him, and that he should not
have been discharged. However, it was not practicable to reinstate him,
though he was sent back a few years later to make an official inspection
of the completed fort.
In addition to La Fuerza, Mazariegos built the first forerunner of the
Morro Castle. In 1563 he built on the Morro headland a tower of masonry
more than thirty feet high. It was intended primarily as a landmark, and
was therefore painted white in order to make it visible at the greatest
possible distance. But a watchman was generally kept in it, to espy
approaching vessels and to signal to the city news of their approach.
The tower is said to have cost only 200 pesos, and was paid for by the
city of Havana.
Mazariegos presently became involved in affairs outside of Cuba. Many
men deserted at Havana from the vessels of Angelo de Villafane, governor
of Florida. Villafane complained and wanted Mazariegos to capture and
return them. Mazariegos replied that he could not do it; to which we may
doubtless add that he would not have done so if he could. He was
desirous of increasing the population of Cuba, even in that way. When
Villafane attempted to plant a Spanish colony at what is now Port Royal,
South Carolina, and failed, Mazariegos had some correspondence with the
King, and probably acquiesced in the royal opinion, that it would be
impracticable to establish a colony at that point. In 1563, however, the
King learned that the French had been quite successful in planting a
colony on that very spot where the Spaniards under Villafane had failed,
and he informed Mazariegos of the fact. The governor, acting upon his
own initiative, but shrewdly guessing what would be acceptable to the
King, sent Hernando de Rojas thither with a frigate and twenty-five
soldiers, to see how much of a settlement the French had made, and to
destroy it if he was able to do so with that force. In the summer of
1564 Rojas returned, reporting that the settlement had been abandoned by
the French. He brought back with him one young Frenchman as a prisoner,
and also a memorial stone which the French had set up to commemorate the
founding of the place, bearing the date, 1561. Mazariegos commended
Rojas for his work, sent the memorial stone to Seville, and then began
planning to go in person or to send an expedition to search the Carolina
and other coasts in quest of new French colonies. His theory was that
the more French settlements there were, the more French vessels there
would be, and therefore the more subject Cuba would be to alien
annoyance.
This, however, was not to be. The end of Mazariegos's administration was
already drawing near. He fell into some violent disputes with the
citizens of Havana, over the appointment of alcaldes, a duty which they
charged him with neglecting. He was also charged with packing the town
council with his own creatures, with tampering with the mails so as to
prevent people from writing to Spain any complaints of his
maladministration, and of other misdemeanors. Bartolome Sanchez, who had
returned from Spain and who had a bitter personal grudge against the
governor for supplanting him as builder of the fort, petitioned the King
to have a judge sent from Hispaniola to investigate him, but the King
refused. Mazariegos, learning this, and feeling unwarrantably secure in
royal favor, adopted a more arrogant attitude toward his opponents and
critics, which did him no good.
In the spring of 1565, Garcia Osorio de Sandoval was appointed to
succeed him as governor. Mazariegos thereupon wrote to the King, asking
that there be no unnecessary law suits brought against him, as he was
old, and ill, and poor. (He was not yet fifty years of age!) The King
granted his request, and in consequence instructed Osorio to make his
investigation as little annoying as possible. Osorio obeyed, and
although the report of the inquest filled three big volumes, Mazariegos
was not brought to trial on any charges and had no fines assessed
against him. He remained living at Havana for some time, and then
completed his career in the King's service as governor of Caracas,
Venezuela. His administration had been a stormy one, but on the whole
advantageous to Cuba, and had confirmed the Seville government in its
policy of appointing others than mere lawyers to the insular
governorship.
Garcia Osorio de Sandoval became governor of Cuba on September 12, 1565.
As he was not a lawyer, the precedent which had been set in Mazariegos's
case was followed in his, of appointing a lieutenant governor who was a
lawyer to serve with him. His lieutenant was Luis Cabrera, who did not
reach Cuba until later in the year, having suffered shipwreck and been
obliged to put back to Spain and await the sailing of another vessel.
Osorio appears to have been a soldier, though probably retired from
active service at the time of his appointment to the governorship. At
any rate he made it his first care to improve the defences of the
island. It is related that he bore with him from Spain to Havana a cargo
of arms and munitions, including four brass cannon. These he placed upon
the fortification, thus making a battery of eight pieces, and built a
substantial platform of timber for them to stand upon. La Fuerza was not
yet completed, but he took measures to expedite the work and hoped to
have it finished in a year. In order to protect the place from possible
raids by land, he closed and blocked all roads and trails leading into
it from the west excepting the one along the beach. He organized a force
of seventy men armed with arquebuses, to be quickly summoned in an
emergency, and required them and all citizens to assemble for service
whenever a strange sail was sighted. In addition, as a permanent
contribution to defence, a spacious arsenal was built near the water
front, to contain the stores of ammunition and to shelter the guards and
citizens.
There was thus much promise that Osorio would prove to be an energetic
and useful governor. Unfortunately, at the very beginning of his
administration he came into conflict with another and much stronger
functionary of the Spanish crown; indeed, one of the most formidable
figures of the time. This was none other than Pedro Menendez de Aviles,
whose record fills so large a place in the early annals of Florida and
the West Indies. He took to the sea in boyhood, and became one of the
most expert navigators of Spain. At the age of thirty he was captain of
his own ship, and it was one of the most active and efficient vessels
among all that guarded and convoyed the treasure ships and fleets of the
Spanish Main. At that time he warned the government of Hispaniola and
also that of Mexico of the grave danger of letting the French get any
foothold upon those shores, or even of navigating those waters. The
Bahama Channel, the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean Sea should all, he
insisted, be declared and kept closed seas, into which no vessels but
those of Spain should enter save by special license.
[Illustration: PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVILES.]
Menendez was, moreover, an ardent and indeed fanatical Catholic, who
deemed it a duty to extirpate "Lutheran dogs," as he termed the French
Huguenots and other Protestants; and as most of the French seamen and
foreign adventurers at that time were of the Huguenot faith, he
cherished a special animosity against them.
Now, his recommendations to the governments of Hispaniola and Mexico
were transmitted to Seville and were laid before the King. Charles was
at that time weary of royal cares and was about to resign them, and he
paid little or no attention to the letters of the young captain. But
when Philip II came to the throne, attention was given to them. That
painstaking monarch read them and was much struck by them, both in their
warning of military danger from the French and in their zealous
animosity against heretics. Their writer was evidently, he thought, a
man after his own heart. So he sent for Menendez, talked with him, and
commissioned him to be the guardian of the highway to the Indies, with
the title of captain-general. It was his function to guard Spanish
treasure ships all the way across the Atlantic, from Mexico to Spain, as
he had formerly guarded them in the narrow seas about the Indies. It was
thus that he was serving during a part of Mazariegos's administration in
Cuba, and in that capacity he spent much time at Havana. On one or two
occasions he took charge of the few little vessels which formed
Mazariegos's navy, and did good service with them. At this time, also,
he wrote to the King about the increasing ravages and peril of French
privateers in those waters, very much as he had written to the local
governments years before.
The result was that the King in March, 1565, appointed him to be
Adelantado of Florida, and captain-general of the Spanish fleet in that
part of the world specially commissioned to guard the coasts and ports
of the Indies. That was six months before Osorio became governor of
Cuba.
The commission of Menendez bade him to "guard the coasts and ports of
the Indies." Very well. Cuba was certainly one of the Indies. Therefore
he was commissioned to guard the ports and coasts of Cuba. Being
familiar with Cuba, and recognizing its very great importance, he
naturally deemed the guarding of that island as one of the very first of
his duties. Mazariegos did not demur, since he was himself soon to
retire from the governorship. But when Osorio came to Havana six months
later, and found Menendez in command of all that pertained to harbor and
coast defence, there was trouble. Osorio asserted his rights and
authority as governor of Cuba. Menendez replied with an assertion of his
as captain-general "to guard the coasts and ports."
The first clash came because Menendez interpreted his jurisdiction as
extending to fortifications on land as well as to shipping; which we
must regard as extreme if not overstrained. He assumed direction of the
garrison of Havana, and had two hundred men sent thither from a large
detachment which was sent to Florida. As La Fuerza was not yet finished
sufficiently to accommodate them, houses were hired to receive them.
Osorio was not notified in advance that they were coming, or that they
had arrived; and after they were there they refused to regard his
authority but took orders solely from Baltazar Barreda, a captain whom
Menendez had assigned to their command. Presently Barreda took charge of
La Fuerza and began moving thither the artillery, including the four
pieces which Osorio had brought with him from Spain. Osorio
remonstrated, saying that the fort was not yet sufficiently completed
for use. Barreda defied his authority, and was sustained by Menendez,
who happened to be in Havana at the time. The governor yielded, for the
time. But as soon as Menendez was out of the city he clapped Barreda
into jail, after a violent physical struggle, and appointed Pedro de
Redroban to the command of the fort in his stead. News of this reached
Menendez and he hastened back and released Barreda. As for Redroban, he
and half a dozen of his men fled to the woods, in well-founded fear of
Menendez.
Now, Redroban was one of Menendez's soldiers, just as much as Barreda,
and was probably as loyal to him as Barreda. But he had deemed it
incumbent upon himself to obey the commands of the governor of the
island. Nevertheless, Menendez charged Osorio with having incited mutiny
in the garrison, and he denounced Redroban as a deserter and traitor,
who should be captured and put to death, and his head exhibited in the
market-place with an inscription proclaiming him a traitor to the King
and disobedient to his commander. Redroban and some of his comrades
were captured, tried, and condemned to death; but on appeal to the crown
their sentences were commuted. Menendez then ordered Barreda to set the
garrison at work digging a moat about the fort, and demanded picks and
shovels from the governor for the purpose. These Osorio refused to
supply, and Barreda thereupon secured them from the people of the town.
Still another cause of friction was found in the coming to Cuba of many
men, both civilians and runaway soldiers, from Florida. These Osorio
received and sent to the interior of Cuba to engage in agriculture.
Menendez complained that Osorio was inciting and assisting desertions
from Florida; and Osorio bitterly replied that affairs were so bad in
Florida under Menendez's rule that people had to flee from the place to
save their lives from starvation and pestilence.
Whatever were the general merits of the controversy between the two men,
it was certain from the beginning that Menendez would win. He had the
higher official rank, and he enjoyed the special favor of the King. More
and more he made Havana his headquarters, preferring it to any port on
the Florida coast; to which it was, of course, naturally much superior.
More and more, too, he assumed authority in Havana, not alone in
military but even in civil affairs. More and more Osorio was ignored.
And as Menendez had the stronger force of men, and was backed by the
approval and favor of the King, it was in vain that Osorio resented the
slights which were heaped upon him.
Matters reached their climax in the matter of further fortifications.
Osorio wanted to build a sea wall in front of the city, such as the
engineer Sanchez had planned years before, at the beginning of
Mazariegos's administration. Menendez curtly dismissed that scheme, and
commissioned his son-in-law, Pedro de Valdes, with some other officers
from Florida, to survey the waterfront of the city and recommend
additional fortifications. They reported that it would be folly to
build a sea wall, and that all that was needed was a round tower, about
thirty-seven feet high, on the headland opposite the Morro, on which
latter an observation tower had already been erected. Valdes suggested
that the tower might be built by the garrison of La Fuerza, at no cost,
if the governor would provide the materials. This Osorio refused to do.
He had no money for such a purpose, and no authority to spend any for
it. Moreover, he condemned the plan of thus dividing the garrison,
holding that it would be far better to finish La Fuerza and concentrate
all the forces there. The outcome of it was, therefore, that the
proposed Punta Castle had to be for the time abandoned; Menendez
perforce contenting himself with some earth-works on Punta, in which he
placed a couple of cannons.
At the same time other friction arose at Santiago, a place which could
not yet be altogether neglected. Menendez's attention was called to that
place by having one of his own ships chased into Santiago harbor by a
French privateer. The captain of that ship reported to him that Santiago
had a fine harbor but practically no defences. A fort had indeed been
begun on the headland at one side of the harbor entrance, but had not
been finished, and the sea wall for which the people had petitioned had
not been started. Menendez thereupon sent thither a company of fifty men
with four cannon, under command of Captain Godoy; without, of course,
consulting Osorio as governor of the island.
This force remained there about three months, in the summer of 1567. It
saw nothing of French privateers, or of any menace of an attack upon the
town. But it did see a good deal of merchant ships of various nations,
French, Scottish and Portuguese, which came thither with slaves and
merchandise, but which seldom ventured in for fear of Godoy and his men.
For such trade with foreigners, and particularly with those who were or
were suspected to be heretics was strictly forbidden. Godoy and his men
were therefore most unwelcome visitors, to the merchants and people of
Santiago, and to the lieutenant of the governor, Martin de Mendoza. It
was suspected, not without reason, that Osorio had sent word to Mendoza
to antagonize Godoy as much as possible. At any rate, one day a
particularly big French merchant vessel came into the harbor; Godoy
rallied his men to the battery near the wharf, to prevent it from
landing its cargo; and Mendoza arrested Godoy and sent him to jail,
where he kept him until the cargo had been discharged and another taken
on in its place, amid the jubilations of the people. Then Godoy was
released, with profound apologies for the error which had been committed
in arresting him!
Godoy remained for some time thereafter at Santiago, though much against
his will. His superior officer commanded him to remain. But he sent an
appeal for relief to the Supreme Court of Hispaniola, with the result
that Mendoza was removed from office, in the winter of 1557-58. This was
a relief to both Mendoza and Godoy, though it did not make their
feelings less bitter. On Palm Sunday the two met at church, Mendoza
accompanied by his wife and Godoy by a friend named Cordoba. The latter
two grossly insulted both Mendoza and his wife, then ran into the church
for security from chastisement, forcibly resisted arrest, and committed
acts of sacrilege. They were finally overpowered, and on being brought
to trial before the local court were condemned, Godoy to be hanged and
his body quartered, and Cordoba to be flogged and sent to the galleys.
The sentence was executed, Godoy being hanged on a gallows at the door
of the church the sanctity of which he had violated. When Menendez heard
of this he was furious. He instituted proceedings against Mendoza and
the local alcaldes at Santiago, charging them with conspiracy to destroy
Godoy so that their illegal traffic with Frenchmen and other foreigners
would not be molested. Mendoza thought it prudent to remove to
Carthagena, in New Granada, for fear of personal violence; whence he
proceeded to Spain, where he was acquitted of all the charges which
Menendez had made against him.
Meantime, the governorship of Osorio had ended. Early in 1567, at the
time when the controversy arose over the sea wall and the Punta
fortifications, he had realized that his usefulness as governor was
ended, and had asked the King to accept his resignation; declaring that
his presence there was no longer of value to his majesty. In August,
1567, the King appointed Diego de Santillan to be governor in his stead,
and commissioned him to investigate Osorio's stewardship, and
particularly to bring him to trial on certain charges of false arrest
and cruelty to a prisoner. But just as Santillan was about to embark for
Cuba, in October, 1567, his commission was revoked and Menendez was
appointed governor of Cuba in his stead. It has been said that this
appointment was made by the fanatical King to show his approval and
appreciation of Menendez's act on September 20, 1565, when he massacred
the French garrison of Fort Caroline, Florida, "not as Frenchmen but as
Lutherans."
Menendez was not able, however, as Adelantado of Florida, to reside
permanently in Cuba, or indeed to spend much time there; wherefore it
was arranged that a lieutenant governor should be the actual
administrator in his stead. The man chosen was Francisco Zayas, a
lawyer, who had been selected by the King to be lieutenant governor with
Santillan. He reached Havana in July, 1568, and at once assumed the
office which Osorio was glad to relinquish. It cannot be said that he
was greatly welcomed by the people of Havana or of any part of Cuba,
since it was assumed that he would be a mere puppet acting for Menendez,
and it was feared that Menendez would use Cuba as a mere stepping stone
or adjunct to Florida, draining it of men and resources for the benefit
of the larger province on the continent. This apprehension, happily, was
not realized.
Osorio personally had cause for fear. Zayas was commissioned to conduct
the investigation into his affairs, and there was every reason to
suppose that Menendez would compel him to make the inquest as drastic as
possible and to impose the heaviest possible penalties for any
misdemeanors which might be proved against him. But Zayas was after all
a just and reasonable man, who was not afraid to assert his independence
of Menendez, particularly since, as he pointed out, his commission as
lieutenant governor antedated that of Menendez as governor by two
months. Moreover the people of Havana, through dislike of Menendez and
fear of his policy, gave their strongest support to Osorio, testifying
in his behalf, and at the end sending a great memorial to the King,
signed by almost every man of consequence in Havana, petitioning for the
utmost possible favor for the governor. The result was that the lightest
of sentences was passed upon Osorio, two years after his actual
retirement from office.
In dealing thus with Osorio, however, Zayas sealed his own fate. Nothing
that he could do thereafter pleased Menendez, while he was called upon
by the latter to do or to sanction things which offended his sense of
right. By the beginning of May, 1569, relations between them reached the
breaking point. Menendez caused the city council to protest that Zayas
had never filed the bond which was required of a lieutenant governor,
and to characterize this as a grave offence, indicating criminal intent.
Zayas thereupon resigned his office. Suits were instituted against him
and his wife in Spain, by Menendez, and he returned to the country to
meet them. He appears to have been successful in his defence, since the
King subsequently appointed him to be a judge in the Canary Islands.
Menendez appointed in place of Zayas as lieutenant governor Diego de
Cabrera, who had filled that place under Osorio. His term of service was
short, however, and no fewer than five others succeeded him, one after
another, during the administration of Menendez. They were Diego de
Ribera; Pedro Menendez Marquez, a nephew of Menendez; Juan de
Ynestrosa; Juan Alfonso de Nabia; and Sancho Pardo Osorio.
Diego de Ribera, who served for a brief space under Menendez as
lieutenant-governor, was captain of the galleons, and was presently
commissioned for an expedition to Florida. He was succeeded by Pedro
Menendez Marquez, a nephew of Menendez. He was an accomplished navigator
and on that account was directed by his uncle to sound and chart the Old
Bahama Channel, a much-frequented route of commerce and approach to Cuba
from the north and east. To this undertaking he devoted only a few
weeks, but his observations were so exact, thorough and comprehensive
that the Council for the Indies, on receiving his charts, immediately
approved them and ordered them to be regarded as the authority for
navigation of those waters.
The administration of Sancho Pardo Osorio was marked with much energy in
advancing the defences of Havana and in caring for the commerce which
frequented or touched at Cuban ports. The former work proceeded slowly,
because of the necessity of depending almost exclusively upon the local
community for aid. At this time also was effected the immensely
important reform of codifying the municipal ordinances. This work was
done under a commission of the Supreme Court by Dr. Alfonso Casares, of
Havana, who on January 14, 1577, presented the results of his labors to
a council consisting of Sancho Pardo, the Alcaldes Geronimo de Rojas
Avellaneda, and Alfonso Velasquez de Cuellar, and the Regidores Diego
Lopez Duran, Juan Bautista de Rojas, Baltasar de Barreda, Antonio Recio,
and Rodrigo Carreño. The code was unanimously approved by them, and it
remained in force and active practice until the War of Independence in
1898.
CHAPTER XVII
Menendez was governor of Cuba for a little more than six years, from
October 24, 1567, to December 13, 1573. Those were important years for
the world at large. They saw the Duke of Alva, as governor of the
Netherlands, establish there the Bloody Tribunal, and in return the
"Beggars of the Sea" engage in their indomitable campaigns against the
oppressor, extending even to the coasts of Cuba. Spain engaged in a
great war with the Ottoman Turks. France had the second and third civil
wars, culminating in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day. Elizabeth of
England fully committed herself to the Protestant cause and was
excommunicated by the Pope. Mary of Scotland fled from her throne and
was succeeded by young James VI.
Menendez, more a statesman of world-wide vision than any of his
predecessors, was not unmindful of these transactions, or of the far
greater events which they portended, and he strove after his fashion to
prepare Cuba for her part in great affairs. He realized that in the wars
of the European powers their American possessions were increasingly
likely to become implicated. Despite his utmost efforts, various other
nations sent vessels to West Indian waters, to harry the fleets of
Spain. The numbers of such intruders were increasing. His utmost efforts
had not been sufficient to drive the French away and to keep them away.
Now others than the French began to appear. The "Sea Beggars" of the
Netherlands were daring navigators and formidable fighters, and they
began to prowl around the coasts of Cuba. English captains had found
their way to the Spanish Main, and Hawkins made his way to Vera Cruz,
and Drake plundered Nombre de Dios.
Finding himself unable to protect the Spanish treasure ships and to keep
all enemies away from West Indian waters, Menendez sought at least to
make Cuba secure against invasion, or its capital--for such Havana was
about to become in name as well as in fact--secure against capture and
looting by buccaneers. To this work he gave his chief attention, and,
above all else, to the completion of La Fuerza. The rebuilding of that
fortification dragged scandalously. Sometimes it was for lack of money,
sometimes for lack of workmen. Menendez told the Council for the Indies
that in its unfinished state it was an actual menace to the town,
because a hostile force could easily land and capture it, and having
done this, they could quickly complete it and make it almost impregnable
against any attempt to drive them out. He did not explain why he could
not complete it as quickly as an invading force could, but he asked for
a force of three hundred negro slaves to work on it. With them, he said,
it would be possible to finish the fort in two years. The Council was
not favorably impressed. It could not understand how a few score
buccaneers, landing and seizing the fort, could finish it in a few days,
while it would take Menendez with three hundred slaves two years to do
the work.
Diego de Ribera, as Acting Governor, also took up the matter. The fort
was already sufficiently advanced to permit him to mount eight pieces of
artillery, but he wanted twenty more. Also, he wanted a large permanent
garrison of professional soldiers. It was unsatisfactory to have to
depend upon a rallying of the citizens, because it interfered with the
occupations of the citizens, because they were not expert in arms, and
because when they were summoned not more than half their number
responded, so that the commander never knew how many he could depend
upon. There should, he urged, be a permanent garrison of two hundred
men, under the command of the governor. Of course such a garrison could
not be furnished by the town itself, because there were not in all
Havana more than two hundred fighting men, all told. This gives, by the
way, a hint concerning the rapid growth of the place at the time of
Mazariegos. A town containing two hundred men capable of bearing arms
must have had a total population approximating two thousand.
Ribera's arguments and appeals appear to have been more effective than
those of Menendez. The Council for the Indies, and the King, too,
ordered practical steps to be taken for finishing and equipping the
building which had so long been neglected. As Cuba, or perhaps
especially the port of Havana, was of no great importance to the Spanish
colonies on the mainland, for the safeguarding of their shipping, and
also as Cuba had been so drained of men and supplies in former years for
the exploitation of colonies on the main land, it was but justice as it
was a matter of practical convenience and expediency for the government
to call upon Mexico and Castilla del Oro to contribute largely to the
payment of the cost of fortifying Havana. That place was a little later
called, by royal decree, "Llave del Nuevo Mundo y Antemural de las
Indias Occidentales," or Key of the New World and Bulwark of the West
Indies. Certainly it was fitting that the New World should pay for its
key and that the Indies should pay for their bulwark.
So Mexico was required to contribute four thousand ducats, and Florida
to provide fifty good men to form the garrison of La Fuerza. The cost of
maintaining the garrison was charged against Venezuela and Darien. The
providing of labor was a more difficult matter. It seemed to be settled
that negro slave labor must be employed. In order to secure it at little
cost it was proposed to give slave-traders the privilege of taking as
many slaves as they pleased to Cuba, provided that they would lend them
to the government to work on La Fuerza until its completion; after which
they might be sold or otherwise disposed of at the traders' will. The
objection to this from the traders' point of view was the length of time
that it was expected to take to finish the fort. The government
estimated it at three years. Now the traders would have been willing
thus to lend their slaves for a shorter time, for six months, or for a
year. But they considered three years entirely too long. After working
for so long a time, under a rigorous taskmaster, the average slave would
be so nearly worn out that his value would be much impaired. So that
scheme failed.
The next plan for getting labor for the fort was disastrous. A contract
was made with a trader to provide three hundred negro slaves, by the end
of 1572. He did deliver 191 of them in the summer of that year, and
later sent the rest but they never got further than Hispaniola. The 191
whom he did deliver were, however, infected with small pox. A number of
them died of that plague after their arrival at Havana, and the
contagion got abroad in the city with the result that many other slaves
and a number of the Spaniards also perished from it. Still, enough of
the slaves in that plague-stricken cargo survived to cause the
authorities of Havana much embarrassment in feeding and clothing them.
Agriculture was not yet receiving the attention which it deserved, and
even a hundred or a hundred and fifty more mouths to feed overtaxed the
local resources. Requisition was therefore made upon the government of
Yucatan to send a sufficient supply of corn and meat to feed the slaves,
while the king himself undertook to clothe them. He was led to do this
in a way which strikingly indicates the limitations of Philip's mind. To
all appeals for clothing for their comfort or for decent appearance's
sake, he was deaf. But when it represented to him that they must have
clothes in order to be able to attend mass, he at once ordered them to
be clad from his royal bounty!
More money was needed, and was raised in various ways. An examiner went
about the island, looking into the accounts of public officials.
Generally he found that there was something due to the state from them.
Of the money thus collected, nearly all, to the amount of nearly four
thousand pesos, was devoted to the costs of the fort. Other funds were
taken for the purpose, and when there was still a deficit it was
actually proposed to sell some of the slaves to pay for the maintenance
of the rest. This counsel of despair was not, however, acted upon.
Instead, Sancho Pardo Osorio when acting governor, near the end of
Menendez's administration, advanced much money from his own purse,
trusting to the government to reimburse him. Another draft of four
thousand ducats was finally obtained from Mexico, and smaller sums came
from Venezuela and Darien. Thus the enterprise dragged on, until the
summer of 1573 found the fort still far from finished, the builders of
it heavily in debt for labor, materials and maintenance, and the
garrison, workmen, and citizens of Havana all profoundly dissatisfied.
Naturally, and inevitably, this state of affairs reflected upon
Menendez, and compassed his downfall. He was not merely governor of
Cuba. He was Adelantado of Florida, and he gave to Florida his first
thought and chief attention. He spent most of his time there, leaving
Cuban affairs to be administered by acting governors of his own
selection. This was altogether unsatisfactory to the people of Cuba, and
especially of Havana. They wanted their governor to live among them,
where he would be accessible, and pay much more attention to them and
their interests. So they began agitating against him, and demanded a
governor who should not be Adelantado of Florida, nor subject to that
functionary. They did more than complain. They refused supplies. They
would not send to Florida the supplies which Menendez urgently needed
for his enterprises there. When the King reprimanded them and bade them
do their duty, they replied with surprising defiance that they wanted
payment, first, for supplies long ago furnished to the Havana garrison.
They also wanted to be relieved of the burden of being compelled to
guard or to watch the coast themselves, at their own cost for arms and
ammunition. They wanted these things done for them before they would
trouble themselves for the furtherance of the Adelantado's enterprises
in Florida.
Meantime, the Council for the Indies, at Seville, was also unfriendly to
Menendez. Tired of the delay in building La Fuerza, it recommended to
the king his removal in favor of someone who would more vigorously
expedite that essential work. It was the bitter irony of fate that he
should thus be condemned for failing to do the very thing upon which he
had most set his heart to do. The Council also condemned him for faults
of administration which were due, it held, to his personal neglect
through absence from the island, and it therefore urged that a governor
be appointed in his place who would spend his time chiefly in Cuba and
would give to that island and its interests his first and best thoughts.
These representations were made to the King as early as the spring of
1571, and they had much weight with him.
The sequel was that in 1572 Menendez was recalled to Spain, and was
commissioned for a work similar to that in which he had first won
distinction, to wit, the protection of Spanish commerce against hostile
privateers; only it was not now the commerce between Spain and Mexico
which he was to safeguard in the West Indian seas, but that between
Spain and the Netherlands, along the coast of France and in the British
Channel. In that capacity he was commander of a considerable fleet, and
the work was doubtless in itself congenial to him, and one which he was
well fitted to perform with success. But his heart was set on Florida,
with which he aspired to be identified as Cortez had been with Mexico
and Pizarro with Peru; and he bitterly lamented his being so far
separated from that country.
So far as his governorship of Cuba was concerned, which is all in which
we need here be interested, he had at this time reached the beginning of
the end. The king decided to remove him from that office, though
probably not so much to get rid of him there as to be able to keep his
valuable talents continually employed nearer home. He had decided that
Menendez was of more value to him as a captain of his fleet than as a
civil administrator. Accordingly at the beginning of 1573 Alfonso de
Caceres Ovando, a temporarily retired judge of the Supreme Court of
Hispaniola, was commissioned to make the customary investigation of
Menendez's administration. He was not, however, appointed to succeed
Menendez as governor, but the latter was left for the time in office.
This was a mark of the high favor in which Menendez was held by the
king; and another token to the same effect was the provision that
Menendez need not personally appear to answer any charges which might be
made against him, but might, if he preferred, send an attorney in his
stead. A third and perhaps still more notable indication of royal favor
was in the fact that when Menendez elected not to appear in person, and
not to send an attorney, but to ignore the whole investigation, he was
not called to task, but was permitted to go without so much as a
reprimand.
The investigation did not take place until November, 1573. Though brief
it was thorough and searching. But it disclosed little that was to the
discredit of Menendez, and nothing that was really serious. He seems to
have been a somewhat gloomy and cruel fanatic, but a man of integrity
and singular loyalty to his sovereign and his faith. He was zealous and
energetic, but better fitted to command a ship or a fleet, or indeed an
army, than to govern a state. Yet in both respects he failed. His chief
concern in Cuba, as we have seen, was to promote her military defences;
but he left La Fuerza incomplete, while the inestimable economic
potentialities of the island were altogether neglected. So in Florida,
he aimed at conquest with the sword and little else; and while he
succeeded in holding the land against French assaults and intrigues, he
did not develop there a colony comparable with those which were being
developed elsewhere in the New World; and he had the mortification of
seeing, in the closing years of his life, French, Dutch and British
privateers swarming in defiance of him the seas which Spain claimed for
her exclusive own.
It was just a month after the beginning of the investigation into his
affairs that Menendez was superseded in office by the appointment as
governor of Cuba of Don Gabriel Montalvo. This gentleman was a nobleman
of great distinction in Spain. He was a Knight of the Order of Saint
James, and he was also high sheriff of the Court of the Holy Inquisition
in the city of Granada. The latter office indicates him to have been a
man after the King's own heart. It remains to be added that Menendez
returned to Spain after being superseded, and died there a few months
later, at Santander; men said, of a broken heart at the enforced
abandonment of his ambitions in Florida.
Little either attractive or grateful is to be found in the record of the
condition of Cuba during the administration of Menendez, or as he left
it to his successor. Rich as the island was in agricultural
possibilities--it might well have been said of Cuba as Douglas Jerrold
said of Australia, "Earth is here so kind, that just tickle her with a
hoe and she laughs with a harvest"--and few as were its inhabitants, it
yet produced not enough to feed those few. It produced nothing with
which to clothe them. After the decline of gold mining, the raising of
cattle became the chief industry; chiefly for their hides, which were an
important article of export. Bayamo was the centre of this industry, and
was also the centre of a thriving but illegitimate commerce.
In fact the whole southeastern part of the Cuban coast was the resort of
contraband traders, who brought thither silks and linens, wines, and
sometimes cargoes of slaves, to exchange without paying tariff duties
for hides and the valuable woods with which Cuba abounded. No attempt
was made, at least with any efficiency, by the governor or the royal
officials at Havana to stop this lawless trade. Now and then, however,
the Supreme Court at Hispaniola interfered, arrested citizens of Bayamo,
Manzanillo, and Santiago itself, and fined them heavily. Then the
government at Havana, which had done nothing to enforce the law,
remonstrated and protested against so much money being taken from Cuba
to Hispaniola.
The island was, nevertheless, making some progress; appropriately enough
through a reversal of the conditions which had formerly involved it in
disaster. The Mexican adventure of Cortez had drawn away from Cuba men
and resources almost to the exhaustion of the island. But now that
country began sending men and means back to Cuba. Cortez had long been
dead, but under his successors the wealth of Mexico was being wondrously
developed, as was indeed that of Peru and other South American
countries. Some of the commerce between South America and Spain went by
other routes, though a considerable portion of it passed by the shores
of Cuba and utilized that island as a stopping place, to its material
benefit. But all the Mexican traffic followed the Cuban route, the most
of it passing along the north coast and making Havana a port of call or
of refuge. Florida, too, which had likewise drawn much from Cuba, was
now sending men and supplies back to the island.
By 1575 Havana was the commercial metropolis of the West Indies, and it
had for some years been the practical capital of the island, though
Santiago continued nominally to enjoy that distinction until 1589.
Vessels from Vera Cruz, bearing the treasures of New Spain, and from
Nombre de Dios, laden with the wealth of Castilla del Oro and of Peru,
thronged the harbor, and contributed to the trade of the city. To meet
the requirements of the thousands of transient visitors, houses in the
city were multiplied in number, and plantations in the suburbs extended
their borders. The people began to realize how profitable a business was
to be conducted in providing supplies of food for the ships' companies.
And while the southeastern part of the island was, as we have seen, in a
backward condition, the northwestern part entered upon an era of
progress and prosperity.
CHAPTER XVIII
Don Gabriel Montalvo was appointed to be Governor of Cuba early in
December, 1573. As was the custom in those days, however, he delayed for
some time actual assumption of office, so that it was not until October
29, 1574, that he entered upon his duties. He was also charged with some
important duties in Florida, but they were subordinate to those in Cuba.
He made his home in the island and spent most of his time there. Indeed,
he seems to have planned to make his home at Santiago, and to restore
that place to its former prestige. On coming to Cuba he landed at
Manzanillo instead of coming to Havana, and sent Diego de Soto to be his
representative, practically deputy governor, at the latter place. From
Manzanillo he went straight to Santiago, refurbished the governor's
house and the public buildings, and began planning an elaborate system
of harbor defences worthy of the capital of the island. He was naturally
received with great joy by the people of Santiago and of the eastern end
of the island generally, who saw in him, as they thought, a promise of
restoration of that region to its former importance.
From Santiago the governor set out on a tour of the eastern cities and
towns, and had got as far as Bayamo when there came a hurried and urgent
appeal for him to come to Havana. There was trouble in the city. Diego
de Soto, the deputy governor there, had made Gomez de Rojas commander of
La Fuerza--that reckless and truculent younger brother of Juan de Rojas
whom Governor Mazariegos had once exiled from the island for disorderly
if not criminal conduct. Now Gomez de Rojas was a land owner, and
therefore, under the law, ineligible thus to serve. But confiding in the
powerful influence of his family he ignored the law and held his place
in defiance of all protests and demands for his retirement. The town
council demanded his retirement, and the populace of Havana raged
against him, but he shut himself up in the unfinished fort, trained his
guns against the town, and prepared to resist with force any attempt
which might be made by force to compel his resignation.
Such was the emergency which sent a message post haste to the new
governor asking him to hasten to Havana. He came, and at his coming
Gomez de Rojas capitulated without a blow. Montalvo rebuked him severely
and imposed upon him a heavy fine, which was paid. But in this the
governor incurred the hostility of the Rojas family. The feud was taken
up by Juan Bautista de Rojas, who had succeeded his cousin Juan de
Ynestrosa, deceased, as royal treasurer. This official charged the
governor with conniving with smugglers and receivers of smuggled goods,
and also with those who exported goods to countries with which traffic
was prohibited, and on that account demanded for himself the right to
inspect vessels and their cargoes; a function which had been exercised
by the governor.
This demand was curtly rejected by Montalvo, who appears to have been a
stickler for dignity and technical rights. Thereupon De Rojas made
appeal to the King, coupling the appeal with a detailed and bitter
arraignment of the governor and an impeachment of his integrity. This
seems to have impressed the king deeply, for he presently decided the
controversy in favor of his own treasurer. He sent word to the governor
that thereafter he should not inspect or even visit ships, but should
leave that whole business in the hands of the royal treasurer. The
advantage thus gained was mercilessly pressed by the Rojas family, with
the purpose of compelling the retirement of Montalvo. They accused him
of employing for his own private work slaves belonging to the crown and
intended for employment on La Fuerza and other public works. They
charged him specifically with having made Bartolome Morales a notary for
a consideration of five hundred ducats; a transaction the evil of which
consisted not in selling the appointment for cash, but in selling it for
so little to a favored friend when it might have been sold to someone
else for twice as much. Finally he was accused of corruption and
maladministration in connection with La Fuerza, in that he had appointed
friends to places at exorbitant salaries, and that he had ignored the
suggestions of the royal officials in completing the plans of the fort.
These charges were serious, and there is reason to think that some of
them, at least, were true. The Rojas family made them and repeated them
to the king, again and again, until that monarch was constrained to
remark that the time seemed to be near at hand when an investigation
would have to be ordered, and Montalvo's administration be brought to a
close. Nevertheless the king's favorable disposition toward Montalvo was
potent, and prevailed. The governor had been appointed, as was the
custom, for the specific term of four years, reckoned from the date of
his appointment and not of his actual assumption of office, and the king
delayed calling for an investigation until the four years were so nearly
expired that they would be entirely filled out by the time the
investigation was completed and a new governor was ready to take the
place.
The order for the investigation was given in February, 1577, and at the
same time, on February 13, Captain Francisco Carreño was named to
succeed Montalvo as governor. The investigation was vigorously
prosecuted, and some of the charges against Montalvo were proved. Yet so
great was the king's personal regard for him that he was permitted to go
with a nominal fine, and was retained in the royal service in important
capacities for some years thereafter. He remained governor of Cuba until
the accession of his successor, which did not occur until June 2, 1578.
The administration of Montalvo was unfavorably marked by three things.
One was, the continuance of the contraband trade already referred to,
in both imports and exports; in which, as already related, the governor
himself was charged with participating. Montalvo at any rate gave the
appearance of striving to suppress it. He sent agents to investigate the
business, some of whom found their own relatives engaged in it and
therefore refrained from reporting upon it, and some were prevented by
the people from executing that for which they had been sent. Not merely
the people, but the local officials all along the southeastern coast did
all in their power to hamper and prevent investigation or any
interference with the contraband trade. Indeed, alcaldes and other
officials were foremost among those engaged in the unlawful commerce.
The second feature of the administration was the persistent ravages of
the French. Despite the fact that they were engaged in contraband trade
with the people of Cuba, the French were at this time the most frequent
raiders of Cuban coast towns; sometimes directing their attacks against
the very towns in which they had been peacefully trading, while the
people were quite ready at any time to trade with those who just before
had visited them with fire and sword and demands for ransom. It was a
curious circumstance that by far the most efficient guardian of Cuba
against such raids was that same Gomez de Rojas who had been exiled by
Mazariegos and who had illegally assumed command of La Fuerza and had
bitterly quarreled with Montalvo. After being compelled to leave La
Fuerza he had taken to seafaring, and as commander of a Spanish vessel
he drove more than one French privateer away from the neighborhood of
Havana.
Montalvo was the first to urge that Cuba be protected not alone with
land fortifications and batteries but also by naval vessels.
Particularly he wished for a powerful war-galley, which the king did not
provide him. In 1576 French raiders attacked Santiago, and were with
difficulty repulsed; upon which Montalvo sarcastically reported that if
another such attack occurred he would himself be relieved of the
necessity of fortifying the harbor and city of Santiago, for the place
would cease to exist. A little later a daring French raid was made upon
Spanish shipping just outside the harbor of Havana. This greatly
incensed Montalvo, and caused him to renew his pleadings for a galley.
He urged that the whole Cuban coast should be patrolled by light, swift
vessels, preferably frigates, and that strong galleys should be
stationed at the chief ports. He would have had the frigates, at any
rate, built in Cuba and at least partly paid for by that island; but the
Havana municipal council protested against this, demanding that Cuba be
entirely exempted from the costs of defending her from enemies. The
result was that in the lack of means of defence Cuba suffered more and
more from the ravages of privateers and freebooters, which became more
frequent as the island increased in population and wealth and thus
became better worth raiding.
The third unfavorable feature of the time was the haggling over La
Fuerza. Begun by De Soto, and later almost entirely rebuilt, that famous
fortress seemed to be under some malign spell which made it a source of
injury rather than of benefit to Havana. Year after year passed,
appropriation after appropriation was made and expended, and still it
remained unfinished. Man after man undertook the task of completing it,
only to fail and lose his personal reputation either for efficiency or
for honesty. Moreover, as the work proceeded grave faults were
developed, both in plan and in construction. The fort, which at first
had been denounced as needlessly large, was seen to be entirely too
small to shelter a garrison sufficient for the defence of Havana. The
original design had been to make it a shelter to which all the people of
the town could flee in case of attack, and it might have served this
purpose at a time when the people of Havana were numbered by scores, or
at most by a hundred or two. But with the figures extending into
thousands it became evident that La Fuerza was entirely inadequate to
any such purpose. Indeed, it was realized that that design was
ill-conceived, for if the place was to grow into a considerable city it
would be impracticable and undesirable to make any fortification large
enough to hold all the population.
The construction was also faulty. The fort was built of stone, but there
had thoughtlessly been chosen for the purpose a stone which had the
advantages of being plentiful and so soft as to be easily worked.
Unhappily it had also the very serious disadvantages of being so soft
that it would probably soon be battered to fragments by cannon balls,
and of being so porous that water soaked into and through it as through
a sponge. During the rainy season the place was flooded, water standing
in pools on the floor, and the magazine being so wet that gunpowder
could not be kept there without spoiling; wherefore another building, of
wood, had to be provided for that purpose. The same kind of stone was
used, moreover, for the reservoir which was to provide fort and city
with water, with the result that its contents quickly leaked out. There
arose a proverbial saying in the city that the powder magazine was
always wet and the water reservoir was always dry; and it was
sarcastically proposed that the functions of the two be exchanged. The
powder would be kept dry in the reservoir, and there would always be
plenty of water in the magazine! Nor was this the only error in
construction. The whole structure was said to be dangerously weak, so
that if all its guns should be fired simultaneously, the shock might
tumble the walls into ruin. The guns were available for use in only a
narrow zone; they were of too short range to carry to the other
extremity of the harbor, and they were so placed that they could not be
depressed so as to hit vessels which had come close in toward the water
front of the city. Therefore a hostile ship with long range guns could
lie out of reach of La Fuerza and bombard the fort and city at will. Or
one could sail swiftly in, running the gantlet of the narrow zone of
fire, and gain a place under the walls of the fort where it would be
quite safe for the guns of the latter while it could use its own at
short range with deadly effect. It was also complained that the parapet
was too low to afford shelter to the men serving the guns, and that the
four big wooden gates were a source of fatal weakness.
It was presently perceived, too, that fortifications elsewhere than in
the heart of the city were needed for adequate defence of the place.
Especially were such works needed at the headlands commanding the
entrance to the harbor. Without them, a daring enemy might seize one of
those spots, bring up some long range guns from his ships, and have not
only Havana but La Fuerza itself at his mercy. Montalvo appears to have
recognized this need, and to have urged the construction of such forts,
especially on the Cabañas hill, but to no avail. Instead, the royal
government proposed the construction of a strong wall around the entire
city, including the water front. It actually ordered that work to be
undertaken, the first step being to destroy a large part of the city,
including the church, to make room for the wall. Against this suicidal
policy Montalvo effectively protested, declaring that if the city were
thus demolished it would never be rebuilt, and also pointing out that
the day of walled cities was past. In the face of his representations
the wall scheme was abandoned; but his wise suggestions of forts
commanding the harbor were not acted upon until years afterward.
It is to be recorded to his credit that Montalvo gave more attention
than his immediate predecessors had done to development of some of the
natural resources of the island. He interested himself in forestry, and
soon had an immense trade in timber and lumber between Cuba and Spain.
The exquisite cabinet work of the Escurial, in Spain, was made of wood
from the forests of Cuba--mahogany, ebony, ironwood, cedar, and what
not. Wood was supplied for other purposes, too, notably for
ship-building. It was at this time that interest arose in the great
island just off the southern coast, which at that time was so richly
clad with pine forests as to receive from Montalvo on that account its
present name of "Isle of Pines." During the administration of Menendez
the whole island was granted to Alfonso de Rojas for a cattle range, a
purpose for which it was admirably adapted, and there are legends to the
effect that the water between the Isle of Pines and Cuba was at times so
shallow as to make it possible to drive herds of cattle across from the
one land to the other. It is to be observed, in passing, that thus early
in history was the Isle of Pines recognized as an integral part of Cuba.
Montalvo also did much to promote agriculture, and the raising of swine.
He endeavored to revive interest in both gold and copper mining, and
seems to have been persuaded that there were enormously rich deposits of
the former metal hidden somewhere on the island, in places known only to
the natives. He strove diligently and persistently to get from the few
surviving Indians information concerning these mines, but in vain. If
the Indians knew, they would not tell; but it seems altogether probable
that they did not know, and that no such mineral wealth existed on the
island.
It was in Montalvo's time, too, that what was destined to become Cuba's
greatest industry had its permanent establishment. At various times and
places thitherto men had experimented with sugar growing and
manufacture, with varying degrees of success. But every such undertaking
had after a while been abandoned, either for lack of profit or because
of the superior attractions of something else. It was not until 1576
that plantations were established which were never to be abandoned but
were to continue in cultivation down to this present time, and that
sugar mills of similar permanence were put into operation. The scene of
this epochal enterprise was the region around Havana, particularly
between Havana and Matanzas. There in the year named at least three
mills were established, a fact indicating that a considerable area was
planted in cane. These mills were of the most primitive description,
each consisting of three wooden rollers, formed of logs of trees denuded
of the bark, mounted in a rude frame of timber, and caused to revolve by
a long pole of which one end was fastened to the end of one of the
upright rollers while to the other was hitched a mule or an ox, which
walked in a circle around the "mill." The expressed juice was caught in
trays or jars of earthenware, and then was boiled in open pans. The
sugar thus produced was not refined beyond the stage of what would now
be considered a very coarse brown sugar, but it served the uses of the
island. It does not appear that any considerable quantity was exported
until a number of years later. These primitive establishments in 1576
were, however, the beginning of Cuba's gigantic sugar industry.
One other incident of Montalvo's administration must be recalled, to
wit, his quarrel with the church, or at least with the Bishop. Diego
Sarmiento, who became Bishop in De Soto's time, had been gathered to his
fathers, and had been succeeded by Bishop Durango. The latter had in
turn died, and in 1560 had been succeeded by Bernardino de Villapando,
who spent only three years in the island and then departed for Mexico
under unpleasant charges of embezzlement of funds. The charges against
him do not appear to have been pressed, nor did they affect his standing
in the church, for he was presently transferred to the then much more
important see of Guatemala. Moreover, despite the charges made against
him, he was recognized as a most energetic and successful prelate. He
established many mission stations throughout the island, and expedited
the completion of the cathedral at Santiago.
Upon his promotion to Guatemala after three years' service Bishop
Villapando was succeeded by Juan de Burgos, who continued with much
success the work of his predecessor. He secured the erection of a large
church school on the site now occupied by the Hospital of San Juan de
Dios, at Havana, and there the famous missionary preachers and teachers,
Juan Roger and Francisco Villaroel, gave instruction to Indian youths in
the Christian religion and in the Spanish tongue. In connection with
this school there was built the church of San Juan de Dios, and from the
establishment thus founded by Bishop Burgos grew the first hospital in
Havana. It took originally the form of a military hospital, for the
soldiers of the Havana garrison and for soldiers in transit to or from
Florida, Mexico and other places. It is recorded that for his work
Bishop Burgos depended entirely upon the offerings of the people;
demonstrating what could be accomplished by an honest and businesslike
administrator.
The next Bishop of Cuba was Pedro del Castillo, who came to the island
from the University of Salamanca. He was a most aggressive and strenuous
prelate, with policies of his own and with the courage to enforce them.
Arriving in Cuba in 1570, he glanced at Santiago when he landed there,
crossed the island to Havana, where he spent a little time, and then
proceeded to Bayamo, where he established his home, preferring that to
any other city of Cuba. He then laid claim to the island of Jamaica as a
part of his bishopric, and succeeded in carrying that point despite the
opposition of the Archbishop at Hispaniola. Then he complained that the
royal officials were not properly collecting the tithes, or at any rate
were not paying him his proper revenue; wherefore he himself began
collecting the tithes. This brought him into conflict with the crown, a
circumstance which did not alarm him nor swerve him from his course. He
made a number of appointments of the clergy under him which he deemed to
be for the good of their parishes but which made him unpopular with
them. Also he incurred much unpopularity among the people by his
insistence upon certain reforms in their morals.
This strenuous policy presently led Castillo into conflict with
Montalvo. The Governor thought that the Bishop ought to reside at
Santiago, where were his official residence and also the Cathedral.
Castillo refused to do so, on the nominal ground that he considered
Santiago an unhealthful spot. There is reason to suspect, however, that
he preferred Bayamo because of certain very rich legacies which had been
left years before for the erection of a masonry church and parochial
school at that place. The provisions of these wills had not been carried
out, and the strenuous Bishop set himself to the task of finding out why
the church and school had not been built, and of getting possession of
the legacies and administering them himself. In the litigation which
ensued he quarrelled with Montalvo so bitterly that he excommunicated
him; an act which the governor did not take greatly to heart. The strife
between the two accentuated, however, the antagonism between church and
state which was even at that early time beginning to prevail.
[Illustration: SAN FRANCISCO CHURCH
One of the most ancient of the many ecclesiastical edifices in Havana,
built in 1575 and rebuilt in 1731, and presenting a singularly perfect
and characteristic example of ancient Spanish architecture. In late
years it was used by the Government for a custom house, and post office.
The illustration presents it in its earlier aspect with its former
surroundings restored.]
CHAPTER XIX
It would be easy for the reflective historian to engage in many
interesting and pertinent observations concerning the time in which
Captain Francisco Carreño became governor of Cuba. It was the year 1577.
That was the year in which the sixth religious war in France began, a
struggle which made inevitable the still greater religious wars which
followed, in which not merely two factions in France but the two great
powers of Spain and England were the chief belligerents. That was the
year, too, in which Sir Francis Drake began his voyage around the world,
which was perhaps the most momentous since that of Columbus in 1492,
since it led directly to the strife between Spain and England in
America, the English conquest of Cuba, the foundation of the English
colonies in North America, and the subsequent development of the United
States; all having the most direct and important bearing upon the
fortunes of Cuba.
Albeit he was a native of that city of Cadiz in the harbor of which
Drake performed one of his most daring and most famous feats, Carreño
probably entered upon his governorship with no premonitions of what was
in store. While Drake was furrowing the strange expanses of the South
Sea, it was French privateers that chiefly troubled the Spanish Main and
menaced the ports of Cuba. Their favorite cruising ground was in the
waters between Cuba and Jamaica, and between Cuba and Hispaniola, and
their menace to Cuba was chiefly to the ports between Cape Maysi and
Cape Cruz, and in the Gulf of Guacanabo. The chief sufferers, as also
the chief gainers from contraband trade, were Santiago, Manzanillo, and
the settlements at the mouth of the Guantanamo River. The people of
those places were never sure whether an approaching French vessel was
bent on contraband trade or war and plunder; and indeed the Frenchman
himself sometimes left that question to be answered after he had landed
and viewed the place. He then decided which would be the more
profitable, to trade with the people or to plunder them. At times, too,
it must be confessed, the Spaniards were in similar uncertainty whether
to receive the French as traders or to slay them--if they could--as
enemies.
Carreño was the first governor of Cuba to die in office, his death
occurring on April 27, 1579. His administration thus lasted only two
years; but they were years filled with hard work on his part and with
much progress for the island. The sugar industry which had been founded
in the preceding administration prospered and expanded, and caused a
considerable increase in slave-holding. Negro slaves were the favorite
workmen on the plantations and at the mills, and a large number of them
was needed at each establishment. The increase in the number of slaves
caused, however, some anxiety lest there should be servile
insurrections, such as had occurred on the Isthmus of Panama, in Mexico
and elsewhere; so that in 1579 the government refused to permit any more
to be imported, even though they were wanted by the governor himself. It
is recorded that his personal request for a thousand negroes to work at
copper mining was refused by the King, or by the Council for the Indies.
Anxiety was caused, also, by the increasing number of free negroes, and
of slaves who were practically free. Most of the entirely free negroes
had been slaves but had bought their freedom from their masters for
cash. This was not particularly difficult, since the market value of the
best negro slaves at that time was only from fifty to sixty pesos. Those
practically free were slaves who were permitted by their owners to live
where they pleased and work as they pleased, on condition of paying
their masters certain royalties every week or month. In Carreño's time
there were hundreds of negroes of these classes in and about Havana, and
probably still more of them in the eastern end of the island. The
anxiety concerning them arose from two causes. One was, the fear that
they might incite the slaves to insurrection, placing themselves at the
head of the movement; a fear which was not at that time realized. The
other was, the fear that they would build up objectionable communities.
Thus in Havana they occupied a quarter of the town by themselves, in
which their wooden cabins were huddled closely together; the sanitary
conditions were bad; and the danger of fire which might imperil the
whole town was obviously imminent. There was in Carreño's time a
movement to procure their deportation to Florida or elsewhere, and to
forbid the residence of free negroes in Cuba; but it did not become
effective.
It is agreeable to remember that in spite of the obviously objectionable
nature of the institution of slavery, and in spite of the fears and
anxieties which have been mentioned, negro slavery in Cuba in those
early days was not marked with the distressing features which it has
elsewhere borne. It was probably more humane than it was two and a half
centuries later in the United States. The slaves were seldom sold by one
master to another, and never in circumstances which separated husband
and wife, or parents and young children. Severe physical punishments
were prohibited. Their masters were compelled to feed them well, and to
provide them with decent and comfortable clothes. There was no personal
or social prejudice against them, but they were permitted to attend
church and to frequent all public places on equal terms with the
Spaniards. Ordinarily they were not permitted to carry weapons; but
those who occupation seemed to make it desirable for them to be armed,
such as cattle-rangers, and messengers travelling from one part of the
island to another, were permitted to bear arms just as white men would
have done. Moreover, the free negroes were called upon equally with the
whites to serve as sentinels on the water fronts of cities, and were of
course provided with arms. There are no authentic records of
intermarriage between Spaniards and negroes, yet neither is there any
proof that it did not occasionally occur. We have already seen that
amalgamation with the Indians was not unknown, and in other Spanish
colonies of those and later days there were some fusions with African
blood.
What is chiefly to be remembered, however, is that negroes, although
enslaved, were regarded in Cuba as human beings, with immortal souls, no
less than their masters, and that they were invariably so treated. There
was no pretence that they were of an intrinsically inferior race, or
that they were suffering from the primaeval curse of Canaan or of Ham.
And when they gained their freedom and became educated, they were
treated socially and politically according to their merits, without
regard for the color of their skin.
In the most literal sense, the administration of Carreño was marked with
constructive statesmanship. As a statesman this Governor set about
enlarging and improving Havana and other cities, and providing them with
public and private buildings commensurate with the needs of an
increasing population. He laid out enough of the streets of Havana to
establish for all time the plan of that city. He encouraged the building
of houses, or at any rate discouraged the holding of town sites
unimproved, by making distributions of lots to all who wished them, on
condition that the owners would promptly build. If they did not build
within six months, their titles were forfeited. Another important reform
effected by him was the substitution of adobe or other masonry for wood
as building material. By the end of his administration fully half of the
houses in Havana had walls of masonry, and a considerable number had
also tiled roofs.
It was Carreño, too, who began the building of the first custom house in
Cuba, at Havana. The king had ordered Montalvo to undertake this
enterprise, but he appears to have taken no steps whatever in that
direction, not even selecting a site. Carreño essayed the task with
characteristic energy. He selected an appropriate site, at the water
front and close to the principal wharf, where an excellent rock
foundation was to be found, and there he planned to erect a building of
solid masonry, seventy feet long and two stories high. The royal
government approved the plans, and the work was promptly entered upon.
Finally, it was impossible that the new governor should not be seriously
concerned with La Fuerza. Carreño found that long-delayed edifice
practically finished, according to the old plans; its though condition
was, as hitherto suggested, decidedly unsatisfactory. He began by
insisting upon clearing away all buildings of any kind close to the
fort. This had been ordered nearly a score of years before but had never
been done. The purpose was, of course, to strengthen the fort by leaving
no shelter near its walls which might harbor or facilitate the approach
of a hostile force. Then he insisted upon building an additional story
on La Fuerza. This he declared was necessary, for barracks for the
garrison, and for a storage place for gunpowder, the fort proper being
flooded more than half the time. Doubtless these needs were real, and
Carreño intended to meet them with the new story. Yet it seems also to
have been his plan thus to secure for himself living quarters more
pleasant than the house which had been assigned to him for that purpose.
There was much opposition to his plans for enlarging La Fuerza, but he
persisted in them, and they were nearly completed at the time of his
death.
During the administration of Governor Carreño the question of the
distribution, proprietorship and use of land became of much social and
economic importance in Cuba. The population of the Island was still
small, and yet because of the immense size of the tracts which many
settlers had appropriated for cattle ranges nearly all the accessible
and available area had been taken up. In the eastern part of the Island
there was practically no unclaimed land left excepting that in the
mountains and some almost impenetrable swamps, and already many
controversies and not a few forcible conflicts had arisen over rival
claims. Thus far no private ownership of land was authorized outside of
building sites in the towns and cities. Cattle ranges and farms were
held under indefinite leases from the Crown, subject to forfeit if the
land were permitted to remain unoccupied and unused for the space of
three years. These grants were made by the municipal government in the
name of the Crown. At first the tracts thus taken were of unlimited
extent and indeed their boundaries were defined in only the vaguest
possible manner. The result naturally was that innumerable and
interminable conflicts arose over overlapping claims.
To correct such evils and to provide for a more equitable distribution
of land in future, Alfonso Caceres, who had been sent to investigate the
administration of Governor Menendez, was charged with a complete
revision of the land system of the Island and with the prescribing of
new rules and regulations for subsequent grants and titles. In entering
upon that work he found some settlers holding enormous tracts which they
had never attempted to utilize. Of these he summarily voided the titles
and assigned the land to others. Such areas were quickly taken up by new
comers, in smaller and definitely bounded tracts, so that by the time of
Governor Carreño practically the only unoccupied lands of considerable
extent and practical value were to be found in the extreme west end of
the Island.
Around Havana and some other large municipalities there were reserved
unassigned zones of from fifteen to twenty miles in width which were
kept practically as public game preserves. No grants of cattle ranges
were made in them. But they were infested by many stray cattle and hogs
which had escaped from the ranges beyond and were there running at large
in practically a wild state, and these were regarded as fair game for
hunters from the cities. It was, however, insisted that anyone killing
such stray animals must bring their hides to market with the ears
attached, so as to prove that they were indeed wild strays, since then
their ears would be unbranded while all the animals on the ranges had
their ears branded with their owner's marks.
The Government wisely desired to encourage agriculture, even at the
expense of stock raising, the latter occupation having been expanded
disproportionately to the former. It was accordingly provided that
grants of land for farming purposes might be made within this hunting
zone, and also that such grants might be made of land already
apportioned for cattle ranges, the owners of the ranges thus invaded
being indemnified by other grants of land elsewhere. By this means a
varied agricultural industry was gradually developed to the great
advantage of the Island, though for many years cattle raising remained
the chief industry. During Carreño's administration more than 20,000
hides were exported yearly, and in the great demand for leather at that
time this trade was exceedingly profitable. Of course a large amount of
meat was also produced, but the difficulty of preserving it in the warm
climate of Cuba caused much of it to go to waste, so that yearly
thousands of heads of cattle were slaughtered for their hides alone,
their carcasses being left to the dogs and buzzards.
The sudden death of Carreño caused some curious complications in the
Government of the Island. As he had been appointed for a definite term
of four years, and as that term was scarcely half expired, no successor
had yet been chosen for him. In this emergency the Supreme Court of
Hispaniola appointed a temporary governor to discharge the functions of
the office until the Crown should make a permanent appointment. The
choice of the court fell upon a lawyer, Gaspar de Torres. Even he was
not appointed until several months after the death of Carreño, and in
fact not until after the King had selected a permanent Governor to
succeed Carreño. However, as the permanent Governor would not take
office until the expiration of the term for which Carreño had been
appointed it was necessary for the temporary Governor to fill the
vacancy. Torres was appointed in October, 1579, but did not actually
assume office until the first of January, 1580. Little is known of his
antecedents, but he appears to have been an unworthy member of the legal
profession. He was possessed of an itching palm. As a result his brief
administration was filled with scandals and with controversies and
conflicts, practically all arising from his pecuniary greed and from the
unscrupulous means which he employed for satisfying it.
He came into conflict with the powerful and numerous Rojas family, and
particularly with the most conspicuous member, Juan Bautista Rojas, the
Royal Treasurer. This latter official declared that Torres was the worst
Governor Cuba had ever had, and that he misappropriated more funds than
all his predecessors put together. Apparently as Torres had been
appointed merely to fill out Carreño's unexpired term, he determined to
make hay while the sun shone. He took office in January, 1580. Eight
months later a judicial investigation into his administration was
ordered, as a result of which he was very quickly convicted of
misappropriation of funds and was ordered to refund several thousand
ducats which had been improperly collected and retained by him. Instead
of refunding, however, he absconded, leaving his bondsman to make good
his liabilities.
CHAPTER XX
The regularly appointed successor of Governor Carreño was another
soldier, to wit, Captain Gabriel de Luzan. He was an army veteran who
had performed distinguished service in the Netherlands and elsewhere and
was personally known to and greatly favored by the King. He was selected
for the governorship and was informed of the appointment in the early
fall of 1579, a few weeks before the malodorous Torres was appointed by
the Court of Hispaniola. It was intended, however, that he should not
actually take office until the expiration of the full term for which
Carreño had been appointed, and he accordingly had much time to attend
to his affairs in Spain and elsewhere before removing to Havana. His
duties were not to begin until 1581. But he removed to Cuba in the fall
of 1580 while Torres was being investigated. There came to Cuba with him
Juan Ceballos, who had been selected for Lieutenant-Governor. Both of
these officials were to receive the same salaries that their
predecessors had received, although Rojas, the Royal Treasurer,
vigorously protested that their salaries should be reduced by one-half.
Governor Luzan was very soon involved in numerous controversies, largely
over questions of dignity and precedents among insular officials.
Something of the spirit of the formal Spanish Court appears to have
permeated Cuba at this time, and the insular and municipal officials
became as great sticklers for forms and ceremonies and for recognition
of their comparative ranks as any of the Grandees at Seville or Madrid.
Thus Jorge de Balza, Adjutant General of the Royal Forces in the Island,
insisted upon the privilege of wearing his sword at meetings of the
municipal council of Havana, of which he was ex officio a member,
although it was a penal offense for anyone else, even the Governor
himself, to wear a sword or dagger in that assembly. Another controversy
arose, as might confidently be assumed, over La Fuerza. The office of
captain or commander of that fortress paid a salary of 300 ducats, on
which account several former governors had appointed themselves to the
place and had drawn that salary for themselves. Governor Carreño
regarded this practice as reprehensible. It was not right, he said, for
the Governor to hold another office and to draw a second salary.
Therefore, he appointed his own son, a lad just in his teens, to be
Captain of La Fuerza and to draw the salary. Whether the boy had the
spending of the money himself or dutifully handed it over to his father
is not a matter of record.
Governor Luzan stopped this nonsense and put a real soldier at the head
of the Fort and then quarreled with him. This commander was Captain
Melchior Sarto de Arana, an expert soldier who had been Luzan's comrade
in arms in the wars of Spain, in the Netherlands and in Italy. He and
his family moved into that upper story of La Fuerza which Carreño had
insisted upon building, regarding it as the most desirable place of
residence in Havana. The unhappy garrison in the lower part of the
building was subject to the dampness which there prevailed, to the great
detriment of health. Indeed conditions were so bad that their weapons
became almost ruined with rust and it was almost impossible to keep
gunpowder in condition for use. The Governor appears to have envied
Captain Arana his quarters in the Fort, but he was not able to displace
him, and so he turned his own attention to completing the Custom House
for his own use. Governor Torres had stopped all work upon this latter
building because of some uncertainty concerning the site, and had
appropriated to his own use some of the funds which had been provided
for completing it. But Luzan secured the necessary funds, hurried the
work of construction and soon moved in to the fine new quarters which
that building provided.
This gave great umbrage to the royal accountant of the Island, one Pedro
de Arana, who does not appear to have been related, unless very
remotely, to the Commander of the Fort. He declared that the Governor
had no right to live in the Custom House, that the King's money had not
been appropriated for any such purpose. It was true, he admitted, that a
part of the Custom House building had been designed for an official
residence. But it was not for the Governor, but for one of the royal
officials. Now as Rojas, the Royal Treasurer, had a fine house of his
own, the meaning of this suggestion was obvious. The royal accountant
wanted the place for himself. He indeed went so far as to order the
Governor, in the King's name, to vacate the building. But he did not
venture to move in and take possession himself, and so the Governor
presently returned and remained. In retaliation Luzan personally charged
Pedro de Arana with various illegal acts, particularly in violating the
law which forbade royal officials to encourage any trade. He declared
that Arana was the owner, or half owner, of a vessel trading between
Cuba and Yucatan, a vessel which was built to be chiefly used for
smuggling. He also said that Arana was organizing an expedition to seek
and raise sunken treasure ships along the coast and was planning to
establish cattle ranches in Bermuda. On the strength of these charges,
which were probably true, he began a searching investigation into
Arana's affairs, raided his house and ordered him to be arrested by his
namesake and confined in a cell in La Fuerza. To this, however, Captain
Melchior de Arana demurred. It was not that he did not regard the
accountant as worthy of arrest. But he held that it was beneath his
dignity to arrest a mere civilian and beneath the dignity of the Fort to
serve as a prison for him. The arrest, he said, should be made by the
sheriff, and the prisoner should be confined in the civil jail. At this
the Governor was furious and he retaliated by sending the sheriff to
arrest Captain Melchior de Arana and to confine him not in the military
fortress but in the civil jail. A little later, however, he had the
Captain transferred to a cell in La Fuerza. Then he made his
brother-in-law, Juan de Ferrer, Captain of the Fort in Melchior's place.
In his strenuous dealings with the royal accountant the Governor appears
merely to have anticipated the King himself. At any rate, a very little
while after he had begun his investigation of Pedro de Arana the
instructions came to him from Madrid that he should pursue precisely
that course. This naturally encouraged him to renewed zeal in the
prosecution. And the result was that in March, 1582, he removed Arana
from the office of royal accountant and appointed Manuel Diaz
temporarily to fill his place. At this Arana made his way to Hispaniola,
there to appeal to the Supreme Court against the Governor. He did more
than appeal. He made grave charges against Luzon and got the court to
order an investigation. The court appointed as chief inquisitor into
Luzan's affairs Garcia de Torquemada, who went to Cuba in April, 1583,
taking Arana along with him. Diaz made no attempt to maintain his title
to the office, but, regarding discretion as the better part of valor,
left Havana and repaired to his plantation in the Far West. But the
Governor and also Rojas, the Royal Treasurer, who sided with him against
Arana, stood their ground.
In the meantime, early in 1582, the King became dissatisfied with the
fast and loose game which was being played at Havana, and chiefly at La
Fuerza, and determined to take matters into his own hand. He did so by
appointing a Captain-General to be Commander of the Fortress, who should
be independent of the Governor of Cuba. This involved some awkward
complications. The Governor, Luzan, had been regularly commissioned as
Captain-General as well as Governor. And the King naturally hesitated
for a time over the question of appointing another man to the same
place. He would have preferred that the Governor and Captain-General
should have continued to be one and the same man. But that seemed no
longer practicable, unless indeed he should dismiss Luzan altogether,
which he was not yet prepared to do. He therefore consulted with the
Council for the Indies, and in conjunction with that body finally
decided to make a new appointment. Luzan was to continue to bear the
nominal title of Captain-General, so as to give him rank comparable with
that of the military and naval commanders who might visit Havana with
the fleets of Spain. But the same title with real authority over the
fortifications and defenses of Havana, and indeed a measure of authority
over the fortifications and defenses of the entire Island, was to be
given to another man.
The man selected for the new Captain-Generalship was a practical soldier
of experience named Diego Hernandez de Quiñones. He took office in July,
1582, and found La Fuerza substantially complete, save for the
construction of a moat, and containing a garrison of 120 men, the
majority of whom were always more or less sick because of the dampness
and unsanitary conditions of the place. The fortress had been completed,
however, in some respects in a highly unsatisfactory way. Thus there was
no stairway inside the building connecting the lower and upper stories.
There was a stairway on the outside of the building, constructed of wood
and it was obvious that in case of attack that stairway might easily be
destroyed by cannon shot and thus communications between the two stories
of the fortress be cut off. The moat had not yet been constructed, and
numerous wooden and even some masonry houses had been constructed close
to the fort, which might give sheltered approach to an attacking party.
The King and the Council obviously apprehended some friction between the
Governor and the newly appointed Captain-General, and they therefore
prepared an elaborate code of rules and regulations intended to avert
such trouble and to conduce to harmonious co-operation between the two
officials. Thus it was provided that in all matters of law relating
exclusively to the soldiers, the Captain-General should have entire
jurisdiction. In all matters relating entirely to civilians, the
Governor should have jurisdiction. In cases in which both soldiers and
civilians were concerned the two officials should act together with
concurrent jurisdiction, and in case they could not agree the senior
royal official at Havana should act as umpire between them.
This plan seemed fair enough and was expected to work well. But Luzan
immediately protested against the whole scheme with much vigor and even
violence of speech. In this he was heartily supported by the town
council of Havana. When his protests were ignored by the Crown, or at
least were not favorably heeded, he asked to be relieved from office as
Governor and to be assigned to duty elsewhere. This request the King
refused to grant, at the same time bidding Luzan to avoid any quarrel or
disagreement with Quiñones. In spite of this admonition within a few
weeks a bitter quarrel arose over the case of a soldier and a civilian
who had had some strife over an alleged insult offered by the soldier to
a young woman. From this there developed a bitter feud between the
Governor and the Captain-General which soon became apparently
irreconcilable. Each reviled the other, not only in his public capacity
but in relation to his private life and morals. The partisans of each
took up the strife and the entire city was soon involved in it.
Such was the deplorable state of affairs, when, as already related,
Torquemada began his investigations. He found affairs in what seemed to
him as bad a state as possible. The City of Havana, and indeed the
entire Island of Cuba, were rent by faction. The Governor and the
Captain-General each had a band of armed retainers in Havana, and these
were at the point of open conflict which would amount practically to
civil war. Regarding the emergency as critical, Torquemada acted
promptly and strenuously. He ordered both the Governor and the
Captain-General under arrest, commanding Luzan to remain within his own
dwelling and Quiñones to remain within La Fuerza. Then he literally read
the riot act to them both. He reproved them scathingly for their lack of
loyalty to the King in letting personal animosities and jealousies have
sway over their sense of duty. He secured from each a full statement of
his complaints and grievances against the other. Then he compelled them
to submit their cases to a tribunal consisting of himself, the Captain
of a Mexican fleet who happened to be visiting Havana, and two judges of
the Supreme Court of Hispaniola. As a result of the deliberations of
this tribunal the two men were compelled to shake hands and pledge
friendship and co-operation. They were then released from arrest and
told to attend to their respective duties without any more nonsense.
This did not halt Torquemada, however, in his investigation of the
general conduct of Luzan's administration in other respects than the
quarrel with Quiñones. The charges which were made against the Governor
were of a very serious character. It was said that he had interfered
with the administration of justice by preventing people who had
grievances from communicating with the courts or with the royal
government in Spain. He had defied the authority of the Supreme Court in
Hispaniola and treated it with contempt. He had enriched himself by
taking bribes. He had encouraged desertions of soldiers from the
garrison of La Fuerza. He had interfered with the functions of the Royal
Treasurer and other officials. In view of these accusations Torquemada
ordered Luzan to relinquish the exercise of all official functions until
the truth or falsity of the charges could be determined. Then he removed
from Havana to Bayamo and summoned Luzan to follow him thither in order
that the case might be tried in a place free from the local influence of
Havana. Luzan obeyed the order but at the same time sent his sister to
Spain to intercede with the King and the Council for the Indies, and
also sent her husband to Hispaniola to plead his cause before the
Supreme Court.
The result was that in mid August of 1584 the Supreme Court reversed
Torquemada's order and authorized Luzan to resume the full exercise of
his powers and functions as Governor. Luzan at once did so and
immediately the old quarrel with Quiñones was resumed. So furious did
their strife become that within three months the Supreme Court reversed
its own orders and restored that of Torquemada. At this Quiñones cast
off all restraint and summarily ordered Luzan to leave Havana and to go
to Santiago to protect that place against the hostile raiders who were
hourly expected to descend upon the Cuban coast. Luzan demurred,
whereupon Quiñones threatened him with arrest. Thereupon Luzan left
Havana, but instead of going to Santiago went to Guanabacoa and thence
by slow degrees to Bayamo, where he opportunely arrived, as we shall
see, at the beginning of January, 1586.
In the interim the civil affairs of Havana were conducted by the Town
Council until the end of 1585, when one of Menendez's soldiers, Pedro
Guerra de la Vega, was sent by the Supreme Court of Hispaniola to serve
as Mayor. He got on well enough with Quiñones, but not with Rojas, the
Royal Treasurer, who frankly declared him unfit for office and charged
him with possessing a too itching palm. His administration of affairs
seems to have been confined to purely local matters and, as we shall
see, in a very short time, before the spring of 1586, Luzan was again
exercising his full civil authority as Governor, though still most of
the time absent from Havana. Quiñones was also in full authority as
Captain-General, and these two former enemies were acting together in
complete accord.
This radical change in the aspect of affairs was due to an impending
crisis, the most serious thus far in the history of the Island. A new
enemy had arisen, far more formidable than any the Island had yet
known. For years Cuba had been harried by French privateers often little
better than pirates, but now the English rovers of the sea began to
infest the Spanish Main. In 1577 Sir Francis Drake entered upon his
memorable voyage around the world, defiantly navigating that South Sea
which Spain has regarded as exclusively her own, and ravaging the
Peruvian treasure ships even more ruthlessly than the French had preyed
upon those of Mexico. Early in Luzan's administration warnings were
given that this bold adventurer was planning a descent upon the West
Indies and probably, therefore, upon Cuba.
This menace naturally caused great alarm at Havana and throughout the
Island, and urgent appeals were made to the royal government and also to
the Viceroy in Mexico for aid. It was represented that galleys were
needed to patrol and to defend the coast. Artillery was needed for La
Fuerza and for other fortifications at Havana and elsewhere. A larger
garrison was also needed for La Fuerza. To these and other like appeals
the King made no satisfactory reply. He apparently had no galleys nor
men to spare for the defense of the Island. The best he would do was to
direct Luzan to utilize his own resources to the full. A military census
of the Island was to be taken, the first in its history, and all
available men including Indians and negroes, were to be mustered into
service.
The result of this enrolment, which was made in the spring of 1582, was
unsatisfactory. In Havana itself only 226 men fit for service could be
found, and no other town on the Island could furnish more than a quarter
as many. They were, moreover, chiefly men unused to arms and therefore
of little prospective value against the formidable fighting men whom
Drake was reported to have in his train. As for La Fuerza, sickness and
desertion had so depleted its garrison that not a score of able-bodied
men were left. Quiñones gathered in reinforcements of 60 or 70, chiefly
young and inexperienced men and thus raised the apparently effective
strength to something less than 100, when more than 200 were considered
necessary. Two small brass cannon and a supply of powder and small arms
came from Spain, and Luzan either purchased or requisitioned from a
visiting ship four more small cannon. The Governor also destroyed, by
burning, all the houses which had been built close to La Fuerza so as to
leave an open zone of considerable strength around that fortress.
Despite the conflict between Luzan and Quiñones already recorded, some
substantial progress was made, especially by the latter, in
strengthening the defenses of Havana to meet the coming storm. La Fuerza
was improved in various respects, though it was impossible to get rid of
the dampness which pervaded the place. On the Punta at the entrance to
the harbor trenches were dug and a gun platform was built. The
efficiency of these was unsparingly ridiculed by the Royal Treasurer,
Rojas, and indeed Quiñones himself soon realized their unsatisfactory
character. He therefore undertook the construction of the real fort, and
by the end of 1583 had it sufficiently completed to permit the mounting
of eight pieces of artillery. He then declared that if he were properly
supplied with powder and shot he could defend Havana against all comers.
He did not wish more soldiers, and indeed he strongly protested against
the levies from Mexico for which Luzan had sent. During the spring of
1583 about 100 men did arrive from Mexico under a Captain who looked to
Luzan and not to Quiñones for orders; a circumstance which naturally
added to the confusion and conflict of authority. But after a few months
Luzan himself agreed with Quiñones in regarding the men as practically
worthless, and assented to their shipment back to Mexico.
CHAPTER XXI
Such, then, was the state of affairs when in 1585 war began between
Spain and England. English adventurers infested Spanish territory on the
main land in the northern part of the vast region which the Spanish
still called Florida. They planned an English colony at the Bay of Santa
Maria and renamed that place "Roanoke" and they also renamed that part
of Florida after the Queen of England; calling it "Virginia." The news
of this invasion appears to have been known in Cuba, by the way of
Southern Florida, before it was known in Spain, and a fleet vessel was
accordingly sent from Havana to bear the tidings to the King and to ask
for further protection from Cuba.
There was a period of hesitancy and uncertainty, and then the storm
broke. On January 10th, 1586, Sir Francis Drake landed in Hispaniola and
occupied the City of Santo Domingo, the nominal capital of all the
Spanish West Indies. Some of the judges of the Supreme Court at that
place escaped and fled to Cuba, where they arrived a week later with the
startling news. Luzan, as already related, was then at Bayamo, and it
was there that he received the news. He was startled and alarmed, but
appears not to have been panic stricken. Indeed he acted with coolness
and judgment and in a manner which must be regarded as going far toward
redeeming his reputation from the reproaches which he had formerly
incurred. Discreetly assuming that Drake's attack upon Cuba, whenever it
was made, would be not at Bayamo but at the Capital and metropolis
itself, his first thought was for Havana. Immediately upon receiving the
news from Santo Domingo he dispatched horsemen across country from
Bayamo to Havana to bear the tidings to Quiñones, bidding them also to
spread the news through all the country as they went and to command all
towns to marshal all available men and send them on to Havana for the
reinforcement of that place. As soon as possible he also sent two
vessels from Bayamo to Havana laden with men and supplies. Ignoring
their former quarrels in the face of the common danger he wrote to
Quiñones outlining his plans for a defense of the Island and urging that
an appeal should be sent to Mexico for aid, from which country it could
be procured much more quickly than from Spain. Then he hastened to
Santiago and from that port sent two vessels to Spain to tell the King
what had happened at Santo Domingo and what was being done to avert, if
possible, a like calamity at Havana.
The Governor's appeals to the various municipalities were not without
effect. The people of Cuba seemed to be aroused by the imminence of
danger to a better degree of public spirit than they had ever before
manifested. Bayamo, Sancti Spiritus, Puerto Principe, and even poor
little Trinidad, the smallest and weakest town of the Island,
contributed men and arms to their full ability, and when at the
beginning of May these levies were mustered in Havana they numbered more
than 225 efficient men, tolerably well armed. Luzan himself remained at
Bayamo, in the absence of orders or even permission to return to Havana,
professing readiness and eagerness to serve the King there or elsewhere,
wherever he could be of most use. At Havana Quiñones was in command,
loyally supported by the Town Council, the royal officials and the
entire community. Even the austere and censorious Rojas, the Royal
Treasurer, who had been the bitter critic and opponent of Quiñones,
forgot his animosity and hastened to offer his services in any capacity
in which they might be utilized. It is related that Rojas, despite his
years, his wealth and his social dignity, worked as a common laborer
with pick-axe and shovel in digging trenches and throwing up breastworks
for the fortification of the town, thus setting an example which left no
other citizen any excuse for shirking duty and indeed went far toward
inspiring the whole community with patriotic fervor. A proclamation was
also issued by the Mayor, Pedro de la Vega, addressed to all citizens
who, because of debts, quarrels, crimes, or other causes, had sought
sanctuary in the church or gone into hiding in the jungle, asking them
to come forward and aid in the defense of Havana, and promising them
immunity from arrest or prosecution and a period of a fortnight's grace
in which to return to their asylums or their hiding places after the
need of their services was ended. This extraordinary call was responded
to by scores of fugitives.
There was no neglect, either, in preparation for the defense of the
suburbs of Havana. Chorrera was generally regarded not only as a
possible but as a very probable landing point for the invaders, from
which a march could be made by land against Havana. It was not
practicable to fortify the place strongly enough to prevent the landing
of any considerable force, but a small camp was established there,
occupied by a company of horsemen, who were to keep watch day and night
for the approach of the enemy, and upon his first appearance were to
ride post-haste to Havana with the news. The first horseman was to set
out the moment the enemy was sighted in the distance. A second was to
follow as soon as the fleet was near enough for the number of vessels
and their approximate strength and men and guns to be determined. A
third would set out the moment the enemy's intention, either of landing
there or of proceeding on to Havana, was ascertained. A fourth would
wait until the enemy was actually landing and his numbers could be
determined, and would then hasten after the others with the news.
Nearer the city there were several other possible landing places at
inlets of the coast and some of these were fortified with earth-works
and artillery. Chief among these was the inlet of San Lazaro, where in
addition to earth works an enclosed fort of timber, stone and earth was
constructed with several cannons mounted on a platform. At the entrance
to the harbor of Havana itself the strongest preparations were made. At
Punta a dozen guns were in readiness to make that the chief point of
defense outside of La Fuerza itself. Much attention was given to all
roads leading into the city for several miles around; particularly
toward the west from which direction the attack was chiefly expected.
Some of the roads were blocked altogether, others were mined and
provided with pitfalls. Still others were screened and hidden with trees
and brushwood so as to serve as secret means of passage for the
Spaniards in advancing against or retreating from the enemy, and these
were so mined that after having served their purpose to the Spaniards
they could be readily destroyed. Elsewhere trees, underbrush and jungle
were cleared away so that there would be no cover nor concealment for
the invading force. Trenches and earth-works were constructed between La
Fuerza and Punta, and the former fortress was provisioned and prepared
for a siege. Special parapets of timber, stone and earth were
constructed upon the top of the fort, and numerous houses and other
buildings near it were destroyed in order that there might be no shelter
for an attacking force.
Nor was the possibility of an attack from the eastward overlooked. On
the Morro headland at the important entrance a battery of three guns was
placed, well protected by breast-works of timber, stone and earth, and
the coast from Morro to Matanzas was continually patrolled by horsemen
on the lookout for the coming of strange vessels, and under orders
similar to those which had been given to the watchmen at Chorrera. As
for the harbor itself, a great chain was stretched across its entrance
buoyed with logs and fastened with a huge padlock at the foot of the
Morro headland.
Finally the few swift sailing vessels which could be mustered into the
service were kept cruising off the shore to espy the approaching
squadron. They were not sufficiently strong to give battle, but they
could give warning to the city. Also they could bear to Spain or to
Mexico tidings of what occurred. Thus one vessel lay in the estuary of
the Puercos River, ready to flee to Mexico, while another cruised around
Ycacos Point, to hasten to Spain to tell if Havana should fall into the
hands of the foe.
Meanwhile in Havana itself all possible forces were mustered for
defense. The volunteers from the other towns were drilled into an
efficient state of discipline. Such was their zeal that they gladly
served without pay while a considerable number of them in addition
provided their own rations at their own cost. For the necessary expenses
of their maintenance Rojas, the Royal Treasurer, used what royal funds
were in hand regardless of the purpose for which they had been designed,
and when these were insufficient he collected taxes without authority,
on the principle that the safety of the city and Island was the supreme
law. At the beginning of April some welcome aid arrived from Mexico,
which even Quiñones was now glad to have. The Viceroy sent four vessels,
bearing about 300 fighting men, with six months' supplies of food and
with pay for eight months in advance. These increased the force under
Quiñones to more than 900 well-trained soldiers. During the month of
April Luzan arrived from Bayamo with nearly 100 more men, thus
increasing the garrison of Havana to about 1,000. This was a force which
the Captain-General confidently believed would be able to resist and to
repulse any force which Drake might be able to land.
Luzan had meantime, in February, received from Spain orders to resume
the governorship of the Island with full power, to return to Havana, and
to consider his term of office indefinitely prolonged. He had been
appointed in 1579 for a term of four years and had assumed office in
1580, so that his original term was by this time long since expired.
Reckoning the four years from his actual assumption of office in the
summer of 1580 his term had ended in 1584. If his return to Havana was
not altogether agreeable to Quiñones, and it is quite probable that it
was not, at least a semblance of harmony was preserved between them, and
there was certainly efficient if not cordial co-operation. To this
auspicious state of affairs the Royal Treasurer contributed in no small
degree.
In fact, in the face of the great peril which confronted it, all Cuba
arose to the occasion with a unity of public spirit never before known
in its history, and wholly admirable. All the officials, civil and
military, insular and royal, were in accord, and all classes of the
population, Spaniards, Indians and negro slaves were loyal and devoted
in their support. In these circumstances it is of fascinating interest
to speculate upon what might have happened had Drake made the expected
descent upon Havana. It is well within the limit not only of possibility
but of probability that he would have been decisively defeated. It is
even possible that in the conflict with more than a thousand well-armed,
well trained and resolute Spaniards, than whom there were then no braver
or better fighting men in all the world, he would himself have been
captured or slain. And such a disposition of Francis Drake in the summer
of 1586, only two years before the descent of the Invincible Armada upon
the shores of England, might well have changed the history of the world.
But this was not to be. Some say that Drake did not intend to attack
Havana at that time, preferring to raid Carthagena, as he did. Some say
that by means of spies he ascertained the strength of Havana's defenses
and deemed it, therefore, prudent not to meddle with that place. Some
say that there was an interposition of Providence to dissuade him from
what might have been a disastrous fiasco. We have also, as we shall
presently see, the testimony of some Spanish fugitives, which is
entirely plausible, though not certainly correct. Conjecture is
inconclusive. Only the fact remains that Drake passed by and left Cuba
unassailed.
From the latter part of February until the beginning of May no word of
his doings came to Havana; anxiety meanwhile prevailing and preparations
for his anticipated arrival being unabated. At last word came, most
ominous. A vessel from Spain, a heavily armed frigate, had been
searching for Drake. It had tracked him from Santo Domingo to
Carthagena, and had found him in full possession of the latter place.
There apparently, after two months' occupancy, he was preparing for some
fresh adventure. This information convinced the Cuban authorities that
the great struggle was at hand, and that the approach of the enemy would
be from the westward by way of Cape San Antonio. After despoiling
Carthagena Drake's logical course would be to raid Havana, and
preparations for defense were therefore redoubled. Nor were these
anticipations soon to be dispelled. A few weeks later, on May 27th, a
courier arrived from Cape San Antonio, the western extremity of the
Island, with the news that five days before a powerful British armada,
doubtless Drake's, had touched at that point for fresh water and other
supplies. It was no mere raiding flotilla of privateers, such as those
with which the French had long been troubling the Cuban coasts, but it
was a fleet of thirty-sail, probably with two or three thousand soldiers
aboard, and with artillery far superior both in number and range to all
the defenses of Havana. The courier could not tell what the intentions
of the fleet were or what was its destination. Possibly it was simply
seeking to anticipate and capture the treasure ships of Spain coming
from Mexico or from Darien with the silver, gold and gems of Peru and
Golden Castile. More probably it was planning the conquest of Havana, as
Santo Domingo and Carthagena had been conquered. This latter supposition
seemed to be confirmed two days later, when another messenger arrived
from the west, telling that it was indeed Drake's fleet and that it had
sailed from Cape San Antonio eastward toward Havana.
In a minor measure Havana and all Cuba now anticipated the feelings
which England had two years later upon the approach of the Invincible
Armada. Every man was summoned to his appointed place in the scheme of
defense and insistent vigilance was maintained night and day. For this
there was full need. Within an hour of the arrival of this second
messenger from the west a Spanish ship from Mexico came flying into the
port of Havana with half a dozen English ships in hot pursuit. She
passed Punta and gained safety before they came up, the big chain being
slackened to let her pass within and then tightened again to shut out
her pursuers. They did not, however, attempt to enter the harbor. One
came so near as to draw a few shots from the guns of the Morro Fort and
then withdrew without returning fire. But an hour later eight more
English sails appeared, making fourteen in all.
Evidently the crisis was at hand. Every available man in Havana was in
his place. Every available cannon was double-shotted and trained upon
the spot at which the English vessels would first come within range.
There was, however, no panic, no confusion. All men were resolute,
confident and in high spirits. All night long sentinels watched the
English fleet expecting to see it send boat loads of men ashore; ready
to signal the news with beacon fires and torches. But all night long the
English fleet lay dark and silent in the offing.
The morning of May 30 dawned. It was clear and bright, the sea was
smooth, the wind just sufficient to fill the sails. There could be no
fitter day for a landing or for an approach to the harbor to bombard the
forts and city. The sentinels on Morro counted all thirty of Drake's
vessels, drawn up in line. Now and then one swept out in pursuit of some
incautious or uninformed coasting vessel, but did not go far. The whole
fleet maintained order as if in preparation for some great concerted
operation.
Hours passed and nothing was done. At mid-afternoon some boats were sent
toward the shore near Chorrera, and the watchers on Morro signaled to La
Fuerza that a landing was being made; only a little later to recall the
tidings as those of a false alarm. Night came on, and again under cover
of darkness it was imagined that Drake's men were seen approaching
Chorrera. Every man in Havana remained awake with arms in hand, but the
night waned and daylight showed the fleet still motionless and the shore
at Chorrera still untouched. Thus for three days and nights the tension
was maintained. The thirty English vessels lay off Havana, firing not a
shot, sending not a man ashore, and making no sign of their commander's
purpose.
Then the suspense was ended, to the relief of many but to the
disappointment of some. On June 4th the English fleet spread all its
canvas and sailed away, heading north and east, and vanished forever
from the sight of the watchers at Havana. Not the Cuban capital but the
chief city of Florida was to be its prey, and presently word came back
that Drake had attacked and captured the town and fortress of St.
Augustine, which Menendez had built and in the building of which he had
drawn so sorely upon the scanty resources of Cuba. Quiñones regretted
that Havana had not been attacked, confident that the result would have
been disastrous to the assailants. He took, however, all possible
precautions against a surprise by a possible return of the English
fleet. The coast patrols to Matanzas and beyond were maintained and
vessels were sent out as scouts to follow in Drake's track and watch for
his turning.
But no more was seen of Drake or heard of him until the end of June.
Then word came of his destruction of St. Augustine and of his departure
thence to the northward, on some unknown errand. It was supposed that
he had gone straight home. In fact, he went first to Virginia to visit
the English colony at Roanoke and to take back to England its few
discouraged survivors. Thus relieved from fear of invasion Havana
rejoiced and gave a most practical turn to its thanksgiving by sending a
vessel or two richly laden with supplies to the relief of the hapless
people of St. Augustine, many of whom had been former residents of Cuba.
Meantime some explanation, as we have already seen, came to Havana of
the reason for Drake's failure to take that place. Several Spaniards
whom Drake had captured at Carthagena, had contrived to make their
escape from him when he touched at Cape San Antonio, and after much
wandering found their way to Havana. They reported that on the way from
Carthagena to Cuba the English fleet had been sorely afflicted with
disease including scurvy and possibly also yellow fever, so that many
persons died and many more were incapacitated. Moreover his vessels were
crowded with captives and with plunder. In these circumstances he was
obviously in no condition to attack so strong a place as Havana, and in
a conference with his captains he practically decided to pass by that
place and to seek cooler northern latitudes where his sick men might
more speedily recover.
Havana's deliverance was Santiago's disaster. The preparations for the
defense of the former city had drawn thither the fighting strength of
the entire Island. Men, munitions, even artillery, had been stripped
from all other places for Havana's sake. Even after the departure of
Drake, and after it was known that he had at least for the time
abandoned his designs against Havana, the forces were still retained at
the capital. This, of course, was known to the foes of Cuba and of
Spain, as well as to Havana itself, and there were those who were not
slow to take advantage of it. French privateers were still hostile and
were raiding Spanish ports wherever opportunity afforded, and the
stripping of Santiago for Havana's defense gave such opportunity.
So at the very time when Havana learned that Drake had taken Carthagena
and was on his way to the Cuban capital, two French vessels appeared off
Santiago with hostile intent. A demand was made for food, which the town
authorities refused. Probably the demand was a mere pretext. At any rate
the refusal of it was the signal for immediate attack. From noon to
night of May 2nd the battle raged, the Spaniards, only a handful of men,
displaying invincible valor in circumstances of desperate difficulty.
The leader of the defense was a parish priest who was badly wounded by
one of his own men. One other Spaniard was killed by the explosion of a
wretched little cannon which had been pressed into service, all good
guns having been taken to Havana. But these were the only Spanish
losses. On the other hand, one of the French ships, going aground, was
almost destroyed by the Spanish fire before her consort could pull her
off. And the two riddled with shot were at last glad to make their
escape in flight, throwing overboard as they sailed away more than a
score of bodies of men killed by the Spanish musketeers. It was too much
to hope, however, that this repulse of the French would prove final. It
would almost certainly be followed with a stronger attack for vengeance,
and Santiago made what scanty preparations it could to meet the coming
storm.
Gomez de Rojas, a member of the illustrious family whose members played
so great a part in early Cuban history, was at that time the deputy of
the Governor in that part of the Island, making his headquarters at
Bayamo. A few days before this attack on Santiago he and his men had
killed seven Frenchmen and captured ten more under the lead of a
notorious freebooter. The heads of the seven he displayed on pikes at
Bayamo, and on the very day when the two French vessels reached Santiago
he hanged eight of the ten prisoners. It is recorded that the trial of
these men was not yet concluded. But Rojas grimly observed that the
trial could be finished after the hanging just as well as before, as
there could be no doubt as to what the verdict and the sentence would
be. For this ruthless proceeding the Bishop, Salcedo, reprimanded and
indeed excommunicated Rojas, and there was danger that thus disastrous
dissension would arise among the Spaniards. But Rojas, who seems to have
been a diplomat as well as a soldier and administrator, contrived to
make peace with the Bishop, and all was well.
Of such unity there was sore need. For a few days later a squadron of
seven French ships, carrying 800 soldiers, appeared off Santiago. To
meet them Santiago, with all possible aid from Bayamo and the country
around could number less than 100 men, some say not more than 70,
indifferently armed and with only a few pounds of gunpowder. For several
days the French vessels lay off Santiago, frequently firing upon the
town at a range at which their own cannon were effective but at which
the Spaniards, with far inferior guns and little ammunition, were quite
helpless. However, the French made no attempt at landing, a circumstance
which for a time puzzled the Spaniards. Then came the explanation. While
their fleet lay directly before Santiago the French had put 150 men
ashore at Zuragua, and these were advancing upon Santiago over land. As
soon as this was known a little force of 20 Spaniards and 10 Indians was
sent out to meet them, with only two or three rounds of ammunition to
each man. They met in unequal battle and the Spaniards lost five men.
But they killed twenty Frenchmen before they were completely exhausted
and were compelled to surrender. Another detachment of thirty Spaniards
kept up a good fight at the landing place in Santiago until their
ammunition was exhausted and then they retreated to the hills. The
French fire from the ships destroyed more than half the town, and the
troops who were then landed demolished most of the remaining buildings.
Then a hasty retreat was made, presumably through fear of the rumored
approach of the powerful Spanish fleet, which unfortunately did not
materialize.
Gomez de Rojas had been at Bayamo when this attack began. As soon as he
heard of it he hastened on horseback to Santiago, but arrived in time
only to see the last French sail vanish in the distance. Had he been
there it is not certain that he could have saved the town. Indeed it is
probable that he could not have done so. But it is certain that he saved
it after the event. So completely had Santiago been demolished by the
French that many of the people were determined not to attempt to rebuild
but to abandon the place and go elsewhere. A council of war was held on
May 25, at a country house a league inland from the ruined city, at
which all the officials and most of the citizens of Santiago were
present. Rojas was, fortunately, the presiding officer. The military
commander, Captain Camacho, told of what had happened and what the
condition of the place was. It had no military strength. There was not a
pound of powder or shot left. The few pieces of artillery which had not
been captured or destroyed were concealed in the woods, but were of
course useless without ammunition. Fewer than a score of houses were
standing. The cathedral and the monastery had been destroyed, though the
hospital and a church had received little damage. There was, he
believed, nothing left to serve as the nucleus of a rebuilt town.
Much discussion followed his report. Some were resolute for rebuilding
the place, which they regarded rightly as the birthplace of the Spanish
settlement of Cuba. Others were equally bent on abandoning it altogether
and migrating to Havana or elsewhere. Opinions were so evenly divided
that it was finally agreed to suspend decision until one other leading
citizen, who was absent from the meeting, could be heard from, with the
understanding that his vote should be decisive.
Then it was that Gomez de Rojas rose to the height of the occasion. He
ascertained secretly that this missing citizen was in favor of
abandoning Santiago and would so declare himself. Determined to
forestall and to prevent such a decision and thus to save the town,
Rojas immediately ordered the clergy to celebrate mass next morning. He
ordered the town authorities to put all the remaining buildings in order
for occupancy and to repair those which had been damaged. He ordered
every man in town to appear at the church that morning, ready for any
action which might be needed. He ordered the Town Council to meet as
usual the next day. He ordered the market to be opened at once, and
artisans to get to work and the Indians to burn the bodies of the
Frenchmen who had been killed in battle, and in brief he ordered
everybody in Santiago to get to work to rehabilitate the town. The sheer
energy of this one strong man carried the day, and Santiago arose from
its ruins larger and more important than ever before, though it was
never again to be the capital of all Cuba. Havana had already for
several years been practically, though without full authority, the
capital of the Island. The formal and authoritative change was made a
few years later, in 1589.
During the administration of Governor Luzan there was some renewed
interest in copper mining in Cuba, although the wealth of the island in
that metal was not yet appreciated. In 1580 what was supposed to be an
immensely rich mine was discovered, but it proved to be a mere "pocket"
of limited extent. That disappointment, together with the cost of
transportation from the neighborhood of Santiago to Havana for shipment,
discouraged further efforts for a time. But in May, 1587, after
inspection of the Cobre mine, near Santiago, the Governor reported to
the Spanish government: "There is so much metal, and the mines are so
numerous, that they could supply the world with copper." Comparatively
little was done, however, until 1599, when effective work was begun at
El Cobre. The ore was conveyed to Havana for smelting and casting, and
on the site of the present Maestranza Building there was established a
foundry where copper was cast into both cannon and kettles.
CHAPTER XXII
It is an interesting circumstance that what threatened to be a great
disaster to Cuba proved in fact to be one of the greatest blessings that
the Island had enjoyed since the Spanish settlement. We have already
seen how great an alarm was caused at Havana and throughout Cuba by the
threatened attack of the British under Sir Francis Drake and how fine a
degree of public spirit and unity among all classes was thereby
inspired. The threatened attack did not occur, and it was many years
before an actual British conquest or even invasion of the Island was
effected. But the lessons learned in that period of agitation and after
were not speedily forgotten, either in Cuba or in Spain. Therefore, a
much larger degree of public spirit and of unity prevailed in the
Island, among the Government officers and among the people, while the
Spanish crown was awakened to a fuller realization than ever before of
the value of Cuba and the imperative necessity of defending the Island
if the integrity of the Spanish Empire in the Western Hemisphere was to
be maintained. It was then that Philip II began to appreciate Cuba as
the bulwark of the West Indies and of the City of Havana, its capital,
as the key to the New World. Hitherto Cuba had been nothing but a
stepping stone between Spain on the one hand and Mexico, Darien and
Florida on the other; and Havana was merely a convenient base of
operations and a port of call. But now the immense strategical
importance of Havana was realized, while the value of the Island, in its
products of copper, wood, sugar, hides and other commodities, was
appreciated.
Governor Luzan administered the affairs of Cuba until the end of March,
1589. On that day he was succeeded by Juan de Tejada, a Field Marshal
of the Spanish Army. He was selected by the King chiefly because of his
military experience and knowledge, and he was the first of the line of
governors of Cuba to be known as Captain-General. In him were merged
both the civil and the military authority of the Island, so that there
would no longer be any such friction as had prevailed between Luzan and
Quiñones. Tejada was speedily commissioned by the King to make plans for
the fortification of Cuba and also of the other important islands of the
Spanish West Indies. He was accordingly accompanied on his coming to
Cuba by one of the most distinguished Italian engineers of that age,
Juan Bautista Antonelli. Together they surveyed the port of Havana, the
port of San Juan in Porto Rico, and that of Carthagena in Colombia and
planned powerful defenses for them all. There fortifications were in
fact constructed under the direction of Antonelli and to this day bear
impressive testimony to his skill.
His first attention was paid, most properly, to Havana. Already there
had been constructed temporary fortifications at La Punta and El Morro,
and also a camp more of observation than of defense at San Lazaro Cove,
probably where the Queen's battery stood in later years. Both
Captain-General Tejada and Antonelli were quick to see the importance of
the Punta and Morro fortifications and to approve those headlands as the
sites of the most powerful fortifications of Havana. Plans were
accordingly made for extensive masonry forts at both those places, and
these were approved and very prompt execution ordered by the King. Funds
for the work were obtained from Mexico, from which source also
appropriations were received for the maintenance of La Fuerza with its
garrison of 300 men.
The work of Antonelli in Cuba was by no means confined, however, to
military engineering. He laid out and constructed a number of roads,
including some which are to this day principal streets of Havana and its
suburbs. He also constructed a dam across the Chorrera River and an
aqueduct by means of which an ample water supply was conveyed to Havana
and distributed through the city. For by this time it must be understood
Havana was rapidly growing into a populous and prosperous community and
was already the assured metropolis of the Island and indeed one of the
three or four chief centres of Spanish civilization and authority in the
western world. It was during the administration of Tejada that the
technical legal title of "City" was conferred upon Havana, and the place
received the grant of a coat-of-arms. Its escutcheon bore the emblems of
a crown, underneath it in a blue field three silver fortresses,
emblematic of La Fuerza, La Punta and El Morro, and finally a golden key
symbolic of Havana's importance as the key of the western world. The
administration of Tejada lasted a little more than five years and was
marked with almost unbroken peace, prosperity and progress. The new
fortifications of Havana were not all completed in that time, but they
were carried far toward completion and the work upon them was marked
with no such difficulties and complications as had been the bane of La
Fuerza.
The one exception to the rule of peace and harmony which prevailed
during the administration of Captain-General Tejada was a controversy
with Bishop Salcedo, who was then in charge of the diocese. Because of
some differences of policy concerning the finances of the colony and the
church, Salcedo bitterly criticised Tejada and even cast unfavorable
reflections upon his integrity, which we must regard as unwarranted. To
these attacks, however, Tejada gave little or no attention, and the
peace of Cuba was therefore not materially disturbed by the incident. It
seems probable that the Bishop desired larger revenues than the
straitened condition of Cuban affairs made possible. Tejada indeed
almost exhausted the pecuniary resources of the island in the
prosecution of the much-needed works of fortification, road building,
and what not, and also drew heavily upon his own private funds. He was
saved from more serious embarrassment by the arrival of a treasure fleet
from Vera Cruz, which enabled him to discharge all obligations and to
place a fund of 120,000 ducats in the insular treasury for future needs.
At this period, it is interesting to recall, the salary of the Governor,
or Captain-General, was only 2,000 pesos a year, that of the Alcalde of
El Morro was 6,600 reales, that of the Alcalde of La Punta was 4,400
reales, and that of the Sergeant-Mayor was 2,700 reales. The total
yearly budget of the island was about 100,000 pesos.
It is gratifying to know that Tejada's fine services were appreciated by
the royal government. His insistent resignation was accepted in April,
1595, with sincere regret, and he was made a Knight Commander of the
Order of St. James and was placed in charge of the castle and district
of La Barlete, at Naples.
Tejada's successor, the second Captain-General of Cuba, was Juan
Maldonado Barrionuevo, who took office in July, 1594. This distinguished
servant of the crown had been an equerry to the Queen of Spain and
Treasurer of the Invincible Armada which had come to grief a few years
before in the Narrow Seas. He was also a Knight of the Military Order of
St. James. Having had, while with the Armada, a taste of Drake's
quality, and learning that that formidable commander was meditating
another descent upon Cuba he gave his first and best attention to
hastening the completion of the fortifications of Havana. Drake was
indeed at that very time in Spanish-American waters planning disaster to
every seaport within reach, but disagreement between himself and other
officers of the fleet made the entire expedition a failure and led,
probably, to the death of Drake himself in 1595. Learning of Drake's
death Maldonado sent out an expedition to attack the British fleet as it
was returning from Darien and succeeded in capturing one of its vessels
and putting the others to flight near the Isle of Pines. This triumph
over the much feared British fleet caused great rejoicing throughout
Cuba and immensely encouraged the Government and the people in their
hope of making a successful stand against British aggressions.
Despite the growth and importance of Havana it must be remembered that
at this time that city was still in a very primitive condition. The
great majority of the houses were still built of cedar or pine boards
with thatched roofs. They were so scattered, even in the heart of the
city, that it was possible to have gardens and orchards around them.
There were some houses of substantial masonry two or three stories in
height. And the rich cedar, mahogany and other woods native to Cuba made
it possible to finish and furnish them in very rich style. The houses of
the rich were lighted with lamps of bronze or other metal, generally fed
with olive oil, and those of the poor with candles made of suet. The
streets were unlighted save by an occasional lantern at the entrance to
some house. And they were so infested not only with stray dogs but with
vagabonds and ruffians that it was unsafe for citizens to go abroad
after dark without an armed guard. Social and domestic customs, which
had at first been kept after those of Spain itself, by this time began
to have an individuality suited to the circumstances and conditions of
life on the Island. It was the custom to have the chief meal of the day
at noon and a lighter supper quite late in the evening, probably between
eight and ten o'clock.
It is interesting to record that during the administration of Maldonado
occurred the first theatrical performance in the history of Cuba. This
was on the night of St. John, in the year 1599, and the performance took
place in honor of the Captain-General in the great hall of the military
barracks. It is recorded that on assembling the audience was so noisy
that it was impossible to begin the performance until threats had been
made of serious physical punishment. Despite this vexatious incident the
people were so delighted with the performance that when it came to an
end they unanimously clamored for its repetition although by this time
it was one o'clock in the morning.
The sugar industry was now rising to great importance, especially in the
vicinity of Havana and thence toward Matanzas. The largest of all the
sugar mills in the Island was that founded by Anton Recia at Guaicanama,
now known as Regla. In 1588 a royal decree was issued bestowing upon the
sugar mills of Cuba the same favor that was formerly granted to those of
Hispaniola, namely, the exemption of the buildings, machinery, negro
slaves and in fact all other property from seizure or attachment for
debt. The sugar plantations were somewhat hampered at this time by lack
of labor, and on that account the importation of negro slaves was
encouraged and hundreds were brought in every year.
In fact, negro slavery was by this time fully established as the
principal reliance of the industries of the island. It was recognized
that Cuba was a land of inestimable wealth, particularly in agriculture.
Stock raising was the chief industry, but sugar growing was rising in
importance, while the production of honey and wax was also a widespread
and highly lucrative occupation. Of all industries sugar growing was the
most laborious and called, therefore, for the greatest number of slaves.
Each mill required from eighty to a hundred workmen.
Strangely enough, while the royal government strove in some ways to
encourage and stimulate the sugar industry, it persisted in hampering
it, at any rate in Cuba, in the matter of slave labor. As far back as
1556 a decree fixed the maximum price at which slaves might be sold in
the island at one hundred ducats, or about seventy pesos. Yet at the
same time the price fixed for slaves in Venezuela was one hundred and
ten ducats, and in Mexico one hundred and twenty ducats. The result was
inevitable. Slaves were sent to Venezuela and Mexico rather than to
Cuba; or the best were sent thither and the poorest to the island. This
was only one of a number of eccentricities of government, which
suggested a persistent and inexplicable tendency to discriminate
against Cuba in favor of the other colonies.
Against such purblind policies the ablest administrators and the most
enterprising planters and merchants struggled to little avail. It was a
splendid achievement for the engineer Antonelli in 1586 to tap the
Almendares River, west of Havana, with a system of canals and aqueducts,
and thus bring an abundant supply of fresh water into Havana. In so
doing he not merely provided the capital with one of the prime
necessities of life, but he also made Havana the centre of the sugar
industry. For it was along these artificial watercourses that the first
sugar mills were erected and operated. But this availed little while
there was persistent discrimination against Cuba to a degree that kept
the island without a tithe of the labor which was needed for the
development of its resources. We cannot, of course, approve the slave
trade, or argue that it should have been followed to a greater extent
than it was. But if it was to exist at all, and Spain was willing and
indeed determined that it should, justice and economic reason required
that it should exist as freely in Cuba as in the neighboring colonies.
CHAPTER XXIII
The character of the European nations whose navigators and explorers had
sailed around the Cape of Good Hope and had opened to the bewildered
gaze of the Old World a vista of unlimited possibilities in the New,
underwent a great change during the seventeenth century. Acclaimed as
national achievements, adding new lustre to national glory, these
discoveries at first only stimulated patriotism and became an incentive
to national effort. But as Spain and Portugal which had given to the
world those men with the large vision and the undaunted courage,
awakened to the importance of their exploits and began to see them from
the angles of political and economic advantages, the desire to restrict
those advantages to their own use became so powerful, that consideration
for the interests of other nations was ignored. The spirit of
imperialistic expansion was roused and demanded no less than a monopoly
of the traffic and trade of the world.
With this end in view the two countries adopted a protectionist policy
and imposed restrictions upon mariners and merchants of other nations
that in time became intolerable. The government of Spain forbade its
colonists in Spanish America to receive European merchandise from any
but Spanish ports, which in turn enabled Spanish exporters to demand
unreasonable prices. This was resented by many colonists, and they were
willing to deal with smugglers who sold this merchandise at a lower
price or exchanged it for the produce of the colonies, especially for
hides and sugar. The governors of Santo Domingo were among the first in
the colonies to take steps against this trade. They fitted out small
vessels, which they called Guardacostas, coastguards, and had them
patrol all along the coast. If they succeeded in capturing the
smugglers, they proceeded against them with little ceremony. They were
either thrown overboard or hanged.
This summary process having stirred in the smugglers the spirit of
vindictiveness, they organized for concerted action, determined to
resist what they considered unwarranted severity and cruelty. They began
to group into fleets, and openly invaded the coasts, burning,
plundering, marauding and killing. They looked about for suitable places
where to establish settlements of their own that could be used as bases
of operation in the neighborhood. Hispaniola or Hayti, where the natives
had been almost exterminated and which by misgovernment was nearly
deserted, invited them. Herds of cattle and swine were running wild
about the island and offered not only valuable provisions for
themselves, but promised to become marketable commodities. Some French
smugglers settled there, killed the cattle and swine, smoked the beef
and salted the pork, and opened a remunerative trade with visiting
sailors in these commodities as also in tallow and hides. The Indians of
the island called smoked beef "boucan"; hence these traders were called
boucaniers which was anglicized into buccaneers. In a similar way the
English freebooter was by the French corrupted into flibustier and later
came back to us as filibuster. At first the term boucanier was limited
to the smugglers and traders in smoked beef living on land, while the
flibustier was applied to the smuggler and trader living on board of a
ship. But later these nice distinctions were ignored and the names
applied indiscriminately to smugglers, freebooters and pirates.
Whatever term one chose to apply to them, these Brethren of the Coast
and outlaws of the oceans became almost a recognized institution of the
century when rival European powers were fighting for supremacy in the
New World and were unanimously arrayed against Spain. There were among
them recruits from almost all nations, classes and professions. There
were bankrupt shopkeepers, discharged soldiers, runaway convicts,
thieves and murderers, vagabonds and adventurers and many a black sheep
of good family under an assumed name. A large proportion was attracted
by the possibility of getting hold of some of the unlimited treasures of
gold and silver which the New World was said to hold. For the reports
that had been spread by the participants in the early expeditions, not
always limited to natives of Spain and Portugal, were so fairy-like that
the classic tale of the Argonauts paled into insignificance beside them.
It is reported that a noted French freebooter who had joined the pirates
as a runaway debtor, hoped in this way to secure enough to pay off his
debts. An equally large number consisted of men who in that period of
adventure were seized with an insatiable desire for roving about the
world, free from all fetters of conventional life.
The attitude of England, France and Holland against Spain was so
hostile, that whenever one of these powers was at war with Spain, these
outlaws were granted the rights of belligerents. Mariner-warriors,
prepared to defend themselves and to attack by force, they became a
mercenary navy at the service of any power that happened to be at war
with Spain. At bottom of this united effort, which at the end resulted
in ruining the overseas commerce of Spain, was the opposition against
its restrictions of the navigation and commerce of other countries.
Bancroft who is referred to by Pedro J. Guiteras in his "Historia de la
isla de Cuba" says in the first volume of his "History of the United
States" (p. 163)
"The moral sense of mariners revolted at the extravagance; since
forfeiture, imprisonment, and the threat of eternal woe were to
follow the attempt at the fair exchanges of trade; since the
freebooter and the pirate could not suffer more than menaced
against the merchant who should disregard the maritime monopoly,
the seas became infested by reckless buccaneers, the natural
offspring of colonial restrictions. Rich Spanish settlements in
America were pillaged; fleets attacked and captured; predatory
invasions were even made on land to intercept the loads of gold, as
they came from the mines, by men who might have acquired honor and
wealth in commerce, if commerce had been permitted."
John Fiske, too, in the second volume of his "Historical Essays," dwells
upon the causes of the enormous development of piracy in the seventeenth
century. Speaking of the struggle of the Netherlands and England against
the greatest military power of the world, he said that the former had to
rely largely and the latter almost exclusively, upon naval operations,
and continued:
"Dutch ships on the Indian Ocean and English ships off the American
coasts effectually cut the Spaniard's sinews of war. Now in that
age ocean navigation was still in its infancy, and the work of
creating great and permanent navies was only beginning. Government
was glad to have individuals join in the work of building and
equipping ships of war, and it was accordingly natural that
individuals should expect to reimburse themselves for the heavy
risk and expense by taking a share in the spoils of victory. In
this way privateering came into existence and it played a much more
extensive part in maritime warfare than it now does. The navy was
but incompletely nationalized. Into expeditions that were strictly
military in purpose there entered some of the elements of a
commercial speculation, and as we read them with our modern ideas
we detect the smack of buccaneering."
England in dealing leniently with these buccaneers sailing under her
flag, argued that since the gold and silver carried from America to
Spain in Spanish ships was used to defray the expenses of a war which
threatened her, English mariners were justified in capturing these
vessels and seizing such treasures. But there is little doubt that by
this interpretation the doors were opened wide to all sorts of trickery
and outrage, carried on regardless whether the countries under whose
flags both captors and captured sailed were at the time at war or at
peace. Thus the naval and commercial restrictions, which Spain imposed
upon other countries, proved at the end a boomerang, which did
irreparable loss to Spain itself.
For the long war with England had greatly weakened Spanish power and
when the peace of 1604 was concluded, the once so powerful country was
visibly entering upon its downward path. Philip II, called the Great,
had left a son, Philip III, who had neither the personality nor the
ability to continue his famous father's policy of imperialism. Before
long it was found that the naval power had sunk from the proud Armada
which had challenged England in the time of Queen Elizabeth to no more
than thirteen galleys. Ship-building practically ceased. To bring the
tobacco crop from Havana to Spain, French and British vessels had to be
hired. Nothing was done to keep up the military strength of the kingdom
which had once ranked as Europe's greatest military power and had as
such been feared by other nations. The army was composed either of
inexperienced youths or of nerveless old men. The magazines and arsenals
stood empty. With no ships patrolling the seas and protecting the
coasts, the predatory outlaws of the ocean, sailing under various flags,
soon recognized in the Spanish overseas possessions a territory which
upon slight effort promised to yield rich booty. Cuba, Santo Domingo,
Jamaica and other West Indian Islands were repeatedly ravaged by them.
They established settlements on St. Christopher's Island, called St.
Kitts, and on one of the Bahamas, and from these bases carried on their
destructive operations.
Notwithstanding the great progress which navigation had made during the
previous century, news between the Eastern and the Western continent
traveled slowly. This proved a serious drawback to an efficient
management of the colonies which European powers had established in
America. It was responsible for a great deal of confusion and for the
dilatory policy which characterized the government of the Spanish West
Indies. Communication between the mother country and Cuba was so
irregular and unreliable that Philip III, the new king, was not
proclaimed in Cuba until the spring of the year 1599. Yet at no time was
the fate of the island more closely linked with that of Spain, whose
decline profoundly affected Cuba's political and economic conditions
during the seventeenth century.
In that most critical period for Spain, when the fate of the Kingdom
passed from the hands of Philip the Great into those of his incapable
successor, Cuba had the good fortune of being under the administration
of strong and able governors. D. Juan Maldonado Barrienuevo, who entered
upon his office in the year 1596, did a great deal towards the
improvement of the capital, starting the erection of a government house
and a public prison. He recognized the great value of sugar as one of
the staple products of the island and by every measure possible
encouraged the cultivation of sugar cane. He obtained from the King
special exemptions and privileges for the builders and owners of sugar
mills. He was the first to construct that of Vicente Santa Maria in
Fuente de Chaves. Sugar was at that time sold at fabulous prices. A
cargo of sugar of inferior quality brought in Seville as much as twelve
pesos per arroba (twenty-five pounds). The importation of and traffic in
African negroes who were set to work on the sugar plantations was
inseparable from this industry which henceforth became the chief source
of Cuba's wealth. But Maldonado, too, had troubles with the pirates. As
the two galleys in the port were known to be absolutely useless, the
pirates approached almost within cannon-shot of the place.
The administration of D. Pedro de Valdes, Ensign (alfevez major) of the
Order of Santiago and nephew of the famous admiral of that name, began
most auspiciously. He was appointed successor of Maldonado in 1602. A
worthy heir of his uncle's glory, he started for his post from San Lucas
with a galleon and a galizabra (vessel used in the Levantine trade) on
the seventeenth of April. On his voyage he captured an enemy vessel,
sailed bravely through a Dutch squadron and sank three of their ships in
the port of Santo Domingo. After putting to flight a horde of smugglers
that swarmed about the coasts of Cuba, he cast anchor in Havana on the
nineteenth of July, 1602.
Valdes immediately set out to improve the artillery of the
fortifications, and even to superintend the casting of the cannon.
Within the short space of two years he succeeded in providing the port
of Havana with eighty pieces of good quality and various calibre, most
of which had been cast in the capital itself. Frequent changes of
administration had not only hampered the initiative of minor
functionaries and opened the door to official malpractice of
miscellaneous nature, but had also perceptibly weakened authority.
Valdes was determined to re-enforce it and by his energy and rectitude
brought upon himself the hatred of those elements who had encouraged
disorder. At the end his only loyal supporter was Friar Juan Cabezas de
Altamirano, who had succeeded Salcedo in the bishopric of Santiago. But
Valdes did not mind the hostility, which was more or less openly
manifested towards his government, and continued his untiring efforts in
defense of Spanish interests and policies.
The steadily increasing wealth of these colonies excited the
covetousness of the pirates and buccaneers. Realizing the necessity of
taking defensive action against them, Valdes armed a few vessels, which
under the command of his son, D. Fernando, cruised about and succeeded
in capturing several ships. In one of these encounters Valdes was
wounded, but he pursued his policy undauntedly. He was also successful
in his campaign against smuggling which had extensively developed,
especially in Bayamo, whither he sent as his deputy the licentiate
Melchior Suarez to inquire into the state of things.
The depredations committed by the pirates at this time were so serious
that the safety of the inhabitants was imperilled. The population of
Santiago seems to have been especially singled out to be harassed by the
outlaws. They set fire to the cathedral and other churches of the town,
robbed them of the precious vessels and vestments and committed other
outrages. Terror-stricken, the inhabitants fled to neighboring towns or
hid in the country. The city faced gradual depopulation. Even the Bishop
D. Friu Juan de las Cabezas and some of the government officials
withdrew to Bayamo, which, for a time at least, offered safety.
But in the year 1604 even the roads in the vicinity of Bayamo were no
longer safe for travelers. When the bishop was on a tour of visitation
in the neighborhood, in company with the canons Francisco Pueblo and
Diego Sanchez, a horde of pirates under the leadership of the notorious
Giron surprised him at the stock farm of Yara. They tied him and took
him barefoot to Mazanillo, where one of their bilanders (sloops) was
anchored. They kept him on board their vessel for the period of eighty
days, expecting the authorities of the town to present themselves and
offer an enormous sum as ransom. The name of Gregorio Ramos is inscribed
in the annals of the island as the bishop's deliverer. It was an
undertaking calling for unusual cleverness and courage and Ramos
acquitted himself most brilliantly. He bravely faced the redoubtable
Giron and rescued the bishop by paying a ransom of two hundred ducats,
one thousand skins and one hundred arrobas (twenty-five pounds of
sixteen ounces each) of jerked beef. After having brought the prelate
into security, he returned with a force of valiant men and attacked the
pirates. He succeeded in destroying the whole horde and even in killing
their leader Giron, whose head was triumphantly carried on the point of
a lance to Bayamo, where it was exhibited in the market-place.
The growth of the island which then numbered from eighteen to twenty
thousand inhabitants was greatly hampered by such invasions. Santiago
offering so little safety, the bishop ventured to suggest the removal of
the cathedral to Havana; but the plan was found impracticable and never
carried out. In time, however, the prelates began to ignore the
disapproval of the government and to install themselves in Havana. Other
members of the ecclesiastical cabildo (chapter) followed their example
and also left Santiago. Governor Valdes, in accord with the ayuntamento,
demonstrated to the king the pitiful state of the island and urged as an
indispensable necessity the stationing of a permanent fleet in Cuban
waters. Only in this way did it seem possible to check the increasing
pirate menace which was paralyzing commerce and arresting the progress
of the island.
But the royal government at Madrid, weak and helpless in the hands of an
incapable sovereign, lacked stability and strength to cope with the
unrest and confusion that gradually set in. The inadequate
fortifications and insufficient garrison had left the coast of Cuba
almost without defense. Knowledge of these conditions had spread among
the corsairs prowling about and awaiting an opportunity to descend upon
the unprotected population and made them more and more audacious. Philip
III, a weak though humane ruler, had transferred the reigns of
government to his favorite, the Duke of Lerma. But procrastination seems
to have been one of the permanent features in the Spanish kingdom's
management of her American possessions, and little was done to insure
her safety.
At last the king heeded the clamorous appeals of the authorities
representing his loyal but unfortunate subjects in Cuba and ordered some
timely steps to be taken. Royal letters patent of October eighth, 1607,
arrived from Madrid. In order to safeguard the interests of the
inhabitants they decreed that the island be divided into two districts,
an eastern and a western, with separate jurisdiction, and Havana and
Santiago as their respective capitals. The governor of Havana retained
the title of Captain-General of the island, but his general jurisdiction
was reduced to the territory between Cape San Antonio and eighty leagues
east of the capital. The governor of Santiago was named Capitan de
Guerra (chief military authority) with a salary of one thousand eight
hundred pesos and jurisdiction over the rest of the island including
Puerto Principe. The governor and military commander were to remain in
Havana, this being the most important district. As governor of Santiago
was appointed Juan de Villaverde, a Castilian from the Morro. He was
charged with the defense of the place against pirates and other enemies
disturbing the peace of the island and impeding its economic and social
development.
This division caused innumerable difficulties and conflicts of authority
and Valdes had reasons to object to it. He had established order in the
Treasury and other branches of the administration, and he feared that
the new order might bring new confusion. In the meantime his energy and
rectitude caused the plots and intrigues spun by his enemies to multiply
to such an extent that they succeeded in reaching the ear of the Spanish
Audiencia. Valdes and his deputy Suarez were indicted, but on proving
their innocence triumphed over their slanderers by being reinstated in
authority. Then the Audiencia reversed the trial by order of the Court,
and the calumniators were convicted and sentenced to various penalties.
But Valdes once more manifested his noble character by joining the
Bishop in an appeal to the King to pardon the convicted men. Soon after
he retired from his office.
The court of Spain, represented by the Duke of Lerma, who towards the
end of his career succeeded in adding to this title that of a cardinal,
seemed at this period to be deeply concerned with the religious life of
Cuba. This is apparent during the governorship of Don Gaspar Luis
Pereda, Knight of the military order of Santiago, who was inaugurated on
the sixteenth of June, 1608. Don Juan de Villaverde y Oceta was
appointed to the governorship of Santiago. Monastic orders had acquired
much land on the island and established their homes. There were at that
time six convents in Cuba; three in Havana, of the order of San
Franciscus, San Domingo and San Augustin, one of mercenarios, of the
order of la Merced in Trinidad, and two others of the Franciscan order
in Santiago and Bayamo. The government of Cuba was instructed by royal
decree to inquire into and superintend the establishment of the convent
of St. Augustine, then in process of erection in Havana.
The excellent bishop Cabezas, who had so signally distinguished himself
during the preceding administration, was in the year 1610 promoted to
the bishopric of Guatemala. He was replaced by the Carmelite padre Don
Alfonso Enriquez de Almendariz, who immediately made efforts to have the
king remove his episcopal seat to Havana. This caused serious disputes
between the bishop and Governor Pereda, who sent the king a report
disapproving of this removal. The conflict between the two culminated in
the excommunication of Pereda by the bishop. The administration of his
successor, Don Sancho de Alquiza, former governor of Venezuela and
Guyana, was brief. He was inaugurated on the seventh of September, 1616,
and died on the sixth of June, 1619. He was much interested in the
economic development of Cuba, promoted the development of sugar
industry, encouraged the employment of negroes on the plantations. His
efforts to exploit the mineral wealth of the island were also
commendable. He placed the supervision of the copper mines under the
direction of the military government and the work proceeded most
promisingly. The copper extracted was of superior quality and two
thousand quintals of the metal were annually exported to Spain.
The sudden death of Alquiza led to much agitation due to the violent
spirit of rivalry between the auditor Don Diego Vallizo and the
Castellan of the Morro, Geronimo del Quero, who aspired to the
governorship. A great calamity occurred in Havana during this interim
administration. On the twenty-second of April, 1620, a fire broke out
and assumed such disastrous proportions, that two hundred homes were
destroyed and the growth of the city was for a time seriously crippled.
The dangers that beset the development of Cuba were rapidly multiplying
instead of diminishing. Frequent change of administration was not
calculated to insure efficiency and stability in the management of the
island's affairs. Enterprises begun under one governor were interrupted
under the next. Sometimes the original plan was essentially changed and
entirely abandoned. A striking example of this sad state of affairs was
furnished during the third decade of the seventeenth century. Don
Francisco Venegas was inaugurated as governor on the fourteenth of
August, 1620. He had been charged with the organization of a war fleet
for the protection of the coast from invasions by pirates and
freebooters. For that purpose he had brought with him some vessels. They
came at an opportune moment for British and Dutch hookers had been
roving in West Indian waters. The vessels of the Cuban armadilla under
Vazquez de Montiel defeated these intruders at the Island of Tortuga,
captured three of them and put their crews to the sword. But joy over
this victory was offset by the epidemic of malignant fever which broke
out and raged among the population. Another great loss to Spain was
occasioned by the hurricane which in the following year sank on the
reefs of Los Martires several vessels of the fleet that had been sent by
Marquis de Cadreyta, D. Lope Diaz Armendiarez, and were returning to
Spain with great riches.
Governor Venegas had in obedience to instructions from his government
armed an esquadron, for the maintenance of which he had imposed upon the
people a special tax. But on his death, on the eighteenth of April,
1624, it was found that the work on the fleet was far from complete, and
in spite of the constant menace of invasion by pirates, nothing was
heard of a resumption of the task during the governorship of his
successors. The political governor who temporarily assumed the reigns of
the administration was D. Damian Velasquez de Contreras, assisted by
Juan Esquiro Saavedra as military governor. During their interimistic
rule a prison was built and a new monastery established.
The successor nominated in the place of Venegas in the year 1624 was
the Governor of Cartagena, Don Garcia Giron, who, however, resigned on
the twentieth of July of the same year. During the interim occasioned by
his resignation the names of Esquival Aranda and de Riva-Martiz are
mentioned in connection with the management of the island's affairs.
There finally arrived from Spain D. Lorenzo de Cabrera, a native of
Ubeda, corregido of Cadiz, field-marshal and Knight of the Order of
Santiago. He was duly installed in his office on the sixteenth of
September, 1626. In the command of the Morro Esquival was replaced by
Captain Cristobal de Arranda and in the government of Santiago Rodrigo
de Velasco was succeeded by Captain D. Pedro de Fonseca.
During the administration of Cabrera, Cuba was agitated by many exciting
occurrences. Cabrera and the Marquis de Cadreyta, who commanded the
fleet that had brought him to Havana, made a thorough inspection of the
fortifications in order to report on their condition and propose
improvements. Among the most urgent Cabrera considered the manufacture
of a copper chain to shut off the entrance to the two forts; he also had
an intrenchment constructed capable of sheltering two companies. The
plan to block the entrance of the port with trunks of trees in order to
prevent pirates from making an entry, seems, however, to have been
somewhat quixotic. As Spain was then at war with the United Provinces,
Cabrera provided for possible contingencies by furnishing the forts with
large stores of provisions and took other measures to prepare for
eventual attacks by the enemy.
These preparations proved to be only too justified. For the Dutch had
fitted out an expedition against the Spanish possessions in America. In
June of that year there appeared a fleet of more than thirty vessels
with three thousand men, commanded by Pit Hein, one of the most famous
mariners of his time. The Dutch had several encounters with the Spanish
fleet and were compelled to retire from Havana, which they had tried to
enter. They gained some advantages over the armada commanded by Don
Juan de Benavides, but in the following year the Spaniards inflicted
great losses upon the Dutch fleet commanded by Cornelius Fels, driving
him back from Havana and capturing one of his frigates.
A little pamphlet published or printed by Heinrich Mellort Jano in
Amsterdam in 1628 gives the Dutch version of the expedition of Pit Hein.
It is entitled "Ausführlicher Bericht wie es der Silber Flotille
herganger wann (durch wen wie und wie viel) solcherin diesem 1628. Jahr
Erobert fort und eingebracht." Therein is related with much detail how
the West India Company, recognizing the rich booty which the capture of
Spanish ships promised, had furnished and fitted out a fleet and manned
it with a crew of brave and hearty sailors and soldiers, with the avowed
purpose of intercepting a silver-laden fleet returning from the colonies
to Spain. The Dutch set out on the twentieth of May, 1628, under the
command of General Petri Peters Heyn and Admiral Heinrich Corneli Lang.
The Dutch reached San Antonio on the west end of Cuba on the fourth of
August. Their arrival became known to the Spaniards and on the
twenty-third of that month Governor Cabrera dispatched some vessels to
warn the silver fleet. General Peters Heyn sailed close up to the
fortifications of Havana and then turned three or four miles out to sea
to meet the treasure-laden ships, which his informers had reported to be
sailing in that neighborhood, but south winds drove him northeast.
Finally on the eighth of September the famous fleet hove in sight, and
the Dutch captured nine vessels, and seeing eight more, sailed briskly
out to cut them off from the port of Havana. The Spaniards arrived at
Matanzas Bay, hotly pursued by the Dutch, and immediately organized a
defensive. But they were outnumbered in the combat which ensued and laid
down their arms. The Dutch General and his staff offered thanks to the
Almighty for this great victory. The next day the ships were all secured
fast by chains, and the third day the booty was unloaded from the
Spanish and transferred to the Dutch ships. There were bars of silver,
crosses, chalices, other vessels and art objects fashioned out of
silver, in all weighing eighteen thousand four hundred pounds.
The Dutch started on their home voyage on the seventeenth of September
and took with them four Spanish galleons, two laden with skins and two
with iron and other ore. On the twenty-sixth they reached Bermuda and
sent two couriers to Holland to report to the directors of the West
India Company. The first reached Rotterdam on the fifteenth of November
and received from the Prince of Orange as reward for the good news a
jewelled gold chain. To the story of the expedition is added a detailed
account of the goods carried by the individual ships, which shows that
they also brought dye-stuffs, oil, wine, silks, furniture and other
merchandise which with the silver, other ore and skins brought the total
value up to thirty millions, presumably of Dutch gulden.
In the meantime there sailed from Cadiz an imposing squadron under the
command of the Marquis de Valdueza and carrying as second in command the
celebrated mariner D. Antonio de Oquendo. The object of the expedition
was to clear the coasts of the islands of all the pirates which had
begun to infest the Antilles. Off Nelson's Island, or Nevis, so called
by Columbus in 1493 because the cloud-veiled summit of its highest peak
reminded him of snow, they captured four Dutch corsairs in a violent
combat from which the island suffered seriously. In September the
Spanish fleet sailed for the island of San Cristobal, and obtained
possession of the fortifications of Charles and Richelieu, compelling
the French filibusters who were garrisoned there to surrender. These
brilliant exploits had within the brief space of eight weeks placed the
Spaniards in possession of two thousand three hundred prisoners, one
hundred and seventy-three pieces of artillery, seven vessels and a great
quantity of arms, powder and tobacco. Besides losing the islands the
pirates suffered a loss of property to the amount of fifty million
pesos. For a time the Antilles and surrounding sea enjoyed freedom from
the menace that had hung over them and disturbed their tranquillity for
so many years.
But in spite of these successes Cabrera was unpopular. By permitting a
cargo of negroes to be sold in Havana he had called forth heated
discussion in official circles and among the people. Not a few voices
were heard to question his honesty. Other charges, some of a grave
nature, were raised against him and an investigation was demanded. In
response to the island's urgent request the Court of Madrid sent Don
Francisco de Praga, prosecutor of the Audiencia of Santo Domingo, to
Cuba, with instructions to inquire into the state of things. The charges
being proved, Cabrera was removed from office on the seventh of October,
1630, and taken to Spain for trial. He died in Seville in a dungeon. De
Praga acted as provisional political governor, and the Alcalde of the
Morro, Cristobal de Arranda, as military governor until the successor of
Cabrera arrived from Spain.
CHAPTER XXIV
Spain was at this time gradually working her defection, political and
economic. Philip III. had died in 1621 and, as he had thrown the
responsibilities of the government upon the shoulders of the Duke of
Lerma, so his successor, Philip IV., left them to his favorite Olivares.
Olivares immediately renewed the war with the United Provinces, which
were still a thorn in the flesh of Spain, for, on being freed from the
Spanish yoke, they had plunged into feverish activity which portended
their development into a maritime and mercantile power bound in due time
to rival and surpass Spain.
The Dutch were by the nature of their country obliged to seek their
means of subsistence upon the sea and in far-off regions. Their famous
son, Hugo Grotius, had been the first to proclaim the freedom of the
seas as an indispensable condition to the growth and progress of the
world's civilization. Since Lisbon had closed her ports to the
Netherlands and Spain was imposing a series of unreasonable restrictions
upon the navigators of other countries, the Dutch had for some time past
been determined to discover a passage by which their ships could
penetrate the seas of Asia. Dutch mariners who had been in the employ of
the Spaniards and Portuguese and had shared in their voyages of
discovery, had brought home tales of the strange lands and stranger
peoples, which stirred the imagination of the ambitious and capable
nation. The unknown continents and islands stimulated the scholars'
desire for investigation and research. Exaggerated reports about the
mineral wealth and other treasures of the New World had roused the
merchants' spirit of enterprise and acquisition. As visions of the
riches that awaited development in those foreign climes, and of
territories they might once call their own, rose before the minds of
these merchant princes and lords of the sea, the thirst of conquest
quickened in this sturdy seafaring people.
Step by step the Dutch followed the discoveries and explorations of the
Spaniards, and recorded and described them minutely. From the middle of
the sixteenth century on the publishing houses of Amsterdam, Leyden and
other centers of the printing trade of the country sent out books
dealing with the new continent conquered by their enemy, and especially
the West Indies. Stirred by this reading, the spirit of the people rose
and demanded a share in the lands and the wealth which their mariners
had helped to discover. There was an abundance of unemployed labor and
capital in the country. Hence the government, knowing only too well that
the future of the Dutch people lay on the seas, encouraged this spirit
and deliberated upon numerous plans of exploration and colonization.
The first step towards a realization of these plans was taken when a
charter was granted to the Dutch East India Company, which gave that
organization the exclusive right to commerce beyond the Cape of Good
Hope on the one side and the Straits of Magellan on the other side. As
it recalled similarly privileged institutions in feudal times, when the
rights of the classes engaged in trade and industry had to be protected
against violation by noble lords, more properly called robber barons,
the ideal this company represented appealed to the people. Statesmen of
other countries realized its advantages and the Dutch East India Company
became the model for the great trade corporations which eventually
sprang up in France and England.
But the East alone could not engage all the forces of the active little
country. The tales of the sailors and the books about the Western
Hemisphere made the people look more and more longingly towards the
continent and the islands across the Atlantic. There unlimited
opportunities beckoned; there was an outlet for their energies. But
unfortunately the Spaniards had long before this established their
claims in that continent and the men at the helm of the Dutch government
were determined to keep peace with Spain. Although Holland's great
pioneer of the "freedom of the seas," Hugo Grotius, refers in his
writings to the great plans upon which the Dutch were deliberating at
the time when Captain John Smith sailed for Virginia, no step was taken
in that direction until two years after the founding of Jamestown. The
voyage of Henry Hudson up the river that bears his name, and the
eventual establishment of the colony called Nieuw Amsterdam, did not
conflict with any Spanish interests and opened the eyes of the
enterprising people to other possibilities in the vast new continent.
Before long the ships of the little confederacy were found in many
harbors all along the Atlantic coast. They discovered some little
islands in the West Indies, which the Spaniards had not found worth
while to colonize, because their rocky structure was prohibitive to
cultivation. So they did not hesitate to anchor their ships in the
inlets of these islands and finally made them a center of contraband
traffic with the continent.
The States-General of Holland still hesitated to grant a charter to the
long-projected West India Company. But they found means to open to
private enterprise almost unrestricted facilities for operation. On the
twenty-seventh of March, 1614, they enacted a measure giving private
individuals an exclusive privilege for four successive voyages to any
passage, harbor or country they should hereafter find. This gave a
powerful impetus to the enterprise of Dutch mariners and merchants, and
also to adventurers of divers nationality. Finally on the third of June,
1621, the Dutch West India Company received a charter for twenty-four
years with privilege of renewal, which gave it the right to traffic and
plant colonies on the coast of America from the Straits of Magellan to
the extreme north. The ships of the company immediately adopted the
policy of reprisals on Spanish commerce. In the expedition of Pit Hein
in 1628, which has been narrated in the previous chapter, the privateers
of the company secured booty eighty times more in value than all their
own exports for the preceding four years had amounted to. Dutch
buccaneers became as much of a menace to Cuban ports and to the ships
plying between Cuba and other countries as the French and British had
been.
The sixty years of Philip IV.'s reign proved a long series of failures
for Spain. They would have resulted in serious disadvantage to the
American possessions, and especially to Cuba, had not the immediate
successors of Cabrera in the governorship of Cuba been able men who
managed the affairs of the island with sagacity and foresight. D. Juan
Bitrian de Viamonte, Caballero de Calatrave, a native of Navarre, was
appointed head of the administration and entered upon his duties on the
seventh of October, 1630. As auditor of the interior was appointed the
Licentiate Pedro so who a few months later was succeeded by D. Francisco
Rege Corbalan. One of the most famous religious institutions in the West
Indies was founded about this time. A pious woman, known as Sister
Magdalen de Jesus, opened a retreat for women devoting themselves to a
religious life; it was at first called Beaterio, but subsequently became
known far and wide as the convent of the nuns of Santa Clara.
Governor Bitrian de Viamonte was neither strong of physique nor of
personality; yet he discharged the functions of his office most
successfully. During his administration was projected the construction
of two towers, one in Chorrera, the other in Cojimar. The garrison of
the place was increased and Castellane was made a respectable
stronghold. He also organized the militia, creating six companies in
Havana, two in Santiago and two in Bayamo. He had, however, serious
disagreements with the Marquis de Cadreyta, and being something of an
invalid and considered unfit to defend the island against the attacks
of some powerful enemy, he was removed to the comparatively easier post
of Captain-General of Santo Domingo. His successor was the Field-marshal
D. Francisco Riano y Gamboa, a native of Burgos. He suffered shipwreck
on the coast of Mariel while on his voyage from Spain and lost
everything but his patents, but was duly inaugurated on the twenty-third
of October, 1634.
The precautions taken by his successor to insure an effective defense of
the island were by no means superfluous. For as the power of Spain was
steadily declining, that of the Netherlands and of England was rising.
The establishment of the Dutch along the Hudson, their founding of Nieuw
Amsterdam and their settlements on some of the minor West Indies, had
brought the danger of Dutch invasion nearer than ever before. The
colonies founded by the British at Jamestown and Plymouth had brought
within reach the eventuality of having to guard the Spanish possessions
against the British as well. Dutch and British navigation on the
Atlantic was vastly increasing and the future foreshadowed conflicts of
the interests of Spain and Holland on the one, and Spain and England on
the other side. The Cuban authorities, wrought up and kept in a
perpetual state of tension by their experiences with the buccaneers, had
become morbidly susceptible to danger of any kind. The appearance of a
foreign ship in the neighborhood of Cuban waters sufficed to fill them
with the gravest apprehension, lest the stranger might harbor hostile
designs.
These apprehensions were justified, for the Dutch soon resumed their
operations against Cuba. It was reported that Maurice of Nassau himself
had set out with a powerful squadron, though no historian has any record
of it. But in July, 1638, Cornelius Fels, who was by the Spaniards
called Pie de Palo, appeared in the Bahama Channel, and from that point
sailed for Havana at the head of a fleet of some twenty Dutch vessels
enforced by some filibusters. Pie de Palo took his post at a convenient
place to intercept any message sent by Governor Riano to Mexico or Peru.
Near the coast of Cabanas the fleet of the Spaniards, commanded by D.
Carlos Ibarra and composed of seven badly armed galleons and hookers,
came across the Dutch. Ibarra formed a battle line extending his vessels
so as to flank the enemy. Pie de Palo with six of his galleons bravely
attacked the Spanish ships _Capitana_ and _Almirante_, being under the
impression that they carried a great quantity of coined money and bars
of gold and silver.
Relying on the experience and the valor of Ibarra and Pedro de Ursua,
who commanded the two vessels so proudly attacked by Pie de Palo, the
captains Sancho Urdambra, Jacinto Molendez, the Marquis de Cordenosa,
Pablo Contreras and Juan de Campos endeavored in the mean time to check
the other galleons of the enemy. The unequal combat between Ibarra and
Ursua and the Dutch vessels lasted eight hours and the brave Spanish
sailors issued from it as victors. Pie de Palo was seriously wounded,
more than four hundred Dutchmen were killed and three of their vessels
were destroyed. The enemy fled, pursued by Ibarra, who returned to Vera
Cruz after saving the honor of the Spanish flag and the riches the fleet
had carried. They sang a Te Deum in Mexico as thanksgiving for the
victory and King Philip IV. rewarded Ibarra and his men by rich gifts.
The success of this expedition awakened in Havana the old spirit of
adventure and military prowess. Cuba had so far been the victim of
piracy and privateering; now it decided to defend her rights by fitting
out her own privateers and sending them against the enemy. The first
encounter was with corsairs that had been lying in wait for a vessel
coming from Vera Cruz; the Cuban who distinguished himself in the
command of the expedition which frustrated the enemy's designs, was
Andres Manso de Contreras.
The demand for ships suitable for undertakings of this kind was so great
that the ship-builders Carera and Perez of Oporto were kept busy
building vessels for that purpose.
The administration of D. Francisco Riano y Gamboa was short, but some
important measures were enacted in that period. The Exchequer Tribunal
de Corientes was established with a single auditor for the royal chests
of Cuba, Puerto Rico, Florida and other Spanish possessions. When it was
subsequently found that the duties were too numerous for one man, a
second official was appointed. It was then arranged that while one of
the auditors was to remain in Cuba, the other was alternately to visit
the other cajas (chests). In this way the government tried to avoid
delays and complications which had caused considerable trouble. At this
period, too, a commission of the Inquisition of Carthagena, elsewhere
generally abolished, established its residence in Havana. Ecclesiastical
life assumed greater proportions and a wider sphere of influence.
Bishops who had previously looked upon Havana as an undesirable place of
residence, no longer hesitated to accept a call to that city.
Work on the fortifications of the island was actively pursued during the
administration of Gamboa. It was ordered that el Morro should have a
garrison of two hundred, and that as soon as feasible, la Punta and la
Fuerza were to be garrisoned by one hundred men each. The construction
of the fort at the entrance to the port of Santiago de Cuba was an
important improvement. It was called San Pedro de la Rocca, in honor of
the governor of that city, D. Pedro de la Rocca, although it is
generally known as the Morro. A garrison was installed, consisting of
one hundred and fifty men sent from the Peninsula, and the ammunition
destined for the defense came from New Spain. The power of the
armadilla, which had theretofore been arbitrary, was also regulated at
this time. Governor Gamboa, however, retired from office on the
fifteenth of September, 1639, when he had barely inaugurated these
improvements, and sailed for Spain.
Gamboa's successor was D. Alvaro de Luna y Sarmiento, a knight of the
Order of Alcantara. During his administration, which began on the
fifteenth of September, 1639, and ended on the twenty-ninth of
September, 1647, the work of constructing defenses was eagerly pushed.
Two leagues leeward of Chorrera a fort was erected. At the mouths of the
rivers Casiguagas and Cojimar were built the two towers that had been
planned by Governor Viamonte; they were intended to protect those
advanced points of the capital. The able engineer Bautista Antonelli
superintended the construction of these works of fortification. As the
cost of these structures was defrayed by the inhabitants of the city,
the governor saw fit to entrust their defense to three companies of men
recruited from the native population. It was the first regiment of the
kind organized on the island. By January of the next year the
fortifications of the Castillo del Morro were also completed.
With the insurrection of Portugal which occurred at this period the
pirates became bolder and renewed their outrages. The Dutch, too,
threatened Havana once more. A squadron commanded by Admiral Fels had
approached close to the coast, but had been driven back by a violent
hurricane. Four of the vessels had been left between Havana and Mariel.
Governor Luna sent Major Lucas de Caravajal against them; three hundred
Dutch were taken prisoners, and seventeen bronze cannon, forty-eight
iron cannons, two pedreros (swivel guns) and a great stock of arms and
ammunition were captured. The captured pieces served to reenforce the
artillery of the forts of La Punta and Morro.
D. Diego de Villalba y Toledo, Knight of the Order of Alcantara, became
the successor of Governor Luna on the twenty-eighth of September, 1647.
His assistant deputy was the Licentiate Francisco de Molina. A great
calamity befell the island in the second year of his administration. A
terrible epidemic broke out in the spring of 1649; the documents and
chronicles of the period give hardly any details about the origin and
the character of the disease, but it was most likely a putrid fever
imported from the Indian population of Mexico and Cartagena by barges
that had come from those places. The people who were attacked by it
succumbed within three days, and it was estimated that in the course of
five months one third of the population died.
Among those who died as victims of the scourge were the deputy auditor
Molino and the three licentiates who succeeded him, Pedroso, Torar and
Olivares, an Alcalde and many other functionaries, one third of the
garrison and a great number of the passengers and crew of the fleet
which its general, D. Juan Pujedas, had held ready to station in Havana.
Governor Villalba himself was seriously ill and only saved by utmost
care. The ravages of the epidemic seriously disturbed not only the
ordinary activities of the population, but also the regular routine of
the administration.
During this period of suffering and sorrow the conduct of the religious
orders of both sexes was so admirable as to deserve special mention and
warm recognition. The monks and nuns received the sick in their
monasteries and convents, tenderly cared for them and when they did not
succeed to nurse them back to health, escorted the victims to their
graves. Among those who individually distinguished themselves by this
true Christian spirit was Padre Antonio de Jesus. After the epidemic had
spent itself and Governor Villalba had recovered, he organized a company
of militia lancers under the command of Martin Calvido la Puerta, one of
the wealthiest men of Havana. Like many other governors of Cuba,
Villalba became at the end the victim of calumny and cabal. The
government of Spain relieved him from his office and the Oidor of Santo
Domingo, D. Francisco Pantoja de Ayala, was charged with an
investigation of the complaints and accusations brought against him.
The victories of the Dutch fleets in India, Brazil and Peru and their
conquest of some of the West Indian Islands, as also England's
expansion of her dominions and the growth of her naval power were cause
for grave anxiety. Measures of defense and protection became the subject
of interminable discussions in the official circles of Madrid and
Havana. The governors sent over by the court were urged to multiply
their effort to fortify Cuba and insure safety from attacks by covetous
enemies. D. Francisco Gelder, Field-marshal and Knight of Calatravas,
succeeded Villalba and was inaugurated on the twenty-eighth of March,
1653. One of his first official acts was to sever communication with
Santiago and Bayamo, for these two towns were at that time ravaged by
the same epidemic from which Havana had suffered. His preventative
measure set an example which was soon after followed by the authorities
of Trinidad, Sancti Spiritus, Puerto Principe, Baracoa and Remedios, and
the spreading of the epidemic being checked, the island soon returned to
normal conditions.
Like other governors before him, Gelder showed a deplorable leniency
towards those elements of the population that carried on contraband
traffic with negroes. But he displayed great energy in the persecution
of pirates. During his administration Captain Rojas de Figuerosa
captured the island of Tortuga, which had been a formidable base of
corsair operations. The news of this exploit caused great rejoicing in
Havana and was celebrated by a Te Deum under the direction of Bishop
Torre. Gelder also devised a plan to protect Havana from invasion by
land. He proposed to open a canal from the extreme interior bay running
north and extending to the sea, which would have surrounded the town by
water and make it practically safe. But the suggestion did not seem to
meet with approval. Before any other plans could be drafted, he died of
apoplexy, on the twenty-third of June, 1654, and in the interval between
his death and the arrival of his successor from Spain, the government
was administered by the Regidor D. Ambrosio de Soto and D. Pedro Garcia
Montanes, commandant of Morro.
The newly appointed governor, Field-marshal D. Juan Montano Velasquez,
was inaugurated in June, 1655, but dying within a year, did not vitally
influence the course of affairs in the island. His plan of fortifying
Havana consisted in enclosing the city with walls from the landside,
running a rampart with ten bastions and two half-bastions. For the
execution of this plan the neighborhood of Havana offered to contribute
nine thousand peons (day-laborers) and the town corporation imposed a
tax on every pint of wine sold to assist in defraying the expenses of
the construction. The king approved heartily of these offers and ordered
that the treasury of Mexico should aid by an additional contribution of
twenty-thousand pesos. But the historian Arrato reports that the whole
scheme was soon after abandoned on account of the war in which Spain was
about to be involved.
The British, their appetite for colonial possessions once being
awakened, saw in the growing weakness of Spain an opportunity to get
hold of some of her dominions. It was well known that Cromwell, although
England was then at peace with Spain, tried hard to increase and
strengthen its political and commercial power in America. The British
had already conquered the islands Barbadoes and San Cristobal, and in
the year 1655 a squadron of fifty-six vessels and a great number of
transports sailed from England, determined to wrest from Spain more of
her West Indian possessions. A force of nine thousand men was on these
vessels, many of them filibusters who had joined the British.
The British command had primarily in view the conquest of Santo Domingo;
but, being repelled, it concentrated its efforts upon Jamaica. The
governor and his people stubbornly resisted the inroads of the enemy. In
the desperate struggle with a superior and well-trained force two brave
land-holders distinguished themselves by their heroism: D. Francisco
Proenza and D. Cristobal de Isasi. But their small and poorly equipped
forces were outnumbered by the numerous and well prepared enemy; they
were finally obliged to retire within the fortified camp and to
surrender the place to the British invaders. Panic-stricken and
unwilling to live under the rule of the enemy, thousands of Jamaicans
left for Cuba. The population of this island having been recently
decimated by the great epidemic, the refugees were warmly welcomed. They
numbered about ten thousand and the population of Cuba increased, until
it was estimated at forty thousand. This, however, did not compensate
Cuba for the loss of Jamaica, which in time became as valuable to the
British as it became ruinous to Spanish commerce.
The comparatively easy victory of the British was a heavy blow to
Spanish pride and ranks high among the great disasters that marked the
reign of Philip IV. Realizing that Cuba might at any time suffer the
same fate as Jamaica, one hundred thousand soldiers were sent over from
the Peninsula and some ammunition from Spain. The establishment of the
British in colonies so near to Cuba was a constant menace to its
security, and during his brief administration Governor Montano devoted
himself with commendable perseverance to the improvement of the defenses
of Havana, beginning with the most important and urgent work upon its
walls. But before the realization of his plans Montano was taken ill and
died during Easter week of the year 1656.
The conquest of Jamaica by the British had furnished the world such
incontestable proof of Spain's military decline, that the lawless
elements roving the sea under the black flag of the pirates once more
set out upon their criminal expeditions. They extended their
depredations to the whole coast of Spanish America and menaced the life
and property of the inhabitants wherever the lack of forts or adequate
garrisons facilitated their manoeuvres. As the pirates were supposed
to be either British or French, the government of Spain was suddenly
roused to action and entered complaints at the courts of France and
England. But they received little satisfaction beyond an exchange of
polite diplomatic notes, which contained nothing reassuring whatsoever.
Both governments replied that the miscreants were private individuals
and criminals for whose actions their government, however seriously it
discountenanced them, was by no means responsible. Moreover,
interference was out of the question, since the offenses were committed
outside of the jurisdiction of the respective countries. Spain was thus
left to her own resources in proceeding against those disturbers of the
peace and safety of her American colonies.
But these colonies were thousands of miles away and Spain, under the
weak rule of a weak sovereign, was too much absorbed by the futile
effort to stay the decline of her European power. Roussillon and Artois
had been ceded to France, the war with Portugal was dragging along
hopelessly. Although the revenues of the crown had been materially
increased under the king's favorite, Olivares, the profligate
extravagance of the court was forever draining the coffers. The colonies
had to get along as best they could and they had a troublesome time to
fight the ever growing menace of pirate invasion with little or no aid
from the mother country.
The death of Governor Montano made necessary another provisional
government; it consisted of D. Diego Ranzel, as political and the
Alcalde Jose Aguirera as military governor. When the duly appointed new
governor, Captain General D. Juan de Salamanca, entered upon his office
on the fifth of March, 1658, he soon found his hands full. Some years
before, a number of Frenchmen, regardless of the Spanish claim of
priority, had settled on the island of Tortuga. They were hunters,
planters and laborers, with a fair sprinkling of adventurers. The
settlement had grown into a real colony, before the Spaniards became
aware of the fact that it constituted a grave danger. Several
expeditions were sent against them, but failed to dislodge them.
Encouraged by this triumph over the Spaniards, these intruders set about
to extend their operations to the coast contiguous to Hayti. Sometimes
these men were working by authority of the French Company of the West
Indies, and of the governor appointed to rule over them; at other times
they undertook excursions quite independently. They fairly succeeded in
making themselves masters of Cape France. Before long they seem to have
reached some agreement with the British authorities of Jamaica, to
combine for concerted action against Spain, and they began to terrorize
the population of the Spanish possessions by sending out piratical
expeditions that kept the people on the coasts in constant fear for
their life and property.
The work entitled "Pirates of America" contains a wealth of facts
concerning the corsairs sent out by these French and British settlements
and the many other buccaneers and filibusters that harassed the people
of the Spanish colonies. Among them is the story of the famous pirate
Lolonois, also known as Francisco Nau and el Olones, whose descent upon
Cuba during the administration of Governor Salamanca has all the
elements of a thrilling though gruesome melodrama. Lolonois had been in
Campeche and was supposed to have perished in one of his forays. But in
reality he had made his escape and reached Tortuga, where he was able to
arm himself anew. He reached the northern part of Cuba at a small
trading town, los Cayo, which he intended to rob of its stores of
tobacco, sugar and skins. Some fisherman recognized him and hurried to
Havana with the news that Lolonois had arrived with two boats and was
planning a raid. The governor doubted, having been assured of his death
at Campeche, but urged by the entreaties of the men, he sent against him
a vessel with ten pieces of artillery and ninety armed men. Their order
was not to return until the pirate horde was annihilated; every one of
them was to be hung, except Lolonois who was to be brought to Havana
alive.
The pirates somehow were fully informed of the expedition against them
and awaited the arrival of the vessel in the Riviera estera where it was
to anchor. They terrorized some poor fisherfolk into showing them the
entrance to the port, hoping there to find better boats than their own
canoes. They reached the war-ship at two o'clock in the morning and were
asked by the sentinel whence they came and whether they had seen any
pirates. They made a prisoner answer for them, that they had not seen
any, and the sentinel saw no cause for alarm. At day-break the Cubans
found out their mistake; for the pirates began to attack them from all
sides with such violence that their artillery was soon of no avail.
Sword in hand the outlaws forced the Spaniards to hide in the lower
parts of the ship. Then Lolonois ordered them to be brought on deck, one
by one, and had their heads cut off. Thus the whole force perished with
the exception of one, who was sent as courier to the governor with the
insolent message:
"I shall never give quarter to a Spaniard, I cherish the firm hope
to execute on your own person what I did with those you sent with
your vessel and what you intended to do with me and my companions."
Lolonois finally met with a tragical death in Nicaragua. But although
the lack of preparedness on the part of the Cubans and the inefficiency
of the commander and his crew make this story almost incredible, the
exploit of the British pirate Juan or Henry Morgan in Puerto del
Principe, is equally remarkable and vouched for not only in the book
mentioned above, but also by the historian Urrutia. Morgan planned an
attack upon Havana with twelve vessels, but yielding to the persuasion
of his officers who feared its forts, he contented himself with
descending upon the neighboring coast town. As the fleet approached, a
Spanish prisoner dashed into the water, swam ashore and warned the
people of the danger. They put into safety their most precious household
goods and when they gathered about the alcalde numbered about eight
hundred men. A detachment of cavalry was displayed in hope of
intimidating the approaching pirates and attacking them from the rear.
But the enemy advanced in good order, and when the Alcalde and many of
the leaders were killed, the people fled to the mountains. Morgan's
forces entered the city, where they met with some resistance, but when
the pirates threatened to set fire to the town, the people gave up to
them. As soon as they saw themselves masters of the place, the pirates
locked the inhabitants into the churches, plundered as much as they
could find and so ill-treated their victims that many died. Then they
demanded ransom, threatening to take them to Jamaica, if it were not
paid in two weeks. Before the term expired some of the pirates captured
a negro coming towards the town with a message from the governor of
Cuba, promising the people quick help. Morgan then demanded five hundred
bulls or cows with sufficient salt to salt them to be driven to the
coast, took with him six hostages and fifty thousand pesos cash and
jewels, and left his companions attending to the shipping of the cattle.
To fortify her coasts and strengthen the garrison of her forts became an
urgent need for Cuba and brooked no delay. For while the government of
Spain deliberated at leisure upon means to furnish the much-needed aid,
the enemy was alive to the opportunity which inadequate defense offered.
The invasion of Santiago de Cuba, which is the most important event of
Salamanca's governorship, was a flagrant example of what could at any
time happen at any point along the Spanish American coast. One October
day in the year 1663, a British squadron, according to some authorities
consisting of fifteen, according to others of eighteen ships of various
sizes appeared at the entrance to the port, with unmistakably hostile
intention. The commandant of the Morro immediately informed the
governor, D. Pedro Morales, of this unwelcome arrival, but the governor
did nothing except summon the troops to their respective quarters. Morro
was garrisoned by only eighty men, under an inexperienced captain; some
historians give the number as only twenty-five. It seems to have been an
unpardonable carelessness on the part of the governor not to have at
once dispatched an enforcement to the garrison. The inhabitants
volunteered to make a sortie to attack the enemy. But the governor did
not seem to realize the seriousness of the situation and forbade them to
take any action against them.
[Illustration: MORRO CASTLE, SANTIAGO
The oldest of the fortifications of the former capital of Cuba, erected
in the sixteenth century to protect the place from French and English
raiders. It occupies a commanding position on a headland overlooking the
splendid harbor and the waters which were the scene of the destruction
of the last Spanish fleet in Cuban waters.]
The enemy's forces landed at a point called Aguadores, three quarters of
a league from the city. They numbered eight hundred men and encountered
no opposition whatever. But as it was then night, they decided to encamp
on the little plain of Lagunas and wait until daybreak. The officials of
the garrison, relying on their familiarity with the ground, urged the
governor to let them make a sortie with three hundred picked men and
take them by surprise. But Governor Morales still doubted that they
would have the courage to attack the city and refused the proposal of
the brave troops as he had the offer of the people. When the morning
came, his amazing credulity must have received a stunning blow. For the
enemy, fully armed, began to move towards the city. Disconcerted and
confused, Morales hastily ordered the troops out and placed himself at
their head. Without any order or strategic plan they moved towards the
heights of Santa Anna, where as sole defense he had planted a cannon and
had some trenches dug.
It was an easy task to get the better of a commander of such little
foresight. Realizing the confusion of the Cuban forces the enemy
separated into two columns and proceeded to surround Morales and his
men. In the panic which broke out, the voice of Morales was heard to
order a retreat. He himself escaped into the city. The British
dispatched two hundred men to take Morro, which they found abandoned,
the garrison having fled instead of making an attempt to save the fort
and their honor. When the British commander entered Morro he was
reported to have made the remark, that he alone with his dog and his
sword could have defended the place. Morro and Santiago were captured
and the enemy unhindered indulged in plunder. The bells of the churches
were taken, the artillery of the fort, three vessels lying in the
harbor, and a number of negro slaves. Unable to get the furniture and
jewels which had been hidden by the residents, the enemy vented their
wrath on the Morro, which they blew up; they destroyed the cathedral and
killed a few people.
For almost a month they lingered about the place and still the governor
did nothing to force them to leave. When the governor of Cuba heard of
the plight of Santiago, he immediately summoned an expeditionary corps
of five hundred men and hurried to the relief of the sorely tried town;
but when he arrived on the fifteenth of November, he learned that the
British had on that very day evacuated the town. The historian Urrutia
reports that the Audiencia of Santo Domingo entrusted the licentiate D.
Nicolas Munez with the investigation of this disgraceful defeat and
brought about the removal of Morales. By order of the king he was
replaced by the Field Marshal D. Pedro de Bayoa, who was also given two
hundred soldiers and war provisions for future eventualities of this
kind.
The island had at that time a population of over three hundred thousand
inhabitants. The number of negroes had increased and furnished the labor
so much needed to work on the plantations. The cultivation of the land
was carried on with greater efficiency and began to yield rich results.
Governor Salamanca, in spite of his glorious military antecedents,
devoted himself preferably to works of peace. He succeeded in promoting
tobacco culture and was the author of the decree issued on the fifteenth
of October, 1659, which authorized the extension of the fields into the
uncultivated plains that were not used for any other purposes. He was
profoundly concerned about the morals of Cuban society and attempted to
combat the laxity and dissipation that characterized its life. But it
seems that his moralizing had no great effect upon the people that were
bent upon taking life easy and plunged into pleasure with greater zest
than they pursued their work.
But while the population of the island enjoyed comparative security and
prosperity, that of the coast towns was steadily worried by danger of
invasion. When Governor Salamanca retired from office, the menace was
still far from removed. After a provisional government of ten months,
Don Rodrigo de Flores y Aldama, Field Marshal and Caballero de
Alcantara, entered upon his administration on the fifteenth of June,
1663. With him arrived also a new bishop, Don Juan Saenz de Manosca, a
Mexican of immaculate purity and uncompromising severity. He took charge
of the diocese on the sixth of August and continued with greater success
than Governor Salamanca in the moralization of the community. Realizing
the increasing danger of invasion Governor Aldama at once set about to
push the work on the walls of Havana. The garrison was increased by two
hundred men.
But Aldama was only a year later appointed Captain-General of Yucatan,
and a new governor succeeded him, the Field Marshal Don Francisco Davila
Crejon y Gaston, who had previously been governor of Gibraltar and
Venezuela. He entered upon his office on the thirtieth of July, 1664,
and immediately set to work with great energy and perseverance to hasten
the construction of more fortifications. His predecessors had stored up
an immense amount of building material and there was no reason why the
work should not be carried on without delay. But Davila encountered
serious difficulties and obstacles because his plans were opposed by the
engineer Marcos Lucio and the viceroy la Espanola Marques de Muncere.
The resources of the exchequer were at that time so scanty that Orejon
ordered the provisory use of fagots in the construction of the
fortifications of Havana.
However, El Morro of Santiago de Cuba which had been blown up by
filibusters a few years before, was rebuilt under his orders. The
batteries of La Punta, la Estrella and Santa Clara were established.
The governor of Santiago and D. Pedro Bayone finished these works and
also walled up the convent of San Francisco making it equivalent to a
fort. In the year 1665 the French pirate Pedro Legrand penetrated into
Santo Espiritu with a force of filibusters. He set fire to thirty-three
houses and demanded a ransom from every inhabitant. During that and the
following year, the pirates plundered more than two hundred haciendas
(farms) carrying off cattle and furniture. They committed unspeakable
outrages, violating even the wives and daughters of the men whose homes
they destroyed or robbed.
One of the most curious historical documents of this period is "De
Americansche Zee Rovers," a narrative of piratical exploits on the
coasts of Cuba and other Spanish possessions by a member of the
redoubtable fraternity, Alexander Exquemeling, a Dutch pirate, whose
talent for piracy was coupled with the gift of literary style and a
pious disposition. The book was translated into many languages and was
very popular at the time; it gives a vivid account of the life and
habits of the buccaneers and of conditions in the colonies they visited.
Exquemeling had come to Tortuga in one of the vessels of the Dutch West
India Company and, as was frequently done then, was sold into servitude
for three years. Being ill-treated by his masters, he made his escape
and joined the Brothers of the Coast. He was with Morgan at the capture
of Puerto del Principe in Cuba, at an attack upon Porto Bello on the
Isthmus of Darien and at the dastardly sack of Panama, and indulges in
no little moralizing about the monster Morgan and his associates.
In the year 1670 steps were finally taken by the British and the Spanish
government to crush this outlaw power of the seas. As if in defiance of
this act the expedition against Panama was made which Exquemeling
describes with evident horror. He also reports that the new governor of
Jamaica, who had been particularly instructed to enforce the treaty
against piracy, which in the diplomatic documents goes under the name
"American treaty," ordered three hundred French corsairs who had been
shipwrecked on the coast of Porto Rico to be slaughtered. But he does
not forget to add that the same governor only a few years later secretly
abetted the operations of the pirates and even shared in their booty.
One ship alone carried such rich freight, that every member of the
pirate crew received four hundred pounds and the governor himself a
handsome sum of hush-money.
But the grim tragicomedy of Morgan's career reached its climax when the
scoundrel, who had brought untold misery to homes in Cuba and other
Spanish colonies, suddenly turned about, became respectable, married the
daughter of one of the most prominent citizens of Jamaica, and was
appointed Judge of the admiralty court. Nor was this all: Charles II
knighted him and in 1682 the whilom buccaneer, as Sir Henry Morgan,
became Deputy Governor of Jamaica. He held the office three years,
during which he mercilessly sacrificed some of his former comrades. Then
King James II came upon the throne, and Spain having gathered sufficient
evidence to accuse "Sir Henry" of secret complicity with the pirates, he
was discharged, sent to England and spent some years in prison. The
"American Treaty," however, dealt a blow to piracy in the Western
hemisphere; and in due time relieved the inhabitants of Cuba as of other
Spanish possessions in America for the nightmare that had threatened
them for over a century.
CHAPTER XXV
In spite of the "American Treaty" which had for the moment bound Great
Britain and Spain together for mutual protection against the pirates,
the designs of land-hungry British courtiers and adventurers were by no
means abandoned. Spain was not blind to the fact that she had all powers
against her, that were playing an important part in the development of
the New World. French, Dutch and British were stung with the desire to
appropriate to themselves some of its wealth. For many years the British
government had jealously watched the progress of Dutch navigation and
commerce. Its settlements in North America had whetted the appetite for
colonial expansion, which, once awakened, was bound to be satisfied by
whatever means diplomacy or strategy offered. Though England and Spain
were then nominally at peace, Cromwell was haunted by dreams of British
world power and as soon as the Revolution gave him authority to act as
Lord Protector of the Commonwealth, pursued his visions of conquest.
The act of navigation which was issued in the year 1651 does not with a
word mention British monopoly of the colonies; it only established the
principle of exclusive maritime commerce by British vessels, equipped
for the most part with British citizens, and prohibited foreigners from
importing into the Commonwealth other products than those of her own
soil or those the sale of which was established in the importing
country. Cromwell's idea was without doubt to attack Dutch commerce and
build upon its ruins a national British commerce. Holland opposed in
vain the act intended to break the friendly relations between the two
nations. Parliament was concerned only about British interests and
refused to revoke her laws to please her neighbor and ally. The war
between England and Holland became inevitable. Cromwell's squadron
triumphed and Dutch commerce had to give way to British.
This lesson was not lost upon France which was also haunted by visions
of colonial empire and was therefore interested in defending the
principle of monopoly. As early as the reign of Queen Isabella, French
ambition and desire for colonial possessions had become manifest. As
British vessels began to prey upon Spanish colonies, France followed
their operations with keen interest and at opportune moments managed to
acquire a slice of territory in the New World. In the year when the
British had taken possession of Barbadoes, France took half of San
Cristobal; when the British settled on the other half of that island,
the French took possession of Martinique, Guadeloupe and other small
islands. They founded a colony in Cayenne and assisted by corsairs got a
hold on the western part of Santo Domingo.
But the greed for territory once awakened, was not easily appeased, and
the courtiers of the Restoration, in need of new avenues of wealth to
carry on their wonted extravagance, were among the most rapacious
claimants of land in America. In the Spring of 1663, the province of
Carolina was established, extending from the thirty-sixth degree of
north latitude to the river San Matheo and some dissatisfied planters
from Barbadoes founded a settlement in the fall of the same year. Having
been included by the Spaniards within the limits of Florida, this
arbitrary act was bound not to pass unchallenged by Spain. In defiance
of the Spanish authorities at St. Augustine the Earl of Clarendon
obtained from the King in June, 1665, a charter granting him and his
partners all territory lying between the twenty-ninth and the
thirty-sixth degree of north latitude from the Atlantic to the Pacific.
Not satisfied with these acquisitions, the British turned covetous eyes
upon Cuba. A letter written by a Major Smith in the year 1665 and
published in the Universal Museum of London in the year 1762, gives an
account of the island which requires no comment. It reads:
"Cuba is a very good island and in it is generally, for so large a
country, the best land I have seen in America, although I have traveled
the main continent in several places and crossed from the north to the
south seas as also the north side of Hispaniola, and most parts of
Jamaica. This great island is easily to be conquered, and would make the
best plantation, besides the prejudice it would be to the Spaniards and
the great advantage to our nation. For instance had we the port and city
of Havana, which might in all probability be reduced with two regiments
of good soldiers from Jamaica, carrying with them two or three sloops or
shallops for sending men, provided with good arms and other necessities
for an assault. The descent is to be undertaken presently after their
armada hath passed out of the Indies which is once in two years, towards
the end of the summer. There is a good landing on the west side of the
city where it lies open and you need fear no ambuscades, but not on the
east side of the harbor, for there you will be galled by the Morro until
the city be secured; but when once that is taken, you may easily reduce
the castle also and there being no danger of retaking it until the next
armada arrives, which will be almost two years, in which time you will
have planters enough from other of your islands to manure the land and
assist the soldiers in the defense of the island. This conquest being
once effected, would utterly ruin the Spaniards and for these reasons;
our ships lying both here and at Jamaica, would be at all times ready to
gather up their straggling fleet which it is difficult to keep embodied
without the help of that port of Havana, it being windward from the bay
of Mexico or Puerto Bello, without separation and on the other hand, to
pass the Gulf of Florida is impossible should they lose the Havana where
they rendezvous victual water and provide all things necessary for their
return to Spain. When this is done, they wait for a convenient season
of weather (being much observed from the changes of the moon) in order
to pass the dangerous strait; for to say truly, the Spaniards are
neither very fit for sea nor for land service, excepting some officers
and soldiers bred in Flanders, for the latter and a few Biscaniers for
sea affairs. They are so sensible of their weakness, and jealous of
their riches in those parts that it is very difficult for any ingenious
man, once taken by them, to get his liberty, fearing he might give such
intelligence as would be the cause of their ruin, witness their
blindfolding of all strangers, when they pass their cities and castles,
for they much dread an old prophecy among them, _that within a short
time the English will as freely walk the streets of Havana as the
Spaniards now do_, which indeed had been easily performed with a third
of the army sent to Jamaica and a far greater advantage to the nation;
for I esteem that port and harbor of the Havana in the West Indies to be
as great a check upon the Spaniards as Tangier in the straits of
Gibraltar; and if we were once masters of both they would without doubt
be so straightened as absolutely to admit us a free trade into their
ports of America, where they import our commodities and sell them for
ten times more than they first cost in Spain, by reason of the great
plenty of silver, which trade would not only be of great advantage to
us, but also prevent their future enslaving our nation in chains, as
they now do; for being employed in their fortifications, they are worse
used, all things considered, than if they were taken by the Turks. I
have seen other parts of the West Indies, where the Spaniards might be
fleeced of considerable quantity of riches; as at Panama, where there
are silver bars piled up in heaps in the open street day and night,
without guard, four, five or six months together, waiting the arrival of
the armada, which when arriving in Puerto Bello, they transport it
thither with so slender a guard for so great a treasure, that it would
be easy prey for a thousand resolute men the expense of whose
expedition would be small in comparison to the prize. But there is no
resting or long tarrying about the business, the Spaniards being
numerous here as in all other places of the main land; a catch and away.
This island of Cuba hath adjacent to it great conveniences of salt and
fishing and in it is very great plenty of horses, meat, sheep and hogs,
both wild and tame, of a far larger and better breed than in other parts
of America. Which hath also many rich mines of copper already open and
it is the only place which supplies all the West Indies with metal for
the infinite number of ordnance they have in all their ports and
castles, both in the north and south seas; but whether it hath any mines
of silver or gold, I know not; but if there were any such they would
venture their opening a discovery fearing the invasion of that island
which is of so easy access by sea and of such great importance to their
whole interest in America; for which reason also they refuse to work any
mines in Florida that are near the north sea (although they have there
very many) but would rather employ themselves about others farther in
the country although with great labor and cost for conveyance of the
produce by land to Mexico; lastly, this island (to complete its praise)
hath very good ports and harbors of great advantage to ships for safe
passing the gulf; and should the Spaniards keep two or three frigates
always plying off there between the western end of Cuba and the Havana,
it were impossible for any ships of ours that came from Jamaica to
escape them. The scales turned would be their case to all America.
Neither wants it great sugar-works, which have both water-mill and horse
mills and very many large cocoa walks; the most and best tobacco; in
short, it produces all other commodities that any of our American
islands have knowledge of."
This letter shows plainly how preoccupied was the British mind with the
acquisition of Cuba, and foreshadows the coming events, for which Cuba
in spite of all warning symptoms was little prepared. Clouds had
gathered about the horizon of Spain and darkened its own outlook.
King Philip IV. had died on the seventeenth of September, 1665, and so
inadequate was at that time the means of communication between Spain and
her American dominions that it took seven months before news of the
event reached the people of Cuba. The heir to the Spanish throne was the
three-year-old Charles II. the queen, assisted by the junta, being named
regent. If the reign of Philip IV. had been called the most disastrous
in the history of the kingdom, that of Charles II. was hardly less so.
It was the period when Louis XIV. of France had begun to cherish a dream
of universal empire and although a brother-in-law of the Spanish
infant-king, did not hesitate to do his share in weakening the power of
Spain. In spite of the critical position of the mother-country, the
proclamation of the new king was celebrated in Havana with great pomp on
the ninth day of May in the following year. At the review held in San
Francisco square of that city appeared two companies of mounted militia,
four companies of veteran infantry and four others of free Pardos (a
mixed race of blacks and whites) and Morenos, sent by the Major Jeronimo
Luque Salazar.
The perfidy of the French king contributed seriously to the insecurity
of Cuba at this period. There is little doubt that he aided and abetted
the operations of French pirates in the West Indies. The island of
Tortuga was once more in their hands. Barbadoes and Jamaica were the
haunts of great numbers of these outlaws, who kept the Spanish ships
sailing on these seas as well as Campeche, Tabasco, Honduras, Nicaragua,
New Granada, Costa Rica, Santa Catalina, la Guayra and others of the
rich Spanish colonies in the Western Hemisphere in a continual state of
suspense. Governor Davila succeeded in several punitive expeditions
against the pirates. The notorious Lolonois or El Olones, was executed
in Nicaragua and in Cuba itself more than three hundred were hanged in
the different places where they had been caught. During Davila's
administration some wealthy citizens made bequests for the public good.
The most important was that of Martin Calvo, who left an income of five
thousand pesos to be annually distributed as gifts among five poor
orphan girls. Governor Davila Orejon y Gaston was in the military
literature of his time known as the author of a work called "Escelencias
del arte militare y variones illustres." He demonstrated in that work
the importance of the port of Havana for the conservation of Spanish
dominion in Mexico and Peru. He retired from the governorship on the
sixth of May, 1670, and died in Venezuela.
The immediate successor of Davila was Field Marshal D. Francisco
Rodriguez de Ledesma, Chevalier of the Order of Santiago. Determined to
curb the brazen bullying in which the buccaneers were still indulging,
he issued privateering patents to a number of valiant mariners and
merchants, who were willing to face the foreign pirates in open fight
and prevent further encroachments upon the coasts of Spanish America.
The two men who especially distinguished themselves in these expeditions
were Felipe Geraldini and Major Marcos de Alcala. Ledesma also carried
on the work of fortification. During his administration was built a
portion of the cathedral under the supervision of D. Juan Bernardo
Alonso de Los Rios; but the imposing edifice was not finished until many
years later.
Governor Ledesma was not to be spared an experience with the
freebooters. In the year 1678 the governor of Guarico sent a certain
Franquinay to Santiago with the evident intention of conquering the
place. Franquinay, who was a French corsair well-known among the
Brotherhood of the Coast landed with eight hundred men at Jaragua Grande
in the eastern part of the island. There he engaged a half-witted native
by the name of Juan Perdomo to act as guide and started with his forces
to march toward the city. It was a moonlit night and on arriving at a
point where the road branched into two, the pirate divided his forces,
each taking one of the roads. On meeting again at the place where the
two branches continued as the highroad, the idiot Perdomo began to shout
"Santiago, Spain!" The moon had set in the mean time and in the darkness
enveloping them, the pirates did not recognize their own forces and
thought this call a signal to the enemy lying in wait for them. They
began to fire upon their own forces, in the belief that they were
betrayed and surprised by the Spaniards, and killed a great number of
their own people, before they became aware of their mistake. In this way
was Franquinay's plan to take and ransack the city of Cuba frustrated by
a mentally deficient native, one who in the language of the Latin people
is called an "innocent." The corsair turned back to the shore with the
intention of re-embarking and left Perdomo behind. The half-wit,
although manacled, managed to reach Santiago and related his experience
to the great delight of the governor and the residents. This was the
last attempt of pirate forces upon the capital, the inhabitants of which
had been kept in a state of constant alarm for a century and a half. But
the smaller towns of the vicinity were for some time harassed by
Franquinay who, unable to accomplish his ambitious purpose, vented his
wrath upon their population by committing the most cruel outrages.
The expedition of buccaneers under the command of M. de Grammont in
February, 1679, was another event that justified the fears of the Cubans
and their steps to insure the safeguard of their ports. M. de Grammont
landed with a force of six hundred men at Guanaja and succeeded in
capturing Puerto del Principe. But the inhabitants valiantly organized
and armed themselves to fight the invader. With a scanty reenforcement
of soldiers from the garrison they managed to defeat the enemy's horde
and pursued them as far as the port of Guanaja. There M. de Grammont,
who was wounded in the course of the combat, retired into a trench
which was sufficiently fortified to offer some resistance. On the
twenty-fifth of the month an engagement took place, which forced the
pirates to take to their ships and hurriedly to leave for the open sea.
They had not only accomplished nothing, but suffered the loss of seventy
dead and many wounded.
Notwithstanding the two countries being at peace, the feeling between
Great Britain and Spain was gradually becoming more and more hostile.
During the pirate raids and other expeditions of British vessels off the
Spanish-American coasts, British soldiers and sailors had been taken
prisoners and were held in what was equivalent to bondage. The British
government had repeatedly remonstrated against this procedure, but the
Cuban authorities had not forgotten Jamaica and other operations of the
British in Spanish America and were not inclined to parley. Ships had
been sent to Havana to demand the release of the men, but even then the
emissaries of the British government failed to obtain any satisfaction.
Their demands were flatly refused. Finally the Earl of Clarence, who was
then governor of Jamaica, dispatched the British ship _Hunter_ under
command of Captain John Tosier to Havana. A full account of this
expedition is given in "A Letter from Captain John Tosier, Commander of
His Majesty's ship the _Hunter_ at Jamaica. With a narrative of his
embassy to the governor of Havana to demand His Majesty's of Great
Britain's Subjects kept prisoners there." The letter is dated Port
Royal, Jamaica, March 28th, 1679, and was published in London in the
same year.
Captain Tosier tells of previous efforts made to obtain the deliverance
of these British prisoners, saying that even messengers backed by
frigates of fifty guns had so far failed in their purpose. He sailed
from Port Royal on the twenty-fifth of January and on the eleventh of
February arrived off the coast of Havana. There he waited for two days
for more settled weather before he approached within two miles of Morro
castle, "top-sails a-Trip, Jack, Ancient and Pendant flying." He sent a
boat with Mr. Richard Bere, Governor Carlisle's "Gentleman of the Horse"
as messenger and interpreter, and bearer of the list of British subjects
kept prisoners in Havana. The guard of Morro castle ordered the boat
ashore, put a sergeant and soldiers on board and escorted the messenger
to Governor Ledesma. Another guard remained on the boat. Governor
Ledesma read the letter and the sailing orders and replied that the
British prisoners were pirates. According to Captain Tosier's narrative
he refused the British emissaries the customary salute and more or less
politely ordered them out of the house. They were escorted back to the
boat and "were forced to sea at seven o'clock at night."
Early the next morning the answer was received by Captain Tosier. Within
three hours he sent the boat ashore once more, telling the governor of
Havana "His Majesty's Ship under my command is well Man'd, where he
might be safe and welcome if he would vouchsafe to give her his company;
and His Majesty of England never spared his powder to answer Civilities,
nor received such indignities as waiters or guards on board of any of
His Majesty's Ships of War, which will be a strange report, when His
Majesty shall come to hear of it." Captain Tosier then demanded in the
name of the King of England and "in obedience to the Catholic King" that
forthwith all subjects of his "most Excellent Majesty" detained as
prisoners in Havana be set at liberty and delivered to him to be
transported to the Territories of the King of England. If pirates they
were, they should have been sent to Old Spain to be tried. Great was the
excitement at the government house in Havana, when this message reached
there. But the Cuban authorities saw no other way out of the difficulty
but to give up the captives. Captain Tosier reports that the governor
ordered the prisoners to be called over in a back court near his house
and examined some of them, one after another, and before he had done
said: "Though I have no order to deliver them to you and though I may be
blamed, yet take them all with you, and if there be any more, let them
come forth immediately and they shall be discharged."
Captain Tosier had cause to be proud of his success, as the Spanish
authorities had never before been known to deliver any British
prisoners. The announcement that they were free was received with wild
cheers by the forty-six Englishmen who had spent from one to six years
in Cuban captivity. The following day the _Hunter_ sailed and at some
distance out of Havana, Captain Tosier came across a long boat,
containing one hundred and forty-four men with their commander, Captain
John Graves who had sailed a month before for London and eight days
before meeting the _Hunter_ had been cast away thirty leagues east of
Havana and expected to be utterly lost or to be made prisoners by the
Cubans.
Though Governor Ledesma had in this instance yielded to the pressure
exercised by the British, he was by no means convinced of the honesty
and sincerity of the Governor of Jamaica. He had reasons to believe that
in spite of peace between the two countries the governor of Jamaica was
secretly in league with the pirates that had molested Cuba, and that
while pretending to persecute the outlaws, he had really encouraged them
in their raids upon the Spanish colonies. Governor Ledesma collected
evidence to that effect and presented it at the court of Spain. But his
appeal arrived at a time when Spain's European losses had alarmingly
decreased her prestige and when even her national wealth showed a
perceptible shrinkage. So the court at Madrid did nothing but deliberate
at length upon the ever present problem of insuring the safety of the
colonies and limited its practical assistance to the sending over of a
few ships with instructions to organize an armada which was to patrol
the coasts and force the outlaws to respect Spanish possessions. The
island itself armed a few vessels and the garrisons were slightly
increased.
The great earthquake of the year 1675 added to the sufferings of the
people of Cuba and caused loss of life and property. Three years later a
violent hurricane swept over the island and worked great havoc. It not
only robbed great numbers of the inhabitants of their homes, and did
serious damage to commerce and traffic, but it also destroyed the
recently finished cathedral. Though such catastrophes were of no rare
occurrence in that climate, they invariably left the people's spirits
depressed and indirectly affected their initiative and enterprise. Thus
the copper mines were abandoned about this time, because their
production seemed out of proportion to the labor and expense of working
them. But the real reason was probably the ignorance and inefficiency of
the forces in charge of the work and the lack of energy and courage
which frequently manifested itself in the wake of great disasters.
A change in the ecclesiastical affairs of Cuba caused considerable
commotion during the administration of Governor Ledesma. Bishop Saenz de
Manosca was promoted to the bishopric of Guatemala. The Trinitarian (in
Mexico a member of a society hired to carry the corpse in the funeral
procession) who had temporarily succeeded him was shortly after
appointed Bishop of Ciudad Rodrigo. Thus the diocese came under the wise
spiritual guidance of the Canon of Avila, D. Gabriel Diaz Vara Calderon,
who was not only a learned theologian of great reputation, but a priest
of uncompromising moral austerity. He devoted himself with great ardor
to reforming the church in the West Indies. On a single visit to Florida
he was reported to have made as many as four thousand converts. On his
return to Cuba he inaugurated a reign of unwonted severity. He had been
deeply shocked by the levity and frivolity of his diocesans; he had
learned that even ordained priests and personages in high official
positions were in the habit of attending public balls and masquerades,
the latter especially offering opportunity to indulge in polite
intrigues and adventures of a dubious nature. He justly opined that men
in clerical garb and those in responsible government offices lowered
their dignity and abused the trust reposed in them by participating in
such entertainments. He prohibited his diocesans under threat of
excommunication to attend such amusements and by this rigorous
restriction of the gayeties in which the people had been accustomed to
indulge, made not a few enemies. When he died on the sixteenth of March,
1676, public rumor attributed his death to poison administered by some
person in revenge for his interference with the social life of his
diocese.
Spain was at this period at the lowest ebb of her power. Financially she
was on the brink of bankruptcy. Her commerce was paralyzed by stupid
laws. The scandalous conduct of her officials had sadly lowered her
prestige. Nature herself seemed to conspire against the once so powerful
empire. Storms and inundations had swept over the country and ravaged
the land, until its very soil had become unproductive. Tempests along
her shores had destroyed even the ships lying in port. The mentally and
physically feeble monarch, Charles II., was a helpless puppet in the
hands of his favorites. A believer in witchcraft, astrology and the
black arts and devoted to superstitious practices, he left the affairs
of state to his prime ministers who conducted them with varying ability.
When Ledesma's governorship terminated on the thirty-first of August,
1680, there was appointed in his place D. Alonso de Campos Espinosa. But
as Valdes and other authorities on Cuban history have nothing to record
about his official career, it must have been only provisional, and was
certainly very brief. For in September of that year the Field Marshal D.
Jose Fernandez de Cordova Ponce de Leon took charge of the office.
Governor Cordova proved to be a very conscientious and energetic
functionary and distinguished himself first by the vigor and
perseverance with which he pushed work on the fortifications of Havana.
He also showed his ability in fighting the pirate scourge. The
filibusters had begun to organize bases of operation on the islands of
Signale and Lucayas, similar to those of Tortuga. He sent against them
an expedition headed by the captains Acosta and Urubarru, who succeeded
in destroying the outlaw colonies in the name of the king and took a
great number of prisoners. The chief event of Governor Cordova's
administration was an encounter which the coast guard Galliot of the
port Virgen del Rosario y Santa Jose had with a host of French invaders.
The governor and organized forces of patriotic citizens so ably seconded
the guard in the defense of the place that the enemy was defeated.
Governor Cordova made many enemies by his vigorous persecution of the
smugglers who had greatly increased in number and by their clandestine
operations were interfering with and discrediting the legitimate trade
of the island. They had become such a power that they had the audacity
to bring denunciations and accusations against the governor before the
court, which, however, set these charges aside and approved all of
Cordova's measures directed against them. He also had grave difficulties
with the commissary of the Santo Officio, D. Jose Garaondo. They were
not yet settled, when Governor Cordova suddenly died on the second of
June, 1685. There were rumors afloat that he, too, like Bishop Calderon,
had been poisoned by his enemies. During the interim between his death
and the arrival from Spain of his successor, the affairs of the island
were administered by D. Antonio Manuel de Murgina y Meña and Captain D.
Andres de Munive, who shared between them the political and military
authority.
The newly appointed governor of Cuba was the general of artillery, D.
Diego de Viana y Hinojosa. When he arrived in Havana in November, 1687,
he brought with him the first copies of the "Codigo e Recopilacion de
India," as the statutes or laws of the West Indies were called. They
were in force by royal decree, although they were in reality only a
confirmation of the famous Ordinances of 1542. They were distinguished
by a spirit of rectitude and impartiality and were particularly
commendable for their justice towards the native Indians, who were
exempted from all servitude and were accorded equal rights with the
Spaniards. Unfortunately these laws suffered from one serious defect:
they were framed so as to apply to all dominions of Spanish America and
did not take into account the indisputable fact that laws applicable to
and beneficent in Peru, might be prejudicial in Mexico and Cuba. This
did not, however, diminish in the least the ethical significance and
humanitarian value of this codex of some four hundred laws, decrees and
mandates; they gave proof of the admirable sentiment of the mother
country towards her colonies.
Among the functionaries who arrived from Spain at the same time as
Governor Viana, were a new Auditor, D. Manuel de Roa, and a new bishop,
D. Diego Evelino de Compostela. This noted ecclesiastic was famous in
Spain not only for his sterling character as a man, but also for his
extraordinary gifts as an orator. On his succession to the episcopate a
spirit of altruism seemed to awaken in the population and find fruition
in various works of charity. Bishop Compostela was conspicuous in these
organizations and in every possible way encouraged his diocesans in
contributing to and actively participating in such works. He founded
many parishes and in Havana organized the seminary of San Ambrosio, the
academy for young ladies called San Francisco de Sala, and the hospital
for convalescents of Bolen. During the fifteen years of his episcopate
Bishop Compostela accomplished what none of his predecessors had
succeeded in doing. He really raised the moral standard of the diocese,
and he attained that end more by his own noble example, than by his
eloquent sermons on moral issues. He was a gentleman of distinguished
manners, who treated all that came in contact with him with the utmost
courtesy. He lived very modestly and was known always to travel on foot.
He devoted his income to alms freely dispensed to all the needy, and by
his numerous works of beneficence built for himself an imperishable
monument in the memory of the grateful population.
Governor Viana's administration was filled with what at first appeared a
petty local squabble, but later developed into a serious conflict.
Harassed by pirates, the town of San Juan de los Remedios del Cayo had
in the year 1684 obtained permission to remove to another place,
sufficiently distant from the coast to insure the safety of the
inhabitants. The permission arrived at a time when conditions seemed to
have improved and the majority of the population was satisfied to remain
where they were. The parish priest, however, had favored and decided
upon removal to a place called Cupey, and Governor Viana approved of
this choice. When the residents began to discuss the problem of the new
location, it was found that the greater number was of the opinion that
the cattle farms known as Santa Clara offered a more convenient site,
and the governor and bishop were won over to this view and agreed. As
head of the town was appointed the Alcalde Manuel Rodriguez de Arziniega
and as its spiritual adviser was chosen the Cura Gonzales. It so
happened that neither of the two favored the place that had been
selected. The Alcalde and his adherents wanted to settle at Sabana
Largo, near the hacienda of Santa Clara. The priest preferred the place
called El Guanal, in the body of that farm. To adjust the difference the
governor and the bishop chose two men, D. Christobal de Fromesta, Cura
and Vicar of Sancti Spiritu, and the Contador D. Diego de Penalver, who
were both residents of that town. It is characteristic of the manner in
which municipal and other public business of importance was then
conducted, that the two men deliberated without result until the year
1689, when the administration of Governor Viana came to an end.
Of Governor Viana's share in furthering the building of fortifications
an inscription in the ravelin of the gate of Tierra bears proof. It
reads:
Reynando La Magestad Catolica De Carlos II. Rey de Las Espanas Y
Siendo Gobernador Y Capitan General De Esta Ciudad E Isla de Cuba
D. Diego Antonio De Viana Hinojosa, Caballero del Orden De
Santiago, Veinte Y Cuatro Perpetuo De La Ciudad de Granada, Y
General De La Artilleria Del Reinado de Sevilla, Se Acabo Esta
Puerta Con Su Puente Levandizo, y Su Media Luna, etc. Ano de 1688.
(In the reign of His Catholic Majesty Charles II. King of Spain,
the resident governor and captain-general of this city and island
of Cuba was D. Diego Antonio de Viana Hinojosa, Cavalier of the
Order of Santiago, the twenty-fourth Perpetuo of the city of
Granada, and the General of Artillery of the ruler of Sevilla, this
gate with its drawbridge and its ravelins was finished. In the year
1688.)
The affair of El Cayo continued to absorb the attention of the
government during the administration of D. Severino de Manzañeda y
Salines. This new governor entered upon the functions of his office on
the thirtieth of October, 1689, and remained until the second of
October, 1695. According to the decision which the court rendered after
endless discussion the inhabitants of El Cayo were to move to Santa
Clara. From the oldest Alcaldes and Magistrates of both towns two men
were chosen with orders to superintend the removal: the Cabilde Captain
Luis Perez de Morales and Ensign Gaspar Rodriguez. They proceeded to el
Cayo and issued a proclamation which ordered the residents to move
within a fortnight. When the term expired, and the order had not been
complied with, they went to the church, accompanied by forty men armed
with machetes, lances, battle-axes and guns, and began to harangue the
people. When this had no immediate visible effect, they started to
destroy house upon house, applying either the torch or the sword. They
spared only the church and the residence of the prefect of the new town.
After committing these unwarranted ruthless outrages they forbade any
one under severe penalty to attempt to rebuilt his house; nor was any
one allowed to admit a homeless neighbor to his hacienda or offer him a
roof. Exposed to the inclemency of the weather, left without shelter or
provisions, the temper of the inhabitants was roused, but they were too
bewildered by the cruel injustice to see their way to demand redress of
their wrongs. A man from the pueblo San Jacinto de Royas, deeply
resenting the heinous crime, resolved not to remain passive. He made his
way to the bishop and the governor, gave them a vivid account of what
had occurred, and lodged a complaint in the name of the poor victims.
Both Bishop Compostela and Governor Manzañedas readily yielded to his
arguments, but it does not appear from the records of the time that the
men who had so flagrantly abused their power were punished. The
governor, probably from fear of stirring up dissatisfaction with his
administration and ultimately losing his position, contented himself by
adjusting the differences between the two parties. He ordered the people
of both towns to live together until the king had handed down his
decision. When His Majesty finally approved of the action taken, the
feelings of both parties were pacified and the new town thus founded
became known as Villa Clara.
During the administration of Governor Manzañedas the city of Matanzas
was founded. According to some authorities the name is derived from the
Spanish _matanza_, which means slaughter or killing and it was supposed
to refer to the extermination of the Indians who had been the native
owners of that territory. Others derive the term from a corruption of
the word _martizaban_, which the Indians had adopted from the Castilian
when they wailed during the suffering inflicted upon them. Still others
try to establish a certain connection between that name and the
following story of Indian perfidy. It seems that some Spaniards had
engaged a number of Indians to carry them in their canoes from one end
of the bay to another. When they reached the middle of the bay, the
Indians left the boats, and hitting the Spaniards on the head with the
oars, tried to drown them, while they took to the mountains. Seven of
the victims succeeded in escaping from death by swimming to the shore;
but there they were caught by other natives, taken to the nearest pueblo
and hanged. One of them however, managed to get away and reach another
pueblo, whose cacique gave him shelter until the arrival of a Spanish
rescuing force under Narvaez. The cacique, preceded by three hundred men
carrying gifts, went to receive the party from Havana, leading the
prisoner by the hand. In addressing Narvaez and P. Casas, who were the
leaders, he told them that he had treated the man as if he had been his
own son, that he had guarded and protected him for three years and had
refused the strenuous demand of the other caciques to deliver him to
them, knowing that they would have killed him.
Whatever the origin of its name may be, Matanzas eventually lived down
its sinister significance. The bay of Matanzas with the canal opening
into it, had long been considered a point of great importance. For it
was patent that, if the British set out to capture it and succeeded in
establishing themselves there, the danger to Spanish commerce and
especially to that of Havana would be very grave. A village had existed
there from the time of the Spanish conquest; it had grown in population
and the surrounding land was well cultivated. Governor Manzañedas
decided at once to begin to fortify the bay. He re-organized the
administration of the place and raised it to the rank of a city, which
the authorities named after San Carlos Alcazar de Matanzas.
The solemn ceremonies of its foundation took place on the tenth of
October, 1693, in the presence of Governor Manzañedas and many other
prominent citizens and high officials of the island. After an
examination of the previously drafted plan a Plaza des Armas, or
military parade-ground was the first to be decided upon; then the
principal streets of the city were traced. Two days later an altar and a
cross were raised on the square destined for the church, and Bishop D.
Diego Evelino de Compostela blessed the spot, said mass over it and with
the aid of Governor Manzañedas laid the first stone of the temple which
was to have for its patron saint San Carlos Borromeo. On the following
day the governor went to Punta Gorda on the north side of the bay and
selected a place for the fort which was to be built. When the structure
was completed it was in his honor given the name San Severino. The
industry of the residents, the fertility of the soil and the unusually
favorable location of the port made the small town grow within a few
years into one of the most important cities of the island. Subsequently
Matanzas developed to such size and prominence that it is to-day ranking
next to Havana both in population and in commerce.
The administration of Manzañedas was toward the end disturbed by the
scandalous dispute between the governor Villalobas and the Licentiate
Roa, Lieutenant Auditor of the Royal Audiencia (a court of appeals in
the West Indies). The affair created a great deal of sensation at the
time, because it threatened to divide the population into hostile
factions. Villalobas was charged with having allowed his adherents to
call themselves Villalobistas, in opposition to those of Lieutenant Roa,
who promptly assumed the name Roistas. Controversies and quarrels arose
and grew to such alarming proportions that civil war seemed imminent.
The two rivals fought each other mercilessly, until Roa fled to Madrid,
where he died in exile. Villalobas justly feared that the report of
these disturbances would damage his reputation at the court of Madrid
and was taken dangerously sick. The Audiencia of Santo Domingo which had
instituted an inquiry into the matter discharged Villalobas from his
office. An Oidor (hearer or judge) of the Audiencia, D. Diego Antonio
Oviedo y Banos was appointed to hear the arguments of the case. But
Villalobas, a broken old man, was so grieved by the disgrace that he
survived the ordeal only a few days. The administration of Governor
Manzañedas came to an end in the year 1695 when he was appointed to the
presidency of Santo Domingo.
CHAPTER XXVI
With the death of King Charles II. in the year 1700 the Austrian dynasty
upon the throne of Spain became extinct. One daughter of his
predecessor, Philip IV., had married a Bavarian prince, another had
become the wife of Louis XIV. of France. The offspring of these
marriages and other candidates presented themselves for the succession
and caused endless diplomatic parleys and plunged Spain into a most
harassing state of uncertainty, even before the King expired. He had
signed a will in favor of the Bourbon claimant, Philip of Anjou, who
succeeded him as Philip V., but the Austrian archduke Charles contested
this succession, until the death of his brother. Joseph called him to
the throne of Austria and forced him to relinquish his claim to that of
Spain. The interval, however, was spent in what is known as the War of
the Austrian Succession which was far more than a war of succession to
the Spanish throne, but one which involved a European problem.
The hostility between England and France was known to be acute; the
designs of Austria upon Spain were also known to be the source of
incipient conflicts. In order to curb the insatiable ambition of Louis
XIV., England had entered into an alliance with Austria and Holland. The
unexpected ascension of the archduke Charles to the throne of Austria
suddenly changed the political aspect of the time for England. Louis
XIV. and Philip V. had agreed that in order to secure the balance of
European power the crowns of France and Spain should never be united.
Spain, however, was bound in the future to follow the trend of French
politics. It renounced her rights to the Netherlands, which were the
only barrier against invasions of France on the continent, and left
England in possession of Gibraltar. As this was its most important
fortress, Gibraltar was ever to be a thorn in the flesh of Spain.
The treaty of Utrecht, which was signed in the year 1713, seemed by its
reapportionment of the countries and the readjustment of the map of
Europe to have temporarily assured peace. But the price paid for this
peace by Spain was hardly to be estimated in currency. As Guiteras
justly remarks, Philip V. found Spain prostrate from the impudent
efforts of the Austrian dynasty to preserve her predominance among the
European nations. The wars waged during the reigns of his predecessors
had drained the coffers of Spain and alarmingly decreased her
population. The powerful kingdom which a century before had dared to
threaten the independence of England and had enjoyed prosperity and
opulence, had become almost tributary to France and England. The treaty
of Utrecht reduced Spain to her peninsular provinces and her overseas
colonies. Though united with them by the ties of racial origin, religion
and tradition, it was not an easy task to defend them against the
inimical designs of powers that planned to dominate the seas and usurp
the place which Spain had won for herself.
Philip V. realized that the condition in which Spain had been left at
the end of the wars that preceded his reign made it incumbent upon him
to maintain peace and to further the country's recovery from a century
and a half of constant warfare. He was inspired by the example of France
under Colbert and Richelieu and his aim was by applying to Spain the
lessons France had learned during the leadership of those men, to bring
about a revival of Spain's previous greatness. He aspired to make Spain
internally stronger than she had ever been, to enable her to humble
England and to wrest from that great rival her ever increasing power in
America. His task was extremely difficult, for it really meant a
thorough reconstruction of the entire government. He found Spain in such
a state of stagnation that it required extraordinary efforts to rouse
in the country only a spark of the old spirit. He was the first
sovereign since Philip II. who had a strong will and a strong
personality and made his absolute power felt in every branch of the
government. He had to create a new navy; he had to organize and train a
new army; he had to reform the legislation, the finances, even the
police of the country. So poor was Spain at that time in men of strong
character and executive power, that he was obliged to employ foreigners
in some of the most important places in the army and navy as well as in
the council chamber.
Although during the latter half of his reign of forty six years his
initiative and energy were paralyzed and he lapsed into the passive
indifference which had characterized the attitude of some of his
predecessors, his innovations and reforms were the means of stimulating
inquiry into some of the evils, political and social, that Spain had
suffered from. He ushered in a new life, which slowly penetrated to
every corner of the kingdom and brought it into closer contact with the
outside world for which it had hitherto had a curious contempt. However
slow was the work of regeneration which he had inaugurated, it was sure
to benefit the next generation which could never return to the old order
of things.
The influence of this new life in the mother country was, of course,
still slower in manifesting itself in her colonies. Cuba had still to
rely upon her own resources, both in inaugurating internal improvements
and in combatting external dangers. As both Great Britain and France
were eagerly pursuing their plans to extend their colonial power in
America, conflicts between these powers and the Spanish possessions in
America were inevitable. Towards the end of the seventeenth century
attempts to establish direct maritime intercourse between France and the
Mississippi, and to colonize the southwest of the continent; which was
under the patronage of Louis XIV. created no little anxiety in the old
Spanish settlements of Florida and eventually had to lead to armed
conflicts in which the West Indies, and especially Havana, as the
metropolis of the Spanish island colonies, became involved.
As early as the year 1693 D. Andres de Pes had settled in Pensacola and
three years later three hundred Spaniards from Vera Cruz and other parts
had under the leadership of D. Andres d'Arriola taken formal possession
of the harbor. Henceforth no foreign ship could enter without being
challenged. This the valiant commander of the French expedition,
d'Iberville, the pioneer founder of Louisiana, was to experience. He had
sailed in October, 1698, with a company of Marines and some two hundred
colonists, among them women and children. At Santo Domingo he took on
board a seasoned veteran of the golden age of piracy, a man who in 1683
had made a fortune of eight million pesos by the capture of Vera Cruz,
had been an associate of M. de Grammont, Lolonois, Morgan and other
notables of the Brotherhood of the Coast, and as such was familiar with
every spot along the Gulf of Mexico and the coasts of New Spain; it was
Captain Laurent Grave or Graff, linguist, sailor and intrepid fighter.
They arrived at the island St. Rose in January, 1699, cast anchor and
applied for permission to enter the harbor of Pensacola. This being
refused they sailed westward and settled in the country west of the
Perdido River, which was later recognized by King Philip V., who was
bent upon a conciliatory policy, as the boundary between Louisiana and
Florida.
From that time, however, Pensacola was to know no peace, for the French
cast ever a covetous eye upon that Spanish settlement. Nor did the
authorities of Pensacola hesitate to harass the settlers to the west,
resenting the appearance of any rival neighbor. Governor Ravolli made an
expedition in 1700 against the French who had settled on Ship Island,
but he himself was soon to experience that he was being surrounded by
neighbors determined to show their hostility towards Spain by open or
secret operations against the Spanish settlement in Florida. Governor
James Moore of South Carolina, which bordered on Spanish Florida,
undertook in the year 1702 an expedition against the old Spanish town of
St. Augustine, in the defense of which a Cuban force was eventually to
take part. The British succeeded in making their entry into the town and
ravaging it; but they could not reduce the fort, which the garrison
defended with desperate determination. The British sent to Jamaica for
some heavy artillery. But in the meantime the Spanish viceroy had been
informed of the attack and sent two war ships for the relief of the
town. The governor of Cuba, too, dispatched five vessels with troops of
infantry and militia, which sailed from the port of Havana under the
command of Captain D. Esteban de Beroa, a Havanese of great enterprise
and valor. When the Spanish fleet arrived near the harbor, Moore with
his South Carolinians made a hasty retreat by land, leaving behind his
vessels and stores of ammunition. The help which D. Esteban had lent the
garrison of St. Augustine in this critical moment was highly appreciated
by the King of Spain, who took notice of this valuable service in a
cedula addressed to the Captain General of the island in 1703, in which
he especially lauded the exploits of D. Esteban.
The administration of D. Diego de Cordova Lazo de Vega, Knight of the
military order of Santiago and General of the Galleons, was profoundly
affected by the political unrest of Europe, due to the controversies
about the succession and by the conflicts with the French and the
British in the newly settled continent, which began to darken the future
of the Spanish possessions. Cordova had entered upon his office on the
third of October, 1695, and was reported to have bought the governorship
for fourteen thousand dollars. Some very important internal improvements
were made during his time of office. The territory from the gateway of
la Punta to la Tanaza and the hospital of San Francisco de Paula was
organized into districts. He was like some of his predecessors much
concerned with the religious life of the island and encouraged the
building of churches and convents. One of the most important convents
founded at this time was the third convent of the barefoot Carmelites,
dedicated to Saint Teresa.
Realizing the need of greater garrisons for the protection of the people
of Cuba from invasions, whether by foreign powers or by corsairs, the
Spanish government sent over twelve companies of militia. So impressed
was the governor with their general condition and their discipline, that
he sent the king a special message referring to them. But he was too
prudent to rest satisfied with this help from the government overseas;
he raised and organized four more companies of infantry and cavalry,
recruited from the population of Cuba itself, and this placed the island
in a better state of defense than it had ever been before. He also
granted a number of merchant mariners privateering privileges, which
enabled them to cruise about and hunt down foreign pirates and
smugglers. These men, among whom the Regidor of Trinidad, Juan Vasquez,
distinguished himself by his valor, made numerous excursions in the
neighborhood, retaliating upon the French colonies for the outrages of
French corsairs, by invading them and capturing some of their vessels,
not excepting the crew, and by carrying off their cattle. Cordova was
also instrumental in promoting the tobacco culture of the island, by
encouraging the employment of new mechanical contrivances.
When on the thirtieth of November, 1700, King Charles II. expired in
Madrid, and was followed by Philip V., the first Spanish sovereign of
the house of Bourbon, the Spanish Colonies in America paid no heed to
the war of the succession which was carried on between King Philip and
the Archduke of Austria. Without hesitation they recognized the former
as their ruler and thanks to the wholesome influence exerted upon the
population by Governor Cordova and the estimable Bishop Compostela, King
Philip was formally and peacefully proclaimed in Cuba. Cordova's
governorship was so highly appreciated by the royal government in Spain
that he received for his services the title of Marquis de Valdo and was
soon after promoted to the presidency of Panama. But he later returned
to Spain and died in Madrid as Counsellor of State in the year 1720.
After the departure of Cordova in September, 1702, the government of the
island was for a number of years once more of a rather interimistic
nature, which greatly hampered the efforts of the government to insure
the safety of the coasts against invaders. The British, being since the
accession of Philip V. to the Spanish throne no longer the allies of
Spain as they had been during the validity of the "American Treaty,"
were now her enemies, and once more began to harass the Spanish colonies
by encouraging the pirates to interfere with their traffic. The squadron
of three vessels which France sent over to patrol the ocean in the
vicinity of the Antilles, did not seem to intimidate the lawless
elements working more or less directly under orders of and agreements
with the British.
The administration of Cordova's successor, D. Pedro Benitez de Lugo,
Maestro de Campo and former Counsellor to the Elector of Bavaria, began
on the twentieth of September, 1702, and ended with his death only three
months later, on the fourth of December. But in that brief period
occurred the invasion of the island of Trinidad by the British pirate
Grant, who had under him a force of three hundred men and succeeded in
thoroughly terrorizing the people.
After the death of D. Benitez, the provisional government was entrusted
to two Habaneros, D. Luis Chacon, Castellan of the Morro, and D. Nicolas
Chirmo Vandeval. They seem to have governed with commendable prudence.
Determined to defend the island against the corsairs which renewed their
activity, the Cuban authorities retaliated by sending out corsairs of
their own. Thus D. Juan Baton de Chavez, governor of Santiago de Cuba,
started from that city in 1704 with a force of two hundred and fifty men
and invaded the islands of New Providence and Siguatey. He destroyed
their fortifications, sacked the houses, took one hundred prisoners and
returned with twenty-two cannon and a large quantity of ammunition and
arms. The town of Santiago having generously contributed to the success
of this enterprise both with volunteers and with material resources, the
king rewarded the city with the title "muy noble y muy leal" (very noble
and very loyal). In the same year there died in Havana the venerable and
much beloved Bishop, D. Diego Evelino de Compostela. In fifteen years of
faithful service he had succeeded in stimulating the religious life of
the diocese by the building of churches, especially those in the plains,
where tobacco was raised and thousands of laborers lived with their
families, and in raising the moral standard of Cuban society.
The spirit of animosity between France and England on the one hand, and
Spain and England on the other, gave birth to two schemes to attack
Charleston in the year 1706. The valiant Canadian pioneer d'Iberville
was on the way with a respectable force. He reached Santo Domingo, where
he was reenforced by Spanish troops, and set sail for the coast of South
Carolina. He was stricken with yellow fever and the undertaking had to
be abandoned. At the same time the Spanish authorities in the West
Indies, having decided upon an aggressive policy towards the British in
America, planned retaliation for some of the wrongs suffered in recent
years. The unwarranted attack of Governor James Morgan of South Carolina
upon the old Spanish town of St. Augustine, only four years before, was
not forgotten and offered a welcome pretext to launch an offensive
movement. Accordingly an expedition was fitted out in Havana, mostly of
French privateers, but also some Cuban forces and on the way was joined
by more from St. Augustine. The squadron arrived at Sullivan's Island
off Charleston on Saturday afternoon in August of that year. The
militia of the city was rapidly mobilized but open combat did not begin
until the following Wednesday, when the French commander demanded the
surrender of the city in the name of Louis XIV. The South Carolinians
replied by a violent attack, which drove a large number of the French
that had landed into the water. The fight was renewed when more ships of
the expedition came up, and though the attack was repulsed and there was
considerable loss of life, the Cuban force that had participated,
returned with considerable booty.
The new governor who entered upon his office May 13, 1706, was Field
Marshal D. Pedro Alvarez de Villarin, a native of Asturia, gentilhombre
(a nobleman-attendant of the young princes of Spain and counsellor of
the Elector of Bavaria). But his reign was one of the shortest in Cuban
history. He died on the eighth of July, and the former provisional
governors, D. Luis Chacon and D. Nicolas Chirmo Vandeval, once more
administered their duties, political and military. British warships were
haunting the coasts of the island and kept the authorities and the
residents in a perpetual state of suspense. But the French were now the
allies of the Spaniards and their able admiral Chavagnac came to the
rescue of Cuba. The unrest due to the disputed Spanish succession
encouraged the defiant attitude of the British. In the year 1707 a
British armada appeared on the coast for the purpose of engaging in
propaganda against Philip V. and winning over the population to the
support of the Austrian Archduke's claims. They flooded the island with
grandiloquent proclamations and tried to bribe the people by making the
most alluring promises. But D. Luis Chacon was not the man to betray the
king to whom the island had sworn allegiance at his accession in 1700.
He so effectively replied with cannons that the conspirators withdrew.
The next duly appointed governor of Cuba and the thirty-second in order
was Colonel D. Laureano de Torres Ayala, a native of Havana, Knight of
the Order of Santiago and former Governor of Florida. He entered upon
his office on the eighteenth of January, 1708. His attention was at once
directed to an economic problem of great importance. The landowner Orri,
an official in the service of Spain, had conceived the project to sell
the tobacco on the island for the government. This measure was opposed
by the speculators in tobacco, who sold it without custom duties to the
Peninsula and other parts of America. But Governor Torres was so
impressed with the advantage which would accrue from the new arrangement
to the government of Spain, that he did not rest until the measure was
carried and enforced. The Exchequer of Spain was henceforth enabled to
purchase almost the entire tobacco crop and to make enormous profits
thereby, which the coffers of the kingdom, depleted by the many wars of
the past century, sorely needed. For the successful negotiation of this
matter, which created the government's tobacco monopoly, the governor
was rewarded with the title Marquis de Casa-Torres.
Governor Torres like his predecessors was much concerned with the safety
of the island, and accordingly resumed work on the Havana forts. He
added to the fortifications by having the bulwark halfway between la
Punta and la Fuerza built; it was considered of great importance at that
time, but was later demolished, when Governor Don Dionisos Martinez
proceeded with the wall of la Punta in the same direction. The Marquis
de Casa-Torres had grave disputes with the Lieutenant-Auditor Don Jose
Fernandez de Cordova, which caused endless discussion, not only among
the officials of the island, but also in the population. The Court was
finally compelled to submit the controversy to the Oidor D. Pablo
Cavera, who came over from Spain to begin an investigation. Governor
Torres was temporarily suspended. But the Oidor Cavera died while the
inquiry into the differences between the two men was in progress. Hence
Torres and the lieutenant-auditor were obliged to sail for Spain and
explain their grievances.
The administration of Governor Torres was a period of comparative peace.
The enemies of Spain that were ever waiting for an opportunity to do
something that might weaken her power in America and deprive her of some
of her American possessions had not molested Cuba and the governor was
able to devote his energies to internal improvements and even to aid the
new bishop in his many works for the welfare of the diocese. This worthy
successor of the unforgettable Bishop Compostela was D. Jeronimo Valdes,
formerly Bishop of Porto Rico, provincial of the order of St. Basil and
professor of Alcala. He had entered upon his duties on the thirteenth of
May, 1706, and at once proved that he, too, was imbued with that noble
disinterestedness which characterized his predecessor. He insisted upon
strict observance of the doctrines and customs of the church and founded
many new parishes. He enlarged the Belen convent by adding to the
building a wing which was to be used as hospital for convalescents. He
also founded the Casa de Beneficiencia, a Foundlings' Home, investing in
it eleven thousand pesos of his private fortune. Another charitable
institution which he called into being was a home for the poor that were
reduced to beggary. He also succeeded in having a building finished,
which was destined to be a hospital for lepers. In all these enterprises
for the public welfare he was seconded by the Marquis de Casa-Torres.
The island increased in population during this time and among the towns
founded was Bejucal.
The year 1709 is also memorable for an important measure which was to
safeguard the public health of the island. As early as the year 1634 a
so-called Protomedicato had been created by a certain Nuñez, a graduate
of the university of Seville. It was an institution intended to check
the unlawful practice of medicine by ignorant and inexperienced persons
or by downright quacks. For some years Dr. Don Francisco Teneza,
assisted by a duly appointed clerk, who performed the functions of a
notary, embodied in his person the authority of a Protomedico, examining
surgeons, druggists and barbers, who at that time were performing dental
and minor surgical operations. But not until the beginning of the
eighteenth century was the Protomedicato completely organized for
efficient work. It was a college or tribunal composed of physicians duly
licensed by royal patent, who were charged with examining and issuing
licenses to students of medicine. In this way the government hoped to
combat the evil of unlawful medical practice by unknown and incapable
individuals, which had long been a grave menace to the public health.
The king endowed the Protomedicato of Cuba with the same prerogatives
and the same jurisdiction as were enjoyed by the corresponding
institutions of Lima and Mexico.
Upon the departure of the Marquis de Casa-Torres the affairs of the
island were once more in the hands of a provisional government. The
ayuntamento (municipal government) entrusted D. Luis Chacon with the
military governorship and in default of an auditor the political was
given to two alcaldes, D. Augustin de Arriola and D. Pedro Hobruitinier.
But by royal order of the year 1712 D. Luis Chacon resumed the superior
authority, both civil and military. At the end of the year, when the
re-election of the alcaldes took place, violent disputes arose, which
necessitated the intervention of Chacon and the Bishop Valdes. The court
was called to inquire into the matter and settled the quarrel which had
threatened to disturb the peace of the community.
In the year 1712 the official circles of Cuba were greatly agitated by a
sensational occurrence. It was the affair between the acting governor of
Cuba, Don Luis Sanudo, and the royal Ensign, who was also Alcalde of
Bayamo. The governor had ordered the Ensign to imprison two Indian
chiefs who were accused of theft, but the Ensign, interpreting
differently a certain royal decree and the municipal ordinances, made no
move to obey the command. Governor Sanudo accordingly betook himself to
Bayamo, and as the Ensign failed to present himself, went to his house.
There he upbraided him, and as was reported by some at the time, slapped
his face. Boiling with wrath at this insult and outrage, the Ensign
killed him on the spot. The court before which he was tried condemned
him to death and ordered his home to be razed. The office was for the
time abolished, but later re-established.
The Casa-Torres affair had been in the meantime thoroughly aired before
the Court of Spain and the king had found the charges against the
Marquis unfounded. So he restored him to office on the fifth of July,
1712, and in February of the following year he re-entered upon his
duties as Captain-General of Cuba. During the three years of this his
second term, Governor Torres actively promoted the armament of corsairs
which were sent out to counteract the manoeuvres of the enemy pirates
cruising along the Spanish-American coasts. Among the men entrusted with
this venturesome task one especially distinguished himself by his
prowess: Don Juan del Hoye Solorzano. He was later appointed governor of
Santiago de Cuba. About the same time Spain suffered the loss of a rich
fleet, which, sailing from Vera Cruz under command of General Ubilla,
with port at Habana, was on its way to the mother country. It was
wrecked at el Palmar de Aiz, the place where the New Canal of Bahama was
located. To the energetic efforts of the Marquis de Casa-Torres, who at
once ordered divers to go to work, was due the recovery of more than
four million pesos and some valuable merchandise.
The thirty-third governor duly appointed by decree of the Spanish court,
dated December 15, 1715, was the Field-marshal Don Vicente Raja. He was
inaugurated May 26, 1716, and although in office little more than a year
succeeded in completely reorganizing the tobacco industry of the
island. He was accompanied on his arrival from Spain by a commission of
financial and industrial experts; the director of the bank of Spain, D.
Salvador Olivares, the Visitador, a judge charged with conducting
inquiries, D. Diego Daza, and the licentiate D. Pedro Morales, the chief
of the revenue department. The historian Alcazar gives a clear account
of the proceeding of this commission and the disturbances they created.
He relates that the success of the first tobacco sales in the Peninsula
had suggested the establishment of a factory in Seville. But Orri, the
great landowner and planter, knew that the three million pounds of
tobacco produced by Cuba would not suffice for consumption, and not
wanting to have recourse to the inferior leaf produced in Brazil and
Venezuela, decided to monopolize the tobacco industry of Spain. To
realize this plan he proposed to increase the production of tobacco in
Cuba by extending its cultivation over the whole island and guaranteeing
the laborers full value of their harvest, but insisting that the product
be submitted for examination to the committee presided over by Olivares.
This proposition, however just it seemed, produced serious disturbances.
The commission favoring the government monopoly had ordered by decree on
April 17, 1717, that there should be established in Havana a general
agency for the purchase of tobacco with branch offices in Trinidad,
Santiago and Bayamo. This decree in reality was of great advantage to
the laborers who were thus certain of selling their crops and with
advance payments could extend and improve their sembrados (tobacco
fields). On the other hand it was opposed by the speculators, who had up
to this time lived on the fat commissions which their operations had
brought them. These men spread all sorts of rumors detrimental to the
newly appointed commission and its work among the producers of tobacco.
Deluded by this insidious propaganda, the men rebelled. Five hundred
vegueros or stewards of the tobacco fields armed themselves and captured
Jesus del Monte. Even in the capital there were public demonstrations
against the commission and the municipal authorities so weakly supported
the governor in his defense of the employees of the estance (monopoly)
established by the royal government, that he resigned his office in
favor of the royal tenente Maraveo (according to the historian Valdes he
was expelled) and sailed for Spain in company of D. Olivares. The
earnest exhortations of Bishop Valdes and the archbishop of Santo
Domingo induced the rebels to cease their hostile activities and to
withdraw to their homes and temporarily quiet was restored.
So much confusion had been created by frequent changes of governorship
and the interim rule of provisional authorities, that the royal
government at Madrid took steps to establish greater stability and
insure an uninterrupted function of the administrative machine of Cuba.
After the affair of Casa-Torres it became imperative to provide for the
cases of absence or suspension from office. A royal decree dated
December, 1715, ordered that in future, whenever the office of the
Governor and Captain-General should become vacant, by default, absence
or sickness, the political and military power should be held by the
Tenente-Rey (or Royal Lieutenant), or in his default by the Castellan
(warden or governor) of el Morro.
Upon the return of Vicente de Raja to Spain, Lieutenant-Colonel D. Gomez
de Maraveo Ponce de Leon temporarily exercised the functions of
governorship. Cuba was at that time in a peculiar state of political and
social unrest. There were still some demonstrations of the
tobacco-planters going on in different parts of the island. Maraveo,
instead of being upheld in his authority, soon discovered that he was at
the mercy of the magistrates and some of the wealthy citizens who seemed
to back the rebellious elements. In the eastern part of the island the
miners had joined the tobacco-planters in disturbances, intended to
convey to the government their disapproval of its measures. It required
all the persuasive power of Bishop Valdes and other spiritual leaders of
the colony to pacify the turbulent agitation fermenting among the
people.
The court of Spain realized the seriousness of the situation and was
particularly circumspect in the choice of the new governor. A man was
needed, firm of will, yet possessed of a sense of justice and of tact in
the handling of the two hostile factions. After long and serious
deliberation D. Gregorio Guazo Calderon Fernandez de la Vega, a native
of Ossuna, Brigadier-General and Knight of the Order of Santiago was
selected. D. Guazo had in his previous official activities proved his
energy and bravery and soon after entering upon his office relieved the
Spanish authorities of their worries concerning the state of affairs in
Cuba. He took charge of his duties on the twenty-third of June, 1718,
and immediately called a meeting of the Ayuntamento, the bishop and
leading prelates. The men who by their participation in the recent
disturbances compromised their reputation were filled with anxious
apprehension. But the king wished to avoid internal unrest and
discontent and had recommended a policy of reconciliation.
It was an auspicious beginning of D. Guazo's administration when he
announced at this meeting that the King in his clemency would forget the
past occurrences, if the mischief-makers would in future show loyal
obedience to his orders. A proclamation which Governor Guazo issued the
next day informed the people of the whole island that royal pardon had
been granted to the chiefs of the recent mutiny, and quiet and order
were soon restored. The tumultuous manifestations which a few greedy
speculators had deliberately stirred up among the people associated with
tobacco culture, ceased for the time being. He reorganized the
tobacco-factory and reinstalled the former employees. The factory
advanced funds to the vegueros, who, having no other creditors, could
now fix the price and sell the crop themselves.
But in the year 1721 the vegueros once more revolted; they resented the
dictatorial manner in which the Visitador D. Manuel Leon exercised his
functions as inspector and supervisor. The Bishop and D. Jose Bayona
Chacon who filled the office of provisor (a sort of ecclesiastical
judiciary), managed by earnest exhortations and promise of watching over
their welfare to pacify the insurgents and prevent blood-shed, a service
for which Bayona was later rewarded by the rank and title of a count.
But the arguments of the two prelates had no effect upon the Visitador
who continued his unwarranted severity. The result was a revolt in 1723
of the vegueros of San Miguel, Guanabacoa and Jesus del Monte, who
numbered five hundred men with arms and horses. They proceeded to
destroy the tobacco fields of the cultivators of Santiago and Bejucal
who had agreed to sell their tobacco at the price proposed by the
Visitador. Governor Guazo was obliged to send a company of mounted
soldiers under the command of D. Ignacio Barrutia to parley with the
rebels. But at the suggestion of submission they replied with
musket-shot and Barrutia was forced to fire upon them. Several were
killed and wounded, and twelve were taken prisoners. These unfortunates
were hanged at Jesus del Monte on that same day.
As soon as this matter was disposed of, Governor Guazo directed his
attention to the military affairs of the island. Florida had at this
time been annexed to the government of Cuba and Guazo reorganized the
army of both colonies, and called into being a number of new militia
companies in different parts of the island. He replaced the old pike or
lance and the antiquated musket or blunderbus by the bayonet and rifle.
The garrison of the capital was raised to eight hundred and sixty-five
men, all properly armed and equipped. At the same time the salaries in
the army were increased. The soldiers received eleven pesos a month, the
salaries of the Teniente de Rey--the King's Lieutenant--and of the
governors of el Morro and la Punta were raised and the Captain-General
was paid ten thousand pesos a year. An important measure for the
promotion of West Indian commerce was inaugurated by Patino, the
Minister of the Treasury, who, in order to increase the imports of goods
from Spain, conceded to the merchants the same rights as those given to
the merchants of Seville and Cadiz.
Guazo had warned British privateers to desist from raids upon the
Spanish possessions and in the year 1719 had to address the same warning
to the French. For the rupture of diplomatic relations between France
and Spain had once more increased the insecurity of the Spanish-American
coasts. The privateers fitted out by the Cuban government and authorized
to retaliate upon the French and British vessels they would meet, were
under the command of men of tried valor, like Gonzalez, Mendreta,
Cornego and others. They succeeded in capturing a number of bilanders
(small one-mast vessels), which carried cargoes of over one hundred
thousand pesos in value. On one of these expeditions the soldiers and
sailors attempted to revolt against the customary discipline, but Count
Bayona suppressed the incipient mutiny before it had the time to
develop.
As soon as war had been declared between France and Spain the promoters
of the French colonization schemes that had modestly begun to
materialize along southern coast of the American continent, embraced
this opportunity to attack the Spanish settlements in Florida. On the
fourteenth of May, 1718, Bienville, the brother and successor of the
famous d'Iberville, arrived at Pensacola and in the name of the French
king demanded the capitulation of the town. Unprepared for such an
eventuality and unable to resist superior forces, D. Juan Pedro
Metamores, the governor of Pensacola, surrendered and the garrison left
with all honors of war. They were transported in French vessels to
Havana. But already on this involuntary voyage Metamores was considering
measures of retaliation. When the French vessels _Toulouse_ and
_Mareschal de Villars_ reached Cuba and landed the prisoners, they were
seized by the Governor of Havana, who on learning of the disaster at
Pensacola decided upon its recapture. A fleet consisting of one Spanish
warship, nine brigantines and the two French vessels was quickly made
ready and Metamores with his captured troops embarked for Pensacola. On
the sixth of August he entered the harbor with the French vessels flying
the French colors as decoys. The French commander refused to surrender
and a cannonade began. Then the French demanded an armistice which was
followed by the exchange of more shots and finally the garrison of one
hundred men marched out, also with honors of war, under the command of
Chateaugue. They were sent to Havana and were to be transported to
Spain, but in the meantime were imprisoned in Morro castle. Metamores
resumed his governorship of Pensacola.
But in September Bienville, the brother of Chateaugue, assisted by a
French fleet under Champmeslin, with a large force of Canadians and
Indians, attacked Pensacola once more. Metamores was defeated and with
some of his Spanish troops sent to Havana to be exchanged for the French
prisoners held there since August. The remaining Spaniards were sent to
France as prisoners of war. It seems from the records of the historian
Blanchet that Governor Guazo in the following year made an attempt to
reconquer Pensacola. He sent an expedition of fourteen ships and nine
hundred men under the command of D. Esteban de Berroa, who succeeded in
taking the place. But in the further course of the engagement between
the two forces, the French regained possession and defeated the Cubans,
many of whom were made prisoners and sent to Spain.
Of Governor Guazo's efforts to improve the fortifications of Havana, an
inscription on the inner side of the gate of Tierra bears witness. It
reads:
Reynando La Majesdad Catolica del Senor Felipe V. Rey de las
Espanas y Siendo Gobernador de Esta Ciudad, E Isla de Cuba El
Brigadier de los Reales Exercitos D. Gregorio Guazo Calderon
Fernandez de la Vega, Caballero del Orden de Santiago. Ano De 1721.
In the reign of His Catholic Majesty Philip V. King of the Spains,
and when the Governor of this town and island of Cuba was the
Brigadier of the royal armies D. Gregorio Guazo Calderon Fernandez
de la Vega, Knight of the Order of Saint James. In the year 1721.
CHAPTER XXVII
The wonderful impetus which the discoverers and explorers of Spain gave
to the spirit of adventure by opening to the world the gates of a new
and strange world, promptly began to bear fruit among those nations who
had always been daring navigators. Young men with no ties, either of
family or profession, to hold them, were suddenly fired with the desire
to see the new continent which the genius of Columbus and his associates
had brought within their reach, and set out in quest of what promised to
be a precious new experience. Most of these men were fairly well
educated and sensed the importance of all these enterprises. They set
out as eager observers and they did not fail to record their
observations and impressions in the frank and unadorned manner of
unsophisticated onlookers. Some kept a daily record of their
experiences, others jotted down what seemed to them the most striking
incidents; still others embodied their reflections on what they had seen
and heard in letters that were sent home whenever an occasion presented
itself.
Out of this great mass of personal records of travel in the New World a
number stand out as deserving of more than passing notice, and though a
careful perusal of these books shows a tendency on the part of some
authors to repeat what they had heard or read in the reports of their
predecessors, there is something worth noting in every individual
volume. Among the writers who were evidently the source from which many
authors drew to corroborate and complete their personal observations is
Tordesillas Herrera, his Spanish Majesty's Chief Chronicler, traces of
whose "Description of the West Indies," which was translated into Dutch,
English, French and other languages are found in many books. The
writings of that worthy prelate and Champion of the Indians, Bartolomeo
de Las Casas, have also been drawn upon by many writers. Almost amusing
in the light of later day events, is a copiously illustrated little book
in which a pious German translator dwells with unctuous
self-righteousness on the cruelties practised by the Spaniards upon the
natives of the islands.
Herrera thus relates the story of the first settlement of Cuba in the
second volume of "A Description of the West Indies," which was
translated into Dutch, English, French and other languages and appeared
in English in the year 1625:
"This same year 1511, the Admiral Don James Columbus, resolved to
make settlements in Cuba, knowing it to be an island, the soil
good, populous and abounding in provisions. To this purpose he made
use of James Velasquez, being the wealthiest and best belov'd of
all the first Spanish inhabitants in Hispaniola. Besides he was a
Man of Experience, of a mild and affable Temper, tho' he knew how
to maintain his authority; of Body well-shap'd, of Complexion fair,
and very discreet. As soon as it was known in Hispaniola that James
Velasquez was going to make settlements in Cuba, Abundance of
People resolv'd to bear him Company, some because, as has been
said, he was belov'd and others because they were ruin'd and in
Debt. All these, being about three hundred Men, rendezvous'd in the
Town of Salvatiena de la Zavana to embark aboard four ships, this
Place being at the Extremity of Hispaniola. Before we proceed any
further, it is fit to observe that the Province of Guahaba lying
next to Cuba, the Distance between the two Points being but
eighteen Leagues, many Indians went over to Cuba in their Canoes
and among them pass'd over, with as many of his Men as could, a
Cazique of the said Province of Guahaba, call'd Hatuey, a brave and
discreet Man. He settled on the nearest Country known by the name
of Mazci, and possessing himself of that Part kept the People as
Subjects, but not as Slaves; for it was never found in the Indies
that any Difference was made between a free people or even their
own Children and Slaves, unless it were in New Spain, and the other
Provinces, where they us'd to sacrifice Prisoners to their Idols
which was not practis'd in these Islands. This Cazique Hatuey,
fearing that the Spaniards would at some Time pass over into Cuba,
always kept Spies to know what was doing in Hispaniola and being
inform'd of the Admiral's design, he assembled his People who it
is likely were of the most martial, and putting them in Mind of
their many sufferings under the Spaniards told them: 'They did all
that for a great Lord they were very fond of, which he would show
them' and then taking some Gold out of a little Palm Tree Basket,
added 'This is the Lord whom they serve, him they follow, and as
you have already heard, they are about passing over hither, only to
seek this Lord, therefore let us make a Festival, and dance to him,
to the End that when they come, he may order them not to do us
harm.' Accordingly they all began to sing and dance till they were
quite tir'd, for it was their Custom to dance as long as they could
stand, from nightfall till break of Day, and these Dances were as
in Hispaniola, to the Musick of their Songs, and tho' fifty
thousand Men and Women were assembled, no one differ'd in the least
from the rest in the Motions of their Hands, Feet and Bodies; but
those of Cuba far exceeded the natives of Hispaniola, their Songs
being more agreeable. When they were Spent with Singing and Dancing
before the little Basket of Gold, Hatuey bid them not to Keep the
Lord of the Christians in any Place whatsoever, for if he were in
their Bowels, they would fetch him out, and therefore they should
cast him in the River under Water, where they would not find him,
and so they did."
Following is a description of the natives of Cuba, quoted from the same
work:
"The first inhabitants of this Island were the same as those of the
Lucayos, a good sort of People and well temper'd. They had Caziques
and Towns of two or three hundred houses with several Families in
each of them as was usual in Hispaniola. They had no Religion as
having no Temples or Idols or Sacrifices; but they had the
physicians or conjuring Priests as in Hispaniola, who it was
thought had Communication with the Devil and their questions
answered by him. They fasted three or four months to obtain this
Favour, eating nothing but the juice of Herbs, and when reduced to
extreme weakness they were worthy of that hellish Apparition, and
to be inform'd whether the Season of the Year would be favorable or
otherwise, what Children would be born, whether those born would
live, and such like questions. These were their Oracles, and these
Conjurers they call'd Behiques, who led the People in so many
Superstitions and Fopperies, during the Sick by blowing on them,
and such other exterior actions, mumbling some Word between their
Teeth. These People of Cuba knew that Heaven, the Earth and other
Things had been created, and said that they had much Information
concerning the Flood, and the world had been destroy'd by water
from three Persons that came three several ways. Men of above
seventy years of age said that an old Man knowing the Deluge was to
come, built a great Ship and went into it with his Family and
Abundance of Animals, then he sent out a Crow which did not return,
staying to feed on the dead Bodies, and afterward return'd with a
green Branch; in the other Particulars, as far as Noah's Sons
covering him when drunk, and then they scoffing at it; adding that
the Indians descended from the latter, and therefore had no Coats
nor Cloaks; but that the Spaniards, descending from the other that
cover'd him, were therefore cloath'd and had Horses. What has been
here said, was told by an Indian of above seventy years of age to
Gabriel de Cabrera who one Day quarreling with him called him Dog,
whereupon he call'd, Why he abus'd and call'd him Dog, since they
were Brethren, as descending from the Sons of him that made the
great Ship, with all the rest that has been said before."
Herrera's description of the island may have inspired many writers
coming after him; it had, however, the advantage of giving one of the
earliest and therefore most spontaneous impressions on record. Here is a
sample of his descriptive power:
"This Island is very much wooded, for Man may travel along it
almost two hundred and thirty leagues, always under Trees of
several Sorts, and particularly sweet scented and red Cedars, as
thick as an Ox, of which they made such large Canoes that they
would contain fifty or sixty Persons, and of this Sort there were
once great numbers in Cuba. There are Storax Trees, and if a Man in
the Morning gets upon a high Place the Vapors that rise from the
Earth perfectly smell of Storax coming from the fire the Indians
make at night, and drawn up when the Sun rises. Another Sort of
Trees produce a Fruit call'd Xaguas, as big as veal kidneys, which
being beaten and laid by four or five days, tho' not gather'd ripe,
are full of Liquor like Honey, and better tasted than the sweetest
Pears. There are abundance of wild Vines that run up high, bearing
grapes, and Wine has been made of them, but somewhat aigre, and
there being an infinite Quantity of them throughout all the Island,
the Spaniards were wont to say they had seen a Vineyard that
extended two hundred and thirty Leagues. Some of the Trunks of
these Vines are as thick as a Man's Body, which proceeded from
extraordinary Moisture and Fertility of the Soil. All the Island is
very pleasant and more temperate than Hispaniola, very healthy, has
safer Harbors for many Ships than if they had been made by Art, as
is that of Santiago on the Southern Coast being in the shape of a
Cross, that of Xagua is scarce to be matched in the World, the
Ships pass into it through a narrow Mouth, not above a Cross bow
Shot over and then turned into the open Part of it, which is about
ten Leagues in Compass with three little islands so posited, that
they may make fast their Ships to Stakes on them, and they will
never budge, all the Compass being shelter'd by Mountains, as if
they were in a House, and there the Indians had Pens to shut up the
Fish. On the north Side there are good Harbours, the best being
that which was call'd de Carenas, and now the Havana, so large that
few can compare to it; and twenty Leagues to the Eastward of it is
that of Matanzas, which is not very safe. About the middle of the
Island is another good Port, call'd del Principe, and almost at the
End that of Baracoa, where much good Ebony is cut; between which
there are other good anchoring places, tho' not large."
In a volume entitled "Voyages and Travels" and edited by Raymond
Beazley, there is a record of travels in Mexico 1568-1585 by one John
Chilton, which says on the title-page: "A Notable Discourse of Master
John Chilton, touching the people, manners, mines, metals, riches,
forces and other memorable things of the West Indies seen and noted by
himself in the time of his travels continued in those parts the space of
seventeen or eighteen years." He writes of Havana:
"Merchants after travelling from Nicaragua, Honduras, Porto Rico,
Santo Domingo, Jamaica and all other places in the Indies arrive
there, on their return to Spain; for that in this port they take in
victuals and water and the most part of their landing. Here they
meet from all the foresaid places, always in the beginning of May
by the King's commandment. At the entrance of this port, it is so
narrow that there can scarce come in two ships together, although
it be above six fathoms deep in the narrowest place of it.
"In the north side of the coming in, there standeth a tower in
which there watcheth every day a man to descry the call of ships
which he can see on the sea; and as many as he discovereth so many
banners he setteth upon the tower, that the people of the town
(which standeth within the port about a mile from the tower) may
understand thereof.
"Under this tower there lieth a sandy shore, where men may easily
go aland; and by the tower there runneth a hill along by the
water's side, which easily with small store of ordnance, subdueth
the town and port. The port within is so large that there may
easily ride a thousand sail of ships, without anchor or cable; for
no wind is able to hurt them.
"There inhabit within the town of Havana about three hundred
Spaniards and about sixty soldiers; which the King maintaineth
there, for the keeping of a certain castle which he hath of late
erected, which hath planted in it about twelve pieces of small
ordnance. It is compassed round with a small ditch, where through
at their pleasure, they may let in the sea.
"About two leagues from Havana there lieth another town called
Guanabacoa, in which there are dwelling about one hundred Indians;
and from this place sixty Leagues there lieth another town named
Bahama, situated on the north side of the island. The chiefest city
of the island of Cuba which is above two hundred miles in length,
is also called Cuba (Santiago de Cuba); where dwelleth a Bishop and
about 200 Spaniards; which town standeth on the south side of the
island about a hundred leagues from Havana.
"All the trade of this island is cattle; which they kill only for
the hides that are brought thence into Spain. For which end the
Spaniards maintain there many negroes to kill the cattle, and
foster a great number of hogs, which being killed are cut into
small pieces that dry in the sun; and so make provisions for the
ships which come for Spain."
Many books of West Indian travel are by French writers, among them an
anonymous "Relation des voyages et des decouvertes que las Espagnols on
fait," Jean de Laët's "Histoire du Nouveau Monde," Jean Baptiste Labat's
"Nouveau Voyage aux îles de l'Amérique," François Coréal's "Relation des
Voyages aux Indes Occidentales" and that interesting work entitled
"Relation de ce qui s'est passé dans les îles et Terra Firma de
l'Amérique," which does not give the name of the author, but bears on
its title-page the name of the printer, "Gervais Clouzier au Palais, à
la seconde Boutique sur les degrés en montant pour aller à la Ste.
Chapelle au Voyageur MDCLXXI" and is dedicated to the Duc de Luynes, a
peer of France. There is also the work of a Dutchman, Linschoten:
"Histoire de la Navigation de Jean Hugues de Linschoten," which has been
translated into English, French and other languages.
Jan Huygens van Linschoten was a born traveler. His favorite reading had
always been books of travel and as the news of the exploits of foreign
mariners in the New World came pouring into Holland, this young Dutchman
was seized with an irresistible longing to see those far-off worlds. He
frankly speaks in his book of travel of the difficulties he encountered
in trying to persuade his family to approve of his venture, and whether
they did or not, he set out for Lisbon as the place where he would be
most likely to obtain passage. He arrived there just after the death of
Alba. He found the Peninsula in great commotion which even interrupted
the regular routine of overseas traffic. But a man of daring puts his
trust in chance, and chance favored the venturesome youth by an
extraordinary opportunity.
There was at that time a noble Dominican monk in Lisbon, Fra Vincente
Fonseca, scion of a distinguished family. He had been a preacher to King
Sebastian of Portugal, had done missionary work in Africa and been later
attached to the court of Madrid as confessor of Philip II. The
archbishopric of the West Indies having become vacant, Fonseca was
appointed, but he was unwilling to accept this position, dreading the
long voyage and a repetition of some unpleasant experiences which he had
had in Africa. The king, however, insisted, promised to recall him in
four or five years and held out to him the lure of rich revenues. So Fra
Fonseca finally accepted, and Jan Huygens van Linschoten succeeded in
obtaining a position in the retinue of the prelate. Linschoten's
brother, who was secretary to the king, being tired of court life, had
also asked to be sent overseas and was about to sail as scribe on board
a vessel going to the Levant. But on learning of his brother's luck, he
decided also to go to the West Indies and joined the fleet waiting to
embark in some professional capacity. There were five vessels; the
Admiral ship called _San Felipe_, the Vice-Admiral _San Diego_, the
third was _San Laurente_, the fourth _San Francisco_ and the fifth _San
Salvador_. The two brothers boarded the latter, and set sail on Good
Friday, the eighth of April, 1583.
Jan Huygens van Linschoten has this to say of Cuba:
"Cuba is a very large island belonging to the Antille group, first
discovered by Christopher Colomb in 1492, and called by him Jeanne
et Ferdinande and also Alpha and Omega. It has also by others been
called Island of Santiago, after the name of the principal town, so
considered on account of the great harbor and big trade. To the
east it has the island of San Domingo, to the west Yucatan, to the
north the extremity of Florida and the Lucaya islands, to the South
the island of Jamaica. The island of Cuba is greater in length than
in width; it measures from one end to the other three hundred
leagues, from North to South seventy and in width it is only
fifteen and in some places nineteen leagues. The center of the
island is at 91 degrees longitude and twenty latitude. The island
has long been considered part of the continent on account of its
size, of which one ought not to be surprised, for the inhabitants
themselves seem not to know its limits and since the arrival of the
Spaniards they know no better, being a people, naked and simple and
contented with their government and bothering about no other. The
ground is rough and hilly. The sea makes inlets in various places;
there are small rivers, the good waters of which carry gold and
copper. The air is moderately warm, sometimes a little cold. You
find there dye-stuffs for linen and furs. The island is full of
shady woods, ponds and beautiful fresh water rivers; you also find
plenty of ponds the waters of which are naturally salt. The forests
contain wild boars. The rivers frequently yield gold.
"In this island are six cities, inhabited by Spaniards, the first
and principal of which is San Jago, which is the seat of the
archbishop; but Havana is the principal mercantile center of the
island and there they build ships. Two notable things were remarked
on this island by Gonsalo Onetano. One is a valley between two
mountains, of the length of two or three Spanish leagues, where you
find boulders by nature so round that they could not be rounded
better, and in such quantity that they could serve as ballast for
several ships, that use cannon balls instead of lead or iron. The
other is a mountain, not far from the coast, from which there is a
constant flow of pitch to the coast and wherever the wind may
divert it. The residents and Spaniards use this pitch to tar their
vessels.
"The inhabitants of this island are like those of the island of
Spain (Hispaniola) though a little different in language. Both men
and women go about naked. In their marriage a strange custom
prevails; the husband is not the first to approach his wife. If he
is a gentleman, he invites all gentlemen to precede him; if he is a
merchant, he invites the merchants, if he is a peasant, he asks the
gentlemen and the priests. The men can for the slightest cause
abandon the women; but the wives cannot desert their husband for
any reason whatsoever. The men are very inconstant and lead a bad
life. The soil produces big worms and serpents or snakes that are
not poisonous so the people eat them without danger. And these
snakes feed on certain little animals called Guabiniquinazes, of
which sometimes seven or eight are found in their stomach, although
they are as big as hares, resembling a fox, the head of a weasel,
the tail of a fox, the hair long like a deer's, color somewhat
reddish, and the flesh tender and wholesome. This island should be
well populated; but it is not so at present, unless it be by some
Spaniards, who have exterminated the greater number of natives, of
which many died of starvation."
The Sieur Jean de Laët d'Anners, whose History of the New World bears
the imprint of Bonaventure and Elzevir, Printers of the University of
Leyden, also gives a description of Cuba as it was in the sixteenth and
beginning of the seventeenth century. He says:
"There are few towns in proportion to the size of the island;
Santiago ranks first, both for its age and name; it was built by
Diego Velasco. At the south coast of the island about 20 degrees
North Latitude, opposite Hispaniola, almost two miles from the sea,
in the depth of a harbor which one may well pronounce the first
among the large and safe harbors of the New World. For the ocean
enters through a narrow inlet and is received by a large bay, like
a gulf, with several little islands; it is so safe a port that one
does not need to cast anchor. This city was once well populated,
but now the population is reduced to a very small number. It has a
cathedral church and a bishop Suffragans of the archbishopric of
San Domingo and a monastery of the Minorite brothers. It is owned
by the Lieutenant-Governor of the island. The chief articles of
trade are ox-skins and sugar. Three miles from the town are rich
mines of copper, which is now extracted from high mountains, called
for that reason by the Spaniards Sierras de Cobre.
"Near this town to the East about thirty miles is the town of
Baracoa, built by the same Velasco on the North Coast The forests
near this town yield very good ebony and according to other reports
Brazilian redwood.
"The third city is San Salvador or Bayamo from the name of the
province, built by the same Velasco, thirty miles from Santiago,
which surpasses all other towns of the island by good air, fertile
soil and beautiful plains; it is in the center of the island, but
merchandise is brought from the sea by the river Caute, which is
opposite. Among the treasures of this island are certain stones of
divers size, but all perfectly round, so they could serve as cannon
balls; they are said to be so numerous on the shores of the river
bearing the name of the town, that they seem to have rained from
the sky. Oniedo says they are found in a marshy valley almost
midway between this city and Santiago.
"Puerto de Principe ranks fourth; town and harbor, much esteemed by
mariners, are to the north of the island, forty leagues from
Santiago northwest. Not far are springs of bitumen, which Monardes
mentions (and which the Indians use as remedy for chills). I
believe they are the naptha of the ancients.
"Santi Spiritus of forty to fifty houses is more a village than a
town and its harbor is good only for barges and sloops. But vessels
stop there on their way from Santiago, Bayamo and Puerto Principe
to Havana.
"Trinite-Trinidad--once populated by Indians, now almost deserted,
has an inconvenient harbor and was the scene of some shipwrecks.
"Havana receives the sea by a narrow but deep inlet, enlarging into
a wide bay, with coasts at first diverging and then meeting,
capable of holding a thousand vessels as if in a safe bosom. All
the Spanish fleets coming from the meridional continent, New Spain
and the islands, loaded with a variety of merchandise and an
abundance of gold and silver, stop there to take on water and
necessary victuals, and when a sufficient number has collected, in
September or later, they go out together or in two fleets through
the straits of Bahama towards Spain: The city has besides the
garrison (the number of which is uncertain, although the king sends
the pay for a thousand soldiers and more) three hundred Spanish
families, some Portuguese and a large number of slaves. The
governor of the island and the other royal officers reside there.
It surpasses not only the other cities of the island, but almost
all of America by the size and safety of her port, her wealth and
her commerce. The neighboring forests furnish a great abundance of
excellent woods, which they use to build their ships, which is a
very great convenience. They have also tried to work some copper
mines not far from the town; but without success, either because
the veins failed, or the laborers were too ignorant or the expense
was greater than the profit."
Many of the writers of these books of travel dwell at length upon the
wealth of precious woods found on the island. One of them makes a list
which contains the following: l'acana, called vegetable iron, cedar,
majagna (mahogany) frijolillo, a wood with shaded veins, granadillo, a
wood light purple in color, ebony, yew and many others. Wood was so
plentiful that it was even used instead of metal in machinery.
Foreigners visiting the first sugar refinery in Cuba, which was in 1532
founded by Brigadier Gonzales de Velosa, associated with the veedor
Cristobal de Tapia and his brother, found the machines made of hard
wood. The variety of fruits is also commented upon by the travelers that
visited Cuba in the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth
century. They mention among the fruit trees abundant in Cuba the cocoa
trees of Los Remedios, the ubiquitous banana, the orange, the West India
chestnut, the fruit-bearing palms, guesima, garoubier, yaya and others.
François Coréal's "Relation des Voyages aux Indes Occidentales" also
contains some interesting data and goes into the causes of the decline
of Spanish power in the West Indies. Coréal, who seems to be of Spanish
origin or at least citizenship, says among other things:
"There grows in Porto Rico a guiac tree, the wood of which was
considered a sovereign remedy against small-pox. Indians sometimes told
me, were it but for that wood, one should be glad that America was
discovered. These Indians often asked me whether there are any drugs
against small pox growing in Europe; and when I told them that many
excellent antivenereal remedies came from the West Indies, they remarked
with some common sense and not without a touch of irony, that God had
much kindness for the Castellanos, having given them their gold, their
wives and even their guiac."
In another part of the very readable work he says:
"It is certain the Spaniards owe the rapidity of their conquest of
America to the sudden (and almost miraculous) fear with which the
Indians were seized at the approach of the new enemy. It seems that
without it we would have had much more trouble; but artillery was
unknown to these Americans, so was military discipline, which we
understood better than they, so they with extraordinary rapidity cleared
for us the roads to the South Sea and on to Chili and the Straits of
Magellan. This facility of our conquest made for carelessness, which
from that time through the luxury and idleness of our people increased,
until it became almost inconceivable. As our people rather scorned the
Indians and considered them almost a sort of intermediary creature
between man and beast, it was believed that lands so easily conquered
could not be as easily lost; and there was some reason for this belief,
for at that time Spain had no rival on the sea, there was nothing to
fear from the Indians themselves, who could not hold out against us
conquerors. Later we had even less fear, for the Spanish monarchy became
a formidable power to all Europe and when it ceased to be so, interests
and politics had so changed that one was obliged to leave us in peaceful
ownership of a possession which could have been taken from us as easily
as we had conquered it.
"This is according to my opinion the main cause of the decline of
Spanish power in America. There are others which are no less real. As
soon as one has set foot in the New World, you are confronted with an
endless lot of plunderers and marauders, who call themselves soldiers,
ravage the beautiful country, pillage the treasures of the Indians,
torture the inhabitants and rob them of their property and freedom,
under a thousand pretences unworthy of Christianity and of Spanish
generosity. So that several of these nations which at the beginning
favored the Spaniards, became in time their most mortal enemies. These
plunderers, I cannot call them anything else, ruined at the outset the
authority of the King and by their wickedness hindered all the good
that one could have expected from the friendship of native residents.
Royal authority being poorly upheld by these bad subjects of the King,
and the facile abundance which they had found, having plunged them into
all sorts of vice, their pride made them look upon the Indians as their
slaves and even as property acquired by the sword, which succeeded in
spoiling our position with the natives. It is quite certain that these
people would not wish for more than to throw off the yoke of servitude
under which they sigh to-day as did their ancestors before them."
The author of the book printed by Gervais Glouzier, "Relation de ce qui
s'est passé dans les îles et la Terra Firma de l'Amérique pendant la
dernière guerre avec l'Angleterre, etc." also dwells upon the policy
pursued by certain Spanish adventurers and officials towards the natives
of the islands:
"The Spaniards pretended to have recognized the natives of these islands
as being anthropophagous, and asked the king of Castile permission to
capture them, i.e., to take and make them slaves (which they did
elsewhere without permission), so they did not approach the Antilles
except armed, and in the character of enemies; and the Indians who
inhabited them prepared to make upon them the most cruel war, as soon as
they saw vessels off their coasts, be it openly or from ambush in the
woods, or by surprise attacks, when the strangers wanted to take water
or leave the vessels, which irritated these people and many a Spaniard
regretted having obliged them to go to such extremities.
"Things of this kind happened in the Antilles during the fifteenth
century when the Spaniards were busy making other discoveries, wherever
gold or silver attracted them and for the conservation of which and the
exploitation of mines they could not furnish a sufficient number of men.
They had no idea of settling down to cultivate the soil of these lands,
and waiting only to procure the convenience of taking on water or
leaving their invalids to recuperate on St. Christopher island, they
made peace with the Indians who inhabited this island, and continued to
treat as enemies all those of other islands.
"When at the end of this century and the beginning of the sixteenth, the
English and French sailed on the seas of America, the first with more
considerable forces like those conducted by Drake, Walter Raleigh,
Kenits and others, and the French with less armaments, the voyages of
the ones and the others in those little frequented climates made some
other compatriots conceive the idea of establishing themselves on
American soil and found colonies, which would furnish subsistence to a
considerable number of their nation and serve as retreat to those
vessels where they could renew their supplies. In this way in 1625 two
adventurers, the one French, named d'Enemène 'de la maison de Duil en
Normandie,' the other also a gentleman, an Englishman named V. Varnard,
moved by the same desire landed on the same day on St. Christopher's,
which they had chosen for their purpose and from there all the French
and British settlements in the Antilles radiated."
These records of visits to the West Indies by Dutch, English, French and
other travellers following in the wake of the great discoverers and
explorers, rise almost to the importance of documentary evidence, when
they attempt to deal with such questions as the attitude of the
Spaniards towards the natives of the New World. But mainly they are
narratives, setting down simply and unpretentiously the impressions made
upon European visitors by the bigness of dimensions and proportions and
the abundance of natural products of all sorts. There is a spirit of
wonderment at the riches so profusely bestowed upon this Western world;
but there is not yet a trace of the jealousy so apparent in later
writings, when commercial rivalry had divided the nations of Europe into
hostile camps and finally arrayed all of them against Spain. Though not
always written by men who had set out in pursuit of adventure, they
convey to the reader a breath of the oldtime romance of travel in
countries the plants and animals and native residents of which are so
many objects of curious interest. But viewed as a whole, these books are
full of information, at times strangely quickened by an individual human
touch, and read at leisure in a certain order, reconstruct the panorama
of West Indian life in a period which had no parallel in the history of
the world.
CHAPTER XXVIII
It was the inscrutable irony of fate that Cuba should remain so
negligible a quantity during one of the most momentous and progressive
periods of human history. No other era since man began his career had
been on the whole so marked with greatness. Discovery and exploration
had doubled the known area of the globe, and the intellectual
achievements of the race had even more than kept pace with the material.
The era of which we have been writing in this volume saw the completion
of Columbus's work in his fourth voyage, the exploits of Magellan,
Balboa and Cabot, the enterprises of Cortez and Pizarro, of Cartier and
Raleigh. It saw the rise of religious liberty, and of modern philosophy
and science. It saw the art of printing, invented in the preceding
century, developed into world-wide significance.
This was the era of genius. Its annals were adorned with the names of
Shakespeare and Cervantes, of Rafael and Titian and Michael Angelo, of
Holbein and Durer, of Luther and Erasmus, of Ariosto and Rabelais, of
Tyndale and Knox, of Calvin, Loyola and Xavier, of Copernicus and
Vesalius, of Montaigne and Camoens, of Tycho Brahe and Kepler, of Tasso
and Spenser, of Bacon and Jonson, of Sidney and Lope de Vega. It was a
wondrous company that passed along the world's highway while Cuba was
struggling in obscurity to lay the foundations of a future state.
Nor did Spain herself lag behind her neighbor nations. The sixteenth
century saw her swift rise to the greatest estate she has ever known,
and her development of many of the greatest names in her history. She
began the century a newly-formed kingdom uncertain of herself and
timorously essaying an ambitious career; and she reached its close one
of the most extensive and most powerful empires in the world. We
commonly think of her chiefly as a conquering power. But in fact that
century of her marvellous conquests of empire was also her golden age in
intellect. We may imagine that the swiftness of her rise to primacy
among the nations, and the dazzling splendor of her conquests,
stimulated and inspired the minds of her people to comparable
achievements in the intellectual world. The sixteenth century was indeed
to Spain what the Augustan Age was to Rome, and what the Elizabethan and
Victorian ages were to England, and for some of the same reasons.
It was then that three great universities were founded: Salamanca,
Alcala for science, Valladolid for law; and a noteworthy school of
navigation at Seville. There flourished the philosopher Luis Vives, the
tutor of Mary Stuart. In jurisprudence there were Victoria and Vazquez,
from whom Grotius received his inspiration; and Solorzano, with his
monumental work of the Government of the Indies. The drama was adorned
by Lope de Rueda, Lope de Vega, Gabriel Tellez, and Juan del Enzina. The
greatest name of all in literature was that of Miguel Cervantes y
Saavedra. There were the poets Garcilaso de Vega, and Luis de Argote y
Gongora. There were the painters Ribera, and Domenico Theotocopuli, who
inspired Velazquez.
Above all, there was one of the most remarkable groups of historians of
any land or age. Paez de Castro was more than any other man the founder
of history as a philosophical study as distinguished from mere polite
letters; the forerunner of Voltaire and Hume. There were Florian de
Ocampo, Jeronimo Zurita, Ambrosio de Morales, and the famous Jesuit
Mariana. Then there was a remarkable company of historians inspired by
the American conquests of Spain, who gave their attention to writing of
the lands thus added to her empire: Oviedo, Gomara, Bernal Diaz, Lopez
de Velasco, Las Casas, and many more. Cortez, Pizarro, Velasquez and
others might conquer lands for Spain. These others would see to it that
their deeds were fittingly chronicled.
There was something more, still more significant. There arose
distinguished writers, producing notable works, in the countries of
Spanish America; some born there, some travelling thither from the
peninsula. It was in 1558 that the University of Santo Domingo was
founded, which for a time served all the Spanish Indies and was a great
centre of learning. How many poets and dramatists, not to mention
historians and other writers, there were in America in that century, we
are reminded in Cervantes's "Viaje de Parnaso" and Lope de Vega's
"Laurel de Apolo." These writers were chiefly in Mexico and Peru, for
obvious reasons. Those were Spain's chief colonies, and they were those
which had themselves the most noteworthy past, a past marked with a high
degree of civilization. The first book ever printed in the Western
Hemisphere was the "Breve y Compendiosa Doctrina Cristiana," published
by Juan de Zumarraga, the first Bishop of Mexico, in Mexico in 1539.
It was about the middle of the century that there appeared the first
American book of real literary merit. This was "La Araucana," a Chilean
epic poem, by Alonso de Ercilla y Zuñiga. Another epic, with Hernando
Cortez for its hero, was "Cortez Valeroso," by Gabriel Lasso de la Vega,
in 1588. The next year saw Juan de Castellanos's prodigious historical
and biographical poem of 150,000 lines, "Elegias de Varones Ilustres de
Indias." Another epic of Cortez was Antonio de Saavedra Guzman's
"Peregrino Indiano," in 1599.
In all these things Cuba had no part. In later centuries that island
could boast of poets and other writers worthy to rank with their best
contemporaries of other lands. But in that marvellous sixteenth century
she seems to have produced not a single name worthy of remembrance. In
the rich productivity of Spanish intellect Cuba remained unrepresented.
In Oriente, in Camaguey and in Havana there may be found legends and
ballads of unknown but ancient origin, which are assumed to have been
composed perhaps in the days of Velasquez, and to have been passed down
orally from generation to generation. _Quien sabe?_ It is quite probable
that such was their origin; but it is quite certain that their authors
are unknown.
For this lack of intellectual productivity in the first century of
Cuba's history, and indeed the lack of any noteworthy achievements, the
reason is not difficult to perceive. As we observed at the beginning of
this volume, Cuba, at the advent of Europeans, was a country without a
civilization and without a past. Mexico, Yucatan and Peru had enjoyed
civilizations not unworthy of comparison with those of Europe and Asia,
the remains of which attracted thither the intellects of Spain, and
inspired them. But Cuba had nothing of the sort. Again, the vast wealth
of Mexico and Peru attracted to those countries many more explorers,
conquerors and colonists than Cuba could draw to herself. And there was
also the partiality which was shown to them by royal favor and in royal
interest. We shall have reviewed the annals of the first Cuban century
to little purpose if we do not perceive that during the greater part of
that time the "Queen of the Antilles," the "Pearl of the West Indies,"
as she was even then occasionally and afterward habitually called, was
the Cinderella of the Spanish Empire; a Cinderella destined, however,
one day to meet her Fairy Prince and thus to be wakened into splendor
not surpassed by the finest of her sisters.
The close of the sixteenth century marked, then, approximately a great
turning point in Cuban history. Thitherto she had been exclusively
identified with Spain. She had developed no individuality and had
exercised no influence upon other lands and their relationships, or
indeed upon the empire of which she was a part. It was left for later
years to make her an important factor in international affairs and to
develop in her an individuality worthy of an independent sovereign among
the nations of the world.
Yet in these very circumstances which we have recounted, and which upon
the face of them appeared to be and indeed were for the time so
unfavorable, there were developed the influences which unerringly led to
the subsequent greatness of the island. The earliest settlers were not
only of Spanish origin but also of Spanish sympathies. They could not be
expected to have any affection for or any pride in the land to which
they had come as to a mere "Tom Tiddler's ground," on which to pick up
silver and gold. They valued Cuba for only what they could get out of
her; many of them glad, after thus gaining wealth, to return to Spain,
or to go to Mexico, Venezuela or Peru, there the better to enjoy it and
to mingle in social pleasures which the primitive life of Cuba did not
yet afford.
There were, however, some even in the first generation who were
exceptions to this rule, who loved Cuba for her own sake, who wished to
identify themselves permanently with her, and who wished to see her
developed to the greatness and the splendor for which her natural
endowments seemed to them to have designed her. In the second generation
the number of such was of course greatly multiplied, and in succeeding
generations their increase proceeded at a constantly increasing ratio.
Thus by the end of the first century of Cuban history the great majority
of residents of the island regarded themselves as Cubans rather than as
Spaniards. They were Spaniards in race and tongue, and they were ready
to stand with the peninsular kingdom and the rest of its world-circling
empire against any of other tongues and races. But while thus to the
outside world they were Spaniards, to Spain itself and to the people of
the peninsula they were Cubans; differentiated from Spain much more than
the Catalonian was from the Castilian, or the Andalusian from the
Navarrais.
This sentiment of differentiation, and of insular individuality, was
naturally strengthened by the treatment which the peninsular government
accorded to the island. The Cubans were made to feel that Spain regarded
them as apart from her, just as much as they themselves so regarded her.
They felt, too, that she was treating them with injustice and with
neglect; that instead of nourishing her young plantation and giving it
the support of her wealth and strength she was drawing upon it for her
own nourishment and support. They would have been either far more or far
less than human if they had not thus been incited to a certain degree of
resentment and to an assertion of independence.
In brief, it was with the Cubans even at that early day as it was with
the British colonists in North America a century and a half later;
though indeed the Cubans determined upon separation from the mother
country at a comparatively earlier date than the people of the Thirteen
Colonies, or certainly much longer before their achievement of that
independence. We know that the British colonists were dissatisfied and
protesting for nearly a score of years before their Declaration of
Independence, but that down to within a few months of the latter
transcendent event scarcely any of them thought of separation from
England. Lexington and Concord, and even Bunker Hill, were fought not
for independence but for the securing of the same rights for the
colonists that their fellow subjects in the British Isles enjoyed. But
the Cubans resolved upon separation from Spain not only years but at
least two full generations before they were able to achieve it.
This spirit belongs to a much later date in Cuban history than that of
which we are now writing, and to refer to it here is an act of
anticipation. But it is desirable to some extent to scan the end from
the beginning; to see from the outset to what end we shall come as well
as to see at the end from what beginning we have come. Moreover, it
cannot be too well remembered that even as soon as the latter part of
the sixteenth century the people of Cuba regarded themselves as Cubans,
and so called themselves, and had begun the cultivation of a social
order and a sentiment of patriotism quite distinct from though not yet
necessarily antagonistic to that of Spain.
The transition from the sixteenth to the seventeenth century was marked,
then, with a significant change in the temper and character of Cuba,
especially by a great accession of the spirit of insular integrity and
independence. While Spain was great and apparently growing greater,
there was a gratifying pride in identification with her. But when her
decline began, and showed signs of being as rapid as her rise had been,
that pride waned, and there began to arise in its place a pride in Cuba,
or perhaps we might say at that early date a determination to develop in
Cuba cause for pride. From that time forward Cuba was destined to be
more American than European; and though for nearly three centuries she
might continue to be a European possession, yet her lot was decided.
Unconsciously, perhaps, but not the less surely she was drawn into the
irresistible current which was drawing all the American settlements away
from the European planters of them. It was one of the interesting
eccentricities of history that the first important land acquired by
Spain in the western hemisphere should be the last to leave her sway;
and that the first European colonists in America to have cause for
complaint against their overlords should be the longest to suffer and
the last to secure abatement of their wrongs. Such is the reflection
caused by consideration of this first era in the history of the Queen of
the Antilles.
THE END OF VOLUME ONE
* * * * *
INDEX
Abarzuza, Sr. proposes reforms for Cuba, IV, 6.
Abreu. Marta and Rosalie, patriotism of, IV, 25.
Academy of Sciences, Havana, picture of, IV, 364.
Adams, John Quincy, enunciates American policy toward Cuba, II, 258;
portrait, 259;
on Cuban annexation, 327.
Aglona, Prince de. Governor, II, 363.
Agramonte, Aristide, in yellow fever campaign, IV, 172.
Agramonte, Enrique, in Cuban Junta, IV, 12.
Agramonte, Eugenio Sanchez, sketch and portrait, IV, 362.
Agramonte, Francisco, IV, 41.
Agramonte, Ignacio, portrait, facing. III, 258.
Agriculture, early attention to, I, 173, 224;
progress, 234;
II, 213;
absentee landlords, 214;
statistics, 223;
discussed in periodicals, 250;
rehabilitation of after War of Independence, IV, 147.
Aguayo, Geronimo de, I, 161.
Aguero, Joaquin de, organizes revolution, III, 72;
final defeat, 87.
Aguiar, Luis de, II, 60.
Aguiera, Jose, I, 295.
Aguila, Negra, II, 346.
Aguilera, Francisco V., sketch and portrait, III, 173.
Aguirre, Jose Maria, filibuster, IV, 55;
death, 85.
Albemarle, Earl of, expedition against Havana, II, 46;
occupies Havana, 78;
controversy with Bishop Morell, 83.
Alcala, Marcos, I, 310.
Aldama, Miguel de, sketch and portrait, III, 204.
Aleman, Manuel, French emissary, II, 305.
Algonquins, I, 7.
Allen, Robert, on "Importance of Havana," II, 81.
Almendares River, tapped for water supply, I, 266;
view on, IV, 167.
Almendariz, Alfonso Enrique, Bishop, I, 277.
Alquiza, Sancho de, Governor, I, 277.
Altamarino, Governor, I, 105;
post mortem trial of Velasquez, 107;
attacked by the Guzmans, 109;
removed, 110.
Altamirano, Juan C., Bishop, I, 273;
seized by brigands, 274.
Alvarado, Luis de, I, 147.
Alvarado, Pedro de, in Mexico, I, 86.
Amadeus, King of Spain, III, 260.
America, relation of Cuba to, I, 1;
II, 254. See United States .
American Revolution, effect of upon Spain and her colonies, II, 138.
American Treaty, between Great Britain and Spain, I, 303.
Andrea, Juan de, II, 9.
Angulo, Francisco de, exiled, I, 193.
Angulo, Gonzales Perez de, Governor, I, 161;
emancipation proclamation, 163;
quarrel with Havana Council, 181;
flight from Sores, 186;
end of administration, 192.
Anners, Jean de Laet de, quoted, I, 353.
Annexation of Cuba to United States, first suggested, II, 257, 326;
campaign for, 380;
sought by United States, III, 132, 135;
Marcy's policy, 141;
Ostend Manifesto, 142;
Buchanan's efforts, 143;
not considered in War of Independence, IV, 19.
Antonelli, Juan Bautista, engineering works in Cuba, I, 261;
creates water supply for Havana, 266.
Apezteguia. Marquis de, Autonomist leader, IV, 94.
Apodaca, Juan Ruiz, Governor, II, 311.
Arana, Martin de, warns Prado of British approach, II, 53.
Arana, Melchior Sarto de, commander of La Fuerza, I, 237.
Arana, Pedro de, royal accountant, I, 238.
Aranda, Esquival, I, 279.
Arango, Augustin, murder of, III, 188.
Arango, Napoleon, treason of, III, 226.
Arango y Pareño, Francisco, portrait, frontispiece, Vol. II;
organizes Society of Progress, II, 178;
leadership in Cuba, 191;
attitude toward slavery, 208;
his illustrious career, 305 et seq.
Aranguren, Nestor, revolutionist, IV, 85;
death, 92.
Araoz, Juan, II, 181.
Arias, A. R., Governor, III, 314.
Arias, Gomez, I, 145.
Arignon, Villiet, quoted, II, 26, 94.
Armona, José de, II, 108.
Army, Cuban, organization of, III, 178;
reorganized, 263;
under Jose Miguel Gomez, IV, 301.
Army, Spanish, in Cuba, III, 181, 295.
Aroztegui, Martin de, II, 20.
Arrate, José Martin Felix, historian, II, 17, 179.
Arredondo, Nicolas, Governor at Santiago, II, 165.
Asbert, Gen. Ernesto, amnesty case, IV, 326.
"Assiento" compact on slavery, II, 2.
Assumption, Our Lady of the, I, 61.
Astor, John Jacob, aids War of Independence, IV, 14.
Asylums for Insane, II, 317.
Atares fortress, picture, II, 103.
Atkins, John, book on West Indies, II, 36.
Atrocities, committed by Spanish, III, 250;
Cespedes's protest against, 254;
"Book of Blood," 284;
Spanish confession of, 286;
war of destruction,
295;
Weyler's "concentration" policy, IV, 85.
Attwood's Cay. See Guanahani .
Autonomist party, III, 305;
IV, 34;
attitude toward Campos in War of Independence, 59;
Cabinet under Blanco, 94;
earnest efforts for peace, 101;
record of its government, 102.
Avellanda, Gertrudis Gomez de, III, 331;
portrait, facing, 332.
Avila, Alfonso de, I, 154.
Avila, Juan de, Governor, I, 151;
marries rich widow, 154;
charges against him, 157;
convicted and imprisoned, 158.
Avila. See Davila .
Aviles, Pedro Menendez de, See Menendez .
Ayala, Francisco P. de, I, 291.
Ayilon, Lucas V. de, strives to make peace between Velasquez
and Cortez, I, 98.
Azcarata, José Luis, Secretary of Justice, sketch and portrait,
IV, 341.
Azcarate, Nicolas, sketch and portrait, III, 251, 332.
Azcarraga, Gen., Spanish Premier, IV, 88.
"Barbeque" sought by Columbus, I, 18.
Bachiller, Antonio, sketch and portrait, III, 317.
Bacon, Robert, Assistant Secretary of State of U. S., intervenes
in revolution, IV, 272.
Bahia Honda, selected as U. S. naval station, IV, 256.
Balboa, Vasco Nuñez de, I, 55, 91.
Bancroft, George, quoted, I, 269;
II, 1, 24, 41, 117, 120, 159.
Banderas, Quintin, revolutionist, IV, 34;
raid, 57;
death, 84.
Baracoa, Columbus at, I, 18;
Velasquez at, 60;
picture, 60;
first capital of Cuba, 61, 168.
Barreda, Baltazar, I, 201.
Barreiro, Juan Bautista, Secretary of Education, IV, 160.
Barrieres, Manuel Garcia, II, 165.
Barrionuevo, Juan Maldonado, Governor, I, 263.
Barsicourt, Juan Procopio. See Santa Clara , Conde.
Bayamo, founded by Velasquez, I, 68, 168;
Cuban Republic organized there, III, 157.
Bayoa, Pedro de, I, 300.
Bay of Cortez, reached by Columbus, I, 25.
Bees, introduced by Bishop Morell, II, 104;
increase of industry, 132.
"Beggars of the Sea," raid Cuban coasts, I, 208.
Bells, church, controversy over, II, 82.
Bembrilla, Alonzo, I, 111.
Benavides, Juan de, I, 280.
Berrea, Esteban S. de, II, 6.
Betancourt, Pedro, Civil Governor of Matanzas, IV, 179;
loyal to Palma, 271.
Betancourt. See Cisneros .
"Bimini," Island of, I, 139.
Bishops of Roman Catholic Church in Cuba, I, 122.
"Black Eagle," II, 346.
Black Warrior affair, III, 138.
Blanchet, Emilio, historian, quoted, II, 9, 15, 24;
on siege of Havana, 57, 87.
Blanco, Ramon, Governor, IV, 88;
undertakes reforms, 89;
plans Cuban autonomy, 93;
on destruction of Maine, 99;
resigns, 121.
Blue, Victor, observations at Santiago, IV, 110.
Bobadilla, F. de, I, 54.
Boca de la Yana, I, 18.
"Bohio" sought by Columbus, I, 18.
Bolivar, Simon, II, 333;
portrait, 334;
"Liberator," 334 et seq.;
influence on Cuba, 341;
"Soles de Bolivar," 341.
Bonel, Juan Bautista, II, 133.
"Book of Blood," III, 284.
Bourne, Edward Gaylord, quoted, on slavery, II, 209;
on Spanish in America, 226.
Brinas, Felipe, III, 330.
British policy toward Spain and Cuba, I, 270;
aggressions in West Indies, 293;
slave trade, II, 2;
war of 1639, 22;
designs upon Cuba, 41;
expedition against Havana, 1762, 46;
conquest of Cuba, 78;
relinquishment to Spain, 92. See Great Britain .
Broa Bay, I, 22.
Brooke, Gen. John R., receives Spanish surrender of Cuba, IV, 122;
proclamation to Cuban people, 145;
retired, 157.
Brooks, Henry, revolutionist, IV, 30.
Buccaneers, origin of, I, 269.
Buccarelli, Antonio Maria, Governor, II, 110;
retires, 115.
Buchanan, James, on U. S. relations to Cuba, II, 263;
III, 135;
Minister to Great Britain, 142;
as President seeks annexation of Cuba to U. S., 143.
Bull-fighting, II, 233.
Burgos, Juan de, Bishop, I, 225.
Burtnett, Spanish spy against Lopez, III, 65.
Bustamente, Antonio Sanchez de, jurist, sketch and portrait, IV, 165.
Caballero, José Agustin, sketch and portrait, III, 321.
Caballo, Domingo, II, 173.
Cabanas, defences constructed, II, 58;
Laurel Ditch, view, facing, 58.
Caballero, Diego de, I, 111.
Cabezas, Bishop, I, 277.
Cabrera, Diego de, I, 206.
Cabrera, Luis, I, 198.
Cabrera, Lorenzo de, Governor, I, 279;
removed, 282.
Cabrera, Rafael, filibuster, IV, 70.
Cabrera, Raimundo, conspirator in New York, IV, 334;
warned, 339.
Cadreyta, Marquis de, I, 279.
Cagigal, Juan Manuel de, Governor, II, 154;
defence of Havana, 155;
removed and imprisoned, 157.
Cagigal, Juan Manuel, Governor, II, 313;
successful administration, 315.
Cagigal de la Vega, Francisco, defends Santiago, II, 29;
Governor, 32;
Viceroy of Mexico, 34.
Caguax, Cuban chief, I, 63.
Calderon, Gabriel, Bishop, I, 315.
Calderon, Garcia, quoted, II, 164, 172.
Calderon de la Barca, Spanish Minister,
on La Verdad, III, 19;
on colonial status, 21;
negotiations with Soulé, 140.
Calhoun, John C., on Cuba, III, 132.
Calleja y Isisi, Emilio, Governor, III, 313;
proclaims martial law, IV, 30;
resigns, 35.
Camaguey. See Puerto Principe , I, 168.
Campbell, John, description of Havana, II, 14.
Campillo, Jose de, II, 19.
Campos, Martinez de, Governor, III, 296;
proclamations to Cuba, 297, 299;
makes Treaty of Zanjon and ends Ten Years War, 299;
in Spanish crisis, IV, 36;
Governor again, 37;
establishes Trocha, 44;
defeated by Maceo, 46;
conferences with party leaders, 59, 63;
removed, 63.
Cancio, Leopoldo, Secretary of Treasury, IV, 161, 320.
Canizares, Santiago J., Minister of Interior, IV, 48.
Canning, George, policy toward Cuba, II, 257;
portrait, 258.
Canoe, of Cuban origin, I, 10.
Canon, Rodrigo, I, 111.
Canovas del Castillo, Spanish Premier, IV, 36;
assassinated, 88.
Cape Cruz, Columbus at, I, 20.
Cape Maysi, I, 4.
Cape of Palms, I, 17.
Capote, Domingo Menendez. Vice-President, IV, 90;
Secretary of State, 146;
President of Constitutional Convention. 189.
Carajaval, Lucas, defies Dutch, I, 290.
Cardenas, Lopez lands at, III, 49.
Caribs, I, 8.
Carillo, Francisco, filibuster, IV, 55.
Carleton, Sir Guy, at Havana, II, 47.
Carranza, Domingo Gonzales, book on West Indies, II, 37.
Carrascesa, Alfonso, II, 6.
Carreño, Francisco, Governor, I, 219;
conditions at his accession, 228;
dies in office, 229;
work in rebuilding Havana, 231.
Carroll, James, in yellow fever campaign, IV, 172.
Casa de Beneficienca, founded, I, 335;
II, 177.
Casa de Resorgiamento, founded, II, 31.
Casares, Alfonso, codifies municipal ordinances, I, 207.
Castellanos, Jovellar, last Spanish Governor of Cuba, IV, 121;
surrenders Spanish sovereignty, 123.
Castillo, Demetrio, Civil Governor of Oriente, IV, 180.
Castillo, Ignacio Maria del, Governor, III, 314.
Castillo, Loinaz, revolutionist. IV, 269.
Castillo, Pedro del, Bishop, I, 226.
Castro, Hernando de, royal treasurer, I, 115.
Cathcart Lord, expedition to West Indies, II, 28.
Cathedral of Havana, picture, facing I, 36;
begun, I, 310.
Cat Island. See Guanahani .
Cayo, San Juan de los Remedios del, removal of, I, 319.
Cazones, Gulf of, I, 21.
Cemi, Cuban worship of, I, 55.
Census, of Cuba, first taken, by Torre, II, 131;
by Las Casas, 176;
of slaves, 205;
of 1775, 276;
of 1791, 277;
Humboldt on, 277;
of 1811, 280;
of 1817, 281;
of 1827, 283;
of 1846, 283;
of 1899, IV, 154;
of 1907, 287.
Cespedes, Carlos Manuel, III, 157;
portrait, facing 158;
in Spain, 158;
leads Cuban revolution, 158;
President of Republic, 158;
proclamation, 168;
negotiations with Spain, 187;
removed from office, 275.
Cespedes, Carlos Manuel, filibuster, IV, 55.
Cespedes, Enrique, revolutionist, IV, 30.
Cervera, Admiral, brings Spanish fleet to Cuba, IV, 110;
portrait, 110;
surrenders, 114.
Chacon, José Bayoma, II, 13.
Chacon, Luis, I, 331, 333.
Chalons, Sr., Secretary of Public Works, IV, 297.
Chamber of Commerce founded, II, 307.
Charles I, King, I, 74;
denounces oppression of Indians, 128.
Chaves, Antonio, Governor, I, 157;
prosecutes Avila, 157;
ruthless policy toward natives, 159;
controversy with King, 160;
dismissed from office, 161.
Chaves, Juan Baton de, I, 331.
Chilton, John, describes Havana, I, 349.
Chinchilla, José, Governor, III, 314.
Chinese, colonies in America, I, 7;
laborers imported into Cuba, II, 295.
Chorrera, expected to be Drake's landing place, I, 248.
Chorrera River, dam built by Antonelli, I, 262.
Christianity, introduced into Cuba by Ojeda, I, 55;
urged by King Ferdinand, 73.
Church, Roman Catholic, organized and influential in Cuba, I, 122;
cathedral removed from Baracoa to Santiago, 123;
conflict with civil power, 227;
controversy with British during British occupation, II, 84;
division of island into two dioceses, 173;
attitude toward War of Independence, IV, 26;
controversy over property, 294.
Cienfuegos, José, Governor, II, 311.
Cimmarones, "wild Indians," I, 126;
revolt against De Soto, 148.
Cipango, Cuba identified with, by Columbus, I, 5.
Cisneros, Gaspar Betancourt, sketch and portrait, II, 379.
Cisneros, Pascal Jiminez de, II, 110, 127.
Cisneros, Salvador, III, 167;
sketch and portrait, 276;
President of Cuban Republic, 277;
President of Council of Ministers, IV, 48;
in Constitutional Convention, 190.
Civil Service, law, IV, 325;
respected by President Menocal, 325.
Clay, Henry, policy toward Cuba, II, 261.
Clayton, John M., U. S. Secretary of State, issues proclamation
against filibustering, III, 42.
Cleaveland, Samuel, controversy over church bells, II, 83.
Cleveland, Grover. President of United States, issues warning against
breaches of neutrality, IV, 70;
reference to Cuba
in message of 1896, 79;
its significance, 80.
Coat of Arms of Cuba, picture, IV, 251;
significance, 251.
Cobre, copper mines, I, 173, 259.
"Cockfighting and Idleness" campaign, IV, 291.
Coffee, cultivation begun, II, 33, 113.
Coinage, reformed, II, 142;
statistics of, 158.
Collazo, Enrique, filibuster, IV, 55.
Coloma, Antonio Lopez, revolutionist, IV, 30.
Colombia, designs upon Cuba, II, 262;
III, 134;
attitude toward Cuban revolution, 223.
Columbus, Bartholomew, recalled to Spain, I, 57.
Columbus, Christopher, portrait, frontispiece, Vol. I;
discoverer of America, I;
i;
first landing in America, 2;
monument on Watling's Island, picture, 3;
arrival in Cuba, 11;
question as to first landing place, 12;
first impressions of Cuba and intercourse with natives, 14;
exploration of north coast, 16;
end of first visit, 18;
second visit, 19;
exploration of south coast, 21;
at Bay of Cortez, 25;
turns back from circumnavigation, 26;
at Isle of Pines, 26;
final departure from Cuba, 27;
diary and narrative, 28 et seq.;
death and burial, 33;
tomb in Havana cathedral, 34;
removal to Seville, 36;
removal from Santo Domingo to Havana, II, 181;
epitaph, 182.
Columbus, Diego, plans exploration and colonization of Cuba, I, 57;
attempts mediation between Velasquez and Cortez, 97;
replaces Velasquez with Zuazo, 100;
rebuked by King, 100.
Comendador, Cacique, I, 55.
Commerce, begun by Velasquez, I, 68;
rise of corporations, II, 19;
after British occupation, 98;
under Torre, 132;
reduction of duties, 141;
extension of trade, 163;
Tribunal of Commerce founded, 177;
Real Compania de Havana, 199;
restrictive measures, 200;
Chamber of Commerce founded, 307;
commerce with United States, III, 2;
during American occupation, IV, 184;
present, 358.
Compostela, Diego E. de, Bishop, I, 318;
death, 332.
Concepcion, Columbus's landing place, I, 3.
Concessions, forbidden under American occupation, IV, 153.
Concha, José Gutierrez de la, Governor, III, 62, 290.
Conchillos, royal secretary, I, 59.
Congress, Cuban, welcomed by Gen. Wood, IV, 246;
turns against Palma, 269;
friendly to Gomez, 303;
hostile to Menocal, 323;
protects the lottery, 324.
Constitution: Cuban Republic of 1868, III, 157;
of 1895, IV, 47;
call for Constitutional Convention, 185;
meeting of Convention, 187;
draft completed, 192;
salient provisions, 193;
Elihu Root's comments, 194;
Convention discusses relations with United States, 197;
Platt
Amendment, 199;
amendment adopted, 203;
text of Constitution, 304 et seq.;
The Nation, 205;
Cubans, 205;
Foreigners, 207;
Individual Rights, 208;
Suffrage, 211;
Suspension of Guarantees, 212;
Sovereignty, 213;
Legislative Bodies, 214;
Senate, 214;
House of Representatives, 216;
Congress, 218;
Legislation, 221;
Executive, 222;
President, 222;
Vice-President, 225;
Secretaries of State, 226;
Judiciary, 227;
Supreme Court, 227;
Administration of Justice, 228;
Provincial Governments, 229;
Provincial Councils, 230;
Provincial Governors, 231;
Municipal Government, 233;
Municipal Councils, 233;
Mayors, 235;
National Treasury, 235;
Amendments, 236;
Transient Provisions, 237;
Appendix (Platt Amendment), 238.
"Constitutional Army," IV, 268.
Contreras, Andres Manso de, I, 288.
Contreras, Damien, I, 278.
Convents, founded, I, 276;
Nuns of Santa Clara, 286.
Conyedo, Juan de, Bishop, II, 35.
Copper, discovered near Santiago, I, 173;
wealth of mines, 259;
reopened, II, 13;
exports, III, 3.
Corbalon, Francisco R., I, 286.
Cordova de Vega, Diego de, Governor, I, 239.
Cordova, Francisco H., expedition to Yucatan, I, 84.
Cordova Ponce de Leon, José Fernandez, Governor, I, 316.
Coreal, Francois, account of West Indies, quoted, I, 355.
Coronado, Manuel, gift for air planes, IV, 352.
Cortes, Spanish, Cuban representation in, II, 308;
excluded, 351;
lack of representation, III, 3;
after Ten Years' War, 307.
Cortez, Hernando, Alcalde of Santiago de Cuba, I, 72;
sent to Mexico by King, 74;
agent of Velasquez, 86;
early career, 90;
portrait, 90;
quarrel with Velasquez, 91;
marriage, 92;
commissioned by Velasquez to explore Mexico, 92;
sails for Mexico, 94;
final breach with Velasquez, 96;
denounced as rebel, 97;
escapes murder, 99.
Cosa, Juan de la, geographer, I, 6, 53.
Councillors, appointed for life, I, 111;
conflict with Procurators, 113.
Creoles, origin of name, II, 204.
Crittenden, J. J., protests against European intervention in Cuba,
III, 129.
Crittenden, William S., with Lopez, III, 96;
captured, 101;
death, 105.
Crombet, Flor, revolutionist, IV, 41, 42.
Crooked Island. See Isabella .
Crowder, Gen. Enoch H., head of Consulting Board, IV, 284.
Cuba: Relation to America, I, 1;
Columbus's first landing, 3;
identified with Mangi or Cathay, 4;
with Cipango, 5;
earliest maps, 6;
physical history, 7, 37 et seq.;
Columbus's discovery, 11 et seq.;
named Juana, 13;
other names, 14;
Columbus's account of, 28;
geological history, 37-42;
topography, 42-51;
climate, 51-52;
first circumnavigation, 54;
colonization, 54;
Velasquez at Baracoa, 60;
commerce begun, 68;
government organized, 69;
named Ferdinandina, 73;
policy of Spain toward, 175;
slow economic progress, 215;
land legislation, 232;
Spanish discrimination against, 266;
divided into two districts, 275;
British description in 1665, 306;
various accounts, 346;
turning point in history, 363;
close of first era, 366;
British conquest, II, 78;
relinquished to Spain, 92;
great changes effected, 94;
economic condition, 98;
reoccupied by Spain, 102;
untouched by early revolutions, 165;
effect of revolution in Santo Domingo, 190;
first suggestion of annexation to United States, 257;
"Ever Faithful Isle," 268;
rise of independence, 268;
censuses, 276 et seq.;
representation in Cortes, 308;
"Soles de Bolivar," 341;
representatives rejected from Cortes, 351;
transformation of popular spirit, 383;
independence proclaimed, III, 145;
Republic organized, 157;
War of Independence, IV, 15;
Spanish elections held during war, 67;
Blanco's plan of autonomy, 93;
sovereignty surrendered by Spain, 123;
list of Spanish Governors, 123. See Republic of Cuba .
Cuban Aborigines;
I, 8;
manners, customs and religion, 8 et seq.;
Columbus's first intercourse, 15, 24;
priest's address to Columbus, 26;
Columbus's observations of them, 29;
hostilities begun by Velasquez, 61;
subjected to Repartimiento system, 70;
practical slavery, 71;
Key Indians, 125;
Cimmarones, 126;
new laws in their favor, 129;
Rojas's endeavor to save them, 130;
final doom, 133;
efforts at reform, 153;
oppression by Chaves, 159;
Angulo's emancipation proclamation, 163.
"Cuba-nacan," I, 5.
"Cuba and the Cubans," quoted, II, 313.
"Cuba y Su Gobierno," quoted, II, 354.
Cuellar, Cristobal de, royal accountant, I, 59.
Cushing, Caleb, Minister to Spain, III, 291.
Custom House, first at Havana, I, 231.
Dady, Michael J., & Co., contract dispute, IV, 169.
Davila, Pedrarias, I, 140.
Davis, Jefferson, declines to join Lopez, III, 38.
Del Casal, Julian, sketch and portrait, IV, 6.
Del Cueta, José A., President of Supreme Court, portrait, IV, 359.
Delgado, Moru, Liberal leader, IV, 267.
Del Monte, Domingo, sketch, portrait, and work, II, 323.
Del Monte, Ricardo, sketch and portrait, IV, 2.
Demobilization of Cuban army, IV, 135.
Desvernine, Pablo, Secretary of Finance, IV, 146.
Diaz, Bernal, at Sancti Spiritus, I, 72;
in Mexico, 86.
Diaz, Manuel, I, 239.
Diaz, Manuel Luciano, Secretary of Public Works, IV, 254.
Diaz, Modeste, III, 263.
Divino, Sr., Secretary of Justice, IV, 297.
Dockyard at Havana, established, II, 8.
Dolz, Eduardo, in Autonomist Cabinet, IV, 96.
Dominguez, Fermin V., Assistant Secretary of Foreign Affairs, IV, 50.
Dorst, J. H., mission to Pinar del Rio, IV, 107.
"Dragado" deal, IV, 310.
Drake, Sir Francis, menaces Havana, I, 243;
in Hispaniola, 246;
leaves Havana unassailed, 252;
departs for Virginia, 255.
Duany, Joaquin Castillo, in Cuban Junta, IV, 12;
Assistant Secretary of Treasury, 50;
filibuster, 70.
Dubois, Carlos, Assistant Secretary of Interior, IV, 50.
Duero, Andres de, I, 93, 115.
Dulce y Garay, Domingo, Governor, III, 190, 194;
decree of confiscation, 209;
recalled, 213.
Dupuy de Lome, Sr., Spanish Minister at Washington, IV, 40;
writes offensive letter, 98;
recalled, 98.
Duque, Sr., Secretary of Sanitation and Charity, IV, 297.
Durango, Bishop, I, 225.
Dutch hostilities, I, 208, 279;
activities in West Indies, 283 et seq.
Earthquakes, in 1765, I, 315;
II, 114.
Echeverria, Esteban B., Superintendent of Schools, IV, 162.
Echeverria, José, Bishop, II, 113.
Echeverria, José Antonio, III, 324.
Echeverria, Juan Maria, Governor, II, 312.
Education, backward state of, II, 244;
progress under American occupation, IV, 156;
A. E. Frye, Superintendent, 156;
reorganization of system, 162;
Harvard University's entertainment of teachers, 163;
achievements under President Menocal, 357.
Elections: for municipal officers under American occupation, IV, 180;
law for regulation of, 180;
result, 181;
for Constitutional Convention, 186;
for general officers, 240;
result, 244;
Presidential, 1906, 265;
new law, 287;
local elections under Second Intervention, 289;
Presidential, 290;
for Congress in 1908, 303;
Presidential, 1912, 309;
Presidential, 1916, disputed, 330, result confirmed, 341.
Enciso, Martin F. de, first Spanish writer about America, I, 54.
Epidemics: putrid fever, 1649, I, 290;
vaccination introduced, II, 192;
small pox and yellow fever, III, 313;
at Santiago, IV, 142;
Gen. Wood applies Dr. Finlay's theory of yellow fever, 171;
success, 176;
malaria, 177.
Escudero, Antonio, de, II, 10.
Espada, Juan José Diaz, portrait, facing II, 272.
Espagnola. See Hispaniola .
Espeleta, Joaquin de, Governor, II, 362.
Espinosa, Alonzo de Campos, Governor, I, 316.
Espoleto, José de, Governor, II, 169.
Estenoz, Negro insurgent, IV, 307.
Estevez, Luis, Secretary of Justice, IV, 160;
Vice-President, 245.
Evangelista. See Isle of Pines .
Everett, Edward, policy toward Cuba, III, 130.
"Ever Faithful Isle," II, 268, 304.
Exquemeling, Alexander, author and pirate, I, 302.
"Family Pact," of Bourbons, effect upon Cuba, II, 42.
Felin, Antonio, Bishop, II, 172.
Fels, Cornelius, defeated by Spanish, I, 288.
Ferdinand, King, policy toward Cuba, I, 56;
esteem for Velasquez, 73.
Ferdinandina, Columbus's landing place, I, 3;
name for Cuba, 73.
Ferrara, Orestes, Liberal leader, IV, 260;
revolutionist, 269;
deprecates factional strife, 306;
revolutionary conspirator in New York, 334;
warned by U. S. Government, I, 239.
Ferrer, Juan de, commander of La Fuerza, I, 239.
Figueroa, Vasco Porcallo de, I, 72;
De Soto's lieutenant, 142;
returns from Florida in disgust, 145.
Figuerosa, Rojas de, captures Tortuga, I, 292.
Filarmonia, riot at ball, III, 119.
Filibustering, proclamation of United States against, III, 42;
after Ten Years' War, 311, in War of Independence, IV, 20;
expeditions intercepted, 52;
many successful expeditions, 69;
warnings, 70.
Fine Arts, II, 240.
Finlay, Carlos G., theory of yellow fever successfully applied
under General Wood, IV, 171;
portrait, facing, 172.
Fish, Hamilton, U. S. Secretary of State, prevents premature
recognition of Cuban Republic, III, 203;
protests against Rodas's decree, 216;
on losses in Ten Years' War, 290;
seeks British support, 292;
states terms of proposed mediation, 293.
Fish market at Havana, founder for pirate, II, 357.
Fiske, John, historian, quoted, I, 270.
Flag, Cuban, first raised, III, 31;
replaces American, IV, 249;
picture, 250;
history and significance, 250.
Flores y Aldama, Rodrigo de, Governor, I, 301.
Florida, attempted colonization by Ponce de Leon, I, 139;
De Soto's expedition, 145. See Menendez .
Fonseca, Juan Rodriguez de, Bishop of Seville, I, 59.
Fonts-Sterling, Ernesto, Secretary of Finance, IV, 90;
urges resistance to revolution, 270.
Fornaris, José, III, 230.
Forestry, attention paid by Montalvo, I, 223;
efforts to check waste, II, 166.
Foyo, Sr., Secretary of Agriculture, Commerce and Labor, IV, 297.
France, first foe of Spanish in Cuba, I, 177;
"Family Pact," II, 42;
interest in Cuban revolution, III, 126.
Franquinay, pirate, at Santiago, I, 310.
French refugees, in Cuba, II, 189;
expelled, 302.
French Revolution, effects of, II, 184.
Freyre y Andrade, Fernando, filibuster,
IV, 70;
negotiations with Pino Guerra, 267.
Frye, Alexis, Superintendent of Schools, IV, 156;
controversy with General Wood, 162.
Fuerza, La: picture, facing I, 146;
building begun by De Soto, I, 147;
scene of Lady Isabel's tragic vigil, 147, 179;
planned and built by Sanchez, 194;
work by Menendez, and Ribera, 209;
slave labor sought, 211;
bad construction, 222;
Montalvo's recommendations, 223;
Luzan-Arana quarrel, 237;
practical completion, 240;
decorated by Cagigal, II, 33.
Galvano, Antony, historian, quoted, I, 4.
Galvez, Bernardo, seeks Cuban aid for Pensacola, II, 146;
Governor, 168;
death, 170.
Galvez, José Maria, head of Autonomist Cabinet, IV, 95.
Garaondo, José, I, 317.
Garay, Francisco de, Governor of Jamaica, I, 102.
Garcia, Calixto, portrait, facing III, 268;
President of Cuban Republic, III, 301;
joins War of Independence, IV, 69;
his notable career, 76 et seq.;
joins with Shafter at Santiago, 111;
death, 241.
Garcia, Carlos, revolutionist, IV, 269.
Garcia, Esequiel, Secretary of Education, IV, 320.
Garcia, Marcos, IV, 44.
Garcia, Quintiliano, III, 329.
Garvey, José N. P., II, 222.
Gastaneta, Antonio, II, 9.
Gelder, Francisco, Governor, I, 292.
Gener y Rincon, Miguel, Secretary of Justice, IV, 161.
Geraldini, Felipe, I, 310.
Germany, malicious course of in 1898, IV, 104;
Cuba declares war against, 348;
property in Cuba seized, 349;
aid to Gomez, 350.
Gibson. Hugh S., U. S. Chargé d'Affaires, assaulted, IV, 308.
Giron. Garcia, Governor, I, 279.
Godoy, Captain, arrested at Santiago, and put to death, I, 203.
Godoy, Manuel, II, 172.
Goicouria, Domingo, sketch and portrait, III, 234.
Gold, Columbus's quest for, I, 19;
Velasquez's search, 61;
the "Spaniards' God," 62;
early mining, 81;
value of mines, 173.
Gomez, José Antonio, II, 18.
Gomez, José Miguel, Civil Governor of Santa Clara, IV, 179;
aspires to Presidency, 260, 264;
turns from Conservative to Liberal party, 265;
compact with Zayas, 265;
starts revolution, 269;
elected President, 290;
becomes President, 297;
Cabinet, 297;
sketch and portrait, 298;
acts of his administration, 301;
charged with corruption, 304;
conflict with Veterans' Association, 304;
quarrel with Zayas, 306;
suppresses Negro revolt, 307;
amnesty bill, 309;
National Lottery, 310;
"Dragado" deal, 310;
railroad deal, 310;
estimate of his administration, 311;
double treason in 1916, 332;
defeated and captured, 337;
his orders for devastation, 337;
aided by Germany, 350.
Gomez, Juan Gualberto, revolutionist, IV, 30;
captured and imprisoned, 52;
insurgent, 269.
Gomez, Maximo, III, 264;
succeeds Gen. Agramonte, 275;
makes Treaty of Zanjon with Campos, 299;
in War of Independence, IV, 15;
commander in chief, 16, 43;
portrait, facing 44;
plans great campaign of war, 53;
controversy with Lacret, 84;
opposed to American invasion, 109;
appeals to Cubans to accept American occupation, 136;
impeachment by National Assembly ignored, 137;
influence during Government of Intervention, 149;
considered by Constitutional Convention, 191;
proposed for Presidency, 240;
declines, 241.
Gonzalez, Aurelia Castillo de, author, sketch and portrait, IV, 192.
Gonzales, William E., U. S. Minister to Cuba, IV, 335;
watches Gomez's insurrection, 336.
Gorgas, William C., work for sanitation, IV, 175.
Government of Cuba: organized by Velasquez, I, 69;
developed at Santiago, 81;
radical changes made, 111;
revolution in political status of island, 138;
codification of ordinances, 207;
Ordinances of 1542, 317;
land tenure, II, 12;
reforms by Governor Guemez, 17;
reorganization after British occupation, 104;
great reforms by Torre, 132;
budget and tax reforms, 197;
authority of Captain-General, III, 11;
administrative and judicial functions, 13 et seq.;
military and naval command, 16;
attempted reforms, 63;
concessions after Ten Years' War, 310.
Governors of Cuba, Spanish, list of, IV, 123.
Govin, Antonio, in Autonomist Cabinet, IV, 95;
sketch and portrait, 95.
Grammont, buccaneer, I, 311.
Gran Caico, I, 4.
Grand Turk Island. See Guanahani .
Grant, U. S., President of United States, III, 200;
inclined to recognize Cuban Republic, 202;
prevented by his Secretary of State, 203;
comments in messages, 205, 292.
Great Britain, interest in Cuban revolution, III, 125;
protection sought by Spain, 129;
declines cooperation with United States, 294;
requires return of fugitives, 310.
Great Exuma. See Ferdinandina .
Great Inagua, I, 4.
Great War, Cuba enters, IV, 348;
offers 10,000 troops, 348;
German intrigues and propaganda, 349;
attitude of Roman Catholic clergy, 349;
ships seized, 350;
cooperation with Food Commission, 351;
military activities, 352;
liberal subscriptions to loans, 352;
Red Cross work, 352;
Señora Menocal's inspiring leadership, 353.
Grijalva, Juan de, I, 65;
expedition to Mexico, 66;
names Mexico New Spain, 97;
unjustly recalled and discredited, 88.
Guajaba Island, I, 18.
Guama, Cimmarron chief, I, 127.
Guanabacoa founded, II, 21.
Guanahani, Columbus's landing place, I, 2.
Guanajes Islands, source of slave trade, I, 83.
Guantanamo, Columbus at, I, 19;
U. S. Naval Station, IV, 256.
Guardia, Cristobal de la, Secretary of Justice, IV, 320.
Guazo, Gregorio, de la Vega, Governor, I, 340;
stops tobacco war, 341;
warnings to Great Britain and France, 342;
military activity and efficiency, II, 5.
Guemez y Horcasitas, Juan F., Governor, II, 17;
reforms, 17;
close of administration, 26.
Guerra, Amador, revolutionist, IV, 30.
Guerra, Benjamin, treasurer of Junta, IV, 3.
Guerro, Pino, starts insurrection, IV, 267, 269;
commander of Cuban army, 301;
attempt to assassinate him, 303.
Guevara, Francisco, III, 265.
Guiteras, Juan, physician and scientist, sketch and portrait, IV, 321.
Guiteras, Pedro J., quoted, I, 269;
II, 6;
42;
207.
Guzman, Gonzalez de, mission from Velasquez to King Charles I, I, 85;
vindicates Velasquez, 108;
Governor of Cuba, 110;
marries rich sister-in-law, 116;
litigation over estate, 117;
tremendous indictment by Vadillo, 120;
appeals to King and Council for Indies, 120;
seeks to oppress natives, 128;
second time Governor, 137;
makes more trouble, 148;
trouble with French privateers, 178.
Guzman, Nuñez de, royal treasurer, I, 109;
death and fortune, 115.
Guzman, Santos, spokesman of Constitutionalists, IV, 59.
Hammock, of Cuban origin, I, 10.
Hanebanilla, falls of, view, facing III, 110.
Harponville, Viscount Gustave, quoted, II, 189.
Harvard University, entertains Cuban teachers, IV, 163.
Hatuey, Cuban chief, leader against Spaniards, I, 62;
death, 63.
Havana: founded by Narvaez, I, 69;
De Soto's home and capital, 144;
rise in importance, 166;
Governor's permanent residence, 180;
inadequate defences, 183;
captured by Sores, 186;
protected by Mazariegos, 194;
sea wall proposed by Osorio, 202;
fortified by Menendez, 209;
"Key of the New World," 210;
commercial metropolis of West Indies, 216;
first hospital founded, 226;
San Francisco church, picture, facing 226;
building in Carreño's time, 231;
custom house, 231;
threatened by Drake, 243;
preparations for defence, 250;
officially called "city," 262;
coat of arms, 202;
primitive conditions, 264;
first theatrical performance, 264;
capital of western district, 275;
great fire, 277;
attacked by Pit Hein, 280;
described by John Chilton, 349;
first dockyard established, II, 8;
attacked by British under Admiral
Hosier, 9;
University founded, 11;
described by John Campbell, 14;
British expedition against in 1762, 46;
journal of siege, 54;
American troops engaged, 66;
surrender, 69;
terms, 71;
British occupation, 78;
great changes, 94;
description, 94;
view from Cabanas, facing, 96;
reoccupied by Spanish, 102;
hurricane, 115;
improvements in streets and buildings, 129;
view in Old Havana, facing 130;
street cleaning, and market, 169;
slaughter house removed, 194;
shopping, 242;
cafés, 243;
Tacon's public works, 365;
view of old Presidential Palace, facing III, 14;
view of the Prado, facing IV, 16;
besieged in War of Independence, 62;
view of bay and harbor, facing, 98;
old City Wall, picture, 122;
view of old and new buildings, facing 134;
General Ludlow's administration, 146;
Police reorganized, 150;
view of University, facing 164;
view of the new capitol, facing 204;
view of the President's home, facing 268;
view of the Academy of Arts and Crafts, facing 288;
new railroad terminal, 311.
Hay, John, epigram on revolutions, IV, 343
Hayti. See Hispaniola .
Hein, Pit, Dutch raider, I, 279.
Henderson, John, on Lopez's expedition, III, 64.
Herald, New York, on Cuban revolution, III, 89.
Heredia, José Maria. II, 274;
exiled, 344;
life and works, III, 318;
portrait, facing 318.
Hernani, Domingo, II, 170.
Herrera, historian, on Columbus's first landing, I, 12;
on Hatuey, 62;
description of West Indies, 345.
Herrera, Geronimo Bustamente de, I, 194.
Hevea, Aurelio, Secretary of Interior, IV, 320.
Hispaniola, Columbus at, I, 19;
revolution in, II, 173;
186;
effect upon Cuba, 189.
Hobson, Richmond P., exploit at Santiago, IV, 110.
Holleben, Dr. von, German Ambassador at Washington, intrigues of,
IV, 104.
Home Rule, proposed by Spain, IV, 6;
adopted, 8.
Horses introduced into Cuba, I, 63.
Hosier, Admiral, attacks Havana, I, 312;
II, 9.
Hospital, first in Havana, I, 226;
Belen founded, 318;
San Paula and San Francisco, 195.
"House of Fear," Governor's home, I, 156.
Humboldt, Alexander von, on slavery, II, 206;
on census, 277;
282;
on slave trade, 288.
Hurricanes, II, 115, 176, 310.
Hurtado, Lopez, royal treasurer, I, 116;
has Chaves removed, 162.
Ibarra, Carlos, defeats Dutch raiders, I, 288.
Incas, I, 7.
Independence, first conceived, II, 268;
326;
first revolts for, 343;
sentiment fostered by slave trade, 377;
proclaimed by Aguero, III, 72;
proclaimed by Cespedes at Yara, 155;
proposed by United States to Spain, 217;
War of Independence, IV, 1;
recognized by Spain, 119. See War of Independence .
Intellectual life of Cuba, I, 360;
lack of productiveness in Sixteenth Century, 362;
Cuban backwardness, II, 235;
first important progress, 273;
great arising and splendid achievements, III, 317.
Insurrections. See Revolutions , and Slavery .
Intervention, Government of: First, established, IV, 132;
organized, 145;
Cuban Cabinet, 145;
saves island from famine, 146;
works of rehabilitation and reform, 148;
marriage law, 152;
concessions forbidden, 153;
census, 154;
civil governments of provinces, 179;
municipal elections ordered, 180;
electoral law 180;
final transactions, 246;
Second Government of Intervention, 281;
C. E. Magoon, Governor, 281;
Consulting Board, 284;
elections held, 289, 290;
commission for revising laws, 294;
controversy over church property, 294.
Intervention sought by Great Britain and France, III, 128;
by United States, IV, 106.
Iroquois, I, 7.
Irving, Washington, on Columbus's landing place, I, 12.
Isabella, Columbus's landing place, I, 3.
Isabella, Queen, portrait, I, 13.
Isidore of Seville, quoted, I, 4.
Islas de Arena, I, 11.
Isle of Pines, I, 26;
recognized as part of Cuba, 224;
status under Platt Amendment, IV, 255.
Italian settlers in Cuba, I, 169.
Ivonnet, Negro insurgent, IV, 307.
Jamaica, Columbus at, I, 20.
Japan. See Cipango .
Jaruco, founded, II, 131.
Jefferson, Thomas, on Cuban annexation, II, 260;
III, 132.
Jeronimite Order, made guardian of Indians, I, 78;
becomes their oppressor, 127.
Jesuits, controversy over, II, 86;
expulsion of, 111.
Jordan, Thomas, joins Cuban revolution, III, 211.
Jorrin, José Silverio, portrait, facing III, 308.
Jovellar, Joachim, Governor, III, 273;
proclaims state of siege, 289;
resigns, 290.
Juana, Columbus's first name for Cuba, I, 13.
Juan Luis Keys, I, 21.
Judiciary, reforms in, II, 110;
under Navarro, 142;
under Unzaga, 165;
under Leonard Wood, IV, 177.
Junta, Cuban, in United States, III, 91;
New York, IV, 2;
branches elsewhere, 3;
policy in enlisting men, 19.
Junta de Fomento, II, 178.
Juntas of the Laborers, III, 174.
Keppel, Gen. See Albemarle .
Key Indians, I, 125;
expedition against, 126.
"Key of the New World and Bulwark of the Indies," I, 210.
Kindelan, Sebastian de, II, 197, 315.
Lacoste, Perfecto, Secretary of Agriculture, Industry and Commerce,
IV, 160.
Land tenure, II, 12;
absentee landlords, 214.
Lanuza, Gonzalez, Secretary of Justice, IV, 146;
portrait, 146.
Lares, Amador de, I, 93.
La Salle, in Cuba, I, 73.
Las Casas, Bartholomew, Apostle to the Indies, arrival in Cuba, I, 63;
portrait, 64;
denounces Narvaez, 66;
begins campaign against slavery, 75;
mission to Spain, 77;
before Ximenes, 77.
Las Casas, Luis de, Governor, II, 175;
portrait, 175;
death, 182.
Lasso de la Vega, Juan, Bishop, II, 17.
Lawton, Gen. Henry W., leads advance against Spanish, IV, 112;
Military Governor of Oriente, 139.
Lazear, Camp, established, IV, 172.
Lazear, Jesse W., hero and martyr in yellow fever campaign, IV, 172.
Ledesma, Francisco Rodriguez, Governor, I, 310.
Lee, Fitzhugh, Consul General at Havana, IV, 72;
reports on "concentration" policy of Weyler, 86;
asks for warship to protect Americans at Havana, 97;
Maine sent, 98;
commands troops at Havana, 121.
Lee, Robert Edward, declines to join Lopez, III, 39.
Legrand, Pedro, invades Cuba, I, 302.
Leiva, Lopez, Secretary of Government, IV, 297.
Lemus, Jose Morales, III, 333.
Lendian, Evelio Rodriguez, educator, sketch and portrait, IV, 162.
Liberal Party, III, 306;
triumphant through revolution, IV, 285;
dissensions, 303;
conspiracy against election, 329.
Liberty Loans, Cuban subscriptions to, IV, 352.
Lighthouse service, under Mario G. Menocal, IV, 168.
Linares, Tomas de, first Rector of University of Havana, II, 11.
Lindsay, Forbes, quoted, II, 217.
Linschoten, Jan H. van, historian, quoted, I, 351.
Liquor, intoxicating, prohibited in 1780, II, 150.
Literary periodicals: El Habanero, III, 321;
El Plantel, 324;
Cuban Review, 325;
Havana Review, 329.
Literature, II, 245;
early works, 252;
poets, 274;
great development of activity, III, 315 et seq.
Little Inagua, I, 4.
Llorente, Pedro, in Constitutional Convention, IV, 188, 190.
Lobera, Juan de, commander of La Fuerza, I, 182;
desperate defence against Sores, 185.
Lolonois, pirate, I, 296.
Long Island. See Ferdinandina .
Lopez, Narciso, sketch and portrait, III, 23;
in Venezuela, 24;
joins the Spanish
army, 26;
marries and settles in Cuba, 30;
against the Carlists in Spain, 31;
friend of Valdez, 31;
offices and honors, 33;
plans Cuban revolution, 36;
betrayed and fugitive, 37;
consults Jefferson Davis and Robert E. Lee, 38;
first American expedition, 39;
members of the party, 40;
activity in Southern States, 43;
expedition starts, 45;
proclamation to his men, 46;
lands at Cardenas, 49;
lack of Cuban support, 54;
reembarks, 56;
lands at Key West, 58;
arrested and tried, 60;
second expedition organized, 65;
betrayed, 67;
third expedition, 70;
final expedition organized, 91;
lands in Cuba, 98;
defeated and captured, 112;
death, 114;
results of his works, 116.
Lorenzo, Gen., Governor at Santiago, II, 347.
Lorraine, Sir Lambton, III, 280.
Los Rios, J. B. A. de, I, 310.
Lottery, National, established by José Miguel Gomez, IV, 310.
Louisiana, Franco-Spanish contest over, II, 117;
Ulloa sent from Cuba to take possession, 118;
O'Reilly sent, 123;
Uznaga sent, 126.
Louverture, Toussaint, II, 186.
Luaces, Joaquin Lorenzo, sketch and portrait, III, 330.
Ludlow, Gen. William, command and work at Havana, IV, 144.
Lugo, Pedro Benitez de, Governor, I, 331.
Luna y Sarmiento, Alvaro de, Governor, I, 290.
Luz y Caballero, José de la, "Father of the Cuban Revolution,"
III, 322;
great work for patriotic education, 323;
Portrait, frontispiece, Vol III.
Luzan, Gabriel de, Governor, I, 236;
controversy over La Fuerza, 237;
feud with Quiñones, 241;
unites with Quiñones to resist Drake, 243;
energetic action, 246;
tenure of office prolonged, 250;
end of term, 260.
Macaca, province of, I, 20.
Maceo, José Antonio, proclaims Provisional Government, IV, 15;
leader in War of Independence, 41;
commands Division of Oriente, 43;
defeats Campos, 46;
plans great campaign, 53;
invades Pinar del Rio, 61;
successful campaign, 73;
death, 74;
portrait, facing 74.
Maceo, José, IV, 41;
marches through Cuba, 76.
Machado, Eduard, treason of, III, 258.
Machete, used in battle, IV, 57.
Madison, James, on status of Cuba, III, 132.
Madriaga, Juan Ignacio, II, 59.
Magoon, Charles E., Provisional Governor, IV, 281;
his administration, 283;
promotes public works, 286;
takes census, 287;
election law, 287;
retires, 295.
Mahy, Nicolas, Governor, II, 315.
Mail service established, II, 107;
under American occupation, IV, 168.
Maine sent to Havana, IV, 98;
destruction of, 98;
investigation, 100.
Maldonado, Diego, I, 146.
Mandeville, Sir John, I, 20.
Mangon, identified with Mangi, I, 20.
Manners and Customs, II, 229 et seq.;
balls, 239;
shopping, 242;
relations of black and white races, 242;
cafés, 243;
early society, 248.
Monosca, Juan Saenz, Bishop, I, 301.
Manrique, Diego, Governor, II, 109.
Manzaneda y Salines, Severino de, Governor, I, 320.
Manzanillo, Declaration of Independence issued, III, 155.
Maraveo Ponce de Leon, Gomez de, I, 339.
Marco Polo, I, 4, 20.
Marcy, William L., policy toward Cuba, III, 136.
Mar de la Nuestra Señora, I, 18.
Mariguana. See Guanahani .
Marin, Sabas, succeeds Campos in command, IV, 63.
Markham, Sir Clements, on Columbus's first landing, I, 12.
Marmol, Donato, III, 173, 184.
Marquez, Pedro Menendez, I, 206.
Marriage law, reformed under American occupation, IV, 152;
controversy over, 153.
Marti, José, portrait, frontispiece, Vol IV;
leader of War of Independence, IV, 2;
his career, 9;
in New York, 11;
organizes Junta, 11;
goes to Cuba, 15;
death, 16;
his war manifesto, 17;
fulfilment of his ideals, 355.
Marti, José, secretary of War, portrait, IV, 360.
Marti, the pirate, II, 357.
Martinez Campos. See Campos.
Martinez, Dionisio de la Vega, Governor, II, 8;
inscription on La Punta, 14.
Martinez, Juan, I, 192.
Martyr, Peter, I, 53.
Maso, Bartolome, revolutionist, IV, 34;
rebukes Spotorno, 35;
President of Cuban Republic, 43;
Vice President of Council, 48;
President of Republic, 90;
candidate for Vice President, 242;
seeks Presidency, 243.
Mason, James M., U. S. Minister to France, III, 141.
Masse, E. M., describes slave trade, II, 202;
rural life, 216;
on Spanish policy toward Cuba, 227;
social morals, 230.
Matanzas, founded, I, 321;
meaning of name, 321.
Maura, Sr., proposes Cuban reforms, IV, 5.
McCullagh, John B., reorganizes Havana Police, IV, 150.
McKinley, William, President of United States, message of 1897
on Cuba, IV, 87;
declines European mediation, 103;
message for war, 104.
Maza, Enrique, assaults Hugh S. Gibson, IV, 308.
Mazariegos, Diego de, Governor, I, 191;
a scandalous moralist, 193;
defences against privateering, 193;
takes charge of La Fuerza, 195;
controversy with Governor of Florida, 196;
replaced by Sandoval, 197.
Medina, Fernando de, I, 111.
Mendez-Capote, Fernando, Secretary of Sanitation, portrait, IV, 360.
Mendieta, Carlos, candidate for Vice President, IV, 328;
rebels, 338.
Mendive, Rafael Maria de, III, 328.
Mendoza, Martin de, I, 204.
Menendez, Pedro de Aviles, I, 199;
commander of Spanish fleet, 200;
clash with Osorio, 201;
Governor of Cuba, 205;
dealing with increasing enemies, 208;
fortifies Havana, 209;
recalled to Spain, 213;
conflict with Bishop Castillo, 226.
Menocal, Aniceto G., portrait, IV, 50.
Menocal, Mario G., Assistant Secretary of War, IV, 49;
Chief of Police at Havana, 144, 150;
in charge of Lighthouse Service, 168;
candidate for President, 290;
slandered by Liberals, 291;
elected President, 312;
biography, 312;
portrait, facing 312;
view of birthplace, 313;
Cabinet, 320;
opinion of Cuba's needs, 321;
first message, 322;
conflict with Congress, 323;
important reforms, 324;
suppresses rebellion, 327;
candidate for reelection, 328;
vigorous action against Gomez's rebellion, 335;
declines American aid, 337;
escapes assassination, 339;
reelection confirmed, 341;
clemency to traitors, 342;
message on entering Great War, 346;
fulfilment of Marti's ideals, 355;
estimate of his administration, 356;
achievements for education, 357;
health, 357;
industry and commerce, 358;
finance, 359;
"from Velasquez to Menocal," 365.
Menocal, Señora, leadership of Cuban womanhood in Red Cross and
other work, IV, 354;
portrait, facing 352.
Mercedes, Maria de las, quoted, II, 174;
on slave insurrection, 368.
Merchan, Rafael, III, 174;
patriotic works, 335.
Merlin, Countess de. See Mercedes .
Merrimac, sunk at Santiago, IV, 111.
Mesa, Hernando de, first Bishop, I, 122.
Mestre, José Manuel, sketch and portrait, III, 326.
Meza, Sr., Secretary of Public Instruction and Arts, IV, 297.
Mexico, discovered and explored from Cuba, I, 87;
designs upon Cuba, II, 262;
Cuban expedition against, 346;
warned off by United States, III, 134;
fall of Maximilian, 150.
Milanes, José Jacinto, sketch, portrait and works, III, 324.
Miles, Gen. Nelson A., prepares for invasion of Cuba, IV, 111.
Miranda, Francisco, II, 156;
with Bolivar, 335.
Miscegenation, II, 204.
Molina, Francisco, I, 290.
Monastic orders, I, 276.
Monroe Doctrine, foreshadowed, II, 256;
promulgated, 328.
Monroe, James, interest in Cuba, II, 257;
promulgates Doctrine, 328;
portrait, 329.
Monserrate Gate, Havana, picture, II, 241.
Montalvo, Gabriel, Governor, I, 215;
feud with Rojas family, 218;
investigated and retired, 219;
pleads for naval protection for Cuba, 220.
Montalvo, Lorenzo, II, 89.
Montalvo, Rafael, Secretary of Public Works, urges resistance
to revolutionists, IV, 270.
Montanes, Pedro Garcia, I, 292.
Montano See Velasquez , J. M.
Montes, Garcia, Secretary of Treasury, IV, 254.
Montesino, Antonio, I, 78.
Montiel, Vasquez de, naval commander, I, 278.
Montoro, Rafael, Representative in Cortes, III, 308;
spokesman of Autonomists, IV, 59;
in Autonomist Cabinet, 95;
candidate for Vice President, 290;
attacked by Liberals, 291;
biography, 317;
portrait, facing 320.
Morales case, IV, 92.
Morales. Pedro de, commands at Santiago, I, 299.
Morals, strangely mixed with piety and vice, II, 229.
Morell, Pedro Augustino, Bishop, II, 53;
controversy with Albemarle, 83;
exiled, 87;
death, 113.
Moreno, Andres, Secretary of Foreign Affairs, IV, 90.
Moret law, abolishing slavery, III, 243.
Morgan, Henry, plans raid on Havana, I, 297;
later career, 303.
Morro Castle, Havana, picture, facing I, 180;
site of battery, 180;
tower built by Mazariegos, 196;
fortified against Drake, 249;
planned by Antonelli, 261;
besieged by British, II, 55.
Morro Castle, Santiago, built, I, 289;
picture, facing 298.
Mucaras, I, 11.
Muenster, geographer, I, 6.
Mugeres Islands, I, 84.
Munive, Andres de, I, 317.
Murgina y Mena, A. M., I, 317.
Music, early concerts at Havana, II, 239.
Nabia, Juan Alfonso de, I, 207.
Nancy Globe, I. 6.
Napoleon's designs upon Cuba, II, 203.
Naranjo, probable landing place of Columbus, I, 12.
Narvaez, Panfilo de, portrait, I, 63;
arrival in Cuba, 63;
campaign against natives, 65;
explores the island, 67;
errand to Spain, 77;
sent to Mexico to oppose Cortez, 98;
secures appointment of Councillors for life, 111.
Naval stations, U. S., in Cuba, IV, 255.
Navarrete, quoted, I, 3, 12.
Navarro, Diego Jose, Governor, II, 141, 150.
Navy, Spanish, in Cuban waters, III, 182, 225.
Negroes, imported as slaves, I, 170;
treatment of, 171;
slaves and free, increasing numbers of, 229. See Slavery .
New Orleans, anti-Spanish outbreak, III, 126.
New Spain. See Mexico .
Newspapers: Gazeta, 1780, II, 157;
Papel Periodico, 179;
246;
publications in Paris, Madrid and New York, 354;
El Faro Industrial, III, 18;
Diario de la Marina, 18;
La Verdad, 18;
La Vos de Cuba, 260;
La Vos del Siglo, 232;
La Revolucion, 333;
El Siglo, 334;
El Laborante, 335.
Norsemen, American colonists, I, 7.
Nougaret, Jean Baptiste, quoted, II, 26.
Nuñez, Emilio, in Cuban Junta, IV, 12;
in war, 57;
Civil Governor of Havana, 179;
head of Veterans' Association, 305;
Secretary of Agriculture, 320;
candidate for Vice President, 328;
election confirmed, 341.
Nuñez, Enrique, Secretary of Health and Charities, IV, 320.
Ocampo, Sebastian de, circumnavigates Cuba, I, 54.
O'Donnell, George Leopold, Governor, II, 365;
his wife's sordid intrigues, 365.
Oglethorpe, Governor of Georgia, hostile to Spain, II, 24, 30.
O'Hara, Theodore, with Lopez, III, 46.
Ojeda, Alonzo de, I, 54;
introduces Christianity to Cuba, 55.
Olid, Christopher de, sent to Mexico, I, 88.
Olney, Richard. U. S. Secretary of State, attitude toward War
of Independence, IV, 71.
Oquendo, Antonio de, I, 281.
Orejon y Gaston, Francisco Davila de, Governor, I, 301, 310.
O'Reilly, Alexandre, sent to occupy Louisiana, II, 123;
ruthless rule, 125.
Orellano, Diego de, I, 86.
Ornofay, province of, I, 20.
Ortiz, Bartholomew, alcalde mayor, I, 146;
retires, 151.
Osorio, Garcia de Sandoval, Governor, I, 197;
conflict with Menendez, 199, 201;
retired, 205;
tried, 206.
Osorio, Sancho Pardo, I, 207.
Ostend Manifesto, III, 142.
Ovando, Alfonso de Caceres, I, 214;
revises law system, 233.
Ovando, Nicolas de, I, 54.
Palma, Tomas Estrada, head of Cuban Junta in New York, IV, 3;
Provisional President of Cuban Republic, 15;
Delegate at Large, 43;
rejects anything short of independence, 71;
candidate for Presidency, 241;
his career, 241;
elected President, 245;
arrival in Cuba, 247;
portrait, facing 248;
receives transfer of government from General Wood, 248;
Cabinet, 254;
first message, 254;
prosperous administration, 259;
non-partisan at first, 264;
forced toward Conservative party, 264;
reelected, 266;
refuses to believe insurrection impending, 266;
refuses to submit to blackmail, 268;
betrayed by Congress, 269;
acts too late, 270;
seeks American aid, 271;
interview with W. H. Taft, 276;
resigns Presidency, 280;
estimate of character and work, 282;
death, 284.
Palma y Romay, Ramon, III, 327.
Parra, Antonio, scientist, II, 252.
Parra, Maso, revolutionist, IV, 30.
Parties, political, in Cuba, IV, 59;
origin and characteristics of Conservative and Liberal, 181, 261.
Pasalodos, Damaso, Secretary to President, IV, 297
Pasamonte, Miguel, intrigues against Columbus, I, 58.
Paz, Doña de, marries Juan de Avila, I, 154.
Paz, Pedro de, I, 109.
Penalosa, Diego de, Governor, II, 31.
Penalver. See Penalosa .
Penalver, Luis, Bishop of New Orleans, II, 179.
"Peninsulars," III, 152.
Pensacola, settlement of, I, 328;
seized by French, 342;
recovered by Spanish, II, 7;
defended by Galvez, 146.
Pereda, Gaspar Luis, Governor, I, 276.
Perez, Diego, repels privateers, I, 179.
Perez, Perico, revolutionist, IV, 15, 30, 78.
Perez de Zambrana, Luisa, sketch and portrait, III, 328.
Personal liberty restricted, III, 8.
Peru, good wishes for Cuban revolution, III, 223.
Philip II, King, appreciation of Cuba, I, 260.
Pieltain, Candido, Governor, III, 275.
Pierce, Franklin, President of United States, policy toward
Cuba, III, 136.
Pina, Severo, Secretary of Finance, IV, 48.
Pinar del Rio, city founded, II, 131;
Maceo invades province, IV, 61;
war in, 73.
Pineyro, Enrique, III, 333;
sketch and portrait, 334.
Pinto, Ramon, sketch and portrait, III, 62.
"Pirates of America," I, 296.
Pizarro, Francisco de, I, 54, 91.
Platt, Orville H., Senator, on relations of United States
and Cuba, IV, 198;
Amendment to Cuban Constitution, 199;
Amendment adopted, 203;
text of Amendment, 238.
Pococke, Sir George, expedition against Havana, II, 46.
Poey, Felipe, sketch and portrait, III, 315.
Point Lucrecia, I, 18.
Polavieja, Gen., Governor, III, 314.
Police, reorganized, II, 312;
under American occupation, IV, 150;
police courts established, 171.
Polk, James K., President of the United States, policy toward
Cuba, III, 135.
Polo y Bernabe, Spanish Minister at Washington, IV, 98.
Ponce de Leon, in Cuba, I, 73;
death, 139.
Ponce de Leon, of New York, in Cuban Junta, IV, 13.
Pope, efforts to maintain peace, between United States and
Spain, IV, 104.
Porro, Cornelio, treason of, III, 257.
Port Banes, I, 18.
Port Nipe, I, 18.
Port Nuevitas, I, 3.
Portuguese settlers, I, 168.
Portuondo, Rafael, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, IV, 48;
filibuster, 70.
Prado y Portocasso, Juan, Governor, II, 49;
neglect of duty, 52;
sentenced to degradation, 108.
Praga, Francisco de, I, 282.
Presidency, first candidates for, IV, 240;
Tomas Estrada Palma elected, 245;
José Miguel Gomez aspires to, 260;
candidates in 1906, 265;
Palma's resignation, 280;
Jose Miguel Gomez elected, 290;
fourth campaign, 312;
Mario G. Menocal elected, 312;
fifth campaign, 328;
General Menocal reelected, 341.
Prim, Gen., Spanish revolutionist, III, 145.
Printing, first press in Cuba, II, 245.
Privateers, French ravage Cuba, I, 177;
Havana and Santiago attacked, 178;
Havana looted, 179;
Jacques Sores, 183;
Havana captured, 186;
Santiago looted, 193;
French raids, 220, et seq.
Proctor, Redfield, Senator, investigates and reports on condition
of Cuba in War of Independence, IV, 87.
Procurators, appointment of, I, 112.
Protectorate, tripartite, refused by United States, II, 261;
III, 130, 133.
Provincial governments organized, IV, 179, confusion in, 292.
Public Works, promoted by General Wood, IV, 166;
by Magoon, 286.
Puerto Grande. See Guantanamo .
Puerto Principe, I, 18, 167.
Punta, La, first fortification, I, 203;
strengthened against Drake, 249;
fortress planned by Antonelli, 261;
picture, IV, 33.
Punta Lucrecia, I, 3.
Punta Serafina, I, 22.
Queen's Gardens, I, 20.
Quero, Geronimo, I, 277.
Quesada, Gonzalo de, Secretary of Cuban Junta, IV, 3;
Minister to United States, 275.
Quesada, Manuel, sketch and portrait, III, 167;
proclamation, 169;
death, 262.
Quezo, Juan de, I, 113.
Quilez, J. M., Civil Governor of Pinar del Rio, IV, 179.
Quiñones, Diego Hernandez de, commander of fortifications at
Havana, I, 240;
feud with Luzan, 241;
unites with Luzan to resist Drake, 243.
Quiñones, Doña Leonora de, I, 117.
Rabi, Jesus, revolutionist, IV, 34, 42.
Railroads, first in Cuba, II, 343.
Raja, Vicente, Governor, I, 337.
Ramirez, Alejandro, sketch and portrait, II, 311.
Ramirez, Miguel, Bishop, partisan of Guzman, I, 120;
political activities and greed, 124.
Ramos, Gregorio, I, 274.
Ranzel, Diego, I, 295.
Recio, R. Lopez, Civil Governor of Camaguey, IV, 180.
Recio, Serafin, III, 86.
Reciprocity, secured by Roosevelt for Cuba, IV, 256.
"Reconcentrados," mortality among, IV, 86.
Red Cross, Cuban activities, IV, 353.
Redroban, Pedro de, I, 201.
Reed, Walter, in yellow fever campaign, IV, 172.
Reformists, Spanish, support Blanco's Autonomist policy, IV, 97.
Reggio, Andreas, II, 32.
Reno, George, in War of Independence, IV, 12;
running blockade, 21;
portrait, 21;
services in Great War, 351.
Renteria, Pedro de, partner of Las Casas, I, 75;
opposes slavery, 76.
Repartimiento, I, 70.
Republic of Cuba: proclaimed and organized, III, 157;
first representative Assembly, 161;
Constitution of 1868, 164;
first House of Representatives, 176;
Judiciary, 177;
legislation, 177;
army, 178;
fails to secure recognition, 203;
Government reorganized, 275;
after Treaty of Zanjon, 301;
reorganized in War of Independence, IV, 15;
Maso chosen President, 43;
Conventions of Yara and Najasa, 47;
Constitution adopted, 47;
Government reorganized, Cisneros President, 48;
capital at Las Tunas, 56;
removes to Cubitas, 72;
exercises functions of government, 72;
reorganized in 1897, 90;
after Spanish evacuation of island, 134;
disbanded, 135;
Constitutional Convention called, 185;
Constitution completed, 192;
relations with United States, 195;
Platt Amendment, 203;
enters Great War, 346.
Revolutions: Rise of spirit, II, 268;
in South America, 333;
"Soles de Bolivar," 341;
attempts to revolt, 344;
"Black Eagle," 346;
plans of Lopez, III, 36;
Lopez's first invasion, 49;
Aguero's insurrection, 72;
comments of New York Herald, 89;
Lopez's last expedition, 91;
results of his work, 116;
European interest, 125;
beginning of Ten Years' War. 155;
end of Ten Years' War, 299;
insurrection renewed, 308, 318;
War of Independence, IV, 1;
Sartorius Brothers, 4;
end of War of Independence, 116;
revolt against President Palma, 266;
ultimatum, 278;
government overthrown, 280;
Negro insurrection, 307;
conspiracy against President Menocal, 327;
great treason of José Miguel Gomez, 332;
Gomez captured, 337;
warnings from United States Government, 338;
revolutions denounced by United States, 343.
Revolutionary party, Cuban, IV, 1, 11.
Rey, Juan F. G., III, 40.
Riano y Gamboa, Francisco, Governor, I, 287.
Ribera, Diego de, I, 206;
work on La Fuerza, 209.
Ricafort, Mariano, Governor, II, 347.
Ricla, Conde de, Governor, II, 102;
retires, 109.
Rio de la Luna, I, 16.
Rio de Mares, I, 16.
Riva-Martiz, I, 279.
Rivera, Juan Ruiz, filibuster, IV, 70;
succeeds Maceo, 79.
Rivera, Ruiz, Secretary of Agriculture, Commerce and Industry, IV, 160.
Roa, feud with Villalobos, I, 323.
Rodas, Caballero de, Governor, III, 213;
emancipation decree, 242.
Rodney, Sir George, expedition to West Indies, II, 153.
Rodriguez, Alejandro, suppresses revolt, IV, 266.
Rodriguez, Laureano, in Autonomist Cabinet, IV, 95.
Rojas, Alfonso de, I, 181.
Rojas, Gomez de, banished, I, 193;
Governor of La Fuerza, 217;
rebuilds Santiago, 258.
Rojas, Hernando de, expedition to Florida, I, 196.
Rojas, Juan Bautista de, royal treasurer, I, 218.
Rojas, Juan de, aid to Lady Isabel de Soto, I, 145;
commander at Havana, 183.
Rojas, Manuel de, Governor, I, 105;
adopts policy of "Cuba for the Cubans," 106;
second Governorship, 121;
dealings with Indians, 126;
noble endeavors frustrated, 130;
resigns, 135;
the King's unique tribute to him, 135.
Roldan, Francisco Dominguez, Secretary of Public Instruction,
sketch and portrait, IV, 357.
Roldan, José Gonzalo, III, 328.
Roloff, Carlos, revolutionist, IV, 45;
Secretary of War, 48;
filibuster, 70.
Romano Key, I, 18.
Romay, Tomas, introduces vaccination, II, 192;
portrait, facing 192.
Roncali, Federico, Governor, II, 366;
on Spanish interests in Cuba, 381.
Roosevelt, Theodore, at San Juan Hill, IV, 113;
portrait, 113;
President of United States, on relations with Cuba, 245;
estimate of General Wood's work in Cuba, 251;
fight with Congress for Cuban reciprocity, 256;
seeks to aid President Palma against revolutionists, 275;
letter to Quesada, 275.
Root, Elihu, Secretary of War, on Cuban Constitution, IV, 194;
on Cuban relations with United States, 197;
explains Platt Amendment, 201.
Rowan, A. S., messenger to Oriente, IV. 107.
Rubalcava, Manuel Justo, II, 274.
Rubens, Horatio, Counsel of Cuban Junta, IV, 3.
Rubios, Palacios, I, 78.
Ruiz, Joaquin, spy, IV, 91;
death, 92. See Aranguren .
Ruiz, Juan Fernandez, filibuster, IV, 70.
Rum Cay. See Conception .
Rural Guards, organized by General Wood, IV, 144;
efficiency of, 301.
Ruysch, geographer, I, 6.
Saavedra, Juan Esquiro, I, 278.
Sabinal Key, I, 18.
Saco, José Antonio, pioneer of Independence, II, 378;
portrait, facing 378;
literary and patriotic work, III, 325, 327.
Sagasta, Praxedes, Spanish Premier, proposes Cuban reforms, IV, 6;
resigns, 36.
Saint Augustine, expedition against, I, 332.
Saint Mery, M. de, search for tomb of Columbus, I, 34.
Salamanca, Juan de, Governor, I, 295;
promotes industries, 300.
Salamanca y Negrete, Manuel, Governor, III, 314.
Salaries, some early, I, 263.
Salas, Indalacio, IV, 21.
Salazar. See Someruelos .
Salcedo, Bishop, controversy with Governor Tejada, I, 262.
Sama Point, I, 4.
Samana. See Guanahani .
Sampson, William T., Admiral, in Spanish-American War, IV, 110;
at Santiago, 114;
portrait, 115.
Sanchez, Bartolome, makes plans for La
Fuerza, I, 194;
begins building, 195;
feud with Mazariegos, 197.
Sanchez, Bernabe, II, 345.
Sancti Spiritus, founded by Velasquez, I, 68, 168.
Sandoval, Garcia Osorio, Governor, I, 197. See Osario .
Sanitation, undertaken by Guemez, II, 18;
vaccination introduced by Dr. Romay. 192;
bad conditions, III, 313;
General Wood at Santiago, IV, 142;
achievements under President Menocal, 357.
Sanguilly, Julio, falls in leading revolution, IV, 29, 55.
Sanguilly, Manuel, in Constitutional Convention, IV, 190.
San Lazaro watchtower, picture, I, 155;
fortified against Drake, 248.
San Salvador. See Guanahani .
Santa Clara, Conde de, Governor, II, 194, 300.
Santa Crux del Sur, I, 20.
Santa Cruz, Francisco, I, 111.
Santiago de Cuba, Columbus at, I, 19;
founded by Velasquez, 68;
second capital of island, 69;
seat of gold refining, 80;
site of cathedral, 123;
condition in Angulo's time, 166;
looted by privateers, 193;
fortified by Menendez, 203;
raided and destroyed by French, 256;
rebuilt by Gomez de Rojas, 258;
capital of Eastern District, 275;
Morro Castle built, 289;
captured by British, 299;
attacked by Franquinay, 310;
attacked by Admiral Vernon, II, 29;
literary activities, 169;
great improvements made, 180;
battles near in War of Independence, IV, 112;
naval battle, 114;
General Wood's administration, 135;
great work for sanitation, 142.
Santiago, battle of, IV, 114.
Santiago, sunset scene, facing III, 280.
Santillan, Diego, Governor, I, 205.
Santo Domingo See Hispaniola .
Sanudo, Luis, Governor, I, 336.
Sarmiento. Diego de, Bishop, makes trouble, I, 149, 152.
Saunders, Romulus M., sounds Spain on purchase of Cuba, III, 135.
Sartorius, Manuel and Ricardo, revolutionists, IV, 4.
Savine, Albert, on British designs on Cuba, II, 40.
Schley, Winfield S., Admiral, in Spanish-American War, IV, 110;
portrait, 110;
at Santiago, 114.
Schoener's globe, I, 5.
Schools, backward condition of, II, 174, 244, 312. See Education .
Shafter, W. R., General, leads American army into Cuba, IV, 111.
Shipbuilding at Havana, II, 8, 33, 113, 300.
Sickles, Daniel E., Minister to Spain, offers mediation, III, 217.
Silva, Manuel, Secretary of Interior, IV, 90.
Slave Insurrection, II, 13;
III, 367, et seq.
Slavery, begun in Repartimiento system, I, 70;
not sanctioned by King, 82;
slave trading begun, 83;
growth and regulation, 170;
oppressive policy of Spain, 266;
the "Assiento," II, 2;
great growth
of trade, 22;
gross abuses, 202;
described by Masse, 202;
census of slaves, 204;
rise of emancipation movement, 206;
rights of slaves defined by King, 210;
African trade forbidden, 285;
Negro census, 286;
early records of trade, 288;
Humboldt on, 288;
statistics of trade, 289 et seq.;
domestic relations of slaves, 292;
dangers of system denounced, 320;
official complicity in illegal trade, 366;
slave insurrection, 367;
inhuman suppression by government, 374 et seq.;
emancipation by revolution of 1868, 159;
United States urges Spain to abolish slavery, 242;
Rodas's decrees, 242;
Moret law, 243.
Smith, Caleb. publishes book on West Indies, II, 37.
Smuggling, II, 133.
"Sociedad de Amigos," II, 169.
"Sociedad Patriotica," II, 166.
"Sociedad Patriotica y Economica," II, 178.
Society of Progress, II, 78.
Solano, José de, naval commander, II, 147.
"Soles de Bolivar," II, 341;
attempts to suppress, 343.
Solorzano, Juan del Hoya, I, 337;
II, 10.
Someruelos, Marquis of, Governor, II, 196, 301.
Sores, Jacques, French raider, II, 183;
attacks Havana, 184;
captures city, 186.
Soto, Antonio de, I, 292.
Soto, Diego de, I, 109, 217.
Soto, Hernando de, Governor and Adelantado, I, 140;
portrait, 140;
arrival in Cuba, 141;
tour of island, 142;
makes Havana his home, 144;
chiefly interested in Florida, 144;
sails for Florida, 145;
his fate in Mississippi, 147;
trouble with Indians, 148.
Soto, Lady Isabel de, I, 141;
her vigil at La Fuerza, 147;
death, 149.
Soto, Luis de, I, 141.
Soulé, Pierre, Minister to Spain, III, 137;
Indiscretions, 138;
Ostend Manifesto, 142.
South Sea Company, II, 21, 201.
Spain: Fiscal policy toward Cuba, I, 175;
wars with France, 177;
discriminations against Cuba, 266, 267;
protests against South Sea Company, II, 22;
course in American Revolution, 143;
war with Great Britain, 151;
attitude toward America, 159;
peace with Great Britain, 162;
restrictive laws, 224;
policy under Godoy, 265;
decline of power, 273;
seeks to pawn Cuba to Great Britain for loan, 330;
protests to United States against Lopez's expedition, III, 59;
seeks British protection, 129;
refuses to sell Cuba, 135;
revolution against Bourbon dynasty, 145 et seq.;
rejects suggestion of American mediation in Cuba, 219;
seeks American mediation, 293;
strives to placate Cuba, IV, 5;
crisis over Cuban affairs, 35;
attitude toward War of Independence, 40;
considers Autonomy, 71;
Cabinet crisis of 1897, 88;
proposes joint investigation of Maine disaster, 100;
at war with United States, 106;
makes Treaty of Paris, relinquishing Cuba, 118.
Spanish-American War: causes of, IV, 105;
declared, 106;
blockade of Cuban coast, 110;
landing of American army in Cuba, 111;
fighting near Santiago, 112;
fort at El Caney, picture, 112;
San Juan Hill, battle, 113;
San Juan Hill, picture of monument, 114;
naval battle of Santiago, 115;
peace negotiations, 116;
"Peace Tree," picture, 116;
treaty of peace, 118.
Spanish literature in XVI century, I, 360.
Spotorno, Juan Bautista, seeks peace, rebuked by Maso, IV, 35.
Steinhart, Frank, American consul, advises President Palma to
ask for American aid, IV, 271;
correspondence with State Department, 272.
Stock raising, early attention to, I, 173, 224;
development of, 220.
Stokes, W. E. D., aids War of Independence, IV, 14.
Students, murder of by Volunteers, III, 260.
Suarez y Romero, Anselmo, III, 326.
Sugar, Industry begun under Velasquez, I, 175, 224;
growth of industry, 265;
primitive methods, II, 222;
growth, III, 3;
great development under President Menocal, IV, 358.
"Suma de Geografia," of Enciso, I, 54.
Sumana, Diego de, I, 111.
Tacon, Miguel, Governor, II, 347;
despotic fury, 348;
conflict with Lorenzo, 349;
public works, 355;
fish market, 357;
melodramatic administration of justice, 359.
Taft, William H., Secretary of War of United States, intervenes
in revolution, IV, 272;
arrives at Havana, 275;
negotiates with President Palma and the revolutionists, 276;
portrait, 276;
conveys ultimatum of revolutionists to President Palma, 279;
accepts President Palma's resignation, 280;
pardons revolutionists, 280;
unfortunate policy, 283.
Tainan, Antillan stock, I, 8.
Tamayo, Diego, Secretary of State, IV, 159;
Secretary of Government, 254.
Tamayo, Rodrigo de, I, 126.
Tariff, after British occupation, II, 106;
reduction, 141;
oppressive duties. III, 5;
under American occupation, IV, 183.
Taxation, revolt against, II, 197;
"reforms," 342;
oppressive burdens, III, 6;
increase in Ten Years' War, 207;
evasion of, 312;
under American intervention, IV, 151.
Taylor, Hannis, American Minister at Madrid, IV, 33.
Tejada, Juan de, Governor, I, 261;
great works for Cuba, 262;
resigns, 263.
Teneza, Dr. Francisco, Protomedico, I, 336.
Ten Years' War, III, 155 et seq.;
first battles, 184;
aid from United States, 211;
offers of American mediation, 217;
rejected, 219;
campaigns of destruction, 222;
losses reported, 290;
end in Treaty of Zanjon, 299;
losses, 304.
Terry, Emilio, Secretary of Agriculture, IV, 254.
Theatres, first performance in Cuba, I, 264;
first theatre built, II, 130, 236.
Thrasher, J. S., on census, II, 283.
Tines y Fuertes, Juan Antonio, Governor, II, 31.
Tobacco, early use, I, 9;
culture promoted, 300;
monopoly, 334;
"Tobacco War," 338;
effects of monopoly, II, 221.
Tobar, Nuñez, I, 141, 143.
Tolon, Miguel de, III, 330.
Toltecs, I, 7.
Tomayo, Esteban, revolutionist, IV, 34.
Torquemada, Garcia de, I, 239;
investigates Luzan, 241.
Torre, Marquis de la, Governor, II, 127;
work for Havana, 129;
death, 133.
Torres Ayala, Laureano de, Governor, I, 334;
reappointed, 337.
Torres, Gaspar de, Governor, I, 234;
conflict with Rojas family, 235;
absconds, 235.
Torres, Rodrigo de, naval commander, II, 34.
Torriente, Cosimo de la, Secretary of Government, IV, 320.
Toscanelli, I, 4.
Treaty of Paris, IV, 118.
Tres Palacios, Felipe Jose de, Bishop, II, 174.
Tribune, New York, describes revolutionary leaders, III, 173.
Trinidad, founded by Velasquez, I, 68, 168;
great fire, II, 177.
Trocha, begun by Campos, IV, 44;
Weyler's, 73.
Troncoso, Bernardo, Governor, II, 168.
Turnbull, David, British consul, II, 364;
complicity in slave insurrection, 372.
Ubite, Juan de, Bishop, I, 123.
Ulloa, Antonio de, sent to take possession of Louisiana, II, 118;
arbitrary conduct, 120.
Union Constitutionalists, III, 306.
United States, early relations with Cuba, II, 254;
first suggestion of annexation, 257;
John Quincy Adams's policy, 258;
Jefferson's policy, 260;
Clay's policy, 261;
representations to Colombia and Mexico, 262;
Buchanan's policy, 263;
Monroe Doctrine, 328;
consuls not admitted to Cuba, 330;
Van Buren's policy, 331;
growth of commerce with Cuba, III, 22;
President Taylor's proclamation against filibustering, 41;
course toward Lopez, 60;
attitude toward Cuban revolutionists, 123;
division of sentiment between North and South, 124;
policy of Edward Everett, 130;
overtures for purchase of Cuba, 135;
end of Civil War, 151;
new policy toward Cuba, 151;
recognition denied to revolution, 172;
aid and sympathy given secretly, 195;
Cuban appeals for recognition, 200;
recognition denied, 203;
protests against Rodas's decrees, 216;
offers of mediation, 217;
rejected by Spain, 219;
increasing interest and sympathy with revolutionists, 273;
warning to Spanish Government, 291;
effect of reciprocity upon Cuba, 313;
attitude toward War of Independence, IV, 27, 70;
Congress favors recognition, 70;
tender of good
offices, 71;
President Cleveland's message of 1896, 79;
appropriation for relief of victims of "concentration" policy, 86;
President McKinley's message of 1897, 87;
sensation at destruction of Maine, 99;
declaration of war against Spain, 106;
Treaty of Paris, 118;
establishment of first Government of Intervention, 132;
relations with Republic of Cuba, 195;
protectorate to be retained, 196;
Platt Amendment, 199;
mischief-making intrigues, 200;
naval stations in Cuba, 255;
reciprocity, 256;
second Intervention, 281;
warning to José Miguel Gomez, 305;
asks settlement of claims, 308;
Chargé d'Affaires assaulted, 308;
supervision of Cuban legislation, 326;
warning to revolutionists, 339;
attitude toward Gomez revolution, 343.
University of Havana, founded, II, 11.
Unzaga, Luis de, Governor, II, 157.
Urrutia, historian, quoted, I, 300.
Urrutia, Sancho de, I, 111.
Utrecht, Treaty of, I, 326;
begins new era, II, 1.
Uznaga, Luis de, sent to rule Louisiana, II, 126;
reforms, 165.
Vaca, Cabeza de, I, 140.
Vadillo, Juan, declines to investigate Guzman, I, 118;
temporary Governor, 119;
tremendous indictment of Guzman, 120;
retires after good work, 121;
clash with Bishop Ramirez, 124.
Valdes, historian, quoted, II, 175.
Valdes, Gabriel de la Conception, III, 325.
Valdes, Jeronimo, Bishop, I, 335.
Valdes, Pedro de, Governor, I, 202, 272;
retires, 276.
Valdes, Geronimo, Governor, II, 364.
Valdueza, Marquis de, I, 281.
Valiente, José Pablo, II, 170, 180.
Valiente, Juan Bautista, Governor of Santiago, II, 180.
Vallizo, Diego, I, 277.
Valmaseda, Count, Governor, proclamation against revolution, III,
171, 270;
recalled for barbarities, 273.
Van Buren, Martin, on United States and Cuba, II, 331.
Vandeval, Nicolas C., I, 331, 333.
Varela, Felix, sketch and portrait, III, 320;
works, 321.
Varnhagen, F. A. de, quoted, I, 2.
Varona, Bernabe de, sketch and portrait, III, 178.
Varona, José Enrique, Secretary of Treasury, IV, 159;
Vice President, 312;
biography, 316;
portrait, facing 316.
Varona, Pepe Jerez, chief of secret service, IV, 268.
Vasquez, Juan, I, 330.
Vedado, view in, IV, 176.
Vega, Pedro Guerra de la, I, 243;
asks fugitives to aid in defence against Drake, 248.
Velasco, Francisco de Aguero, II, 345.
Velasco, Luis Vicente, defender of Morro against British, II, 58;
signal valor, 61;
death, 67.
Velasquez, Antonio, errand to Spain, I, 77
Velasquez, Bernardino, I, 115.
Velasquez, Diego, first Governor of Cuba, I, 59;
portrait, 59;
colonizes Cuba, 60;
hostilities with natives, 61, explores the island, 67;
marriage and bereavement, 68;
founds various towns, 68;
begins Cuban commerce, 68;
organizes government, 69;
favored by King Ferdinand, 73;
appointed Adelantado, 74;
seeks to rule Yucatan and Mexico, 85;
recalls Grijalva, 88;
quarrels with Cortez, 91;
sends Cortez to explore Mexico, 92, 94;
seeks to intercept and recall Cortez, 97;
sends Narvaez to Mexico, 98;
removed from office by Diego Columbus, 100;
restored by King, 102;
death and epitaph, 103;
posthumous arraignment by Altamarino, 107;
convicted and condemned, 108.
Velasquez, Juan Montano, Governor, I, 293.
Velez Garcia, Secretary of State, IV, 297.
Velez y Herrera, Ramon, III, 324.
Venegas, Francisco, Governor, I, 278.
Vernon, Edward, Admiral, expedition to Darien, II 27;
Invasion of Cuba, 29.
Viamonte, Bitrian, Governor, I, 286.
Viana y Hinojosa, Diego de, Governor, I, 317.
Victory loan, Cuban subscriptions to, IV, 353.
Villa Clara, founded, I, 321.
Villafana, attempts to assassinate Cortez, I, 99.
Villafana, Angelo de, Governor of Florida, controversy with
Mazariegos, I, 196.
Villalba y Toledo, Diego de, Governor, I, 290.
Villalobos, Governor, feud with Roa, I, 323.
Villalon, José Ramon, in Cuban Junta, IV, 13;
Secretary of Public Works, 160, 330.
Villalon Park, scene in, IV, 247.
Villanueva, Count de, II, 342.
Villapando, Bernardino de, Bishop, I, 225.
Villarin, Pedro Alvarez de, Governor, I, 333.
Villaverde, Cirillo, III, 327.
Villaverde, Juan de, Governor of Santiago, I, 276.
Villegas, Diaz de, Secretary of Treasury, IV, 297;
resigns, 302.
Villuendas, Enrique, in Constitutional Convention, IV, 188;
secretary, 189.
Virginius, capture of, III, 277;
butchery of officers and crew, 278 et seq.;
British intervention, 280;
list of passengers, 281;
diplomatic negotiations over, 283.
Vives, Francisco, Governor, II, 317;
despotism, 317;
expedition against Mexico, 346.
Viyuri, Luis, II, 197.
Volunteers, organized, III, 152;
murder Arango, 188;
have Dulce recalled, 213;
cause murder of Zenea, 252;
increased activities, 260;
murder of students, 261.
War of Independence, IV, i, 8;
circumstances of beginning, 9;
finances, 14;
Republic of Cuba proclaimed, 15;
attitude of Cuban people, 22;
actual outbreak, 29;
martial law proclaimed, 30;
Spanish forces in Cuba, 31;
arrival and policy of Martinez Campos, 38;
Gomez and Maceo begin great campaign, 53;
Spanish defeated, and reenforced, 55;
campaign of devastation, 60;
entire island involved, 61;
fall of Campos, 63;
Weyler in command, 66;
destruction by both sides, 68;
losses, 90;
entry of United States, 107;
attitude of Cubans toward American intervention, 108;
end of war, 116.
Watling's Island. See Guanahani .
Wax, development of Industry, II, 132.
Webster, Daniel, negotiations with Spain, III, 126.
Weyler y Nicolau, Valeriano, Governor, IV, 65;
portrait, 66;
harsh decree, 66;
conquers Pinar del Rio. 83;
"concentration" policy, 85;
recalled, 88.
Wheeler, Gen. Joseph, at Santiago, IV, 113, 115.
White, Col. G. W., with Lopez, III, 40.
Whitney, Henry, messenger to Gomez, IV, 107.
Williams, Ramon O., United States consul at Havana, IV, 32;
acts in behalf of Americans in Cuba, 72;
opposes sending Maine to Havana, 100.
Wittemeyer, Major, reports on Gomez revolution to Washington
government, IV, 336;
offers President Menocal aid of United States, 337.
Wood, General Leonard, at San Juan Hill, IV, 113;
Military Governor of Santiago, 135;
his previous career, 140;
unique responsibility and power, 141;
dealing with pestilence, 142;
organizes Rural Guards, 144;
portrait, facing 158;
Military Governor of Cuba, 158;
well received by Cubans, 158;
estimate of La Lucha, 158;
his Cabinet, 159;
comments on his appointments, 160;
reorganization of school system, 161;
promotes public works, 166;
Dady contract dispute, 171;
applies Finlay's yellow fever theory with great success, 171;
reform of jurisprudence, 177;
organizes Provincial governments, 179;
holds municipal elections, 180;
promulgates election law, 181;
calls Constitutional Convention, 185;
calls for general election, 240;
his comments on election, 245;
announces end of American occupation, 246;
surrenders government of Cuba to
Cubans, 249;
President Roosevelt's estimate of his work, 251;
view of one of his mountain roads, facing 358.
Woodford, Stewart L., United States Minister to Spain, IV, 103;
presents ultimatum and departs, 106.
Xagua, Gulf of, I, 21.
Ximenes, Cardinal and Regent, gives Las Casas hearing on Cuba, I, 77.
Yanez, Adolfo Saenz, Secretary of Agriculture and Public Works,
IV, 146.
Yellow Fever, first invasion, II, 51;
Dr. Finlay's theory applied by General Wood, IV, 171;
disease eliminated from island, 176.
Yero, Eduardo, Secretary of Public Instruction, IV, 254.
Ynestrosa, Juan de, I, 207.
Yniguez, Bernardino, I, 111.
Yucatan, islands source of slave trade, I, 83;
explored by Cordova, 84.
Yznaga, Jose Sanchez, III, 37.
Zaldo, Carlos, Secretary of State, IV, 254.
Zambrana, Ramon, III, 328.
Zanjon, Treaty of, III, 299.
Zapata, Peninsula of, visited by Columbus, I, 22.
Zarraga, Julian, filibuster, IV, 70.
Zayas, Alfredo, secretary of Constitutional Convention, IV, 189;
compact with José Miguel Gomez, 265;
spokesman of revolutionists against President Palma, 277;
elected Vice President, 290;
becomes Vice President, 297;
sketch and portrait, 300;
quarrel with Gomez, 306;
candidate for President, 328;
hints at revolution, 330.
Zayas, Francisco, Lieutenant Governor, I, 205;
resigns, 206.
Zayas, Francisco, in Autonomist Cabinet, IV, 95.
Zayas, Juan B., killed in battle, IV, 78.
Zayas, Lincoln de, in Cuban Junta, IV, 12;
Superintendent of Schools, 162.
Zenea, Juan Clemente, sketch and portrait, III, 252;
murdered, 253;
his works, 332.
Zequiera y Arango, Manuel, II, 274.
Zipangu. See Cipanoo .
Zuazo, Alfonso de, appointed second Governor of Cuba, I, 100;
dismissed by King, 102.
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