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Title: Man, Past and Present
Author: Keane, A. H. (Augustus Henry), 1833-1912, Quiggin, A. Hingston, 1874-, Haddon, Alfred Court
Language: English
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Copyright Status: Not copyrighted in the United States. If you live elsewhere check the laws of your country before downloading this ebook. See comments about copyright issues at end of book.

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                                  MAN
                            PAST AND PRESENT



                       CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
                          C. F. CLAY, MANAGER

                   LONDON: FETTER LANE, E.C. 4
                   NEW YORK: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
                   BOMBAY   }
                   CALCUTTA } MACMILLAN AND CO., LTD.
                   MADRAS   }
                   TORONTO: J. M. DENT AND SONS, LTD.
                   TOKYO: MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA

                          ALL RIGHTS RESERVED



                                  MAN
                            PAST AND PRESENT

                                   BY
                              A. H. KEANE

                  REVISED, AND LARGELY RE-WRITTEN, BY
                          A. HINGSTON QUIGGIN
                                  AND
                              A. C. HADDON
                     READER IN ETHNOLOGY, CAMBRIDGE

                               CAMBRIDGE
                        AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
                                  1920



PREFACE TO NEW EDITION


Those who are familiar with the vast amount of ethnological literature
published since the close of last century will realize that to revise
and bring up to date a work whose range in space and time covers the
whole world from prehistoric ages down to the present day, is a task
impossible of accomplishment within the compass of a single volume.
Recent discoveries have revolutionized our conception of primeval man,
while still providing abundant material for controversy, and the rapidly
increasing pile of ethnographical matter, although a vast amount of
spade work remains to be done, is but one sign of the remarkable
interest in ethnology which is so conspicuous a feature of the present
decade. Even to keep abreast of the periodical literature devoted to his
subject provides ample occupation for the ethnologist and few are those
who can now lay claim to such an omniscient title.

Under such circumstances the faults of omission and compression could
not be avoided in revising Professor Keane's work, but it is hoped that
the copious references which form a prominent feature of the present
edition will compensate in some measure for these obvious defects. The
main object of the revisers has been to retain as much as possible of
the original text wherever it fairly represents current opinion at the
present time, but so different is our outlook from that of 1899 that
certain sections have had to be entirely rewritten and in many places
pages have been suppressed to make room for more important information.
In every case where new matter has been inserted references are given
to the responsible authorities and the fullest use has been made of
direct quotation from the authors cited.

Mrs Hingston Quiggin is responsible for the whole work of revision with
the exception of Chapter XI, revised by Miss Lilian Whitehouse, while
Dr A. C. Haddon has criticized, corrected and supervised the work
throughout.

                                                              A. H. Q.
                                                              A. C. H.
  10 _October_, 1919.



CONTENTS


  CHAP.                                                             PAGE
     I. GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS                                         1
    II. THE METAL AGES--HISTORIC TIMES AND PEOPLES                    20
   III. THE AFRICAN NEGRO: I. SUDANESE                                40
    IV. THE AFRICAN NEGRO: II. BANTUS--NEGRILLOES--BUSHMEN--
          HOTTENTOTS                                                  84
     V. THE OCEANIC NEGROES: PAPUASIANS (PAPUANS AND
          MELANESIANS)--NEGRITOES--TASMANIANS                        132
    VI. THE SOUTHERN MONGOLS                                         163
   VII. THE OCEANIC MONGOLS                                          219
  VIII. THE NORTHERN MONGOLS                                         254
    IX. THE NORTHERN MONGOLS (_continued_)                           300
     X. THE AMERICAN ABORIGINES                                      332
    XI. THE AMERICAN ABORIGINES (_continued_)                        388
   XII. THE PRE-DRAVIDIANS: JUNGLE TRIBES OF THE DECCAN,
          SAKAI, AUSTRALIANS                                         422
  XIII. THE CAUCASIC PEOPLES                                         438
   XIV. THE CAUCASIC PEOPLES (_continued_)                           488
    XV. THE CAUCASIC PEOPLES (_continued_)                           501
        APPENDIX                                                     556
        INDEX                                                        562



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

(at the end of the volume)


  PLATE I.
    1.    Hausa slave of Tunis (Western Sudanese Negro).
    2.    Zulu girl, South Africa (Bantu Negroid).
    3, 4. Abraham Lucas, Age 32, South Africa (Koranna Hottentot).
    5, 6. Swaartbooi, Age 20, South Africa (Bushman).

  PLATE  II.
    1.    Andamanese (Negrito).
    2.    Semang, Malay Peninsula (Negrito).
    3.    Aeta, Philippines (Negrito).
    4.    Central African Pygmy (Negrillo).
    5-7.  Tapiro, Netherlands New Guinea (Negrito).

  PLATE III.
    1, 2. Jemmy, native of Hampshire Hills, Tasmania (Tasmanian).
    3, 4. Native of Oromosapua, Kiwai, British New Guinea (Papuan).
    5, 6. Native of Hula, British New Guinea (Papuo-Melanesian).

  PLATE IV.
    1.    Chinese man (Mixed Southern Mongol).
    2.    Chinese woman of Kulja (mixed Southern Mongol).
    3, 4. Kara-Kirghiz of Semirechinsk.
    5.    Kara-Kirghiz woman of Semirechinsk.
    6.    Solon of Kulja (Manchu-Tungus).

  PLATE V.
    1.    Jelai, an Iban (Sea-Dayak) of the Rejang river, Sarawak,
              Borneo (mixed Proto-Malay).
    2.    Buginese, Celebes (Malayan).
    3.    Bontoc Igorot, Luzon, Philippines (Malayan).
    4.    Bagobo, Mindanao, Philippines (Malayan).
    5, 6. Kenyah girls, Sarawak, Borneo (mixed Proto-Malay).

  PLATE VI.
    1.    Samoyed, Tavji.
    2.    Tungus.
    3.    Ostiak of the Yenesei (Palaeo-Siberian).
    4.    Kalmuk woman (Western Mongol).
    5.    Gold of Amur river (Tungus).
    6.    Gilyak woman (N.E. Mongol).

  PLATE VII.
    1.    Ainu woman, Yezo, Japan (Palaeo-Siberian).
    2.    Ainu man, Yezo, Japan (Palaeo-Siberian).
    3, 4. Fine and coarse types of Japanese men (mixed Manchu-Korean and
              Southern Mongol.)
    5.    Korean (mixed Tungus-Eastern Mongoloid).
    6.    Lapp (Finnish).

  PLATE VIII.
    1.    Eskimo, Port Clarence, West Alaska.
    2.    Indian of the north-west coast of North America. ?Kwakiutl
              (Wakashan stock).
    3.    Cocopa, Lower California (Yuman stock).
    4.    Navaho, Arizona (Athapascan linguistic stock).
    5, 6. Buffalo Bull Ghost, Dakota of Crow Creek (Siouan stock).

  PLATE  IX.
    1.    Carib, British Guiana.
    2.    Guatuso, Costa Rica.
    3.    Native of Otovalo, Ecuador.
    4.    Native of Zámbisa, Ecuador.
    5.    Tehuel-che man, Patagonia.
    6.    Tehuel-che woman, Patagonia.

  PLATE  X.
    1.    Sita Wanniya, a Henebedda Vedda, Ceylon (Pre-Dravidian).
    2.    Sakai, Perak, Malay Peninsula (Pre-Dravidian).
    3.    Irula of Chingleput, Nilgiri Hills, South India
              (Pre-Dravidian).
    4.    Paniyan woman, Malabar, South India (Pre-Dravidian).
    5.    Kaitish, Central Australia (Australian).
    6.    Mulgrave woman (Australian).

  PLATE XI.
    1, 2. Dane (Nordic).
    3.    Dane (mixed Alpine).
    4.    Breton woman of Guingamp (mixed Alpine).
    5.    Swiss woman (Nordic).
    6.    Swiss woman (Alpine).

  PLATE XII.
    1.    Catalan man, Spain (Iberian).
    2.    Irishman, Co. Roscommon (Mediterranean).
    3, 4. Kababish, Egyptian Sudan (mixed Semite).
    5.    Egyptian Bedouin (mixed Semite).
    6.    Afghan of Zerafshán (Iranian).

  PLATE XIII.
    1, 2. Bisharin, Egyptian Sudan (Hamite).
    3.    Beni Amer, Egyptian Sudan (Hamite).
    4.    Masai, British East Africa (mixed Nilote and Hamite).
    5.    Shilluk, Egyptian Sudan (Nilote, showing approach to Hamitic
              type).
    6.    Shilluk, Egyptian Sudan (Nilote).

  PLATE XIV.
    1, 2. Kurd, Nimrud-Dagh, lake Van, Kurdistan, Asia Minor (Nordic).
    3, 4. Armenian, Kessab, Djebel Akrah, Kurdistan (Armenoid Alpine).
    5.    Tajik woman of E. Turkestan (Alpine).
    6.    Tajik of Tashkend (mixed Alpine and Turki).

  PLATE XV.
    1, 2. Sinhalese, Ceylon (mixed "Aryan").
    3.    Hindu merchant, Western India (mixed "Aryan").
    4.    Kling woman, Eastern India (Dravidian).
    5.    Linga Banajiga, South India (Dravidian).
    6.    Vakkaliga, Canarese, South India (mixed Alpine).

  PLATE XVI.
    1, 2. Ruatoka and his wife, Raiatea (Polynesian).
    3.    Tiawhiao, Maori, New Zealand (Polynesian).
    4.    Maori woman, New Zealand (Polynesian).
    5, 6. Girls of the Caroline Islands (Micronesian).

We offer our sincere thanks for the use of the following photographs:

    A. H. Keane, _Ethnology_ (1896), IV. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6; IX. 3, 4;
          XII. 6; XIV. 5, 6.
    A. H. Keane, _Man, Past and Present_ (1899), I. 2; II. 3; V. 2;
          VI. 4, 5, 6; VII. 5; IX. 1, 2; X. 4, 6; XII. 5.
    A. R. Brown, II. 1.
    Prof. R. B. Yapp, II. 2.
    Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, II. 4; V. 4; VII. 1, 2;
          VIII. 1, 2, 3, 4; IX. 5, 6; XV. 1, 2.
    Dr Wollaston, cf. _Pygmies and Papuans_, p. 212; II. 5, 6, 7.
    Dr G. Landtman, III. 3, 4.
    Anthony Wilkin, III. 5, 6.
    Prof. C. G. Seligman, V. 1; (_The Veddas_, pl. V) X. 1; XII. 3, 4;
          XIII. 1, 2, 3, 5, 6.
    L. F. Taylor, V. 3.
    A. C. Haddon, I. 3, 4, 5, 6; III. 1, 2; IV. 1; V. 5, 6; VII. 6;
          XI. 1, 2, 3; XII. 1, 2; XIII. 4; XVI. 1, 2, 3, 4.
    Miss M. A. Czaplicka, VI. 1, 2, 3.
    Dr W. Crooke (cf. _Northern India_, pl. III), XV. 3.
    Baelz, VII. 3, 4.
    Bureau of American Ethnology, VIII. 5, 6.
    E. Thurston (_Castes and Tribes of Southern India_, II. p. 387),
          X. 3; (ibid. IV. pp. 236, 240), XV. 5; XV. 6.
    Sir Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen and Messrs Macmillan & Co.
          (_Across Australia_, II. fig. 169), X. 5.
    Prof. J. Kollmann, XI. 5, 6.
    P. W. Luton, XII. 2.
    Prof. F. von Luschan and the Council of the Royal Anthropological
          Institute (_Journ. Roy. Anth. Inst._, XLI., pl. XXIV, 1, 2,
          pl. XXX, 1, 2), XIV. 1, 2, 3, 4.
    Dr W. H. Furness, XVI. 5, 6.



CHAPTER I

GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS

    The World peopled by Migration from one Centre by Pleistocene
    Man--The Primary Groups evolved each in its special Habitat--
    Pleistocene Man: _Pithecanthropus erectus_; The Mauer jaw, _Homo
    Heidelbergensis_; The Piltdown skull, _Eoanthropus Dawsoni_--General
    View of Pleistocene Man--The first Migrations--Early Man and his
    Works--Classification of Human Types: _H. primigenius_, Neandertal
    or Mousterian Man; _H. recens_, Galley Hill or Aurignacian Man--
    Physical Types--Human Culture: Reutelian, Mafflian, Mesvinian,
    Strepyan, Chellean, Acheulean, Mousterian, Aurignacian, Solutrian,
    Magdalenian, Azilian--Chronology--The early History of Man a
    Geological Problem--The Human Varieties the Outcome of their several
    Environments--Correspondence of Geographical with Racial and
    Cultural Zones.


In order to a clear understanding of the many difficult questions
connected with the natural history of the human family, two cardinal
points have to be steadily borne in mind--the specific unity of all
existing varieties, and the dispersal of their generalised precursors
over the whole world in pleistocene times. As both points have elsewhere
been dealt with by me somewhat fully[1], it will here suffice to show
their direct bearing on the general evolution of the human species from
that remote epoch to the present day.

It must be obvious that, if man is specifically one, though not
necessarily sprung of a single pair, he must have had, in homely
language, a single cradle-land, from which the peopling of the earth
was brought about by migration, not by independent developments from
different species in so many independent geographical areas.

It follows further, and this point is all-important, that, since the
world was peopled by pleistocene man, it was peopled by a generalised
proto-human form, prior to all later racial differences. The existing
groups, according to this hypothesis, have developed in different areas
independently and divergently by continuous adaptation to their several
environments. If they still constitute mere varieties, and not distinct
species, the reason is because all come of like pleistocene ancestry,
while the divergences have been confined to relatively narrow limits,
that is, not wide enough to be regarded zoologically as specific
differences.

The battle between monogenists and polygenists cannot be decided until
more facts are at our disposal, and much will doubtless be said on both
sides for some time to come[2]. Among the views of human origins brought
forward in recent years should be mentioned the daring theory of
Klaatsch[3]. Recognising two distinct human types, Neandertal and
Aurignac (see pp. 8, 9 below), and two distinct anthropoid types,
gorilla and orang-utan, he derives Neandertal man and African gorilla
from one common ancestor, and Aurignac man and Asiatic orang-utan from
another. Though anatomists, especially those conversant with anthropoid
structure[4], are not able to accept this view, they admit that many
difficulties may be solved by the recognition of more than one
primordial stock of human ancestors[5]. The questions of adaptation to
climate and environment[6], the possibilities of degeneracy, the varying
degrees of physiological activity, of successful mutations, the effects
of crossing and all the complicated problems of heredity are involved in
the discussion, and it must be acknowledged that our information
concerning all of these is entirely inadequate.

Nevertheless all speculations on the subject are not based merely on
hypotheses, and three discoveries of late years have provided solid
facts for the working out of the problem.

These discoveries were the remains of _Pithecanthropus erectus_[7] in
Java, in 1892, of the Mauer jaw[8], near Heidelberg, in 1907, and of the
Piltdown skull[9] in Sussex in 1912. Although the Mauer jaw was accepted
without hesitation, the controversy concerning the correct
interpretation of the Javan fossils has been raging for more than twenty
years and shows no sign of abating, while _Eoanthropus Dawsoni_ is too
recent an intruder into the arena to be fairly dealt with at present.
Certain facts however stand out clearly. In late pliocene or early
pleistocene times certain early ancestral forms were already in
existence which can scarcely be excluded from the _Hominidae_. In range
they were as widely distributed as Java in the east to Heidelberg and
Sussex in the west, and in spite of divergence in type a certain
correlation is not impossible, even if the Piltdown specimen should
finally be regarded as representing a distinct genus[10]. Each
contributes facts of the utmost importance for the tracing out of the
history of human evolution. _Pithecanthropus_ raises the vexed question
as to whether the erect attitude or brain development came first in the
story. The conjunction of pre-human braincase with human thighbone
appeared to favour the popular view that the erect attitude was the
earlier, but the evidence of embryology suggests a reverse order. And
although at first the thighbone was recognised as distinctly human it
seems that of late doubts have been cast on this interpretation[11], and
even the claim to the title _erectus_ is called in question. The
characters of straightness and slenderness on which much stress was laid
are found in exaggerated form in gibbons and lemurs. The intermediate
position in respect of mental endowment (in so far as brain can be
estimated by cranial capacity) is shown in the accompanying diagram in
which the cranial measurements of _Pithecanthropus_ are compared with
those of a chimpanzee and prehistoric man. The teeth strengthen the
evidence, for they are described as too large for a man and too small
for an ape. Thus _Pithecanthropus_ has been confidently assigned to a
place in a branch of the human family tree.

  [Illustration: POSITION OF P. ERECTUS.
  (Manouvrier, _Bul. Soc. d'Anthrop._ 1896, p. 438.)]

The Mauer jaw, the geological age of which is undisputed, also
represents intermediate characters. The extraordinary strength and
thickness of bone, the wide ascending ramus with shallow sigmoid notch
(distinctly simian features) and the total absence of chin[12] would
deny it a place among human jaws, but the teeth, which are all
fortunately preserved in their sockets, are not only definitely human,
but show in certain peculiarities less simian features than are to be
found in the dentition of modern man[13].

  [Illustration: GENEALOGICAL TREE OF MAN'S ANCESTRY.
  (A. Keith, _The Antiquity of Man_, 1915; fig. 187, p. 501.)]

The cranial capacity of the Piltdown skull, though variously
estimated[14], is certainly greater than that of _Pithecanthropus_, the
general outlines with steeply rounded forehead resemble that of modern
man, and the bones are almost without exception typically human. The
jaw, however, though usually attributed to the same individual[15],
recalls the primitive features of the Mauer specimen in its thick
ascending portion and shallow notch, while in certain characters it
differs from any known jaw, ancient or modern[16]. The evidence afforded
by the teeth is even more striking. The teeth of _Pithecanthropus_ and
of _Homo Heidelbergensis_ were recognised as remarkably human, and
although primitive in type, are far more advanced in the line of human
evolution than the lowly features with which they are associated would
lead one to expect. The Piltdown teeth are more primitive in certain
characters than those of either the Javan or the Heidelberg remains. The
first molar has been compared to that of Taubach, the most ape-like of
human or pre-human teeth hitherto recorded, but the canine tooth (found
by P. Teilhard in the same stratum in 1913[17]) finds no parallel in any
known human jaw; it resembles the milk canine of the chimpanzee more
than that of the adult dentition.

It cannot be said that any clear view of pleistocene man can be obtained
from these imperfect scraps of evidence, valuable though they are.
Rather may we agree with Keith that the problem grows more instead of
less complex. "In our first youthful burst of Darwinianism we pictured
our evolution as a simple procession of forms leading from ape to man.
Each age, as it passed, transformed the men of the time one stage nearer
to us--one more distant from the ape. The true picture is very
different. We have to conceive an ancient world in which the family of
mankind was broken up into narrow groups or genera, each genus again
divided into a number of species--much as we see in the monkey or ape
world of to-day. Then out of that great welter of forms one species
became the dominant form, and ultimately the sole surviving one--the
species represented by the modern races of mankind[18]."

We may assume therefore that the earth was mainly peopled by the
generalised pleistocene precursors, who moved about, like the other
migrating faunas, unconsciously, everywhere following the lines of least
resistance, advancing or receding, and acting generally on blind impulse
rather than of any set purpose.

That such must have been the nature of the first migratory movements
will appear evident when we consider that they were carried on by rude
hordes, all very much alike, and differing not greatly from other
zoological groups, and further that these migrations took place prior to
the development of all cultural appliances beyond the ability to wield a
broken branch or a sapling, or else chip or flake primitive stone
implements[19].

Herein lies the explanation of the curious phenomenon, which was a
stumbling-block to premature systematists, that all the works of early
man everywhere present the most startling resemblances, affording
absolutely no elements for classification, for instance, during the
times corresponding with the Chellean or first period of the Old Stone
Age. The implements of palaeolithic type so common in parts of South
India, South Africa, the Sudan, Egypt, etc., present a remarkable
resemblance to one another. This, while affording a _prima facies_ case
for, is not conclusive of, the migrations of a definite type of
humanity.

After referring to the identity of certain objects from the Hastings
kitchen-middens and a barrow near Sevenoaks, W. J. L. Abbot proceeds:
"The first thing that would strike one in looking over a few trays of
these implements is the remarkable likeness which they bear to those of
Dordogne. Indeed many of the figures in the magnificent 'Reliquiae
Aquitanicae' might almost have been produced from these specimens[20]."
And Sir J. Evans, extending his glance over a wider horizon, discovers
implements in other distant lands "so identical in form and character
with British specimens that they might have been manufactured by the
same hands.... On the banks of the Nile, many hundreds of feet above its
present level, implements of the European types have been discovered,
while in Somaliland, in an ancient river valley, at a great elevation
above the sea, Seton-Karr has collected a large number of implements
formed of flint and quartzite, which, judging from their form and
character, might have been dug out of the drift-deposits of the Somme
and the Seine, the Thames or the ancient Solent[21]."

It was formerly held that man himself showed a similar uniformity, and
all palaeolithic skulls were referred to one long-headed type, called,
from the most famous example, the Neandertal, which was regarded as
having close affinities with the present Australians. But this
resemblance is shown by Boule[22] and others to be purely superficial,
and recent archaeological finds indicate that more than one racial type
was in existence in the Palaeolithic Age.

W. L. H. Duckworth on anatomical evidence constructs the following
table[23].

  Group  I. Early ancestral forms.
              _Ex. gr. H. heidelbergensis._

  Group II. _Subdivision A. H. primigenius._
              _Ex. gr. La Chapelle._
            _Subdivision B. H. recens_; with varieties
              { _H. fossilis. Ex. gr. Galley Hill._
              { _H. sapiens._

H. Obermaier[24] argues as follows: _Homo primigenius_ is neither the
representative of an intermediate species between ape and man, nor a
lower or distinct type than _Homo sapiens_, but an older primitive
variety (race) of the latter, which survives in exceptional cases down
to the present day[25]. Clearly then, according to the rules of
zoological classification, we must term the two, _Homo sapiens var.
primigenius_, as compared with _Homo sapiens var. recens_.

Whatever classification or nomenclature may be adopted the dual division
in palaeolithic times is now generally recognised. The more primitive
type is commonly called Neandertal man, from the famous cranium found
in the Neandertal cave in 1857, or Mousterian man, from the culture
associations. To this group belong the Gibraltar skull[26], and the
skeletons from Spy[27], and Krapina, Croatia[28], together with the
later discoveries (1908-11) at La Chapelle[29] (Corrèze), Le
Moustier[30], La Ferassie[31] (Dordogne) and many others.

Palaeolithic examples of the modern human type have been found at Brüx
(Bohemia)[32], Brünn (Moravia)[33] and Galley Hill in Kent[34], but the
most complete find was that at Combe Capelle in 1909[35]. The numerous
skeletons found at Cro-Magnon[36] and at the Grottes de Grimaldi at
Mentone[37] though showing certain skeletal differences may be included
in this group, the earliest examples of which are associated with
Aurignacian culture[38].

From the evidence contributed by these examples the main characteristics
of the two groups may be indicated, although, owing to the imperfection
of the records, any generalisations must necessarily be tentative and
subject to criticism.

The La Chapelle skull recalls many of the primitive features of the
"ancestral types." The low receding forehead, the overhanging
brow-ridges, forming continuous horizontal bars of bone overshadowing
the orbits, the inflated circumnasal region, the enormous jaws, with
massive ascending ramus, shallow sigmoid notch, "negative" chin and
other "simian" characters seem reminiscent of _Pithecanthropus_ and
_Homo Heidelbergensis_. The cranial capacity however is estimated at
over 1600 c.c., thus exceeding that of the average modern European, and
this development, even though associated, as M. Boule has pointed out,
with a comparatively lowly brain, is of striking significance. The low
stature, probably about 1600 mm. (under 5-1/2 feet) makes the size of
the skull and cranial capacity all the more remarkable. "A survey of
the characters of Neanderthal man--as manifested by his skeleton, brain
cast, and teeth--have convinced anthropologists of two things: first,
that we are dealing with a form of man totally different from any form
now living; and secondly, that the kind of difference far exceeds that
which separates the most divergent of modern human races[39]."

The earliest complete and authentic example of "Aurignacian man" was the
skeleton discovered near Combe Capelle (Dordogne) in 1909[40]. The
stature is low, not exceeding that of the Neandertal type, but the limb
bones are slighter and the build is altogether lighter and more slender.
The greatest contrast lies in the skull. The forehead is vertical
instead of receding, and the strongly projecting brow-ridges are
diminished, the jaw is less massive and less simian with regard to all
the features mentioned above. Especially is this difference noticeable
in the projection of the chin, which now for the first time shows the
modern human outline. In short there are no salient features which
cannot be matched among the living races of the present day.

On the cultural side no less than on the physical, the thousands of
years which the lowest estimate attributes to the Early Stone Age were
marked by slow but continuous changes.

The Reutelian (at the junction of the Pliocene and Pleistocene),
Mafflian and Mesvinian industries, recognised by M. Rutot in Belgium,
belong to the doubtful Eolithic Period, not yet generally accepted[41].

The lowest palaeolithic deposit is the Strepyan, so called from Strépy,
near Charleroi, typically represented at St Acheul, Amiens, and
recognised also in the Thames Valley[42]. The tools exhibit deliberate
flaking, and mark the transition between eolithic and palaeolithic
work. The associated fauna includes two species of elephant,
_E. meridionalis_ and _E. antiquus_, two species of rhinoceros,
_R. Etruscus_ and _R. Merckii_, and the hippopotamus. It is possible
that the Mauer jaw and the Piltdown skull belong to this stage.

The Chellean industry[43], with the typical coarsely flaked
almond-shaped implements, occurs abundantly in the South of England and
in France, less commonly in Belgium, Germany, Austria-Hungary and
Russia, while examples have been recognised in Palestine, Egypt,
Somaliland, Cape Colony, Madras and other localities, though outside
Europe the date is not always ascertainable and the form is not an
absolute criterion[44].

Acheulean types succeed apparently in direct descent but the implements
are altogether lighter, sharper, more efficient, and are characterised
by finer workmanship and carefully retouched edges. A small finely
finished lanceolate implement is typical of the sub-industry or local
development at La Micoque (Dordogne).

The Chellean industry is associated with a warm climate and the remains
of _Elephas antiquus_, _Rhinoceros Merckii_ and hippopotamus. Lower
Acheulean shows little variation, but with Upper Acheulean certain
animals indicating a colder climate make their appearance, including
the mammoth, _Elephas primigenius_, and the woolly rhinoceros,
_R. tichorhinus_, but no reindeer.

The Mousterian industry is entirely distinct from its predecessors. The
warm fauna has disappeared, the reindeer first occurs together with the
musk ox, arctic fox, the marmot and other cold-loving animals. Man
appears to have sought refuge in the caves, and from complete skeletons
found in cave deposits of this stage we gain the first clear ideas
concerning the physical type of man of the early palaeolithic period.
Typical Mousterian implements consist of leaf-like or triangular points
made from flakes struck from the nodule instead of from the dressed
nodule itself, as in the earlier stages. The Levallois flakes, occurring
at the base of the Mousterian (sometimes included in the Acheulean
stage), initiate this new style of workmanship, but the Mousterian point
shows an improvement in shape and a greater mastery in technique,
producing a more efficient tool for piercing and cutting. Scrapers,
carefully retouched, with a curved edge are also characteristic, besides
many other forms. The complete skeletons from Le Moustier itself, La
Chapelle, La Ferassie, and Krapina all belong to this stage, which marks
the end of the lower palaeolithic period, the Age of the Mammoth.

The upper palaeolithic or Reindeer Age is divided into Aurignacian,
Solutrian, and Magdalenian[45] culture stages, with the Azilian[46]
separating the Magdalenian from the neolithic period. Each stage is
distinguished by its implements and its art. The Aurignacian fauna,
though closely resembling the Mousterian, indicates an amelioration of
climate, the most abundant animals being the bison, horse, cave lion,
and cave hyena, and human settlements are again found in the open. Among
the typical implements are finely worked knife-like blades (Châtelperron
point, Gravette point), keeled scrapers (Tarté type), _burins_ or
gravers, and various tools and ornaments of bone. Art is represented by
engravings and wall paintings, and to this stage belong statuettes
representing nude female figures such as those of Brassempouy, Mentone,
Pont-à-Lesse (Belgium), Predmost and Willendorf, near Krems. The
Neandertal type appears to have died out and Aurignacian man belongs to
the modern type represented at Combe Capelle. If the evidence of the
figurines is to be accepted, a steatopygous race was at this time in
existence, which Sollas is inclined to connect with the Bushmen[47].

The Solutrian stage is characterised by the abundance of the horse,
replaced in the succeeding period by the reindeer. The Solutrians seem
to have been a warlike steppe people who came from the east into western
Europe. Their subsequent fate has not been elucidated. The culture
appears to have had a limited range, only a few stations being found
outside Dordogne and the neighbouring departments. The technique, as
shown in the laurel-leaf and willow-leaf points, exhibits a perfection
of workmanship unequalled in the Palaeolithic Age, and only excelled by
late prehistoric knives of Egypt.

The rock shelter at La Madeleine has given its name to the closing epoch
of the Palaeolithic Age. The flint industry shows distinct decadence,
but the working in bone and horn was at its zenith; indeed, so marked is
the contrast between this and the preceding stage that Breuil is
convinced that "the first Magdalenians were not evolved from the
Solutrians; they were new-comers in our region[48]." The typical
implements are barbed harpoons in reindeer antler (later that of the
stag), often decorated with engravings. Sculpture and engravings of
animals in life-like attitudes are among the most remarkable records of
the age, and the polychrome pictures in the caves of Altamira, "the
Sistine chapel of Quaternary Art," are the admiration of the world[49].

In the cave of Mas-d'Azil, between the Magdalenian and Neolithic
deposits occurs a stratum, termed Azilian, which, to some extent,
bridges over the obscure transition between the Palaeolithic and
Neolithic Ages. The reindeer has disappeared, and its place is taken by
the stag. The realistic art of the Magdalenians is succeeded by a more
geometric style. In flint working a return is made to Aurignacian
methods, and a particular development of pygmy flints has received the
name _Tardenoisian_[50].

The characteristic implement is still the harpoon, but it differs in
shape from the Magdalenian implement, owing to the different structure
of the material. Painted pebbles, marked with red and black lines, in
some cases suggesting a script, have given rise to much controversy.
Their meaning at present remains obscure[51].

The question of prehistoric chronology is a difficult one, and the more
cautious authorities do not commit themselves to dates. Of late years,
however, such researches as those of A. Penck and E. Brückner in the
Alps[52] and of Baron de Geer and W. C. Brøgger in Sweden[53], have
provided a sound basis for calculations. Penck recognises four periods
of glaciation during the pleistocene period, which he has named after
typical areas, the Günz, Mindel, Riss and Würm. He dates the Würm
maximum at between 30,000 and 50,000 years ago and estimates the
duration of the Riss-Würm interglacial period at about 100,000 years.
According to his calculations the Chellean industry occurs in the
Mindel-Riss, or even in the Günz-Mindel interval, but it is more
commonly placed in the mild phase intervening before the last (Würm)
glaciation, this latter corresponding with the cold Mousterian stage. At
least four subsequent oscillations of climate have been recognised by
Penck, the Achen, Bühl, Gschnitz and Daun, and the correspondence of
these with palaeolithic culture stages may be seen in the following
table[54].

        Penck and Brückner                Obermaier and others    Rutot

      Post-glacial {Daun    } Azilian     Proto-Neolithic}
        with       {Gschnitz}             Azilian        }
      oscillations {Bühl  }               Magdalenian    } Neolithic
                   {Achen } Magdalenian   Solutrian and  }
                          }                 Aurignacian  }
  IV. Würm. 4th Glacial   }               Mousterian       Lower
                                          Lower Mousterian   Magdalenian
                                            and Acheulean
      Riss-Würm. 3rd      Solutrian and   Chellean         Upper
        Interglacial        Aurignacian                      Mousterian
                          Warm Mousterian
 III. Riss. 3rd Glacial   Cold Mousterian                  Lower
                                                             Acheulean
                                                            Chellean
      Mindel-Riss. 2nd    Acheulean       Mauer jaw         Strepyan
        Interglacial      Chellean        Pre-Palaeolithic  Mesvinian
                                                            Mafflian
  II. Mindel. 2nd Glacial }               }
                          }               }
      Günz-Mindel. 1st    } No artefacts  } No artefacts
        Interglacial      }               }
                          }               }
   I. Günz. 1st Glacial   }               }

James Geikie[55], under the heading, "Reliable and Unreliable estimates
of geological time," points out that the absolute duration of the
Pleistocene cannot be determined, but such investigations as those of
Penck "enable us to form some conception of the time involved." He
accepts as a rough approximation Penck's opinion that "the Glacial
period with all its climatic changes may have extended over half a
million years, and as the Chellean stage dates back to at least the
middle of the period, this would give somewhere between 250,000 and
500,000 years for the antiquity of man in Europe. But if, as recent
discoveries would seem to indicate, man was an occupant of our Continent
during the First Interglacial epoch, if not in still earlier times, we
may be compelled greatly to increase our estimate of his antiquity"
(p. 303).

W. J. Sollas, on the other hand, is content with a far more contracted
measure. Basing his calculations mainly on the investigations of de
Geer, he concludes that the interval that separates our time from the
beginning of the end of the last glacial episode is 17,000 years. He
places the Azilian age at 5500 B.C., the middle of the Magdalenian age
somewhere about 8000 B.C., Mousterian 15,000 B.C., and the close of the
Chellean 25,000 B.C.[56]

But when all the changes in climate are taken into consideration, the
periods of elevation and depression of the land, the transformations of
the animals, the evolution of man, the gradual stages of advance in
human culture, the development of the races of mankind, and their
distribution over the surface of the globe, this estimate is regarded by
many as insufficient. Allen Sturge claims "scores of thousands of years"
for the neolithic period alone[57], and Sir W. Turner points out the
very remote times to which the appearance of neolithic man must be
assigned in Scotland. After showing that there is undoubted evidence of
the presence of man in North Britain during the formation of the Carse
clays, this careful observer explains that the Carse cliffs, now in
places 45 to 50 feet above the present sea-level, formed the bed of an
estuary or arm of the sea, which in post-glacial times extended almost,
if not quite across the land from east to west, thus separating the
region south of the Forth from North Britain. He even suggests, after
the separation of Britain from the Continent in earlier times, another
land connection, a "Neolithic land-bridge" by which the men of the New
Stone Age may have reached Scotland when the upheaved 100-foot terrace
was still clothed with the great forest growths that have since
disappeared[58].

One begins to ask, Are even 100,000 years sufficient for such
oscillations of the surface, upheaval of marine beds, appearance of
great estuaries, renewed connection of Britain with the Continent by a
"Neolithic land-bridge"? In the Falkirk district neolithic
kitchen-middens occur on, or at the base of, the bluffs which overlook
the Carse lands, that is, the old sea-coast. In the Carse of Gowrie also
a dug-out canoe was found at the very base of the deposits, and
immediately above the buried forest-bed of the Tay Valley[59].

That the neolithic period was also of long duration even in Scandinavia
has been made evident by Carl Wibling, who calculates that the
geological changes on the south-east coast of Sweden (Province of
Bleking), since its first occupation by the men of the New Stone Age,
must have required a period of "at least 10,000 years[60]."

Still more startling are the results of the protracted researches
carried on by J. Nüesch at the now famous station of Schweizersbild,
near Schaffhausen in Switzerland[61]. This station was apparently in the
continuous occupation of man during both Stone Ages, and here have been
collected as many as 14,000 objects belonging to the first, and over
6000 referred to the second period. Although the early settlement was
only post-glacial, a point about which there is no room for doubt, L.
Laloy[62] has estimated "the absolute duration of both epochs together
at from 24,000 to 29,000 years." We may, therefore, ask, If a
comparatively recent post-glacial station in Switzerland is about 29,000
years old, how old may a pre- or inter-glacial station be in Gaul or
Britain?

From all this we see how fully justified is J. W. Powell's remark that
the natural history of early man becomes more and more a geological, and
not merely an ethnological problem[63]. We also begin to understand how
it is that, after an existence of some five score millenniums, the first
specialised human varieties have diverged greatly from the original
types, which have thus become almost "ideal quantities," the subjects
rather of palaeontological than of strictly anthropological studies.

And here another consideration of great moment presents itself. During
these long ages some of the groups--most African negroes south of the
equator, most Oceanic negroes (Negritoes and Papuans), and Australian
and American aborigines--have remained in their original habitats ever
since what may be called the first settlement of the earth by man.
Others again, the more restless or enterprising peoples, such as the
Mongols, Manchus, Turks, Ugro-Finns, Arabs, and most Europeans, have no
doubt moved about somewhat freely; but these later migrations, whether
hostile or peaceable, have for the most part been confined to regions
presenting the same or like physical and climatic conditions. Wherever
different climatic zones have been invaded, the intruders have failed to
secure a permanent footing, either perishing outright, or disappearing
by absorption or more or less complete assimilation to the aboriginal
elements. Such are some "black Arabs" in Egyptian Sudan, other Semites
and Hamites in Abyssinia and West Sudan (Himyarites, Fulahs and others),
Finns and Turks in Hungary and the Balkan Peninsula (Magyars, Bulgars,
Osmanli), Portuguese and Netherlanders in Malaysia, English in tropical
or sub-tropical lands, such as India, where Eurasian half-breeds alone
are capable of founding family groups.

The human varieties are thus seen to be, like all other zoological
species, the outcome of their several environments. They are what
climate, soil, diet, pursuits and inherited characters have made them,
so that all sudden transitions are usually followed by disastrous
results[64]. "To urge the emigration of women and children, or of any
save those of the most robust health, to the tropics, may not be to
murder in the first degree, but it should be classed, to put it mildly,
as incitement to it[65]." Acclimatisation may not be impossible but in
all extreme cases it can be effected only at great sacrifice of life,
and by slow processes, the most effective of which is perhaps Natural
Selection. By this means we may indeed suppose the world to have been
first peopled.

At the same time it should be remembered that we know little of the
climatic conditions at the time of the first migrations, though it has
been assumed that it was everywhere much milder than at present.
Consequently the different zones of temperature were less marked, and
the passage from one region to another more easily effected than in
later times. In a word the pleistocene precursors had far less
difficulty in adapting themselves to their new surroundings than modern
peoples have when they emigrate, for instance, from Southern Europe to
Brazil and Paraguay, or from the British Isles to Rhodesia and
Nyassaland.

What is true of man must be no less true of his works; from which it
follows that racial and cultural zones correspond in the main with zones
of temperature, except so far as the latter may be modified by altitude,
marine influences, or other local conditions. A glance at past and
existing relations the world over will show that such harmonies have at
all times prevailed. No doubt the overflow of the leading European
peoples during the last 400 years has brought about divers dislocations,
blurrings, and in places even total effacements of the old landmarks.

But, putting aside these disturbances, it will be found that in the
Eastern hemisphere the inter-tropical regions, hot, moist and more
favourable to vegetable than to animal vitality, are usually occupied by
savage, cultureless populations. Within the same sphere are also
comprised most of the extra-tropical southern lands, all tapering
towards the antarctic waters, isolated, and otherwise unsuitable for
areas of higher specialisation.

Similarly the sub-tropical Asiatic peninsulas, the bleak Tibetan
tableland, the Pamir, and arid Mongolian steppes are found mainly in
possession of somewhat stationary communities, which present every stage
between sheer savagery and civilisation.

In the same way the higher races and cultures are confined to the more
favoured north temperate zone, so that between the parallels of 24° and
50° (but owing to local conditions falling in the far East to 40° and
under, and in the extreme West rising to 55°) are situated nearly all
the great centres, past and present, of human activities--the Egyptian,
Babylonian, Minoan (Aegean), Hellenic, Etruscan, Roman, and modern
European. Almost the only exceptions are the early civilisations
(Himyaritic) of Yemen (Arabia Felix) and Abyssinia, where the low
latitude is neutralised by altitude and a copious rainfall.

Thanks also to altitude, to marine influences, and the contraction of
the equatorial lands, the relations are almost completely reversed in
the New World. Here all the higher developments took place, not in the
temperate but in the tropical zone, within which lay the seats of the
Peruvian, Chimu, Chibcha and Maya-Quiché cultures; the Aztec sphere
alone ranged northwards a little beyond the Tropic of Cancer.

Thus in both hemispheres the iso-cultural bands follow the isothermal
lines in all their deflections, and the human varieties everywhere
faithfully reflect the conditions of their several environments.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] _Ethnology_, Chaps. V. and VII.

[2] See A. H. Keane, _Ethnology_, 1909, Chap. VII.

[3] H. Klaatsch, "Die Aurignac-Rasse und ihre Stellung im Stammbaum des
Menschen," _Ztschr. f. Eth._ LII. 1910. See also _Prähistorische
Zeitschrift_, Vol. I. 1909.

[4] Cf. A. Keith's criticisms in _Nature_, Vol. LXXXV. 1911, p. 508.

[5] W. L. H. Duckworth, _Prehistoric Man_, 1912, p. 146.

[6] W. Ridgeway, "The Influence of Environment on Man," _Journ. Roy.
Anthr. Inst._, Vol. XL. 1910, p. 10.

[7] E. Dubois, "_Pithecanthropus erectus_, transitional form between Man
and the Apes," _Sci. Trans. R. Dublin Soc._ 1898.

[8] O. Schoetensack, _Der Unterkiefer des Homo Heidelbergensis_, etc.,
1908.

[9] C. Dawson and A. Smith Woodward, "On the Discovery of a Palaeolithic
Skull and Mandible," etc., _Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc._ 1913.

[10] This was the view of A. Smith Woodward when the skull was first
exhibited (_loc. cit._), but in his paper, "Missing Links among Extinct
Animals," _Brit. Ass._ Birmingham, 1913, he is inclined to regard
"Piltdown man, or some close relative" as "on the direct line of descent
with ourselves." For A. Keith's criticism see _The Antiquity of Man_,
1915, p. 503.

[11] W. L. H. Duckworth, _Prehistoric Man_, 1912, p. 8.

[12] For the relation between chin formation and power of speech, see E.
Walkhoff, "Der Unterkiefer der Anthropomorphen und des Menschen in
seiner funktionellen Entwicklung und Gestalt," E. Selenka,
_Menschenaffen_, 1902; H. Obermaier, _Der Mensch der Vorzeit_, 1912, p.
362; and W. Wright, "The Mandible of Man from the Morphological and
Anthropological points of view," _Essays and Studies presented to W.
Ridgeway_, 1913.

[13] Cf. W. L. H. Duckworth, _Prehistoric Man_, 1912, p. 10, and A.
Keith, _The Antiquity of Man_, 1915, p. 237.

[14] A. Smith Woodward, 1070 c.c.; A. Keith, 1400 c.c.

[15] G. G. MacCurdy, following G. S. Miller, _Smithsonian Misc. Colls._
Vol. 65, No. 12 (1915), is convinced that "in place of _Eoanthropus
dawsoni_ we have two individuals belonging to different genera," a human
cranium and the jaw of a chimpanzee. _Science_, N.S. Vol. XLIII. 1916,
p. 231. See also Appendix A.

[16] For a full description see _Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc._ March, 1913.
Also A. Keith, _The Antiquity of Man_, 1915, p. 320, and pp. 430-452.

[17] C. Dawson and A. Smith Woodward, "Supplementary Note on the
Discovery of a Palaeolithic Human Skull and Mandible at Piltdown
(Sussex)," _Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc._ April, 1914.

[18] _The Antiquity of Man_, 1915, p. 209.

[19] Thus Lucretius:

        "Arma antiqua manus, ungues, dentesque fuerunt,
        Et lapides, et item silvarum fragmina rami."

[20] _Jour. Anthrop. Inst._ 1896, p. 133.

[21] _Inaugural Address_, Brit. Ass. Meeting, Toronto, 1897.

[22] M. Boule, "L'homme fossile de la Chapelle-aux-Saints," _Annales de
Paléontologie_, 1911 (1913). Cf. also H. Obermaier, _Der Mensch der
Vorzeit_, 1912, p. 364.

[23] _Prehistoric Man_, 1912, p. 60.

[24] _Der Mensch der Vorzeit_, 1912, p. 365.

[25] This is not generally accepted. See A. Keith's diagram, p. 5 and
pp. 9-10.

[26] W. J. Sollas, "On the Cranial and Facial Characters of the
Neandertal Race," _Phil. Trans._ 1907, CXCIV.

[27] J. Fraipont and M. Lohest, "Recherches Ethnographiques sur les
Ossements Humains," etc., _Arch. de Biologie_, 1887.

[28] Gorjanovi[vc]-Kramberger, _Der diluviale Mensch von Krapina in
Kroatia_, 1906.

[29] M. Boule, "L'homme fossile de la Chapelle-aux-Saints," _L'Anthr._
XIX. 1908, and _Annales de Paléontologie_, 1911 (1913).

[30] H. Klaatsch, _Prähistorische Zeitschrift_, Vol. I. 1909.

[31] Peyrony and Capitan, _Rev. de l'Ecole d'Anthrop._ 1909; _Bull. Soc.
d'Anthr. de Paris_, 1910.

[32] G. Schwalbe, "Der Schädel von Brüx," _Zeitschr. f. Morph. u.
Anthr._ 1906.

[33] Makowsky, "Der diluviale Mensch in Löss von Brünn," _Mitt. Anthrop.
Gesell. in Wien_, 1892.

[34] See A. Keith, _The Antiquity of Man_, 1915, Chap. X.

[35] H. Klaatsch, "Die Aurignac-Rasse," etc., _Zeitschr. f. Ethn._ LII.
1910.

[36] L. Lartet, "Une sépulture des troglodytes du Périgord," and Broca,
"Sur les crânes et ossements des Eyzies," _Bull. Soc. d'Anthr._ de
Paris, 1868.

[37] R. Verneau, _Les Grottes de Grimaldi_, 1906-11.

[38] For a complete list with bibliographical references, see H.
Obermaier, "Les restes humains Quaternaires dans l'Europe centrale,"
_Anthr._ 1905, p. 385, 1906, p. 55.

[39] A. Keith, _The Antiquity of Man_, 1915, p. 158. See also W. J.
Sollas, _Ancient Hunters_, 1915, p. 186 ff.

[40] H. Klaatsch, "Die Aurignac-Rasse," _Zeitschr. f. Eth._ 1910, LII.
p. 513.

[41] The Mesvinian implements are now accepted as artefacts and placed
by H. Obermaier immediately below the Chellean, though M. Commont
interprets them as Acheulean or even later. See W. J. Sollas, _Ancient
Hunters_, 1915, p. 132 ff.

[42] R. Smith and H. Dewey, "Stratification at Swanscombe,"
_Archaeologia_, LXIV. 1912.

[43] So called from Chelles-sur-Marne, near Paris.

[44] Cf. J. Déchelette, _Manuel d'Archéologie préhistorique_, I. 1908,
p. 89.

[45] From Aurignac (Haute-Garonne), Solutré (Saône-et-Loire), and La
Madeleine (Dordogne).

[46] Mas-d'Azil, Ariège.

[47] W. J. Sollas, _Ancient Hunters_, 1915, pp. 378-9.

[48] "Les Subdivisions de paléolithique supérieur," _Congrès Internat.
d'Anth._ 1912, XIV. pp. 190-3.

[49] H. Breuil and E. Cartailhac, _La Caverne d'Altamira_, 1906. For a
list of decorated caves, with the names of their discoverers, see J.
Déchelette, _Manuel d'Archéologie préhistorique_, I. 1908, p. 241. A
complete _Répertoire de l'Art Quaternaire_ is given by S. Reinach, 1913;
and for chronology see E. Piette, "Classifications des Sédiments formés
dans les cavernes pendant l'Age du Renne," _Anthr._ 1904.

[50] From La Fère-en-Tardenois, Aisne.

[51] Cf. W. J. Sollas, _Ancient Hunters_, 1915, pp. 95, 534 f.

[52] _Die Alpen in Eiszeitalter_, 1901-9. See also "Alter des
Menschengeschlechts," _Zeit. f. Eth._ XL. 1908.

[53] See W. J. Sollas, _Ancient Hunters_, 1915, p. 561.

[54] H. Obermaier, _Der Mensch der Vorzeit_, 1911-2, p. 332.

[55] _The Antiquity of Man in Europe_, 1914, p. 301.

[56] _Ancient Hunters_, 1915, p. 567.

[57] _Proc. Prehist. Soc. E. Anglia_, 1. 1911, p. 60.

[58] Discourse at the R. Institute, London, _Nature_, Jan. 6 and 13,
1898.

[59] _Nature_, 1898, p. 235.

[60] _Tiden för Blekings första bebyggande_, Karlskrona, 1895, p. 5.

[61] "Das Schweizersbild, eine Niederlassung aus palaeolithischer und
neolithischer Zeit," in _Nouveaux Mémoires Soc. Helvétique des Sciences
Naturelles_, Vol. XXXV. Zurich, 1896. This is described by James Geikie,
_The Antiquity of Man in Europe_, 1914, pp. 85-99.

[62] _L'Anthropologie_, 1897, p. 350.

[63] _Forum_, Feb. 1898.

[64] The party of Eskimo men and women brought back by Lieut. Peary from
his Arctic expedition in 1897 were unable to endure our temperate
climate. Many died of pneumonia, and the survivors were so enfeebled
that all had to be restored to their icy homes to save their lives. Even
for the Algonquians of Labrador a journey to the coast is a journey to
the grave.

[65] W. Z. Ripley, _The Races of Europe_, 1900, p. 586.



CHAPTER II

THE METAL AGES--HISTORIC TIMES AND PEOPLES

    Progress of Archaeological Studies--Sequence of the Metal Ages--The
    Copper Age--Egypt, Elam, Babylonia, Europe--The Bronze Age--Egypt
    and Babylonia, Western Europe, the Aegean, Ireland--Chronology of
    the Copper and Bronze Ages--The Iron Age--Hallstatt, La Tène--Man
    and his Works in the Metal Ages--The Prehistoric Age in the West,
    and in China--Historic Times--Evolution of Writing Systems--
    Hieroglyphs and Cuneiforms--The Alphabet--The Persian and other
    Cuneiform Scripts--The Mas-d'Azil Markings--Alphabetiform Signs
    on Neolithic Monuments--Character and Consequences of the
    later historic Migrations--The Race merges in the People--The
    distinguishing Characters of Peoples--Scheme of Classification.


If, as above seen, the study of human origins is largely a geological
problem, the investigation of the later developments, during the Metal
Ages and prehistoric times, belongs mainly to the field of Archaeology.
Hence it is that for the light which has in recent years been thrown
upon the obscure interval between the Stone Ages and the strictly
historic epoch, that is to say, the period when in his continuous upward
development man gradually exchanged stone for the more serviceable
metals, we are indebted chiefly to the pioneer labours of such men as
Worsaae, Steenstrup, Forchhammer, Schliemann, Sayce, Layard, Lepsius,
Mariette, Maspero, Montelius, Brugsch, Petrie, Peters, Haynes, Sir J.
Evans, Sir A. J. Evans and many others, all archaeologists first, and
anthropologists only in the second instance.

From the researches of these investigators it is now clear that copper,
bronze, and iron were successively in use in Europe in the order named,
so that the current expressions, "Copper," "Bronze," and "Iron" Ages
remain still justified. But it also appears that overlappings, already
beginning in late Neolithic times, were everywhere so frequent that in
many localities it is quite impossible to draw any well-marked dividing
lines between the successive metal periods.

That iron came last, a fact already known by vague tradition to the
ancients[66], is beyond doubt, and it is no less certain that bronze of
various types intervened between copper and iron. But much obscurity
still surrounds the question of copper, which occurs in so many graves
of Neolithic and Bronze times, that this metal has even been denied an
independent position in the sequence.

But we shall not be surprised that confusion should prevail on this
point, if we reflect that the metals, unlike stone, came to remain. Once
introduced they were soon found to be indispensable to civilised man, so
that in a sense the "Metal Ages" still survive, and must last to the end
of time. Hence it was natural that copper should be found in prehistoric
graves associated, first with polished stone implements, and then with
bronze and iron, just as, since the arrival of the English in Australia,
spoons, clay pipes, penknives, pannikins, and the like, are now found
mingled with stone objects in the graves of the aborigines.

But that there was a true Copper Age[67] prior to that of Bronze, though
possibly of not very long duration, except of course in the New
World[68], has been placed beyond reasonable doubt by recent
investigations. Considerable attention was devoted to the subject by J.
H. Gladstone, who finds that copper was worked by the Egyptians in the
Sinaitic Peninsula, that is, in the famous mines of the Wadi Maghára,
from the fourth to the eighteenth dynasty, perhaps from 3000 to 1580
B.C.[69] During that epoch tools were made of pure copper in Egypt and
Syria, and by the Amorites in Palestine, often on the model of their
stone prototypes[70].

Elliot Smith[71] claims that "the full story of the coming of copper,
complete in every detail and circumstance, written in a simple and
convincing fashion that he who runs may read," has been displayed in
Egypt ever since the year 1894, though the full significance of the
evidence was not recognised until Reisner called attention to the record
of pre-dynastic graves in Upper Egypt when superintending the
excavations at Naga-ed-dêr in 1908[72]. These excavations revealed the
indigenous civilisation of the ancient Egyptians and, according to
Elliot Smith, dispose of the idea hitherto held by most archaeologists
that Egypt owed her knowledge of metals to Babylonia or some other
Asiatic source, where copper, and possibly also bronze, may be traced
back to the fourth millennium B.C. There was doubtless intercourse
between the civilisations of Egypt and Babylonia but "Reisner has
revealed the complete absence of any evidence to show or even to suggest
that the language, the mode of writing, the knowledge of copper ... were
imported" (p. 34). Elliot Smith justly claims (p. 6) that in no other
country has a similarly complete history of the discovery and the
evolution of the working of copper been revealed, but until equally
exhaustive excavations have been undertaken on contemporary or earlier
sites in Sumer and Elam, the question cannot be regarded as settled.

The work of J. de Morgan at Susa[73] (1907-8) shows the extreme
antiquity of the Copper Age in ancient Elam, even if his estimate of
5000 B.C. is regarded as a millennium too early[74]. At the base of the
mound on the natural soil, beneath 24 meters of archaeological layers,
were the remains of a town and a necropolis consisting of about 1000
tombs. Those of the men contained copper axes of primitive type; those
of the women, little vases of paint, together with discs of polished
copper to serve as mirrors. At Fara, excavations by Koldewey in 1902,
and by Andrae and Nöldeke in 1903 on the site of Shuruppak (the home of
the Babylonian Noah) in the valley of the Lower Euphrates, revealed
graves attributed to the prehistoric Sumerians, containing copper spear
heads, axes and drinking vessels[75].

In Europe, North Italy, Hungary and Ireland[76] may lay claim to a
Copper Age, but there is very little evidence of such a stage in
Britain. To this period also may be attributed the nest or _cache_ of
pure copper ingots found at Tourc'h, west of the Aven Valley,
Finisterre, described by M. de Villiers du Terrage, and comprising 23
pieces, with a total weight of nearly 50 lbs.[77] These objects, which
belong to "the transitional period when copper was used at first
concurrently with polished stone, and then disappeared as bronze came
into more general use[78]," came probably from Hungary, at that time
apparently the chief source of this metal for most parts of Europe. Of
over 200 copper objects described by Mathaeus Much[79] nearly all were
of Hungarian or South German _provenance_, five only being accredited to
Britain and eight to France.

The study of this subject has been greatly advanced by J. Hampel, who
holds on solid grounds that in some regions, especially Hungary, copper
played a dominant part for many centuries, and is undoubtedly the
characteristic metal of a distinct culture. His conclusions are based on
the study of about 500 copper objects found in Hungary and preserved in
the Buda Pesth collections. Reviewing all the facts attesting a Copper
Age in Central Europe, Egypt, Italy, Cyprus, Troy, Scandinavia, North
Asia, and other lands, he concludes that a Copper Age may have sprung up
independently wherever the ore was found, as in the Ural and Altai
Mountains, Italy, Spain, Britain, Cyprus, Sinai; such culture being
generally indigenous, and giving evidence of more or less characteristic
local features[80]. In fact we know for certain that such an independent
Copper Age was developed not only in the region of the Great Lakes of
North America, but also amongst the Bantu peoples of Katanga and other
parts of Central Africa. Copper is not an alloy like bronze, but a
soft, easily-worked metal occurring in large quantities and in a
tolerably pure state near the surface in many parts of the world. The
wonder is, not that it should have been found and worked at a somewhat
remote epoch in several different centres, but that its use should have
been so soon superseded in so many places by the bronze alloys.

From copper to bronze, however, the passage was slow and progressive,
the proper proportion of tin, which was probably preceded in some places
by an alloy of antimony, having been apparently arrived at by repeated
experiments often carried out with no little skill by those prehistoric
metallurgists.

As suggested by Bibra in 1869, the ores of different metals would appear
to have been at first smelted together empirically, and the process
continued until satisfactory results were obtained. Hence the
extraordinary number of metals, of which percentages are found in some
of the earlier specimens, such as those of the Elbing Museum, which on
analysis yielded tin, lead, silver, iron, antimony, arsenic, sulphur,
nickel, cobalt, and zinc in varying quantities[81].

Some bronzes from the pyramid of Medum analysed by J. H. Gladstone[82]
yielded the high percentage of 9.1 of tin, from which we must infer, not
only that bronze, but bronze of the finest quality, was already known to
the Egyptians of the fourth dynasty, _i.e._ 2840 B.C. The statuette of
Gudea of Lagash (2500 B.C.) claimed as the earliest example of bronze in
Babylonia is now known to be pure copper, and though objects from Tello
(Lagash) of earlier date contain a mixture of tin, zinc, arsenic and
other alloys, the proportion is insignificant. The question of priority
must, however, be left open until the relative chronology of Egypt and
Babylonia is finally settled, and this is still a much disputed
point[83]. Neither would all the difficulties with regard to the origin
of bronze be cleared up should Egypt or Babylonia establish her claim to
possess the earliest example of the metal, for neither country appears
to possess any tin. The nearest deposit known in ancient times would
seem to be that of Drangiana, mentioned by Strabo, identified with
modern Khorassan[84].

Strabo and other classical writers also mention the occurrence of tin in
the west, in Spain, Portugal and the Cassiterides or tin islands, whose
identity has given rise to so much speculation[85], but "though in after
times Egypt drew her tin from Europe it would be bold indeed to suppose
that she did so [in 3000 B.C.] and still bolder to maintain that she
learned from northern people how to make the alloy called bronze[86]."
Apart from the indigenous Egyptian origin maintained by Elliot Smith
(above) the hypothesis offering fewest difficulties is that the earliest
bronze is to be traced to the region of Elam, and that the knowledge
spread from S. Chaldaea (Elam-Sumer) to S. Egypt in the third millennium
B.C.[87]

There seems to be little doubt that the Aegean was the centre of
dispersal for the new metals throughout the Mediterranean area, and
copper ingots have been found at various points of the Mediterranean,
marked with Cretan signs[88]. Bronze was known in Crete before 2000 B.C.
for a bronze dagger and spear head were found at Hagios Onuphrios, near
Phaistos, with seals resembling those of the sixth to eleventh
dynasties[89].

From the eastern Mediterranean the knowledge spread during the second
millennium along the ordinary trade routes which had long been in use.
The mineral ores of Spain were exploited in pre-Mycenean times and
probably contributed in no small measure to the industrial development
of southern Europe. From tribe to tribe, along the Atlantic coasts the
traffic in minerals reached the British Isles, where the rich ores were
discovered which, in their turn, supplied the markets of the north, the
west and the south.

Even Ireland was not left untouched by Aegean influence, which reached
it, according to G. Coffey[90], by way of the Danube and the Elbe, and
thence by way of Scandinavia, though this is a matter on which there is
much difference of opinion. Ireland's richness in gold during the Bronze
Age made her "a kind of El Dorado of the western world," and the
discovery of a gold torc found by Schliemann in the royal treasury in
the second city of Troy raises the question as to whether the model of
the torc was imported into Ireland from the south[90], or whether (which
J. Déchelette[91] regards as less probable) there was already an
exportation of Irish gold to the eastern Mediterranean in pre-Mycenean
times.

Of recent years great strides have been made towards the establishment
of a definite chronology linking the historic with the prehistoric
periods in the Aegean, in Egypt and in Babylonia, and as the estimates
of various authorities differ sometimes by a thousand years or so, the
subjoined table will be of use to indicate the chronological schemes
most commonly followed; the dates are in all cases merely approximate.

It has often been pointed out that there is no reason why iron should
not have been the earliest metal to be used by man. Its ores are more
abundant and more easily reduced than any others, and are worked by
peoples in a low grade of culture at the present day[92]. Iron may have
been known in Egypt almost as early as bronze, for a piece in the
British Museum is attributed to the fourth dynasty, and some beads of
manufactured iron were found in a pre-dynastic grave at El Gerzeh[93].
But these and other less well authenticated occurrences of iron are
rare, and the metal was not common in Egypt before the middle of the
second millennium. By the end of the second millennium the knowledge had
spread throughout the eastern Mediterranean[94], and towards 900 at
latest iron was in common use in Italy and Central Europe.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

      Egypt[95]  Babylonia[96]    Aegean[97]   Greece[98]  Bronze Age in
                                                           Europe[99]

 3300 Dynasty I
 3200
 3100
 3000            Dynasty of Opis  ?Early       ?Pre-Mycenean
 2900            Dyn. of Kish        Minoan I
 2800 Dyn. III,  Dyn. of Erech
        IV       Dyn. of
                   Akkad[100]
 2700
 2600 Dyn. V     2nd Dyn. of Erech
 2500 Dyn. VI    Gutian           Early Minoan II          Period I.
                   Domination                              Eneolithic
 2400            Dyn. of Ur                                (implements
 2300 Dyn. IX                                              of stone,
 2200            Dyn. of Isin     Middle Minoan I          copper and
 2100 Dyn. XI                     Mid. Minoan II           bronze, poor
 2000 Dyn. XII   1st Dyn. Babylon              Mycenean I  in tin)
 1900            2nd Dyn.         Mid. Minoan III          Period II
 1800
 1700 Dyn. XIII  3rd Dyn.         Late Minoan I
 1600 Dyn. XV                                              Period III
 1500 Dyn. XVIII                  Late Minoan  Mycenean II
                                    II
 1400                             Late Minoan III
 1300 Dyn. XIX                                             Period IV
 1200 Dyn. XX                                  Homeric Age
 1100            4th Dyn.
 1000 Dyn. XXI   5th to 7th Dyn.  Close of Bronze Age[101]
  900 Dyn. XXII  8th Dyn.                                  Hallstatt

The introduction of iron into Italy has often been attributed to the
Etruscans, who were thought to have brought the knowledge from Lydia.
But the most abundant remains of the Early Iron Age are found not in
Tuscany, but along the coasts of the Adriatic[102], showing that iron
followed the well-known route of the amber trade, thus reaching Central
Europe and _Hallstatt_ (which has given its name to the Early Iron Age),
where alone in Europe the gradual transition from the use of bronze to
that of iron has been clearly traced. W. Ridgeway[103] believes that the
use of iron was first discovered in the Hallstatt area and that thence
it spread to Switzerland, France, Spain, Italy, Greece, the Aegean area,
and Egypt rather than that the culture drift was in the opposite
direction. There is no difference of opinion however as to the
importance of this Central European area which contained the most famous
iron mines of antiquity. Hallstatt culture extended from the Iberian
peninsula in the west to Hungary in the east, but scarcely reached
Scandinavia, North Germany, Armorica or the British Isles where the
Bronze Age may be said to have lasted down to about 500 B.C. Over such a
vast domain the culture was not everywhere of a uniform type and
Hoernes[104] recognises four geographical divisions distinguished mainly
by pottery and fibulae, and provisionally classified as Illyrian in the
South West, or Adriatic region, in touch with Greece and Italy; Celtic
in the Central or Danubian area; with an off-shoot in Western Germany,
Northern Switzerland and Eastern France; and Germanic in parts of
Germany, Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia and Posen.

The Hallstatt period ends, roughly, at 500 B.C., and the Later Iron Age
takes its name from the settlement of _La Tène_, in a bay of the Lake of
Neuchâtel in Switzerland. This culture, while owing much to that of
Hallstatt, and much also to foreign sources, possesses a distinct
individuality, and though soon overpowered on the Continent by Roman
influence, attained a remarkable brilliance in the Late Celtic period in
the British Isles.

That the peoples of the Metal Ages were physically well developed, and
in a great part of Europe and Asia already of Aryan speech, there can be
no reasonable doubt. A skull of the early Hallstatt period, from a grave
near Wildenroth, Upper Bavaria, is described by Virchow as long-headed,
with a cranial capacity of no less than 1585 c.c., strongly developed
occiput, very high and narrow face and nose, and in every respect a
superb specimen of the regular-featured, long-headed North
European[105]. But owing to the prevalence of cremation the evidence of
race is inadequate. The Hallstatt population was undoubtedly mixed, and
at Glasinatz in Bosnia, another site of Hallstatt civilisation, about a
quarter of the skulls examined were brachycephalic[106].

Their works, found in great abundance in the graves, especially of the
Bronze and Iron periods, but a detailed account of which belongs to the
province of archaeology, interest us in many ways. The painted
earthenware vases and incised metal-ware of all kinds enable the student
to follow the progress of the arts of design and ornamentation in their
upward development from the first tentative efforts of the prehistoric
artist at pleasing effects. Human and animal figures, though rarely
depicted, occasionally afford a curious insight into the customs and
fashions of the times. On a clay vessel, found in 1896 at Lahse in
Posen, is figured a regular hunting scene, where we see men mounted on
horseback, or else on foot, armed with bow and arrow, pursuing the
quarry (nobly-antlered stags), and returning to the penthouse after the
chase[107]. The drawing is extremely primitive, but on that account all
the more instructive, showing in connection with analogous
representations on contemporary objects, how in prehistoric art such
figures tend to become conventionalised and purely ornamental, as in
similar designs on the vases and textiles from the Ancon Necropolis,
Peru. "Most ornaments of primitive peoples, although to our eye they may
seem merely geometrical and freely-invented designs, are in reality
nothing more than degraded animal and human figures[108]."

This may perhaps be the reason why so many of the drawings of the metal
period appear so inferior to those of the cave-dwellers and of the
present Bushmen. They are often mere conventionalised reductions of
pictorial prototypes, comparable, for instance, to the characters of our
alphabets, which are known to be degraded forms of earlier pictographs.

Of the so-called "Prehistoric Age" it is obvious that no strict
definition can be given. It comprises in a general way that vague period
prior to all written records, dim memories of which--popular myths,
folklore, demi-gods[109], eponymous heroes[110], traditions of real
events[111]--lingered on far into historic times, and supplied ready to
hand the copious materials afterwards worked up by the early poets,
founders of new religions, and later legislators.

That letters themselves, although not brought into general use, had
already been invented, is evident from the mere fact that all memory of
their introduction beyond the vaguest traditions had died out before the
dawn of history. The works of man, while in themselves necessarily
continuous, stretched back to such an inconceivably remote past, that
even the great landmarks in the evolution of human progress had long
been forgotten by later generations.

And so it was everywhere, in the New World as in the Old, amongst
Eastern as amongst Western Peoples. In the Chinese records the "Age of
the Five Emperors"--five, though nine are named--answers somewhat to our
prehistoric epoch. It had its eponymous hero, Fu Hi, reputed founder of
the empire, who invented nets and snares for fishing and hunting, and
taught his people how to rear domestic animals. To him also is ascribed
the institution of marriage, and in his time Tsong Chi is supposed to
have invented the Chinese characters, symbols, not of sounds, but of
objects and ideas.

Then came other benevolent rulers, who taught the people agriculture,
established markets for the sale of farm produce, discovered the
medicinal properties of plants, wrote treatises on diseases and their
remedies, studied astrology and astronomy, and appointed "the Five
Observers of the heavenly bodies."

But this epoch had been preceded by the "Age of the Three [six] Rulers,"
when people lived in caves, ate wild fruits and uncooked food, drank the
blood of animals and wore the skins of wild beasts (our Old Stone Age).
Later they grew less rude, learned to obtain fire by friction, and built
themselves habitations of wood or foliage (our Early Neolithic Age).
Thus is everywhere revealed the background of sheer savagery, which lies
behind all human culture, while the "Golden Age" of the poets fades with
the "Hesperides" and Plato's "Atlantis" into the region of the fabulous.

Little need here be said of strictly historic times, the most
characteristic feature of which is perhaps the general use of letters.
By means of this most fruitful of human inventions, everything worth
preserving was perpetuated, and thus all useful knowledge tended to
become accumulative. It is no longer possible to say when or where the
miracle was wrought by which the apparently multifarious sounds of
fully-developed languages were exhaustively analysed and effectively
expressed by a score or so of arbitrary signs. But a comparative study
of the various writing-systems in use in different parts of the world
has revealed the process by which the transition was gradually brought
about from rude pictorial representations of objects to purely
phonetical symbols.

As is clearly shown by the "winter counts" of the North American
aborigines, and by the prehistoric rock carvings in Upper Egypt, the
first step was a _pictograph_, the actual figure, say, of a man,
standing for a given man, and then for any man or human being. Then this
figure, more or less reduced or conventionalised, served to indicate not
only the term _man_, but the full sound _man_, as in the word
_manifest_, and in the modern rebus. At this stage it becomes a
_phonogram_, or _phonoglyph_, which, when further reduced beyond all
recognition of its original form, may stand for the syllable _ma_ as in
_ma-ny_, without any further reference either to the idea or the sound
man. The phonogram has now become the symbol of a monosyllable, which is
normally made up of two elements, a consonant and a vowel, as in the
Devanágari, and other syllabic systems.

Lastly, by dropping the second or vowel element the same symbol, further
modified or not, becomes a _letter_ representing the sound _m_, that is,
one of the few ultimate elements of articulate speech. A more or less
complete set of such characters, thus worn down in form and meaning,
will then be available for indicating more or less completely all the
phonetic elements of any given language. It will be a true _alphabet_,
the wonderful nature of which may be inferred from the fact that only
two, or possibly three, such alphabetic systems are known with absolute
certainty to have ever been independently evolved by human
ingenuity[112]. From the above exposition we see how inevitably the
Phoenician parent of nearly all late alphabets expressed at first the
consonantal sounds only, so that the vowels or vowel marks are in all
cases later developments, as in Hebrew, Syriac, Arabic, Greek, the
Italic group, and the Runes.

In primitive systems, such as the Egyptian, Sumerian, Chinese,
Maya-Quiché and Mexican, one or more of the various transitional steps
may be developed and used simultaneously, with a constant tendency to
advance on the lines above indicated, by gradual substitution of the
later for the earlier stages. A comparison of the Sumerian cuneiform and
Egyptian hieroglyphic systems brings out some curious results. Thus at
an extremely remote epoch, some millenniums ago, the Sumerians had
already got rid of the pictorial, and to a great extent of the
ideographic, but had barely reached the alphabetic phase. Consequently
their cuneiform groups, although possessing phonetic value, mainly
express full syllables, scarcely ever letters, and rarely complete
words. Ideographs had given place first to phonograms and then to mere
syllables, "complex syllables in which several consonants may be
distinguished, or simple syllables composed of only one consonant and
one vowel or _vice versa_[113]."

The Egyptians, on the other hand, carried the system right through the
whole gamut from pictures to letters, but retained all the intermediate
phases, the initial tending to fall away, the final to expand, while the
bulk of the hieroglyphs represented in various degrees the several
transitional states. In many cases they "had kept only one part of the
syllable, namely a mute consonant; they detached, for instance, the
final _u_ from _bu_ and _pu_, and gave only the values _b_ and _p_ to
the human leg [Hieroglyph Symbol] and to the mat [Hieroglyph Symbol].
The peoples of the Euphrates stopped half way, and admitted actual
letters for the vowel sounds _a_, _i_ and _u_ only[114]."

In the process of evolution, metaphor and analogy of course played a
large part, as in the evolution of language itself. Thus a lion might
stand both for the animal and for courage, and so on. The first essays
in phonetics took somewhat the form of a modern rebus, thus: [Hieroglyph
Symbol] = _khau_ = sieve, [Hieroglyph Symbol] = _pu_ = mat; [Hieroglyph
Symbol] = _ru_ = mouth, whence [Hieroglyph Symbol] = _kho-pi-ru_ = to
be, where the sounds and not the meaning of the several components are
alone attended to[115].

By analogous processes was formed a true alphabet, in which, however,
each of the phonetic elements was represented at first by several
different characters derived from several different words having the
same initial syllable. Here was, therefore, an _embarras de richesses_,
which could be got rid of only by a judicious process of elimination,
that is, by discarding all like-sounding symbols but one for the same
sound. When this final process of reduction was completed by the
scribes, in other words, when all the phonetic signs were rejected
except 23, _i.e._ one for each of the 23 phonetic elements, the
Phoenician alphabet as we now have it was completed. Such may be taken
as the real origin of this system, whether the scribes in question were
Babylonians, Egyptians, Minaeans, or Europeans, that is, whether the
Phoenician alphabet had a cuneiform, a hieroglyphic, a South Arabian, a
Cretan (Aegean), Ligurian or Iberian origin, for all these and perhaps
other peoples have been credited with the invention. The time is not
yet ripe for deciding between these rival claimants[116].

But whatever be the source of the Phoenician, that of the Persian system
current under the Achaemenides is clear enough. It is a true alphabet of
37 characters, derived by some selective process directly from the
Babylonian cuneiforms, without any attempt at a modification of their
shapes. Hence although simple compared with its prototype, it is clumsy
enough compared with the Phoenician script, several of the letters
requiring groups of as many as four or even five "wedges" for their
expression. None of the other cuneiform systems also derived from the
Sumerian (the Assyrian, Elamite, Vannic, Medic) appear to have reached
the pure alphabetic state, all being still encumbered with numerous
complex syllabic characters. The subjoined table, for which I have to
thank T. G. Pinches, will help to show the genesis of the cuneiform
combinations from the earliest known pictographs. These pictographs
themselves are already reduced to the merest outlines of the original
pictorial representations. But no earlier forms, showing the gradual
transition from the primitive picture writing to the degraded
pictographs here given, have yet come to light[117].

Here it may be asked, What is to be thought of the already-mentioned
pebble-markings from the Mas-d'Azil Cave at the close of the Old Stone
Age? If they are truly phonetic, then we must suppose that palaeolithic
man not only invented an alphabetic writing system, but did this right
off by intuition, as it were, without any previous knowledge of letters.
At least no one will suggest that the Dordogne cave-dwellers were
already in possession of pictographic or other crude systems, from which
the Mas-d'Azil "script" might have been slowly evolved. Yet E. Piette,
who groups these pebbles, painted with peroxide of iron, in the four
categories of numerals, symbols, pictographs, and alphabetical
characters, states, in reference to these last, that 13 out of 23
Phoenician characters were equally Azilian graphic signs. He even
suggests that there may be an approach to an inscription in one group,
where, however, the mark indicating a stop implies a script running
Semitic-fashion from right to left, whereas the letters themselves seem
to face the other way[118]. G. G. MacCurdy[119], who accepts the
evidence for the existence of writing in Azilian, if not in Magdalenian
times, notes the close similarity between palaeolithic signs and
Phoenician, ancient Greek and Cypriote letters. But J. Déchelette[120],
reviewing (pp. 234, 236) the arguments against Piette's claims, points
out in conclusion (p. 320) the impossibility of admitting that the
population of Gaul could suddenly lose so beneficial a discovery as that
of writing. Yet thousands of years elapse before the earliest appearance
of epigraphic monuments.

  [Illustration: EVOLUTION OF THE SUMERIAN CUNEIFORMS.]

A possible connection has been suggested by Sergi between the Mas-d'Azil
signs and the markings that have been discovered on the megalithic
monuments of North Africa, Brittany, and the British Isles. These are
all so rudimentary that resemblances are inevitable, and of themselves
afford little ground for necessary connections. Primitive man is but a
child, and all children bawl and scrawl much in the same way.
Nevertheless C. Letourneau[121] has taken the trouble to compare five
such scrawls from "Libyan inscriptions" now in the Bardo Museum, Tunis,
with similar or identical signs on Brittany and Irish dolmens. There is
the familiar circle plain and dotted [Symbol] [Symbol], the cross in its
simplest form [Symbol], the pothook and segmented square [Symbol], all
of which recur in the Phoenician, Keltiberian, Etruscan, Libyan or
Tuareg systems. Letourneau, however, who does not call them letters but
only "signes alphabétiformes," merely suggests that, if not phonetic
marks when first carved on the neolithic monuments, they may have become
so in later times. Against this it need only be urged that in later
times all these peoples were supplied with complete alphabetic systems
from the East as soon as they required them. By that time all the
peoples of the culture-zone were well-advanced into the historic period,
and had long forgotten the rude carvings of their neolithic forefathers.

Armed with a nearly perfect writing system, and the correlated cultural
appliances, the higher races soon took a foremost place in the general
progress of mankind, and gradually acquired a marked ascendancy, not
only over the less cultured populations of the globe, but in large
measure over the forces of nature herself. With the development of
navigation and improved methods of locomotion, inland seas, barren
wastes, and mountain ranges ceased to be insurmountable obstacles to
their movements, which within certain limits have never been arrested
throughout all recorded time.

Thus, during the long ages following the first peopling of the earth by
pleistocene man, fresh settlements and readjustments have been
continually in progress, although wholesale displacements must be
regarded as rare events. With few exceptions, the later migrations,
whether hostile or peaceful, were, for reasons already stated[122],
generally of a partial character, while certain insular regions, such as
America and Australia, remained little affected by such movements till
quite recent times. But for the inhabitants of the eastern hemisphere
the results were none the less far-reaching. Continuous infiltrations
could not fail ultimately to bring about great modifications of early
types, while the ever-active principle of convergence tended to produce
a general uniformity amongst the new amalgams. Thus the great varietal
divisions, though undergoing slow changes from age to age, continued,
like all other zoological groups, to maintain a distinct regional
character.

Flinders Petrie has acutely observed that the only meaning the term
"race" now can have is that of a group of human beings, whose type has
become unified by their rate of assimilation exceeding the rate of
change produced by foreign elements[123]. We are also reminded by
Gustavo Tosti that "in the actual state of science the word 'race' is a
vague formula, to which nothing definite may be found to correspond. On
the one hand, the original races can only be said to belong to
palaeontology, while the more limited groups, now called races, are
nothing but peoples, or societies of peoples, brethren by civilization
more than by blood. The race thus conceived ends by identifying itself
with nationality[124]." Hence it has been asked why, on the principle of
convergence, a fusion of various races, if isolated long enough in a
given area, may not eventually lead to a new racial type, without
leaving any trace of its manifold origin[125].

Such new racial types would be normal for the later varietal groups,
just as the old types were normal for the earlier groups, and a general
application might be given to Topinard's famous dictum that _les peuples
seuls sont des réalités_[126], that is, peoples alone--groups occupying
definite geographical areas--have an objective existence. Thus, the
notion of race, as a zoological expression in the sense of a pure breed
or strain, falls still more into the background, and, as Virchow aptly
remarks, "this term, which always implied something vague, has in recent
times become in the highest degree uncertain[127]."

Hence Ehrenreich treats the present populations of the earth rather as
zoological groups which have been developed in their several
geographical domains, and are to be distinguished not so much by their
bony structure as by their external characters, such as hair, colour,
and expression, and by their habitats and languages. None of these
factors can be overlooked, but it would seem that the character of the
hair forms the most satisfactory basis for a classification of mankind,
and this has therefore been adopted for the new edition of the present
work. It has the advantage of simplicity, without involving, or even
implying, any particular theory of racial or geographical origins. It
has stood the test of time, being proposed by Bory de Saint Vincent in
1827, and adopted by Huxley, Haeckel, Broca, Topinard and many others.

The three main varieties of hair are the _straight_, the _wavy_ and the
so-called _woolly_, termed respectively _Leiotrichous_, _Cymotrichous_
and _Ulotrichous_[128]. Straight hair usually falls straight down,
though it may curl at the ends, it is generally coarse and stiff, and is
circular in section. Wavy hair is undulating, forming long curves or
imperfect spirals, or closer rings or curls, and the section is more or
less elliptical. Woolly hair is characterised by numerous, close, often
interlocking spirals, 1-9 mm. in diameter, the section giving the form
of a lengthened ellipse. Straight hair is usually the longest, and
woolly hair the shortest, wavy hair occupying an intermediate position.


SCHEME OF CLASSIFICATION.

    I. ULOTRICHI (Woolly-haired).
       1. The African Negroes, Negrilloes, Bushmen.
       2. The Oceanic Negroes: Papuans, Melanesians in part, Tasmanians,
            Negritoes.

   II. LEIOTRICHI (Straight-haired).
       1. The Southern Mongols.
       2. The Oceanic Mongols, Polynesians in part.
       3. The Northern Mongols.
       4. The American Aborigines.

  III. CYMOTRICHI (Curly or Wavy-haired).
       1. The Pre-Dravidians: Vedda, Sakai, etc., Australians.
       2. The "Caucasic" peoples:
          A. Southern Dolichocephals: Mediterraneans, Hamites, Semites,
               Dravidians, Indonesians, Polynesians in part.
          B. Northern Dolichocephals: Nordics, Kurds, Afghans, some
               Hindus.
          C. Brachycephals: Alpines, including the short Cevenoles
               of Western and Central Europe, and tall Adriatics or
               Dinarics of Eastern Europe and the Armenians of Western
               Asia.


FOOTNOTES:

[66] Thus Lucretius:

        "Posterius ferri vis est aerisque reperta,
        Sed prior aeris erat quam ferri cognitus usus."

[67] J. Déchelette points out that the term Copper "Age" is not
justified for the greater part of Europe, as it suggests a demarcation
which does not exist and also a more thorough chemical analysis of early
metals than we possess. He prefers the term aeneolithic (_aeneus_,
copper, [Greek: lithos], stone), coined by the Italians, to denote the
period of transition, dating, according to Montelius, from about 2500
B.C. to 1900 B.C. _Manuel d'Archéologie préhistorique_, II. 1, _Age du
Bronze_, 1910, pp. 99-100, 105.

[68] _Eth._, Chap. XIII.

[69] See G. Elliot Smith, _The Ancient Egyptians_, 1911, pp. 97-8.

[70] Paper on "The Transition from Pure Copper to Bronze," etc., read at
the Meeting of the Brit. Assoc. Liverpool, 1896.

[71] _Loc. cit._ p. 3. But cf. H. R. Hall, _The Ancient History of the
Near East_, 1912, pp. 33 and 90 _n._ 2.

[72] G. A. Reisner, _The Early Cemeteries of Naga-ed-dêr_ (University of
California Publications), 1908, and _Report of the Archaeological Survey
of Nubia_, 1907-8.

[73] "Campagnes de 1907-8," _Comptes Rendus de l'Académie des
Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres_, 1908, p. 373.

[74] Cf. J. Déchelette, _Manuel d'Archéologie préhistorique_, II. 1,
_Age du Bronze_, 1910, pp. 53-4.

[75] Cf. L. W. King, _A History of Sumer and Akkad_, 1910, p. 26.

[76] G. Coffey, _The Bronze Age in Ireland_, 1913, p. 6.

[77] _L'Anthropologie_, 1896, p. 526 sq. This antiquary aptly remarks
that "l'expression âge de cuivre a une signification bien précise comme
s'appliquant à la partie de la période de la pierre polie où les métaux
font leur apparition."

[78] _L'Anthropologie_, 1896, p. 526 sq.

[79] In _Die Kupferzeit in Europa_, 1886.

[80] "Neuere Studien über die Kupferzeit," in _Zeitschr. f. Eth._ 1896,
No. 2.

[81] Otto Helm, "Chemische Untersuchungen vorgeschichtlicher Bronzen,"
in _Zeitschr. f. Eth._ 1897, No. 2. This authority agrees with Hampel's
view that further research will confirm the suggestion that in
Transylvania (Hungary) "eine Kupfer-Antimonmischung vorangegangen,
welche zugleich die Bronzekultur vorbereitete" (_ib._ p. 128).

[82] _Proc. Soc. Bib. Archaeol._ 1892, pp. 223-6.

[83] For the chronology of the Copper and Bronze Ages see p. 27.

[84] Copper and tin are found together in abundance in Southern China,
but this is archaeologically speaking an unknown land; "to search for
the birth-place of bronze in China is therefore barren of positive
results," _British Museum Guide to the Antiquities of the Bronze Age_,
1904, p. 10.

[85] T. Rice Holmes, _Ancient Britain_, 1907, pp. 483-498.

[86] _British Museum Guide to the Antiquities of the Bronze Age_, 1904,
p. 10.

[87] J. de Morgan, _Les Premières Civilisations_, 1909, pp. 169, 337 ff.

[88] J. Déchelette, _Manuel d'Archéologie préhistorique_, II. 1, _Age du
Bronze_, 1910, pp. 98 and 397 ff.

[89] J. Déchelette, _loc. cit._ p. 63 _n._

[90] G. Coffey, _The Bronze Age in Ireland_, 1913, pp. V, 78.

[91] J. Déchelette, _Manuel d'Archéologie préhistorique_, II. 1, _Age du
Bronze_, 1910, p. 355 _n._

[92] _Guide to the Antiquities of the Early Iron Age_ (British Museum),
1905, p. 2.

[93] Wainwright, "Pre-dynastic iron beads in Egypt," _Man_, 1911, p.
177. See also H. R. Hall, "Note on the early use of iron in Egypt,"
_Man_, 1903, p. 147.

[94] W. Belck attributes the introduction of iron into Crete in 1500
B.C. to the Phoenicians, whom he derives from the neighbourhood of the
Persian Gulf. He suggests that these traders were already acquainted
with the metal in S. Arabia in the fourth millennium, and that it was
through them that a piece found its way into Egypt in the fourth
dynasty. "Die Erfinder des Eisentechnik," _Zeitschrift f. Ethnologie_,
1910. See also F. Stuhlmann, _Handwerk und Industrie in Ostafrika_,
1910, p. 49 ff., who on cultural grounds derives the knowledge of iron
in Africa from an Asiatic source.

[95] E. Meyer, "Aegyptische Chronologie," _Abh. Berl. Akad._ 1904, and
"Nachträge," _ib._ 1907. This chronology has been adopted by the Berlin
school and others, but is unsatisfactory in allowing insufficient time
for Dynasties XII to XVIII, which are known to contain 100 to 200
rulers. Flinders Petrie therefore adds another Sothic period (1461
years, calculated from Sothis or Sirius), thus throwing the earlier
dynasties a millennium or two further back. Dynasty I, according to this
computation starts in 5546 B.C. and Dynasty XII at 3779. H. R. Hall,
_The Ancient History of the Near East_, 1912, p. 23.

[96] L. W. King, _The History of Sumer and Akkad_, 1910, and
"Babylonia," Hutchinson's _History of the Nations_, 1914.

[97] C. H. Hawes and H. Boyd Hawes, _Crete the Forerunner of Greece_,
1909.

[98] J. Déchelette, _Manuel d'Archéologie préhistorique_, II. 1, _Age du
Bronze_, 1910, p. 61.

[99] J. Déchelette, _loc. cit._ p. 105 ff. based on the work of O.
Montelius and P. Reinecke.

[100] The Dynasty of Akkad is often dated a millennium earlier, relying
on the statement of Nabonidus (556-540 B.C.) that Narâm-Sin (the
traditional son of Sargon of Akkad) reigned 3200 years before him; but
this statement is now known to be greatly exaggerated. See the section
on chronology in the Art. "Babylonia," in _Ency. Brit._ 1910.

[101] _Guide to the Antiquities of the Early Iron Age_ (British Museum),
1905, p. 1.

[102] Cf. J. Déchelette, _Manuel d'Archéologie préhistorique_, II. 2,
_Premier Age du Fer_, 1913, pp. 546, 562-3.

[103] _The Early Age of Greece_, 1900, pp. 594-630.

[104] "Die Hallstattperiode," _Ass. française p. l'av. des sciences_,
1905, p. 278, and _Kultur der Urzeit_, III. _Eisenzeit_, 1912, p. 54.

[105] "Ein Schädel aus der älteren Hallstattzeit," in _Verhandl. Berlin.
Ges. f. Anthrop._ 1896, pp. 243-6.

[106] _Guide to the Antiquities of the Early Iron Age_ (British Museum),
1905, p. 8.

[107] Hans Seger, "Figürliche Darstellungen auf schlesischen
Gräbgefässen der Hallstattzeit," _Globus_, Nov. 20, 1897.

[108] _Ibid._ p. 297.

[109] Homer's [Greek: hêmitheôn genos andrôn], _Il._ XII. 23, if the
passage is genuine.

[110] Such as the Greek _Andreas_, the "First Man," invented in
comparatively recent times, as shown by the intrusive _d_ in [Greek:
andres] for the earlier [Greek: aneres], "men." Andreas was of course a
Greek, sprung in fact from the river Peneus and the first inhabitant of
the Orchomenian plain (Pausanias, IX. 34, 5).

[111] For instance, the flooding of the Thessalian plain, afterwards
drained by the Peneus and repeopled by the inhabitants of the
surrounding mountains (rocks, stones), whence the myth of Deucalion and
Pyrrha, who are told by the oracle to repeople the world by throwing
behind them the "bones of their grandmother," that is, the "stones" of
mother Earth.

[112] Such instances as George Guest's Cherokee system, and the crude
attempt of a Vei (West Sudanese) Negro, if genuine, are not here in
question, as both had the English alphabet to work upon. A like remark
applies to the old Irish and Welsh Ogham, which are more curious than
instructive, the characters, mostly mere groups of straight strokes,
being obvious substitutes for the corresponding letters of the Roman
alphabet, hence comparable to the cryptographic systems of Wheatstone
and others.

[113] Maspero, _The Dawn of Civilisation_, 1898, p. 728.

[114] _Ibid._

[115] _Ibid._ p. 233.

[116] See P. Giles, Art. "Alphabet," _Ency. Brit._ 1910.

[117] See A. J. Booth, _The Discovery and Decipherment of the Trilingual
Cuneiform Inscriptions_, 1902.

[118] _L'Anthr_. XV. 1904, p. 164.

[119] _Recent Discoveries bearing on the Antiquity of Man in Europe_
(Smithsonian Report for 1909), 1910, p. 566 ff.

[120] _Manuel d'Archéologie préhistorique_, I. 1908.

[121] "Les signes libyques des dolmens," _Bul. Soc. d'Anthrop._ 1896, p.
319.

[122] _Eth._ Chap. XIII.

[123] _Address_, Meeting British Assoc. Ipswich, 1895.

[124] _Amer. J. of Sociology_, Jan. 1898, pp. 467-8.

[125] A. Vierkandt, _Globus_, 72, p. 134.

[126] _Éléments d'Anthropologie Générale_, p. 207.

[127] _Rassenbildung u. Erblichkeit_; _Bastian-Festschrift_, 1896, p. 1.

[128] From Gk. [Greek: leios], smooth, [Greek: kuma], wave, [Greek:
oulos], fleecy, and [Greek: thrix], [Greek: trichos], hair. J. Deniker
(_The Races of Man_, 1900, p. 38) distinguishes four classes, the
Australians, Nubians etc. being grouped as _frizzy_. He gives the
corresponding terms in French and German:--straight, Fr. _droit_,
_lisse_, Germ. _straff_, _schlicht_; wavy, Fr. _ondé_, Germ. _wellig_;
frizzy, Fr. _frisé_, Germ. _lockig_; woolly, Fr. _crépu_, Germ. _kraus_.



CHAPTER III

THE AFRICAN NEGRO: I. SUDANESE

    Conspectus--The Negro-Caucasic "Great Divide"--The Negro Domain--
    Negro Origins--Persistence of the Negro Type--Two Main Sections:
    Sudanese and Bantus--Contrasts and Analogies--Sudanese and Bantu
    Linguistic Areas--The "Drum Language"--West Sudanese Groups--_The
    Wolofs_: Primitive Speech and Pottery; Religious Notions--_The
    Mandingans_: Culture and Industries; History; the Guiné and Mali
    Empires--_The Felups_: Contrasts between the Inland and Coast
    Peoples; Felup Type and Mental Characters--_Timni_--African
    Freemasonry--_The Sierra Leonese_--Social Relations--_The
    Liberians_--_The Krumen_--_The Upper Guinea Peoples_--Table of the
    Gold Coast and Slave Coast Tribes--Ashanti Folklore--Fetishism; its
    true inwardness--Ancestry Worship and the "Customs"--The Benin
    Bronzes--_The Mossi_--African Agnostics--Central Sudanese--General
    Ethnical and Social Relations--_The Songhai_--Domain--Origins--
    Egyptian Theories--Songhai Records--_The Hausas_--Dominant Social
    Position--Speech and Mental Qualities--Origins--_Kanembu_; _Kanuri_;
    _Baghirmi_; _Mosgu_--Ethnical and Political Relations in the Chad
    Basin--The Aborigines--Islám and Heathendom--Slave-Hunting--Arboreal
    Strongholds--Mosgu Types and Contrasts--The Cultured Peoples of
    Central Sudan--Kanem-Bornu Records--Eastern Sudanese--Range of the
    Negro in Eastern Sudan--_The Mabas_--Ethnical Relations in Wadai--
    _The Nubas_--The Nubian Problem--Nubian Origins and Affinities--
    The Negro Peoples of the Nile-Congo Watersheds--Political
    Relations--Two Physical Types--_The Dinka_--Linguistic Groups--
    Mental Qualities--Cannibalism--The African Cannibal Zone--Arts and
    Industries--High Appreciation of Pictorial Art--Sense of Humour.


CONSPECTUS OF SUDANESE NEGROES.

#Present Range.# _Africa south of the Sahara, less Abyssinia, Galla,
Somali and Masai lands; Tripolitana, Mauritania and Egypt sporadically;
several of the southern United States; West Indies; Guiana; parts of
Brazil and Peru._

#Hair#, _always black, rather short, and crisp, frizzly or woolly, flat
in transverse section_; #skin-colour#, _very dark brown or chocolate and
blackish, never quite black_; #skull#, _generally dolichocephalous_
(_index 72_); #jaws#, _prognathous_; #cheek-bone#, _rather small,
moderately retreating, rarely prominent_; #nose#, _very broad at base,
flat, small, platyrrhine_; #eyes#, _large, round, prominent, black with
yellowish cornea_; #stature#, _usually tall, 1.78 m. (5 ft. 10 in.)_;
#lips#, _often tumid and everted_; #arms#, _disproportionately long_;
#legs#, _slender with small calves_; #feet#, _broad, flat, with low
instep and larkspur heel_.

#Temperament#, _sensuous, indolent, improvident_; _fitful, passionate
and cruel, though often affectionate and faithful_; _little sense of
dignity, and slight self-consciousness, hence easy acceptance of yoke of
slavery_; _musical_.

#Speech#, _almost everywhere in the agglutinating state, generally with
suffixes_.

#Religion#, _anthropomorphic_; _spirits endowed with human attributes,
mostly evil and more powerful than man_; _ancestry-worship, fetishism,
and witchcraft very prevalent_; _human sacrifices to the dead a common
feature_.

#Culture#, _low_; _cannibalism formerly rife, perhaps universal, still
general in some regions_; _no science or letters_; _arts and industries
confined mainly to agriculture, pottery, wood-carving, weaving, and
metallurgy_; _no perceptible progress anywhere except under the
influence of higher races_.


Main[129] Divisions.

#West Sudanese#: _Wolof_; _Mandingan_; _Felup_; _Timni_; _Kru_; _Sierra
Leonese_; _Liberian_; _Tshi, Ewe, and Yoruba_; _Ibo_; _Efik_; _Borgu_;
_Mossi_.

#Central Sudanese#: _Songhai_; _Hausa_; _Mosgu_; _Kanembu_; _Kanuri_;
_Baghirmi_; _Yedina_.

#East Sudanese#: _Maba_; _Fúr_; _Nuba_; _Shilluk_; _Dinka_; _Bari_;
_Abaka_; _Bongo_; _Mangbattu_; _Zandeh_; _Momfu_; _Basé_; _Barea_.

       *       *       *       *       *

From the anthropological standpoint Africa falls into two distinct
sections, where the highest (Caucasic) and the lowest (Negro) divisions
of mankind have been conterminous throughout all known time. Mutual
encroachments and interpenetrations have probably been continuous, and
indeed are still going on. Yet so marked is the difference between the
two groups, and such is the tenacity with which each clings to its
proper domain, that, despite any very distinct geographical frontiers,
the ethnological parting line may still be detected. Obliterated at one
or two points, and at others set back always in favour of the higher
division, it may be followed from the Atlantic coast along the course of
the Senegal river east by north to the great bend of the Niger at
Timbuktu; then east by south to Lake Chad, beyond which it runs nearly
due east to Khartum, at the confluence of the White and Blue Niles.

From this point the now isolated Negro groups (Basé and Barea), on the
northern slope of the Abyssinian plateau, show that the original
boundary was at first continued still east to the Red Sea at or about
Massowa. But for many ages the line appears to have been deflected from
Khartum along the White Nile south to the Sobat confluence, then
continuously south-eastwards round by the Sobat Valley to the Albert
Nyanza, up the Somerset Nile to the Victoria Nyanza, and thence with a
considerable southern bend round Masailand eastwards to the Indian Ocean
at the equator.

All the land north of this irregular line belongs to the Hamito-Semitic
section of the Caucasic division, all south of it to the western
(African) section of the Ulotrichous division. Throughout this
region--which comprises the whole of Sudan from the Atlantic to the
White Nile, and all south of Sudan except Abyssinia, Galla, Somali and
Masai lands--the African Negro, clearly, distinguished from the other
main groups by the above summarised physical[130] and mental qualities,
largely predominates everywhere and in many places exclusively. The
route by which he probably reached these intertropical lands, where he
may be regarded as practically indigenous, has been indicated in
_Ethnology_, Chs. X. and XI.

As regards the date of this occupation, nothing can be clearly proved.
"The history of Africa reaches back but a short distance, except, of
course, as far as the lower Nile Valley and Roman Africa is concerned;
elsewhere no records exist, save tribal traditions, and these only
relate to very recent events. Even archaeology, which can often sketch
the main outlines of a people's history, is here practically powerless,
owing to the insufficiency of data. It is true that stone implements of
palaeolithic and neolithic types are found sporadically in the Nile
Valley[131], Somaliland, on the Zambesi, in Cape Colony and the northern
portions of the Congo Free State, as well as in Algeria and Tunisia; but
the localities are far too few and too widely separated to warrant the
inference that they are to be in any way connected. Moreover, where
stone implements are found they are, as a rule, very near, even actually
on, the surface of the earth," and they are rarely, if ever, found in
association with bones of extinct animals. "Nothing occurs resembling
the regular stratification of Europe, and consequently no argument based
on geological grounds is possible[132]." The exceptions are the lower
Nile and Zambesi where true palaeoliths have been found not only on the
surface (which in this case is not inconsistent with great antiquity)
but also in stratified gravel. Implements of palaeolithic _type_ are
doubtless common, and may be compared to Chellean, Mousterian and even
Solutrian specimens[133], but primitive culture is not necessarily
pleistocene. Ancient forms persisted in Egypt down to the historic
period, and even patination is no sure test of age, so until further
evidence is found the antiquity of man in Africa must remain
undecided[134].

Yet since some remote if undated epoch the specialised Negro type, as
depicted on the Egyptian monuments some thousands of years ago[135], has
everywhere been maintained with striking uniformity. "Within this wide
domain of the black Negro there is a remarkably general similarity of
type.... If you took a Negro from the Gold Coast of West Africa and
passed him off amongst a number of Nyasa natives, and if he were not
remarkably distinguished from them by dress or tribal marks, it would
not be easy to pick him out[136]."

Nevertheless considerable differences are perceptible to the practised
eye, and the contrasts are sufficiently marked to justify ethnologists
in treating the _Sudanese_ and the _Bantu_ as two distinct subdivisions
of the family. In both groups the relatively full-blood natives are
everywhere very much alike, and the contrasts are presented chiefly
amongst the mixed or Negroid populations. In Sudan the disturbing
elements are both Hamitic (Berbers and Tuaregs) and Semitic (Arabs);
while in Bantuland they are mainly Hamitic (Galla) in all the central
and southern districts, and Arabs on the eastern seaboard from the
equator to Sofala beyond the Zambesi. To the varying proportions of
these several ingredients may perhaps be traced the often very marked
differences observable on the one hand between such Sudanese peoples as
the Wolof, Mandingans, Hausa, Nubians, Zandeh[137], and Mangbattu, and
on the other between all these and the Swahili, Baganda, Zulu-Xosa,
Be-Chuana, Ova-Herero and some other Negroid Bantu.

But the distinction is based on social, linguistic, and cultural, as
well as on physical grounds, so that, as at present constituted, the
Sudanese and Bantu really constitute two tolerably well-defined branches
of the Negro family. Thanks to Muhammadan influences, the former have
attained a much higher level of culture. They cultivate not only the
alimentary but also the economic plants, such as cotton and indigo; they
build stone dwellings, walled towns, substantial mosques and minarets;
they have founded powerful states, such as those of the Hausa and
Songhai, of Ghana and Bornu, with written records going back a thousand
years, although these historical peoples are all without exception
half-breeds, often with more Semitic and Hamitic than Negro blood in
their veins.

No such cultured peoples are anywhere to be found in Bantuland except on
the east coast, where the "Moors" founded great cities and flourishing
marts centuries before the appearance of the Portuguese in the eastern
seas. Among the results of the gold trade with these coastal settlements
may be classed the Zimbabwe monuments and other ruins explored by
Theodore Bent in the mining districts south of the Zambesi. But in all
the Negro lands free from foreign influences no true culture has ever
been developed, and here cannibalism, witchcraft, and sanguinary
"customs" are often still rife, or have been but recently suppressed by
the direct action of European administrations.

Numberless authorities have described the Negro as unprogressive, or, if
left to himself, incapable of progress in his present physical
environment. Sir H. H. Johnston, who knows him well, goes much further,
and speaks of him as a fine animal, who, "in his wild state, exhibits a
stunted mind and a dull content with his surroundings, which induces
mental stagnation, cessation of all upward progress, and even
retrogression towards the brute. In some respects I think the tendency
of the Negro for several centuries past has been an actual retrograde
one[138]."

There is one point in which the Bantu somewhat unaccountably compare
favourably with the Sudanese. In all other regions the spread of culture
has tended to bring about linguistic unity, as we see in the Hellenic
world, where all the old idioms were gradually absorbed in the "common
dialect" of the Byzantine empire, again in the Roman empire, where Latin
became the universal speech of the West, and lastly in the Muhammadan
countries, where most of the local tongues have nearly everywhere,
except in Sudan, disappeared before the Arabic, Persian, and Turkish
languages.

But in Negroland the case is reversed, and here the less cultured Bantu
populations all, without any known exception, speak dialects of a single
mother-tongue, while the greatest linguistic confusion prevails amongst
the semi-civilised as well as the savage peoples of Sudan.

Although the Bantu language may, as some suppose[139], have originated
in the north and spread southwards to the Congo, Zambesi, and Limpopo
basins, it cannot now be even remotely affiliated to any one of the
numerous distinct forms of speech current in the Sudanese domain. Hence
to allow time for its diffusion over half the continent, the initial
movement must be assigned to an extremely remote epoch, and a
corresponding period of great duration must be postulated for the
profound linguistic disintegration that is everywhere witnessed in the
region between the Atlantic and Abyssinia. Here agglutination, both with
prefixed and postfixed particles, is the prevailing morphological order,
as in the Mandingan, Fulah, Nubian, Dinkan, and Mangbattu groups. But
every shade of transition is also presented between true agglutination
and inflection of the Hamito-Semitic types, as in Hausa, Kanuri, Kanem,
Dasa or Southern and Teda or Northern Tibu[140].

Elsewhere, and especially in Upper Guinea, the originally agglutinating
tongues have developed on lines analogous to those followed by Tibetan,
Burmese, Chinese, and Otomi in other continents, with corresponding
results. Thus the Tshi, Ewe, and Yoruba, surviving members of a now
extinct stock-language, formerly diffused over the whole region between
Cape Palmas and the Niger Delta, have become so burdened with
monosyllabic homophones (like-sounding monosyllables), that to indicate
their different meanings several distinguishing tones have been evolved,
exactly as in the Indo-Chinese group. In Ewe (Slave Coast) the root
_do_, according as it is toned may mean to put, let go, tell, kick, be
sad, join, change, grow big, sleep, prick, or grind. So great are the
ravages of phonetic decay, that new expedients have been developed to
express quite simple ideas, as in Tshi (Gold Coast) _addanmu_, room
(_addan_ house, _mu_ interior); _akwancherifo_, a guide (_akwan_ road,
_cheri_ to show, _fo_ person); _ensahtsiabah_, finger (_ensah_ hand,
_tsia_ small, _abbah_ child = hand's-little-child); but middle-finger =
"hand's-little-chief" (_ensahtsiahin_, where _ehin_ chief takes the
place of _abbah_ child[141]).

Common both to Sudanese and Bantus, especially about the western
borderlands (Upper Guinea, Cameruns, etc.) is the "drum-language," which
affords a striking illustration of the Negro's musical faculty. "Two or
three drums are usually used together, each producing a different note,
and they are played either with the fingers or with two sticks. The
lookers-on generally beat time by clapping the hands. To a European,
whose ear and mind are untrained for this special faculty, the rhythm
of a drum expresses nothing beyond a repetition of the same note at
different intervals of time; but to a native it expresses much more. To
him the drum can and does speak, the sounds produced from it forming
words, and the whole measure or rhythm a sentence. In this way, when
company drums are being played at an _ehsádu_ [palaver], they are made
to express and convey to the bystanders a variety of meanings. In one
measure they abuse the men of another company, stigmatising them as
fools and cowards; then the rhythm changes, and the gallant deeds of
their own company are extolled. All this, and much more, is conveyed by
the beating of drums, and the native ear and mind, trained to select and
interpret each beat, is never at fault. The language of drums is as well
understood as that which they use in their daily life. Each chief has
his own call or motto, sounded by a particular beat of his drums. Those
of Amankwa Tia, the Ashanti general who fought against us in the war of
1873-4, used to say _P[)i]r[)i]h[=u]h_, hasten. Similar mottoes are also
expressed by means of horns, and an entire stranger in the locality can
at once translate the rhythm into words[142]."

Similar contrasts and analogies will receive due illustration in the
detailed account here following of the several more representative
Sudanese groups.


WEST SUDANESE.

_Wolofs._ Throughout its middle and lower course the Senegal river,
which takes its name from the Zenaga Berbers, forms the ethnical
"divide" between the Hamites and the Sudanese Negroes. The latter are
here represented by the Wolofs, who with the kindred _Jolofs_ and
_Serers_ occupy an extensive territory between the Senegal and the
Gambia rivers. Whether the term "Wolof" means "Talkers," as if they
alone were gifted with the faculty of speech, or "Blacks" in contrast to
the neighbouring "Red" Fulahs, both interpretations are fully justified
by these Senegambians, at once the very blackest and amongst the most
garrulous tribes in the whole of Africa. The colour is called "ebony,"
and they are commonly spoken of as "Blacks of the Black." They are also
very tall even for Negroes, and the Serers especially may claim to be
"the Patagonians of the Old World," men six feet six inches high and
proportionately muscular being far from rare in the coast districts
about St Louis and Dakar.

Their language, which is widespread throughout Senegambia, may be taken
as a typical Sudanese form of speech, unlike any other in its peculiar
agglutinative structure, and unaffected even in its vocabulary by the
Hamitic which has been current for ages on the opposite bank of the
Senegal. A remarkable feature is the so-called "article," always
postfixed and subject to a two-fold series of modifications, first in
accordance with the initial consonant of the noun, for which there are
six possible consonantal changes (_w_, _m_, _b_, _d_, _s_, _g_), and
then according as the object is present, near, not near, and distant,
for which there are again four possible vowel changes (_i_, _u_, _o_,
_a_), or twenty-four altogether, a tremendous redundancy of useless
variants as compared with the single English form _the_. Thus this
Protean particle begins with _b_, _d_ or _w_ to agree with _báye_,
father, _digene_, woman, or _fos_, horse, and then becomes _bi_, _bu_,
_bo_, _ba_; _di_, _du_ etc.; _wi_, _wu_ etc. to express the presence and
the varying distances of these objects: _báye-bi_ = father-the-here;
_báye-bu_ = father-the-there; _báye-bo_ = father-the-yonder; _báye-bá_ =
father-the-away in the distance.

All this is curious enough; but the important point is that it probably
gives us the clue to the enigmatic alliterative system of the Bantu
languages as explained in _Ethnology_, p. 273, the position of course
being reversed. Thus as in Zulu _in_- kose requires _en_- kulu, so in
Wolof _baye_ requires _bi_, _di_gene _di_, and so on. There are other
indications that the now perfected Bantu grew out of analogous but less
developed processes still prevalent in the Sudanese tongues.

Equally undeveloped is the Wolof process of making earthenware, as
observed by M. F. Regnault amongst the natives brought to Paris for the
Exhibition of 1895. He noticed how one of the women utilised a somewhat
deep bowl resting on the ground in such a way as to be easily spun round
by the hand, thus illustrating the transition between hand-made and
turned pottery. Kneading a lump of clay, and thrusting it into the
bowl, after sprinkling the sides with some black dust to prevent
sticking, she made a hollow in the mass, enlarging and pressing it
against the bowl with the back of the fingers bent in, the hand being
all the time kept in a vertical position. At the same time the bowl was
spun round with the left palm, this movement combined with the pressure
exerted by the right hand causing the sides of the vessel to rise and
take shape. When high enough it was finished off by thickening the clay
to make a rim. This was held in the right hand and made fast to the
mouth of the vessel by the friction caused by again turning the bowl
with the left hand. This transitional process is frequently met with in
Africa[143].

Most of the Wolofs profess themselves Muhammadans, the rest Catholics,
while all alike are heathen at heart; only the former have charms with
texts from the Koran which they cannot read, and the latter medals and
scapulars of the "Seven Dolours" or of the Trinity, which they cannot
understand. Many old rites still flourish, the household gods are not
forgotten, and for the lizard, most popular of tutelar deities, the
customary milk-bowl is daily replenished. Glimpses are thus afforded of
the totemic system which still survives in a modified form amongst the
Be-Chuana, the Mandingans, and several other African peoples, but has
elsewhere mostly died out in Negroland. The infantile ideas associated
with plant and animal totem tokens have been left far behind, when a
people like the Serers have arrived at such a lofty conception as
Takhar, god of justice, or even the more materialistic Tiurakh, god of
wealth, although the latter may still be appealed to for success in
nefarious projects which he himself might scarcely be expected to
countenance. But the harmony between religious and ethical thought has
scarcely yet been reached even amongst some of the higher races.

_Mandingans._ In the whole of Sudan there is scarcely a more numerous or
widespread people than the Mandingans, who--with their endless
ramifications, _Kassonké_, _Jallonké_, _Soninké_, _Bambara_, _Vei_ and
many others--occupy most of the region between the Atlantic and the
Joliba (Upper Niger) basin, as far south as about 9° N. latitude. Within
these limits it is often difficult to say who are, or who are not
members of this great family, whose various branches present all the
transitional shades of physical type and culture grades between the true
pagan Negro and the Muhammadan Negroid Sudanese.

Even linguistic unity exists only to a limited extent, as the numerous
dialects of the Mandé stock-language have often diverged so greatly as
to constitute independent tongues quite unintelligible to the
neighbouring tribes. The typical Mandingans, however--Faidherbe's
Malinka-Soninké group--may be distinguished from the surrounding
populations by their more softened features, broader forehead, larger
nose, fuller beard, and lighter colour. They are also distinguished by
their industrious habits and generally higher culture, being rivalled by
few as skilled tillers of the soil, weavers, and workers in iron and
copper. They thus hold much the same social position in the west that
the Hausa do in the central region beyond the Niger, and the French
authorities think that "they are destined to take a position of ever
increasing importance in the pacified Sudan of the future[144]."

Thus history brings about its revenges, for the Mandingans proper of the
Kong plateau may fairly claim, despite their late servitude to the Fulah
conquerors and their present ready acceptance of French rule, to be a
historical people with a not inglorious record of over 1000 years, as
founders of the two great empires of Melle and Guiné, and of the more
recent states of Moasina, Bambara, Kaarta, Kong, and others about the
water-parting between the head-streams of the Niger, and the rivers
flowing south to the Gulf of Guinea. Here is the district of Manding,
which is the original home of the _Manding'ké_, _i.e._ "People of
Manding," as they are generally called, although _Mandé_ appears to be
the form used by themselves[145]. Here also was the famous city of Mali
or Melle, from which the Upper Niger group take the name of _Mali'nké_,
in contradistinction to the _Soni'nké_ of the Senegal river, the
_Jalo'nké_ of Futa-Jallon, and the _Bamana_ of Bambara, these being the
more important historical and cultured groups.

According to native tradition and the annals of Ahmed Bábá, rescued from
oblivion by Barth[146], the first Mandingan state of Guiné (Ghána,
Ghánata), a name still surviving in the vague geographical term
"Guinea," goes back to pre-Muhammadan times. Wakayamangha, its legendary
founder, is supposed to have flourished 300 years before the Hejira, at
which date twenty-two kings had already reigned. Sixty years after that
time the Moslem Arabs or Berbers are said to have already reached West
Sudan, where they had twelve mosques in Ghána, first capital of the
empire, and their chief stronghold till the foundation of Jinni on the
Upper Niger (1043 A.D.).

Two centuries later (1235-60) the centre of the Mandingan rule was
transferred to Mali, which under the great king Mansa-Musa (1311-31)
became the most powerful Sudanese state of which there is any authentic
record. For a time it included nearly the whole of West Sudan, and a
great part of the western Sahara, beside the Songhai State with its
capital Gogo, and Timbuktu. Mansa-Musa, who, in the language of the
chronicler, "wielded a power without measure or limits," entered into
friendly relations with the emperor of Morocco, and made a famous
pilgrimage to Mecca, the splendours of which still linger in the memory
of the Mussulman populations through whose lands the interminable
procession wound its way. He headed 60,000 men of arms, says Ahmed Bábá,
and wherever he passed he was preceded by 500 slaves, each bearing a
gold stick weighing 500 mitkals (14 lbs.), the whole representing a
money value of about £4,000,000 (?). The people of Cairo and Mecca were
dazzled by his wealth and munificence; but during the journey a great
part of his followers were seized by a painful malady called in their
language _tuat_, and this word still lives in the Oasis of Tuat, where
most of them perished.

Even after the capture of Timbuktu by the Tuaregs (1433), Mali long
continued to be the chief state in West Nigritia, and carried on a
flourishing trade, especially in slaves and gold. But this gold was
still supposed to come from the earlier kingdom of Guiné, which word
consequently still remains associated with the precious metal in the
popular belief. About the year 1500 Mali was captured by the Songhai
king, Omar Askia, after which the empire fell to pieces, and its memory
now survives only in the ethnical term _Mali'nké_.

_Felups._ From the semi-civilised Muhammadan negroid Mandingans to the
utterly savage full-blood Negro Felups the transition is abrupt, but
instructive. In other regions the heterogeneous ethnical groups crowded
into upland valleys, as in the Caucasus, have been called the "sweepings
of the plains." But in West Sudan there are no great ranges towering
above the lowlands, and even the "Kong Mountains" of school geographies
have now been wiped out by L. G. Binger[147]. Hence the rude aborigines
of the inland plateau, retreating before the steady advance of Islam,
found no place of refuge till they reached the indented fjord-like
Atlantic seaboard, where many still hold their ground. This is the
explanation of the striking contrasts now witnessed between the interior
and so many parts of the West Coast; on the one hand powerful political
organisations with numerous, more or less homogeneous, and
semi-civilised negroid populations, on the other an infinite tangle of
ethnical and linguistic groups, all alike weltering in the sheerest
savagery, or in grades of barbarism even worse than the wild state.

Even the _Felups_, whose territory now stretches from the Gambia to the
Cacheo, but formerly reached the Geba and the Bissagos Islands, do not
form a single group. Originally the name of an obscure coast-tribe, the
term Felup or Fulup has been extended by the Portuguese traders to all
the surrounding peoples--_Ayamats_, _Jolas_, _Jigúshes_, _Vacas_,
_Joats_, _Karons_, _Banyúns_, _Banjars_, _Fulúns_, _Bayots_ and some
others who amid much local diversity, presented a sufficiently general
outward resemblance to be regarded as a single people by the first
European settlers. The Felups proper display the physical and mental
characters of the typical Negro even in an exaggerated form--black
colour, flat nose, wide nostrils, very thick and everted lips, red on
the inner surface, stout muscular frame, correlated with coarse animal
passions, crass ignorance, no arts, industry, or even tribal
organisation, so that every little family group is independent and
mostly in a state of constant feud with its neighbours. All go naked,
armed with bow and arrow, and live in log huts which, though strongly
built, are indescribably filthy[148].

Mother-right frequently prevails, rank and property being transmitted in
the female line. There is some notion of a superhuman being vaguely
identified with the sky, the rain, wind or thunderstorm. But all live in
extreme terror of the medicine-man, who is openly courted, but inwardly
detested, so that whenever it can be safely done the tables are turned,
the witch-doctor is seized and tortured to death.

_Timni, Kru, Sierra-Leonese, Liberians._ Somewhat similar conditions
prevail all along the seaboard from Sierra Leone to, and beyond, Cape
Palmas, disturbed or modified by the Liberian intruders from the North
American plantations, and by the slaves rescued in the thirties and
forties by the British cruisers and brought to Sierra Leone, where their
descendants now live in settled communities under European influences.
These "coloured" citizens of Sierra Leone and Liberia, who are so often
the butt of cheap ridicule, and are themselves perhaps too apt to scorn
the kindred "niggers" of the bush, have to be carefully distinguished
from these true aborigines who have never been wrenched from their
natural environment.

In Sierra Leone the chief aboriginal groups on the coastlands are the
_Timni_ of the Rokelle river, flanked north and south by two branches of
the _Bulams_, and still further south the _Gallinas_, _Veys_ and
_Golas_; in the interior the _Lokkos_, _Limbas_, _Konos_, and _Kussas_,
with _Kurankos_, _Mendis_, _Hubus_, and other Mandingans and Fulahs
everywhere in the Hinterland.

Of all these the most powerful during the British occupation have always
been the Timni (Timani, Temné), who sold to the English the peninsula on
which now stands Freetown, but afterwards crying off the bargain,
repeatedly tried to drive the white and coloured intruders into the
sea. They are a robust people of softened Negro type, and more
industrious farmers than most of the other natives. Like the Wolofs they
believe in the virtue both of Christian and Moslem amulets, but have
hitherto lent a deaf ear to the preachers of both these religions.
Nevertheless the Protestant missionaries have carefully studied the
Timni language, which possesses an oral literature rich in legends,
proverbs, and folklore[149].

The Timni district is a chief centre of the so-called _porro_
fraternity[150], a sort of secret society or freemasonry widely diffused
throughout the coastlands, and possessing its own symbols, skin
markings, passwords, and language. It presents curious points of analogy
with the brotherhoods of the Micronesian islanders, but appears to be
even more potent for good and evil, a veritable religious and political
state within the state. "When their mandates are issued all wars and
civil strife must cease, a general truce is established, and bloodshed
stopped, offending communities being punished by bands of armed men in
masks. Strangers cannot enter the country unless escorted by a member of
the guild, who is recognised by passwords, symbolic gestures, and the
like. Their secret rites are celebrated at night in the depths of the
forest, all intruders being put to death or sold as slaves[151]."

In studying the social conditions prevalent amongst the Sierra Leonese
proper, it should be remembered that they are sprung, not only from
representatives of almost every tribe along the seaboard, and even in
the far interior, but also to a large extent from the freedmen and
runaways of Nova Scotia and London, besides many maroons of Jamaica, who
were settled here under the auspices of the Sierra Leone Company towards
the close of the eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth century.
Others also have in recent years been attracted to the settlements from
the Timni and other tribes of the neighbouring districts. The Sierra
Leonese are consequently not themselves a tribe, nor yet a people, but
rather a people in course of formation under the influence of a new
environment and of a higher culture. An immediate consequence of such a
sudden aggregation of discordant elements was the loss of all the native
tongues, and the substitution of English as the common medium of
intercourse. But English is the language of a people standing on the
very highest plane of culture, and could not therefore be properly
assimilated by the _disjecta membra_ of tribes at the lowest rung of the
social ladder. The resultant form of speech may be called ludicrous, so
ludicrous that the Sierra Leonese version of the New Testament had to be
withdrawn from circulation as verging almost on the blasphemous[152].

It has also to be considered that all the old tribal relations were
broken up, while an attempt was made to merge these waifs and strays in
a single community based on social conditions to which each and all were
utter strangers. It is not therefore surprising that the experiment has
not proved a complete success, and that the social relations in Sierra
Leone leave something to be desired. Although the freedmen and the
rescued captives received free gifts of land, their dislike for the
labours of the field induced many to abandon their holdings, and take to
huckstering and other more pleasant pursuits. Hence their descendants
almost monopolise the petty traffic and even the "professions" in
Freetown and the other colonial settlements. Although accused of
laziness and dishonesty, they have displayed a considerable degree of
industrial as well as commercial enterprise, and the Sierra Leone
craftsmen--smiths, mechanics, carpenters, builders--enjoy a good
reputation in all the coast towns. All are Christians of various
denominations, and even show a marked predilection for the "ministry."
Yet below the surface the old paganism still slumbers, and vodoo
practices, as in the West Indies and some of the Southern States, are
still heard of.

Morality also is admittedly at a low ebb, and it is curious to note that
this has in part been attributed to the freedom enjoyed under the
British administration. "They have passed from the sphere of native law
to that of British law, which is brought to this young community like an
article of ready-made clothing. Is it a wonder that the clothes do not
fit? Is it a wonder that kings and chiefs around Sierra Leone, instead
of wishing their people to come and see how well we do things, dread for
them to come to this colony on account of the danger to their morals? In
passing into this colony, they pass into a liberty which to them is
license[153]."

An experiment of a somewhat different order, but with much the same
negative results, has been tried by the well-meaning founders of the
Republic of Liberia. Here also the bulk of the "civilised aristocrats"
are descended of emancipated plantation slaves, a first consignment of
whom was brought over by a philanthropic American society in 1820-22.
The idea was to start them well in life under the fostering care of
their white guardians, and then leave them to work out their own
redemption in their own way. All control was accordingly withdrawn in
1848, and since then the settlement has constituted an absolutely
independent Negro state in the enjoyment of complete self-government.
Progress of a certain material kind was undoubtedly made. The original
"free citizens" increased from 8000 in 1850 to perhaps 20,000 in
1898[154], and the central administration, modelled on that of the
United States, maintained some degree of order among the surrounding
aborigines, estimated at some two million within the limits of the
Republic.

But these aborigines have not benefited perceptibly by contact with
their "civilised" neighbours, who themselves stand at much the same
level intellectually and morally as their repatriated forefathers.
Instead of attending to the proper administration of the Republic, the
"Weegee," as they are called, have constituted themselves into two
factions, the "coloured" or half-breeds, and the full-blood Negroes who,
like the "Blancos" and "Neros" of some South American States, spend most
of their time in a perpetual struggle for office. All are of course
intensely patriotic, but their patriotism takes a wrong direction, being
chiefly manifested in their insolence towards the English and other
European traders on the coast, and in their supreme contempt for the
"stinking bush-niggers," as they call the surrounding aborigines. In
1909 internal and external difficulties led to the appointment of a
Commission by President Roosevelt with the result that the American
Government took charge of the finances, military organisation,
agriculture and boundary questions, besides arranging for a loan of
£400,000. The able administration of President Barclay, a pure blooded
Negro, though not of Liberian ancestry, is perhaps the happiest augury
for the future of the Republic[155].

The _Krus_ (Kroomen, Krooboys[156]), whose numerous hamlets are
scattered along the coast from below Monrovia nearly to Cape Palmas, are
assuredly one of the most interesting people in the whole of Africa.
Originally from the interior, they have developed in their new homes a
most un-African love of the sea, hence are regularly engaged as crews by
the European skippers plying along those insalubrious coastlands.

In this service, in which they are known by such nicknames as
"Bottle-of-Beer," "Mashed-Potatoes," "Bubble-and-Squeak,"
"Pipe-of-Tobacco," and the like, their word may always be depended upon.
But it is to be feared that this loyalty, which with them is a strict
matter of business, has earned for them a reputation for other virtues
to which they have little claim. Despite the many years that they have
been in the closest contact with the missionaries and traders, they are
still at heart the same brutal savages as ever. After each voyage they
return to the native village to spend all their gains and pilferings in
drunken orgies, and relapse generally into sheer barbarism till the next
steamer rounds the neighbouring headland. "It is not a comfortable
reflection," writes Bishop Ingham, whose testimony will not be suspected
of bias, "as we look at this mob on our decks, that, if the ship chance
to strike on a sunken rock and become unmanageable, they would rise to a
man, and seize all they could lay hands on, cut the very rings off our
fingers if they could get them in no other way, and generally loot the
ship. Little has been done to Christianise these interesting,
hard-working, cheerful, but ignorant and greedy people, who have so long
hung on the skirts of civilisation[157]."

It is only fair to the Kru to say that this unflattering picture of them
stands alone. "There is but one man of all of us who have visited West
Africa who has not paid a tribute to the Kruboy's sterling qualities,"
says Miss Kingsley. Her opinion coincides with that of the old coasters
based on life-long experience, and she waxes indignant at the
ingratitude with which Kruboy loyalty is rewarded. "They have devoted
themselves to us English, and they have suffered, laboured, fought, been
massacred and so on with us generation after generation.... Kruboys are,
indeed, the backbone of white effort in West Africa[158]."

But the very worst "sweepings of the Sudanese plateau" seem to have
gathered along the Upper Guinea Coast, occupied by the already mentioned
_Tshi_, _Ewe_, and _Yoruba_ groups[159]. They constitute three branches
of one linguistic, and probably also of one ethnical family, of which,
owing to their historic and ethnical importance, the reader may be glad
to have here subjoined a somewhat complete tabulated scheme.

The _Ga_ of the Volta delta are here bracketed with the Tshi because A.
B. Ellis, our great authority on the Guinea peoples[160], considers the
two languages to be distantly connected. He also thinks there is a
foundation of fact in the native traditions, which bring the dominant
tribes--Ashanti, Fanti, Dahomi, Yoruba, Bini--from the interior to the
coast districts at no very remote period. Thus it is recorded of the
Ashanti and Fanti, now hereditary foes, that ages ago they formed one
people who were reduced to the utmost distress during a long war with
some inland power, perhaps the conquering Muhammadans of the Ghana or
Mali empire. They were saved, however, some by eating of the _shan_,
others of the _fan_ plant, and of these words, with the verb _di_, "to
eat," were made the tribal names _Shan-di_, _Fan-di_, now _Ashanti_,
_Fanti_. The _seppiriba_ plant, said to have been eaten by the Fanti, is
still called _fan_ when cooked.

  TRIBES OF TSHI     TRIBES OF EWE      TRIBES OF YORUBA
  AND GA SPEECH         SPEECH               SPEECH

   _Gold Coast_    _Slave Coast West_   _Slave Coast East_
                                        _and Niger Delta_

    Ashanti             Dahomi             Yoruba[161]
    Safwhi              Eweawo             Ibadan
    Denkera             Agotine            Ketu
    Bekwai              Anfueh             Egba
    Nkoranza            Krepe              Jebu
    Adansi              Avenor             Remo
    Assin               Awuna              Ode
    Wassaw              Agbosomi           Ilorin
    Ahanta              Aflao              Ijesa
    Fanti               Ataklu             Ondo
    Agona               Krikor             Mahin
    Akwapim             Geng               Benin (Bini)
    Akim                Attakpami          Kakanda
    Akwamu              Aja                Wari
    Kwao                Ewemi              Ibo[161]
    Ga                  Appa               Efik[161]

Other traditions refer to a time when all were of one speech, and lived
in a far country beyond Salagha, open, flat, with little bush, and
plenty of cattle and sheep, a tolerably accurate description of the
inland Sudanese plateaux. But then came a red people, said to be the
Fulahs, Muhammadans, who oppressed the blacks and drove them to take
refuge in the forests. Here they thrived and multiplied, and after many
vicissitudes they came down, down, until at last they reached the coast,
with the waves rolling in, the white foam hissing and frothing on the
beach, and thought it was all boiling water until some one touched it
and found it was not hot, and so to this day they call the sea _Eh-huru
den o nni shew_, "Boiling water not hot," but far inland the sea is
still "Boiling water[162]."

To A. B. Ellis we are indebted especially for the true explanation of
the much used and abused term _fetish_, as applied to the native
beliefs. It was of course already known to be not an African but a
Portuguese word[163], meaning a charm, amulet, or even witchcraft. But
Ellis shows how it came to be wrongly applied to all forms of animal and
nature worship, and how the confusion was increased by De Brosses'
theory of a primordial fetishism, and by his statement that it was
impossible to conceive a lower form of religion than fetishism, which
might therefore be assumed to be the beginning of all religion[164].

On the contrary it represents rather an advanced stage, as Ellis
discovered after four or five years of careful observation on the spot.
A fetish, he tells us, is something tangible and inanimate, which is
believed to possess power in itself, and is worshipped for itself alone.
Nor can such an object be picked up anywhere at random, as is commonly
asserted, and he adds that the belief "is arrived at only after
considerable progress has been made in religious ideas, when the older
form of religion becomes secondary and owes its existence to the
confusion of the tangible with the intangible, of the material with the
immaterial; to the belief in the indwelling god being gradually lost
sight of until the power originally believed to belong to the god, is
finally attributed to the tangible and inanimate object itself."

But now comes a statement that may seem paradoxical to most students of
the evolution of religious ideas. We are assured that fetishism thus
understood is not specially or at all characteristic of the religion of
the Gold Coast natives, who are in fact "remarkably free from it" and
believe in invisible intangible deities. Some of them may dwell in a
tangible inanimate object, popularly called a "fetish"; but the idea of
the indwelling god is never lost sight of, nor is the object ever
worshipped for its own sake. True fetishism, the worship of such
material objects and images, prevails, on the contrary, far more
"amongst the Negroes of the West Indies, who have been christianised for
more than half-a-century, than amongst those of West Africa. Hence the
belief in Obeah, still prevalent in the West Indies, which formerly was
a belief in indwelling spirits which inhabited certain objects, has now
become a worship paid to tangible and inanimate objects, which of
themselves are believed to possess the power to injure. In Europe itself
we find evidence amongst the Roman Catholic populations of the South,
that fetishism is a corruption of a former _culte_, rather than a
primordial faith. The lower classes there have confused the intangible
with the tangible, and believe that the images of the saints can both
see, hear and feel. Thus we find the Italian peasants and fishermen beat
and ill-treat their images when their requests have not been complied
with.... These appear to be instances of true fetishism[165]."

Another phase of religious belief in Upper Guinea is ancestry worship,
which has here been developed to a degree unknown elsewhere. As the
departed have to be maintained in the same social position beyond the
grave that they enjoyed in this world, they must be supplied with
slaves, wives, and attendants, each according to his rank. Hence the
institution of the so-called "customs," or anniversary feasts of the
dead, accompanied by the sacrifice of human victims, regulated at first
by the status and afterwards by the whim and caprice of chiefs and
kings. In the capitals of the more powerful states, Ashanti, Dahomey,
Benin, the scenes witnessed at these sanguinary rites rivalled in horror
those held in honour of the Aztec gods. Details may here be dispensed
with on a repulsive subject, ample accounts of which are accessible from
many sources to the general reader. In any case these atrocities teach
no lesson, except that most religions have waded through blood to better
things, unless arrested in mid-stream by the intervention of higher
powers, as happily in Upper Guinea, where the human shambles of Kumassi,
Abomeh, Benin and most other places have now been swept away.

On the capture of Benin by the English in 1897 a rare and unexpected
prize fell into the hands of ethnologists. Here was found a large
assortment of carved ivories, woodwork, and especially a series of about
300 bronze and brass plates or panels with figures of natives and
Europeans, armed and in armour, in full relief, all cast by the _cire
perdue_ process[166], some barbaric, others, and especially a head in
the round of a young negress, showing high artistic skill. Many of these
remarkable objects are in the British Museum, where they have been
studied by C. H. Read and O. M. Dalton[167], who are evidently right in
assigning the better class to the sixteenth century, and to the aid, if
not the hand, of some Portuguese artificers in the service of the King
of Benin. They add that "casting of an inferior kind continues down to
the present time," and it may here be mentioned that armour has long
been and is still worn by the cavalry, and even their horses, in the
Muhammadan states of Central Sudan. "The chiefs (_Kashelláwa_) who serve
as officers under the Sultan [of Bornu] and act as his bodyguard wear
jackets of chain armour and cuirasses of coats of mail[168]." It is
clear that metal casting in a large way has long been practised by the
semi-civilised peoples of Sudan.

Within the great bend of the Niger the veil, first slightly raised by
Barth in the middle of the nineteenth century, has now been drawn aside
by L. G. Binger, F. D. Lugard and later explorers. Here the _Mossi_,
_Borgu_ and others have hitherto more or less successfully resisted the
Moslem advance, and are consequently for the most part little removed
from the savage state. Even the "Faithful" wear the cloak of Islám
somewhat loosely, and the level of their culture may be judged from the
case of the Imám of Diulasu, who pestered Binger for nostrums and charms
against ailments, war, and misfortunes. What he wanted chiefly to know
was the names of Abraham's two wives. "Tell me these," he would say,
"and my fortune is made, for I dreamt it the other night; you must tell
me; I really must have those names or I'm lost[169]."

In some districts the ethnical confusion is considerable, and when
Binger arrived at the Court of the Mossi King, Baikary, he was addressed
successively in Mossi, Hausa, Songhai, and Fulah, until at last it was
discovered that Mandingan was the only native language he understood.
Waghadugu, capital of the chief Mossi state, comprises several distinct
quarters occupied respectively by Mandingans, Marengas (Songhai),
Zang-wer'os (Hausas), Chilmigos (Fulahs), Mussulman and heathen Mossis,
the whole population scarcely exceeding 5000. However, perfect harmony
prevails, the Mossi themselves being extremely tolerant despite the long
religious wars they have had to wage against the fanatical Fulahs and
other Muhammadan aggressors[170].

Religious indifference is indeed a marked characteristic of this people,
and the case is mentioned of a nominal Mussulman prince who could even
read and write, and say his prayers, but whose two sons "knew nothing at
all," or, as we should say, were "Agnostics." One of them, however, it
is fair to add, is claimed by both sides, the Moslems asserting that he
says his prayers in secret, the heathens that he drinks _dolo_
(palm-wine), which of course no true believer is supposed ever to do.


CENTRAL SUDANESE.

In Central Sudan, that is, the region stretching from the Niger to
Wadai, a tolerably clean sweep has been made of the aborigines, except
along the southern fringe and in parts of the Chad basin. For many
centuries Islám has here been firmly established, and in Negroland Islám
is synonymous with a greater or less degree of miscegenation. The native
tribes who resisted the fiery Arab or Tuareg or Tibu proselytisers were
for the most part either extirpated, or else driven to the southern
uplands about the Congo-Chad water-parting. All who accepted the Koran
became merged with the conquerors in a common negroid population, which
supplied the new material for the development of large social
communities and powerful political states.

Under these conditions the old tribal organisations were in great
measure dissolved, and throughout its historic period of about a
millennium Central Sudan is found mainly occupied by peoples gathered
together in a small number of political systems, each with its own
language and special institutions, but all alike accepting Islám as the
State religion. Such are or were the Songhai empire, the Hausa States,
and the kingdoms of Bornu with Kanem and Baghirmi, and these jointly
cover the whole of Central Sudan as above defined.

_Songhais_[171]. How completely the tribe[172] has merged in the
people[172] may be inferred from the mere statement that, although no
longer an independent nation[172], the negroid Songhais form a single
ethnical group of about two million souls, all of one speech and one
religion, and all distinguished by somewhat uniform physical and mental
characters. This territory lies mainly about the borderlands between
Sudan and the Sahara, stretching from Timbuktu east to the Asben oasis
and along both banks of the Niger from Lake Debo round to the Sokoto
confluence, and also at some points reaching as far as the Hombori hills
within the great bend of the Niger.

Here they are found in the closest connection with the Ireghenaten
("mixed") Tuaregs, and elsewhere with other Tuaregs, and with Arabs,
Fulahs or Hausas[173], so that exclusively Songhai communities are now
somewhat rare. But the bulk of the race is still concentrated in Gurma
and in the district between Gobo and Timbuktu, the two chief cities of
the old Songhai empire.

They are a distinctly negroid people, presenting various shades of
intermixture with the surrounding Hamites and Semites, but generally of
a very deep brown or blackish colour, with somewhat regular features and
that peculiar long, black, and ringletty hair, which is so
characteristic of Negro and Caucasic blends, as seen amongst the Trarsas
and Braknas of the Senegal, the Bejas, Danakils, and many Abyssinians of
the region between the Nile and the Red Sea. Barth, to whom we still owe
the best account of this historical people, describes them as of a dull,
morose temperament, the most unfriendly and churlish of all the peoples
visited by him in Negroland.

This writer's suggestion that they may have formerly had relations with
the Egyptians[174] has been revived in an exaggerated form by M. Félix
Dubois, whose views have received currency in England through uncritical
notices of his _Timbouctou la Mystérieuse_ (Paris, 1897). But there is
no "mystery" in the matter. The Songhai are a Sudanese people, whose
exodus from Egypt is a myth, and whose Kissur language, as it is called,
has not the remotest connection with any form of speech known to have
been at any time current in the Nile Valley[175]. Nor has it any evident
affinities with any group of African tongues. H. H. Johnston regards the
Songhai as the result of the mixing of "the Libyan section of the
Hamitic peoples, reinforced by Berbers (Iberians) from Spain," with the
pre-existing Fulah type and the Negroids; as also from the far earlier
intercourse between the Fulah and the Negro[176].

The Songhai empire, like that of the rival Mandingans, claims a
respectable antiquity, its reputed founder Za-el-Yemeni having
flourished about 680 A.D. Za Kasi, fifteenth in succession from the
founder, was the first Muhammadan ruler (1009); but about 1326 the
country was reduced by the Mandingans, and remained throughout the
fourteenth and a great part of the fifteenth century virtually subject
to the Mali empire, although Ali Killun, founder of the new Sonni
dynasty, had acquired a measure of independence about 1335-6. But the
political supremacy of the Songhai people dates only from about 1464,
when Sonni Ali, sixteenth of the Sonni dynasty, known in history as "the
great tyrant and famous miscreant," threw off the Mandingan yoke, "and
changed the whole face of this part of Africa by prostrating the kingdom
of Melle[177]." Under his successor, Muhammad Askia[178], "perhaps the
greatest sovereign that ever ruled over Negroland[179]," the Songhai
Empire acquired its greatest expansion, extending from the heart of
Hausaland to the Atlantic seaboard, and from the Mossi country to the
Tuat oasis, south of Morocco. Although unfavourably spoken of by Leo
Africanus, Askia is described by Ahmed Bábá as governing the subject
peoples "with justice and equity, causing well-being and comfort to
spring up everywhere within the borders of his extensive dominions, and
introducing such of the institutions of Muhammadan civilisation as he
considered might be useful to his subjects[180]."

Askia also made the Mecca pilgrimage with a great show of splendour. But
after his reign (1492-1529) the Songhai power gradually declined, and
was at last overthrown by Mulay Hamed, Emperor of Morocco, in 1591-2.
Ahmed Bábá, the native chronicler, was involved in the ruin of his
people[181], and since then the Songhai nation has been broken into
fragments, subject here to Hausas, there to Fulahs, elsewhere to
Tuaregs, and, since the French occupation of Timbuktu (1894), to the
hated Giaur.

_Hausas._ In everything that constitutes the real greatness of a
nation, the Hausas may rightly claim preeminence amongst all the peoples
of Negroland. No doubt early in the nineteenth century the historical
Hausa States, occupying the whole region between the Niger and Bornu,
were overrun and reduced by the fanatical Fulah bands under Othmán Dan
Fodye. But the Hausas, in a truer sense than the Greeks, "have captured
their rude conquerors[182]," for they have even largely assimilated them
physically to their own type, and the Hausa nationality is under British
auspices asserting its natural social, industrial and commercial
predominance throughout Central and even parts of Western Sudan.

It could not well be otherwise, seeing that the Hausas form a compact
body of some five million peaceful and industrious Sudanese, living
partly in numerous farmsteads amid their well-tilled cotton, indigo,
pulse, and corn fields, partly in large walled cities and great trading
centres such as Kano[183], Katsena, Yacoba, whose intelligent and
law-abiding inhabitants are reckoned by many tens of thousands. Their
melodious tongue, with a vocabulary containing perhaps 10,000
words[184], has long been the great medium of intercourse throughout
Sudan from Lake Chad to and beyond the Niger, and is daily acquiring
even greater preponderance amongst all the settled and trading
populations of these regions.

But though showing a marked preference for peaceful pursuits, the Hausas
are by no means an effeminate people. Largely enlisted in the British
service, they have at all times shown fighting qualities of a high order
under their English officers, and a well-earned tribute has been paid to
their military prowess amongst others by Sir George Goldie and Lieut.
Vandeleur[185]. With the Hausas on her side England need assuredly fear
no rivals to her beneficent sway over the teeming populations of the
fertile plains and plateaux of Central Sudan, which is on the whole
perhaps the most favoured land in Africa north of the equator.

According to the national traditions, which go back to no very remote
period[186], the seven historical Hausa States known as the "Hausa
bokoy" ("the seven Hausas") take their name from the eponymous heroes
_Biram_, _Daura_, _Gober_, _Kano_, _Rano_, _Katsena_ and _Zegzeg_, all
said to be sprung from the Deggaras, a Berber tribe settled to the north
of Munyo. From Biram, the original seat, the race and its language
spread to seven other provinces--_Zanfara_, _Kebbi_, _Nupe_ (_Nyffi_),
_Gwari_, _Yauri_, _Yariba_ and _Kororofa_, which in contempt are called
the "Banza bokoy" ("the seven Upstarts"). All form collectively the
Hausa domain in the widest sense.

Authentic history is quite recent, and even Komayo, reputed founder of
Katsena, dates only from about the fourteenth century. Ibrahim Maji, who
was the first Moslem ruler, is assigned to the latter part of the
fifteenth century, and since then the chief events have been associated
with the Fulah wars, ending in the absorption of all the Hausa States in
the unstable Fulah empire of Sokoto at the beginning of the nineteenth
century. With the fall of Kano and Sokoto in 1903 British supremacy was
finally established throughout the Hausa States, now termed Northern
Nigeria[187].

_Kanembu_; _Kanuri_[188]; _Baghirmi_, _Mosgu_. Round about the shores of
Lake Chad are grouped three other historical Muhammadan nations, the
Kanembu ("People of Kanem") on the north, the Kanuri of Bornu on the
west, and the Baghirmi on the south side. The last named was conquered
by the Sultan of Wadai in 1871, and overrun by Rabah Zobeir, half Arab,
half Negro adventurer, in 1890. But in 1897 Emile Gentil[189], French
commissioner for the district, placed the country under French
protection, although French authority was not firmly established until
the death of Rabah and the rout of his sons in 1901. At the same time
Kanem was brought under French control, and shortly afterwards Bornu was
divided between Great Britain, France and Germany.

In this region the ethnical relations are considerably more complex than
in the Hausa States. Here Islám has had greater obstacles to contend
with than on the more open western plateaux, and many of the pagan
aborigines have been able to hold their ground either in the
archipelagos of Lake Chad (_Yedinas, Kuri, Buduma_[190]), or in the
swampy tracts and uplands of the Logon-Shari basin (_Mosgu_, _Mandara_,
_Makari_, etc.).

It was also the policy of the Muhammadans, whose system is based on
slavery, not to push their religious zeal too far, for, if all the
natives were converted, where could they procure a constant supply of
slaves, those who accept the teachings of the Prophet being _ipso facto_
entitled to their freedom? Hence the pagan districts were, and still
are, regarded as convenient preserves, happy hunting-grounds to be
raided from time to time, but not utterly wasted; to be visited by
organised razzias just often enough to keep up the supply in the home
and foreign markets. This system, controlled by the local governments
themselves, has long prevailed about the borderlands between Islám and
heathendom, as we know from Barth, Nachtigal, and one or two other
travellers, who have had reluctantly to accompany the periodical
slave-hunting expeditions from Bornu and Baghirmi to the territories of
the pagan Mosgu people with their numerous branches (_Margi, Mandara,
Makari, Logon, Gamergu, Keribina_) and the other aborigines (_Bede,
Ngisem, So, Kerrikerri, Babir_) on the northern slopes of the Congo-Chad
water-parting. As usual on such occasions, there is a great waste of
life, many perishing in defence of their homes or even through sheer
wantonness, besides those carried away captives. "A large number of
slaves had been caught this day," writes Barth, "and in the evening a
great many more were brought in; altogether they were said to have taken
one thousand, and there were certainly not less than five hundred. To
our utmost horror, not less than 170 full-grown men were mercilessly
slaughtered in cold blood, the greater part of them being allowed to
bleed to death, a leg having been severed from the body[191]." There was
probably just then a glut in the market.

A curious result of these relations is that in the wooded districts some
of the natives have reverted to arboreal habits, taking refuge during
the raids in the branches of huge bombax-trees converted into temporary
strongholds. Round the vertical stem of these forest giants is erected a
breast-high look-out, while the higher horizontal branches, less exposed
to the fire of the enemy, support strongly-built huts and store-houses,
where the families of the fugitives take refuge with their effects,
including, as Nachtigal assures us[192], their domestic animals, such as
goats, dogs, and poultry. During the siege of the aërial fortress, which
is often successfully defended, long light ladders of withies are let
down at night, when no attack need be feared, and the supply of water
and provisions is thus renewed from _caches_ or hiding-places round
about. In 1872 Nachtigal accompanied a predatory excursion to the pagan
districts south of Baghirmi, when an attack was made on one of these
tree-fortresses. Such citadels can be stormed only at a heavy loss, and
as the Gaberi (Baghirmi) warriors had no tools capable of felling the
great bombax-tree, they were fain to rest satisfied with picking off a
poor wretch now and then, and barbarously mutilating the bodies as they
fell from the overhanging branches.

Some of these aborigines disfigure their faces by the disk-like
lip-ornament, which is also fashionable in Nyassaland, and even amongst
the South American Botocudos. The type often differs greatly, and while
some of the widespread Mosgu tribes are of a dirty black hue, with
disagreeable expression, wide open nostrils, thick lips, high
cheek-bones, coarse bushy hair, and disproportionate knock-kneed legs,
other members of the same family astonished Barth "by the beauty and
symmetry of their forms, and by the regularity of their features, which
in some had nothing of what is called the Negro type. But I was still
more astonished at their complexion, which was very different in
different individuals, being in some of a glossy black, and in others of
a light copper, or rather rhubarb colour, the intermediate shades being
almost entirely wanting. I observed in one house a really beautiful
female who, with her son, about eight or nine years of age, formed a
most charming group, well worthy of the hand of an accomplished artist.
The boy's form did not yield in any respect to the beautiful symmetry of
the most celebrated Grecian statues. His hair, indeed, was very short
and curled, but not woolly. He, as well as his mother and the whole
family, were of a pale or yellowish-red complexion, like rhubarb[193]."

There is no suggestion of albinism, and the explanation of such strange
contrasts must await further exploration in the whole of this borderland
of Negroes and Bantus about the divide between the Chad and the Congo
basins. The country has until lately been traversed only at rare
intervals by pioneers, interested more in political than in
anthropological matters.

Of the settled and more or less cultured peoples in the Chad basin, the
most important are the _Kanembu_[194], who introduce a fresh element of
confusion in this region, being more allied in type and speech to the
Hamitic Tibus than to the Negro stock, or at least taking a transitional
position between the two; the _Kanuri_, the ruling people in Bornu, of
somewhat coarse Negroid appearance[195]; and the southern _Baghirmi_,
also decidedly Negroid, originally supposed to have come from the Upper
Shari and White Nile districts[196]. Their civilisation, such as it is,
has been developed exclusively under Moslem influences, but it has never
penetrated much below the surface. The people are everywhere extremely
rude, and for the most part unlettered, although the meagre and not
altogether trustworthy Kanem-Bornu records date from the time of Sef,
reputed founder of the monarchy about 800 A.D. Duku, second in descent
from Sef, is doubtfully referred to about 850 A.D. Hamé, founder of a
new dynasty, flourished towards the end of the eleventh century
(1086-97), and Dunama, one of his successors, is said to have extended
his sway over a great part of the Sahara, including the whole of Fezzan
(1221-59). Under Omar (1394-98) a divorce took place between Kanem and
Bornu, and henceforth the latter country has remained the chief centre
of political power in the Chad basin.

A long series of civil wars was closed by Ali (1472-1504), who founded
the present capital, Birni, and whose grandson, Muhammad, brought the
empire of Bornu to the highest pitch of its greatness (1526-45). Under
Ahmed (1793-1810) began the wars with the Fulahs, who, after bringing
the empire to the verge of ruin, were at last overthrown by the aid of
the Kanem people, and since 1819 Bornu has been ruled by the present
Kanemíyín dynasty, which though temporarily conquered by Rabah in 1893,
was restored under British administration in 1902[197].


EASTERN SUDANESE.

As some confusion prevails regarding the expression "Eastern Sudan," I
may here explain that it bears a very different meaning, according as it
is used in a political or an ethnical sense. Politically it is
practically synonymous with Egyptian Sudan, that is the whole region
from Darfur to the Red Sea which was ruled or misruled by the Khedivial
Government before the revolt of the Mahdi (1883-4), and was restored to
Egypt by the British occupation of Khartum in 1898. Ethnically Eastern
Sudan comprises all the lands east of the Chad basin, where the Negro or
Negroid populations are predominant, that is to say, Wadai, Darfur, and
Kordofan in the West, the Nile Valley from the frontier of Egypt proper
south to Albert Nyanza, both slopes of the Nile-Congo divide (the
western tributaries of the White Nile and the Welle-Makua affluent of
the Congo), lastly the Sobat Valley with some Negro enclaves east of the
White Nile, and even south of the equator (Kavirondo, Semliki Valley).

Throughout this region the fusion of the aborigines with Hamites and
Arabs, Tuareg, or Tibu Moslem intruders, wherever they have penetrated,
has been far less complete than in Central and Western Sudan. Thus in
Wadai the dominant Maba people, whence the country is often called
Dar-Maba ("Mabaland"), are rather Negro than Negroid, with but a slight
strain of foreign blood. In the northern districts the _Zogháwa_,
_Gura'an_, _Baele_ and _Bulala_ Tibus keep quite aloof from the blacks,
as do elsewhere; the _Aramkas_, as the Arabs are collectively called in
Wadai. Yet the _Mahamíd_ and some other Bedouin tribes have here been
settled for over 500 years, and it was through their assistance that the
Mabas acquired the political supremacy they have enjoyed since the
seventeenth century, when they reduced or expelled the _Tynjurs_[198],
the former ruling race, said to be Nubians originally from Dongola. It
was Abd-el-Kerim, founder of the new Moslem Maba state, who gave the
country its present name in honour of his grandfather, _Wadai_. His
successor Kharúb I removed the seat of government to Wara, where Vogel
was murdered in 1856. Abeshr, the present capital, dates only from the
year 1850. Except for Nachtigal, who crossed the frontier in 1873,
nothing was known of the land or its people until the French occupation
at the end of the last century (1899). Since that date it has been
prominent as the scene of the attack on a French column and the death of
its leader, Colonel Moll, in 1910, and the tragic murder of Lieutenant
Boyd Alexander earlier in the same year[199].

_Nubas._ As in Wadai, the intruding and native populations have been
either imperfectly or not at all assimilated in Darfur and Kordofan,
where the Muhammadan Semites still boast of their pure Arab
descent[200], and form powerful confederacies. Chief among these are the
_Baggara_ (Baqqara, "cow-herds"), cattle-keepers and agriculturalists,
of whom some are as dark as the blackest negroes, though many are
fine-looking, with regular, well-shaped features. Their form of Arabic
is notoriously corrupt. Their rivals, the _Jaalan_ (Jalin, Jahalin), are
mostly riverain "Arabs," a learned tribe, containing many scribes, and
their language is said to be closer to classical Arabic than the form
current in Egypt. These are the principal slave-hunters of the Sudan,
and the famous Zobeir belonged to their tribe. The _Yemanieh_ are
largely traders, and trace their origin from South Arabia. The
_Kababish_ are the wealthiest camel-owning tribe, perhaps less
contaminated by negro blood than any other Arab tribe in the Sudan[201].
The _Nuba_ and the _Nubians_ have been a source of much confusion, but
recent investigations in the field such as those of C. G. Seligman[202]
and H. A. MacMichael[203], and the publications of the Archaeological
Survey of Nubia conducted by G. A. Reisner, help to elucidate the
problem. We have first of all to get rid of the "Nuba-Fulah" family,
which was introduced by Fr. Müller and accepted by some English writers,
but has absolutely no existence. The two languages, although both of the
agglutinative Sudanese type, are radically distinct in all their
structural, lexical, and phonetic elements, and the two peoples are
equally distinct. The Fulahs are of North African origin, although many
have in recent times been largely assimilated to their black Sudanese
subjects. The Nuba on the contrary belong originally to the Negro stock,
with hair of the common negro type, and are among the darkest skinned
tribes in the Sudan, their colour varying from a dark chocolate brown to
the darkest shade of brown black.

But rightly to understand the question we have carefully to avoid
confusion between the Nubians of the Nile Valley and the Negro _Nubas_,
who gave their name to the Nuba Mountains, Kordofan, where most of the
aborigines (_Kargo, Kulfan, Kolaji, Tumali, Lafofa, Eliri, Talodi_)
still belong to this connection[203]. Kordofan is probably itself a Nuba
word meaning "Land of the Kordo" (_fán_ = Arab, _dár_, land, country).
There is a certain amount of anthropological evidence to connect the
Nuba with the _Fur_ and the _Kara_ of Darfur to the west[204]. But it is
a different anthropological type that is represented in the three groups
of _Matokki_ (_Kenus_) between the First Cataract and Wadi-el-Arab, the
_Mahai_ (_Marisi_) between Korosko and Wadi-Halfa, at the Second
Cataract, and the _Dongolawi_, of the province of Dongola between
Wadi-Halfa and Jebel Deja near Meroe.

These three groups, all now Muhammadans, but formerly Christians,
constitute collectively the so-called "Nubians" of European writers, but
call themselves _Barabra_, Plural of _Berberi_, _i.e._ people of Berber,
although they do not at present extend so far up the Nile as that
town[205]. Possibly these are Strabo's "Noubai, who dwell on the left
bank of the Nile in Libya [Africa], a great nation etc.[206]"; and are
also to be identified with the _Nobatae_, who in Diocletian's time were
settled, some in the Kharga oasis, others in the Nile Valley about
Meroe, to guard the frontiers of the empire against the incursions of
the restless Blemmues. But after some time they appear to have entered
into peaceful relations with these Hamites, the present Bejas, even
making common cause with them against the Romans; but the confederacy
was crushed by Maximinus in 451, though perhaps not before crossings had
taken place between the Nobatae and the Caucasic Bejas. Then these Bejas
withdrew to their old homes, which they still occupy, between the Nile
and the Red Sea above Egypt, while the Nobatae, embracing Christianity,
as is said, in 545, established the powerful kingdom of Dongola which
lasted over 800 years, and was finally overthrown by the Arabs in the
fourteenth century, since which time the Nile Nubians have been
Muhammadans.

There still remains the problem of language which, as shown by
Lepsius[207], differs but slightly from that now current amongst the
Kordofan Nubas. But this similarity only holds in the north, and is now
shown to be due to Berberine immigration into Kordofan[208]. Recent
investigations show that the Nuba and the Barabra, in spite of this
linguistic similarity which has misled certain authors[209], are not to
be regarded as belonging to the same race[210]. "The Nuba are a tall,
stoutly built muscular people, with a dark, almost black skin. They are
predominantly mesaticephalic, for although cephalic indices under 70 and
over 80 both occur, nearly 60 per cent. of the individuals measured are
mesaticephals, the remaining being dolichocephalic and brachycephalic in
about equal proportions." The hair is invariably woolly. The Barabra, on
the contrary, is of slight, or more commonly medium build, not
particularly muscular and in skin colour varies from a yellowish to a
chocolate brown. The hair is commonly curly or wavy and may be almost
straight, while the features are not uncommonly absolutely non-Negroid.
"Thus there can be no doubt that the two peoples are essentially
different in physical characters and the same holds good on the cultural
side" (p. 611). Barabra were identified by Lepsius with the Wawat, a
people frequently mentioned in Egyptian records, and recent excavations
by the members of the Archaeological Survey of Nubia show a close
connection with the predynastic Egyptians, a connection supported also
on physical grounds. It seems strange, therefore, to meet with repeated
reference on Egyptian monuments to Negroes in Nubia when, as proved by
excavations, the inhabitants were by no means Negroes or even frankly
Negroid. Seligman's solution of the difficulty is as follows (p. 619).
It seems that only one explanation is tenable, namely that for a period
subsequent to the Middle Kingdom the country in the neighbourhood of the
Second Cataract became essentially a Negro country and may have remained
in this condition for some little time. Then a movement in the opposite
direction set in; the Negroes, diminished by war, were in part driven
back by the great conquerors of the New Empire; those that were left
mixed with the Egyptian garrisons and traders and once more a hybrid
race arose which, however, preserved the language of its Negro
ancestors. Although Seligman regards the conclusion that this race gave
rise directly to the present-day inhabitants of Nubia as "premature,"
and suggests further mixture with the Beja of the eastern deserts,
Elliot Smith recognises the essential similarity between the homogeneous
blend of Egyptian and Negro traits which characterise the Middle Nubian
people (contemporary with the Middle Empire, XII-XVII dynasties), a type
which "seems to have remained dominant in Nubia ever since then, for the
span of almost 4000 years[211]."

Before the incursions of the Nubian-Arab traders and raiders, who began
to form settlements (_zeribas_, fenced stations) in the Upper Nile
regions above Khartum about the middle of the nineteenth century, most
of the Nile-Congo divide (White Nile tributaries and Welle-Makua basin)
belonged in the strictest sense to the Negro domain. Sudanese tribes,
and even great nations reckoned by millions, had been for ages in almost
undisturbed possession, not only of the main stream from the equatorial
lakes to and beyond the Sobat junction, but also of the Sobat Valley
itself, and of the numerous south-western head-waters of the White Nile
converging about Lake No above the Sobat junction. Nearly all the Nile
peoples--the _Shilluks_ and _Dinkas_ about the Sobat confluence, the
_Bari_ and _Nuers_ of the Bahr-el-Jebel, the _Bongos_ (_Dors_), _Rols_,
_Golos_, _Mittus_, _Madis_, _Makarakas_, _Abakas_, _Mundus_, and many
others about the western affluents, as well as the _Funj_ of Senaar--had
been brought under the Khedivial rule before the revolt of the Mahdi.

The same fate had already overtaken or was threatening the formerly
powerful _Mombuttu_ (_Mangbattu_) and _Zandeh_[212] nations of the Welle
lands, as well as the _Krej_ and others about the low watersheds of the
Nile-Congo and Chad basins. Since then the Welle groups have been
subjected to the jurisdiction of the Congo Free State, while the
political destinies of the Nilotic tribes must henceforth be controlled
by the British masters of the Nile lands from the Great Lakes to the
Mediterranean.

Although grouped as Negroes proper, very few of the Nilotic peoples
present the almost ideal type of the blacks, such as those of Upper
Guinea and the Atlantic coast of West Sudan. The complexion is in
general less black, the nose less broad at the base, the lips less
everted (Shilluks and one or two others excepted), the hair rather less
frizzly, the dolichocephaly and prognathism less marked.

Apart from the more delicate shades of transition, due to diverse
interminglings with Hamites and Semites, two distinct types may be
plainly distinguished--one black, often very tall, with long thin legs,
and long-headed (_Shilluks, Dinkas, Bari, Nuers, Alur_), the other
reddish or ruddy brown, more thick-set, and short-headed (_Bongos_,
_Golos_, _Makarakas_, with the kindred _Zandehs_ of the Welle region).
No explanation has been offered of their brachycephaly, which is all the
more difficult to account for, inasmuch as it is characteristic neither
of the aboriginal Negro nor of the intruding Hamitic and Semitic
elements. Have we here an indication of the transition suspected by many
between the true long-headed Negro and the round-headed Negrillo, who is
also brownish, and formerly ranged as far north as the Nile
head-streams, as would appear from the early Egyptian records (Chap.
IV.)? Schweinfurth found that the Bongos were "hardly removed from the
lowest grade of brachycephaly[213]," and the same is largely true of the
Zandehs and their Makaraka cousins, as noticed by Junker: "The skull
also in many of these peoples approaches the round form, whereas the
typical Negro is assumed to be long-headed[214]." But so great is the
diversity of appearance throughout the whole of this region, including
even "a striking Semitic type," that this observer was driven to the
conclusion that "woolly hair, common to all, forms in fact the only sure
characteristic of the Negro[215]."

Dinka is the name given to a congeries of independent tribes spread over
a vast area, stretching from 300 miles south of Khartum to within 100
miles of Gondokoro, and reaching many miles to the west in the
Bahr-el-Ghazal Province. All these tribes according to C. G.
Seligman[216] call themselves _Jieng_ or _Jenge_, corrupted by the
Arabs into Dinka; but no Dinka nation has arisen, for the tribes have
never recognised a supreme chief, as do their neighbours, the Shilluk,
nor have they even been united under a military despot, as the Zulu were
united under Chaka. They differ in manners and customs and even in
physique and are often at war with one another. One of the most obvious
distinctions in habits is between the relatively powerful cattle-owning
Dinka and the small and comparatively poor tribes who have no cattle and
scarcely cultivate the ground, but live in the marshes in the
neighbourhood of the Sudd, and depend largely for their sustenance on
fishing and hippopotamus-hunting. Their villages, which are generally
dirty and evil-smelling, are built on ground which rises but little
above the reed-covered surface of the country. The Dinka community is
largely autonomous under leadership of a chief or headman (_bain_) who
is sometimes merely the local magician, but in one community in each
tribe he is the hereditary rain-maker whose wish is law. "Cattle form
the economic basis of Dinka society; ... they are the currency in which
bride-price and blood-fines are paid; and the desire to acquire a
neighbour's herds is the common cause of those inter-tribal raids which
constitute Dinka warfare."

Some uniformity appears to prevail amongst the languages of the
Nile-Welle lands, and from the rather scanty materials collected by
Junker, Fr. Müller was able to construct an "Equatorial Linguistic
Family," including the Mangbattu, Zandeh, Barmbo, Madi, Bangba, Krej,
Golo and others, on both sides of the water-parting. Leo Reinisch,
however, was not convinced, and in a letter addressed to the author
declared that "in the absence of sentences it is impossible to determine
the grammatical structure of Mangbattu and the other languages. At the
same time we may detect certain relations, not to the Nilotic, but the
Bantu tongues. It may therefore be inferred that Mangbattu and the
others have a tolerably close relationship to the Bantu, and may even be
remotely akin to it, judging from their tendency to prefix
formations[217]." Future research will show how far this conjecture is
justified.

Although Islám has made considerable progress, throughout the greater
part of the Sudanese region, though not among the Nilotic tribes, the
bulk of the people are still practically pagan. Witchcraft continues to
flourish amongst the equatorial peoples, and important events are almost
everywhere attended by sanguinary rites. These are absent among the true
Nilotics. The Dinka are totemic, with ancestor-worship. The Shilluk have
a cult of divine kings.

Cannibalism however, in some of its most repulsive forms, prevails
amongst the Zandehs, who barter in human fat as a universal staple of
trade, and amongst the Mangbattu, who cure for future use the bodies of
the slain in battle and "drive their prisoners before them, as butchers
drive sheep to the shambles, and these are only reserved to fall victims
on a later day to their horrible and sickly greediness[218]."

In fact here we enter the true "cannibal zone," which, as I have
elsewhere shown, was in former ages diffused all over Central and South
Africa, or, it would be more correct to say, over the whole
continent[219], but has in recent times been mainly confined to "the
region stretching west and east from the Gulf of Guinea to the western
head-streams of the White Nile, and from below the equator northwards in
the direction of Adamáwa, Dar-Banda and Dar-Fertit. Wherever explorers
have penetrated into this least-known region of the continent they have
found the practice fully established, not merely as a religious rite or
a privilege reserved for priests, but as a recognised social
institution[220]."

Yet many of these cannibal peoples, especially the Mangbattus and
Zandehs, are skilled agriculturists, and cultivate some of the useful
industries, such as iron and copper smelting and casting, weaving,
pottery and wood-carving, with great success. The form and ornamental
designs of their utensils display real artistic taste, while the temper
of their iron implements is often superior to that of the imported
European hardware. Here again the observation has been made that the
tribes most addicted to cannibalism also excel in mental qualities and
physical energy. Nor are they strangers to the finer feelings of human
nature, and above all the surrounding peoples the Zandeh
anthropophagists are distinguished by their regard and devotion for
their women and children.

In one respect all these peoples show a higher degree of intelligence
even than the Arabs and Hamites. "My later experiences," writes Junker,
"revealed the remarkable fact that certain negro peoples, such as the
Niam-Niams, the Mangbattus and the Bantus of Uganda and Unyoro, display
quite a surprising understanding of figured illustrations or pictures of
plastic objects, which is not as a rule exhibited by the Arabs and
Arabised Hamites of North-east Africa. Thus the Unyoro chief, Riongo,
placed photographs in their proper position, and was able to identify
the negro portraits as belonging to the Shuli, Lango, or other tribes,
of which he had a personal knowledge. This I have called a remarkable
fact, because it bespoke in the lower races a natural faculty for
observation, a power to recognise what for many Arabs or Egyptians of
high rank was a hopeless puzzle. An Egyptian pasha in Khartum could
never make out how a human face in profile showed only one eye and one
ear, and he took the portrait of a fashionable Parisian lady in
extremely low dress for that of the bearded sun-burnt American naval
officer who had shown him the photograph[221]." From this one is almost
tempted to infer that, amongst Moslem peoples, all sense of plastic,
figurative, or pictorial art has been deadened by the Koranic precept
forbidding the representation of the human form in any way.

The Welle peoples show themselves true Negroes in the possession of
another and more precious quality, the sense of humour, although this is
probably a quality which comes late in the life of a race. Anyhow it is
a distinct Negro characteristic, which Junker was able to turn to good
account during the building of his famous _Lacrima_ station in Ndoruma's
country. "In all this I could again notice how like children the Negroes
are in many respects. Once at work they seemed animated by a sort of
childlike sense of honour. They delighted in praise, though even a frown
or a word of reproach could also excite their hilarity. Thus a loud
burst of laughter would, for instance, follow the contrast between a
piece of good and bad workmanship. Like children, they would point the
finger of scorn at each other[222]."

One morning Ndoruma, hearing that they had again struck work, had the
great war-drum beaten, whereupon they rushed to arms and mustered in
great force from all quarters. But on finding that there was no enemy to
march against, and that they had only been summoned to resume operations
at the station, they enjoyed the joke hugely, and after a general
explosion of laughter at the way they had been taken in, laid aside
their weapons and returned cheerfully to work. Some English overseers
have already discovered that this characteristic may be utilised far
more effectively than the cruel kurbash. Ethnology has many such lessons
to teach.


FOOTNOTES:

[129] For a tentative classification of African tribes see T. A. Joyce,
Art. "Africa: Ethnology," _Ency. Brit._ 1910, p. 329.

[130] Graphically summed up in the classical description of the Negress:

        "Afra genus, totâ patriam testante figurâ,
        Torta comam labroque tumens, et fusca colorem,
        Pectore lata, jacens mammis, compressior alvo,
        Cruribus exilis, spatiosâ prodiga plantâ."

[131] See H. R. Hall, papers and references in _Man_, 19, 1905.

[132] T. A. Joyce, "Africa: Ethnology," _Ency. Brit._ 1910, I. 327.

[133] J. P. Johnson, _The Prehistoric Period in South Africa_, 1912.

[134] See H. H. Johnston, "A Survey of the Ethnography of Africa,"
_Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XLIII. 1913.

[135] The skeleton found by Hans Reck at Oldoway in 1914 and claimed by
him to be of Pleistocene age exhibits all the typical Negro features,
including the filed teeth, characteristic of East African negroes at the
present day, but the geological evidence is imperfect.

[136] H. H. Johnston, _British Central Africa_, 1897, p. 393.

[137] Zandeh is the name usually given to the groups of tribes akin to
Nilotics, but probably with Fulah element, which includes the _Azandeh_
or Niam Niam, _Makaraka_, _Mangbattu_ and many others. Cf. T. A. Joyce,
_loc. cit._ p. 329.

[138] _British Central Africa_, p. 472. But see R. E. Dennett, _At the
Back of the Black Man's Mind_, 1906, and A. G. Leonard, _The Lower Niger
and its Tribes_, 1906, for African mentality.

[139] For theories of Bantu migrations see H. H. Johnston, _George
Grenfell and the Congo_, 1908, and "A Survey of the Ethnography of
Africa," _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Soc._ XLIII. 1913, p. 391 ff. Also F.
Stuhlmann, _Handwerk und Industrie in Ostafrika_, 1910, p. 138, f. 147,
with map, Pl. 1. B. For the date see p. 92.

[140] Even a tendency to polysynthesis occurs, as in Vei, and in Yoruba,
where the small-pox god _Shakpanna_ is made up of the three elements
_shan_ to plaster, _kpa_ to kill, and _enia_ a person = one who kills a
person by plastering him (with pustules).

[141] The Nilotic languages are to a considerable extent tonic.

[142] A. B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples_, etc., 1887, pp. 327-8.
Only one European, Herr R. Betz, long resident amongst the Dualas of the
Cameruns district, has yet succeeded in mastering the drum language; he
claims to understand nearly all that is drummed and is also able to drum
himself. (_Athenæum_, May 7, 1898, p. 611.)

[143] Cf. H. S. Harrison, _Handbook to the cases illustrating stages in
the evolution of the Domestic Arts_. Part II. Horniman Museum and
Library. Forest Hill, S.E.

[144] E. T. Hamy, "Les Races Nègres," in _L'Anthropologie_, 1897, p. 257
sq.

[145] "Chaque fois que j'ai demandé avec intention à un Mandé, 'Es-tu
Peul, Mossi, Dafina?' il me répondait invariablement, '_Je suis Mandé_.'
C'est pourquoi, dans le cours de ma relation, j'ai toujours désigné ce
peuple par le nom de _Mandé_, qui est son vrai nom." (L. G. Binger, _Du
Niger au Golfe de Guinée_, 1892, Vol. II. p. 373.) At p. 375 this
authority gives the following subdivisions of the Mandé family, named
from their respective _tenné_ (idol, fetish, totem):

1. _Bamba_, the crocodile: _Bammana_, not _Bambara_, which means kafir
or infidel, and is applied only to the non-Moslem Mandé groups.

2. _Mali_, the hippopotamus: _Mali'nké_, including the Kagoros and the
Tagwas.

3. _Sama_, the elephant: _Sama'nké_.

4. _Sa_, the snake: _Sa-mokho_.

Of each there are several sub-groups, while the surrounding peoples call
them all collectively _Wakoré_, _Wangara_, _Sakhersi_, and especially
_Diula_. Attention to this point will save the reader much confusion in
consulting Barth, Caillié, and other early books of travel.

[146] _Travels_, Vol. IV. p. 579 sqq.

[147] "La chaîne des Montagnes de Kong n'a jamais existé que dans
l'imagination de quelques voyageurs mal renseignés," _Du Niger au Golfe
de Guinée_, 1892, I. p. 285.

[148] Bertrand-Bocandé, "Sur les Floups ou Féloups," in _Bul. Soc. de
Géogr_. 1849.

[149] A full account of this literature will be found in the Rev. C. F.
Schlenker's valuable work, _A Collection of Temne Traditions, Fables and
Proverbs_, London, 1861. Here is given the curious explanation of the
tribal name, from _o-tem_, an old man, and _né_, himself, because, as
they say, the Temné people will exist for ever.

[150] There is also a sisterhood--the _bondo_--and the two societies
work so far in harmony that any person expelled from the one is also
excluded from the other.

[151] Reclus, Keane's English ed., XII. p. 203.

[152] "Da Njoe Testament, translated into the Negro-English Language by
the Missionaries of the Unitas Fratrum," Brit. and For. Bible Soc.,
London, 1829. Here is a specimen quoted by Ellis from _The Artisan_ of
Sierra Leone, Aug. 4, 1886, "Those who live in ceiled houses love to
hear the pit-pat of the rain overhead; whilst those whose houses leak
are the subjects of restlessness and anxiety, not to mention the chances
of catching cold, _that is so frequent a source of leaky roofs_."

[153] Right Rev. E. G. Ingham (Bishop of Sierra Leone), _Sierra Leone
after a Hundred Years_, London, 1894, p. 294. Cf. H. C. Lukach, _A
Bibliography of Sierra Leone_, 1911, and T. J. Alldridge, _A Transformed
Colony_, 1910.

[154] This increase, however, appears to be due to a steady immigration
from the Southern States, but for which the Liberians proper would die
out, or become absorbed in the surrounding native populations.

[155] H. H. Johnston, _Liberia_, 1906.

[156] Possibly the English word "crew," but more probably an extension
of _Kraoh_, the name of a tribe near Settra-kru, to the whole group.

[157] _Sierra Leone after a Hundred Years_, p. 280.

[158] Mary H. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_, 1899, pp. 54-5.

[159] Since the establishment of British authority in Nigeria (1900 to
1907) much light has been thrown on ethnological problems. See among
other works C. Partridge, _The Cross River Natives_, 1905; A. G.
Leonard, _The Lower Niger and its Tribes_, 1906; A. J. N. Tremearne,
_The Niger and the Western Sudan_, 1910, _The Tailed Head-Hunters of
Nigeria_, 1912; R. E. Dennett, _Nigerian Studies_, 1910; E. D. Morel,
_Nigeria, its People and its Problems_, 1911, besides the
_Anthropological Reports_ of N. W. Thomas, 1910, 1913, and papers by J.
Parkinson in _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XXXVI. 1906, XXXVII. 1907.

[160] The services rendered to African anthropology by this
distinguished officer call for the fullest recognition, all the more
that somewhat free and unacknowledged use has been made of the rich
materials brought together in his classical works on _The Tshi-speaking
Peoples_ (1887), _The Ewe-speaking Peoples_ (1890), and _The
Yoruba-speaking Peoples_ (1894).

[161] N. W. Thomas classifies Yoruba, Edo, Ibo and Efik as four main
stocks in the Western Sudanic language group. "In the Edo and Ibo stocks
people only a few miles apart may not be able to communicate owing to
diversity of language" (p. 141). _Anthropological Report of the
Ibo-speaking Peoples of Nigeria_, Part 1. 1913.

[162] _The Tshi-speaking Peoples_, p. 332 sq.

[163] _Feitiço_, whence also _feiticeira_, a witch, _feiticeria_,
sorcery, etc., all from _feitiço_, artificial, handmade, from Lat.
_facio_ and _factitius_.

[164] _Du Culte des Dieux Fétiches_, 1760. It is generally supposed that
the word was invented, or at least first introduced, by De Brosses; but
Ellis shows that this also is a mistake, as it had already been used by
Bosman in his _Description of Guinea_, London, 1705.

[165] _The Tshi-speaking Peoples_, Ch. XII. p. 194 and _passim._ See
also R. H. Nassau, _Fetichism in West Africa_, 1904.

[166] That is, from a wax mould destroyed in the casting. After the
operation details were often filled in by chasing or executed in
_repoussé_ work.

[167] "Works of Art from Benin City," _Journ. Anthr. Inst._ February,
1898, p. 362 sq. See H. Ling Roth, _Great Benin, its Customs_, etc.,
1903.

[168] A. Featherman, _Social History of Mankind_, The Nigritians, p.
281. See also Reclus, French ed., Vol. XII. p. 718: "Les cavaliers
portent encore la cuirasse comme au moyen âge.... Les chevaux sont
recouverts de la même manière." In the mythical traditions of Buganda
also there is reference to the fierce Wakedi warriors clad in "iron
armour" (Ch. IV.). Cf. L. Frobenius, _The Voice of Africa_, II. 1913,
pl. p. 608.

[169] _Du Niger au Golfe de Guinée_, 1892, I. p. 377.

[170] Early in the fourteenth century they were strong enough to carry
the war into the enemy's camp and make more than one successful
expedition against Timbuktu. At present the Mossi power is declining,
and their territory has been parcelled out between the British and
French Sudanese hinterlands.

[171] Also _Sonrhay_, _gh_ and _rh_ being interchangeable throughout
North Africa; _Ghat_ and _Rhat_, _Ghadames_ and _Rhadames_, etc. In the
mouth of an Arab the sound is that of the guttural [Symbol], _ghain_,
which is pronounced by the Berbers and Negroes somewhat like the
Northumberland _burr_, hence usually transliterated by _rh_ in
non-Semitic words.

[172] It should be noticed that these terms are throughout used as
strictly defined in _Eth._ Ch. I.

[173] Barth's account of Wulu (IV. p. 299), "inhabited by Tawárek
slaves, who are _trilingues_, speaking Temáshight as well as Songhay and
Fulfulde," is at present generally applicable, _mutatis mutandis_, to
most of the Songhai settlements.

[174] As so much has been made of Barth's authority in this connection,
it may be well to quote his exact words: "It would seem as if they (the
Sonrhay) had received, in more ancient times, several institutions from
the Egyptians, with whom, I have no doubt, they maintained an
intercourse by means of the energetic inhabitants of Aujila from a
relatively ancient period" (IV. p. 426). Barth, therefore, does not
bring the people themselves, or their language, from Egypt, but only
some of their institutions, and that indirectly through the Aujila Oasis
in Cyrenaica, and it may be added that this intercourse with Aujila
appears to date only from about 1150 A.D. (IV. p. 585).

[175] Hacquard et Dupuis, _Manuel de la langue Soñgay, parlée de
Tombouctou à Say, dans la boucle du Niger_, 1897, _passim._

[176] "A Survey of the Ethnography of Africa," _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Soc._
XLIII. 1913, p. 386.

[177] Barth, IV. pp. 593-4.

[178] The _Ischia_ of Leo Africanus, who tells us that in his time the
"linguaggio detto Sungai" was current even in the provinces of Walata
and Jinni (VI. ch. 2). This statement, however, like others made by Leo
at second hand, must be received with caution. In these districts
Songhai may have been spoken by the officials and some of the upper
classes, but scarcely by the people generally, who were of Mandingan
speech.

[179] Barth, IV. p. 414.

[180] _Ib._ p. 415.

[181] Carried captive into Marakesh, although later restored to his
beloved Timbuktu to end his days in perpetuating the past glories of the
Songhai nation; the one Negroid man of letters, whose name holds a
worthy place beside those of Leo Africanus, Ibn Khaldún, El Tunsi, and
other Hamitic writers.

[182] "Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit, et artes
      Intulit agresti Latio." Hor. _Epist._ II. 1, 156-7.

The epithet _agrestis_ is peculiarly applicable to the rude Fulah
shepherds, who were almost barbarians compared with the settled,
industrious, and even cultured Hausa populations, and whose oppressive
rule has at last been relaxed by the intervention of England in the
Niger-Benue lands.

[183] "One of their towns, Kano, has probably the largest market-place
in the world, with a daily attendance of from 25,000 to 30,000 people.
This same town possesses, what in central Africa is still more
surprising, some thirty or forty schools, in which the children are
taught to read and write" (Rev. C. H. Robinson, _Specimens of Hausa
Literature_, University Press, Cambridge, 1896, p. x).

[184] See C. H. Robinson, _Hausaland, or Fifteen Hundred Miles through
the Central Soudan_, 1896; _Specimens of Hausa Literature_, 1896; _Hausa
Grammar_, 1897; _Hausa Dictionary_, 1899. Authorities are undecided
whether to class Hausa with the Semitic or the Hamitic family, or in an
independent group by itself, and it must be admitted that some of its
features are extremely puzzling. While Sudanese Negro in phonology and
perhaps in most of its word roots, it is Hamitic in its grammatical
features and pronouns. But the Hamitic element is thought by experts to
be as much Kushite, or even Koptic, as Libyan. "On the whole, it seems
probable," says H. H. Johnston, "that the Hausa speech was shaped by a
double influence: from Egypt, and Hamiticized Nubia, as well as by
Libyan immigrants from across the Sahara." "A Survey of the Ethnography
of Africa," _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Soc._ XLIII. 1913, p. 385. Cf. also
Julius Lippert, "Über die Stellung der Hausasprache," _Mitteilungen des
Seminärs für Orientalische Sprachen_, 1906. It is noteworthy that Hausa
is the only language in tropical Africa which has been reduced to
writing by the natives themselves.

[185] _Campaigning on the Upper Nile and Niger_, by Lt Seymour
Vandeleur, with an Introduction by Sir George Goldie, 1898. "In camp,"
writes Lt Vandeleur, "their conduct was exemplary, while pillaging and
ill-treatment of the natives were unknown. As to their fighting
qualities, it is enough to say that, little over 500 strong (on the Bida
expedition of 1897), they withstood for two days 25,000 or 30,000 of the
enemy; that, former slaves of the Fulahs, they defeated their dreaded
masters," etc.

[186] The Kano Chronicle, translated by H. R. Palmer, _Journ. Roy.
Anthr. Inst._ XXXVIII. 1908, gives a list of Hausa kings (Sarkis) from
999 A.D.

[187] For references to recent literature see note on p. 58. Also R. S.
Rattray, _Hausa Folk-lore_, 1913; A. J. N. Tremearne, _Hausa
Superstitions and Customs_, 1913, and _Hausa Folk-Tales_, 1914.

[188] By a popular etymology these are _Ka-Núri_, "People of Light."
But, as they are somewhat lukewarm Muhammadans, the zealous Fulahs say
it should be _Ka-Nari_, "People of Fire," _i.e._ foredoomed to Gehenna!

[189] E. Gentil, _La Chute de l'Empire de Rabah_, 1902.

[190] The Buduma, who derive their legendary origin from the Fulahs whom
they resemble in physique, worship the _Karraka_ tree (a kind of
acacia). P. A. Talbot, "The Buduma of Lake Chad," _Journ. Roy. Anthr.
Inst._ XLI. 1911. The anthropology of the region has lately been dealt
with in _Documents Scientifiques de la Mission Tilho_ (1906-9),
_République Française, Ministère des Colonies_, Vol. III. 1914; R.
Gaillard and L. Poutrin, _Étude anthropologique des Populations des
Régions du Tchad et du Kanem_, 1914.

[191] III. p. 194.

[192] _Sahara and Sudan_, II. p. 628.

[193] II. pp. 382-3.

[194] That is "Kanem-men," the postfix _bu_, _be_, as in _Ti-bu_,
_Ful-be_, answering to the Bantu prefix _ba_, _wa_, as in _Ba-Suto_,
_Wa-Swahili_, etc. Here may possibly be discovered a link between the
Sudanese, Teda-Daza, and Bantu linguistic groups. The transposition of
the agglutinated particles would present no difficulty; cf. Umbrian and
Latin (_Eth._ p. 214). The Kanembu are described by Tilho, who explored
the Chad basin, 1906-9. His reports were published in 1914. _République
Française Ministère des Colonies, Documents Scientifiques de la Mission
Tilho_ (1906-9), Vol. III. 1914.

[195] Barth draws a vivid picture of the contrasts, physical and mental,
between the Kanuri and the Hausa peoples; "Here we took leave of Hausa
with its fine and beautiful country, and its cheerful and industrious
population. It is remarkable what a difference there is between the
character of the ba-Haushe and the Kanuri--the former lively, spirited,
and cheerful, the latter melancholic, dejected, and brutal; and the same
difference is visible in their physiognomies--the former having in
general very pleasant and regular features, and more graceful forms,
while the Kanuri, with his broad face, his wide nostrils and his large
bones, makes a far less agreeable impression, especially the women, who
are very plain and certainly among the ugliest in all Negroland" (II.
pp. 163-4).

[196] See Nachtigal, II. p. 690.

[197] For recent literature see Lady Lugard's _A Tropical Dependency_,
1905, and the references, note 3, p. 58.

[198] These are the same people as the _Tunjurs_ (_Tunzers_) of Darfur,
regarding whose ethnical position so much doubt still prevails. Strange
to say, they themselves claim to be Arabs, and the claim is allowed by
their neighbours, although they are not Muhammadans. Lejean thinks they
are Tibus from the north-west, while Nachtigal, who met some as far west
as Kanem, concluded from their appearance and speech that they were
really Arabs settled for hundreds of years in the country (_op. cit._
II. p. 256).

[199] A. H. Keane, "Wadai," _Travel and Exploration_, July, 1910; and H.
H. Johnston, on Lieut. Boyd Alexander, _Geog. Journ._ same date.

[200] H. A. MacMichael has investigated the value of these racial claims
in the case of the Kababish and indicates the probable admixture of
Negro, Mediterranean, Hamite and other strains in the Sudanese Arabs. He
says, "Among the more settled tribes any important sheikh or faki can
produce a table of his ancestors (_i.e._ a _nisba_) in support of his
asseverations.... I asked a village sheikh if he could show me his
pedigree, as I did not know from which of the exalted sources his
particular tribe claimed descent. He replied that he did not know yet,
but that his village had subscribed 60 piastres the month before to hire
a faki to compose a _nisba_ for them, and that he would show me the
result when it was finished." "The Kababish: Some Remarks on the
Ethnology of a Sudan Arab Tribe," _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XL. 1910,
p. 216.

[201] See the Kababish types, Pl. XXXVII in C. G. Seligman's "Some
Aspects of the Hamitic Problem in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan," _Journ.
Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XLIII. 1913, but cf. also p. 626 and n. 2.

[202] "The Physical Characters of the Nuba of Kordofan," _Journ. Roy.
Anthr. Inst._ XL. 1910, "Some Aspects of the Hamitic Problem," etc.,
_tom. cit._ XLIII. 1913.

[203] See H. A. MacMichael, _The Tribes of Northern and Central
Kordofán_, 1912.

[204] Cf. A. W. Tucker and C. S. Myers, "A Contribution to the
Anthropology of the Sudan," _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XL. 1910, p. 149.

[205] This term, however, has by some authorities been identified with
the _Barabara_, one of the 113 tribes recorded in the inscription on a
gateway of Thutmes, by whom they were reduced about 1700 B.C. In a later
inscription of Rameses II at Karnak (1400 B.C.) occurs the form
_Beraberata_, name of a southern people conquered by him. Hence Brugsch
(_Reisebericht aus Ægypten_, pp. 127 and 155) is inclined to regard the
modern _Barabra_ as a true ethnical name confused in classical times
with the Greek and Roman _Barbarus_, but revived in its proper sense
since the Moslem conquest. See also the editorial note on the term
_Berber_, in the new English ed. of Leo Africanus, Vol. 1. p. 199.

[206] [Greek:'Ex aristerôn de ruseôs tou Neilou Noubai katoikousin en tê
Libuê, mega ethnos], etc. (Book XVII. p. 1117, Oxford ed. 1807). Sayce,
therefore, is quite wrong in stating that Strabo knew only of
"Ethiopians," and not Nubians, "as dwelling northward along the banks of
the Nile as far as Elephantiné" (_Academy_, April 14, 1894).

[207] _Nubische Grammatik_, 1881, _passim._

[208] B. Z. Seligman, "Note on the Languages of the Nubas of S.
Kordofan," _Zeitschr. f. Kol.-spr._ I. 1910-11; C. G. Seligman, "Some
Aspects of the Hamitic Problem," etc., _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XLIII.
1913, p. 621 ff.

[209] See A. H. Keane, _Man, Past and Present_, 1900, p. 74.

[210] C. G. Seligman, "The Physical Characters of the Nuba of Kordofan,"
_Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XL. 1910, p. 512, and "Some Aspects of the
Hamitic Problem," etc., _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XLIII. 1913,
_passim_.

[211] _Archaeological Survey of India_, Bull. III. p. 25.

[212] See note 1, p. 44.

[213] _Op. cit._ I. p. 263.

[214] _Travels in Africa_, Keane's English ed., Vol. III. p. 247.

[215] _Ibid._ p. 246.

[216] C. G. Seligman, Art. "Dinka," _Encyclopaedia of Religion and
Ethics._ See also the same author's "Cult of Nyakangano the Divine Kings
of the Shilluk," _Fourth Report Wellcome Research Lab. Khartoum_, Vol.
B, 1911, p. 216; S. L. Cummins, _Journ. Anthr. Inst._ XXXIV. 1904, and
H. O'Sullivan, "Dinka Laws and Customs," _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XL.
1910. Measurements of Dinka, Shilluk etc. are given by A. W. Tucker and
C. S. Myers, "A Contribution to the Anthropology of the Sudan," _Journ.
Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XL. 1910. G. A. S. Northcote, "The Nilotic
Kavirondo," _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XXXVI. 1907, describes an allied
people, the _Jaluo_.

[217] _Travels in Africa_, Keane's Eng. ed., III. p. 279. Thus the Bantu
_Ba_, _Wa_, _Ama_, etc., correspond to the _A_ of the Welle lands, as in
_A-Zandeh_, _A-Barmbo_, _A-Madi_, _A-Bangba_, _i.e._ Zandeh people,
Barmbo people, etc. Cf. also Kanem_bu_, Ti_bu_, Ful_be_, etc., where the
personal particle (_bu, be_) is postfixed. It would almost seem as if we
had here a transition between the northern Sudanese and the southern
Bantu groups in the very region where such transitions might be looked
for.

[218] Schweinfurth, _op. cit._ II. p. 93.

[219] G. Elliot Smith denies that cannibalism occurred in Ancient Egypt,
_The Ancient Egyptians_, 1911, p. 48.

[220] _Africa_, 1895, Vol. II. p. 58. In a carefully prepared monograph
on "Endocannibalismus," Vienna, 1896, Dr Rudolf S. Steinmetz brings
together a great body of evidence tending to show "dass eine hohe
Wahrscheinlichkeit dafür spricht den Endocannibalismus (indigenous
anthropophagy) als ständige Sitte der Urmenschen, sowie der niedrigen
Wilden anzunehmen" (pp. 59, 60). It is surprising to learn from the
ill-starred Bòttego-Grixoni expedition of 1892-3 that anthropophagy is
still rife even in Gallaland, and amongst the white ("floridi") Cormoso
Gallas. Like the Fans, these prefer the meat "high," and it would appear
that all the dead are eaten. Hence in their country Bòttego found no
graves, and one of his native guides explained that "questa gente
seppellisce i suoi cari nel ventre, invece che nella terra," _i.e._
these people bury their dear ones in their stomach instead of in the
ground. Vittorio Bòttego, _Viaggi di Scoperta_, etc. Rome, 1895.

[221] I. p. 245.

[222] II. p. 140.



CHAPTER IV

THE AFRICAN NEGRO: II. BANTUS--NEGRILLOES--BUSHMEN--HOTTENTOTS

    The Sudanese-Bantu Divide--Frontier Tribes--_The Bonjo Cannibals_--
    _The Baya Nation_--A "Red People"--The North-East Door to
    Bantuland--Semitic Elements of the Bantu Amalgam--Malay Elements
    in Madagascar only--Hamitic Element everywhere--_The Ba-Hima_--
    Pastoral and Agricultural Clans--The Bantus mainly a Negro-Hamitic
    Cross--Date of Bantu Migration--The _Lacustrians_--Their
    Traditions--The Kintu Legend--_The Ba-Ganda_, Past and Present--
    Political and Social Institutions--Totemic System--Bantu Peoples
    between Lake Victoria and the Coast--_The Wa-Giryama_--Primitive
    Ancestry-Worship--Mulungu--_The Wa-Swahili_--The Zang Empire--_The
    Zulu-Xosas_--Former and Present Domain--Patriarchal Institutions--
    Genealogies--Physical Type--Social Organisation--"Common Law"--
    _Ma-Shonas_ and _Ma-Kalakas_--The mythical Monomotapa Empire--The
    Zimbabwe Ruins--_The Be-Chuanas_--_The Ba-Rotse_ Empire--_The
    Ma-Kololo_ Episode--Spread of Christianity amongst the Southern
    Bantus--King Khama--_The Ova-Herero_--_Cattle and Hill Damaras_--
    _The Kongo People_--Old Kongo Empire--The Kongo Language--The
    Kongo Aborigines--Perverted Christian Doctrines--_The Kabindas_ and
    "_Black Jews_"--_The Ba-Shilange_ Bhang-smokers--_The Ba-Lolo_ "Men
    of Iron"--The West Equatorial Bantus--_Ba-Kalai_--_The Cannibal
    Fans_--Migrations, Type, Origin--_The Camerun Bantus_--
    Bantu-Sudanese Borderland--Early Bantu Migrations--Eastern
    Ancestry and Western Nature-worshippers--Conclusion--_Vaalpens_--
    _Strandloopers_--_Negrilloes_--Negrilloes at the Courts of the
    Pharaohs--Negrilloes and Pygmy Folklore--_The Dume_ and _Doko_
    reputed Dwarfs--_The Wandorobbo_ Hunters--_The Wochua_ Mimics--
    _The Bushmen and Hottentots_--Former and Present Range--_The
    Wa-Sandawi_--Hottentot Geographical Names in Bantuland--Hottentots
    disappearing--Bushman Folklore Literature--Bushman-Hottentot
    Language and Clicks--Bushman Mental Characters--Bushman Race-Names.


CONSPECTUS.

#Present Range.# Bantu: _S. Africa from the Sudanese frontier to the
Cape_; Negrillo: _West Equatorial and Congo forest zones_; Bush.-Hot.:
_Namaqualands_; _Kalahari_; _Lake Ngami and Orange basins_.

#Hair.# Bantu: _same as Sudanese, but often rather longer_; Negrillo:
_short, frizzly or crisp, rusty brown_; Bush.-Hot.: _much the same as
Sudanese, but tufty, simulating bald partings_. #Colour.# Bantu: _all
shades of dark brown, sometimes almost black_; Negrillo _and_
Bush.-Hot.: _yellowish brown_. #Skull.# Bantu: _generally dolicho, but
variable_; Negrillo: _almost uniformly mesati_; Bush.-Hot.: _dolicho_.
#Jaws.# Bantu: _moderately prognathous and even orthognathous_; Negrillo
_and_ Bush.-Hot.: _highly prognathous_. #Cheek-bones.# Bantu:
_moderately or not at all prominent_; Negrillo _and_ Bush.-Hot.: _very
prominent, often extremely so, forming a triangular face with apex at
chin_. #Nose.# Bantu: _variable, ranging from platyrrhine to
leptorrhine_; Negrillo _and_ Bush.-Hot.: _short, broad at base,
depressed at root, always platyrrhine_. #Eyes.# Bantu: _generally large,
black, and prominent, but also of regular Hamitic type_; Negrillo _and_
Bush.-Hot.: _rather small, deep brown and black_. #Stature.# Bantu:
tall, from 1.72 m. to 1.82 m. (5 ft. 8 in. to 6 ft.); Negrillo: _always
much under 1.52 m. (5 ft.), mean about 1.22 m. (4 ft.)_; Bushman:
_short, with rather wide range, from 1.42 m. to 1.57 m. (4 ft. 8 in. to
5 ft. 2 in.)_; Hot.: _undersized, mean 1.65 m. (5 ft. 5 in.)_.

#Temperament.# Bantu: _mainly like the Negroid Sudanese, far more
intelligent than the true Negro, equally cruel, but less fitful and more
trustworthy_; Negrillo: _bright, active and quick-witted, but vindictive
and treacherous, apparently not cruel to each other, but rather gentle
and kindly_; Bushman: _in all these respects very like the Negrillo, but
more intelligent_; Hot.: _rather dull and sluggish, but the full-blood
(Nama) much less so than the half-caste (Griqua) tribes_.

#Speech.# Bantu: _as absolutely uniform as the physical type is
variable, one stock language only, of the agglutinating order, with both
class prefixes, alliteration and postfixes_[223]; Negrillo: _unknown_;
Hot.: _agglutinating with postfixes only, with grammatical gender and
other remarkable features_; _of Hamitic origin_.

#Religion.# Bantu: _ancestor-worship mainly in the east, spirit-worship
mainly in the west, intermingling in the centre, with witchcraft and
gross superstitions everywhere_; Negrillo: _little known_; Bush.-Hot.:
_animism, nature-worship, and reverence for ancestors_; _among
Hottentots belief in supreme powers of good and evil_.

#Culture.# Bantu: _much lower than the Negroid Sudanese, but higher than
the true Negro_; _principally cattle rearers, practising simple
agriculture_; Negrillo and Bush.: _lowest grade, hunters_; Hot.:
_nomadic herdsmen_.


Main Divisions.

#Bantus#[224]: _Bonjo_; _Baya_; _Ba-Ganda_; _Ba-Nyoro_; _Wa-Pokomo_;
_Wa-Giryama_; _Wa-Swahili_; _Zulu-Xosa_; _Ma-Shona_; _Be-Chuana_;
_Ova-Herero_; _Eshi-Kongo_; _Ba-Shilange_; _Ba-Lolo_; _Ma-Nyema_;
_Ba-Kalai_; _Fan_; _Mpongwe_; _Dwala_; _Ba-Tanga_.

#Negrilloes#: _Akka_; _Wochua_; _Dume(?)_; _Wandorobbo(?)_; _Doko(?)_;
_Obongo_; _Wambutte (Ba-Mbute)_; _Ba-Twa_.

#Bushmen#: _Family groups_; _no known tribal names_.

#Hottentots#: _Wa-Sandawi (?)_; _Namaqua_; _Griqua_; _Gonaqua_;
_Koraqua_; _Hill Damaras_.

       *       *       *       *       *

In ethnology the only intelligible definition of a Bantu is a full-blood
or a half-blood Negro of Bantu speech[225]; and from the physical
standpoint no very hard and fast line can be drawn between the northern
Sudanese and southern Bantu groups, considered as two ethnical units.

Thanks to recent political developments in the interior, the linguistic
divide may now be traced with some accuracy right across the continent.
In the extreme west, Sir H. H. Johnston has shown that it coincides with
the lower course of the Rio del Rey, while farther east the French
expedition of 1891 under M. Dybowski found that it ran at about the same
parallel (5° N.) along the elevated plateau which here forms the
water-parting between the Congo and the Chad basin. From this point the
line takes a south-easterly trend along the southern borders of the
Zandeh and Mangbattu territories to the Semliki Valley between Lakes
Albert Edward and Albert Nyanza, near the equator. Thence it pursues a
somewhat irregular course, first north by the east side of the Albert
Nyanza to the mouth of the Somerset Nile, then up that river to Mruli
and round the east side of Usoga and the Victoria Nyanza to Kavirondo
Bay, where it turns nearly east to the sources of the Tana, and down
that river to its mouth in the Indian Ocean.

At some points the line traverses debatable territory, as in the Semliki
Valley, where there are Sudanese and Negrillo overlappings, and again
beyond Victoria Nyanza, where the frontiers are broken by the Hamitic
Masai nomads and their Wandorobbo allies. But, speaking generally,
everything south of the line here traced is Bantu, everything north of
it Sudanese Negro in the western and central regions, and Hamitic in the
eastern section between Victoria Nyanza and the Indian Ocean.

In some districts the demarcation is not quite distinct, as in the Tana
basin, where some of the Galla and Somali Hamites from the north have
encroached on the territory of the Wa-Pokomo Bantus on the south side of
the river. But on the central plateau M. Dybowski passed abruptly from
the territory of the Bonjos, northernmost of the Bantu tribes, to that
of the Sudanese Bandziri, a branch of the widespread Zandeh people. In
this region, about the crest of the Congo-Chad water-parting, the
contrasts appear to be all in favour of the Sudanese and against the
Bantus, probably because here the former are Negroids, the latter
full-blood Negroes. Thus Dybowski[226] found the Bonjos to be a
distinctly Negro tribe with pronounced prognathism, and altogether a
rude, savage people, trading chiefly in slaves, who are fattened for the
meat market, and when in good condition will fetch about twelve
shillings. On the other hand the Bandziri, despite their Niam-Niam
connection, are not cannibals, but a peaceful, agricultural people,
friendly to travellers, and of a coppery-brown complexion, with regular
features, hence perhaps akin to the light-coloured people met by Barth
in the Mosgu country.

Possibly the Bonjos may be a degraded branch of the _Bayas_ or
_Nderes_, a large nation, with many subdivisions widely diffused
throughout the Sangha basin, where they occupy the whole space between
the Kadei and the Mambere affluents of the main stream (3° to 7° 30' N.;
14° to 17° E.). They are described by M. F. J. Clozel[227] as of tall
stature, muscular, well-proportioned, with flat nose, slightly tumid
lips, and of black colour, but with a dash of copper-red in the upper
classes. Although cannibals, like the Bonjos, they are in other respects
an intelligent, friendly people, who, under the influence of the
Muhammadan Fulahs, have developed a complete political administration,
with a Royal Court, a Chancellor, Speaker, Interpreter, and other
officials, bearing sonorous titles taken chiefly from the Hausa
language. Their own Bantu tongue is widespread and spoken with slight
dialectic differences as far as the Nana affluents.

M. Clozel, who regards them as mentally and morally superior to most of
the Middle and Lower Congo tribes, tells us that the Bayas, that is, the
"Red People," came at an unknown period from the east, "yielding to that
great movement of migration by which the African populations are
continually impelled westwards." The Yangere section were still on the
move some twelve years ago, but the general migration has since been
arrested by the Fulahs of Adamawa. Human flesh is now interdicted to the
women; they have domesticated the sheep, goat, and dog, and believe in a
supreme being called _So_, whose powers are manifested in the dense
woodlands, while minor deities preside over the village and the hut,
that is, the whole community and each separate family group. Thus both
their religious and political systems present a certain completeness,
which recalls those prevalent amongst the semi-civilised peoples of the
equatorial lake region, and is evidently due to the same cause--long
contact or association with a race of higher culture and intelligence.

In order to understand all these relations, as well as the general
constitution of the Bantu populations, we have to consider that the
already-described Black Zone, running from the Atlantic seaboard
eastwards, has for countless generations been almost everywhere
arrested north of the equator by the White Nile. Probably since the
close of the Old Stone Age the whole of the region between the main
stream and the Red Sea, and from the equator north to the Mediterranean,
has formed an integral part of the Hamitic domain, encroached upon in
prehistoric times by Semites and others in Egypt and Abyssinia, and in
historic times chiefly by Semites (Arabs) in Egypt, Upper Nubia, Senaar,
and Somaliland. Between this region and Africa south of the equator
there are no serious physical obstructions of any kind, whereas farther
west the Hamitic Saharan nomads were everywhere barred access to the
south by the broad, thickly-peopled plateaux of the Sudanese Black Zone.
All encroachments on this side necessarily resulted in absorption in the
multitudinous Negro populations of Central Sudan, with the modifications
of the physical and mental characters which are now presented by the
Kanuri, Hausas, Songhai and other Negroid nations of that region, and
are at present actually in progress amongst the conquering Fulah Hamites
scattered in small dominant groups over a great part of Sudan from
Senegambia to Wadai.

It follows that the leavening element, by which the southern Negro
populations have been diversely modified throughout the Bantu lands,
could have been drawn only from the Hamitic and Semitic peoples of the
north-east. But in this connection the Semites themselves must be
considered as almost _une quantité négligeable_, partly because of their
relatively later arrival from Asia, and partly because, as they arrived,
they became largely assimilated to the indigenous Hamitic inhabitants of
Egypt, Abyssinia, and Somaliland. Belief in the presence of a Semitic
people in the interior of S.E. Africa in early historic times was
supported by the groups of ruins (especially those of Zimbabwe), found
mainly in Southern Rhodesia, described in J. T. Bent's _Ruined Cities of
Mashonaland_. Exploration in 1905 dispelled the romance hitherto
connected with the "temples" and produced evidence to show that they
were not earlier in date than the fourteenth or fifteenth centuries and
were of native construction[228]. They probably served as distributing
centres for the gold traffic carried on with the Semitic traders of the
coast. For certainly in Muhammadan times Semites from Arabia formed
permanent settlements along the eastern seaboard as far south as Sofala,
and these intermingled more freely with the converted coast peoples
(_Wa-Swahili_, from _sahel_ = "coast"), but not with the _Kafirs_, or
"Unbelievers," farther south and in the interior. In our own days these
Swahili half-breeds, with a limited number of full-blood Arabs[229],
have penetrated beyond the Great Lakes to the Upper and Middle Congo
basin, but rather as slave-hunters and destroyers than as peaceful
settlers, and contracting few alliances, except perhaps amongst the
Wa-Yao and Ma-Gwangara tribes of Mozambique, and the cannibal Ma-Nyemas
farther inland.

To this extent Semitism may be recognised as a factor in the constituent
elements of the Bantu populations. Malays have also been mentioned, and
some ethnologists have even brought the Fulahs of Western Sudan all the
way from Malaysia. Certainly if they reached and formed settlements in
Madagascar, there is no intrinsic reason why they should not have done
the same on the mainland. But I have failed to find any evidence of the
fact, and if they ever at any time established themselves on the east
coast they have long disappeared, without leaving any clear trace of
their presence either in the physical appearance, speech, usages or
industries of the aborigines, such as are everywhere conspicuous in
Madagascar. The small canoes with two booms and double outriggers which
occur at least from Mombasa to Mozambique are of Indonesian origin, as
are the fish traps that occur at Mombasa.

There remain the north-eastern Hamites, and especially the Galla branch,
as the essential extraneous factor in this obscure Bantu problem. To the
stream of migration described by M. Clozel as setting east and west,
corresponds another and an older stream, which ages ago took a southerly
direction along the eastern seaboard to the extremity of the continent,
where are now settled the Zulu-Xosa nations, almost more Hamites than
Negroes.

The impulse to two such divergent movements could have come only from
the north-east, where we still find the same tendencies in actual
operation. During his exploration of the east equatorial lands, Capt.
Speke had already observed that the rulers of the Bantu nations about
the Great Lakes (Karagwe, Ba-Ganda, Ba-Nyoro, etc.) all belonged to the
same race, known by the name of _Ba-Hima_, that is, "Northmen," a
pastoral people of fine appearance, who were evidently of Galla stock,
and had come originally from Gallaland. Since then Schuver found that
the Negroes of the Afilo country are governed by a Galla
aristocracy[230], and we now know that several Ba-hima communities
bearing different names live interspersed amongst the mixed Bantu
nations of the lacustrian plateaux as far south as Lake Tanganyika and
Unyamweziland[231]. Here the Wa-Tusi, Wa-Hha, and Wa-Ruanda are or were
all of the same Hamitic type, and M. Lionel Dècle "was very much struck
by the extraordinary difference that is to be found between them and
their Bantu neighbours[232]." Then this observer adds: "Pure types are
not common, and are only to be found amongst the aristocracy, if I may
use such an expression for Africans. The mass of the people have lost
their original type through intermixture with neighbouring tribes."

J. Roscoe[233] thus describes the inhabitants of Ankole. "The pastoral
people are commonly called Bahima, though they prefer to be called
Banyankole; they are a tall fine race though physically not very strong.
Many of them are over six feet in height, their young king being six
feet six inches and broad in proportion to his height.... It is not only
the men who are so tall, the women also being above the usual stature of
their sex among other tribes, though they do injustice to their height
by a fashionable stoop which makes them appear much shorter than they
really are. The features of these pastoral people are good: they have
straight noses with a bridge, thin lips, finely chiselled faces, heads
well set on fairly developed frames, and a good carriage; there is in
fact nothing but their colour and their short woolly hair to make you
think of them as negroids."

The contrast and the relationship between the pastoral conquerors and
the agricultural tribes is clearly seen among the Ba-Nyoro. "The
pastoral people are a tall, well-built race of men and women with finely
cut features, many of them over six feet in height. The men are athletic
with little spare flesh, but the women are frequently very fat and
corpulent: indeed their ideal of beauty is obesity, and their milk diet
together with their careful avoidance of exercise tends to increase
their size. The agricultural clans, on the other hand, are short,
ill-favoured looking men and women with broad noses of the negro type,
lean and unkempt. Both classes are dark, varying in shade from a light
brown to deep black, with short woolly hair. The pastoral people
refrain, as far as possible, from all manual labour and expect the
agricultural clans to do their menial work for them, such as building
their houses, carrying firewood and water, and supplying them with grain
and beer for their households." "Careful observation and enquiry lead to
the opinion that the agricultural clans were the original inhabitants
and that they were conquered by the pastoral people who have reduced
them to their present servile condition[234]."

From these indications and many others that might easily be adduced, it
may be concluded with some confidence that the great mass of the Bantu
populations are essentially Negroes, leavened in diverse proportions,
for the most part by conquering Galla or Hamitic elements percolating
for thousands of generations from the north-eastern section of the
Hamitic domain into the heart of Bantuland.

The date of the Bantu migrations is much disputed. "As far as linguistic
evidence goes," says H. H. Johnston[235], "the ancestors of the Bantu
dwelt in some region like the Bahr-al-Ghazal, not far from the Mountain
Nile on the east, from Kordofan on the north, or the Benue and Chad
basins on the west. Their first great movement of expansion seems to
have been eastward, and to have established them (possibly with a
guiding aristocracy of Hamitic origin) in the region between Mount
Elgon, the Northern Victoria Nyanza, Tanganyika, and the Congo Forest.
At some such period as about 300 B.C. their far-reaching invasion of
Central and South Africa seems to have begun." The date is fixed by the
date of the introduction of the fowl from Nile-land, since the root word
for fowl is the same almost throughout Bantu Africa, "obviously related
to the Persian words for fowl, yet quite unrelated to the Semitic terms,
or to those used by the Kushites of Eastern Africa." F. Stuhlmann, on
the contrary, places the migrations practically in geological times.
After bringing the Sudan Negroes from South Asia at the end of the
Tertiary or beginning of the Pleistocene (_Pluvialperiod_), and the
Proto-Hamites from a region probably somewhat further to the north and
west of the former, he continues: From the mingling of the Negroes and
the Proto-Hamites were formed, probably in East Africa, the Bantu
languages and the Bantu peoples, who wandered thence south and west. The
wanderings began in the latter part of the Pleistocene period[236]. He
quotes Th. Arldt, who with greater precision places the occupation of
Africa by the Negroes in the Riss period (300,000 years ago) and that of
the Hamites in the Mousterian period (30,000 to 50,000 years ago)[237].

All these peoples resulting from the crossings of Negroes with Hamites
now speak various forms of the same organic Bantu mother-tongue. But
this linguistic uniformity is strictly analogous to that now prevailing
amongst the multifarious peoples of Aryan speech in Eurasia, and is due
to analogous causes--the diffusion in extremely remote times of a mixed
Hamito-Negro people of Bantu speech in Africa south of the equator. It
might perhaps be objected that the present Ba-Hima pastors are of
Hamitic speech, because we know from Stanley that the late king M'tesa
of Buganda was proud of his Galla ancestors, whose language he still
spoke as his mother-tongue. But he also spoke Luganda, and every echo
of Galla speech has already died out amongst most of the Ba-Hima
communities in the equatorial regions. So it was with what I may call
the "Proto-Ba-Himas," the first conquering Galla tribes, Schuver's and
Dècle's "aristocracy," who were gradually blended with the aborigines in
a new and superior nationality of Bantu speech, because "there are many
mixed races, ... but there are no mixed languages[238]."

These views are confirmed by the traditions and folklore still current
amongst the "Lacustrians," as the great nations may be called, who are
now grouped round about the shores of Lakes Victoria and Albert Nyanza.
At present, or rather before the recent extension of the British
administration to East Central Africa, these peoples were constituted in
a number of separate kingdoms, the most powerful of which were Buganda
(Uganda)[239], Bunyoro (Unyoro), and Karagwe. But they remember a time
when all these now scattered fragments formed parts of a mighty
monarchy, the vast Kitwara Empire, which comprised the whole of the
lake-studded plateau between the Ruwenzori range and Kavirondoland.

The story is differently told in the different states, each nation being
eager to twist it to its own glorification; but all are agreed that the
founder of the empire was Kintu, "The Blameless," at once priest,
patriarch and ruler of the land, who came from the north hundreds of
years ago, with one wife, one cow, one goat, one sheep, one chicken, one
banana-root, and one sweet potato. At first all was waste, an
uninhabited wilderness, but it was soon miraculously peopled, stocked,
and planted with what he had brought with him, the potato being
apportioned to Bunyoro, the banana to Buganda, and these form the staple
food of those lands to this day.

Then the people waxed wicked, and Kintu, weary of their evil ways and
daily bloodshed, took the original wife, cow, and other things, and went
away in the night and was seen no more. But nobody believed him dead,
and a long line of his mythical successors appear to have spent the time
they could spare from strife and war and evil deeds in looking for the
lost Kintu. Kimera, one of these, was a mighty giant of such strength
and weight that he left his footprints on the rocks where he trod, as
may still be seen on a cliff not far from Ulagalla, the old capital of
Buganda. There was also a magician, Kibaga, who could fly aloft and kill
the Ba-Nyoro people (this is the Buganda version) by hurling stones down
upon them, and for his services received in marriage a beautiful
Ba-Nyoro captive, who, another Delilah, found out his secret, and
betrayed him to her people.

At last came King Ma'anda, who pretended to be a great hunter, but it
was only to roam the woodlands in search of Kintu, and thus have tidings
of him. One day a peasant, obeying the directions of a thrice-dreamt
dream, came to a place in the forest, where was an aged man on a throne
between two rows of armed warriors, seated on mats, his long beard white
with age, and all his men fair as white people and clothed in white
robes. Then Kintu, for it was he, bid the peasant hasten to summon
Ma'anda thither, but only with his mother and the messenger. At the
Court Ma'anda recognised the stranger whom he had that very night seen
in a dream, and so believed his words and at once set out with his
mother and the peasant. But the Katikiro, or Prime Minister, through
whom the message had been delivered to the king, fearing treachery, also
started on their track, keeping them just in view till the
trysting-place was reached. But Kintu, who knew everything, saw him all
the time, and when he came forward on finding himself discovered the
enraged Ma'anda pierced his faithful minister to the heart and he fell
dead with a shriek. Thereupon Kintu and his seated warriors instantly
vanished, and the king with the others wept and cried upon Kintu till
the deep woods echoed Kintu, Kintu-u, Kintu-u-u. But the blood-hating
Kintu was gone, and to this day has never again been seen or heard of by
any man in Buganda. The references to the north and to Kintu and his
ghostly warriors "fair as white people" need no comment[240]. It is
noteworthy that in some of the Nyassaland dialects _Kintu_ (_Caintu_)
alternates with _Mulungu_ as the name of the Supreme Being, the great
ancestor of the tribe[241].

Then follows more traditional or legendary matter, including an account
of the wars with the fierce Wakedi, who wore iron armour, until
authentic history is reached with the atrocious Suna II (1836-60),
father of the scarcely less atrocious M'tesa. After his death in 1884
Buganda and the neighbouring states passed rapidly through a series of
astonishing political, religious, and social vicissitudes, resulting in
the present _pax Britannica_, and the conversion of large numbers, some
to Islám, others to one form or another of Christianity. At times it
might have been difficult to see much religion in the ferocity of the
contending factions; but since the establishment of harmony by the
secular arm, real progress has been made, and the Ba-Ganda especially
have displayed a remarkable capacity as well as eagerness to acquire a
knowledge of letters and of religious principles, both in the Protestant
and the Roman Catholic communities. Printing-presses, busily worked by
native hands, are needed to meet the steadily increasing demand for a
vernacular literature, in a region where blood had flowed continually
from the disappearance of "Kintu" till the British occupation.

To the admixture of the Hamitic and Negro elements amongst the
Lacustrians may perhaps be attributed the curious blend of primitive and
higher institutions in these communities. At the head of the State was a
Kabaka, king or emperor, although the title was also borne by the
queen-mother and the queen-sister. This autocrat had his _Lukiko_, or
Council, of which the members were the _Katikiro_, Prime Minister and
Chief Justice, the _Kimbugwe_, who had charge of the King's umbilical
cord, and held rank next to the _Katikiro_, and ten District chiefs, for
the administration of the ten large districts into which the country was
divided, each rendering accounts to the _Katikiro_ and through him to
the King. Each District chief had to maintain in good order a road some
four yards wide, reaching from the capital to his country seat, a
distance possibly of nearly 100 miles. Each District chief had
sub-chiefs under him, independent of the chief in managing their own
portion of land. These were responsible for keeping in repair the road
between their own residence and that of the District chief. In each
district was a supreme court, and every sub-chief, even with only a
dozen followers, could hold a court and try cases among his own people.
The people, however, could take their cases from one court to another
until eventually they came before the _Katikiro_ or the King.

Yet together with this highly advanced social and political development
a totemic exogamous clan system was in force throughout Uganda, all the
Ba-Ganda belonging to one of 29 _kika_ or clans, each possessing two
totems held sacred by the clan. Thus the Lion (_Mpologoma_) clan had the
Eagle (_Mpungu_) for its second totem; the Mushroom (_Butiko_) clan had
the Snail (_Nsonko_); the Buffalo (_Mbogo_) clan had a New Cooking Pot
(_Ntamu_). Each clan had its chief, or Father, who resided on the clan
estate which was also the clan burial-ground, and was responsible for
the conduct of the members of his branch. All the clans were
exogamous[242], and a man was expected to take a second wife from the
clan of his paternal grandmother[243].

No direct relations appear to exist between the Lacustrians and the
_Wa-Kikuyu_, _Wa-Kamba_, _Wa-Pokomo_, Wa-Gweno, _Wa-Chaga_, _Wa-Teita_,
_Wa-Taveita_, and others[244], who occupy the region east of Victoria
Nyanza, between the Tana, north-east frontier of Bantuland, and the
southern slopes of Kilimanjaro. Their affinities seem to be rather with
the _Wa-Nyika_, _Wa-Boni_, _Wa-Duruma_, _Wa-Giryama_, and the other
coast tribes between the Tana and Mombasa. All of these tribes have more
or less adopted the habits and customs of the Masai.

We learn from Sir A. Harding[245] that in the British East African
Protectorate there are altogether as many as twenty-five distinct
tribes, generally at a low stage of culture, with a loose tribal
organisation, a fully-developed totemic system, and a universal faith in
magic; but there are no priests, idols or temples, or even distinctly
recognised hereditary chiefs or communal councils. The Gallas, who have
crossed the Tana and here encroached on Bantu territory, have
reminiscences of a higher civilisation and apparently of Christian
traditions and observances, derived no doubt from Abyssinia. They tell
you that they had once a sacred book, the observance of whose precepts
made them the first of nations. But it was left lying about, and so got
eaten by a cow, and since then when cows are killed their entrails are
carefully searched for the lost volume.

Exceptional interest attaches to the Wa-Giryama, who are the chief
people between Mombasa and Melindi, the first trustworthy accounts of
whom were contributed by W. E. Taylor[246], and W. W. A.
Fitzgerald[247]. Here again Bantus and Gallas are found in close
contact, and we learn that the Wa-Giryama, who came originally from the
Mount Mangea district in the north-east, occupied their present homes
only about a century ago "upon the withdrawal of the Gallas." The
language, which is of a somewhat archaic type, appears to be the chief
member of a widespread Bantu group, embracing the Ki-nyika, and
Ki-pokomo in the extreme north, the Ki-swahili of the Zanzibar coast,
and perhaps the Ki-kamba, the Ki-teita, and others of the interior
between the coastlands and Victoria Nyanza. These inland tongues,
however, have greatly diverged from the primitive Ki-giryama[248], which
stands in somewhat the same relation to them and to the still more
degraded and Arabised Ki-swahili[249] that Latin stands to the Romance
languages.

But the chief interest presented by the Wa-Giryama is centred in their
religious ideas, which are mainly connected with ancestry-worship, and
afford an unexpected insight into the origin and nature of that perhaps
most primitive of all forms of belief. There is, of course, a vague
entity called a "Supreme Being" in ethnographic writings, who, like the
Algonquian Manitu, crops up under various names (here _Mulungu_) all
over east Bantuland, but on analysis generally resolves itself into some
dim notion growing out of ancestry-worship, a great or aged person,
eponymous hero or the like, later deified in diverse ways as the
Preserver, the Disposer, and especially the Creator. These Wa-Giryama
suppose that from his union with the Earth all things have sprung, and
that human beings are Mulungu's hens and chickens. But there is also an
idea that he may be the manes of their fathers, and thus everything
becomes merged in a kind of apotheosis of the departed. They think "the
disembodied spirit is powerful for good and evil. Individuals worship
the shades of their immediate ancestors or elder relatives; and the
_k'omas_ [souls?] of the whole nation are worshipped on public
occasions."

Although the European ghost or "revenant" is unknown, the spirits of
near ancestors may appear in dreams, and express their wishes to the
living. They ask for sacrifices at their graves to appease their hunger,
and such sacrifices are often made with a little flour and water poured
into a coconut shell let into the ground, the fowls and other victims
being so killed that the blood shall trickle into the grave. At the
offering the dead are called on by name to come and partake, and bring
their friends with them, who are also mentioned by name. But whereas
Christians pray to be remembered of heaven and the saints, the
Wa-Giryama pray rather that the new-born babe be forgotten of Mulungu,
and so live. "Well!" they will say on the news of a birth, "may Mulungu
forget him that he may become strong and well." This is an instructive
trait, a reminiscence of the time when Mulungu, now almost harmless or
indifferent to mundane things, was the embodiment of all evil, hence to
be feared and appeased in accordance with the old dictum _Timor fecit
deos_.

At present no distinction is drawn between good and bad spirits, but all
are looked upon as, of course, often, though not always, more powerful
than the living, but still human beings subject to the same feelings,
passions, and fancies as they are. Some are even poor weaklings on whom
offerings are wasted. "The Shade of So-and-so's father is of no use at
all; it has finished up his property, and yet he is no better," was a
native's comment on the result of a series of sacrifices a man had
vainly made to his father's shade to regain his health. They may also be
duped and tricked, and when _pombe_ (beer) is a-brewing, some is poured
out on the graves of the dead, with the prayer that they may drink, and
when drunk fall asleep, and so not disturb the living with their brawls
and bickerings, just like the wrangling fairies in _A Midsummer Night's
Dream_[250].

Far removed from such crass anthropomorphism, but not morally much
improved, are the kindred Wa-Swahili, who by long contact and
interminglings have become largely Arabised in dress, religion, and
general culture. They are graphically described by Taylor as "a
seafaring, barter-loving race of slave-holders and slave-traders, strewn
in a thin line along a thousand miles of creeks and islands; inhabitants
of a coast that has witnessed incessant political changes, and a
succession of monarchical dynasties in various centres; receiving into
their midst for ages past a continuous stream of strange blood,
consisting not only of serviles from the interior, but of immigrants
from Persia, Arabia, and Western India; men that have come to live, and
often to die, as resident aliens, leaving in many cases a hybrid
progeny. Of one section of these immigrants--the Arabs--the religion has
become the master-religion of the land, overspreading, if not entirely
supplanting, the old Bantu ancestor-worship, and profoundly affecting
the whole family life."

The Wa-Swahili are in a sense a historical people, for they formed the
chief constituent elements of the renowned Zang (Zeng) empire[251],
which in Edrisi's time (twelfth century) stretched along the seaboard
from Somaliland to and beyond the Zambesi. When the Portuguese burst
suddenly into the Indian Ocean it was a great and powerful state,
or rather a vast confederacy of states, with many flourishing
cities--Magdoshu, Brava, Mombasa, Melindi, Kilwa, Angosha, Sofala--and
widespread commercial relations extending across the eastern waters
to India and China, and up the Red Sea to Europe. How these great
centres of trade and eastern culture were one after the other
ruthlessly destroyed by the Portuguese corsairs _co' o ferro e fogo_
("with sword and fire," Camoens) is told by Duarte Barbosa, who was
himself a Portuguese and an eyewitness of the havoc and the horrors
that not infrequently followed in the trail of his barbarous
fellow-countrymen[252].

Beyond Sofala we enter the domain of the _Ama-Zulu_, the _Ama-Xosa_, and
others whom I have collectively called _Zulu-Xosas_[253], and who are in
some respects the most remarkable ethnical group in all Bantuland.
Indeed they are by common consent regarded as Bantus in a preeminent
sense, and this conventional term _Bantu_ itself is taken from their
typical Bantu language[254]. There is clear evidence that they are
comparatively recent arrivals, necessarily from the north, in their
present territory, which was still occupied by Bushman and Hottentot
tribes probably within the last thousand years or so. Before the Kafir
wars with the English (1811-77) this territory extended much farther
round the coast than at present, and for many years the Great Kei River
has formed the frontier between the white settlements and the Xosas.

But what they have lost in this direction the Zulu-Xosas, or at least
the Zulus, have recovered a hundredfold by their expansion northwards
during the nineteenth century. After the establishment of the Zulu
military power under Dingiswayo and his successor Chaka (1793-1828),
half the continent was overrun by organised Zulu hordes, who ranged as
far north as Victoria Nyanza, and in many places founded more or less
unstable kingdoms or chieftaincies on the model of the terrible
despotism set up in Zululand. Such were, beyond the Limpopo, the states
of Gazaland and Matabililand, the latter established about 1838 by
Umsilikatzi, father of Lobengula, who perished in a hopeless struggle
with the English in 1894. Gungunhana, last of the Swazi (Zulu) chiefs in
Gazaland, where the A-Ngoni had overrun the Ba-Thonga (Ba-Ronga)[255],
was similarly dispossessed by the Portuguese in 1896.

North of Zambesi the Zulu bands--Ma-Situ, Ma-Viti, Ma-Ngoni (A-Ngoni),
and others--nowhere developed large political states except for a short
time under the ubiquitous Mirambo in Unyamweziland. But some, especially
the A-Ngoni[256], were long troublesome in the Nyasa district, and
others about the Lower Zambesi, where they are known to the Portuguese
as "Landins." The A-Ngoni power was finally broken by the English early
in 1898, and the reflux movement has now entirely subsided, and cannot
be revived, the disturbing elements having been extinguished at the
fountain-head by the absorption of Zululand itself in the British Colony
of Natal (1895).

Nowhere have patriarchal institutions been more highly developed than
among the Zulu-Xosas, all of whom, except perhaps the Ama-Fingus and
some other broken groups, claim direct descent from some eponymous hero
or mythical founder of the tribe. Thus in the national traditions Chaka
was seventh in descent from a legendary chief Zulu, from whom they take
the name of _Abantu ba-Kwa-Zulu_, that is "People of Zulu's Land,"
although the true mother-tribe appear to have been the now extinct
Ama-Ntombela. Once the supremacy and prestige of Chaka's tribe were
established, all the others, as they were successively reduced, claimed
also to be true Zulus, and as the same process went on in the far north,
the term Zulu has now in many cases come to imply political rather than
blood relationship. Here we have an object lesson, by which the ethnical
value of such names as "Aryan," "Kelt," "Briton," "Slav," etc. may be
gauged in other regions.

So also most of the southern section claim as their founder and ancestor
a certain _Xosa_, sprung from Zuide, who may have flourished about 1500,
and whom the Ama-Tembus and Ama-Mpondos also regard as their progenitor.
Thus the whole section is connected, but not in the direct line, with
the Xosas, who trace their lineage from Galeka and Khakhabe, sons of
Palo, who is said to have died about 1780, and was himself tenth in
direct descent from Xosa. We thus get a genealogical table as under,
which gives his proper place in the Family Tree to nearly every
historical "Kafir" chief in Cape Colony, where ignorance of these
relations caused much bloodshed during the early Kafir wars:

                             Zuide (1500?)
        _______________________/\________________________
       /                                                 \
     Tembu                   Xosa (1530?)               Mpondo
       |                        |                  _______|_______
   Ama-Tembus                Palo (1780?)         /               \
  (Tembookies)  ________________|______________   Mpondumisi (Mpondos)
               /                               \
            Galeka                          Khakhabe
               |               _________________|________________
            Klanta            /                                  \
               |            Omlao             Mbalu          Ndhlambe
            Hinza             |                 |            \______/
               |            Gika (ob. 1828)   Gwali              |
            Kreli             |                 |          Ama-Ndhlambes
          \________/          |                 |           (Tslambies)
               |            Macomo            Velelo
          Ama-Galekas         |                 |
                            Sandili           Baxa
                          \________/        \________/
                              |                 |
                          Ama-Gaikas        Ama-Mbalus

But all, both northern Zulus and southern Xosas, are essentially one
people in speech, physique, usages and social institutions. The hair is
uniformly of a somewhat frizzly texture, the colour of a light or clear
brown amongst the Ama-Tembus, but elsewhere very dark, the Swazis being
almost "blue-black"; the head decidedly long (72.5) and high (195.8);
nose variable, both Negroid and perfectly regular; height above the mean
1.75 m. to 1.8 m. (5 ft. 9 in. to 5 ft. 11 in.); figure shapely and
muscular, though Fritsch's measurements show that it is sometimes far
from the almost ideal standard of beauty with which some early observers
have credited them.

Mentally the Zulu-Xosas stand much higher than the true Negro, as shown
especially in their political organisation, which, before the
development of Dingiswayo's military system under European influences,
was a kind of patriarchal monarchy controlled by a powerful aristocracy.
The nation was grouped in tribes connected by the ties of blood and
ruled by the hereditary _inkose_, or feudal chief, who was supreme, with
power of life and death, within his own jurisdiction. Against his
mandates, however, the nobles could protest in council, and it was in
fact their decisions that established precedents and the traditional
code of common law. "This common law is well adapted to a people in a
rude state of society. It holds everyone accused of crime guilty unless
he can prove himself innocent; it makes the head of the family
responsible for the conduct of all its branches, the village
collectively for all resident in it, and the clan for each of its
villages. For the administration of the law there are courts of various
grades, from any of which an appeal may be taken to the Supreme Council,
presided over by the paramount chief, who is not only the ruler but also
the father of the people[257]."

In the interior, between the southern coast ranges and the Zambesi, the
Hottentot and Bushman aborigines were in prehistoric ages almost
everywhere displaced or reduced to servitude by other Bantu peoples such
as the Ma-Kalakas and Ma-Shonas, the Be-Chuanas and the kindred
Ba-Sutos. Of these the first arrivals (from the north) appear to have
been the Ma-Shonas and Ma-Kalakas, who were being slowly "eaten up" by
the Ma-Tabili when the process was arrested by the timely intervention
of the English in Rhodesia.

Both nations are industrious tillers of the soil, skilled in metal-work
and in mining operations, being probably the direct descendants of the
natives, whose great chief _Monomotapa_, _i.e._ "Lord of the Mines," as
I interpret the word[258], ruled over the Manica and surrounding
auriferous districts when the Portuguese first reached Sofala early in
the sixteenth century. Apparently for political reasons[259] this
Monomotapa was later transformed by them from a monarch to a monarchy,
the vast empire of Monomotapaland, which was supposed to comprise pretty
well everything south of the Zambesi, but, having no existence, has for
the last two hundred years eluded the diligent search of historical
geographers.

But some centuries before the arrival of the Portuguese the Ma-Kalakas
with the kindred Ba-Nyai, Ba-Senga and others, may well have been at
work in the mines of this auriferous region, in the service of the
builders of the Zimbabwe ruins explored and described by the late
Theodore Bent[260], and by him and many others attributed to some
ancient cultured people of South Arabia. This theory of prehistoric
Oriental origin was supported by a calculation of the orientation of the
Zimbabwe "temple," by reports of inscriptions and emblems suggesting
"Phoenician rites," and by the discovery, during excavation, of foreign
objects. Later investigation, however, showed that the orientation was
based on inexact measurements; no authentic inscriptions were found
either at Zimbabwe or elsewhere in connection with the ruins; none of
the objects discovered in the course of the excavations could be
recognised as more than a few centuries old, while those that were not
demonstrably foreign imports were of African type. In 1905 a scientific
exploration of the ruins placed these facts beyond dispute. The
medieval objects were found in such positions as to be necessarily
contemporaneous with the foundation of the buildings, all of which could
be attributed to the same period. Finally it was established that the
plan and construction of Zimbabwe instead of being unique, as was
formerly supposed, only differed from other Rhodesian ruins in
dimensions and extent. The explorers felt confident that the buildings
were not earlier than the fourteenth or fifteenth century A.D., and that
the builders were the Bantu people, remains of whose stone-faced kraals
are found at so many places between the Limpopo and the Zambesi. Their
conclusions, however, have not met with universal acceptance[261].

With the Be-Chuanas, whose territory extends from the Orange river to
Lake Ngami and includes Basutoland with a great part of the Transvaal,
we again meet a people at the totemic stage of culture. Here the
eponymous heroes of the Zulu-Xosas are replaced by baboons, fishes,
elephants, and other animals from which the various tribal groups claim
descent. The animal in question is called the _siboko_ of the tribe and
is held in especial reverence, members (as a rule) refraining from
killing or eating it. Many tribes take their name from their _siboko_,
thus the Ba-Tlapin, "they of the fish," Ba-Kuena, "they of the
crocodile." The _siboko_ of the Ba-Rolong, who as a tribe are
accomplished smiths, is not an animal, but the metal iron[262].

With a section of the great Be-Chuana family, the Ba-Suto, and the
Ba-Rotse is connected one of the most remarkable episodes in the
turbulent history of the South African peoples during the nineteenth
century. Many years ago an offshoot of the Ba-Rotse migrated to the
Middle Zambesi above the Victoria Falls, where they founded a powerful
state, the "Barotse (Marotse) Empire," which despite a temporary eclipse
still exists as a British protectorate. The eclipse was caused by
another migration northwards of a great body of Ma-Kololo, a branch of
the Ba-Suto, who under the renowned chief Sebituane reached the Zambesi
about 1835 and overthrew the Barotse dynasty, reducing the natives to a
state of servitude.

But after the death of Sebituane's successor, Livingstone's Sekeletu,
the Ba-Rotse, taking advantage of their oppressors' dynastic rivalries,
suddenly revolted, and after exterminating the Ma-Kololo almost to the
last man, reconstituted the empire on a stronger footing than ever. It
now comprises an area of some 250,000 square miles between the Chobe and
the Kafukwe affluents[263], with a population vaguely estimated at over
1,000,000, including the savage Ba-Shukulumbwe tribes of the Kafukwe
basin reduced in 1891[264].

Yet, short as was the Ma-Kololo rule (1835-70), it was long enough to
impose their language on the vanquished Ba-Rotse[265]. Hence the curious
phenomenon now witnessed about the Middle Zambesi, where the Ma-Kololo
have disappeared, while their Sesuto speech remains the common medium of
intercourse throughout the Barotse empire. How often have analogous
shiftings and dislocations taken place in the course of ages in other
parts of the world! And in the light of such lessons how cautious
ethnographists should be in arguing from speech to race, and drawing
conclusions from these or similar surface relations!

Referring to these stirring events, Mackenzie writes: "Thus perished the
Makololo from among the number of South African tribes. No one can put
his finger on the map of Africa and say, 'Here dwell the
Makololo[266].'" This will puzzle many who since the middle of the
nineteenth century have repeatedly heard of, and even been in
unpleasantly close contact with, Ma-Kololo so called, not indeed in
Barotseland, but lower down the Zambesi about its Shiré affluent.

The explanation of the seeming contradiction is given by another
incident, which is also not without ethnical significance. From
Livingstone's _Journals_ we learn that in 1859 he was accompanied to the
east coast by a small party of Ma-Kololo and others, sent by his friend
Sekeletu in quest of a cure for leprosy, from which the emperor was
suffering. These Ma-Kololo, hearing of the Ba-Rotse revolt, wisely
stopped on their return journey at the Shiré confluence, and through the
prestige of their name have here succeeded in founding several so-called
"Makololo States," which still exist, and have from time to time given
considerable trouble to the administrators of British Central Africa.
But how true are Mackenzie's words, if the political be separated from
the ethnical relations, may be judged from the fact that of the original
founders of these petty Shiré states only two were full-blood Ma-Kololo.
All the others were, I believe, Ba-Rotse, Ba-Toka, or Ba-Tonga, these
akin to the savage Ba-Shukulumbwe.

Thus the Ma-Kololo live on, in their speech above the Victoria Falls, in
their name below the Victoria Falls, and it is only from history we know
that since about 1870 the whole nation has been completely wiped out
everywhere in the Zambesi valley. But even amongst cultured peoples
history goes back a very little way, 10,000 years at most anywhere. What
changes and shiftings may, therefore, have elsewhere also taken place
during prehistoric ages, all knowledge of which is now past
recovery[267]!

Few Bantu peoples have lent a readier ear to the teachings of Christian
propagandists than the Xosa, Ba-Suto, and Be-Chuana natives. Several
stations in the heart of Kafirland--Blythswood, Somerville, Lovedale,
and others--have for some time been self-supporting, and prejudice alone
would deny that they have worked for good amongst the surrounding Gaika,
Galeka, and Fingo tribes. Sogo, a member of the Blythswood community,
has produced a translation of the _Pilgrim's Progress_, described by J.
Macdonald as "a marvel of accuracy and lucidity of expression[268]";
numerous village schools are eagerly attended, and much land has been
brought under intelligent cultivation.

The French and Swiss Protestant teachers have also achieved great things
in Basutoland, where they were welcomed by Moshesh, the founder of the
present Basuto nation. The tribal system has yielded to a higher social
organisation, and the Ba-Tau, Ba-Puti, and several other tribal groups
have been merged in industrious pastoral and agricultural communities
professing a somewhat strict form of Protestant Christianity, and
entirely forgetful of the former heathen practices associated with
witchcraft and ancestry-worship. Moshesh was one of the rare instances
among the Kafirs of a leader endowed with intellectual gifts which
placed him on a level with Europeans. He governed his people wisely and
well for nearly fifty years, and his life-work has left a permanent mark
on South African history[269].

In Bechuanaland one great personality dominates the social horizon.
Khama, king of the Ba-Mangwato nation, next to the Ba-Rotse the most
powerful section of the Be-Chuana, may be described as a true father of
his people, a Christian legislator in the better sense of the term, and
an enlightened reformer even from the secular point of view.

When these triumphs, analogous to those witnessed amongst the
Lacustrians and in other parts of Bantuland, are contrasted with the
dull weight of resistance everywhere opposed by the full-blood Negro
populations to any progress beyond their present low level of culture,
we are the better able to recognise the marked intellectual superiority
of the negroid Bantu over the pure black element.

West of Bechuanaland the continuity of the Bantu domain is arrested in
the south by the Hottentots, who still hold their ground in Namaqualand,
and farther north by the few wandering Bushman groups of the Kalahari
desert. Even in Damaraland, which is mainly Bantu territory, there are
interminglings of long standing that have given rise to much ethnical
confusion. The Ova-Herero, who were here dominant, and the kindred
Ova-Mpo of Ovampoland bordering on the Portuguese possessions, are
undoubted Bantus of somewhat fine physique, though intellectually not
specially distinguished. Owing to the character of the country, a
somewhat arid, level steppe between the hills and the coast, they are
often collectively called "Cattle Damaras," or "Damaras of the Plains,"
in contradistinction to the "Hill Damaras" of the coast ranges. To this
popular nomenclature is due the prevalent confusion regarding these
aborigines. The term "Damara" is of Hottentot origin, and is not
recognised by the local tribes, who all call themselves Ova-Herero, that
is, "Merry People." But there is a marked difference between the
lowlanders and the highlanders, the latter, that is, the "Hill Damaras,"
having a strong strain of Hottentot blood, and being now of Hottentot
speech.

The whole region is a land of transition between the two races, where
the struggle for supremacy was scarcely arrested by the temporary
intervention of German administrators. Though annexed by Germany in
1884, fighting continued for ten years longer, and, breaking out again
in 1903, was not subdued until 1908, after the loss to Germany of 5000
lives and £15,000,000, while 20,000 to 30,000 of the Herero are
estimated to have perished. Under the rule of the Union of South Africa
this maltreatment of the natives will never occur again. Clearness would
be gained by substituting for Hill Damaras the expression _Ova-Zorotu_,
or "Hillmen," as they are called by their neighbours of the plains, who
should of course be called Hereros to the absolute exclusion of the
expression "Cattle Damaras." These Hereros show a singular dislike for
salt; the peculiarity, however, can scarcely be racial, as it is shared
in also by their cattle, and may be due to the heavy vapours, perhaps
slightly charged with saline particles, which hang so frequently over
the coastlands.

No very sharp ethnical line can be drawn between Portuguese West Africa
and the contiguous portion of the Belgian Congo south and west of the
main stream. In the coastlands between the Cunene and the Congo estuary
a few groups, such as the historical _Eshi-Kongo_[270] and the
_Kabindas_, have developed some marked characteristics under European
influences, just as have the cannibal _Ma-Nyema_ of the Upper Congo
through association with the Nubian-Arab slave-raiders. But with the
exception of the _Ba-Shilange_, the _Ba-Lolo_ and one or two others,
much the same physical and mental traits are everywhere presented by the
numerous Bantu populations within the great bend of the Congo.

The people who give their name to this river present some points of
special interest. It is commonly supposed that the old "Kongo Empire"
was a creation of the Portuguese. But Mbanza, afterwards rechristened
"San Salvador," was already the capital of a powerful state when it was
first visited by the expedition of 1491, from which time date its
relations with Portugal. At first the Catholic missionaries had great
success, thousands were at least baptised, and for a moment it seemed as
if all the Congo lands were being swept into the fold. There were great
rejoicings on the conversion of the _Mfumu_ ("Emperor") himself, on whom
were lavished honours and Portuguese titles still borne by his present
degenerate descendant, the Portuguese state pensioner, "Dom Pedro V,
Catholic King of Kongo and its Dependencies." But Christianity never
struck very deep roots, and, except in the vicinity of the Imperial and
vassal Courts, heathenish practices of the worst description were
continued down to the middle of the nineteenth century. About 1870 fresh
efforts were made both by Protestant and Catholic missionaries to
re-convert the people, who had little to remind them of their former
faith except the ruins of the cathedral of San Salvador, crucifixes,
banners, and other religious emblems handed down as heirlooms and
regarded as potent fetishes by their owners. A like fate, it may be
incidentally mentioned, has overtaken the efforts of the Portuguese
missionaries to evangelise the natives of the east coast, where little
now survives of their teachings but snatches of unintelligible songs to
the Blessed Virgin, such as that still chanted by the Lower Zambesi
boatmen and recorded by Mrs Pringle:--

  Sina mama, sina mamai,
  Sina mama Maria, sina mamai ...

  Mary, I'm alone, mother I have none,
  Mother I have none, she and father both are gone, etc.[271]

It is probable that at some remote period the ruling race reached the
west coast from the north-east, and imposed their Bantu speech on the
rude aborigines, by whom it is still spoken over a wide tract of country
on both sides of the Lower Congo. It is an extremely pure and somewhat
archaic member of the Bantu family, and W. Holman Bentley, our best
authority on the subject, is enthusiastic in praise of its "richness,
flexibility, exactness, subtlety of idea, and nicety of expression," a
language superior to the people themselves, "illiterate folk with an
elaborate and regular grammatical system of speech of such subtlety and
exactness of idea that its daily use is in itself an education[272]."
Kishi-Kongo has the distinction of being the first Bantu tongue ever
reduced to written form, the oldest known work in the language being a
treatise on Christian Doctrine published in Lisbon in 1624. Since that
time the speech of the "Mociconghi," as Pigafetta calls them[273], has
undergone but slight phonetic or other change, which is all the more
surprising when we consider the rudeness of the present Mushi-Kongos and
others by whom it is still spoken with considerable uniformity. Some of
these believe themselves sprung from trees, as if they had still
reminiscences of the arboreal habits of a pithecoid ancestry.

Amongst the neighbouring _Ba-Mba_, whose sobas were formerly _ex
officio_ Commanders-in-chief of the Empire, still dwells a potent being,
who is invisible to everybody, and although mortal never dies, or at
least after each dissolution springs again into life from his remains
gathered up by the priests. All the young men of the tribe undergo a
similar transformation, being thrown into a death-like trance by the
magic arts of the medicine-man, and then resuscitated after three days.
The power of causing the cataleptic sleep is said really to exist, and
these strange rites, unknown elsewhere, are probably to be connected
with the resurrection of Christ after three days and of everybody on the
last day as preached by the early Portuguese evangelists. A volume might
be written on the strange distortions of Christian doctrines amongst
savage peoples unable to grasp their true inwardness.

In Angola the Portuguese distinguish between the _Pretos_, that is, the
"civilised," and the _Negros_, or unreclaimed natives. Yet both terms
mean the same thing, as also does _Ba-Fiot_[274], "Black People," which
is applied in an arbitrary way both to the Eshi-Kongos and their near
relations, the _Kabindas_ of the Portuguese enclave north of the Lower
Congo. These Kabindas, so named from the seaport of that name on the
Loango coast, are an extremely intelligent, energetic, and enterprising
people, daring seafarers, and active traders. But they complain of the
keen rivalry of another dark people, the _Judeos Pretos_, or "Black
Jews," who call themselves _Ma-Vambu_, and whose hooked nose combined
with other peculiarities has earned for them their Portuguese name. The
Kabindas say that these "Semitic Negroes" were specially created for the
punishment of other unscrupulous dealers by their ruinous competition in
trade.

A great part of the vast region within the bend of the Congo is occupied
by the _Ba-Luba_ people, whose numerous branches--_Ba-Sange_ and
_Ba-Songe_ about the sources of the Sankuru, _Ba-Shilange_
(_Tushilange_) about the Lulua-Kassai confluence, and many
others--extend all the way from the Kwango basin to Manyemaland. Most of
these are Bantus of the average type, fairly intelligent, industrious
and specially noted for their skill in iron and copper work. Iron ores
are widely diffused and the copper comes from the famous mines of the
Katanga district, of which King Mzidi and his Wa-Nyamwezi followers were
dispossessed by the Congo Free State in 1892[275].

Special attention is claimed by the _Ba-Shilange_ nation, for our
knowledge of whom we are indebted chiefly to C. S. Latrobe Bateman[276].
These are the people whom Wissmann had already referred to as "a nation
of thinkers with the interrogative 'why' constantly on their lips."
Bateman also describes them as "thoroughly honest, brave to
foolhardiness, and faithful to each other. They are prejudiced in favour
of foreign customs and spontaneously copy the usages of civilisation.
They are the only African tribe among whom I have observed anything
like a becoming conjugal affection and regard. To say nothing of such
recommendations as their emancipation from fetishism, their ancient
abandonment of cannibalism, and their national unity under the sway of a
really princely prince (Kalemba), I believe them to be the most open to
the best influences of civilisation of any African tribe
whatsoever[277]." Their territory about the Lulua, affluent of the
Kassai, is the so-called Lubuka, or land of "Friendship," the theatre of
a remarkable social revolution, carried out independently of all
European influences, in fact before the arrival of any whites on the
scene. It was initiated by the secret brotherhood of the _Bena-Riamba_,
or "Sons of Hemp," established about 1870, when the nation became
divided into two parties over the question throwing the country open to
foreign trade. The king having sided with the "Progressives," the
"Conservatives" were worsted with much bloodshed, whereupon the barriers
of seclusion were swept away. Trading relations being at once
established with the outer world, the custom of _riamba_ (bhang) smoking
was unfortunately introduced through the Swahili traders from Zanzibar.
The practice itself soon became associated with mystic rites, and was
followed by a general deterioration of morals throughout Tushilangeland.

North of the Ba-Luba follows the great _Ba-Lolo_ nation, whose domain
comprises nearly the whole of the region between the equator and the
left bank of the Congo, and whose Kilolo speech is still more widely
diffused, being spoken by perhaps 10,000,000 within the horseshoe bend.
These "Men of Iron" in the sense of Cromwell's "Ironsides," or "Workers
in Iron," as the name has been diversely interpreted (from _lolo_,
iron), may not be all that they have been depicted by the glowing pen of
Mrs H. Grattan Guinness[278]; but nobody will deny their claim to be
regarded as physically, if not mentally, one of the finest Bantu races.
But for the strain of Negro blood betrayed by the tumid under lip,
frizzly hair, and wide nostrils, many might pass for average Hamites
with high forehead, straight or aquiline nose, bright eye, and
intelligent expression. They appear to have migrated about a hundred
years ago from the east to their present homes, where they have cleared
the land both of its forests and the aborigines, brought extensive
tracts under cultivation, and laid out towns in the American chessboard
fashion, but with the houses so wide apart that it takes hours to
traverse them. They are skilled in many crafts, and understand the
division-of-labour principle, "farmers, gardeners, smiths, boatbuilders,
weavers, cabinet-makers, armourers, warriors, and speakers being already
differentiated amongst them[279]."

From the east or north-east a great stream of migration has also for
many years been setting right across the cannibal zone to the west coast
between the Ogowai and Camerúns estuary. Some of these cannibal bands,
collectively known as _Fans_, _Pahuins_, _Mpangwes_[280], _Oshyebas_ and
by other names, have already swarmed into the Gabún and Lower Ogowai
districts, where they have caused a considerable dislocation of the
coast tribes. They are at present the dominant, or at least the most
powerful and dreaded, people in West Equatorial Africa, where nothing
but the intervention of the French administration has prevented them
from sweeping the _Mpongwes_, _Mbengas_, _Okandas_, _Ashangos_,
_Ishogos_, _Ba-Tekes_[281], and the other maritime populations into the
Atlantic. Even the great _Ba-Kalai_ nation, who are also immigrants, but
from the south-east, and who arrived some time before the Fans, have
been hard pressed and driven forward by those fierce anthropophagists.
They are still numerous, certainly over 100,000, but confined mainly to
the left bank of the Ogowai, where their copper and iron workers have
given up the hopeless struggle to compete with the imported European
wares, and have consequently turned to trade. The Ba-Kalai are now the
chief brokers and middlemen throughout the equatorial coastlands, and
their pure Bantu language is encroaching on the Mpongwe in the Ogowai
basin.

When first heard of by Bowdich in 1819, the Paämways, as he calls the
Fans, were an inland people presenting such marked Hamitic or Caucasic
features that he allied them with the West Sudanese Fulahs. Since then
there have been inevitable interminglings, by which the type has no
doubt been modified, though still presenting distinct non-Bantu or
non-Negro characters. Burton, Winwood Reade, Oscar Lenz and most other
observers separate them altogether from the Negro connection, describing
them as "well-built, tall and slim, with a light brown complexion, often
inclining to yellow, well-developed beard, and very prominent frontal
bone standing out in a semicircular protuberance above the superciliary
arches. Morally also, they differ greatly from the Negro, being
remarkably intelligent, truthful, and of a serious temperament, seldom
laughing or indulging in the wild orgies of the blacks[282]."

M. H. Kingsley adds that "the average height in mountain districts is
five feet six to five feet eight (1.67 m. to 1.72 m.), the difference in
stature between men and women not being great. Their countenances are
very bright and expressive, and if once you have been among them, you
can never mistake a Fan. The Fan is full of fire, temper, intelligence
and go; very teachable, rather difficult to manage, quick to take
offence and utterly indifferent to human life." The cannibalism of the
Fans, though a prevalent habit, is not, according to Miss Kingsley, due
to sacrificial motives. "He does it in his common sense way. He will eat
his next door neighbour's relations and sell his own deceased to his
next door neighbour in return; but he does not buy slaves and fatten
them up for his table as some of the Middle Congo tribes do.... He has
no slaves, no prisoners of war, no cemeteries, so you must draw your own
conclusions[283]." The Fan language has been grouped by Sir H. H.
Johnston among Bantu tongues, but he describes it as so corrupt as to be
only just recognisable as Bantu. In linguistic, physical and mental
features they thus show a remarkable divergence from the pure Negro,
suggesting Hamitic probably Fulah elements.

In the Camerún region, which still lies within Bantu territory, Sir H.
H. Johnston[284] divides the numerous local tribes into two groups, the
aborigines, such as the _Ba-Yong_, _Ba-Long_, _Ba-Sa_, _Abo_ and _Wuri_;
and the later intruders--_Ba-Kundu_, _Ba-Kwiri_, _Dwala_, "_Great
Batanga_" and _Ibea_--chiefly from the east and south-east. Best known
are the Dwalas of the Camerún estuary, physically typical Bantus with
almost European features, and well-developed calves, a character which
would alone suffice to separate them from the true Negro. Nor are these
traits due to contact with the white settlers on the coast, because the
Dwalas keep quite aloof, and are so proud of their "blue blood," that
till lately all half-breeds were "weeded-out," being regarded as
monsters who reflected discredit on the tribe[285].

Socially the Camerún natives stand at nearly the same low level of
culture as the neighbouring full-blood Negroes of the Calabar and Niger
delta. Indeed the transition in customs and institutions, as well as in
physical appearance, is scarcely perceptible between the peoples
dwelling north and south of the Rio del Rey, here the dividing line
between the Negro and Bantu lands. The _Ba-Kish_ of the Meme river,
almost last of the Bantus, differ little except in speech from the Negro
_Efiks_ of Old Calabar, while witchcraft and other gross superstitions
were till lately as rife amongst the Ba-Kwiri and Ba-Kundu tribes of the
western Camerún as anywhere in Negroland. It is not long since one of
the Ba-Kwiri, found guilty of having eaten a chicken at a missionary's
table, was himself eaten by his fellow clansmen. The law of blood for
blood was pitilessly enforced, and charges of witchcraft were so
frequent that whole villages were depopulated, or abandoned by their
terror-stricken inhabitants. The island of Ambas in the inlet of like
name remained thus for a time absolutely deserted, "most of the
inhabitants having poisoned each other off with their everlasting
ordeals, and the few survivors ending by dreading the very air they
breathed[286]."

Having thus completed our survey of the Bantu populations from the
central dividing line about the Congo-Chad water-parting round by the
east, south, and west coastlands, and so back to the Sudanese zone, we
may pause to ask, What routes were followed by the Bantus themselves
during the long ages required to spread themselves over an area
estimated at nearly six million square miles? I have established,
apparently on solid grounds, a fixed point of initial dispersion in the
extreme north-east, and allusion has frequently been made to migratory
movements, some even now going on, generally from east to west, and, on
the east side of the continent, from north to south, with here an
important but still quite recent reflux from Zululand back nearly to
Victoria Nyanza. If a parallel current be postulated as setting on the
Atlantic side in prehistoric times from south to north, from Hereroland
to the Camerúns, or possibly the other way, we shall have nearly all the
factors needed to explain the general dispersion of the Bantu peoples
over their vast domain.

Support is given to this view by the curious distribution of the two
chief Bantu names of the "Supreme Being," to which incidental reference
has already been made. As first pointed out I think by Dr Bleek,
_(M)unkulunkulu_ with its numerous variants prevails along the eastern
seaboard, _Nzambi_ along the western, and both in many parts of the
interior; while here and there the two meet, as if to indicate
prehistoric interminglings of two great primeval migratory movements.
From the subjoined table a clear idea may be had of the general
distribution:

              MUNKULUNKULU                  NZAMBI

          { Mpondo: Ukulukulu        | Eshi-Kongo: Nzambi   }
          { Zulu: Unkulunkulu        | Kabinda: Nzambi Pongo}
          { Inhambane: Mulungulu     | Lunda: Zambi         }
          { Sofala: Murungu          | Ba-Teke: Nza[~m]     }
          { Be-Chuana: Mulungulu     | Ba-Rotse: Nyampe     }
          { Lake Moero: Mulungu      | Bihé: Nzambi         }
          { Lake Tanganyika: Mulungu | Loango: Zambi, Nyambi}
  Eastern { Makua: Moloko            | Bunda: Onzambi       }Western
  Seaboard{ Quillimane: Mlugu        | Ba-Ngala: Nsambi     }Seaboard
  and     { Lake Bangweolo: Mungu    | Ba-Kele: Nshambi     }and
  Parts   { Tete, Zambesi: Muungu    | Rungu: Anyambi       }Parts
  of      { Nyasaland: Murungu       | Ashira: Aniembie     }of
  Interior{ Swahili: Muungu          | Mpongwe: Njambi      }Interior
          { Giryama: Mulungu         | Benga: Anyambi       }
          { Pokomo: Mungo            | Dwala: Nyambi        }
          { Nyika: Mulungu           | Yanzi: Nyambi        }
          { Kamba: Mulungu           | Herero: Ndyambi      }
          { Yanzi: Molongo           |
          { Herero: Mukuru           |

Of _Munkulunkulu_ the primitive idea is clear enough from its best
preserved form, the Zulu _Unkulunkulu_, which is a repetitive of the
root _inkulu_, great, old, hence a deification of the great departed, a
direct outcome of the ancestry-worship so universal amongst Negro and
Bantu peoples[287]. Thus Unkulunkulu becomes the direct progenitor of
the Zulu-Xosas: _Unkulunkulu ukobu wetu_. But the fundamental meaning of
_Nzambi_ is unknown. The root does not occur in Kishi-Kongo, and Bentley
rightly rejects Kolbe's far-fetched explanation from the Herero, adding
that "the knowledge of God is most vague, scarcely more than nominal.
There is no worship paid to God[288]."

More probable seems W. H. Tooke's suggestion that Nzambi is "a Nature
spirit like Zeus or Indra," and that, while the eastern Bantus are
ancestor-worshippers, "the western adherents of Nzambi are more or less
Nature-worshippers. In this respect they appear to approach the Negroes
of the Gold, Slave, and Oil Coasts[289]." No doubt the cult of the dead
prevails also in this region, but here it is combined with naturalistic
forms of belief, as on the Gold Coast, where _Bobowissi_, chief god of
all the southern tribes, is the "Blower of Clouds," the "Rain-maker,"
and on the Slave Coast, where the Dahoman _Mawu_ and the Yoruba _Olorun_
are the Sky or Rain, and the "Owner of the Sky" (the deified Firmament),
respectively[290].

It would therefore seem probable that the Munkulunkulu peoples from the
north-east gradually spread by the indicated routes over the whole of
Bantuland, everywhere imposing their speech, general culture, and
ancestor-worship on the pre-Bantu aborigines, except along the Atlantic
coastlands and in parts of the interior. Here the primitive
Nature-worship, embodied in Nzambi, held and still holds its ground,
both meeting on equal terms--as shown in the above table--amongst the
Ba-Yanzi, the Ova-Herero, and the Be-Chuanas (_Mulungulu_ generally, but
_Nyampe_ in Barotseland), and no doubt in other inland regions. But the
absolute supremacy of one on the east, and of the other on the west,
side of the continent, seems conclusive as to the general streams of
migration, while the amazing uniformity of nomenclature is but another
illustration of the almost incredible persistence of Bantu speech
amongst these multitudinous illiterate populations for an incalculable
period of time[291].


THE VAALPENS AND THE STRANDLOOPERS.

Among the ethnological problems of Africa may be reckoned the _Vaalpens_
and the _Strandloopers_. Along the banks of the Limpopo between the
Transvaal and Southern Rhodesia there are scattered a few small groups
of an extremely primitive people who are generally confounded with the
Bushmen, but differ in some important respects from that race. They are
the "Earthmen" of some writers, but their real name is _Kattea_, though
called by their neighbours either _Ma Sarwa_ ("Bad People") or
_Vaalpens_ ("Grey Paunches") from the khaki colour acquired by their
bodies from creeping on all fours into their underground hovels. But the
true colour is almost a pitch black, and as they are only about four
feet high they are quite distinct both from the tall Bantus and the
yellowish Hottentot-Bushmen. For the Zulus they are mere "dogs" or
"vultures," and are certainly the most degraded of all the aborigines,
being undoubtedly cannibals, eating their own aged and infirm like some
of the Amazonian tribes. Their habitations are holes in the ground,
rock-shelters, or caves, or lately a few hovels of mud and foliage at
the foot of the hills. Of their speech nothing is known except that it
is absolutely distinct both from the Bantu and the Bushman. There are no
arts or industries of any kind, not even any weapons beyond those
procured in exchange for ostrich feathers, skins or ivory. But they can
make fire, and are thus able to cook the offal thrown to them by the
Boers in return for their help in skinning the captured game. Whether
they have any religious ideas it is impossible to say, all intercourse
with the surrounding peoples being restricted to barter carried on with
gesture language for nobody has ever yet mastered their tongue. A
"chief" is spoken of, but he is merely a headman who presides over the
little family groups of from thirty to fifty (there are no tribes
properly so called), and whose purely domestic functions are acquired,
not by heredity, but by personal worth, that is, physical strength.
Altogether the Kattea is perhaps the most perfect embodiment of the pure
savage still anywhere surviving[292].

When the Hottentots of South Africa were questioned by scientific men a
hundred years ago and more regarding their traditions, they were wont to
refer to their predecessors on the coast of South Africa as a savage
race living on the seashore and subsisting on shellfish and the bodies
of stranded whales. From their habits these were styled in Dutch the
Strandloopers or "Shore-runners[293]." According to F. C. Shrubsall the
Strandlooper of the Cape Colony caves preceded the Bushman in South
Africa. They were a race of short but not dwarfish men with a much
higher skull capacity than that of the average Bush race. The extreme of
cranial capacity in the Strandloopers was a maximum of over 1600 c.c.,
while the extreme minimum among the Bush people descends as low as 955
c.c. The frontal region of the skull is much better developed than in
the Bush race, and in that respect is more like the Negro. There is
little or no brow prominence and one at least of the skulls is as
orthognathous in facial angle as that of a European. L. Peringuey
remarks also that the type was less dolichocephalic than the Bushmen and
Hottentots, under 80 in cephalic index. "He was artistically gifted,
like the race which occupied and decorated the Altamira ... and other
caves of Spain and France. He painted; he possibly carved on rocks; he
used bone tools; he made pottery; he perforated stones for either
heading clubs or to be used as make-weights for digging tools; his
ornaments consisted of sea-shells; and the ostrich egg-shell discs which
he made may be said to be a typical product of his industry. And this
culture is retained in South Africa by a kindred race, but more
dolichocephalic--the Bushmen-Hottentots. Analogous are most of his tools
and his expressions of culture to those of Aurignacian man."


THE NEGRILLOES.

The proper domain of the African Negrilloes is the intertropical
forest-land, although they appear to be at present confined to somewhat
narrow limits, between about six degrees of latitude north and south of
the equator, unless the Bushmen be included. But formerly they probably
ranged much farther north, and in historic times were certainly known in
Egypt some 4000 or 5000 years ago. This is evident from the frequent
references to them in the "Book of the Dead" as far back as the 6th
Dynasty. Like the dwarfs in medieval times, they were in high request at
the courts of the Pharaohs, who sent expeditions to fetch these _Danga_
(_Tank_) from the "Island of the Double," that is, the fabulous region
of Shade Land beyond Punt, where they dwelt. The first of whom there is
authentic record was brought from this region, apparently the White
Nile, to King Assa (3300 B.C.) by his officer, Baurtet. Some 70 years
later Heru-Khuf, another officer, was sent by Pepi II "to bring back a
pygmy alive and in good health," from the land of great trees away to
the south[294]. That the Danga came from the south we know from a later
inscription at Karnak, and that the word meant dwarf is clear from the
accompanying determinative of a short person of stunted growth.

It is curious to note in this connection that the limestone statue of
the dwarf Nem-hotep, found in his tomb at Sakkara and figured by Ernest
Grosse, has a thick elongated head suggesting artificial deformation,
unshapely mouth, dull expression, strong full chest, and small deformed
feet, on which he seems badly balanced. It will be remembered that
Schweinfurth's Akkas from Mangbattuland were also represented as
top-heavy, although the best observers, Junker and others, describe
those of the Welle and Congo forests as shapely and by no means
ill-proportioned.

Kollmann also, who has examined the remains of the Neolithic pygmies
from the Schweizersbild Station, Switzerland, "is quite certain that the
dwarf-like proportions of the latter have nothing in common with
diseased conditions. This, from many points of view, is a highly
interesting discovery. It is possible, as Nüesch suggests, that the
widely-spread legend as to the former existence of little men, dwarfs
and gnomes, who were supposed to haunt caves and retired places in the
mountains, may be a reminiscence of these Neolithic pygmies[295]."

This is what may be called the picturesque aspect of the Negrillo
question, which it seems almost a pity to spoil by too severe a
criticism. But "ethnologic truth" obliges us to say that the
identification of the African Negrillo with Kollmann's European dwarfs
still lacks scientific proof. Even craniology fails us here, and
although the Negrilloes are in great majority round-headed, R. Verneau
has shown that there may be exceptions[296], while the theory of the
general uniformity of the physical type has broken down at some other
points. Thus the _Dume_, south of Gallaland, discovered by Donaldson
Smith[297] in the district where the _Doko_ Negrilloes had long been
heard of, and even seen by Antoine d'Abbadie in 1843, were found to
average five feet, or more than one foot over the mean of the true
Negrillo. D'Abbadie in fact declared that his "Dokos" were not pygmies
at all[298], while Donaldson Smith now tells us that "doko" is only a
term of contempt applied by the local tribes to their "poor relations."
"Their chief characteristics were a black skin, round features, woolly
hair, small oval-shaped eyes, rather thick lips, high cheekbones, a
broad forehead, and very well formed bodies" (p. 273).

The expression of the eye was canine, "sometimes timid and
suspicious-looking, sometimes very amiable and merry, and then again
changing suddenly to a look of intense anger." Pygmies, he adds,
"inhabited the whole of the country north of Lakes Stephanie and Rudolf
long before any of the tribes now to be found in the neighbourhood; but
they have been gradually killed off in war, and have lost their
characteristics by inter-marriage with people of large stature, so that
only this one little remnant, the Dume, remains to prove the existence
of a pygmy race. Formerly they lived principally by hunting, and they
still kill a great many elephants with their poisoned arrows" (pp.
274-5).

Some of these remarks apply also to the _Wandorobbo_, another small
people who range nearly as far north as the Dume, but are found chiefly
farther south all over Masailand, and belong, I have little doubt, to
the same connection. They are the henchmen of the Masai, whom they
provide with big game in return for divers services.

Those met by W. Astor Chanler were also "armed with bows and arrows, and
each carried an elephant-spear, which they called _bonati_. This spear
is six feet in length, thick at either end, and narrowed where grasped
by the hand. In one end is bored a hole, into which is fitted an arrow
two feet long, as thick as one's thumb, and with a head two inches
broad. Their method of killing elephants is to creep cautiously up to
the beast, and drive a spear into its loin. A quick twist separates the
spear from the arrow, and they make off as fast and silently as
possible. In all cases the arrows are poisoned; and if they are well
introduced into the animal's body, the elephant does not go far[299]."

From some of the peculiarities of the Achua (Wochua) Negrilloes met by
Junker south of the Welle one can understand why these little people
were such favourites with the old Egyptian kings. These were
"distinguished by sharp powers of observation, amazing talent for
mimicry, and a good memory. A striking proof of this was afforded by an
Achua whom I had seen and measured four years previously in Rumbek, and
now again met at Gambari's. His comic ways and quick nimble movements
made this little fellow the clown of our society. He imitated with
marvellous fidelity the peculiarities of persons whom he had once seen;
for instance, the gestures and facial expressions of Jussuf Pasha
esh-Shelahis and of Haj Halil at their devotions, as well as the address
and movements of Emin Pasha, 'with the four eyes' (spectacles). His
imitation of Hawash Effendi in a towering rage, storming and abusing
everybody, was a great success; and now he took me off to the life,
rehearsing after four years, down to the minutest details, and with
surprising accuracy, my anthropometric performance when measuring his
body at Rumbek[300]."

A somewhat similar account is given by Ludwig Wolf of the Ba-Twa pygmies
visited by him and Wissmann in the Kassai region. Here are whole
villages in the forest-glades inhabited by little people with an average
height of about 4 feet 3 inches. They are nomads, occupied exclusively
with hunting and the preparation of palm-wine, and are regarded by their
Ba-Kubu neighbours as benevolent little people, whose special mission is
to provide the surrounding tribes with game and palm-wine in exchange
for manioc, maize, and bananas[301].

Despite the above-mentioned deviations, occurring chiefly about the
borderlands, considerable uniformity both of physical and mental
characters is found to prevail amongst the typical Negrillo groups
scattered in small hunting communities all over the Welle, Semliki,
Congo, and Ogowai woodlands. Their main characters are thus described.
Their skin is of a reddish or yellowish brown in colour, sometimes very
dark. Their height varies from 1.37 m. to 1.45 m. (4 ft. 4-1/4 in. to 4
ft. 9-1/4 in.[302]). Their hair is very short and woolly, usually of a
dark rusty brown colour; the face hair is variable, but the body is
usually covered with a light downy hair. The cephalic index is 79. The
nose is very broad and exceptionally flattened at the root; the lips are
usually thin, and the upper one long; the eyes are protuberant; the face
is sometimes prognathic. Steatopygia occurs. They are a markedly
intelligent people, innately musical, cunning, revengeful and suspicious
in disposition, but they never steal.

They are nomadic hunters and collectors, never resorting to agriculture.
They have no domestic animals. Only meat is cooked. They wear no
clothing. They use bows and poisoned arrows. Their language is unknown.
They live in small communities which centre round a cunning fighter or
able hunter. Their dead are buried in the ground. They differ from
surrounding Negroes in having no veneration for the departed, no
amulets, no magicians or professional priests. They have charms for
ensuring luck in hunting, but it is uncertain whether these charms
derive their potency from the supreme being, though evidence of belief
in a high-god is reported from various pygmy peoples.[303]


THE BUSHMEN AND HOTTENTOTS.

Towards the south the Negrillo domain was formerly conterminous with
that of the Bushmen, of whom traces were discovered by Sir H. H.
Johnston[304] as far north as Lakes Nyasa and Tanganyika, and who, it
has been conjectured, belong to the same primitive stock. The
differences mental and physical now separating the two sections of the
family may perhaps be explained by the different environments--hot,
moist and densely wooded in the north, and open steppes in the
south--but until more is known of the African pygmies their affinities
must remain undecided.

The relationship between the Bushmen and the Hottentots is another
disputed question. Early authorities regarded the Hottentots as the
parent family, and the Bushmen as the offspring, but the researches of
Gustav Fritsch, E. T. Hamy, F. Shrubsall[305] and others show that the
Hottentots are a cross between the Bushmen--the primitive race--and the
Bantu, the Bushman element being seen in the leathery colour, prominent
cheek-bones, pointed chin, steatopygia and other special characters.

In prehistoric times the Hottentots ranged over a vast area. Evidence
has now been produced of the presence of a belated Hottentot or
Hottentot-Bushman group as far north as the Kwa-Kokue district, between
Kilimanjaro and Victoria Nyanza. The _Wa-Sandawi_ people here visited by
Oskar Neumann are not Bantus, and speak a language radically distinct
from that of the neighbouring Bantus, but full of clicks like that of
the Bushmen[306]. Two Sandawi skulls examined by Virchow[307] showed
distinct Hottentot characters, with a cranial capacity of 1250 and 1265
c.c., projecting upper jaw and orthodolicho head[308]. The geographical
prefix _Kwa_, common in the district (Kwa-Kokue, Kwa-Mtoro, Kwa-Hindi),
is pure Hottentot, meaning "people," like the postfix _qua_ (_Kwa_) of
Kora-_qua_, Nama-_qua_, etc. in the present Hottentot domain. The
transposition of prefixes and postfixes is a common linguistic
phenomenon, as seen in the Sumero-Akkadian of Babylonia, in the
Neo-Sanskritic tongues of India, and the Latin, Oscan, and other members
of the Old Italic group.

Farther south a widely-diffused Hottentot-Bushman geographical
terminology attests the former range of this primitive race all over
South Africa, as far north as the Zambesi. Lichtenstein had already
discovered such traces in the Zulu country[309], and Vater points out
that "for some districts the fact has been fully established; mountains
and rivers now occupied by the Koossa [Ama-Xosa] preserve in their
Hottentot names the certain proof that they at one time formed a
permanent possession of this people[310]."

Thanks to the custom of raising heaps of stones or cairns over the
graves of renowned chiefs, the migrations of the Hottentots may be
followed in various directions to the very heart of South Zambesia. Here
the memory of their former presence is perpetuated in the names of such
water-courses as Nos-ob, Up, Mol-opo, Hyg-ap, Gar-ib, in which the
syllables _ob_, _up_, _ap_, _ib_ and others are variants of the
Hottentot word _ib_, _ip_, water, river, as in _Gar-ib_, the "Great
River," now better known as the Orange River. The same indications may
be traced right across the continent to the Atlantic, where nearly all
the coast streams--even in Hereroland, where the language has long been
extinct--have the same ending[311].

On the west side the Bushmen are still heard of as far north as the
Cunene, and in the interior beyond Lake Ngami nearly to the right bank
of the Zambesi. But the Hottentots are now confined mainly to Great and
Little Namaqualand. Elsewhere there appear to be no full-blood natives
of this race, the Koraquas, Gonaquas, Griquas, etc. being all
Hottentot-Boer or Hottentot-Bantu half-castes of Dutch speech. In Cape
Colony the tribal organisation ceased to exist in 1810, when the last
Hottentot chief was replaced by a European magistrate. Still the
Koraquas keep themselves somewhat distinct about the Upper Orange and
Vaal Rivers, and the Griquas in Griqualand East, while the Gonaquas,
that is, "Borderers," are being gradually merged in the Bantu
populations of the Eastern Provinces. There are at present scarcely
180,000 south of the Orange River, and of these the great majority are
half-breeds[312].

Despite their extremely low state of culture, or, one might say, the
almost total lack of culture, the Bushmen are distinguished by two
remarkable qualities, a fine sense of pictorial or graphic art[313], and
a rich imagination displayed in a copious oral folklore, much of which,
collected by Bleek, is preserved in manuscript form in Sir George Grey's
library at Cape Town[314]. The materials here stored for future use,
perhaps long after the race itself has vanished for ever, comprise no
less than 84 thick volumes of 3600 double-column pages, besides an
unfinished Bushman dictionary with 11,000 entries. There are two great
sections, (1) Myths, fables, legends and poetry, with tales about the
sun and moon, the stars, the _Mantis_ and other animals, legends of
peoples who dwelt in the land before the Bushmen, songs, charms, and
even prayers; (2) Histories, adventures of men and animals, customs,
superstitions, genealogies, and so on.

In the tales and myths the sun, moon, and animals speak either with
their own proper clicks, or else use the ordinary clicks in some way
peculiar to themselves. Thus Bleek tells us that the tortoise changes
clicks in labials, the ichneumon in palatals, the jackal substitutes
linguo-palatals for labials, while the moon, hare, and ant-eater use
"a most unpronounceable click" of their own. How many there may be
altogether, not one of which can be properly uttered by Europeans,
nobody seems to know. But grammarians have enumerated nine, indicated
each by a graphic sign as under:

  Cerebral     [Symbol]        Palatal          [Symbol]
  Dental       [Symbol]        Lateral (Faucal) [Symbol]
  Guttural     [Symbol]        Labial           [Symbol]
  Spiro-dental [Symbol]        Linguo-palatal   [Symbol]
                   Undefined [Symbol]

From Bushman--a language in a state of flux, fragmentary as the small
tribal or rather family groups that speak it[315]--these strange
inarticulate sounds passed to the number of four into the remotely
related Hottentot, and thence to the number of three into the wholly
unconnected Zulu-Xosa. But they are heard nowhere else to my knowledge
except amongst the newly-discovered Wa-Sandawi people of South
Masailand. At the same time we know next to nothing of the Negrillo
tongues, and should clicks be discovered to form an element in their
phonetic system also[316], it would support the assumption of a common
origin of all these dwarfish races now somewhat discredited on
anatomical grounds.

M. G. Bertin, to whom we are indebted for an excellent monograph on the
Bushman[317], rightly remarks that he is not, at least mentally, so
debased as he has been described by the early travellers and by the
neighbouring Bantus and Boers, by whom he has always been despised and
harried. "His greatest love is for freedom, he acknowledges no master,
and possesses no slaves. It is this love of independence which made him
prefer the wandering life of a hunter to that of a peaceful
agriculturist or shepherd, as the Hottentot. He rarely builds a hut, but
prefers for abode the natural caves he finds in the rocks. In other
localities he forms a kind of nest in the bush--hence his name of
Bushman--or digs with his nails subterranean caves, from which he has
received the name of 'Earthman.' His garments consist only of a small
skin. His weapons are still the spear, arrow and bow in their most
rudimentary form. The spear is a mere branch of a tree, to which is tied
a piece of bone or flint; the arrow is only a reed treated in the same
way. The arrow and spear-heads are always poisoned, to render mortal the
slight wounds they inflict. He gathers no flocks, which would impede his
movements, and only accepts the help of dogs as wild as himself. The
Bushmen have, however, one implement, a rounded stone perforated in the
middle, in which is inserted a piece of wood; with this instrument,
which carries us back to the first age of man, they dig up a few edible
roots growing wild in the desert. To produce fire, he still retains the
primitive system of rubbing two pieces of wood--another prehistoric
survival."

Touching their name, it is obvious that these scattered groups, without
hereditary chiefs or social organisation of any kind, could have no
collective designation. The term _Khuai_, of uncertain meaning, but
probably to be equated with the Hottentot _Khoi_, "Men," is the name
only of a single group, though often applied to the whole race. _Saan_,
their Hottentot name, is the plural of Sa, a term also of uncertain
origin; _Ba-roa_, current amongst the Be-Chuanas, has not been
explained, while the Zulu _Abatwa_ would seem to connect them even by
name with Wolf's and Stanley's _Ba-Twa_ of the Congo forest region.
Other so-called tribal names (there are no "tribes" in the strict sense
of the word) are either nicknames imposed upon them by their
neighbours, or else terms taken from the localities, as amongst the
Fuegians.

We may conclude with the words of W. J. Sollas: "The more we know of
these wonderful little people the more we learn to admire and like them.
To many solid virtues--untiring energy, boundless patience, and fertile
invention, steadfast courage, devoted loyalty, and family
affection--they added a native refinement of manners and a rare
aesthetic sense. We may learn from them how far the finer excellences of
life may be attained in the hunting stage. In their golden age, before
the coming of civilised man, they enjoyed their life to the full, glad
with the gladness of primeval creatures. The story of their later days,
their extermination and the cruel manner of it, is a tale of horror on
which we do not care to dwell. They haunt no more the sunlit veldt,
their hunting is over, their nation is destroyed; but they leave behind
an imperishable memory, they have immortalised themselves in their
art[318]."


FOOTNOTES:

[223] C. Meinhof holds that Proto-Bantu arose through the mixture of a
Sudan language with one akin to Fulah. _An Introduction to the Study of
African Languages_, 1915, p. 151 sqq.

[224] Bantu, properly Aba-ntu, "people." _Aba_ is one of the numerous
personal prefixes, each with its corresponding singular form, which are
the cause of so much confusion in Bantu nomenclature. To _aba_, _ab_,
_ba_ answers a sing. _umu_, _um_, _mu_, so that sing. _umu-ntu_,
_um-ntu_ or _mu-ntu_, a man, a person; plu. _aba-ntu_, _ab-ntu_, ba-ntu.
But in some groups mu is also plural, the chief dialectic variants
being, _Ama_, _Aba_, _Ma_, _Ba_, _Wa_, _Ova_, _Va_, _Vua_, _U_, _A_,
_O_, _Eshi_, as in Ama-Zulu, Mu-Sarongo, Ma-Yomba, Wa-Swahili,
Ova-Herero, Vua-Twa, Ba-Suto, Eshi-Kongo. For a tentative classification
of African tribes see T. A. Joyce, Art. "Africa: Ethnology," _Ency.
Brit._ 1910, p. 329. For the classification of Bantu tongues into 44
groups consult H. H. Johnston, Art. "Bantu Languages," _loc. cit._

[225] _Eth._ Ch. XI.

[226] _Le Naturaliste_, Jan. 1894.

[227] _Tour de Monde_, 1896, I. p. 1 sq.; and _Les Bayas_; _Notes
Ethnographiques et Linguistiques_, Paris, 1896.

[228] D. Randall-MacIver, _Mediaeval Rhodesia_, 1906. But R. N. Hall,
_Prehistoric Rhodesia_, 1909, strongly opposes this view. See below, p.
105.

[229] Even Tipu Tib, their chief leader and "Prince of Slavers," was a
half-caste with distinctly Negroid features.

[230] "Afilo wurde mir vom Lega-König als ein Negerland bezeichnet,
welches von einer Galla-Aristokratie beherrscht wird" (_Petermann's
Mitt._ 1883, V. p. 194).

[231] The Ba-Hima are herdsmen in Buganda, a sort of aristocracy in
Unyoro, a ruling caste in Toro, and the dominant race with dynasties in
Ankole. The name varies in different areas.

[232] _Journ. Anthr. Inst._ 1895, p. 424. For details of the Ba-Hima
type see _Eth._ p. 389.

[233] J. Roscoe, _The Northern Bantu_, 1915, p. 103. Herein are also
described the _Bakene_, lake dwellers, the _Bagesu_, a cannibal tribe,
the _Basoga_ and the Nilotic tribes the _Bateso_ and _Kavirondo_.

[234] J. Roscoe, _loc. cit._ pp. 4, 5.

[235] "A Survey of the Ethnography of Africa," _Journ. Roy. Anthr.
Inst._ XLIII. 1913, p. 390.

[236] _Handwerk und Industrie in Ostafrika_, 1910, p. 147.

[237] "Die erste Ausbreitung des Menschengeschlechts." _Pol. Anthropol.
Revue_, 1909, p. 72. Cf. chronology on p. 14 above.

[238] _Ethnology_, p. 199.

[239] Uganda is the name now applied to the whole Protectorate, Buganda
is the small kingdom, Baganda, the people, Muganda, one person, Luganda,
the language. H. H. Johnston, _The Uganda Protectorate_, 1902, and J. F.
Cunningham, _Uganda and its Peoples_, 1905, cover much of the elementary
anthropology of East Central Africa.

[240] The legend is given with much detail by H. M. Stanley in _Through
the Dark Continent_, Vol. I. p. 344 sq. Another and less mythical
account of the migrations of "the people with a white skin from the far
north-east" is quoted from Emin Pasha by the Rev. R. P. Ashe in _Two
Kings of Uganda_, p. 336. Here the immigrant Ba-Hima are expressly
stated to have "adopted the language of the aborigines" (p. 337).

[241] Sir H. H. Johnston, _op. cit._ p. 514.

[242] Except the Lung-fish clan.

[243] J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, 1911.

[244] For the _Wa-Kikuyu_ see W. S. and K. Routledge, _With a
Prehistoric People_, 1910, and C. W. Hobley's papers in the _Journ. Roy.
Anthr. Inst._ XL. 1910, and XLI. 1911. The _Atharaka_ are described by
A. M. Champion, _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XLII. 1912, p. 68. Consult
for this region C. Eliot, _The East Africa Protectorate_, 1905; K.
Weule, _Native Life in East Africa_, 1909; C. W. Hobley, _Ethnology of
the A-Kamba and other East African Tribes_, 1910; M. Weiss, _Die
Völkerstämme im Norden Deutsch-Ostafrikas_, 1910; and A. Werner, "The
Bantu Coast Tribes of the East Africa Protectorate," _Journ. Roy. Anthr.
Inst._ XLV. 1915.

[245] _Official Report on the East African Protectorate_, 1897.

[246] _Vocabulary of the Giryama Language_, S.P.C.K. 1897.

[247] _Travels in the Coastlands of British East Africa_, London, 1898,
p. 103 sq.

[248] A. Werner, "Girijama Texts," _Zeitschr. f. Kol.-spr._ Oct. 1914.

[249] Having become the chief medium of intercourse throughout the
southern Bantu regions, Ki-swahili has been diligently cultivated,
especially by the English missionaries, who have wisely discarded the
Arab for the Roman characters. There is already an extensive literature,
including grammars, dictionaries, translations of the Bible and other
works, and even _A History of Rome_ issued by the S.P.C.K. in 1898.

[250] W. E. H. Barrett, "Notes on the Customs and Beliefs of the
Wa-Giriama," etc., _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XLI. 1911, gives further
details. For a full review of the religious beliefs of Bantu tribes see
E. S. Hartland, Art. "Bantu and S. Africa," _Ency. of Religion and
Ethics_, 1909.

[251] The name still survives in _Zangue-bar_ ("Zang-land") and the
adjacent island of _Zanzibar_ (an Indian corruption). _Zang_ is "black,"
and _bar_ is the same Arabic word, meaning dry land, that we have in
_Mala-bar_ on the opposite side of the Indian Ocean. Cf. also _barran wa
bahran_, "by land and by sea."

[252] _Viage por Malabar y Costas de Africa_, 1512, translated by the
Hon. Henry E. J. Stanley, Hakluyt Society, 1868.

[253] In preference to the more popular form _Zulu-Kafir_, where _Kafir_
is merely the Arabic "Infidel" applied indiscriminately to any people
rejecting Islám; hence the _Siah Posh Kafirs_ ("Black-clad Infidels") of
Afghanistan; the _Kufra_ oasis in the Sahara, where _Kufra_, plural of
_Kafir_, refers to the pagan Tibus of that district; and the Kafirs
generally of the East African seaboard. But according to English usage
_Zulu_ is applied to the northern part of the territory, mainly Zululand
proper and Natal, while Kafirland or Kaffraria is restricted to the
southern section between Natal and the Great Kei River. The bulk of
these southern "Kafirs" belong to the Xosa connection; hence this term
takes the place of _Kafir_, in the compound expression _Zulu-Xosa_.
_Ama_ is explained on p. 86, and the _X_ of _Xosa_ represents an
unpronounceable combination of a guttural and a lateral click, this with
two other clicks (a dental and a palatal) having infected the speech of
these Bantus during their long prehistoric wars with the Hottentots or
Bushmen. See p. 129.

[254] See p. 86 above.

[255] See the admirable monograph on the Ba-Thonga, by H. A. Junod, _The
Life of a South African Tribe_, 1912.

[256] Robert Codrington tells us that these A-Ngoni (Aba-Ngoni) spring
from a Zulu tribe which crossed the Zambesi about 1825, and established
themselves south-east of L. Tanganyika, but later migrated to the
uplands west of L. Nyasa, where they founded three petty states. Others
went east of the Livingstone range, and are here still known as
Magwangwara. But all became gradually assimilated to the surrounding
populations. Intermarrying with the women of the country they preserve
their speech, dress, and usages for the first generation in a slightly
modified form, although the language of daily intercourse is that of the
mothers. Then this class becomes the aristocracy of the whole nation,
which henceforth comprises a great part of the aborigines ruled by a
privileged caste of Zulu origin, "perpetuated almost entirely among
themselves" ("Central Angoniland," _Geograph. Jour._ May, 1898, p. 512).
See A. Werner, _The Natives of British Central Africa_, 1906.

[257] Rev. J. Macdonald, _Light in Africa_, p. 194. Among recent works
on the Zulu-Xosa tribes may be mentioned Dudley Kidd, _The Essential
Kafir_, 1904, _Savage Childhood_, 1905; H. A. Junod, _The Life of a
South African Tribe_ (Ba-Thonga), 1912-3; G. W. Stow and G. M. Theal,
_The Native Races of South Africa_, 1905.

[258] From _Mwana_, lord, master, and _tapa_, to dig, both common Bantu
words.

[259] The point was that Portugal had made treaties with this mythical
State, in virtue of which she claimed in the "scramble for Africa" all
the hinterlands behind her possessions on the east and west coasts
(Mozambique and Angola), in fact all South Africa between the Orange and
Zambesi rivers. Further details on the "Monomotapa Question" will be
found in my monograph on "The Portuguese in South Africa" in Murray's
_South Africa, from Arab Domination to British Rule_, 1891, p. 11 sq.
Five years later Mr G. McCall Theal also discovered, no doubt
independently, the mythical character of Monomotapaland in his book on
_The Portuguese in South Africa_, 1896.

[260] _Proc. R. Geogr. Soc._ May, 1892, and _The Ruined Cities of
Mashonaland_, 1892.

[261] D. Randall-MacIver, _Mediaeval Rhodesia_, 1906. But R. N. Hall
strongly combats his views, _Great Zimbabwe_, 1905, _Prehistoric
Rhodesia_, 1909, and _South African Journal of Science_, May, 1912. H.
H. Johnston says, "I see nothing inherently improbable in the finding of
gold by proto-Arabs in the south-eastern part of Zambezia; nor in the
pre-Islamic Arab origin of Zimbabwe," p. 396, "A Survey of the
Ethnography of Africa," _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XLIII. 1913.

[262] G. W. Stow, _The Native Races of South Africa_, 1905.

[263] The British Protectorate was limited in 1905 to about 182,000
square miles.

[264] Cf. A. St H. Gibbons, _Africa South to North through Marotseland_,
1904, and C. W. Mackintosh, _Coillard of the Zambesi_, 1907, with a
bibliography.

[265] The Ma-Kololo gave the Ba-Rotse their present name. They were
originally Aälui, but the conquerors called them Ma-Rotse, people of the
plain.

[266] _Ten Years North of the Orange River._

[267] Cf. G. M. Theal, _The History of South Africa_ 1908-9, and _The
Beginning of South African History_, 1902.

[268] _Op. cit._ p. 47.

[269] G. Lagden, _The Basutos_, 1909.

[270] Variously termed _Ba-Kongo_, _Bashi-Kongo_ or _Ba-Fiot_.

[271] _Towards the Mountains of the Moon_, 1884, p. 128.

[272] _Dictionary and Grammar of the Kongo Language_, 1887, p. xxiii. F.
Starr has published a _Bibliography of the Congo Languages_, Bull. V.,
Dept. of Anthropology, University of Chicago, 1908.

[273] "Li Mociconghi cosi nomati nel suo proprio idioma gli abitanti del
reame di Congo" (_Relatione_, etc., Rome, 1591, p. 68). This form is
remarkable, being singular (_Moci = Mushi_) instead of plural (_Eshi_);
yet it is still currently applied to the rude "Mushi-Kongos" on the
south side of the estuary. Their real name however is Bashi-Kongo. See
_Brit. Mus. Ethnog. Handbook_, p. 219.

[274] Often written _Ba-Fiort_ with an intrusive _r_.

[275] Under Belgian administration much ethnological work has been
undertaken, and published in the _Annales du Musée du Congo_, notably
the magnificent monograph on the _Bushongo_ (_Bakuba_) by E. Torday and
T. A. Joyce, 1911. See also H. H. Johnston, _George Grenfell and the
Congo_, 1908; M. W. Hilton-Simpson, _Land and Peoples of the Kasai_,
1911; E. Torday, _Camp and Tramp in African Wilds_, 1913; J. H. Weeks,
_Among Congo Cannibals_, 1913, and _Among the Primitive Bakongo_, 1914;
and Adolf Friedrich, Duke of Mecklenburg, _From the Congo to the Niger
and the Nile_, 1913.

[276] _The First Ascent of the Kassai_, 1889, p. 20 sq. See also my
communication to the _Academy_, April 6, 1889, and _Africa_ (Stanford's
Compendium), 1895, Vol. II. p. 117 sq.

[277] _Op. cit._ p. 20.

[278] _The New World of Central Africa_, 1890, p. 466 sq.

[279] _Op. cit._ p. 471.

[280] These _Mpangwe_ savages are constantly confused with the
_Mpongwes_ of the Gabún, a settled Bantu people who have been long in
close contact, and on friendly terms, with the white traders and
missionaries in this district.

[281] The scanty information about the Ba-Teke is given, with
references, by E. Torday and T. A. Joyce, "Notes on the Ethnography of
the Ba-Huana," _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XXXVI. 1906.

[282] My _Africa_, II. p. 58. Oscar Lenz, who perhaps knew them best,
says: "Gut gebaut, schlank und kräftig gewachsen, Hautfarbe viel
lichter, manchmal stark ins Gelbe spielend, Haar und Bartwuchs
auffallend stark, sehr grosse Kinnbärte" (_Skizzen aus West-Afrika_,
1878, p. 73).

[283] M. H. Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_, 1897, pp. 331-2.

[284] _Official Report_, 1886.

[285] H. H. Johnston, _George Grenfell and the Congo ... and Notes on
the Cameroons_, 1908.

[286] Reclus, English ed., XII. p. 376.

[287] So also in Minahassa, Celebes, _Empung_, "Grandfather," is the
generic name of the gods. "The fundamental ideas of primitive man are
the same all the world over. Just as the little black baby of the Negro,
the brown baby of the Malay, the yellow baby of the Chinaman are in face
and form, in gestures and habits, as well as in the first articulate
sounds they mutter, very much alike, so the mind of man, whether he be
Aryan or Malay, Mongolian or Negrito, has in the course of its evolution
passed through stages which are practically identical" (Sydney J.
Hickson, _A Naturalist in North Celebes_, 1889, p. 240).

[288] _Op. cit._ p. 96.

[289] "The God of the Ethiopians," in _Nature_, May 26, 1892.

[290] A. B. Ellis, _Tshi_, p. 23; _Ewe_, p. 31; _Yoruba_, p. 36.

[291] Cf. E. S. Hartland, Art. "Bantu and S. Africa," _Ency. of Religion
and Ethics_, 1909.

[292] This account of the Vaalpens is taken from A. H. Keane, _The
World's Peoples_, 1908, p. 149.

[293] This summary of our information about the Strandloopers, with
quotations from F. C. Shrubsall and L. Peringuey, is taken from H. H.
Johnston, "A Survey of the Ethnography of Africa," _Journ. Roy. Anthr.
Inst._ XLIII. 1913, p. 377.

[294] Schiaparelli, _Una Tomba Egiziana_, Rome, 1893.

[295] James Geikie, _Scottish Geogr. Mag._ Sept. 1897.

[296] Thus he finds (_L'Anthropologie_, 1896, p. 153) a presumably
Negrillo skull from the Babinga district, Middle Sangha river, to be
distinctly long-headed (73.2) with, for this race, the enormous cranial
capacity of about 1440 c.c. Cf. the Akka measured by Sir W. Flower (1372
c.c.), and his Andamanese (1128), the highest hitherto known being 1200
(Virchow).

[297] _Through Unknown African Countries_, etc., 1897.

[298] _Bul. Soc. Géogr._ XIX. p. 440.

[299] _Through Jungle and Desert_, 1896, pp. 358-9.

[300] _Travels_, III. p. 86.

[301] _Im Innern Afrika's_, p. 259 sq. As stated in _Eth._ Ch. XI. Dr
Wolf connects all these Negrillo peoples with the Bushmen south of the
Zambesi.

[302] One of the Mambute brought to England by Col. Harrison in 1906
measured just over 3-1/2 feet.

[303] See A. C. Haddon, Art. "Negrillos and Negritos," _Ency. of
Religion and Ethics_, 1917.

[304] "It would seem as if the earliest known race of man inhabiting
what is now British Central Africa was akin to the Bushman-Hottentot
type of Negro. Rounded stones with a hole through the centre, similar to
those which are used by the Bushmen in the south for weighting their
digging-sticks, have been found at the south end of Lake Tanganyika. I
have heard that other examples of these 'Bushman' stones have been found
nearer to Lake Nyasa, etc." (_British Central Africa_, p. 52).

[305] G. Fritsch, _Die Ein-geborenen Sud-Afrikas_, 1872, "Schilderungen
der Hottentotten," _Globus_, 1875, p. 374 ff.; E. T. Hamy, "Les Races
nègres," _L'Anthropologie_, 1897, p. 257 ff.; F. Shrubsall, "Crania of
African Bush Races," _Journ. Anthr. Inst._ 1897. See also G. McCall
Theal, _The Yellow and Dark-skinned People South of the Zambesi_, 1910.

[306] "I have not been able to trace much affinity in word roots between
this language and either Bushman or Hottentot, though it is noteworthy
that the word for four ... is almost identical with the word for four in
all the Hottentot dialects, while the phonology of the language is
reminiscent of Bushmen in its nasals and gutturals" (H. H. Johnston,
"Survey of the Ethnography of Africa," _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XLIII.
1913, p. 380).

[307] _Verhandl. Berliner Gesellsch. f. Anthrop._ 1895, p. 59.

[308] Of another skull undoubtedly Hottentot, from a cave on the
Transvaal and Orange Free State frontier, Dr Mies remarks that "seine
Form ist orthodolichocephal wie bei den Wassandaui," although differing
in some other characters (_Centralbl. f. Anthr._ 1896, p. 50).

[309] From which he adds that the Hottentots "schon lange vor der
Portugiesischen Umschiffung Afrika's von Kaffer-Stämmen wieder
zurückgedrängt wurden" (_Reisen_, I. p. 400).

[310] Adelung und Vater, Berlin, 1812, III. p. 290.

[311] Such are, going north from below Walvisch Bay, Chuntop, Kuisip,
Swakop, Ugab, Huab, Uniab, Hoanib, Kaurasib, and Khomeb.

[312] The returns for 1904 showed a "Hottentot" population of 85,892,
but very few were pure Hottentots. The official estimate of those in
which Hottentot blood was strongly marked was 56,000.

[313] M. H. Tongue and E. D. Bleek, _Bushman Paintings_, 1909. Cf. W. J.
Sollas, _Ancient Hunters_, 1915, p. 399, with bibliography.

[314] W. H. I. Bleek and L. C. Lloyd, _Bushman Folklore_, 1911.

[315] See W. Planert, "Über die Sprache der Hottentotten und
Buschmänner," _Mitt. d. Seminars f. Oriental. Sprachen z. Berlin_, VIII.
(1905), Abt. III. 104-176.

[316] "In the Pygmies of the north-eastern corner of the Congo basin and
amongst the Bantu tribes of the Equatorial East African coast there is a
tendency to faucal gasps or explosive consonants which suggests the
vanishing influence of clicks." H. H. Johnston, "A Survey of the
Ethnography of Africa," _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XLIII. 1913.

[317] "The Bushmen and their Language," in _Journ. R. Asiatic Soc._
XVIII. Part 1.

[318] _Ancient Hunters_, 1915, p. 425.



CHAPTER V

THE OCEANIC NEGROES: PAPUASIANS (PAPUANS AND MELANESIANS)--NEGRITOES--
TASMANIANS

    General Ethnical Relations in Oceania--The terms PAPUAN, MELANESIAN
    and PAPUASIAN defined--The Papuasian Domain, Past and Present--
    Papuans and Melanesians--Physical Characters: Papuan,
    Papuo-Melanesian, Melanesian--The _New Caledonians_--Physical
    Characters--Food Question--General Survey of Melanesian
    Ethnology--Cultural Problems--Kava-drinking and Betel-chewing--Stone
    Monuments--The Dual People--Summary of Culture Strata--Melanesian
    Culture--Dress--Houses--Weapons--Canoes, etc.--Social Life--Secret
    Societies--Clubs--Religion--Western Papuasia--Ethnical Elements--
    Region of Transition by Displacements and Crossings--Papuan and
    Malay Contrasts--Ethnical and Biological Divides--The Negritoes--
    The _Andamanese_--Stone Age--Personal Appearance--Social Life--
    Religion--Speech--Method of Counting--Grammatical Structure--
    The _Semangs_--Physical Appearance--Usages--Speech--Stone Age--
    The _Aetas_--Head-Hunters--_New Guinea Pygmies_--Negrito Culture--
    The _Tasmanians_--Tasmanian Culture--Fire Making--Tools and
    Weapons--Diet--Dwellings--Extinction.


CONSPECTUS.

#Present Range.# Papuasian: _East Malaysia, New Guinea, Melanesia_;
Tasmanian: _extinct_; Negrito: _Andamans, Malay Peninsula, Philippines,
New Guinea_.

#Hair.# Papuasian: _black, frizzly, mop-like, beard scanty or absent_;
Tasmanian: _black, shorter and less mop-like than Papuasian_; Negrito:
_short, woolly or frizzly, black, sometimes tinged with brown or red_.

#Colour.# All: _very deep shades of chocolate brown, often verging on
black, a very constant character, lighter shades showing mixture_.

#Skull.# Papuasian: _extremely dolichocephalic (68-73) and high, but
very variable in areas of mixture. (70-84)_; Tasmanian: _dolichocephalic
or mesaticephalic (75)_; Negrito: _brachycephalic (80-85)_.

#Jaws.# Papuasian: _moderately or not at all prognathous_; Tasmanian
_and_ Negrito: _generally prognathous_. #Cheek-bones.# All: _slightly
prominent or even retreating_. #Nose.# Papuasian: _large, straight,
generally aquiline in true Papuans_; Tasmanian _and_ Negrito: _short,
flat, broad, wide nostrils (platyrrhine) with large thick cartilage_.
#Eyes.# All: _moderately large, round and black or very deep brown, with
dirty yellowish cornea, generally deep-set with strong overhanging
arches_.

#Stature.# Papuasian _and_ Tasmanian: _above the average, but variable,
with rather wide range from 1.62 m. to 1.77 or 1.82 m. (5 ft. 4 in. to 5
ft. 10 in. or 6 ft.)_; Negrito: _undersized, but taller than African
Negrillo, 1.37 m. to 1.52 m. (4. ft. 6 in. to 5 ft.)_.

#Temperament.# Papuasian: _very excitable, voluble and laughter-loving,
fairly intelligent and imaginative_; Tasmanian: _distinctly less
excitable and intelligent, but also far less cruel, captives never
tortured_; Negrito: _active, quick-witted or cunning within narrow
limits, naturally kind and gentle_.

#Speech.# Papuasian _and_ Tasmanian: _agglutinating with postfixes, many
stock languages in West Papuasia, apparently one only in East Papuasia
(Austronesian)_; Negrito: _scarcely known except in Andamans, where
agglutination both by class prefixes and by postfixes has acquired a
phenomenal development_.

#Religion.# Papuasian: _reverence paid to ancestors, who may become
beneficent or malevolent ghosts_; _general belief in_ mana _or
supernatural power_; _no priests or idols_; Negrito: _exceedingly
primitive_; _belief in spirits, sometimes vague deities_.

#Culture.# Papuasian: _slightly developed_; _agriculture somewhat
advanced (N. Guinea, N. Caledonia)_; _considerable artistic taste and
fancy shown in the wood-carving of houses, canoes, ceremonial objects,
etc._ All others: _at the lowest hunting stage, without arts or
industries, save the manufacture of weapons, ornaments, baskets, and
rarely (Andamanese) pottery_.


Main Divisions.

#Papuasian#: 1. Western Papuasians (_true Papuans_): _nearly all the New
Guinea natives_; _Aru and other insular groups thence westwards to
Flores_; _Torres Straits and Louisiade Islands_. 2. Eastern Papuasians:
_nearly all the natives of Melanesia from Bismarck Archipelago to New
Caledonia, with most of Fiji, and part of New Guinea_.

#Negritoes#: 1. Andamanese _Islanders_. 2. Semangs, _in the Malay
Peninsula_. 3. Aetas, _surviving in most of the Philippine Islands_. 4.
_Pygmies in New Guinea._

       *       *       *       *       *

PAPUASIANS.

From the data supplied in _Ethnology_, Chap. XI. a reconstruction may be
attempted of the obscure ethnical relations in Australasia on the
following broad lines.

1. The two main sections of the Ulotrichous division of mankind, now
separated by the intervening waters of the Indian Ocean, are
fundamentally one.

2. To the Sudanese and Bantu sub-sections in Africa correspond, _mutatis
mutandis_, the Papuan and Melanesian sub-sections in Oceania, the former
being distinguished by great linguistic diversity, the latter by
considerable linguistic uniformity, and both by a rather wide range of
physical variety within certain well-marked limits.

3. In Africa the physical varieties are due mainly to Semitic and
Hamitic grafts on the Negro stock; in Oceania mainly to Mongoloid
(Malay) and Caucasian (Indonesian) grafts on the Papuan stock.

4. The Negrillo element in Africa has its counterpart in an analogous
Negrito element in Oceania (Andamanese, Semangs, Aetas, etc.).

5. In both regions the linguistic diversity apparently presents similar
features--a large number of languages differing profoundly in their
grammatical structure and vocabularies, but all belonging to the same
agglutinative order of speech, and also more or less to the same
phonetic system.

6. In both regions the linguistic uniformity is generally confined to
one or two geographical areas, Bantuland in Africa and Melanesia in
Oceania.

7. In Bantuland the linguistic system shows but faint if any
resemblances to any other known tongues, whereas the Melanesian group is
but one branch, though the most archaic, of the vast Austronesian
Family, diffused over the Indian and Pacific Oceans. The Papuan
languages are entirely distinct from the Melanesian. They are in some
respects similar to the Australian, but their exact positions are not
yet proved[319].

8. Owing to their linguistic, geographical, and to some extent their
physical and social differences, it is desirable to treat the Papuans
and Melanesians as two distinct though closely related sub-groups, and
to restrict the use of the terms PAPUAN and MELANESIAN accordingly,
while both may be conveniently comprised under the general or collective
term PAPUASIAN[320].

9. Here, therefore, by _Papuans_ will be understood the true aborigines
of New Guinea with its eastern Louisiade dependency[321], and in the
west many of the Malaysian islands as far as Flores inclusive, where the
black element and non-Malay speech predominate; by _Melanesians_, the
natives of Melanesia as commonly understood, that is, the Admiralty
Isles, New Britain, New Ireland and Duke of York; the Solomon Islands;
Santa Cruz; the New Hebrides, New Caledonia, Loyalty, and Fiji, where
the black element and Austronesian speech prevail almost exclusively.
PAPUASIA will thus comprise the insular world from Flores to New
Caledonia.

Such appear to be the present limits of the Papuasian domain, which
formerly may have included Micronesia also (the Marianne, Pelew, and
Caroline groups), and some writers suggest that it possibly extended
over the whole of Polynesia as far as Easter Island.

The variation in the inhabitants of New Guinea has often been recognised
and is well described by C. G. Seligman who remarks[322] that the
contrast between the relatively tall, dark-skinned, frizzly-haired
inhabitants of Torres Straits, the Fly River and the neighbouring parts
of New Guinea on the one hand, and the smaller lighter coloured peoples
to the east, is so striking that the two peoples must be recognised as
racially distinct. He restricts the name Papuan to the congeries of
frizzly-haired and often mop-headed peoples whose skin colour is some
shade of brownish black, and proposes the term Papuo-Melanesian for the
generally smaller, lighter coloured, frizzly-haired races of the eastern
peninsula and the islands beyond. Besides these conspicuous differences
"The Papuan is generally taller and is more consistently dolichocephalic
than the Papuo-Melanesian: he is always darker, his usual colour being a
dark chocolate or sooty brown; his head is high and his face, is, as a
rule, long with prominent brow-ridges, above which his rather flat
forehead commonly slopes backwards. The Papuo-Melanesian head is usually
less high and the brow ridges less prominent, while the forehead is
commonly rounded and not retreating. The skin colour runs through the
whole gamut of shades of _café-au-lait_, from a lightish yellow with
only a tinge of brown, to a tolerably dark bronze colour. The lightest
shades are everywhere uncommon, and in many localities appear to be
limited to the female sex. The Papuan nose is longer and stouter and is
often so arched as to present the outline known as 'Jewish.' The
character of its bridge varies, typically the nostrils are broad and the
tip of the nose is often hooked downwards. In the Papuo-Melanesian the
nose is generally smaller: both races have frizzly hair, but while this
is universal among Papuans, curly and even wavy hair is common among
both [Eastern and Western] divisions of Papuo-Melanesians[323]."

The Melanesians are as variable as the natives of New Guinea; the hair
may be curly, or even wavy, showing evidence of racial mixture, and the
skin is chocolate or occasionally copper-coloured. The stature of the
men ranges from 1.50 m. to 1.78 m. (4 ft. 11 in. to 5 ft. 10 in.), with
an average between 1.56 m. and 1.6 m. (5 ft. 1-1/2 in. to 5 ft. 3 in.).
The skull is usually dolichocephalic, but ranges from 67 to 85 and in
certain parts brachycephaly is predominant; the nose shows great
diversity. This type ranges with local variations from the Admiralty
Islands and parts of New Guinea through the Bismarck Archipelago,
Solomon Islands, and the New Hebrides and other island groups to Fiji
and New Caledonia.

The "Kanakas," as the natives of New Caledonia and the Loyalty group are
wrongly[324] called by their present rulers, have been described by
various French investigators. Among the best accounts of them is that of
M. Augustin Bernard[325], based on the observations of de Rochas,
Bourgard, Vieillard, Bertillon, Meinicke, and others. Apart from several
sporadic Polynesian groups in the Loyalties[326], all are typical
Melanesians, long-headed with very broad face at least in the middle,
narrow boat-shaped skull (ceph. index 70)[327], large, massive lower
jaw, often with two supplementary molars[328], colour a dark chocolate,
often with a highly characteristic purple tinge; but de Rochas'
statement that for a few days after birth infants are of a light reddish
yellow hue lacks confirmation; hair less woolly but much longer than the
Negro; beard also longish and frizzly, the peppercorn tufts with
simulated bald spaces being an effect due to the assiduous use of the
comb; very prominent superciliary arches and thick eyebrows, whence
their somewhat furtive look; mean height 5 ft. 4 in.; speech Melanesian
with three marked varieties, that of the south-eastern districts being
considered the most rudimentary member of the whole Melanesian
group[329].

From the state of their industries, in some respects the rudest, in
others amongst the most advanced in Melanesia, it may be inferred that
after their arrival the New Caledonians, like the Tasmanians, the
Andamanese, and some other insular groups, remained for long ages almost
completely secluded from the rest of the world. Owing to the poverty of
the soil the struggle for food must always have been severe. Hence the
most jealously guarded privileges of the chiefs were associated with
questions of diet, while the paradise of the dead was a region where
they had abundance of food and could gorge on yams.

The ethnological history of the whole of the Melanesian region is
obscure, but as the result of recent investigations certain broad
features may be recognised. The earliest inhabitants were probably a
black, woolly-haired race, now represented by the pygmies of New Guinea,
remnants of a formerly widely extended Negrito population also surviving
in the Andaman Islands, the Malay Peninsula (Semang) and the Philippines
(Aeta). A taller variety advanced into Tasmania and formed the Tasmanian
group, now extinct, others spread over New Guinea and the western
Pacific as "Papuans," and formed the basis of the Melanesian
populations[330]. The Proto-Polynesians in their migrations from the
East Indian Archipelago to Polynesia passed through this region and
imposed their speech on the population and otherwise modified it. In
later times other migrations have come from the west, and parts of
Melanesia have also been directly influenced by movements from
Polynesia. The result of these supposed influences has been to form the
Melanesian peoples as they exist to-day[331]. G. Friederici[332] has
accumulated a vast amount of evidence based chiefly on linguistics and
material culture, to support the theory of Melanesian cultural streams
from the west. He regards the Melanesians as having come from that part
of Indonesia which extends from the Southern Islands of the Philippine
group, through the Minahasa peninsula of Celebes, to the Moluccas in the
neighbourhood of Buru and Ceram. From the Moluccan region they passed
north of New Guinea to the region about Vitiaz and Dampier Straits,
which Friederici regards as the gateway of Melanesia. Here they
colonised the northern shores of New Britain, and part of the swarm
settled along the eastern and south-eastern shores of New Guinea.
Another stream passed to the Northern Louisiades, Southern Solomons, and
Northern New Hebrides. The Philippine or sub-Philippine stream took a
more northerly route, going by the Admiralty group to New Hanover, East
New Ireland and the Solomons.

The first serious attempt to disentangle the complex character of
Melanesian ethnography was made by F. Graebner in 1905[333], followed by
G. Friederici, the references to whose work are given above. More
recently W. H. R. Rivers[334] has attacked the cultural problem by means
of the genealogical method and the results of his investigations are
here briefly summarised. He has discovered several remarkable forms of
marriage in Melanesia and has deduced others which have existed
previously. He argues that the anomalous forms of marriage imply a
former dual organisation (_i.e._ a division of the community into two
exogamous groups) with matrilineal descent, and he is driven to assume
that in early times there was a state of society in which the elders had
acquired so predominant a position that they were able to monopolise all
the young women. Some of the relationship systems are of great
antiquity, and it is evident that changes have taken place due to
cultural influences coming in from without.

The distribution of kava-drinking and betel-chewing is of great
interest. The former occurs all over Polynesia (except Easter Island and
New Zealand) and throughout southern Melanesia, including certain Santa
Cruz Islands, where it is limited to religious ceremonial. Betel-chewing
begins at these islands and extends northwards through New Guinea and
Indonesia to India. Kava and betel were introduced into Melanesia by
different cultural migrations.

The introduction of betel-chewing was relatively late and restricted and
may have taken place from Indonesia after the invasion by the Hindus.
With it were associated strongly established patrilineal institutions,
marriage with a wife of a father's brother, the special sanctity of the
skull and the plank-built canoe. The use of pile dwellings is a more
constant element of the betel-culture than of the kava-culture. The
religious ritual centres round the skulls of ancestors and relatives,
and the cult of the skull has taken a direction which gives the heads of
enemies an importance equal to that of relatives, hence head-hunting has
become the chief object of warfare. The skull of a relative is the
symbol--if not the actual abiding place--of the dead, to be honoured and
propitiated, while the skulls of enemies act as the means whereby this
honour and propitiation are effected.

The influence of the kava-using peoples was more extensive in time and
space than that of the betel-chewing people. Rivers supposes that they
had neither clan organisation nor exogamy. Some of them preserved the
body after death and respect was paid to the head or skull. It is
possible that the custom of payment for a wife came into existence in
Melanesia as the result of the need of the immigrant men for women of
the indigenous people owing to their bringing few women with them, and
the great development of shell money may be due in part to those
payments. Contact with the earlier populations also resulted in the
development of secret societies. The immigrants introduced the cult of
the dead and the institutions of taboo, totemism and chieftainship. They
brought with them the form of outrigger canoe and the knowledge of
plank-building for canoes (which however was only partially adopted),
the rectangular house, and may have known the art of making pile
dwellings. They introduced various forms of currency made of shells,
teeth, feathers, mats, etc., the drill, the slit drum, or gong, the
conch trumpet, the fowl, pig, dog, and megalithic monuments.

There may have been two immigrations of peoples who made monuments of
stone: 1. Those who erected the more dolmen-like structures, probably
had aquatic totems, and interred their dead in the extended position.

2. A later movement of people whose stone structures tended to take the
form of pyramids, who had bird totems, practised a cult of the sun and
cremated their dead.

When the kava-using people came into Melanesia they found it already
inhabited. The earliest form of social organisation of which we have
evidence was on the dual basis, associated with matrilineal descent, the
dominance of the old men (gerontocracy) and certain peculiar forms of
marriage. These people interred their dead in the contracted or sitting
position, which also was employed in most parts of Polynesia. Evidently
they feared the ghosts and removed their dead as completely as possible
from the living. These people--whom we may speak of as the
"dual-people"--were communistic in property and probably practised
sexual communism; the change towards the institution of individual
property and individual marriage were assisted by, if not entirely due
to, the influence of the kava-people. They practised circumcision. Magic
was an indigenous institution. Characteristic is the cult of _vui_,
unnamed local spirits with definite haunts or abiding places whose rites
are performed in definite localities. In the Northern New Hebrides the
offerings connected with _vui_ are not made to the _vui_ themselves but
to the man who owns the place connected with the _vui_. It would seem as
if ownership of a locality carried with it ownership of the _vui_
connected with the locality. Thus _vui_ are local spirits belonging to
the indigenous owners of the soil, and there seems no reason to believe
that they were ever ghosts of dead men. As totemism occurs among the
dual-people of the Bismarck Archipelago (who live in parts of New
Britain and New Ireland and Duke of York Island) it is possible that the
kava-people were not the sole introducers of totemism into Melanesia.
The dual-people were probably acquainted with the bow, which they may
have called _busur_, and the dug-out canoe which was used either lashed
together in pairs or singly with an outrigger.

The origin of a dual organisation is generally believed to be due to
fission, but it is more reasonable to regard it as due to fusion, as
hostility is so frequently manifest between the two groups despite the
fact that spouses are always obtained from the other moiety. In New
Ireland (and elsewhere) each moiety is associated with a hero; one acts
wisely but unscrupulously, the other is a fool who is always falling an
easy victim to the first. Each moiety has a totem bird: one is a fisher,
clever and capable, while the second obtains its food by stealing from
the other and does not go to sea. One represents the immigrants of
superior culture who came by sea, the other the first people,
aborigines, of lowly culture who were quite unable to cope with the
wiles and stratagems of the people who had settled among them. In the
Gazelle Peninsula of New Britain, the dual groups are associated with
light and dark coconuts; affiliated with the former are male objects and
the clever bird, which is universally called _taragau_, or a variant of
that term. The bird of the other moiety is named _malaba_ or
_manigulai_, and is associated with female objects. The dark coconuts,
the dark colour and flattened noses of the women who were produced by
their transformation, and the projecting eyebrows of the _malaba_ bird
and its human adherents seem to be records in the mythology of the
Bismarck Archipelago of the negroid (or, Rivers suggests, an Australoid)
character of the aboriginal population. The light coconut which was
changed into a light-coloured woman seems to have preserved a tradition
of the light colour of the immigrants.

The autochthones of Melanesia were a dark-skinned and ulotrichous
people, who had neither a fear of the ghosts of their dead nor a manes
cult, but had a cult of local spirits. The Baining of the Gazelle
Peninsula of New Britain may be representatives of a stage of Melanesian
history earlier than the dual system; if so, they probably represent in
a modified form, the aboriginal element. They are said to be completely
devoid of any fear of the dead.

The immigrants whose arrival caused the institution of the dual system
were a relatively fair people of superior culture who interred their
dead in a sitting position and feared their ghosts. They first
introduced the Austronesian language.

All subsequent migrations were of Austronesian-speaking peoples from
Indonesia. First came the kava-peoples in various swarms, and more
recently the betel-people.

Possibly New Caledonia shows the effects of relative isolation more than
other parts of Melanesia, but, except for Polynesian influence (most
directly recognisable in Fiji and southern Melanesia), Melanesia may be
regarded as possessing a general culture with certain characteristic
features which may be thus summarised[335]. The Melanesians are a noisy,
excitable, demonstrative, affectionate, cheery, passionate people. They
could not be hunters everywhere, as in most of the islands there is no
game, nor could they be pastors anywhere, as there are no cattle; the
only resources are fishing and agriculture. In the larger islands there
is usually a sharp distinction between the coast people, who are mainly
fishers, and the inlanders who are agriculturalists; the latter are
always by far the more primitive, and in many cases are subservient to
the former. Both sexes work in the plantations. In parts of New Guinea
and the Western Solomons the sago palm is of great importance; coconut
palms grow on the shores of most islands, and bananas, yams,
bread-fruit, taro and sweet potatoes supply abundant food. As for dress,
the men occasionally wear none, but usually have belts or bands, of
bark-cloth, plaits, or strings, and the women almost everywhere have
petticoats of finely shredded leaves. The skin is decorated with scars
in various patterns, and tattooing is occasionally seen, the former
being naturally characteristic of the darker skinned people, and the
latter of the lighter. Every portion of the body is decorated in
innumerable ways with shells, teeth, feathers, leaves, flowers, and
other objects, and plaited bands encircle the neck, body, and limbs.
Shell necklaces, which constitute a kind of currency, and artificially
deformed boars' tusks are especially characteristic, though each group
usually has its peculiar ornaments, distinguishing it from any other
group. There is a great variety of houses. The typical Melanesian house
has a gable roof, the ridge pole is supported by two main posts, side
walls are very low, and the ends are filled in with bamboo screens. Pile
dwellings are found in the Bismarck Archipelago, the Solomon Islands and
New Guinea, and some New Guinea villages extend out into the sea.

The weapons typical of Melanesia are the club and the spear (though the
latter is not found in the Banks Islands), each group and often each
island possessing its own distinctive pattern. Stone headed clubs are
found in New Guinea, New Britain and the New Hebrides. The spears of the
Solomon Islands are finely decorated and have bone barbs; those of New
Caledonia are pointed with a sting-ray spine; those of the Admiralty
Islands have obsidian heads; and those of New Britain have a human
armbone at the butt end. The bow, the chief weapon of the Papuans,
occurs over the greater part of Melanesia, though it is absent in S.E.
New Guinea, and is only used for hunting in the Admiralty Islands.

The hollowed out tree trunk with or without a plank gunwale is general,
usually with a single outrigger, though plank-built canoes occur in the
Solomons, characteristically ornamented with shell inlay. Pottery is an
important industry in parts of New Guinea and in Fiji; it occurs also in
New Caledonia, Espiritu Santo (New Hebrides) and the Admiralty Islands.
Bark-cloth is made in most islands, but a loom for weaving leaf strips
is now found only in Santa Cruz.

A division of the community into two exogamous groups is very widely
spread, no intermarriage being permitted within the group. Mother-right
is prevalent, descent and inheritance being counted on the mother's
side, while a man's property descends to his sister's children. At the
same time the mother is in no sense the head of the family; the house is
the father's, the garden may be his, the rule and government are his,
though the maternal uncle sometimes has more authority than the father.
The transition to father-right has definitely occurred in various
places, and is taking place elsewhere; thus, in some of the New
Hebrides, the father has to buy off the rights of his wife's relations
or his sister's children.

Chiefs exist everywhere, being endowed with religious sanctity in Fiji,
where they are regarded as the direct descendants of the tribal
ancestors. More often, a chief holds his position solely owing to the
fact that he has inherited the cult of some powerful spirit, and his
influence is not very extensive. Probably everywhere public affairs are
regulated by discussion among the old or important men, and the more
primitive the society, the more power they possess. But the most
powerful institutions of all are the secret societies, occurring with
certain exceptions throughout Melanesia. These are accessible to men
only, and the candidates on initiation have to submit to treatment which
is often rough in the extreme. The members of the societies are believed
to be in close association with ghosts and spirits, and exhibit
themselves in masks and elaborate dresses in which disguise they are
believed by the uninitiated to be supernatural beings. These societies
do not practise any secret cult, in fact all that the initiate appears
to learn is that the "ghosts" are merely his fellows in disguise, and
that the mysterious noises which herald their approach are produced by
the bull-roarer and other artificial means. These organisations are most
powerful agents for the maintenance of social order and inflict
punishment for breaches of customary law, but they are often terrorising
and blackmailing institutions. Women are rigorously excluded.

Other social factors of importance are the clubs, especially in the New
Hebrides and Banks Islands. These are a means of attaining social rank.
They are divided into different grades, the members of which eat
together at their particular fire-place in the club-house. Each rank has
its insignia, sometimes human effigies, usually, but wrongly, called
"idols." Promotion from one grade to another is chiefly a matter of
payment, and few reach the highest. Those who do so become personages of
very great influence, since no candidate can obtain promotion without
their permission.

Totemism occurs in parts of New Guinea and elsewhere and has marked
socialising effects, as totemic solidarity takes precedence of all other
considerations, but it is becoming obsolete. The most important
religious factor throughout Melanesia is the belief in a supernatural
power or influence, generally called _mana_. This is what works to
effect everything which is beyond the ordinary power of man or outside
the common processes of nature; but this power, though in itself
impersonal, is always connected with some person who directs it; all
spirits have it, ghosts generally, and some men. A more or less
developed ancestor cult is also universally distributed. Human beings
may become beneficent or malevolent ghosts, but not every ghost becomes
an object of regard. The ghost who is worshipped is the spirit of a man
who in his lifetime had _mana_. Good and evil spirits independent of
ancestors are also abundant everywhere. There is no established
priesthood, except in Fiji, but as a rule, any man who knows the
particular ritual suitable to a definite spirit, acts as intermediary,
and a man in communication with a powerful spirit becomes a person of
great importance. Life after death is universally believed in, and the
soul is commonly pictured as undertaking a journey, beset with various
perils, to the abode of departed spirits, which is usually represented
as lying towards the west. As a rule only the souls of brave men, or
initiates, or men who have died in fight, win through to the most
desirable abode. Magical practices occur everywhere for the gaining of
benefits, plenteous crops, good fishing, fine weather, rain, children or
success in love. Harmful magic for producing sickness or death is
equally universal[336].

Returning to the Papuan lands proper, in the insular groups west of New
Guinea we enter one of the most entangled ethnical regions in the world.
Here are, no doubt, a few islands such as the Aru group, mainly
inhabited by full-blood Papuans, men who furnished Wallace with the
models on which he built up his true Papuan type, which has since been
vainly assailed by so many later observers. But in others--Ceram, Buru,
Timor, and so on to Flores--diverse ethnical and linguistic elements are
intermingled in almost hopeless confusion. Discarding the term "Alfuro"
as of no ethnical value[337], we find the whole area west to about 120°
E. longitude[338] occupied in varying proportions by pure and mixed
representatives of three distinct stocks: Negro (Papuans), Mongoloid
(Malayans), and Caucasic (Indonesians). From the data supplied by
Crawfurd, Wallace, Forbes, Ten Kate and other trustworthy observers, I
have constructed the subjoined table, in which the east Malaysian
islands are disposed according to the constituent elements of their
inhabitants[339]:

_Aru Group_--True Papuans dominant; Indonesians (Korongoei) in the
interior.

_Kei Group_--Malayans; Indonesians; Papuan strain everywhere.

_Timor; Wetta; Timor Laut_--Mixed Papuans, Malayans and Indonesians; no
pure type anywhere.

_Serwatti Group_--Malayans with slight trace of black blood (Papuan or
Negrito).

_Roti and Sumba_--Malayans.

_Savu_--Indonesians.

_Flores; Solor; Adonera; Lomblen; Pantar; Allor_--Papuans pure or mixed
dominant; Malayans in the coast towns.

_Buru_--Malayans on coast; reputed Papuans, but more probably
Indonesians in interior.

_Ceram_--Malayans on coast; mixed Malayo-Papuans inland.

_Amboina; Banda_--Malayans; Dutch-Malay half-breeds ("Perkeniers").

_Goram_--Malayans with slight Papuan strain.

_Matabello; Tior; Nuso Telo; Tionfoloka_--Papuans with Malayan
admixture.

_Misol_--Malayo-Papuans on coast; Papuans inland.

_Tidor; Ternate; Sulla; Makian_--Malayans.

_Batjan_--Malayans; Indonesians.

_Gilolo_--Mixed Papuans; Indonesians in the north.

_Waigiu; Salwatti; Batanta_--Malayans on the coast; Papuans inland.

From this apparently chaotic picture, which in some places, such as
Timor, presents every gradation from the full-blood Papuan to the
typical Malay, Crawfurd concluded that the eastern section of Malaysia
constituted a region of transition between the yellowish-brown
lank-haired and the dark-brown or black mop-headed stocks. In a sense
this is true, but not in the sense intended by Crawfurd, who by
"transition" meant the actual passage by some process of development
from type to type independently of interminglings. But such extreme
transitions have nowhere taken place spontaneously, so to say, and in
any case could never have been brought about in a small zoological area
presenting everywhere the same climatic conditions. Biological types may
be, and have been, modified in different environments, arctic,
temperate, or tropical zones, but not in the same zone, and if two such
marked types as the Mongol and the Negro are now found juxtaposed in the
Malaysian tropical zone, the fact must be explained by migrations and
displacements, while the intermediate forms are to be attributed to
secular intermingling of the extremes. Why should a man, passing from
one side to another of an island 10 or 20 miles long, be transformed
from a sleek-haired brown to a frizzly-haired black, or from a mercurial
laughter-loving Papuan to a Malayan "slow in movement and thoroughly
phlegmatic in disposition, rarely seen to laugh or become animated in
conversation, with expression generally of vague wonder or weary
sadness"[340]?

Wallace's classical description of these western Papuans, who are here
in the very cradleland of the race, can never lose its charm, and its
accuracy has been fully confirmed by all later observers. "The typical
Papuan race," he writes, "is in many respects the very opposite of the
Malay. The colour of the body is a deep sooty-brown or black, sometimes
approaching, but never quite equalling, the jet-black of some negro
races. The hair is very peculiar, being harsh, dry, and frizzly, growing
in little tufts or curls, which in youth are very short and compact, but
afterwards grow out to a considerable length, forming the compact,
frizzled mop which is the Papuan's pride and glory.... The moral
characteristics of the Papuan appear to me to separate him as distinctly
from the Malay as do his form and features. He is impulsive and
demonstrative in speech and action. His emotions and passions express
themselves in shouts and laughter, in yells and frantic leapings.... The
Papuan has a greater feeling for art than the Malay. He decorates his
canoe, his house, and almost every domestic utensil with elaborate
carving, a habit which is rarely found among tribes of the Malay race.
In the affections and moral sentiments, on the other hand, the Papuans
seem very deficient. In the treatment of their children they are often
violent and cruel, whereas the Malays are almost invariably kind and
gentle."

The ethnological parting-line between the Malayan and Papuasian races,
as first laid down by Wallace, nearly coincides with his division
between the Indo-Malayan and Austro-Malayan floras and faunas, the chief
differences being the positions of Sumbawa and Celebes. Both of these
islands are excluded from the Papuasian realm, but included in the
Austro-Malayan zoological and botanical regions.


THE OCEANIC NEGRITOES.

Recent discoveries and investigations of the pygmy populations on the
eastern border of the Indian Ocean tend to show that the problem is by
no means simple. Already two main stocks are recognised, differentiated
by wavy and curly hair and dolichocephaly in the Sakai, and so-called
woolly hair in the Andamanese Islanders, Semang (Malay Peninsula) and
Aeta (Philippines), combined with mesaticephaly or low brachycephaly. In
East Sumatra and Celebes a short, curly-haired dark-skinned people
occur, racially akin to the Sakai, and Moszkowski suggests that the same
element occupied Geelvink Bay (Netherlands New Guinea). These with the
Vedda of Ceylon, and some jungle tribes of the Deccan, represent
remnants of a once widely distributed pre-Dravidian race, which is also
supposed to form the chief element in the Australians[341].

The "Mincopies," as the Andamanese used to be called, nobody seems to
know why, were visited in 1893 by Louis Lapicque, who examined a large
kitchen-midden near Port Blair, but some distance from the present
coast, hence of great age[342]. Nevertheless he failed to find any
worked stone implements, although flint occurs in the island. Indeed,
chipped or flaked flints, now replaced by broken glass, were formerly
used for shaving and scarification. But, as the present natives use only
fishbones, shells, and wood, Lapicque somewhat hastily concluded that
these islanders, like some other primitive groups, have never passed
through a Stone Age at all. The shell-mounds have certainly yielded an
arrow-head and polished adze "indistinguishable from any of the European
or Indian celts of the so-called Neolithic period[343]." But there is no
reason to think that the archipelago was ever occupied by a people
different from its present inhabitants. Hence we may suppose that their
ancestors arrived in their Stone Age, but afterwards ceased to make
stone implements, as less handy for their purposes and more difficult to
make than the shell or bone-tipped weapons and the nets with which they
capture game and fish more readily "than the most skilful fisherman with
hook and line[344]." Similarly they would seem to have long lost the art
of making fire, having once obtained it from a still active volcano in
the neighbouring Barren Island[345].

The inhabitants of the Andaman Islands range in colour from bronze to
sooty black. Their hair is extremely frizzly, seeming to grow in spiral
tufts and is seldom more than 5 inches long when untwisted. The women
usually shave their heads. Their height is about 1.48 m. (4 ft. 10-1/2
in.), with well-proportioned body and small hands. The cephalic index
averages 82. The face is broad at the cheek-bones, the eyes are
prominent, the nose is much sunken at the root but straight and small;
the lips are full but not thick, the chin is small but not retreating,
nor do the jaws project. The natives are characterised by honesty,
frankness, politeness, modesty, conjugal fidelity, respect for elders
and real affection between relatives and friends. The women are on an
equal footing with the men and do their full share of work. The food is
mainly fish (obtained by netting, spearing or shooting with bow and
arrow), wild yams, turtle, pig and honey. They do not till the soil or
keep domestic animals. Instead of clothing both sexes wear belts,
necklaces, leg-bands, arm-bands etc. made of bones, wood and shell, the
women wearing in addition a rudimentary leaf apron. When fully dressed
the men wear bunches of shredded Pandanus leaf at wrists and knees, and
a circlet of the same leaf folded on the head. They make canoes, some of
which have an outrigger, but never venture far from the shore. They
usually live in small encampments round an oval dancing ground, their
simple huts are open in front and at the sides, or in a large communal
hut in which each family has its own particular space, the bachelors and
spinsters having theirs. A family consists of a man and his wife and
such of their children, own and adopted, as have not passed the period
of the ceremonies of adolescence. Between that period and marriage the
boys and girls reside in the bachelors' and spinsters' quarters
respectively. A man is not regarded as an independent member of the
community till he is married and has a child. There is no organised
polity. Generally one man excels the rest in hunting, warfare, wisdom
and kindliness, and he is deferred to, and becomes, in a sense, chief. A
regular feature of Andamanese social life is the meeting at intervals
between two or more communities. A visit of a few days is paid and
presents are exchanged between hosts and guests, the time being spent in
hunting, feasting and dancing.

No forms of worship have been noticed, but there is a belief in various
kinds of spirits, the most important of whom is Biliku, usually regarded
as female, who is identified with the north-east monsoon and is paired
with Tarai the south-west monsoon. Biliku and Tarai are the producers of
rain, storms, thunder and lightning. Fire was stolen from Biliku. There
is always great fluidity in native beliefs, so some tribes regard Puluga
(Biliku) as a male. Three things make Biliku angry and cause her to send
storms; melting or burning of bees-wax, interfering in any way with a
certain number of plants, and killing a cicada or making a noise during
the time the cicadae are singing. A. R. Brown[346] gives an interesting
explanation of this curious belief. Biliku is supposed to have a human
form but nobody ever sees her. Her origin is unknown. The idea of her
being a creator is local and is probably secondary, she does not concern
herself with human actions other than those noted above.

E. H. Man has carefully studied and reduced to writing the Andamanese
language, of which there are at least nine distinct varieties,
corresponding to as many tribal groups. It has no clear affinities to
any other tongue[347], the supposed resemblances to Dravidian and
Australian being extremely slight, if not visionary. Its phonetic system
is astonishingly rich (no less than 24 vowels and 17 consonants, but no
sibilants), while the arithmetic stops at _two_. Nobody ever attempts to
count in any way beyond _ten_, which is reached by a singular process.
First the nose is tapped with the finger-tips of either hand, beginning
with the little finger, and saying _úbatúl_ (one), then _íkpór_ (two)
with the next, after which each successive tap makes _anká_, "and this."
When the thumb of the second hand is reached, making _ten_, both hands
are brought together to indicate 5 + 5, and the sum is clenched with the
word _àrdúru_ = "all." But this feat is exceptional, and usually after
_two_ you get only words answering to several, many, numerous,
countless, which flight of imagination is reached at about 6 or 7.

Yet with their infantile arithmetic these paradoxical islanders have
contrived to develop an astonishingly intricate form of speech
characterised by an absolutely bewildering superfluity of pronominal and
other elements. Thus the possessive pronouns have as many as sixteen
possible variants according to the class of noun (human objects, parts
of the body, degrees of kinship, etc.) with which they are in agreement.
For instance, _my_ is _día_, _dót_, _dóng_, _dig_, _dab_, _dar_, _dákà_,
_dóto_, _dai_, _dár_, _ad_, _ad-en_, _deb_, with _man_, _head_, _wrist_,
_mouth_, _father_, _son_, _step-son_, _wife_, etc. etc.; and so with
_thy_, _his_, _our_, _your_, _their_! This grouping of nouns in classes
is analogous to the Bantu system, and it is curious to note that the
number of classes is about the same. On the other hand there is a wealth
of postfixes attached as in normal agglutinating forms of speech, so
that "in adding their affixes they follow the principles of the ordinary
agglutinative tongues; in adding their prefixes they follow the
well-defined principles of the South African tongues. Hitherto, as far
as I know, the two principles in full play have never been found
together in any other language.... In Andamanese both are fully
developed, so much so as to interfere with each other's grammatical
functions[348]." The result often is certain _sesquipedalia verba_
comparable in length to those of the American polysynthetic languages. A
savage people, who can hardly count beyond two, possessed of about the
most intricate language spoken by man, is a psychological puzzle which I
cannot profess to fathom.

In the Malay Peninsula the indigenous element is certainly the Negrito,
who, known by many names--Semang, Udai, Pangan, Hami, Menik or
Mandi--forms a single ethnical group presenting some striking analogies
with the Andamanese. But, surrounded from time out of mind by Malay
peoples, some semi-civilised, some nearly as wild as themselves, but all
alike slowly crowding them out of the land, these aborigines have
developed defensive qualities unneeded by the more favoured insular
Negritoes, while their natural development has been arrested at perhaps
a somewhat lower plane of culture. In fact, doomed to extinction before
their time came, they never have had a chance in the race, as Hugh
Clifford sings in _The Song of the Last Semangs_:

  The paths are rough, the trails are blind
    The Jungle People tread;
  The yams are scarce and hard to find
    With which our folk are fed.

  We suffer yet a little space
    Until we pass away,
  The relics of an ancient race
    That ne'er has had its day.

In physical features they in many respects resemble the Andamanese.
Their hair is short, universally woolly and black, the skin colour dark
chocolate brown approximating to glossy black[349], sometimes with a
reddish tinge[350]. There is very little evidence for the stature but
the 17 males measured by Annandale and Robinson[351] averaged 1.52 m. (5
ft. 0-1/4 in.). The average cephalic index is about 78 to 79, extremes
ranging from 74 to 84. The face is round, the forehead rounded, narrow
and projecting, or as it were "swollen." The nose is short and
flattened, with remarkable breadth and distended nostrils. The nasal
index of five adult males was 101.2[352]. The cheekbones are broad and
the jaws often protrude slightly; the lips are as a rule thick. Martin
remarks that characteristic both of Semang and Sakai[353] is the great
thickening of the integumental part of the upper lip, the whole mouth
region projecting from the lower edge of the nose. This convexity occurs
in 79 per cent., and is well shown in his photographs[354].

Hugh Clifford, who has been intimately associated with the "Orang-utan"
(Wild-men) as the Malays often call them, describes those of the Plus
River valley as "like African Negroes seen through the reverse end of a
field-glass. They are sooty-black in colour; their hair is short and
woolly, clinging to the scalp in little crisp curls; their noses are
flat, their lips protrude, and their features are those of the pure
negroid type. They are sturdily built and well set upon their legs, but
in stature little better than dwarfs. They live by hunting, and have no
permanent dwellings, camping in little family groups wherever, for the
moment, game is most plentiful[355]."

Their shelters--huts they cannot be called--are exactly like the
frailest of the Andamanese, mere lean-to's of matted palm-leaves crazily
propped on rough uprights; clothes they have next to none, and their
food is chiefly yams and other jungle roots, fish from the stream, and
sun-dried monkey, venison and other game, this term having an elastic
meaning. Salt, being rarely obtainable, is a great luxury, as amongst
almost all wild tribes. They are a nomadic people living by collecting
and hunting; the wilder ones will often not remain longer than three
days in one place. Very few have taken to agriculture. They make use of
bamboo rafts for drifting down stream but have no canoes. All men are on
an equal footing, but each tribe has a head, who exercises authority.
Division of labour is fairly even between men and women. The men hunt,
and the women build the shelters and cook the food. They are strictly
monogamous and faithful.

All the faculties are sharpened mainly in the quest of food and of means
to elude the enemy now closing round their farthest retreats in the
upland forests. When hard pressed and escape seems impossible, they will
climb trees and stretch rattan ropes from branch to branch where these
are too wide apart to be reached at a bound, and along such frail aërial
bridges women and all will pass with their cooking-pots and other
effects, with their babies also at the breast, and the little ones
clinging to their mother's heels. For like the Andamanese they love
their women-folk and children, and in this way rescue them from the
Malay raiders and slavers. But unless the British raj soon intervenes
their fate is sealed. They may slip from the Malays, but not from their
own traitorous kinsmen, who often lead the hunt, and squat all night
long on the tree tops, calling one to another and signalling from these
look-outs when the leaves rustle and the rattans are heaved across, so
that nothing can be done, and another family group is swept away into
bondage.

From their physical resemblance, undoubted common descent, and
geographical proximity, one might also expect to find some affinity in
the speech of the Andaman and Malay Negritoes. But H. Clifford, who made
a special study of the dialects on the mainland, discovered no points of
contact between them and any other linguistic group[356]. This, however,
need cause no surprise, being in no discordance with recognised
principles. As in the Andamans, stone implements have been found in the
Peninsula, and specimens are now in the Pitt-Rivers collection at
Oxford[357]. But the present aborigines do not make or use such tools,
and there is good reason for thinking that they were the work of their
ancestors, arriving, as in the Andamans, in the remote past. Hence the
two groups have been separated for many thousands of years, and their
speech has diverged too widely to be now traced back to a common
source.

With the Negritoes of the Philippines we enter a region of almost
hopeless ethnical complications[358], amid which, however, the dark
dwarfish _Aeta_ peoples crop out almost everywhere as the indigenous
element. The Aeta live in the mountainous districts of the larger
islands, and in some of the smaller islands of the Philippines, and the
name is conveniently extended to the various groups of Philippine
Negritoes, many of whom show the results of mixture with other peoples.
Their hair is universally woolly, usually of a dirty black colour, often
sun-burnt on the top to a reddish brown. The skin is dark chocolate
brown rather than black, sometimes with a yellowish tinge. The average
stature of 48 men was 1.46 m. (4 ft. 9 in.), but showed considerable
range. The typical nose is broad, flat, and bridgeless, with prominent
arched nostrils, the average nasal index for males being 102, and for
females 105[359]. The lips are thick, but not protruding, sometimes
showing a pronounced convexity between the upper lip and the nose.

John Foreman[360] noted the curious fact that the Aeta were recognised
as the owners of the soil long after the arrival of the Malayan
intruders.

"For a long time they were the sole masters of Luzon Island, where they
exercised seignorial rights over the Tagalogs and other immigrants,
until these arrived in such numbers, that the Negritoes were forced to
the highlands.

"The taxes imposed upon the primitive Malay settlers by the Negritoes
were levied in kind, and, when payment was refused, they swooped down in
a posse, and carried off the head of the defaulter. Since the arrival of
the Spaniards terror of the white man has made them take definitely to
the mountains, where they appear to be very gradually decreasing[361]."

At first sight it may seem unaccountable that a race of such extremely
low intellect should be able to assert their supremacy in this way over
the intruding Malayans, assumed to be so much their superiors in
physical and mental qualities. But it has to be considered that the
invasions took place in very remote times, ages before the appearance on
the scene of the semi-civilised Muhammadan Malays of history. Whether of
Indonesian or of what is called "Malay" stock, the intruders were rude
Oceanic peoples, who in the prehistoric period, prior to the spread of
civilising Hindu or Moslem influences in Malaysia, had scarcely advanced
in general culture much beyond the indigenous Papuan and Negrito
populations of that region. Even at present the Gaddanes, Itaves,
Igorrotes, and others of Luzon are mere savages, at the head-hunting
stage, quite as wild as, and perhaps even more ferocious than any of the
Aetas. Indeed we are told that in some districts the Negrito and
Igorrote tribes keep a regular Debtor and Creditor account of heads.
Wherever the vendetta still prevails, all alike live in a chronic state
of tribal warfare; periodical head-hunting expeditions are organised by
the young men, to present the bride's father with as many grim trophies
as possible in proof of their prowess, the victims being usually taken
by surprise and stricken down with barbarous weapons, such as a long
spear with tridented tips, or darts and arrows carrying at the point two
rows of teeth made of flint or sea-shells. To avoid these attacks some,
like the Central Sudanese Negroes, live in cabins on high posts or trees
60 to 70 feet from the ground, and defend themselves by showering stones
on the marauders.

A physical peculiarity of the full-blood Negritoes, noticed by J.
Montano[362], is the large, clumsy foot, turned slightly inwards, a
trait characteristic also of the African Negrilloes; but in the Aeta the
effect is exaggerated by the abnormal divergence of the great toe, as
amongst the Annamese.

The presence of a pygmy element in the population of New Guinea had long
been suspected, but the actual existence of a pygmy people was first
discovered by the British Ornithologists' Union Expedition, 1910, at the
source of the Mimika river in the Nassau range[363].

The description of these people, the Tapiro, is as follows. Their
stature averages 1.449 m. (4 ft. 9 in.) ranging from 1.326 m. (4 ft.
4-1/2 in.) to 1.529 (5 ft. 0-1/4 in.). The skull is very variable giving
indices from 66.9 to 85.1. The skin colour is lighter than that of the
neighbouring Papuans, some individuals being almost yellow. The nose is
straight, and though described as "very wide at the nostrils," the mean
of the indices is only 83, the extremes being 65.5 and 94. The eyes are
noticeably larger and rounder than those of Papuans, and the upper lip
of many of the men is long and curiously convex. A Negrito element has
also been recognised in the Mafulu people investigated by R. W.
Williamson in the Mekeo District[364], here mixed with Papuan and
Papuo-Melanesian. Their stature ranges from 1.47 m. (4 ft. 10 in.) to
1.63 m. (5 ft. 4 in.). The average cephalic index is 80 ranging from
74.7 to 86.8. The skin colour is dark sooty brown and the hair, though
usually brown or black, is often very much lighter, "not what we in
Europe should call dark." The average nasal index is 84 with extremes of
71.4 and 100. Also partly of Negrito origin are the P[)e]s[)e]g[)e]m of
the upper waters of the Lorentz river[365].

All these Negrito peoples, as has been pointed out, show considerable
diversity in physical characters, none of the existing groups, with the
exception of the Andamanese, appearing to be homogeneous as regards
cephalic or nasal index, while the stature, though always low, shows
considerable range. They have certain cultural features in common[366],
and these as a rule differentiate them from their neighbours. They
seldom practise any deformation of the person, such as tattooing or
scarification, though the Tapiro and Mafulu wear a nose-stick. They are
invariably collectors and hunters, never, unless modified by contact
with other peoples, undertaking any cultivation of the soil. Their huts
are simple, the pile dwellings of the Tapiro being evidently copied from
their neighbours. All possess the bow and arrow, though only the Semang
and Aeta use poison. The Andamanese appear to be one of the very few
peoples who possess fire but do not know how to make it afresh. There
seems a certain amount of evidence that the Negrito method of making
fire was that of splitting a dry stick, keeping the ends open by a piece
of wood or stone placed in the cleft, stuffing some tinder into the
narrow part of the slit and then drawing a strip of rattan to and fro
across the spot until a spark sets fire to the tinder[367]. The social
structure is everywhere very simple. The social unit appears to be the
family and the power of the headman is very limited. Strict monogamy
seems to prevail even where, as among the Aeta, polygyny is not
prohibited. The dead are buried, but the bodies of those whom it is
wished to honour are placed on platforms or on trees.

Related in certain physical characters to the pygmy Negritoes, although
not of pygmy proportions[368], were the aborigines of Tasmania, but
their racial affinities are much disputed. Huxley thought they showed
some resemblance to the inhabitants of New Caledonia and the Andaman
Islands, but Flower was disposed to bring them into closer connection
with the Papuans or Melanesians. The leading anthropologists in France
do not accept either of these views. Topinard states that there is no
close alliance between the New Caledonians and the Tasmanians, while
Quatrefages and Hamy remark that "from whatever point of view we look at
it, the Tasmanian race presents special characters, so that it is quite
impossible to discover any well-defined affinities with any other
existing race." Sollas, reviewing these conflicting opinions, concludes
that "this probably represents the prevailing opinion of the present
day[369]."

The Tasmanians were of medium height, the average for the men being
1.661 m. (5 ft. 5-1/2 in.) with a range from 1.548 m. to 1.732 m. (5 ft.
1 in. to 5 ft. 8 in.); the average height for women being 1.503 m. (4
ft. 11 in.) with a range from 1.295 m. to 1.630 m. (4 ft. 3 in. to 5 ft.
4-1/4 in.). The skin colour was almost black with a brown tinge. The
eyes were small and deep set beneath prominent overhanging brow-ridges.
The nose was short and broad, with a deep notch at the root and widely
distended nostrils. The skull was dolichocephalic or low mesaticephalic,
with an average index of 75, of peculiar outline when viewed from above.
Other peculiarities were the possession of the largest teeth, especially
noticeable in comparison with the small jaw, and the smallest known
cranial capacity (averaging 1199 c.c. for both sexes, falling in the
women to 1093 c.c.).

The aboriginal Tasmanians stood even at a lower level of culture than
the Australians. At the occupation the scattered bands, with no
hereditary chiefs or social organisation, numbered altogether 2000 souls
at most, speaking several distinct dialects, whether of one or more
stock languages is uncertain. In the absence of sibilants and some other
features they resembled the Australian, but were of ruder or less
developed structure, and so imperfect that according to Joseph Milligan,
our best authority on the subject, "they observed no settled order or
arrangement of words in the construction of their sentences, but
conveyed in a supplementary fashion by tone, manner, and gesture those
modifications of meaning which we express by mood, tense, number,
etc.[370]" Abstract terms were rare, and for every variety of gum-tree
or wattle-tree there was a name, but no word for "tree" in general, or
for qualities, such as hard, soft, warm, cold, long, short, round, etc.
Anything hard was "like a stone," round "like the moon," and so on,
"usually suiting the action to the word, and confirming by some sign the
meaning to be understood."

They made fire by the stick and groove method, but their acquaintance
with the fire-drill is uncertain[371]. The stone implements are the
subject of much discussion. A great number are so rude and uncouth that,
taken alone, we should have little reason to suspect that they had been
chipped by man: some, on the other hand, show signs of skilful working.
They were formerly classed as "eoliths" and compared to the plateau
implements of Kent and Sussex, but the comparison cannot be
sustained[372]. Sollas illustrates an implement "delusively similar to
the head of an axe" and notes its resemblance to a Levallois flake
(Acheulean). J. P. Johnson[373] points out the general likeness to
pre-Aurignacian forms and there is a remarkable similarity of certain
examples to Mousterian types. Weapons were of wood, and consisted of
spears pointed and hardened in the fire, and a club or waddy, about two
feet long, sometimes knobbed at one end; the range is said to have been
about 40 yards.

In the native diet were included "snakes, lizards, grubs and worms,"
besides the opossum, wombat, kangaroo, birds and fishes, roots, seeds
and fruits, but not human flesh, at least normally. Like the Bushmen,
they were gross feeders, consuming enormous quantities of food when they
could get it, and the case is mentioned of a woman who was seen to eat
from 50 to 60 eggs of the sooty petrel (larger than a duck's), besides a
double allowance of bread, at the station on Flinders Island. They had
frail bundles of bark made fast with thongs or rushes, half float, half
boat, to serve as canoes, but no permanent abodes or huts, beyond
branches of trees lashed together, supported by stakes, and disposed
crescent-shape with the convex side to windward. On the uplands and
along the sea-shore they took refuge in caves, rock-shelters and natural
hollows. Usually the men went naked, the women wore a loose covering of
skins, and personal ornamentation was limited to cosmetics of red ochre,
plumbago, and powdered charcoal, with occasionally a necklace of shells
strung on a fibrous twine.

Being merely hunters and collectors, with the arrival of English
colonists their doom was sealed. "Only in rare instances can a race of
hunters contrive to co-exist with an agricultural people. When the
hunting ground of a tribe is restricted owing to its partial occupation
by the new arrivals, the tribe affected is compelled to infringe on the
boundaries of its neighbours: this is to break the most sacred 'law of
the Jungle,' and inevitably leads to war: the pressure on one boundary
is propagated to the next, the ancient state of equilibrium is
profoundly disturbed, and inter-tribal feuds become increasingly
frequent. A bitter feeling is naturally aroused against the original
offenders, the alien colonists; misunderstandings of all kinds
inevitably arise, leading too often to bloodshed, and ending in a
general conflict between natives and colonists, in which the former,
already weakened by disagreements among themselves, must soon succumb.
So it was in Tasmania." After the war of 1825 to 1831 the few wretched
survivors, numbering about 200, were gathered together into a
settlement, and from 1834 onwards every effort was made for their
welfare, "but 'the white man's civilisation proved scarcely less fatal
than the white man's bullet,' and in 1877, with the death of Truganini,
the last survivor, the race became extinct[374]."


FOOTNOTES:

[319] Cf. S. H. Ray, _Reports Camb. Anthrop. Exp. Torres Sts._ Vol. III.
1907, pp. 287, 528. For Melanesian linguistic affinities see also W.
Schmidt, _Die Mon-Khmer Völker_, 1906.

[320] C. G. Seligman limits the use of the term _Papuasian_ to the
inhabitants of New Guinea and its islands, and following a suggestion of
A. C. Haddon's (_Geograph. Journ._ XVI. 1900, pp. 265, 414), recognises
therein three great divisions, the _Papuans_, the _Western
Papuo-Melanesians_, and the _Eastern Papuo-Melanesians_, or _Massim_.
Cf. C. G. Seligman, "A Classification of the Natives of British New
Guinea," _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ Vol. XXXIX. 1902, and _The
Melanesians of British New Guinea_, 1910.

[321] That is, the indigenous Papuans, who appear to form the great bulk
of the New Guinea populations, in contradistinction to the immigrant
Melanesians (Motu and others), who are numerous especially along the
south-east coast of the mainland and in the neighbouring Louisiade and
D'Entrecasteaux Archipelagoes (_Eth._ Ch. XI.).

[322] _The Melanesians of British New Guinea_, 1910, pp. 2, 27.

[323] The curly or wavy hair appears more commonly among women than
among men.

[324] _Kanaka_ is a Polynesian word meaning "man," and should therefore
be restricted to the brown Indonesian group, but it is indiscriminately
applied by French writers to all South Sea Islanders, whether black or
brown. This misuse of the term has found its way into some English books
of travel even in the corrupt French form "canaque."

[325] _L'Archipel de la Nouvelle Calédonie_, Paris, 1895.

[326] Lifu, Mare, Uvea, and Isle of Pines. These Polynesians appear to
have all come originally from Tonga, first to Uvea Island (Wallis), and
thence in the eighteenth century to Uvea in the Loyalties, cradle of all
the New Caledonian Polynesian settlements. Cf. C. M. Woodford, "On some
Little-known Polynesian Settlements in the Neighbourhood of the Solomon
Islands," _Geog. Journ._ XLVIII. 1916.

[327] This low index is characteristic of most Papuasians, and reaches
the extreme of dolichocephaly in the extinct Kai-Colos of Fiji (65°),
and amongst some coast Papuans of New Guinea measured by
Miklukho-Maclay. But this observer found the characters so variable in
New Guinea that he was unable to use it as a racial test. In the New
Hebrides, Louisiades, and Bismarck group also he found many of the
natives to be broad-headed, with indices as high as 80 and 85; and even
in the Solomon Islands Guppy records cephalic indices ranging from 69 to
86, but dolichocephaly predominates (_The Solomon Islands_, 1887, pp.
112, 114). Thus this feature is no more constant amongst the Oceanic
than it is amongst the African Negroes. (See also M.-Maclay's paper in
_Proc. Linn. Soc. New South Wales_, 1882, p. 171 sq.)

[328] _Eth._ Ch. VIII.

[329] Bernard, p. 262.

[330] A. C. Haddon, _The Wanderings of Peoples_, 1911, p. 33.

[331] A. C. Haddon, _The Races of Man_, 1909, p. 21.

[332] _Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse einer amtlichen Forschungsreise nach
dem Bismarck-Archipel im Jahre 1908_; _Untersuchungen über eine
Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 1913_; and _Mitt. aus den deutschen
Schutzgebieten, Ergänzungsheft_, Nr 5, 1912, Nr 7, 1913. See also S. H.
Ray, _Nature_, CLXXII. 1913, and _Man_, XIV. 34, 1914.

[333] _Zeitschr. f. Ethnol._ XXXVII. p. 26, 1905. His later writings
should also be consulted, _Anthropos_, IV. 1909, pp. 726, 998;
_Ethnologie_, 1914, p. 13.

[334] _The History of Melanesian Society_, 1914.

[335] A. C. Haddon, _The Races of Man_, 1909, pp. 24-8, and _Handbook to
the Ethnographical Collections British Museum_, 1910, pp. 119-139.

[336] Besides the earlier works of H. H. Romilly, _The Western Pacific
and New Guinea_, 1886, _From My Verandah in New Guinea_, 1889; J.
Chalmers, _Work and Adventure in New Guinea_, 1885; O. Finsch,
_Samoafahrten: Reisen in Kaiser Wilhelms-Land und Englisch Neu-Guinea_,
1888; C. M. Woodford, _A Naturalist Among the Head-hunters_, 1890; J. P.
Thompson, _British New Guinea_, 1892; and R. H. Codrington, _The
Melanesians_, 1891, the following more recent works may be
consulted:--A. C. Haddon, _Head-hunters, Black, White, and Brown_, 1901,
and _Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres
Straits_, 1901- ; R. Parkinson, _Dreissig Jahre in der Südsee_, 1907; G.
A. J. van der Sande, _Nova Guinea_, 1907; B. Thompson, _The Fijians_,
1908; G. Brown, _Melanesians and Polynesians_, 1910; F. Speiser, _Südsee
Urwald Kannibalen_, 1913.

[337] _Eth._ Ch. XII.

[338] But excluding Celebes, where no trace of Papuan elements has been
discovered.

[339] For details see F. H. H. Guillemard, _Australasia_, Vol. II. and
Reclus, Vol. XIV.

[340] S. J. Hickson, _A Naturalist in North Celebes_, 1889, p. 203.

[341] A. C. Haddon, "The Pygmy Question," Appendix B to A. F. R.
Wollaston's _Pygmies and Papuans_, 1912, p. 304.

[342] "A la Recherche des Negritos," etc., in _Tour du Monde_, New
Series, Livr. 35-8. The midden was 150 ft. round, and over 12 ft. high.

[343] E. H. Man, _Journ. Anthr. Inst._ Vol. XI. 1881, p. 271, and XII.
1883, p. 71.

[344] _Ib._ p. 272.

[345] Close to Barren is the extinct crater of _Narcondam_, i.e.
_Narak-andam_ (_Narak_ = Hell), from which the _Andaman_ group may have
taken its name (Sir H. Yule, _Marco Polo_). Man notes, however, that the
Andamanese were not aware of the existence of Barren Island until taken
past in the settlement steamer (p. 368).

[346] _Folk-Lore_, 1909, p. 257. See also the criticisms of W. Schmidt,
"Puluga, the Supreme Being of the Andamanese," _Man_, 2, 1910, and A.
Lang, "Puluga," _Man_, 30, 1910; A. R. Brown, _The Andaman Islands_ (in
the Press).

[347] "The Andaman languages are one group; they have no affinities by
which we might infer their connection with any other known group" (R. C.
Temple, quoted by Man, _Anthrop. Jour._ 1882, p. 123).

[348] R. C. Temple, quoted by Man, _Anthrop. Jour._ 1882, p. 123.

[349] W. W. Skeat and C. D. Blagden, _Pagan Races of the Malay
Peninsula_, 1906.

[350] R. Martin, _Die Inlandstämme der Malayischen Halbinsel_, 1905.

[351] N. Annandale and H. C. Robinson, "Fasciculi Malayensis,"
_Anthropology_, 1903.

[352] W. W. Skeat and C. D. Blagden, _loc. cit._

[353] The Sakai have often been classed among Negritoes, but, although
undoubtedly a mixed people, their affinities appear to be pre-Dravidian.

[354] Cf. A. C. Haddon, "The Pygmy Question," Appendix B to A. F. R.
Wollaston's _Pygmies and Papuans_, 1912, p. 306.

[355] _In Court and Kampong_, 1897, p. 172.

[356] Senoi grammar and glossary in _Jour. Straits Branch R. Asiat.
Soc._ 1892, No. 24.

[357] See L. Wray's paper "On the Cave Dwellers of Perak," in _Jour.
Anthrop. Inst._ 1897, p. 36 sq. This observer thinks "the earliest cave
dwellers were most likely the Negritoes" (p. 47), and the great age of
the deposits is shown by the fact that "in some of the caves at least 12
feet of a mixture of shells, bones, and earth has been accumulated and
subsequently removed again in the floors of the caves. In places two or
three layers of solid stalagmite have been formed and removed, some of
these layers having been five feet in thickness" (p. 45).

[358] See on this point Prof. Blumentritt's paper on the Manguians of
Mindoro in _Globus_, LX. No. 14.

[359] One Aeta woman of Zambales had a nasal index of 140.7. W. Allen
Reed, "Negritoes of Zambales," _Department of the Interior: Ethnological
Survey Publications_, II. 1904, p. 35. For details of physical features
see the following:--D. Folkmar, _Album of Philippine Types_, 1904; Dean
C. Worcester, "The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon," _The
Philippine Journal of Science_, I. 1906; and A. C. Haddon, "The Pygmy
Question," Appendix B to A. F. R. Wollaston's _Pygmies and Papuans_,
1912.

[360] _The Philippine Islands_, etc., London and Hongkong, 1890.

[361] _Op. cit._ p. 210.

[362] _Voyage aux Philippines_, etc., Paris, 1886.

[363] A. F. R. Wollaston, _Pygmies and Papuans_, 1912; C. G. Rawling,
_The Land of the New Guinea Pygmies_, 1913.

[364] _The Mafulu Mountain People of British New Guinea_, 1912.

[365] _Nova Guinea_, VII. 1913, 1915.

[366] A. C. Haddon, "The Pygmy Question," Appendix B to A. F. R.
Wollaston's _Pygmies and Papuans_, 1912, pp. 314-9.

[367] It is not certain however that this method is known to the Semang,
and it occurs among peoples who are not Negrito, such as the Kayan of
Sarawak, and in other places where a Negrito element has not yet been
recorded.

[368] The term pygmy is usually applied to a people whose stature does
not exceed 1.5 m. (4 ft. 11 in.).

[369] W. J. Sollas, _Ancient Hunters_, 1915, and W. Turner, "The
Aborigines of Australia," _Trans. R. Soc. Edin._ 1908, XLVI. 2, and
1910, XLVII. 3.

[370] Paper in Brough Smyth's work, II. p. 413.

[371] H. Ling Roth, _The Aborigines of Australia_ (2nd ed.), 1899,
Appendix LXXXVIII., and "Tasmanian Firesticks," _Nature_, LIX. 1899, p.
606.

[372] W. J. Sollas, _Ancient Hunters_, 1915, pp. 90, 106 ff.

[373] _Nature_, XCII. 1913, p. 320.

[374] W. J. Sollas, _Ancient Hunters_, 1915, pp. 104-5.



CHAPTER VI

THE SOUTHERN MONGOLS

    South Mongol Domain--Tibet, the Mongol Cradle-land--Stone Age in
    Tibet--The Primitive Mongol Type--The Balti and Ladakhi--Balti Type
    and Origins--The Tibetans Proper--Type--The Bhotiyas--Prehistoric
    Expansion of the Tibetan Race--Sub-Himalayan Groups: the
    Gurkhas--Mental Qualities of the Tibetans--Lamaism--The Horsoks--
    The Tanguts--Polyandry--The Bonbo Religion--Buddhist and Christian
    Ritualism--The Prayer-Wheel--Language and Letters--Diverse
    Linguistic Types--Lepcha--Angami-Naga and Kuki-Lushai Speech--Naga
    Tribes--General Ethnic Relations in Indo-China--Aboriginal and
    Cultured Peoples--The Talaings--The Manipuri--Religion--The Game
    of Polo--The Khel System--The Chins--Mental and Physical
    Qualities--Gods, Nats, and the After-Life--The Kakhyens--Caucasic
    Elements--The Karens--Type--Temperament--Christian Missions--The
    Burmese--Type--Character--Buddhism--Position of Woman--Tattooing--
    The Tai-Shan Peoples--The Ahom, Khamti and Chinese Shans--Shan
    Cradle-land and Origins--Caucasic Contacts--Tai-Shan Toned
    Speech--Shan, Lolo, and Mosso Writing Systems--Mosso Origins--
    Aborigines of South China and Annam--Man-tse Origins and
    Affinities--Caucasic Aborigines in South-East Asia--The Siamese
    Shans--Origins and Early Records--Social System--Buddhism--The
    Annamese--Origins--Physical and Mental Characters--Language and
    Letters--Social Institutions--Religious Systems--The Chinese--
    Origins--The Babylonian Theory--Persistence of Chinese Culture
    and Social System--Letters and Early Records--Traditions of the
    Stone and Metal Ages--Chinese Cradle and Early Migrations--
    Absorption of the Aborigines--Survivals: Hok-lo, Hakka,
    Pun-ti--Confucianism, Taoism, Buddhism--Fung-shui and Ancestry
    Worship--Islam and Christianity--The Mandarin Class.


CONSPECTUS.

#Present Range.# _Tibet; S. Himalayan slopes; Indo-China to the Isthmus
of Kra; China; Formosa; Parts of Malaysia._

#Hair#, _uniformly black, lank, round in transverse section_; _sparse or
no beard, moustache common_. #Colour#, _generally a dirty yellowish
brown, shading off to olive and coppery brown in the south, and to lemon
or whitish in N. China_. #Skull#, _normally brachy (80 to 84), but in
parts of China sub-dolicho (77) and high_. #Jaws#, _slightly
prognathous_. #Cheek-bones#, _very high and prominent laterally_.
#Nose#, _very small, and concave, with widish nostrils (mesorrhine),
but often large and straight amongst the upper classes_. #Eyes#, _small,
black, and oblique (outer angle slightly elevated), vertical fold of
skin over inner canthus_. #Stature#, _below the average, 1.62 m. (5 ft.
4 in.), but in N. China often tall, 1.77 m. to 1.82 m. (5 ft. 10 in. to
6 ft.)_. #Lips#, _rather thin, sometimes slightly protruding_. #Arms#,
#legs#, _and_ #feet#, _of normal proportions, calves rather small_.

#Temperament.# _Somewhat sluggish, with little initiative, but great
endurance; cunning rather than intelligent; generally thrifty and
industrious, but mostly indolent in Siam and Burma; moral standard low,
with slight sense of right and wrong._

#Speech.# _Mainly isolating and monosyllabic, due to phonetic decay;
loss of formative elements compensated by tone; some (south Chinese,
Annamese) highly tonic, but others (in Himalayas and North Burma) highly
agglutinating and consequently toneless._

#Religion.# _Ancestry and spirit-worship, underlying various kinds of
Buddhism; religious sentiment weak in Annam, strong in Tibet; thinly
diffused in China._

#Culture.# _Ranges from sheer savagery (Indo-Chinese aborigines) to a
low phase of civilisation; some mechanical arts (ceramics, metallurgy,
weaving), and agriculture well developed; painting, sculpture, and
architecture mostly in the barbaric stage; letters widespread, but true
literature and science slightly developed; stagnation very general._


Main Divisions.

#Bod-pa.# _Tibetan; Tangut; Horsok; Si-fan; Balti; Ladakhi; Gurkha;
Bhotiya; Miri; Mishmi; Abor._

#Burmese.# _Naga; Kuki-Lushai; Chin; Kakhyen; Manipuri; Karen; Talaing;
Arakanese; Burmese proper._

#Tai-Shan.# _Ahom; Khamti; Ngiou; Lao; Siamese._

#Giao-Shi.# _Annamese; Cochin-Chinese._

#Chinese.# _Chinese proper; Hakka; Hok-lo; Pun-ti._

       *       *       *       *       *

The Mongolian stock may be divided into two main branches[375]: the
_Mongolo-Tatar_, of the western area, and the _Tibeto-Indo-Chinese_ of
the eastern area, the latter extending into a secondary branch, _Oceanic
Mongols_. These two, that is, the main and secondary branch, which
jointly occupy the greater part of south-east Asia with most of
Malaysia, Madagascar, the Philippines and Formosa, will form the subject
of the present and following chapters. Allowing for encroachments and
overlappings, especially in Manchuria and North Tibet, the northern
"divide" towards the Mongolo-Tatar domain is roughly indicated by the
Great Wall and the Kuen-lun range westwards to the Hindu-Kush, and
towards the south-west by the Himalayas from the Hindu-Kush eastwards to
Assam. The Continental section thus comprises the whole of China proper
and Indo-China, together with a great part of Tibet with Little Tibet
(Baltistan and Ladakh), and the Himalayan uplands including their
southern slopes. This section is again separated from the Oceanic
section by the Isthmus of Kra--the Malay Peninsula belonging ethnically
to the insular Malay world. "I believe," writes Warington Smyth, "that
the Malay never really extended further south than the Kra
isthmus[376]."

From the considerations advanced in _Ethnology_, Chap. XII., it seems a
reasonable assumption that the lacustrine Tibetan tableland with its
Himalayan escarpments, all standing in pleistocene times at a
considerably lower level than at present, was the cradle of the Mongol
division of mankind. Here were found all the natural conditions
favourable to the development of a new variety of the species moving
from the tropics northwards--ample space such as all areas of marked
specialisation seem to require; a different and cooler climate than that
of the equatorial region, though, thanks to its then lower elevation,
warmer than that of the bleak and now barely inhabitable Tibetan
plateau; extensive plains, nowhere perhaps too densely wooded,
intersected by ridges of moderate height, and diversified by a
lacustrine system far more extensive than that revealed by the
exploration of modern travellers[377].

Under these circumstances, which are not matter of mere speculation, but
to be directly inferred from the observations of intelligent explorers
and of trained Anglo-Indian surveyors, it would seem not only probable
but inevitable that the pleistocene Indo-Malayan should become modified
and improved in his new and more favourable Central Asiatic environment.

Later, with the gradual upheaval of the land to a mean altitude of some
14,000 feet above sea-level, the climate deteriorated, and the present
somewhat rude and rugged inhabitants of Tibet are to be regarded as the
outcome of slow adaptation to their slowly changing surroundings since
the occupation of the country by the Indo-Malayan pleistocene precursor.
To this precursor Tibet was accessible either from India or from
Indo-China, and although few of his implements have yet been reported
from the plateau, it is certain that Tibet has passed through the Stone
as well as the Metal Ages. In Bogle's time "thunder-stones" were still
used for tonsuring the lamas, and even now stone cooking-pots are found
amongst the shepherds of the uplands, although they are acquainted both
with copper and iron. In India also and Indo-China palaeoliths of rude
type occur at various points--Arcot, the Narbada gravels, Mirzapur[378],
the Irawadi valley and the Shan territory--as if to indicate the routes
followed by early man in his migrations from Indo-Malaysia northwards.

Thus, where man is silent the stones speak, and so old are these links
of past and present that amongst the Shans, as in ancient Greece, their
origin being entirely forgotten, they are often mounted as jewellery and
worn as charms against mishaps.

Usually the Mongols proper, that is, the steppe nomads who have more
than once overrun half the eastern hemisphere, are taken as the typical
and original stem of the Mongolian stock. But if Ch. de Ujfalvy's views
can be accepted this honour will now have to be transferred to the
Tibetans, who still occupy the supposed cradle of the race. This veteran
student of the Central Asiatic peoples describes two Mongol types, a
northern round-headed and a southern long-headed, and thinks that the
latter, which includes "the Ladakhi, the Champas and Tibetans proper,"
was "the primitive Mongol type[379]."

Owing to the political seclusion of Tibet, the race has hitherto been
studied chiefly in outlying provinces beyond the frontiers, such as
Ladakh, Baltistan, and Sikkim[380], that is, in districts where mixture
with other races may be suspected. Indeed de Ujfalvy, who has made a
careful survey of Baltistan and Ladakh, assures us that, while the
Ladakhi represent two varieties of Asiatic man with ceph. index 77, the
Balti are not Tibetans or Mongols at all, but descendants of the
historical Sacae, although now of Tibetan speech and Moslem faith[381].
They are of the mean height or slightly above it, with rather low brow,
very prominent superciliary arches, deep depression at nasal root, thick
curved eyebrows, long, straight or arched nose, thick lips, oval chin,
small cheek-bones, small flat ears, straight eyes, very black and
abundant ringletty (_bouclé_) hair, full beard, usually black and silky,
robust hairy body, small hands and feet, and long head (index 72). In
such characters it is impossible to recognise the Mongol, and the
contrast is most striking with the neighbouring Ladakhi, true Mongols,
as shown by their slightly raised superciliary arches, square and
scarcely curved eyebrows, slant eyes, large prominent cheek-bones, lank
and coarse hair, yellowish and nearly hairless body.

Doubtless there has been a considerable intermingling of Balti and
Ladakhi, and in recent times still more of Balti and Dards (Hindu-Kush
"Aryans"), whence Leitner's view that the Balti are Dards at a remote
period conquered by the Bhóts (Tibetans), losing their speech with their
independence. But of all these peoples the Balti were in former times
the most civilised, as shown by the remarkable rock-carvings still found
in the country, and attributed by the present inhabitants to a long
vanished race. Some of these carvings represent warriors mounted and on
foot, the resemblance being often very striking between them and the
persons figured on the coins of the Sacae kings both in their physical
appearance, attitudes, arms, and accoutrements. The Balti are still
famous horsemen, and with them is said to have originated the game of
polo, which has thence spread to the surrounding peoples as far as
Chitral and Irania.

From all these considerations it is inferred that the Balti are the
direct descendants of the Sacae, who invaded India about 90 B.C., not
from the west (the Kabul valley) as generally stated, but from the north
over the Karakorum Passes leading directly to Baltistan[382]. Thus lives
again a name renowned in antiquity, and another of those links is
established between the past and the present, which it is the province
of the historical ethnologist to rescue from oblivion.

In Tibet proper the ethnical relations have been confused by the loose
way tribal and even national names are referred to by Prjevalsky and
some other modern explorers. It should therefore be explained that three
somewhat distinct branches of the race have to be carefully
distinguished: 1. The _Bod-pa_[383], "Bodmen," the settled and more or
less civilised section, who occupy most of the southern and more fertile
provinces of which Lhasa is the capital, who till the land, live in
towns, and have passed from the tribal to the civic state. 2. The
_Dru-pa_[384], peaceful though semi-nomadic pastoral tribes, who live in
tents on the northern plateaux, over 15,000 feet above sea-level. 3. The
_Tanguts_[385], restless, predatory tribes, who hover about the
north-eastern borderland between Koko-nor and Kansu.

All these are true Tibetans, speak the Tibetan language, and profess one
or other of the two national religions, _Bonbo_ and Lamaism (the Tibetan
form of Buddhism). But the original type is best preserved, not amongst
the cultured Bod-pa, who in many places betray a considerable admixture
both of Chinese and Hindu elements, but amongst the Dru-pa, who on their
bleak upland steppes have for ages had little contact with the
surrounding Mongolo-Turki populations. They are described by W. W.
Rockhill from personal observation as about five feet five inches high,
and round-headed, with wavy hair, clear-brown and even hazel eye,
cheek-bone less high than the Mongol, thick nose, depressed at the root,
but also prominent and even aquiline and narrow but with broad nostrils,
large-lobed ears standing out to a less degree than the Mongol, broad
mouth, long black hair, thin beard, generally hairless body, broad
shoulders, very small calves, large foot, coarse hand, skin coarse and
greasy and of light brown colour, though "frequently nearly white, but
when exposed to the weather a dark brown, nearly the colour of our
American Indians. Rosy cheeks are quite common amongst the younger
women[386]."

Some of these characters--wavy hair, aquiline nose, hazel eye, rosy
cheeks--are not Mongolic, and despite W. W. Rockhill's certificate of
racial purity, one is led to suspect a Caucasic strain, perhaps through
the neighbouring Salars. These are no doubt sometimes called
Kara-Tangutans, "Black Tangutans," from the colour of their tents, but
we learn from Potanin, who visited them in 1885[387], that they are
Muhammadans of Turki stock and speech, and we already know[388] that
from a remote period the Turki people were in close contact with
Caucasians. The Salars pitch their tents on the banks of the Khitai and
other Yang-tse-Kiang headstreams.

That the national name Bod-pa must be of considerable antiquity is
evident from the Sanskrit expression _Bhotiya_, derived from it, and
long applied by the Hindus collectively to all southern Tibetans, but
especially to those of the Himalayan slopes, such as the Rongs (Lepchas)
of Sikkim and the _Lho-pa_ dominant in Bhutan, properly _Bhót-ánt_, that
is, "Land's End"--the extremity of Tibet. Eastwards also the Tibetan
race stretches far beyond the political frontiers into the Koko-nor
region (Tanguts), and the Chinese province of Se-chuan, where they are
grouped with all the other Si-fan aborigines. Towards the south-east are
the kindred _Tawangs_, _Mishmi_, _Miri_, _Abor_[389], _Daflas_, and many
others about the Assam borderlands, all of whom may be regarded as true
Bhotiyas in the wild state.

Through these the primitive Tibetan race extends into Burma, where
however it has become greatly modified and again civilised under
different climatic and cultural influences. Thus we see how, in the
course of ages, the Bod-pa have widened their domain, radiating in all
directions from the central cradle-land about the Upper Brahmaputra
(San-po) valley westwards into Kashmir, eastwards into China, southwards
down the Himalayan slopes to the Gangetic plains, south-eastwards to
Indo-China. In some places they have come into contact with other races
and disappeared either by total extinction or by absorption (India,
Hindu-Kush), or else preserved their type while accepting the speech,
religion, and culture of later intruders. Such are the _Garhwali_, and
many groups in Nepal, especially the dominant _Gurkhas_ (_Khas_[390]),
of whom there are twelve branches, all Aryanised and since the twelfth
century speaking the _Parbattia Bhasha_, a Prakrit or vulgar Sanskrit
tongue current amongst an extremely mixed population of about 2,000,000.

In other directions the migrations took place in remote prehistoric
times, the primitive proto-Tibetan groups becoming more and more
specialised as they receded farther and farther from the cradle-land
into Mongolia, Siberia, China, Farther India, and Malaysia. This is at
least how I understand the peopling of a great part of the eastern
hemisphere by an original nucleus of Mongolic type first differentiated
from a pleistocene precursor on the Tibetan tableland.

Strangely contradictory estimates have been formed of the temperament
and mental characters of the Bod-pa, some, such as that of Turner[391],
no doubt too favourable, while others err perhaps in the opposite
direction. Thus Desgodins, who nevertheless knew them well, describes
the cultured Tibetan of the south as "a slave towards the great, a
despot towards the weak, knavish or treacherous according to
circumstances, always on the look-out to defraud, and lying impudently
to attain his end," and much more to the same effect[392].

W. W. Rockhill, who is less severe, thinks that "the Tibetan's character
is not as black as Horace della Penna and Desgodins have painted it.
Intercourse with these people extending over six years leads me to
believe that the Tibetan is kindhearted, affectionate, and
law-abiding[393]." He concludes, however, with a not very flattering
native estimate deduced from the curious national legend that "the
earliest inhabitants of Tibet descended from a king of monkeys and a
female hobgoblin, and the character of the race perhaps from those of
its first parents. From the king of monkeys [he was an incarnate god]
they have religious faith and kindheartedness, intelligence and
application, devotion to religion and to religious debate; from the
hobgoblin they get cruelty, fondness for trade and money-making, great
bodily strength, lustfulness, fondness for gossip, and carnivorous
instinct[394]."

While they are cheerful under a depressing priestly regime, all allow
that they are vindictive, superstitious, and cringing in the presence of
the lamas, who are at heart more dreaded than revered. In fact the whole
religious world is one vast organised system of hypocrisy, and above the
old pagan beliefs common to all primitive peoples there is merely a
veneer of Buddhism, above which follows another and most pernicious
veneer of lamaism (priestcraft), under the yoke of which the natural
development of the people has been almost completely arrested for
several centuries. The burden is borne with surprising endurance, and
would be intolerable but for the relief found in secret and occasionally
even open revolt against the more oppressive ordinances of the
ecclesiastical rule. Thus, despite the prescriptions regarding a strict
vegetarian diet expressed in the formula "eat animal flesh eat thy
brother," not only laymen but most of the lamas themselves supplement
their frugal diet of milk, butter, barley-meal, and fruits with game,
yak, and mutton--this last pronounced by Turner the best in the world.
The public conscience, however, is saved by a few extra turns of the
prayer-wheel at such repasts, and by the general contempt in which is
held the hereditary caste of butchers, who like the Jews in medieval
times are still confined to a "ghetto" of their own in all the large
towns.

These remarks apply more particularly to the settled southern
communities living in districts where a little agriculture is possible.
Elsewhere the religious cloak is worn very loosely, and the nomad
_Horsoks_ of the northern steppes, although all nominal Buddhists, pay
but scant respect to the decrees supposed to emanate from the Dalai Lama
enshrined in Lhasa. Horsok is an almost unique ethnical term[395], being
a curious compound of the two names applied by the Tibetans to the
_Hor-pa_ and the _Sok-pa_ who divide the steppe between them. The
Hor-pa, who occupy the western parts, are of Turki stock, and are the
only group of that race known to me who profess Buddhism[396], all the
rest being Muhammadans with some Shamanists (Yakuts) in the Lena basin.
The Sok-pa, who roam the eastern plains and valleys, although commonly
called Mongols, are true Tibetans or more strictly speaking Tanguts, of
whom there are here two branches, the _Goliki_ and the _Yegrai_, all,
like the Hor-pa, of Tibetan speech. The Yegrai, as described by
Prjevalsky, closely resemble the other North Tibetan tribes, with their
long, matted locks falling on their shoulders, their scanty whiskers
and beard, angular head, dark complexion and dirty garb[397].

Besides stock-breeding and predatory warfare, all these groups follow
the hunt, armed with darts, bows, and matchlock guns; the musk-deer is
ensnared, and the only animal spared is the stag, "Buddha's horse." The
taste of these rude nomads for liquid blood is insatiable, and the
surveyor, Nain Singh, often saw them fall prone on the ground to lick up
the blood flowing from a wounded beast. As soon as weaned, the very
children and even the horses are fed on a diet of cheese, butter, and
blood, kneaded together in a horrible mess, which is greedily devoured
when the taste is acquired. On the other hand alcoholic drinks are
little consumed, the national beverage being coarse Chinese tea imported
in the form of bricks and prepared with _tsampa_ (barley-meal) and
butter, and thus becoming a food as well as a drink. The lamas have a
monopoly of this tea-trade, which could not stand the competition of the
Indian growers; hence arises the chief objection to removing the
barriers of seclusion.

Tibet is one of the few regions where polyandrous customs, intimately
associated with the matriarchal state, still persist almost in their
pristine vigour. The husbands are usually but not necessarily all
brothers, and the bride is always obtained by purchase. Unless otherwise
arranged, the oldest husband is the putative "father," all the others
being considered as "uncles." An inevitable result of the institution is
to give woman a dominant position in society; hence the "queens" of
certain tribes, referred to with so much astonishment by the early
Chinese chroniclers. Survivors of this "petticoat government" have been
noticed by travellers amongst the Lolos, Mossos, and other indigenous
communities about the Indo-Chinese frontiers. But it does not follow
that polyandry and a matriarchal state always and necessarily preceded
polygyny and a patriarchal state. On the contrary, it would appear that
polyandry never could have been universal; possibly it arose from
special conditions in particular regions, where the struggle for
existence is severe, and the necessity of imposing limits to the
increase of population more urgent than elsewhere[398]. Hence to me it
seems as great a mistake to assume a matriarchate as it is to assume
promiscuity as the universal antecedent of all later family relations.
In Tibet itself polygyny exists side by side with polyandry amongst the
wealthy classes, while monogamy is the rule amongst the poor pastoral
nomads of the northern steppe.

Great ethnical importance has been attached by some distinguished
anthropologists to the treatment of the dead. But, as in the New Stone
and Metal Ages in Europe cremation and burial were practised side by
side[399], so in Tibet the dead are now simultaneously disposed of in
diverse ways. It is a question not so much of race as of caste or social
classes, or of the lama's pleasure, who, when the head has been shaved
to facilitate the transmigration of the soul, may order the body to be
burnt, buried, cast into the river, or even thrown to carrion birds or
beasts of prey. Strange to say, the last method, carried out with
certain formalities, is one of the most honourable, although the lamas
are generally buried in a seated posture, and high officials burnt, and
(in Ladakh) the ashes, mixed with a little clay, kneaded into much
venerated effigies--doubtless a survival of ancestry worship.

Reference was above made to the primitive Shamanistic ideas which still
survive beneath the Buddhist and the later lamaistic systems. In the
central and eastern provinces of Ui and Tsang this pre-Buddhist religion
has again struggled to the surface, or rather persisted under the name
of _Bonbo_ (_Boa-ho_) side by side with the national creed, from which
it has even borrowed many of its present rites. From the colour of the
robes usually worn by its priests, it is known as the sect of the
"Blacks," in contradistinction to the orthodox "Yellow" and dissenting
"Red" lamaists, and as now constituted, its origin is attributed to
Shen-rab (Gsen-rabs), who flourished about the fifth century before the
new era, and is venerated as the equal of Buddha himself. His followers,
who were powerful enough to drive Buddhism from Tibet in the tenth
century, worship 18 chief deities, the best known being the red and
black demons, the snake devil, and especially the fiery tiger-god,
father of all the secondary members of this truly "diabolical pantheon."
It is curious to note that the sacred symbol of the Bonbo sect is the
ubiquitous svastika, only with the hooks of the cross reversed, [Symbol]
instead of [Symbol]. This change, which appears to have escaped the
diligent research of Thomas Wilson[400], was caused by the practice of
turning the prayer-wheel from right to left as the red lamas do, instead
of from left to right as is the orthodox way. The common Buddhist
formula of six syllables--_om-ma-ni-pad-me-hum_--is also replaced by one
of seven syllables--_ma-tri-mon-tre-sa-ta-dzun_[401].

Buddhism itself, introduced by Hindu missionaries, is more recent than
is commonly supposed. Few conversions were made before the fifth century
of our era, and the first temple dates only from the year 698. Reference
is often made to the points of contact or "coincidences" which have been
observed between this system and that of the Oriental and Latin
Christian Churches. There is no question of a common dogma, and the
numerous resemblances are concerned only with ritualistic details, such
as the cross, the mitre, dalmatica, and other distinctive vestments,
choir singing, exorcisms, the thurible, benedictions with outstretched
hand, celibacy, the rosary, fasts, processions, litanies, spiritual
retreats, holy water, scapulars or other charms, prayer addressed to the
saints, relics, pilgrimages, music and bells at the service,
monasticism; this last being developed to a far greater extent in Tibet
than at any time in any Christian land, Egypt not excepted. The lamas,
representing the regular clergy of the Roman Church, hold a monopoly of
all "science," letters, and arts. The block printing-presses are all
kept in the huge monasteries which cover the land, and from them are
consequently issued only orthodox works and treatises on magic. Religion
itself is little better than a system of magic, and the sole aim of all
worship, reduced to a mere mechanical system of routine, is to baffle
the machinations of the demons who at every turn beset the path of the
wayfarer through this "vale of tears."

For this purpose the prayer-wheels--an ingenious contrivance by which
innumerable supplications, not less efficacious because vicarious, may
be offered up night and day to the powers of darkness--are incessantly
kept going all over the land, some being so cleverly arranged that the
sacred formula may be repeated as many as 40,000 times at each
revolution of the cylinder. These machines, which have also been
introduced into Korea and Japan, have been at work for several centuries
without any appreciable results, although fitted up in all the houses,
by the river banks or on the hill-side, and kept in motion by the hand,
wind, and water; while others of huge size, 30 to 40 feet high and 15 to
20 in diameter, stand in the temples, and at each turn repeat the
contents of whole volumes of liturgical essays stowed away in their
capacious receptacles. But despite all these everlasting revolutions,
stagnation reigns supreme throughout the most priest-ridden land under
the sun.

With its religion Tibet imported also its letters from India by the
route of Nepal or Kashmir in the seventh century. Since then the
language has undergone great changes, always, like other members of the
Indo-Chinese family, in the direction from agglutination towards
monosyllabism[402]. But the orthography, apart from a few feeble efforts
at reform, has remained stationary, so that words are still written as
they were pronounced 1200 years ago. The result is a far greater
discrepancy between the spoken and written tongue than in any other
language, English not excepted. Thus the province of Ui has been
identified by Sir A. Cunningham with Ptolemy's _Debasae_ through its
written form _Dbus_, though now always pronounced _U_[403]. This bears
out de Lacouperie's view that all words were really uttered as
originally spelt, although often beginning with as many as three
consonants. Thus _spra_ (monkey) is now pronounced _deu_ in the Lhasa
dialect, but still _streu-go_ in that of the province of Kham. The
phonetic disintegration is still going on, so that, barring reform, the
time must come when there will be no correspondence at all between sound
and its graphic expression.

On the other hand it is a mistake to suppose that all languages in the
Indo-Chinese linguistic zone have undergone this enormous extent of
phonetic decay. The indefatigable B. H. Hodgson has made us acquainted
with several, especially in Nepal, which are of a highly conservative
character. Farther east the _Lepcha_ (properly _Rong_) of Sikkim
presents the remarkable peculiarity of distinct agglutination of the
Mongolo-Turki, or perhaps I should say of the Kuki-Lushai type, combined
with numerous homophones and a total absence of tone. Thus _pano-sa_, of
a king, _pano-sang_, kings, and _pano-sang-sa_, of kings, shows pure
agglutination, while _mát_ yields no less than twenty-three distinct
meanings[404], which should necessitate a series of discriminating
tones, as in Chinese or Siamese. Their absence, however, is readily
explained by the persistence of the agglutinative principle, which
renders them unnecessary.

A somewhat similar feature is presented by the Angami Naga, the chief
language of the Naga Hills, of which R. B. McCabe writes that it is
"still in a very primitive stage of the agglutinating class," and
"peculiarly rich in intonation," although "for one Naga who clearly
marks these tonal distinctions twenty fail to do so[405]." It follows
that it is mainly spoken without tones, and although said to be
"distinctly monosyllabic" it really abounds in polysyllables, such as
_merenama_, orphan, _kehutsaporimo_, nowhere, _dukriwáché_, to kill,
etc. There are also numerous verbal formative elements given by McCabe
himself, so that Angami must clearly be included in the agglutinating
order. To this order also belongs beyond all doubt the _Kuki-Lushai_ of
the neighbouring North Kachar Hills and parts of Nagaland itself, the
common speech in fact of the _Rangkhols_, _Jansens_, _Lushai_, _Roeys_
and other hill peoples, collectively called _Kuki_ by the lowlanders,
and _Dzo_ by themselves[406]. The highly agglutinating character of this
language is evident from the numerous conjugations given by
Soppitt[407], for some of which he has no names, but which may be called
_Acceleratives_, _Retardatives_, _Complementatives_, and so on. Thus
with the root, _ahong_, come, and infix _jám_, slow, is formed the
retardative _náng ahongjámrangmoh_, "will-you-come-slowly?" (_rang_,
future, _moh_, interrogative particle)[408].

The Kuki, the Naga and the Manipuri, none of which claim to be the
original occupants of the country, have a tradition of a common
ancestor, who had three sons who became the progenitors of the tribes.
The Kuki are found almost everywhere throughout Manipur. "We are like
the birds of the air," said a Kuki to T. C. Hodson, "we make our nests
here this year, and who knows where we shall build next year[409]?" The
following description is given of the Naga tribes, _Tangkhuls_, _Mao_
and _Maram Nagas_ (_Angami Nagas_), _Kolya_, or _Mayang Khong_ group,
_Kabuis_, _Quoirengs_, _Chirus_ and _Marrings_. "Differences of stature,
dress, coiffure and weapons make it easy to distinguish between the
members of these tribes. In colour they are all brown with but little
variety, though some of the Tangkhuls who earn their living by salt
making seem to be darker. Among them all, as among the Manipuris, there
are persons who have a tinge of colour in their cheeks when still young.
The nose also varies, for there are cases where it is almost straight,
while in the majority of individuals it is flattened at the nostril.
Here and there one may see noses which in profile are almost Roman. The
eyes are usually brown, though black eyes are sometimes found to occur.
The jaw is generally clean, not heavy, and the hair is of some variety,
as there are many persons whose hair is decidedly curly, and in most
there is a wave. Beards are very uncommon, and hair on the face is very
rare, so much so that the few who possess a moustache are known as
_khoi-hao-bas_ (Meithei words, meaning moustache grower). I am informed
that the ladies do not like hirsute men, and that the men therefore pull
out any stray hairs. The cheekbones are often prominent and the slope of
the eye is not very marked[410]." The stature is moderate varying from
the slender lightly built Marrings to the tall sturdy finely
proportioned Maos. The women are all much shorter than the men, but
strongly built with a muscular development of which the men would not be
ashamed. The land is thickly peopled with local deities and at Maram the
case is recorded of a Rain Deity who was once a man of the village
specially cunning in rain making. Among the points of special interest
in this region are the stone monuments still erected in honour of the
dead, and the custom of head-hunting, connected with simple blood feud,
with agrarian rites, with funerary rites and eschatological belief, and
in some cases no more than a social duty[411].

Through these Naga and Kuki aborigines we pass without any break of
continuity from the Bhotiya populations of the Himalayan slopes to those
of Indo-China. Here also, as indeed in nearly all semi-civilised lands,
peoples at various grades of culture are found dwelling for ages side by
side--rude and savage groups on the uplands or in the more dense wooded
tracts, settled communities with a large measure of political unity (in
fact nations and peoples in the strict sense of those terms) on the
lowlands, and especially along the rich alluvial riverine plains of this
well watered region. The common theory is that the wild tribes represent
the true aborigines driven to the hills and woodlands by civilised
invaders from India and other lands, who are now represented by the
settled communities.

Whether such movements and dislocations have elsewhere taken place we
need not here stop to inquire; indeed their probability, and in some
instances their certainty may be frankly admitted. But I cannot think
that the theory expresses the true relations in most parts of Farther
India. Here the civilised peoples, and _ex hypothesi_ the intruders, are
the Manipuri, Burmese, Arakanese, and the nearly extinct or absorbed
Talaings or Mons in the west; the Siamese, Shans or Laos, and Khamti in
the centre; the Annamese (Tonkinese and Cochin-Chinese), Cambojans, and
the almost extinct Champas in the east. Nearly all of these I hold to be
quite as indigenous as the hillmen, the only difference being that,
thanks to their more favourable environment, they emerged at an early
date from the savage state and thus became more receptive to foreign
civilising influences, mostly Hindu, but also Chinese (in Annam). All
are either partly or mainly of Mongolic or Indonesian type, and all
speak toned Indo-Chinese languages, except the Cambojans and Champas,
whose linguistic relations are with the Oceanic peoples, who are not
here in question. The cultivated languages are no doubt full of Sanskrit
or Prakrit terms in the west and centre, and of Chinese in the east, and
all, except Annamese, which uses a Chinese ideographic system, are
written with alphabets derived through the square Pali characters from
the Devanagari. It is also true that the vast monuments of Burma, Siam,
and Camboja all betray Hindu influences, many of the temples being
covered with Brahmanical or Buddhist sculptures and inscriptions. But
precisely analogous phenomena are reproduced in Java, Sumatra, and other
Malaysian lands, as well as in Japan and partly in China itself. Are we
then to conclude that there have been Hindu invasions and settlements in
all these regions, the most populous on the globe?

During the historic period a few Hinduized Dravidians, especially
Telingas (Telugus) of the Coromandel coast, have from time to time
emigrated to Indo-China (Pegu), where the name survives amongst the
"Talaings," that is, the Mons, by whom they were absorbed, just as the
Mons themselves are now being absorbed by the Burmese. Others of the
same connection have gained a footing here and there in Malaysia,
especially the Malacca coastlands, where they are called "Klings[412],"
_i.e._ Telings, Telingas.

But beyond these partial movements, without any kind of influence on the
general ethnical relations, I know of no Hindu (some have even used the
term "Aryan," and have brought Aryans to Camboja) invasions except those
of a moral order--the invasions of the zealous Hindu missionaries, both
Brahman and Buddhist, which, however, amply suffice to account for all
the above indicated points of contact between the Indian, the
Indo-Chinese, and the Malayan populations.

That the civilised lowlanders and rude highlanders are generally of the
same aboriginal stocks is well seen in the Manipur district with its
fertile alluvial plains and encircling Naga and Lushai Hills on the
north and south. The Hinduized Manipuri of the plains, that is, the
politically dominant _Meithis_, as they call themselves, are considered
by George Watt to be "a mixed race between the Kukies and the
Nagas[413]." The Meithis are described as possessing in general the
facial characteristics of Mongolian type, but with great diversity of
feature. "It is not uncommon to meet with girls with brownish-black
hair, brown eyes, fair complexions, straight noses and rosy
cheeks[414]." In spite of the veneer of civilisation acquired by the
Meithis, the old order of things has by no means passed away. "The
_maiba_, the doctor and priest of the animistic system, still finds a
livelihood despite the competition on the one hand of the Brahmin, and
on the other of the hospital Assistant. Nevertheless the _maibas_
frequently adapt their methods to the altered circumstances in which
they now find themselves, and realize that the combination of croton oil
and a charm is more efficacious than the charm alone[415]."

"It is possible to discover at least four definite orders of spiritual
beings who have crystallized out from the amorphous mass of animistic
Deities. There are the _Lam Lai_, gods of the country-side who shade off
into Nature Gods controlling the rain, the primal necessity of an
agricultural community; the _Umang Lai_ or Deities of the Forest Jungle;
the _Imung Lai_, the Household Deities, Lords of the lives, the births
and the deaths of individuals, and there are Tribal Ancestors, the
ritual of whose worship is a strange compound of magic and
Nature-worship. Beyond these Divine beings, who possess in some sort a
majesty of orderly decent behaviour, there are spirits of the mountain
passes, spirits of the lakes and rivers, vampires and all the horrid
legion of witchcraft.... It is difficult to estimate the precise effect
of Hinduism on the civilisation of the people, for to the outward
observer they seem to have adopted only the festivals, the outward
ritual, the caste marks and the exclusiveness of Hinduism, while all
unmindful of its spirit and inward essentials. Colonel McCulloch
remarked nearly fifty years ago that 'In fact their observances are only
for appearance sake, not the promptings of the heart[416].'"

It is noteworthy that the Manipuri are also devoted to the game of polo,
which R. C. Temple tells us they play much in the same way as do the
Balti and Ladakhi at the opposite extremity of the Himalayas. Another
remarkable link with the "Far West" is the term _Khel_, which has
travelled all the way from Persia or Parthia through Afghanistan to
Nagaland, where it retains the same meaning of clan or section of a
village, and produces the same disintegrating effects as amongst the
Afghans. In Angamiland each village is split into two or more Khels, and
"it is no unusual state of affairs to find Khel A of one village at war
with Khel B of another, while not at war with Khel B of its own village.
The Khels are often completely separated by great walls, the people on
either side living within a few yards of each other, yet having no
dealings whatever. Each Khel has its own headman, but little respect is
paid to the chief: each Khel maybe described as a small republic[417]."
There appears to be no trace even of a _jirga_, or council of elders, by
which some measure of cohesion is imparted to the Afghan Khel system.

From the Kuki-Nagas the transition is unbroken to the large group of
_Chins_ of the Chindwin valley, named from them, and thence northwards
to the rude _Kakhyens_ (_Kachins_) about the Irawadi headstreams and
southwards to the numerous _Karen_ tribes, who occupy the ethnical
parting-line between Burma and Siam all the way down to Tenasserim.

For the first detailed account of the Chins we are indebted to S. Carey
and H. N. Tuck[418], who accept B. Houghton's theory that these tribes,
as well as the Kuki-Lushai, "originally lived in what we now know as
Tibet, and are of one and the same stock; their form of government,
method of cultivation, manners and customs, beliefs and traditions, all
point to one origin." The term Chin, said to be a Burmese form of the
Chinese _jin_, "men," is unknown to these aborigines, who call
themselves _Yo_ in the north and _Lai_ in the south, while in Lower
Burma they are _Shu_.

In truth there is no recognised collective name, and _Shendu_ (_Sindhu_)
often so applied is proper only to the once formidable Chittagong and
Arakan frontier tribes, _Klangklangs_ and _Hakas_, who with the _Sokté_,
_Tashons_, _Siyirs_, and others are now reduced and administered from
Falam. Each little group has its own tribal name, and often one or two
others, descriptive, abusive and so on, given them by their neighbours.
Thus the _Nwengals_ (_Nun_, river, _ngal_, across) are only that section
of the Soktés now settled on the farther or right bank of the Manipur,
while the Soktés themselves (_Sok_, to go down, _té_, men) are so called
because they migrated from Chin Nwe (9 miles from Tiddim), cradle of the
Chin race, down to Molbem, their earliest settlement, which is the
Mobingyi of the Burmese. So with Siyin, the Burmese form of _Sheyanté_
(_she_, alkali, _yan_, side, _té_, men), the group who settled by the
alkali springs east of Chin Nwe, who are the _Tauté_ ("stout" or
"sturdy" people) of the Lushai and southern Chins. Let these few
specimens suffice as a slight object-lesson in the involved tribal
nomenclature which prevails, not only amongst the Chins, but everywhere
in the Tibeto-Indo-Chinese domain, from the north-western Himalayas to
Cape St James at the south-eastern extremity of Farther India. I have
myself collected nearly a thousand such names of clans, septs, and
fragmentary groups within this domain, and am well aware that the list
neither is, nor ever can be, complete, the groups themselves often being
unstable quantities in a constant state of fluctuation.

Most of the Chin groups have popular legends to explain either their
origin or their present reduced state. Thus the Tawyans, a branch of the
Tashons, claim to be Torrs, that is, the people of the Rawvan district,
who were formerly very powerful, but were ruined by their insane
efforts to capture the sun. Building a sort of Jacob's ladder, they
mounted higher and higher; but growing tired, quarrelled among
themselves, and one day, while half of them were clambering up the pole,
the other half below cut it down just as they were about to seize the
sun. So the Whenohs, another Tashon group, said to be Lushais left
behind in a district now forming part of Chinland, tell a different
tale. They say they came out of the rocks at Sepi, which they think was
their original home. They share, however, this legend of their
underground origin with the Soktés and several other Chin tribes.

Amid much diversity of speech and physique the Chins present some common
mental qualities, such as "slow speech, serious manner, respect for
birth and knowledge of pedigrees, the duty of revenge, the taste for a
treacherous method of warfare, the curse of drink, the virtue of
hospitality, the clannish feeling, the vice of avarice, the filthy state
of the body, mutual distrust, impatience under control, the want of
power of combination and of continued effort, arrogance in victory,
speedy discouragement and panic in defeat[419]."

Physically they are a fine race, taller and stouter than the surrounding
lowlanders, men 5 feet 10 or 11 inches being common enough among the
independent southerners. There are some "perfectly proportioned giants
with a magnificent development of muscle." Yet dwarfs are met with in
some districts, and in others "the inhabitants are a wretched lot, much
afflicted with goître, amongst whom may be seen cretins who crawl about
on all fours with the pigs in the gutter. At Dimlo, in the Sokté tract,
leprosy has a firm hold on the inhabitants."

Although often described as devil-worshippers, the Chins really worship
neither god nor devil. The northerners believe there is no Supreme
Being, and although the southerners admit a "Kozin" or head god, to whom
they sacrifice, they do not worship him, and never look to him for any
grace or mercy, except that of withholding the plagues and misfortunes
which he is capable of working on any in this world who offend him.
Besides Kozin, there are _nats_ or spirits of the house, family, clan,
fields; and others who dwell in particular places in the air, the
streams, the jungle, and the hills. Kindly _nats_ are ignored; all
others can and will do harm unless propitiated[420].

The departed go to _Mithikwa_, "Dead Man's Village," which is divided
into _Pwethikwa_, the pleasant abode, and _Sathikwa_, the wretched abode
of the _unavenged_. Good or bad deeds do not affect the future of man,
who must go to Pwethikwa if he dies a natural or accidental death, and
to Sathikwa if killed, and there bide till avenged by blood. Thus the
vendetta receives a sort of religious sanction, strengthened by the
belief that the slain becomes the slave of the slayer in the next world.
"Should the slayer himself be slain, then the first slain is the slave
of the second slain, who in turn is the slave of the man who killed
him."

Whether a man has been honest or dishonest in this world is of no
consequence in the next existence; but, if he has killed many people in
this world, he has many slaves to serve him in his future existence; if
he has killed many wild animals, then he will start well-supplied with
food, for all that he kills on earth are his in the future existence. In
the next existence hunting and drinking will certainly be practised, but
whether fighting and raiding will be indulged in is unknown.

Cholera and small-pox are spirits, and when cholera broke out among the
Chins who visited Rangoon in 1895 they carried their _dahs_ (knives)
drawn to scare off the _nat_, and spent the day hiding under bushes, so
that the spirit should not find them. Some even wanted to sacrifice a
slave boy, but were talked over to substitute some pariah dogs. They
firmly believe in the evil eye, and the Hakas think the Sujins and
others are all wizards, whose single glance can bewitch them, and may
cause lizards to enter the body and devour the entrails. A Chin once
complained to Surgeon-Major Newland that a _nat_ had entered his stomach
at the glance of a Yahow, and he went to hospital quite prepared to die.
But an emetic brought him round, and he went off happy in the belief
that he had vomited the _nat_.

Ethnically connected with the Kuki-Naga groups are the _Kakhyens_ of the
Irawadi headstreams, and the _Karens_, who form numerous village
communities about the Burma-Siamese borderland. The Kakhyens, so called
abusively by the Burmese, are the _Cacobees_ of the early writers[421],
whose proper name is _Singpho_ (_Chingpaw_), i.e. "Men[422]," and whose
curious semi-agglutinating speech, spoken in an ascending tone, each
sentence ending in a long-drawn _î_ in a higher key (Bigandet), shows
affinities rather with the Mishmi and other North Assamese tongues than
with the cultured Burmese. They form a very widespread family,
stretching from the Eastern Himalayas right into Yunnan, and presenting
two somewhat marked physical types: (1) the true Chingpaws, with short
round head, low forehead, prominent cheek-bones, slant eye, broad nose,
thick protruding lips, very dark brown hair and eyes, dirty buff colour,
mean height (about 5 ft. 5 or 6 in.) with disproportionately short legs;
(2) a much finer race, with regular Caucasic features, long oval face,
pointed chin, aquiline nose. One Kakhyen belle met with at Bhamo, "with
large lustrous eyes and fair skin, might almost have passed for a
European[423]."

It is important to note this Caucasic element, which we first meet here
going eastwards from the Himalayas, but which is found either separate
or interspersed amongst the Mongoloid populations all over the
south-east Asiatic uplands from Tibet to Cochin-China, and passing
thence into Oceanica[424].

The kinship of the Kakhyens with the still more numerous Karens is now
generally accepted, and it is no longer found necessary to bring the
latter all the way from Turkestan. They form a large section, perhaps
one-sixth, of the whole population of Burma, and overflow into the west
Siamese borderlands. Their subdivisions are endless, though all may be
reduced to three main branches, _Sgaws_, _Pwos_ and _Bwais_, these last
including the somewhat distinct group of _Karenni_, or "Red Karens."
Although D. M. Smeaton calls the language "monosyllabic," it is
evidently agglutinating, of the normal sub-Himalayan type[425].

The Karens are a short, sturdy race, with straight black and also
brownish hair, black, and even hazel eyes, and light or yellowish brown
complexion, so that here also a Caucasic strain may be suspected.

Despite the favourable pictures of the missionaries, whose propaganda
has been singularly successful amongst these aborigines, the Karens are
not an amiable or particularly friendly people, but rather shy, reticent
and even surly, though trustworthy and loyal to those chiefs and guides
who have once gained their confidence. In warfare they are treacherous
rather than brave, and strangely cruel even to little children. Their
belief in a divine Creator who has deserted them resembles that of the
Kuki people, and to the _nats_ of the Kuki correspond the _la_ of the
Karens, who are even more numerous, every mountain, stream, rapid,
crest, peak or other conspicuous object having its proper indwelling
_la_. There are also seven specially baneful spirits, who have to be
appeased by family offerings. "On the whole their belief in a personal
god, their tradition as to the former possession of a 'law,' and their
expectation of a prophet have made them susceptible to Christianity to a
degree that is almost unique. Of this splendid opportunity the American
mission has taken full advantage, educating, civilising, welding
together, and making a people out of the downtrodden Karen tribes, while
Christianizing them[426]."

In the Burmese division proper are comprised several groups, presenting
all grades of culture, from the sheer savagery of the Mros, Kheongs, and
others of the Arakan Yoma range, and the agricultural Mugs of the Arakan
plains, to the dominant historical Burmese nation of the Irawadi valley.
Here also the terminology is perplexing, and it may be well to explain
that _Yoma_, applied by Logan collectively to all the Arakan Hill
tribes, has no ethnic value at all, simply meaning a mountain range in
Burmese[427]. _Toung-gnu_, one of Mason's divisions of the Burmese
family, was merely a petty state founded by a younger branch of the
Royal House, and "has no more claim to rank as a separate tribe than any
other Burman town[428]. "_Tavoyers_ are merely the people of the Tavoy
district, Tenasserim, originally from Arakan, and now speaking a Burmese
dialect largely affected by Siamese elements; _Tungthas_, like Yoma,
means "Highlander," and is even of wider application; the Tipperahs,
Mrungs, Kumi, Mros, Khemis, and Khyengs are all Tungthas of Burmese
stock, and speak rude Burmese dialects.

The correlative of Tungthas is _Khyungthas_, "River People," that is,
the Arakan Lowlanders comprising the more civilised peoples about the
middle and lower course of the rivers, who are improperly called _Mugs_
(_Maghs_) by the Bengali, and whose real name is _Rakhaingtha_, _i.e._
people of Rakhaing (Arakan). They are undoubtedly of the same stock as
the cultured Burmese, whose traditions point to Arakan as the cradle of
the race, and in whose chronicles the Rakhaingtha are called
_M'ranmákríh_, "Great M'ranmas," or "Elder Burmese." Both branches call
themselves _M'ranma, M'rama_ (the correct form of _Barma, Burma_, but
now usually pronounced Myamma), probably from a root _mro, myo_, "man,"
though connected by Burnouf with Brahma, the Brahmanical having preceded
the Buddhist religion in this region. In any case the M'rama may claim a
respectable antiquity, being already mentioned in the national records
so early as the first century of the new era, when the land "was said to
be overrun with fabulous monsters and other terrors, which are called to
this day by the superstitious natives, the five enemies. These were a
fierce tiger, an enormous boar, a flying dragon, a prodigious man-eating
bird, and a huge creeping pumpkin, which threatened to entangle the
whole country[429]."

The Burmese type has been not incorrectly described as intermediate
between the Chinese and the Malay, more refined, or at least softer than
either, of yellowish brown or olive complexion, often showing very dark
shades, full black and lank hair, no beard, small but straight nose,
weak extremities, pliant figure, and a mean height[430].

Most Europeans speak well of the Burmese people, whose bright genial
temperament and extreme friendliness towards strangers more than
outweigh a natural indolence which hurts nobody but themselves, and a
little arrogance or vanity inspired by the still remembered glories of a
nation that once ruled over a great part of Indo-China. Perhaps the most
remarkable feature of Burmese society is the almost democratic
independence and equality of all classes developed under an
exceptionally severe Asiatic autocracy. "They are perfectly republican
in the freedom with which all ranks mingle together and talk with one
another, without any marked distinction in regard to difference of rank
or wealth[431]." Scott attributes this trait, I think rightly, to the
great leveller, Buddhism, the true spirit of which has perhaps been
better preserved in Burma than in any other land.

The priesthood has not become the privileged and oppressive class that
has usurped all spiritual and temporal functions in Tibet, for in Burma
everybody is or has been a priest for some period of his life. All enter
the monasteries--which are the national schools--not only for general
instruction, but actually as members of the sacerdotal order. They
submit to the tonsure, take "minor orders," so to say, and wear the
yellow robe, if only for a few months or weeks or days. But for the time
being they must renounce "the world, the flesh and the devil," and must
play the mendicant, make the round of the village at least once with the
begging-bowl hung round their neck in company with the regular members
of the community. They thus become initiated, and it becomes no longer
possible for the confraternity to impose either on the rulers or on the
ruled. "Teaching is all that the brethren of the order do for the
people. They have no spiritual powers whatever. They simply become
members of a holy society that they may observe the precepts of the
Master more perfectly, and all they do for the alms lavished on them by
the pious laity is to instruct the children in reading, writing, and the
rudiments of religion[432]."

R. Grant Brown denies the common report which "has appeared in almost
every work in which religion in Burma is dealt with" that Burman
Buddhism is superficial. "The Burman Buddhist is at least as much
influenced by his religion as the average Christian. The monks are
probably as strict in their religious observances as any large religious
body in the world.... Most laymen, too, obey the prohibitions against
alcohol and the taking of life, though these run counter both to strong
human instincts and to animistic practice[433]."

Nor is the personal freedom here spoken of confined to the men. In no
other part of the world do the women enjoy a larger measure of
independent action than in Burma, with the result that they are
acknowledged to be far more virtuous, thrifty, and intelligent than
those of all the surrounding lands. Their capacity for business and
petty dealings is rivalled only by their Gallic sisters; and H. S.
Hallett tells us that in every town and village "you will see damsels
squatted on the floor of the verandah with diminutive, or sometimes
large, stalls in front of them, covered with vegetables, fruit,
betel-nut, cigars and other articles. However numerous they may be, the
price of everything is known to them; and such is their idea of probity,
that pilfering is quite unknown amongst them. They are entirely trusted
by their parents from their earliest years; even when they blossom into
young women, _chaperons_ are never a necessity; yet immorality is far
less customary amongst them, I am led to believe, than in any country in
Europe[434]."

This observer quotes Bishop Bigandet, a forty years' resident amongst
the natives, to the effect that "in Burmah and Siam the doctrines of
Buddhism have produced a striking, and to the lover of true civilization
a most interesting result--the almost complete equality of the condition
of the women with that of the men. In these countries women are seen
circulating freely in the streets; they preside at the _comptoir_, and
hold an almost exclusive possession of the bazaars. Their social
position is more elevated, in every respect, than in the regions where
Buddhism is not the predominating creed. They may be said to be men's
companions, and not their slaves."

Burma is one of those regions where tattooing has acquired the rank of a
fine art. Indeed the intricate designs and general pictorial effect
produced by the Burmese artists on the living body are rivalled only by
those of Japan, New Zealand, and some other Polynesian groups. Hallett,
who states that "the Burmese, the Shans, and certain Burmanized tribes
are the only peoples in the south of Asia who are known to tattoo their
body," tells us that the elaborate operation is performed only on the
male sex, the whole person from waist to knees, and amongst some Shan
tribes from neck to foot, being covered with heraldic figures of
animals, with intervening traceries, so that at a little distance the
effect is that of a pair of dark-blue breeches[435]. The pigments are
lamp-black or vermilion, and the pattern is usually first traced with a
fine hair pencil and then worked in by a series of punctures made by a
long pointed brass style[436].

East of Burma we enter the country of the _Shans_, one of the most
numerous and widespread peoples of Asia, who call themselves _Tai_
(_T'hai_), "Noble" or "Free," although slavery in various forms has from
time immemorial been a social institution amongst all the southern
groups. Here again tribal and national terminology is somewhat
bewildering; but it will help to notice that _Shan_, said to be of
Chinese origin[437], is the collective Burmese name, and therefore
corresponds to _Lao_, the collective Siamese name. These two terms are
therefore rather political than ethnical, Shan denoting all the Tai
peoples formerly subject to Burma and now mostly British subjects, Lao
all the Tai peoples formerly subject to Siam, and now (since 1896)
mostly French subjects[438]. The Siamese group them all in two
divisions, the _Lau-pang-dun_, "Black-paunch Lao," so called because
they clothe themselves as it were in a dark skin-tight garb by the
tattooing process; and the _Lau-pang-kah_, "White-paunch Lao," who do
not tattoo. The Burmese groups call themselves collectively
_Ngiou_[439], while the most general Chinese name is _Paï_ (_Pa-y_).
Prince Henri d'Orléans, who is careful to point out that Paï is only
another name for Lao[440], constantly met Paï groups all along the route
from Tonking to Assam, and the bulk of the lowland population in Assam
itself belongs originally[441] to the same family, though now mostly
assimilated to the Hindus in speech, religion, and general culture.
Assam in fact takes its name from the _Ahoms_, the "peerless," the title
first adopted by the Mau Shan chief, Chukupha, who invaded the country
from north-east Burma, and in 1228 A.D. founded the Ahom dynasty, which
was overthrown in 1810 by the Burmese, who were ejected in 1827 by the
English[442].

These Ahoms came from the Khamti (Kampti) district about the sources of
the Irawadi, where Prince Henri was surprised to find a civilised and
lettered Buddhist people of Paï (Shan) speech still enjoying political
autonomy in the dangerous proximity of _le léopard britannique_. They
call themselves _Padao_, and it is curious to note that both _Padam_ and
_Assami_ are also tribal names amongst the neighbouring Abor Hillmen.
The French traveller was told that the Padao, who claimed to be _T'hais_
(Tai) like the Laotians[443], were indigenous, and he describes the type
as also Laotian--straight eyes rather wide apart, nose broad at base,
forehead arched, superciliary arches prominent, thick lips, pointed
chin, olive colour, slightly bronzed and darker than in the Lao country;
the men ill-favoured, the young women with pleasant features, and some
with very beautiful eyes.

Passing into China we are still in the midst of Shan peoples, whose
range appears formerly to have extended up to the right bank of the
Yang-tse-Kiang, and whose cradle has been traced by de Lacouperie to
"the Kiu-lung mountains north of Sechuen and south of Shensi in China
proper[444]." This authority holds that they constitute a chief element
in the Chinese race itself, which, as it spread southwards beyond the
Yang-tse-Kiang, amalgamated with the Shan aborigines, and thus became
profoundly modified both in type and speech, the present Chinese
language comprising over thirty per cent. of Shan ingredients. Colquhoun
also, during his explorations in the southern provinces, found that
"most of the aborigines, although known to the Chinese by various
nicknames, were Shans; and that their propinquity to the Chinese was
slowly changing their habits, manners, and dress, and gradually
incorporating them with that people[445]."

This process of fusion has been in progress for ages, not only between
the southern Chinese and the Shans, but also between the Shans and the
Caucasic aborigines, whom we first met amongst the Kakhyens, but who are
found scattered mostly in small groups over all the uplands between
Tibet and the Cochin-Chinese coast range. The result is that the Shans
are generally of finer physique than either the kindred Siamese and
Malays in the south, or the more remotely connected Chinese in the
north. The colour, says Bock, "is much lighter than that of the
Siamese," and "in facial expression the Laotians are better-looking than
the Malays, having good high foreheads, and the men particularly having
regular well-shaped noses, with nostrils not so wide as those of their
neighbours[446]." Still more emphatic is the testimony of Kreitner of
the Szechenyi expedition, who tells us that the Burmese Shans have "a
nobler head than the Chinese; the dark eyes are about horizontal, the
nose is straight, the whole expression approaches that of the Caucasic
race[447]."

Notwithstanding their wide diffusion, interminglings with other races,
varied grades of culture, and lack of political cohesion, the Tai-Shan
groups acquire a certain ethnical and even national unity from their
generally uniform type, social usages, Buddhist religion, and common
Indo-Chinese speech. Amidst a chaos of radically distinct idioms current
amongst the surrounding indigenous populations, they have everywhere
preserved a remarkable degree of linguistic uniformity, all speaking
various more or less divergent dialects of the same mother-tongue.
Excluding a large percentage of Sanskrit terms introduced into the
literary language by their Hindu educators, this radical mother-tongue
comprises about 1860 distinct words or rather sounds, which have been
reduced by phonetic decay to so many monosyllables, each uttered with
five tones, the natural tone, two higher tones, and two lower[448]. Each
term thus acquires five distinct meanings, and in fact represents five
different words, which were phonetically distinct dissyllables, or even
polysyllables in the primitive language.

The same process of disintegration has been at work throughout the whole
of the Indo-Chinese linguistic area, where all the leading
tongues--Chinese, Annamese, Tai-Shan, Burmese--belong to the same
isolating form of speech, which, as explained in _Ethnology_, Chap. IX.,
is not a primitive condition, but a later development, the outcome of
profound phonetic corruption.

The remarkable uniformity of the Tai-Shan member of this order of speech
may be in part due to the conservative effects of the literary standard.
Probably over 2000 years ago most of the Shan groups were brought under
Hindu influences by the Brahman, and later by the Buddhist missionaries,
who reduced their rude speech to written form, while introducing a large
number of Sanskrit terms inseparable from the new religious ideas. The
writing systems, all based on the square Pali form of the Devanagari
syllabic characters, were adapted to the phonetic requirements of the
various dialects, with the result that the Tai-Shan linguistic family is
encumbered with four different scripts. "The Western Shans use one very
like the Burmese; the Siamese have a character of their own, which is
very like Pali; the Shans called Lü have another character of their own;
and to the north of Siam the Lao Shans have another[449]."

These Shan alphabets of Hindu origin are supposed by de Lacouperie to be
connected with the writing systems which have been credited to the
Mossos, Lolos, and some other hill peoples about the Chinese and
Indo-Chinese borderlands. At Lan-Chu in the Lolo country Prince Henri
found that MSS. were very numerous, and he was shown some very fine
specimens "enluminés." Here, he tells us, the script is still in use,
being employed jointly with Chinese in drawing up legal documents
connected with property. He was informed that this Lolo script comprised
300 characters, read from top to bottom and from left to right[450],
although other authorities say from right to left.

Of the Lolo he gives no specimens[451], but reproduces two or three
pages of a Mosso book with transliteration and translation. Other
specimens, but without explanation, were already known through Gill and
Desgodins, and their decipherment had exercised the ingenuity of several
Chinese scholars. Their failure to interpret them is now accounted for
by Prince Henri, who declares that, "strictly speaking the Mossos have
no writing system. The magicians keep and still make copy-books full of
hieroglyphics; each page is divided into little sections (_cahiers_)
following horizontally from left to right, in which are inscribed one or
more somewhat rough figures, heads of animals, men, houses, conventional
signs representing the sky or lightning, and so on." Some of the
magicians expounded two of the books, which contained invocations,
beginning with the creation of the world, and winding up with a
catalogue of all the evils threatening mortals, but to be averted by
being pious, that is, by making gifts to the magicians. The same ideas
are always expressed by the same signs; yet the magicians declared that
there was no alphabet, the hieroglyphs being handed down bodily from one
expert to another. Nevertheless Prince Henri looks on this as one of the
first steps in the history of writing; "originally many of the Chinese
characters were simply pictorial, and if the Mossos, instead of being
hemmed in, had acquired a large expansion, their sacred books might also
perhaps have given birth to true characters[452]."

Although now "hemmed in," the Mossos are a historical and somewhat
cultured people, belonging to the same group as the _Iungs_ (_Njungs_),
who came from the regions north-east of Tibet, and appeared on the
Chinese frontiers about 600 B.C. They are referred to in the Chinese
records of 796 A.D., when they were reduced by the king of Nanchao.
After various vicissitudes they recognised the Chinese suzerainty in the
fourteenth century, and were finally subdued in the eighteenth. De
Lacouperie[453] thinks they are probably of the same origin as the
Lolos, the two languages having much in common, and the names of both
being Chinese, while the Lolos and the Mossos call themselves
respectively _Nossu_ (_Nesu_) and _Nashi_ (_Nashri_).

Everywhere amongst these border tribes are met groups of aborigines, who
present more or less regular features which are described by various
travellers as "Caucasic" or "European." Thus the _Kiu-tse_, who are the
_Khanungs_ of the English maps, and are akin to the large _Lu-tse_
family (_Melam_, _Anu_, _Diasu_, etc.), reminded Prince Henri of some
Europeans of his acquaintance[454], and he speaks of the light colour,
straight nose and eyes, and generally fine type of the Yayo (Yao), as
the Chinese call them, but whose real name is _Lin-tin-yu_.

The same Caucasic element reappears in a pronounced form amongst the
indigenous populations of Tonking, to whom A. Billet has devoted an
instructive monograph[455]. This observer, who declares that these
aborigines are quite distinct both from the Chinese and the Annamese,
groups them in three main divisions--_Tho_, _Nong_, and _Man_[456]--all
collectively called _Moi_, _Muong_, and _Myong_ by the Annamese. The
Thos, who are the most numerous, are agriculturists, holding all the
upland valleys and thinning off towards the wooded heights. They are
tall compared to the Mongols (5 ft. 6 or 7 in.), lighter than the
Annamese, round-headed, with oval face, deep-set straight eyes, low
cheek-bones, straight and even slightly aquiline nose not depressed at
root, and muscular frames. They are a patient, industrious, and frugal
people, now mainly subject to Chinese and Annamese influences in their
social usages and religion. Very peculiar nevertheless are some of their
surviving customs, such as the feast of youth, the pastime of swinging,
and especially chess played with living pieces, whose movements are
directed by two players. The language appears to be a Shan dialect, and
to this family the writer affiliates both the Thos and the Nongs. The
latter are a much more mixed people, now largely assimilated to the
Chinese, although the primitive type still persists, especially amongst
the women, as is so often the case. A. Billet tells us that he often met
Nong women "with light and sometimes even red hair[457]."

It is extremely interesting to learn that the Mans came traditionally
"from a far-off western land where their forefathers were said to have
lived in contact with peoples of white blood thousands of years ago."
This tradition, which would identify them with the above-mentioned
Man-tse, is supported by their physical appearance--long head, oval
face, small cheek-bones, eyes without the Mongol fold, skin not
yellowish but rather "browned by the sun," regular features--in nothing
recalling the traits of the yellow races.

Let us now turn to M. R. Verneau's comments on the rich materials
brought together by A. Billet, in whom, "being not only a medical man,
but also a graduate in the natural sciences, absolute confidence may be
placed[458]."

"The Máns-Tien, the Máns-Coc, the Máns-Meo (Miao, Miao-tse, or Mieu)
present a pretty complete identity with the Pan-y and the Pan-yao of
South Kwang-si; they are the debris of a very ancient race, which with
T. de Lacouperie may be called pre-Chinese. This early race, which bore
the name of _Pan-hu_ or _Ngao_, occupied Central China before the
arrival of the Chinese. According to M. d'Hervey de Saint-Denys, the
mountains and valleys of Kwei-cháu where these Miao-tse still survive
were the cradle of the Pan-hu. In any case it seems certain that the
T'hai and the Man race came from Central Asia, and that, from the
anthropological standpoint, they differ altogether from the Mongol group
represented by the Chinese and the Annamese. The Man especially presents
striking affinities with the Aryan type."

Thus is again confirmed by the latest investigations, and by the
conclusions of some of the leading members of the French school of
anthropology, the view first advanced by me in 1879, that peoples of the
Caucasic (here called "Aryan") division had already spread to the utmost
confines of south-east Asia in remote prehistoric times, and had in
this region even preceded the first waves of Mongolic migration
radiating from their cradle-land on the Tibetan plateau[459].

Reference was above made to the singular lack of political cohesion at
all times betrayed by the Tai-Shan peoples. The only noteworthy
exception is the Siamese branch, which forms the bulk of the population
in the Menam basin. In this highly favoured region of vast
hill-encircled alluvial plains of inexhaustible fertility, traversed by
numerous streams navigable for light craft, and giving direct access to
the inland waters of Malaysia, the Southern Shans were able at an early
date to merge the primitive tribal groups in a great nationality, and
found a powerful empire, which at one time dominated most of Indo-China
and the Malay Peninsula.

Siam, alone of all the Shan states, even still maintains a precarious
independence, although now again reduced by European aggression to
little more than the natural limits of the fluvial valley, which is
usually regarded by the Southern Shans as the home of their race. Yet
they appear to have been here preceded by the Caucasic Khmers
(Cambojans), whose advent is referred in the national chronicles to the
year 543 B.C. and who, according to the Hindu records, were expelled
about 443 A.D. It was through these Khmers, and not directly from India,
that the "Sayamas" received their Hindu culture, and the Siamese annals,
mingling fact with fiction, refer to the miraculous birth of the
national hero, Phra-Ruang, who threw off the foreign yoke, declared the
people henceforth T'hai, "Freemen," invented the present Siamese
alphabet, and ordered the Khom (Cambojan) to be reserved in future for
copying the sacred writings.

The introduction of Buddhism is assigned to the year 638 A.D., one of
the first authentic dates in the native records. The ancient city of
Labong had already been founded (575), and other settlements now
followed rapidly, always in the direction of the south, according as the
Shan race steadily advanced towards the seaboard, driving before them or
mingling with Khmers, Lawas, Karens, and other aborigines, some now
extinct, some still surviving on the wooded uplands and plateaux
encircling the Menam valley. Ayuthia, the great centre of national life
in later times, dates only from the year 1350, when the empire had
received its greatest expansion, comprising the whole of Camboja, Pegu,
Tenasserim, and the Malay Peninsula, and extending its conquering arms
across the inland waters as far as Java[460]. Then followed the
disastrous wars with Burma, which twice captured and finally destroyed
Ayuthia (1767), now a picturesque elephant-park visited by tourists from
the present capital, Bangkok, founded in 1772 a little lower down the
Menam.

But the elements of decay existed from the first in the institution of
slavery or serfdom, which was not restricted to a particular class, as
in other lands, but, before the modern reforms, extended in principle to
all the kings' subjects in mockery declared "Freemen" by the founders of
the monarchy. This, however, may be regarded as perhaps little more than
a legal fiction, for at all times class distinctions were really
recognised, comprising the members of the royal family--a somewhat
numerous group--the nobles named by the king, the _leks_ or vassals, and
the people, these latter being again subdivided into three sections,
those liable to taxation, those subject to forced labour, and the slaves
proper. But so little developed was the sentiment of personal dignity
and freedom, that anybody from the highest noble to the humblest citizen
might at any moment lapse into the lowest category. Like most Mongoloid
peoples, the Siamese are incurable gamblers, and formerly it was an
everyday occurrence for a freeman to stake all his goods and chattels,
wives, children, and self, on the hazard of the die.

Yet the women, like their Burmese sisters, have always held a somewhat
honourable social position, being free to walk abroad, go shopping,
visit their friends, see the sights, and take part in the frequent
public feastings without restriction. Those, however, who brought no
dower and had to be purchased, might again be sold at any time, and
many thus constantly fell from the dignity of matrons to the position of
the merest drudges without rights or privileges of any kind. These
strange relations were endurable, thanks to the genial nature of the
national temperament, by which the hard lot of the thralls was softened,
and a little light allowed to penetrate into the darkest corners[461] of
the social system. The open slave-markets, which in the vassal Lao
states fostered systematic raiding-expeditions amongst the unreduced
aborigines, were abolished in 1873, and since 1890 all born in slavery
are free on reaching their 21st year.

Siamese Buddhism is a slightly modified form of that prevailing in
Ceylon, although strictly practised but by few. There are two classes or
"sects," the reformers who attach more importance to the observance of
the canon law than to meditation, and the old believers, some devoted to
a contemplative life, others to the study of the sunless wilderness of
Buddhist writings. But, beneath it all, spirit or devil-worship is still
rife, and in many districts pure animism is practically the only
religion. Even temples and shrines have been raised to the countless
gods of land and water, woods, mountains, villages and households. To
these gods are credited all sorts of calamities, and to prevent them
from getting into the bodies of the dead the latter are brought out, not
through door or window, but through a breach in the wall, which is
afterwards carefully built up. Similar ideas prevail amongst many other
peoples, both at higher and lower levels of culture, for nothing is more
ineradicable than such popular beliefs associated with the relations
presumed to exist between the present and the after life.

Incredible sums are yearly lavished in offerings to the spirits, which
give rise to an endless round of feasts and revels, and also in support
of the numerous Buddhist temples, convents, and their inmates. The
treasures accumulated in the "royal cloisters" and other shrines
represent a great part of the national savings--investments for the
other world, among which are said to be numerous gold statues glittering
with rubies, sapphires, and other priceless gems. But in these matters
the taste of the _talapoins_[462], as the priests were formerly called,
is somewhat catholic, including pictures of reviews and battle-scenes
from the European illustrated papers, and sometimes even statues of
Napoleon set up by the side of Buddha.

So numerous, absurd, and exacting are the rules of the monastic
communities that, but for the aid of the temple servants and novices,
existence would be impossible. A list of such puerilities occupies
several pages in A. R. Colquhoun's work _Amongst the Shans_ (219-231),
and from these we learn that the monks must not dig the ground, so that
they can neither plant nor sow; must not boil rice, as it would kill the
germ; eat corn for the same reason; climb trees lest a branch get
broken; kindle a flame, as it destroys the fuel; put out a flame, as
that also would extinguish life; forge iron, as sparks would fly out and
perish; swing their arms in walking; wink in speaking; buy or sell;
stretch the legs when sitting; breed poultry, pigs, or other animals;
mount an elephant or palanquin; wear red, black, green, or white
garments; mourn for the dead, etc., etc. In a word all might be summed
up by a general injunction neither to do anything, nor not to do
anything, and then despair of attaining _Nirvana_; for it would be
impossible to conceive of any more pessimistic system in theory[463].
Practically it is otherwise, and in point of fact the utmost religious
indifference prevails amongst all classes.

Within the Mongolic division it would be difficult to imagine any more
striking contrast than that presented by the gentle, kindly, and on the
whole not ill-favoured Siamese, and their hard-featured, hard-hearted,
and grasping Annamese neighbours. Let anyone, who may fancy there is
little or nothing in blood, pass rapidly from the bright, genial--if
somewhat listless and corrupt--social life of Bangkok to the dry,
uncongenial moral atmosphere of Ha-noi or Saigon, and he will be apt to
modify his views on that point. Few observers have a good word to say
for the Tonkingese, the Cochin-Chinese, or any other branch of the
Annamese family, and some even of the least prejudiced are so outspoken
that we must needs infer there is good ground for their severe
strictures on these strange, uncouth materialists. Buddhists of course
they are nominally; but of the moral sense they have little, unless it
be (amongst the lettered classes) a pale reflection of the pale Chinese
ethical code. The whole region in fact is a sort of attenuated China, to
which it owes its arts and industries, its letters, moral systems,
general culture, and even a large part of its inhabitants. _Giao-shi_
(_Kiao-shi_), the name of the aborigines, said to mean "Bifurcated," or
"Cross-toes[464]," in reference to the wide space between the great toe
and the next, occurs in the legendary Chinese records so far back as
2285 B.C., since which period the two countries are supposed to have
maintained almost uninterrupted relations, whether friendly or hostile,
down to the present day. At first the Giao-shi were confined to the
northern parts of Lu-kiang, the present Tonking, all the rest of the
coastlands being held by the powerful Champa (Tsiampa) people, whose
affinities are with the Oceanic populations. But in 218 B.C., Lu-kiang
having been reduced and incorporated with China proper, a large number
of Chinese emigrants settled in the country, and gradually merged with
the Giao-shi in a single nationality, whose twofold descent is still
reflected in the Annamese physical and mental characters.

This term Annam[465], however, did not come into use till the seventh
century, when it was officially applied to the frontier river between
China and Tonking, and afterwards extended to the whole of Tonking and
Cochin-China. Tonking itself, meaning the "Eastern Court[466]," was
originally the name only of the city of Ha-noi when it was a royal
residence, but was later extended to the whole of the northern kingdom,
whose true name is _Yüeh-nan_. To this corresponded the southern
Kwe-Chen-Ching, "Kingdom of Chen-Ching," which was so named in the ninth
century from its capital Chen-Ching, and of which our Cochin-China
appears to be a corrupt form.

But, amid all this troublesome political nomenclature, the dominant
Annamese nation has faithfully preserved its homogeneous character,
spreading, like the Siamese Shans, steadily southwards, and gradually
absorbing the whole of the Champa domain to the southern extremity of
the peninsula, as well as a large part of the ancient kingdom of Camboja
about the Mekhong delta. They thus form at present the almost exclusive
ethnical element throughout all the lowland and cultivated parts of
Tonking, upper and lower Cochin-China and south Camboja, with a total
population in 1898 of about twenty millions.

The Annamese are described in a semi-official report[467] as
characterised by a high broad forehead, high cheek-bones, small crushed
nose, rather thick lips, black hair, scant beard, mean height, coppery
complexion, deceitful (_rusée_) expression, and rude or insolent
bearing. The head is round (index 83 to 84) and the features are in
general flat and coarse, while to an ungainly exterior corresponds a
harsh unsympathetic temperament. The Abbé Gagelin, who lived years in
their midst, frankly declares that they are at once arrogant and
dishonest, and dead to all the finer feelings of human nature, so that
after years of absence the nearest akin will meet without any outward
sign of pleasure or affection. Others go further, and J. G. Scott summed
it all up by declaring that "the fewer Annamese there are, the less
taint there is on the human race." No doubt Lord Curzon gives a more
favourable picture, but this traveller spent only a short time in the
country, and even he allows that they are "tricky and deceitful,
disposed to thieve when they get the chance, mendacious, and incurable
gamblers[468]."

Yet they have one redeeming quality, an intense love of personal
freedom, strangely contrasting with the almost abject slavish spirit of
the Siamese. The feeling extends to all classes, so that servitude is
held in abhorrence, and, as in Burma, a democratic sense of equality
permeates the social system[469]. Hence, although the State has always
been an absolute monarchy, each separate commune constitutes a veritable
little oligarchic commonwealth. This has come as a great surprise to the
present French administrators of the country, who frankly declare that
they cannot hope to improve the social or political position of the
people by substituting European for native laws and usages. The Annamese
have in fact little to learn from western social institutions.

Their language, spoken everywhere with remarkable uniformity, is of the
normal Indo-Chinese isolating type, possessing six tones, three high,
and three low, and written in ideographic characters based on the
Chinese, but with numerous modifications and additions. But, although
these are ill-suited for the purpose, the attempt made by the early
Portuguese missionaries to substitute the so-called _quôc-ngù_, or Roman
phonetic system, has been defeated by the conservative spirit of the
people. Primary instruction has long been widely diffused, and almost
everybody can read and write as many of the numerous hieroglyphs as are
needed for the ordinary purpose of daily intercourse. Every village has
its free school, and a higher range of studies is encouraged by the
public examinations to which, as in China, all candidates for government
appointments are subjected. Under such a scheme surprising results might
be achieved, were the course of studies not based exclusively on the
empty formulas of Chinese classical literature. The subjects taught are
for the most part puerile, and true science is replaced by the dry moral
precepts of Confucius. One result amongst the educated classes is a
scoffing, sceptical spirit, free from all religious prejudice, and
unhampered by theological creeds or dogmas, combined with a lofty moral
tone, not always however in harmony with daily conduct.

Even more than in China, the family is the true base of the social
system, the head of the household being not only the high-priest of the
ancestral cult, but also a kind of patriarch enjoying almost absolute
control over his children. In this respect the relations are somewhat
one-sided, the father having no recognised obligations towards his
offspring, while these are expected to show him perfect obedience in
life and veneration after death. Besides this worship of ancestry and
the Confucian ethical philosophy, a national form of Buddhism is
prevalent. Some even profess all three of these so-called "religions,"
beneath which there still survive many of the primitive superstitions
associated with a not yet extinct belief in spirits and the supernatural
power of magicians. While the Buddhist temples are neglected and the few
bonzes[470] despised, offerings are still made to the genii of
agriculture, of the waters, the tiger, the dolphin, peace, war,
diseases, and so forth, whose rude statues in the form of dragons or
other fabulous monsters are even set up in the pagodas. Since the early
part of the seventeenth century Roman Catholic missionaries have
laboured with considerable success in this unpromising field, where the
congregations were estimated in 1898 at about 900,000.

From Annam the ethnical transition is easy to China[471] and its teeming
multitudes, regarding whose origins, racial and cultural, two opposite
views at present hold the field. What may be called the old, but by no
means the obsolete school, regards the Chinese populations as the direct
descendants of the aborigines who during the Stone Ages entered the
Hoang-ho valley probably from the Tibetan plateau, there developed their
peculiar culture independently of foreign influences, and thence spread
gradually southwards to the whole of China proper, extirpating,
absorbing, or driving to the encircling western and southern uplands the
ruder aborigines of the Yang-tse-Kiang and Si-Kiang basins.

In direct opposition to this view the new school, championed especially
by T. de Lacouperie[472], holds that the present inhabitants of China
are late intruders from south-western Asia, and that they arrived not as
rude aborigines, but as a cultured people with a considerable knowledge
of letters, science, and the arts, all of which they acquired either
directly or indirectly from the civilised Akkado-Sumerian inhabitants of
Babylonia.

Not merely analogies and resemblances, but what are called actual
identities, are pointed out between the two cultures, and even between
the two languages, sufficient to establish a common origin of both,
Mesopotamia being the fountain-head, whence the stream flowed by
channels not clearly defined to the Hoang-ho valley. Thus the Chin.
_yu_, originally _go_, is equated with Akkad _gu_, to speak; _ye_ with
_ge_, night, and so on. Then the astronomic and chronologic systems are
compared, Berossus and the cuneiform tablets dividing the prehistoric
Akkad epoch into 10 periods of 10 kings, lasting 120 Sari, or 432,000
years, while the corresponding Chinese astronomic myth also comprises 10
kings (or dynasties) covering the same period of 432,000 years. The
astronomic system credited to the emperor Yao (2000 B.C.) similarly
corresponds with the Akkadian, both having the same five planets with
names of like meaning, and a year of 12 months and 30 days, with the
same cycle of intercalated days, while several of the now obsolete names
of the Chinese months answer to those of the Babylonians. Even the name
of the first Chinese emperor who built an observatory, Nai-Kwang-ti,
somewhat resembles that of the Elamite king, Kuder-na-hangti, who
conquered Chaldaea about 2280 B.C.

All this can hardly be explained away as a mere series of coincidences;
nevertheless neither Sinologues nor Akkadists are quite convinced, and
it is obvious that many of the resemblances may be due to trade or
intercourse both by the old overland caravan routes, and by the seaborne
traffic from Eridu at the head of the Persian Gulf, which was a
flourishing emporium 4000 or 5000 years ago.

But, despite some verbal analogies, an almost insurmountable difficulty
is presented by the Akkadian and Chinese languages, which no
philological ingenuity can bring into such relation as is required by
the hypothesis. T. G. Pinches has shown that at a very early period, say
some 5000 years ago, Akkadian already consisted, "for the greater part,
of words of one syllable," and was "greatly affected by phonetic decay,
the result being that an enormous number of homophones were developed
out of roots originally quite distinct[473]." This Akkadian scholar
sends me a number of instances, such as _tu_ for _tura_, to enter; _ti_
for _tila_, to live; _du_ for _dumu_, son; _du_ for _dugu_, good, as in
_Eridu_, for _Gurudugu_, "the good city," adding that "the list could be
extended indefinitely[474]." But de Lacouperie's Bak tribes, that is,
the first immigrants from south-west Asia, are not supposed to have
reached North China till about 2500 or 3000 B.C., at which time the
Chinese language was still in the untoned agglutinating state, with but
few monosyllabic homophones, and consequently quite distinct from the
Akkadian, as known to us from the Assyrian syllabaries, bilingual lists,
and earlier tablets from Nippur or Lagash.

Hence the linguistic argument seems to fail completely, while the
Babylonian origin of the Chinese writing system, or rather, the
derivation of Chinese and Sumerian from some common parent in Central
Asia, awaits further evidence. Many of the Chinese and Akkadian "line
forms" collated by C. J. Ball[475] are so simple and, one might say,
obvious, that they seem to prove nothing. They may be compared with such
infantile utterances as _pa_, _ma_, _da_, _ta_, occurring in half the
languages of the world, without proving a connection or affinity between
any of them. But even were the common origin of the two scripts
established, it would prove nothing as to the common origin of the two
peoples, but only show cultural influences, which need not be denied.

But if Chinese origins cannot be clearly traced back to Babylonia,
Chinese culture may still, in a sense, claim to be the oldest in the
world, inasmuch as it has persisted with little change from its rise
some 4500 years ago down to present times. All other early
civilisations--Mesopotamian, Egyptian, Assyrian, Persian,
Hellenic--have perished, or live only in their monuments, traditions,
oral or written records. But the Chinese, despite repeated political and
social convulsions, is still as deeply rooted in the past as ever,
showing no break of continuity from the dim echoes of remote prehistoric
ages down to the last revolution, and the establishment of the Republic.
These things touch the surface only of the great ocean of Chinese
humanity, which is held together, not by any general spirit of national
sentiment (all sentiment is alien from the Chinese temperament), nor by
any community of speech, for many of the provincial dialects differ
profoundly from each other, but by a prodigious power of inertia, which
has hitherto resisted all attempts at change either by pressure from
without, or by spontaneous impulse from within.

What they were thousands of years ago, the Chinese still are, a frugal,
peace-loving, hard-working people, occupied mainly with tillage and
trade, cultivating few arts beyond weaving, porcelain and metal work,
but with a widely diffused knowledge of letters, and a writing system
which still remains at the cumbrous ideographic stage, needing as many
different symbols as there are distinct concepts to be expressed. Yet
the system has one advantage, enabling those who speak mutually
unintelligible idioms to converse together, using the pencil instead of
the tongue. For this very reason the attempts made centuries ago by the
government to substitute a phonetic script had to be abandoned. It was
found that imperial edicts and other documents so written could not be
understood by the populations speaking dialects different from the
literary standard, whereas the hieroglyphs, like our ciphers 1, 2,
3 ..., could be read by all educated persons of whatever allied form of
speech.

Originally the Chinese system, whether developed on the spot or derived
from Akkadian or any other foreign source, was of course pictographic or
ideographic, and it is commonly supposed to have remained at that stage
ever since, the only material changes being of a graphic nature. The
pictographs were conventionalised and reduced to their present form, but
still remained ideograms supplemented by a limited number of phonetic
determinants. But de Lacouperie has shown that this view is a mistake,
and that the evolution from the pictograph to the phonetic symbol had
been practically completed in China many centuries before the new era.
The _Ku-wen_ style current before the ninth century B.C. "was really
the phonetic expression of speech[476]." But for the reason stated it
had to be discontinued, and a return made to the earlier ideographic
style. The change was effected about 820 B.C. by She Chöu, minister of
the Emperor Süen Wang, who introduced the _Ta-chuen_ style in which "he
tried to speak to the eye and no longer to the ear," that is, he
reverted to the earlier ideographic process, which has since prevailed.
It was simplified about 227 B.C. (_Siao Chuen_ style), and after some
other modifications the present caligraphic form (_Kiai Shu_) was
introduced by Wang Hi in 350 A.D. Thus one consequence of the "Expansion
of China" was a reversion to barbarism, in respect at least of the
national graphic system, by which Chinese thought and literature have
been hampered for nearly 3000 years.

Written records, though at first mainly of a mythical character, date
from about 3000 B.C.[477] Reference is made in the early documents to
the rude and savage times, which in China as elsewhere certainly
preceded the historic period. Three different prehistoric ages are even
discriminated, and tradition relates how Fu-hi introduced wooden,
Thin-ming stone, and Shi-yu metal implements[478]. Later, when their
origin and use were forgotten, the jade axes, like those from Yunnan,
were looked on as bolts hurled to the earth by the god of thunder, while
the arrow-heads, supposed to be also of divine origin, were endowed in
the popular fancy with special virtues and even regarded as emblems of
sovereignty. Thus may perhaps be explained the curious fact that in
early times, before the twelfth century B.C., tribute in flint weapons
was paid to the imperial government by some of the reduced wild tribes
of the western uplands.

These men of the Stone and Metal Ages are no doubt still largely
represented, not only amongst the rude hill tribes of the southern and
western borderlands, but also amongst the settled and cultured
lowlanders of the great fluvial valleys. The "Hundred Families," as the
first immigrants called themselves, came traditionally from the
north-western regions beyond the Hoang-ho. According to the Yu-kung
their original home lay in the south-western part of Eastern Turkestan,
whence they first migrated east to the oases north of the Nan-Shan
range, and then, in the fourth millennium before the new era, to the
fertile valleys of the Hoang-ho and its Hoeï-ho tributary. Thence they
spread slowly along the other great river valleys, partly expelling,
partly intermingling with the aborigines, but so late as the seventh
century B.C. were still mainly confined to the region between the Peï-ho
and the lower Yang-tse-Kiang. Even here several indigenous groups, such
as the Hoeï, whose name survives in that of the Hoeï river, and the Laï
of the Shantong Peninsula, long held their ground, but all were
ultimately absorbed or assimilated throughout the northern lands as far
south as the left bank of the Yang-tse-Kiang.

Beyond this river many were also merged in the dominant people
continually advancing southwards; but others, collectively or vaguely
known as Si-fans, Mans, Miao-tse, Paï, Tho, Y-jen[479], Lolo, etc., were
driven to the south-western highlands which they still occupy. Even some
of the populations in the settled districts, such as the _Hok-los_[480],
and _Hakkas_[481], of Kwang-tung, and the _Pun-ti_[482] of the Canton
district, are scarcely yet thoroughly assimilated. They differ greatly
in temperament, usages, appearance, and speech from the typical Chinese
of the Central and Northern provinces, whom in fact they look upon as
"foreigners," and with whom they hold intercourse through "Pidgin
English[483]," the _lingua franca_ of the Chinese seaboard[484].

Nevertheless a general homogeneous character is imparted to the whole
people by their common political, social, and religious institutions,
and by that principle of convergence in virtue of which different
ethnical groups, thrown together in the same area and brought under a
single administration, tend to merge in a uniform new national type.
This general uniformity is conspicuous especially in the religious ideas
which, except in the sceptical lettered circles, everywhere underlie the
three recognised national religions, or "State Churches," as they might
almost be called: _ju-kiao_, Confucianism; _tao-kiao_, Taoism; and
_fo-kiao_, Buddhism (Fo = Buddha). The first, confined mainly to the
educated upper classes, is not so much a religion as a philosophic
system, a frigid ethical code based on the moral and matter-of-fact
teachings of Confucius[485]. Confucius was essentially a social and
political reformer, who taught by example and precept; the main
inducement to virtue being, not rewards or penalties in the after-life,
but well- or ill-being in the present. His system is summed up in the
expression "worldly wisdom," as embodied in such popular sayings as: A
friend is hardly made in a year, but unmade in a moment; When safe
remember danger, in peace forget not war; Filial father, filial son,
unfilial father, unfilial son; In washing up, plates and dishes may get
broken; Don't do what you would not have known; Thatch your roof before
the rain, dig the well before you thirst; The gambler's success is his
ruin; Money goes to the gambling den as the criminal to execution (never
returns); Money hides many faults; Stop the hand, stop the mouth (stop
work and starve); To open a shop is easy, to keep it open hard; Win your
lawsuit and lose your money.

Although he instituted no religious system, Confucius nevertheless
enjoined the observance of the already existing forms of worship, and
after death became himself the object of a widespread cult, which still
persists. "In every city there is a temple, built at the public expense,
containing either a statue of the philosopher, or a tablet inscribed
with his titles. Every spring and autumn worship is paid to him in these
temples by the chief official personages of the city. In the schools
also, on the first and fifteenth of each month, his title being written
on red paper and affixed to a tablet, worship is performed in a special
room by burning incense and candles, and by prostrations[486]."

Taoism, a sort of pantheistic mysticism, called by its founder, Lao-tse
(600 B.C.), the _Tao_, or "way of salvation," was embodied in the
formula "matter and the visible world are merely manifestations of a
sublime, eternal, incomprehensible principle." It taught, in
anticipation of Sakya-Muni, that by controlling his passions man may
escape or cut short an endless series of transmigrations, and thus
arrive by the Tao at everlasting bliss--sleep? unconscious rest or
absorption in the eternal essence? Nirvana? It is impossible to tell
from the lofty but absolutely unintelligible language in which the
master's teachings are wrapped.

But it matters little, because his disciples have long forgotten the
principles they never understood, and Taoism has almost everywhere been
transformed to a system of magic associated with the never-dying
primeval superstitions. Originally there was no hierarchy of priests,
the only specially religious class being the Ascetics, who passed their
lives absorbed in the contemplation of the eternal verities. But out of
this class, drawn together by their common interests, was developed a
kind of monasticism, with an organised brotherhood of astrologers,
magicians, Shamanists, somnambulists, "mediums," "thought-readers,"
charlatans and impostors of all sorts, sheltered under a threadbare garb
of religion.

Buddhism also, although of foreign origin, has completely conformed to
the national spirit, and is now a curious blend of Hindu metaphysics
with the primitive Chinese belief in spirits and a deified ancestry. In
every district are practised diverse forms of worship between which no
clear dividing line can be drawn, and, as in Annam, the same persons may
be at once followers of Confucius, Lao-tse, and Buddha. In fact such was
the position of the Emperor, who belonged _ex officio_ to all three of
these State religions, and scrupulously took part in their various
observances. There is even some truth in the Chinese view that "all
three make but one religion," the first appealing to man's moral nature,
the second to the instinct of self-preservation, the third to the higher
sphere of thought and contemplation.

But behind, one might say above it all, the old animism still prevails,
manifested in a multitude of superstitious practices, whose purport is
to appease the evil and secure the favour of the good spirits, the
_Feng-shui_ or _Fung-shui_, "air and water" genii, who have to be
reckoned with in all the weightiest as well as the most trivial
occurrences of daily life. These with the ghosts of their ancestors, by
whom the whole land is haunted, are the bane of the Chinaman's
existence. Everything depends on maintaining a perfect balance between
the Fung-shui, that is, the two principles represented by the "White
Tiger" and the "Azure Dragon," who guard the approaches of every
dwelling, and whose opposing influences have to be nicely adjusted by
the well-paid professors of the magic arts. At the death of the emperor
Tung Chih (1875) a great difficulty was raised by the State astrologers,
who found that the realm would be endangered if he were buried,
according to rule, in the imperial cemetery 100 miles west of Pekin, as
his father reposed in the other imperial cemetery situated the same
distance east of the capital. For some subtle reason the balance would
have been disturbed between Tiger and Dragon, and it took nine months to
settle the point, during which, as reported by the American Legation,
the whole empire was stirred, councils of State agitated, and £50,000
expended to decide where the remains of a worthless and vicious young
man should be interred.

Owing to the necessary disturbance of the ancestral burial places, much
trouble has been anticipated in the construction of the railways, for
which concessions have now been granted to European syndicates. But an
Englishman long resident in the country has declared that there will be
no resistance on the part of the people. "The dead can be removed with
due regard to Fung Shui; a few dollars will make that all right." This
is fully in accordance with the thrifty character of the Chinese, which
overrides all other considerations, as expressed in the popular saying:
"With money you may move the gods; without it you cannot move men." But
the gods may even be moved without money, or at least with spurious
paper money, for it is a fixed belief of their votaries that, like
mortals, they may be outwitted by such devices. When rallied for burning
flash notes at a popular shrine, since no spirit-bank would cash them, a
Chinaman retorted: "Why me burn good note? Joss no can savvy." In a
similar spirit the god of war is hoodwinked by wooden boards hung on the
ramparts of Pekin and painted to look like heavy ordnance.

In fact appearance, outward show, observance of the "eleventh
commandment," in a word "face" as it is called, is everything in China.
"To understand, however imperfectly, what is meant by 'face,' we must
take account of the fact that as a race the Chinese have a strong
dramatic instinct. Upon very slight provocation any Chinese regards
himself in the light of an actor in a drama. A Chinese thinks in
theatrical terms. If his troubles are adjusted he speaks of himself as
having 'got off the stage' with credit, and if they are not adjusted he
finds no way to 'retire from the stage.' The question is never of facts,
but always of form. Once rightly apprehended, 'face' will be found to be
in itself a key to the combination-lock of many of the most important
characteristics of the Chinese[487]."

Of foreign religions Islam, next to Buddhism, has made most progress.
Introduced by the early Arab and Persian traders, and zealously preached
throughout the Jagatai empire in the twelfth century, it has secured a
firm footing especially in Kan-su, Shen-si, and Yunnan, and is of course
dominant in Eastern (Chinese) Turkestan. Despite the wholesale
butcheries that followed the repeated insurrections between 1855 and
1877, the _Hoeï-Hoeï_, _Panthays_, or _Dungans_, as the Muhammadans are
variously called, were still estimated, in 1898, at about 22,000,000 in
the whole empire.

Islam was preceded by Christianity, which, as attested by the authentic
inscription of Si-ngan-fu, penetrated into the western provinces under
the form of Nestorianism about the seventh century. The famous Roman
Catholic missions with headquarters at Pekin date from the close of the
sixteenth century, and despite internal dissensions have had a fair
measure of success, the congregations comprising altogether over one
million members. Protestant missions date from 1807 (London Missionary
Society) and in 1910 claimed over 200,000 church members and baptized
Christians, the total having more than doubled since 1900[488].

The above-mentioned dissensions arose out of the practices associated
with ancestry worship, offerings of flowers, fruits and so forth, which
the Jesuits regarded merely as proofs of filial devotion, but were
denounced by the Dominicans as acts of idolatry. After many years of
idle controversy, the question was at last decided against the Jesuits
by Clement XI in the famous Bull, _Ex illa die_ (1715), and since then,
neophytes having to renounce the national cult of their forefathers,
conversions have mainly been confined to the lower classes, too humble
to boast of any family tree, or too poor to commemorate the dead by
ever-recurring costly sepulchral rites.

In China there are no hereditary nobles, indeed no nobles at all, unless
it be the rather numerous descendants of Confucius who dwell together
and enjoy certain social privileges, in this somewhat resembling the
_Shorfa_ (descendants of the Prophet) in Muhammadan lands. If any titles
have to be awarded for great deeds they fall, not on the hero, but on
his forefathers, and thus at a stroke of the vermilion pencil are
ennobled countless past generations, while the last of the line remains
unhonoured until he goes over to the majority. Between the Emperor,
"patriarch of his people," and the people themselves, however, there
stood an aristocracy of talent, or at least of Chinese scholarship, the
governing Mandarin[489] class, which was open to the highest and the
lowest alike. All nominations to office were conferred exclusively on
the successful competitors at the public examinations, so that, like the
French conscript with the hypothetical Marshal's bâton in his knapsack,
every Chinese citizen carried the buttoned cap of official rank in his
capacious sleeve. Of these there are nine grades, indicated respectively
in descending order by the ruby, red coral, sapphire, opaque blue,
crystal, white shell, gold (two), and silver button, or rather little
globe, on the cap of office, with which correspond the nine
birds--manchu crane, golden pheasant, peacock, wild goose, silver
pheasant, egret, mandarin duck, quail, and jay--embroidered on the
breast and back of the State robe.

Theoretically the system is admirable, and at all events is better than
appointments by Court favour. But in practice it was vitiated, first by
the narrow, antiquated course of studies in the dry Chinese classics,
calculated to produce pedants rather than statesmen, and secondly by the
monopoly of preference which it conferred on a lettered caste to the
exclusion of men of action, vigour, and enterprise. Moreover,
appointments being made for life, barring crime or blunder, the
Mandarins, as long as they approved themselves zealous supporters of the
reigning dynasty, enjoyed a free hand in amassing wealth by plunder, and
the wealth thus acquired was used to purchase further promotion and
advancement, rather than to improve the welfare of the people.

They have the reputation of being a courteous people, as punctilious as
the Malays themselves; and they are so amongst each other. But their
attitude towards strangers is the embodiment of aggressive
self-righteousness, a complacent feeling of superiority which nothing
can disturb. Even the upper classes, with all their efforts to be at
least polite, often betray the feeling in a subdued arrogance which is
not always to be distinguished from vulgar insolence. "After the
courteous, kindly Japanese, the Chinese seem indifferent, rough, and
disagreeable, except the well-to-do merchants in the shops, who are
bland, complacent, and courteous. Their rude stare, and the way they
hustle you in the streets and shout their 'pidjun' English at you is not
attractive[490]." But the stare, the hustling and the shouting may not
be due to incivility. No doubt the Chinaman regards the foreigner as a
"devil" but he has reason, and he never ceases to be astonished at
foreign manners and customs "extremely ferocious and almost entirely
uncivilised[491]."


FOOTNOTES:

[375] _Ethnology_, p. 300.

[376] _Geogr. Journ._, May, 1898, p. 491. This statement must of course
be taken as having reference only to the historical Malays and their
comparatively late migrations.

[377] For the desiccation of Asia see P. Kropotkin, _Geogr. Journ._
XXIII. 1904; E. Huntington, _The Pulse of Asia_, 1907.

[378] See J. Cockburn's paper "On Palæolithic Implements," etc., in
_Journ. Anthr. Inst._ 1887, p. 57 sq.

[379] "Le type. primitif des Mongols est pour nous dolichocéphale" (_Les
Aryens au Nord et au Sud de l'Hindou-Kouch_, 1896, p. 50).

[380] Thus Risley's Tibetan measurements were all of subjects from
Sikkim and Nepal (_Tribes and Castes of Bengal_, Calcutta, 1896,
_passim_). In the East, however, Desgodins and other French missionaries
have had better opportunities of studying true Tibetans amongst the
Si-fan ("Western Strangers"), as the frontier populations are called by
the Chinese.

[381] _Op. cit._ p. 319.

[382] _Op. cit._ p. 327. Here we are reminded that, though the Sacae are
called "Scythians" by Herodotus and other ancient writers, under this
vague expression were comprised a multitude of heterogeneous peoples,
amongst whom were types corresponding to all the main varieties of
Mongolian, western Asiatic, and eastern European peoples. "Aujourd'hui
l'ancien type sace, adouci parmi les mélanges, reparaît et constitue le
type si caractéristique, si complexe et si différent de ses voisins que
nous appelons le type balti" (p. 328).

[383] W. W. Rockhill, our best living authority, accepts none of the
current explanations of the widely diffused term _bod_ (_bhót, bhot_),
which appears to form the second element in the word _Tibet_
(_Stod-Bod_, pronounced _Teu-Beu_, "Upper Bod," _i.e._ the central and
western parts in contradistinction to _Män-Bod_, "Lower Bod," the
eastern provinces). _Notes on the Ethnology of Tibet_, Washington, 1895,
p. 669. This writer finds the first mention of Tibet in the form
_Tobbat_ (there are many variants) in the Arab Istakhri's works, about
590 A.H., while T. de Lacouperie would connect it with the Tatar kingdom
of _Tu-bat_ (397-475 A.D.). This name might easily have been extended by
the Chinese from the Tatars of Kansu to the neighbouring Tanguts, and
thus to all Tibetans.

[384] _Hbrog-pa_, _Drok-pa_, pronounced _Dru-pa_.

[385] The Mongols apply the name _Tangut_ to Tibet and call all Tibetans
_Tangutu_, "which should be discarded as useless and misleading, as the
people inhabiting this section of the country are pure Tibetans"
(Rockhill, p. 670). It is curious to note that the Mongol Tangutu is
balanced by the Tibetan _Sok-pa_, often applied to all Mongolians.

[386] _Notes on the Ethnology of Tibet_, 1895, p. 675; see also S.
Chandra Das, _Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet_, 1904; F. Grenard,
_Tibet: the Country and its Inhabitants_, 1904; G. Sandberg, _Tibet and
the Tibetans_, 1906; and L. A. Waddell, _Lhasa and its Mysteries, with a
record of the Expedition of 1903-1904_, 1905.

[387] _Isvestia_, XXI. 3.

[388] _Ethnology_, p. 305.

[389] _Abor_, _i.e._ "independent," is the name applied by the Assamese
to the East Himalayan hill tribes, the _Minyong_, _Padam_ and _Hrasso_,
who are the _Slo_ of the Tibetans. These are all affiliated by Desgodins
to the Lho-pa of Bhutan (_Bul. Soc. Géogr._, October, 1877, p. 431), and
are to be distinguished from the _Bori_ (_i.e._ "dependent") tribes of
the plains, all more or less Hinduized Bhotiyas (Dalton, _Ethnology of
Bengal_, p. 22 sq.). See A. Hamilton, _In Abor Jungles_, 1912.

[390] Not to be confused with the _Khas_, as the wild tribes of the Lao
country (Siam) are collectively called. Capt. Eden Vansittart thinks in
Nepal the term is an abbreviation of Kshatriya, or else means "fallen."
This authority tells us that, although the Khas are true Gurkhas, it is
not the Khas who enlist in our Gurkha regiments, but chiefly the Magars
and Gurungs, who are of purer Bhotiya race and less completely Hinduized
("The Tribes, Clans, and Castes of Nepal," in _Journ. As. Soc. Bengal_;
LXIII. I, No. 4).

[391] _Embassy to the Court of the Teshoo Lama_, p. 350 sq.

[392] "Voilà, je crois, le vrai Tibetain des pays cultivés du sud, qui
se regarde comme bien plus civilisé que les pasteurs ou bergers du nord"
(_Le Thibet_, p. 253).

[393] _Notes on the Ethnology_, etc., p. 677. It may here be remarked
that the unfriendliness of which travellers often complain appears
mainly inspired by the Buddhist theocracy, who rule the land and are
jealous of all "interlopers."

[394] _Ibid._ p. 678.

[395] With it may be compared the Chinese province of _Kan-su_, so named
from its two chief towns _Kan_-chau and _Su_-chau (Yule's _Marco Polo_,
I. p. 222).

[396] "Buddhist Turks," says Sir H. H. Howorth (_Geogr. Journ._ 1887, p.
230).

[397] E. Delmar Morgan, _Geogr. Journ._ 1887, p. 226.

[398] "Whatever may have been the origin of polyandry, there can be no
doubt that poverty, a desire to keep down population, and to keep
property undivided in families, supply sufficient reason to justify its
continuance. The same motives explain its existence among the lower
castes of Malabar, among the Jat (Sikhs) of the Panjab, among the Todas,
and probably in most other countries in which this custom prevails"
(Rockhill, p. 726).

[399] T. Rice Holmes, _Ancient Britain_, 1907, pp. 110 and 465-6.

[400] At least no reference is made to the Bonbo practice in his almost
exhaustive monograph on _The Swastika_, Washington, 1896. The reversed
form, however, mentioned by Max Müller and Burnouf, is figured at p. 767
and elsewhere.

[401] Sarat Chandra Das, _Journ. As. Soc. Bengal_, 1881-2.

[402] This point, so important in the history of linguistic evolution,
has I think been fairly established by T. de Lacouperie in a series of
papers in the _Oriental and Babylonian Record_, 1888-90. See G. A.
Grierson's _Linguistic Survey of India_, III. Tibeto-Burman Family,
1906, by Sten Konow.

[403] _Ladák_, London, 1854.

[404] G. B. Mainwaring, _A Grammar of the Rong (Lepcha) Language_, etc.,
Calcutta, 1876, pp. 128-9.

[405] _Outline Grammar of the Angámi-Naga Language_, Calcutta, 1887, pp.
4, 5. For an indication of the astonishing number of distinct languages
in the whole of this region see Gertrude M. Godden's paper "On the Naga
and other Frontier Tribes of North-East India," in _Journ. Anthr. Inst._
1897, p. 165. Under the heading Tibeto-Burman Languages Sten Konow
recognises _Tibetan_, _Himalayan_, _North Assam_, _Bodo_, _Naga_,
_Kuki-Chin_, _Meitei_ and _Kachin_. The Naga group comprises dialects of
very different kinds; some approach Tibetan and the North Assam group,
others lead over to the Bodo, others connect with Tibeto-Burman. Meitei
lies midway between Kuki-Chin and Kachin, and these merge finally in
Burmese. Grierson's _Linguistic Survey of India_, Vol. III. 1903-6.

[406] Almost hopeless confusion continues to prevail in the tribal
nomenclature of these multitudinous hill peoples. The official sanction
given to the terms _Kuki_ and _Lushai_ as collective names may be
regretted, but seems now past remedy. _Kuki_ is unknown to the people
themselves, while _Lushai_ is only the name of a single group proud of
their head-hunting proclivities, hence they call themselves, or perhaps
are called _Lu-Shai_, "Head-Cutters," from _lu_ head, _sha_ to cut (G.
H. Damant). Other explanations suggested by C. A. Soppitt (_Kuki-Lushai
Tribes, with an Outline Grammar of the Rangkhol-Lushai Language_,
Shillong, 1887) cannot be accepted.

[407] _Op. cit._

[408] See G. A. Grierson and Sten Konow in Grierson's _Linguistic Survey
of India_, Vol. III. Part II. Bodo, N[=a]g[=a] and Kachin, 1903, Part
III. Kuki-Chin and Burma, 1904.

[409] _The N[=a]ga Tribes of Manipur_, 1911, p. 2. Cf. J. Shakespear,
"The Kuki-Lushai Clans," _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XXXIX. 1909.

[410] _Op. cit. p. 5._

[411] _Op. cit._ p. 122. A custom of human sacrifice among the Naga is
described in the _Journal of the Burma Research Society_, 1911, "Human
Sacrifices near the Upper Chindwin."

[412] It is a curious phonetic phenomenon that the combinations _kl_ and
_tl_ are indistinguishable in utterance, so that it is immaterial
whether this term be written _Kling_ or _Tling_, though the latter form
would be preferable, as showing its origin from _Telinga_.

[413] "The Aboriginal Tribes of Manipur," _Journ. Anthr. Inst._ 1887, p.
350.

[414] R. Brown, _Statistical Account of Manipur_, 1874.

[415] T. C. Hodson, _The Meitheis_, 1908, p. 96.

[416] T. C. Hodson, _The Meitheis_, 1908, pp. 96-7.

[417] G. Watt, _loc. cit._ p. 362.

[418] _The Chin Hills_, etc., Vol. I., Rangoon, 1896.

[419] _Op. cit._ p. 165.

[420] R. C. Temple, Art. "Burma," Hastings, _Ency. Religion and Ethics_,
1910.

[421] Dalton, _Ethnology of Bengal_, p. 9.

[422] Prince Henri d'Orléans writes "que les Singphos et les Katchins
[Kakhyens] ne font qu'un, que le premier mot est _thai_ et le second
birman." _Du Tonkin aux Indes_, 1898, p. 311. This is how the ethnical
confusion in these borderlands gets perpetuated. _Singpho_ is not
_Thai_, i.e. Shan or Siamese, but a native word as here explained.

[423] John Anderson, _Mandalay to Momein_, 1876, p. 131.

[424] Three skulls discovered by M. Mansuy in a cave at Pho-Binh-Gia
(Indo-China) associated with Neolithic culture were markedly
dolichocephalic, resembling in some respects the Cro-Magnon race of the
Reindeer period. Cf. R. Verneau, _L'Anthropologie_, XX. 1909.

[425] _The Loyal Karens of Burma_, 1887.

[426] R. C. Temple, _Academy_, Jan. 29, 1887, p. 72.

[427] Forbes, _Languages of Further India_, p. 61.

[428] _Ibid._ p. 55.

[429] G. W. Bird, _Wanderings in Burma_, 1897, p. 335.

[430] The Burmese is the most mixed race in the province. "Originally
Dravidians of some sort, they seem to have received blood from various
sources--Hindu, Musalm[=a]n, Chinese, Sh[=a]n, Talaing, European and
others." W. Crooke, "The Stability of Caste and Tribal Groups in India,"
_Journ. Roy. Anthr. Soc._ XLIV. 1914, p. 279, quoting the _Ethnographic
Survey of India_, 1906.

[431] J. G. Scott, _Burma_, etc., 1886, p. 115.

[432] _Op. cit._ p. 118.

[433] "The Taungbyôn Festival, Burma," _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Soc._ XLV.
1915, p. 355.

[434] _Amongst the Shans_, etc., 1885, p. 233.

[435] Cf. the Shans of Yunnan, who are nearly all "tatoués, depuis la
ceinture jusqu'au genou, de dessins bleus si serrés qu'ils paraissent
former une vraie culotte," Pr. Henri d'Orléans, _Du Tonkin aux Indes_,
1898, p. 83.

[436] For recent literature on Burma and the Burmese consult besides the
_Ethnographic Survey of India_, 1906, and the _Census Report_ of 1911,
J. G. Scott, _The Burman_, 1896, and _Burma_, 1906; A. Ireland, _The
Province of Burma_, 1907; H. Fielding Hall, _The Soul of a People_,
1898, and _A People at School_, 1906.

[437] Probably for _Shan-ts[)e], Shan-yen_, "highlanders" (_Shan_,
mountain), _Shan_ itself being the same word as _Siam_, a form which
comes to us through the Portuguese _Sião_.

[438] For the Laos see L. de Reinach, _Le Laos_, 1902, with
bibliography.

[439] Carl Bock, MS. note. This observer notes that many of the Ngiou
have been largely assimilated in type to the Burmese and in one place
goes so far as to assert that "the Ngiou are decidedly of the same race
as the Burmese. I have had opportunities of seeing hundreds of both
countries, and of closely watching their features and build. The Ngiou
wear the hair in a topknot in the same way as the Burmese, but they are
easily distinguished by their tattooing, which is much more elaborate"
(_Temples and Elephants_, 1884, p. 297). Of course all spring from one
primeval stock, but they now constitute distinct ethnical groups, and,
except about the borderlands, where blends may be suspected, both the
physical and mental characters differ considerably. Bock's _Ngiou_ is no
doubt the same name as _Ngnio_, which H. S. Hallett applies in one place
to the Mossé Shans north of Zimme, and elsewhere to the Burmese Shans
collectively (_A Thousand Miles on an Elephant_, 1890, pp. 158 and 358).

[440] "Les Paï ne sont autres que des Laotiens" (Prince Henri, p. 42).

[441] One Shan group, the Deodhaings, still persist, and occupy a few
villages near Sibsagar (S. E. Peal, _Nature_, June 19, 1884, p. 169).
Dalton also mentions the _Kamjangs_, a Khamti (Tai) tribe in the Sadiya
district, Assam (_Ethnology of Bengal_, p. 6).

[442] Much unexpected light has been thrown upon the early history of
these Ahoms by E. Gait, who has discovered and described in the _Journ.
As. Soc. Bengal_, 1894, a large number of _puthis_, or MSS. (28 in the
Sibsagar district alone), in the now almost extinct Ahom language, some
of which give a continuous history of the Ahom rajas from 568 to 1795
A.D. Most of the others appear to be treatises on religious mysticism or
divination, such as "a book on the calculation of future events by
examining the leg of a fowl" (_ib._).

[443] _Op. cit._ p. 309.

[444] A. R. Colquhoun, _Amongst the Shans_, 1885, Introduction, p. lv.

[445] _Op. cit._ p. 328.

[446] _Temples and Elephants_, p. 320.

[447] "Der Gesichtsausdruck überhaupt nähert sich der kaukasischen Race"
(_Im fernen Osten_, p. 959).

[448] Low's _Siamese Grammar_, p. 14.

[449] R. G. Woodthorpe, "The Shans and Hill Tribes of the Mekong," in
_Journ. Anthr. Inst._ 1897, p. 16.

[450] _Op. cit._ p. 55.

[451] This omission, however, is partly supplied by T. de Lacouperie,
who gives us an account of a wonderful Lolo MS. on satin, red on one
side, blue on the other, containing nearly 5750 words written in black,
"apparently with the Chinese brush." The MS. was obtained by E. Colborne
Baber from a Lolo chief, forwarded to Europe in 1881, and described by
de Lacouperie, _Journ. R. As. Soc._ Vol. XIV. Part I. "The writing runs
in lines from top to bottom and from left to right, as in Chinese" (p.
1), and this authority regards it as the link that was wanting to
connect the various members of a widely diffused family radiating from
India (Harapa seal, Indo-Pali, Vatteluttu) to Malaysia (Batta, Rejang,
Lampong, Bugis, Makassar, Tagal), to Indo-China (Lao, Siamese, Lolo),
Korea and Japan, and also including the Siao-chuen Chinese system "in
use a few centuries B.C." (p. 5). It would be premature to say that all
these connections are established.

[452] _Op. cit._ p. 193.

[453] _Beginnings of Writing in Central and Eastern Asia, passim._ For
the Lolos see A. F. Legendre, "Les Lolos. Étude ethnologique et
anthropologique," _T'oung Pao II._ Vol. X. 1909.

[454] "Quelques-uns de ces Kiou-tsés me rappellent des Européens que je
connais." (_Op. cit._ p. 252).

[455] _Deux Ans dans le Haut-Tonkin_, etc., Paris, 1896.

[456] With regard to _Man_ (_Man-tse_) it should be explained that in
Chinese it means "untameable worms," that is, _wild_ or _barbarous_, and
we are warned by Desgodins that "il ne faut pas prendre ces mots comme
des noms propres de tribus" (_Bul. Soc. Géogr._ XII. p. 410). In 1877
Capt. W. Gill visited a large nation of _Man-tse_ with 18 tribal
divisions, reaching from West Yunnan to the extreme north of Sechuen, a
sort of federacy recognising a king, with Chinese habits and dress, but
speaking a language resembling Sanskrit (?). These were the _Sumu_, or
"White Man-tse," apparently the same as those visited in 1896 by Mrs
Bishop, and by her described as semi-independent, ruled by their own
chiefs, and in appearance "quite Caucasian, both men and women being
very handsome," strict Buddhists, friendly and hospitable, and living in
large stone houses (Letter to _Times_, Aug. 18, 1896).

[457] "Des paysannes nóngs dont les cheveux étaient blonds, quelquefois
même roux." _Op. cit._

[458] _L'Anthropologie_, 1896, p. 602 sq.

[459] "On the Relations of the Indo-Chinese and Inter-Oceanic Races and
Languages." Paper read at the Meeting of the Brit. Association,
Sheffield, 1879, and printed in the _Journ. Anthr. Inst._, February,
1880.

[460] In the Javanese annals the invaders are called "Cambojans," but at
this time (about 1340) Camboja had already been reduced, and the Siamese
conquerors had brought back from its renowned capital, Angkor Wat, over
90,000 captives. These were largely employed in the wars of the period,
which were thus attributed to Camboja instead of to Siam by foreign
peoples ignorant of the changed relations in Indo-China.

[461] How very dark some of these corners can be may be seen from the
sad picture of maladministration, vice, and corruption still prevalent
so late as 1890, given by Hallett in _A Thousand Miles on an Elephant_,
Ch. xxxv.; and even still later by H. Warington Smyth in _Five Years in
Siam, from 1891 to 1896_ (1898). This observer credits the Siamese with
an undeveloped sense of right and wrong, so that they are good only by
accident. "To do a thing because it is right is beyond them; to abstain
from a thing because it is against their good name, or involves serious
consequences, is possibly within the power of a few; the question of
right and wrong does not enter the calculation." But he thinks they may
possess a high degree of intelligence, and mentions the case of a
peasant, who from an atlas had taught himself geography and politics. P.
A. Thompson, _Lotus Land_, 1906, gives an account of the country and
people of Southern Siam.

[462] Probably a corruption of _talapat_, the name of the palm-tree
which yields the fan-leaf constantly used by the monks.

[463] "In conversation with the monks M'Gilvary was told that it would
most likely be countless ages before they would attain the much wished
for state of Nirvana, and that one transgression at any time might
relegate them to the lowest hell to begin again their melancholy
pilgrimage" (Hallett, _A Thousand Miles on an Elephant_, p. 337).

[464] "Le gros orteil est très développé et écarté des autres doigts du
pied. A ce caractère distinctif, que l'on retrouve encore aujourd'hui
chez les indigènes de race pure, on peut reconnaître facilement que les
Giao-chi sont les ancêtres des Annamites" (_La Cochinchine française en
1878_, p. 231). See also a note on the subject by C. F. Tremlett in
_Journ. Anthr. Inst._ 1879, p. 460.

[465] Properly _An-nan_, a modified form of _ngan-nan_, "Southern
Peace."

[466] Cf. _Nan-king_, _Pe-king_, "Southern" and "Northern" Courts
(Capitals).

[467] _La Gazette Géographique_, March 12, 1885.

[468] _Geogr. Journ._, Sept. 1893, p. 194.

[469] "Parmi les citoyens règne la plus parfaite égalité. Point
d'esclavage, la servitude est en horreur. Aussi tout homme peut-il
aspirer aux emplois, se plaindre aux mêmes tribunaux que son adversaire"
(_op. cit._ p. 6).

[470] From _bonzo_, a Portuguese corruption of the Japanese _busso_, a
devout person, applied first to the Buddhist priests of Japan, and then
extended to those of China and neighbouring lands.

[471] This name, probably the Chinese _jin_, men, people, already occurs
in Sanskrit writings in its present form: [Sanskrit symbol], _Chína_,
whence the Hindi [Arabic symbol], _Chín_, and the Arabo-Persian [Arabic
symbol], _Sín_, which gives the classical _Sinae_. The most common
national name is Chûng-kûe, "middle kingdom" (presumably the centre of
the universe), whence Chûng-kûe-Jín, the Chinese people. Some have
referred _China_ to the _Chin_ (_Tsin_) dynasty (909 B.C.), while Marco
Polo's _Kataia_ (Russian _Kitai_) is the _Khata_ (North China) of the
Mongol period, from the Manchu _K'î-tan_, founders of the Liâo dynasty,
which was overthrown 1115 A.D. by the Nü-Ch[)a]n Tatars. Ptolemy's
_Thinae_ is rightly regarded by Edkins as the same word as _Sinae_, the
substitution of t for s being normal in Annam, whence this form may have
reached the west through the southern seaport of Kattigara.

[472] _Western Origin of the Early Chinese Civilization, from 2300 B.C.
to 200 A.D., or Chapters on the Elements Derived from the Old
Civilizations of West Asia in the Formation of the Ancient Chinese
Culture_, London, 1894.

[473] "Observations upon the Languages of the Early Inhabitants of
Mesopotamia," in _Journ. R. As. Soc._ XVI. Part 2.

[474] MS. note, May 7, 1896.

[475] C. J. Ball, _Chinese and Sumerian_, 1913.

[476] _History of the Archaic Chinese Writing and Texts_, 1882, p. 5.

[477] The first actual date given is that of Tai Hao (Fu-hi), 2953 B.C.,
but this ruler belongs to the fabulous period, and is stated to have
reigned 115 years. The first certain date would appear to be that of
Yau, first of the Chinese sages and reformer of the calendar (2357
B.C.). The date 2254 B.C. for Confucius's model king Shun seems also
established. But of course all this is modern history compared with the
now determined Babylonian and Egyptian records.

[478] Amongst the metals reference is made to iron so early as the time
of the Emperor Ta Yü (2200 B.C.), when it is mentioned as an article of
tribute in the _Shu-King_. F. Hirth, who states this fact, adds that
during the same period, if not even earlier, iron was already a
flourishing industry in the Liang district (Paper on the "History of
Chinese Culture," Munich Anthropological Society, April, 1898). At the
discussion which followed the reading of this paper Montelius argued
that iron was unknown in Western Asia and Egypt before 1500 B.C.,
although the point was contested by Hommel, who quoted a word for iron
in the earliest Egyptian texts. Montelius, however, explained that terms
originally meaning "ore" or "metal" were afterwards used for "iron."
Such was certainly the case with the Gk. [Greek: chalkos], at first
"copper," then metal in general, and used still later for [Greek:
sidêros], "iron"; hence [Greek: chalkeus] = coppersmith, blacksmith, and
even goldsmith. So also with the Lat. _aes_ (Sanskrit _ayas_, akin to
_aurora_, with simple idea of brightness), used first especially for
copper (_aes cyprium, cuprum_), and then for _bronze_ (Lewis and Short).
For Hirth's later views see his _Ancient History of China_, 1908 (from
the fabulous ages to 221 B.C.).

[479] This term _Y-jen_ (_Yi-jen_), meaning much the same as _Man_,
_Man-tse_, savage, rude, untameable, has acquired a sort of diplomatic
distinction. In the treaty of Tien-tsin (1858) it was stipulated that it
should no longer, as heretofore, be applied in official documents to the
English or to any subjects of the Queen.

[480] See J. Edkins, _China's Place in Philology_, p. 117. The Hok-los
were originally from Fo-kien, whence their alternative name, _Fo-lo_.
The _lo_ appears to be the same word as in the reduplicated _Lo-lo_,
meaning something like the Greek and Latin _Bar-bar_, stammerers, rude,
uncultured.

[481] The _Hakkas_, _i.e._ "strangers," speak a well-marked dialect
current on the uplands between Kwang-tung, Kiang-si, and Fo-kien. J.
Dyer Ball, _Easy Lessons in the Hakka Dialect_, 1884.

[482] Numerous in the western parts of Kwang-tung and in the Canton
district. J. Dyer Ball, _Cantonese Made Easy_, Hongkong, 1884.

[483] In this expression "Pidgin" appears to be a corruption of the word
_business_ taken in a very wide sense, as in such terms as
_talkee-pidgin_ = a conversation, discussion; _singsong pidgin_ = a
concert, etc. It is no unusual occurrence for persons from widely
separated Chinese provinces meeting in England to be obliged to use this
common jargon in conversation.

[484] For the aboriginal peoples, with bibliography, see M. Kennelly's
translation of L. Richard's _Comprehensive Geography of the Chinese
Empire and its Dependencies_, 1908, pp. 371-3.

[485] _Kung-tse_, "Teacher Kung," or more fully _Kung-fu-tse_, "the
eminent teacher Kung," which gives the Latinised form _Confucius_.

[486] _Kwong Ki Chiu_, 1881, p. 875. Confucius was born in 550 and died
in 477 B.C., and to him are at present dedicated as many as 1560
temples, in which are observed real sacrificial rites. For these
sacrifices the State yearly supplies 26,606 sheep, pigs, rabbits and
other animals, besides 27,000 pieces of silk, most of which things,
however, become the "perquisites" of the attendants in the sanctuaries.

[487] Arthur H. Smith, _Chinese Characteristics_, New York, 1895. The
good, or at least the useful, qualities of the Chinese are stated by
this shrewd observer to be a love of industry, peace, and social order,
a matchless patience and forbearance under wrongs and evils beyond cure,
a happy temperament, no nerves, and "a digestion like that of an
ostrich." See also H. A. Giles, _China and the_ _Chinese_, 1902; E. H.
Parker, _John Chinaman and a Few Others_, 1901; J. Dyer Ball, _Things
Chinese_, 1903; and M. Kennelly in Richard's _Comprehensive Geography of
the Chinese Empire and its Dependencies_, 1908.

[488] See _Contemporary Review_, Feb. 1908, "Report on Christian
Missions in China," by Mr F. W. Fox, Professor Macalister and Sir
Alexander Simpson.

[489] A happy Portuguese coinage from the Malay _mantri_, a state
minister, which is the Sanskrit _mantrin_, a counsellor, from _mantra_,
a sacred text, a counsel, from Aryan root _man_, to think, know, whence
also the English _mind_.

[490] Miss Bird (Mrs Bishop), _The Golden Chersonese_, 1883, p. 37.

[491] H. A. Giles, _The Civilisation of China_, 1911, p. 237. See
especially Chap. XI., "Chinese and Foreigners," for the etiquette of
street regulations and the habit of shouting conversation.



CHAPTER VII

THE OCEANIC MONGOLS

    Range of the Oceanic Mongols--The terra "Malay"--The Historical
    Malays--Malay Cradle--Migrations and Present Range--The
    Malayans--The Javanese--Balinese and Sassaks--Hindu Legends in
    Bali--The Malayan Seafarers and Rovers--Malaysia and Pelasgia: a
    Historical Parallel--Malayan Folklore--Borneo--Punan--Klemantan--
    Bahau-Kenyah-Kayan--Iban (Sea Dayak)--Summary--Religion--Early
    Man and his Works in Sumatra--The Mentawi Islanders--Javanese
    and Hindu Influences--The Malaysian Alphabets--The Battas: Cultured
    Cannibals--Hindu and Primitive Survivals--The Achinese--Early
    Records--Islam and Hindu Reminiscences--Ethnical Relations in
    Madagascar--Prehistoric Peoples--Oceanic Immigrants--Negroid
    Element--Arab Element--Uniformity of Language--Malagasy
    Gothamites--Partial Fusion of Races--Hova Type--Black Element
    from Africa--Mental Qualities of the Malagasy--Spread of
    Christianity--Culture--Malagasy Folklore--The Philippine
    Natives--Effects of a Christian Theocratic Government on the
    National Character--Social Groups: the Indios, the Infielos,
    and the Moros--Malayans and Indonesians in Formosa--The Chinese
    Settlers--Racial and Linguistic Affinities--Formosa a Connecting
    Link between the Continental and Oceanic Populations--The
    Nicobarese.


CONSPECTUS.

#Present Range.# _Indonesia, Philippines, Formosa, Nicobar Is.,
Madagascar._

#Hair#, _same as Southern Mongols, scant or no beard_. #Colour#,
_yellowish or olive brown, yellow tint sometimes very faint or absent,
light leathery hue common in Madagascar_.

#Skull#, _brachy or sub-brachycephalic (78 to 85)_. #Jaws#, _slightly
projecting_. #Cheek-bones#, _prominent, but less so than true Mongol_.
#Nose#, _rather small, often straight with widish nostrils
(mesorrhine)_. #Eyes#, _black, medium size, horizontal or slightly
oblique, often with Mongol fold_. #Stature#, _undersized, from 1.52 m.
to 1.65 m. (5 ft. to 5 ft. 5 in.)_. #Lips#, _thickish, slightly
protruding, and kept a little apart in repose_. #Arms# _and_ #legs#,
_rather small, slender and delicate_; #feet#, _small_.

#Temperament.# _Normally quiet, reserved and taciturn, but under
excitement subject to fits of blind fury_; _fairly intelligent, polite
and ceremonious, but uncertain, untrustworthy, and even treacherous_;
_daring, adventurous and reckless_; _musical_; _not distinctly cruel,
though indifferent to physical suffering in others_.

#Speech#, _various branches of a single stock language_--_the_
#Austronesian# (#Oceanic# _or_ #Malayo-Polynesian#), _at different
stages of agglutination_.

#Religion#, _of the primitive Malayans somewhat undeveloped--a vague
dread of ghosts and other spirits, but rites and ceremonies mainly
absent although human sacrifices to the departed occurred in Borneo_;
_the cultured Malayans formerly Hindus (Brahman and Buddhist), now
mostly Moslem, but in the Philippines and Madagascar Christian_; _belief
in witchcraft, charms, and spells everywhere prevalent_.

#Culture#, _of the primitive Malayans very low--head-hunting,
mutilation, common in Borneo_; _hunting, fishing; no agriculture; simple
arts and industries_; _the Moslem and Christian Malayans
semi-civilised_; _the industrial arts--weaving, dyeing, pottery,
metal-work, also trade, navigation, house and boat-building--well
developed_; _architecture formerly flourishing in Java under Hindu
influences_; _letters widespread even amongst some of the rude Malayans,
but literature and science rudimentary_; _rich oral folklore_.

#Malayans (Proto-Malays)#: _Lampongs, Rejangs, Battas, Achinese, and
Palembangs in Sumatra_; _Sundanese, Javanese proper, and Madurese in
Java_; _Dayaks in Borneo_; _Balinese_; _Sassaks (Lombok)_; _Bugis and
Mangkassaras in Celebes_; _Tagalogs, Visayas, Bicols, Ilocanos and
Pangasinanes in Philippines_; _Aborigines of Formosa_; _Nicobar
Islanders_; _Hovas, Betsimisarakas, and Sakalavas in Madagascar_.

#Malays Proper# (_Historical Malays_): _Menangkabau (Sumatra)_; _Malay
Peninsula_; _Pinang, Singapore, Lingga, Bangka_; _Borneo Coastlands_;
_Tidor, Ternate_; _Amboina_; _Parts of the Sulu Archipelago_.

       *       *       *       *       *

In the Oceanic domain, which for ethnical purposes begins at the neck of
the Malay Peninsula, the Mongol peoples range from Madagascar eastwards
to Formosa and Micronesia, but are found in compact masses chiefly on
the mainland, in the Sunda Islands (Sumatra, Java, Bali, Lombok,
Borneo, Celebes) and in the Philippines. Even here they have mingled in
many places with other populations, forming fresh ethnical groups, in
which the Mongol element is not always conspicuous. Such fusions have
taken place with the Negrito aborigines in the Malay Peninsula and the
Philippines; with Papuans in Micronesia, Flores, and other islands east
of Lombok; with dolichocephalic Indonesians in Sumatra, Borneo, Celebes,
Halmahera (Jilolo), parts of the Philippines[492], and perhaps also
Timor and Ceram; and with African negroes (Bantu) in Madagascar. To
unravel some of these racial entanglements is one of the most difficult
tasks in anthropology, and in the absence of detailed information cannot
yet be everywhere attempted with any prospect of success.

The problem has been greatly, though perhaps inevitably complicated by
the indiscriminate extension of the term "Malay" to all these and even
to other mixed Oceanic populations farther east, as, for instance, in
the expression "Malayo-Polynesian," applied by many writers not only in
a linguistic, but also in an ethnical sense, to most of the insular
peoples from Madagascar to Easter Island, and from Hawaii to New
Zealand. It is now of course too late to hope to remedy this misuse of
terms by proposing a fresh nomenclature. But much of the consequent
confusion will be avoided by restricting _Malayo-Polynesian_[493]
altogether to linguistic matters, and carefully distinguishing between
_Indonesian_, the pre-Malay dolichocephalic element in Oceania[494],
_Malayan_ or _Proto-Malayan_, collective name of all the Oceanic
Mongols, who are brachycephals, and _Malay_, a particular branch of the
Malayan family, as fully explained in _Ethnology_, pp. 326-30[495].

The essential point to remember is that the true Malays--who call
themselves _Orang-Maláyu_, speak the standard but quite modern Malay
language, and are all Muhammadans--are a historical people who appear on
the scene in relatively recent times, ages after the insular world had
been occupied by the Mongol peoples to whom their name has been
extended, but who never call themselves Malays. The Orang-Maláyu, who
have acquired such an astonishing predominance in the Eastern
Archipelago, were originally an obscure tribe who rose to power in the
Menangkabau district, Sumatra, not before the twelfth century, and whose
migrations date only from about the year 1160 A.D. At this time,
according to the native records[496], was founded the first foreign
settlement, Singapore, a pure Sanskrit name meaning the "Lion City,"
from which it might be inferred that these first settlers were not
Muhammadans, as is commonly assumed, but Brahmans or Buddhists, both
these forms of Hinduism having been propagated throughout Sumatra and
the other Sunda Islands centuries before this time. It is also
noteworthy that the early settlers on the mainland are stated to have
been pagans, or to have professed some corrupt form of Hindu idolatry,
till their conversion to Islam by the renowned Sultan Mahmud Shah about
the middle of the thirteenth century. It is therefore probable enough
that the earlier movements were carried out under Hindu influences, and
may have begun long before the historical date 1160. Menangkabau,
however, was the first Mussulman State that acquired political supremacy
in Sumatra, and this district thus became the chief centre for the later
diffusion of the cultured Malays, their language, usages, and religion,
throughout the Peninsula and the Archipelago. Here they are now found in
compact masses chiefly in south Sumatra (Menangkabau, Palembang, the
Lampongs); in all the insular groups between Sumatra and Borneo; in the
Malay Peninsula as far north as the Kra Isthmus, here intermingling
with the Siamese as "Sam-Sams," partly Buddhists, partly Muhammadans;
round the coast of Borneo and about the estuaries of that island; in
Tidor, Ternate, and the adjacent coast of Jilolo; in the Banda, Sula,
and Sulu groups; in Batavia, Singapore, and all the other large seaports
of the Archipelago. In all these lands beyond Sumatra the Orang-Maláyu
are thus seen to be comparatively recent arrivals[497], and in fact
intruders on the other Malayan populations, with whom they collectively
constitute the Oceanic branch of the Mongol division. Their diffusion
was everywhere brought about much in the same way as in Ternate, where
A. R. Wallace tells us that the ruling people "are an intrusive Malay
race somewhat allied to the Macassar people, who settled in the country
at a very early epoch, drove out the indigenes, who were no doubt the
same as those of the adjacent island of Gilolo, and established a
monarchy. They perhaps obtained many of their wives from the natives,
which will account for the extraordinary language they speak--in some
respects closely allied to that of the natives of Gilolo, while it
contains much that points to a Malayan [Malay] origin. To most of these
people the Malay language is quite unintelligible[498]."

The Malayan populations, as distinguished from the Malays proper, form
socially two very distinct classes--the _Orang Benua_, "Men of the
Soil," rude aborigines, numerous especially in the interior of the Malay
Peninsula, Borneo, Celebes, Jilolo, Timor, Ceram, the Philippines,
Formosa, and Madagascar; and the cultured peoples, formerly Hindus but
now mostly Muhammadans, who have long been constituted in large
communities and nationalities with historical records, and flourishing
arts and industries. They speak cultivated languages of the Austronesian
family, generally much better preserved and of richer grammatical
structure than the simplified modern speech of the Orang-Maláyu. Such
are the Achinese, Rejangs, and Passumahs of Sumatra; the Bugis,
Mangkassaras and some Minahasans of Celebes[499]; the Tagalogs and
Visayas of the Philippines; the Sassaks and Balinese of Lombok and Bali
(most of these still Hindus); the Madurese and Javanese proper of Java;
and the Hovas of Madagascar. To call any of these "Malays[500]," is like
calling the Italians "French," or the Germans "English," because of
their respective Romance and Teutonic connections.

Preëminent in many respects amongst all the Malayan peoples are the
_Javanese_--_Sundanese_ in the west, _Javanese proper_ in the centre,
_Madurese_ in the east--who were a highly civilised nation while the
Sumatran Malays were still savages, perhaps head-hunters and cannibals
like the neighbouring Battas. Although now almost exclusively
Muhammadans, they had already adopted some form of Hinduism probably
over 2000 years ago, and under the guidance of their Indian teachers had
rapidly developed a very advanced state of culture. "Under a completely
organised although despotic government, the arts of peace and war were
brought to considerable perfection, and the natives of Java became
famous throughout the East as accomplished musicians and workers in
gold, iron and copper, none of which metals were found in the island
itself. They possessed a regular calendar with astronomical eras, and a
metrical literature, in which, however, history was inextricably blended
with romance. Bronze and stone inscriptions in the Kavi, or old Javanese
language, still survive from the eleventh or twelfth century, and to the
same dates may be referred the vast ruins of Brambanam and the
stupendous temple of Boro-budor in the centre of the island. There are
few statues of Hindu divinities in this temple, but many are found in
its immediate vicinity, and from the various archaeological objects
collected in the district it is evident that both the Buddhist and
Brahmanical forms of Hinduism were introduced at an early date.

"But all came to an end by the overthrow of the chief Hindu power in
1478, after which event Islam spread rapidly over the whole of Java and
Madura. Brahmanism, however, still holds its ground in Bali and Lombok,
the last strongholds of Hinduism in the Eastern Archipelago[501]."

On the obscure religious and social relations in these Lesser Sundanese
Islands much light has been thrown by Capt. W. Cool, an English
translation of whose work _With the Dutch in the East_ was issued by E.
J. Taylor in 1897. Here it is shown how Hinduism, formerly dominant
throughout a great part of Malaysia, gradually yielded in some places to
a revival of the never extinct primitive nature-worship, in others to
the spread of Islam, which in Bali alone failed to gain a footing. In
this island a curious mingling of Buddhist and Brahmanical forms with
the primordial heathendom not only persisted, but was strong enough to
acquire the political ascendancy over the Mussulman Sassaks of the
neighbouring island of Lombok. Thus while Islam reigns exclusively in
Java--formerly the chief domain of Hinduism in the Archipelago--Bali,
Lombok, and even Sumbawa, present the strange spectacle of large
communities professing every form of belief, from the grossest
heathendom to pure monotheism.

As I have elsewhere pointed out[502], it is the same with the cultures
and general social conditions, which show an almost unbroken transition
from the savagery of Sumbawa to the relative degrees of refinement
reached by the natives of Lombok and especially of Bali. Here, however,
owing to the unfavourable political relations, a retrograde movement is
perceptible in the crumbling temples, grass-grown highways, and
neglected homesteads. But it is everywhere evident enough that "just as
Hinduism has only touched the outer surface of their religion, it has
failed to penetrate into their social institutions, which, like their
gods, originate from the time when Polynesian heathendom was all
powerful[503]."

A striking illustration of the vitality of the early beliefs is
presented by the local traditions, which relate how these foreign gods
installed themselves in the Lesser Sundanese Islands after their
expulsion from Java by the Muhammadans in the fifteenth century. Being
greatly incensed at the introduction of the Koran, and also anxious to
avoid contact with the "foreign devils," the Hindu deities moved
eastwards with the intention of setting up their throne in Bali. But
Bali already possessed its own gods, the wicked Rakshasas, who fiercely
resented the intrusion, but in the struggle that ensued were
annihilated, all but the still reigning Mraya Dewana. Then the new
thrones had to be erected on heights, as in Java; but at that time there
were no mountains in Bali, which was a very flat country. So the
difficulty was overcome by bodily transferring the four hills at the
eastern extremity of Java to the neighbouring island. Gunong Agong,
highest of the four, was set down in the east, and became the Olympus of
Bali, while the other three were planted in the west, south, and north,
and assigned to the different gods according to their respective ranks.
Thus were at once explained the local theogony and the present physical
features of the island.

Despite their generally quiet, taciturn demeanour, all these Sundanese
peoples are just as liable as the Orang-Maláyu himself, to those sudden
outbursts of demoniacal frenzy and homicidal mania called by them
_m[)e]ng-ámok_, and by us "running amok." Indeed A. R. Wallace tells us
that such wild outbreaks occur more frequently (about one or two every
month) amongst the civilised Mangkassaras and Bugis of south Celebes
than elsewhere in the Archipelago. "It is the national and therefore the
honourable mode of committing suicide among the natives of Celebes, and
is the fashionable way of escaping from their difficulties. A Roman fell
upon his sword, a Japanese rips up his stomach, and an Englishman blows
out his brains with a pistol. The Bugis mode has many advantages to one
suicidically inclined. A man thinks himself wronged by society--he is in
debt and cannot pay--he is taken for a slave or has gambled away his
wife or child into slavery--he sees no way of recovering what he has
lost, and becomes desperate. He will not put up with such cruel wrongs,
but will be revenged on mankind and die like a hero. He grasps his
kris-handle, and the next moment draws out the weapon and stabs a man to
the heart. He runs on, with bloody kris in his hand, stabbing at
everyone he meets. 'Amok! Amok!' then resounds through the streets.
Spears, krisses, knives and guns are brought out against him. He rushes
madly forward, kills all he can--men, women, and children--and dies
overwhelmed by numbers amid all the excitement of a battle[504]."

Possibly connected with this blind impulse may be the strange nervous
affection called _látah_, which is also prevalent amongst the Malayans,
and which was first clearly described by the distinguished Malay
scholar, Sir Frank Athelstane Swettenham[505]. No attempt has yet been
made thoroughly to diagnose this uncanny disorder[506], which would seem
so much more characteristic of the high-strung or shattered nervous
system of ultra-refined European society, than of that artless
unsophisticated child of nature, the Orang-Maláyu. Its effects on the
mental state are such as to disturb all normal cerebration, and
Swettenham mentions two látah-struck Malays, who would make admirable
"subjects" at a séance of theosophic psychists. Any simple device served
to attract their attention, when by merely looking them hard in the face
they fell helplessly in the hands of the operator, instantly lost all
self-control, and went passively through any performance either verbally
imposed or even merely suggested by a sign.

A peculiar feminine strain has often been imputed to the Malay
temperament, yet this same Oceanic people displays in many respects a
curiously kindred spirit with the ordinary Englishman, as, for instance,
in his love of gambling, boxing, cock-fighting, field sports[507], and
adventure. No more fearless explorers of the high seas, formerly rovers
and corsairs, at all times enterprising traders, are anywhere to be
found than the Menangkabau Malays and their near kinsmen, the renowned
Bugis "Merchant Adventurers" of south Celebes. Their clumsy but
seaworthy praus are met in every seaport from Sumatra to the Aru
Islands, and they have established permanent trading stations and even
settlements in Borneo, the Philippines, Timor, and as far east as New
Guinea. On one occasion Wallace sailed from Dobbo in company with
fifteen large Makassar praus, each with a cargo worth about £1000, and
as many of the Bugis settle amongst the rude aborigines of the eastern
isles, they thus cooperate with the Sumatran Malays in extending the
area of civilising influences throughout Papuasia.

Formerly they combined piracy with legitimate trade, and long after the
suppression of the North Bornean corsairs by Keppel and Brooke, the
inland waters continued to be infested especially by the _Bajau_ rovers
of Celebes, and by the _Balagnini_ of the Sulu Archipelago, most dreaded
of all the _Orang-Laut_, "Men of the Sea," the "Sea Gypsies" of the
English. These were the "Cellates" (_Orang-Selat_, "Men of the Straits")
of the early Portuguese writers, who described them as from time
immemorial engaged in fishing and plundering on the high seas[508].

In those days, and even in comparatively late times, the relations in
the Eastern Archipelago greatly resembled those prevailing in the Aegean
Sea at the dawn of Greek history, while the restless seafaring
populations were still in a state of flux, passing from island to island
in quest of booty or barter before permanently settling down in
favourable sites[509]. With the Greek historian's philosophic
disquisition on these Pelasgian and proto-Hellenic relations may be
compared A. R. Wallace's account of the Batjan coastlands when visited
by him in the late fifties. "Opposite us, and all along this coast of
Batchian, stretches a row of fine islands completely uninhabited.
Whenever I asked the reason why no one goes to live in them, the answer
always was 'For fear of the Magindano pirates[510].' Every year these
scourges of the Archipelago wander in one direction or another, making
their rendezvous on some uninhabited island, and carrying devastation to
all the small settlements around; robbing, destroying, killing, or
taking captive all they meet with. Their long, well-manned praus escape
from the pursuit of any sailing vessel by pulling away right in the
wind's eye, and the warning smoke of a steamer generally enables them to
hide in some shallow bay, or narrow river, or forest-covered inlet, till
the danger is passed[511]." Thus, like geographical surroundings, with
corresponding social conditions, produce like results in all times
amongst all peoples.

This fundamental truth receives further illustration from the ideas
prevalent amongst the Malayans regarding witchcraft, the magic arts,
charms and spells, and especially the belief in the power of certain
malevolent human beings to transform themselves into wild beasts and
prey upon their fellow-creatures. Such superstitions girdle the globe,
taking their local colouring from the fauna of the different regions, so
that the were-wolf of medieval Europe finds its counterpart in the human
jaguar of South America, the human lion or leopard of Africa[512], and
the human tiger of the Malay Peninsula. Hugh Clifford, who relates an
occurrence known to himself in connection with a "were-tiger" story of
the Perak district, aptly remarks that "the white man and the brown, the
yellow and the black, independently, and without receiving the idea from
one another, have all found the same explanation for the like phenomena,
all apparently recognising the truth of the Malay proverb, that we are
like unto the _táman_ fish that preys upon its own kind[513]." The story
in question turns upon a young bride, whose husband comes home late
three nights following, and the third time, being watched, is discovered
by her in the form of a full-grown tiger stretched on the ladder, which,
as in all Malay houses, leads from the ground to the threshold of the
door. "Patímah gazed at the tiger from a distance of only a foot or two,
for she was too paralysed with fear to move or cry out, and as she
looked a gradual transformation took place in the creature at her feet.
Slowly, as one sees a ripple of wind pass over the surface of still
water, the tiger's features palpitated and were changed, until the
horrified girl saw the face of her husband come up through that of the
beast, much as the face of a diver comes up to the surface of a pool. In
another moment Patímah saw that it was Haji Ali who was ascending the
ladder of his house, and the spell that had hitherto bound her was
snapped."

These same Malays of Perak, H. H. Rajah Dris tells us, are still
specially noted for many strange customs and superstitions "utterly
opposed to Muhammadan teaching, and savouring strongly of devil-worship.
This enormous belief in the supernatural is possibly a relic of the
pre-Islam State[514]."

We do not know who were the primitive inhabitants of Borneo. One would
expect to find Negritoes in the interior, but despite the assertion of
A. de Quatrefages[515] it is impossible to overlook the conclusions of
A. B. Meyer[516] that no authoritative evidence of their occurrence is
forthcoming, and A. C. Haddon[517] confidently states that there are
none in Sarawak. It might be supposed that the Pre-Dravidian element
found in Sumatra and Celebes might occur also in Borneo, but the only
indication of such influence is the "black skin" noticed among certain
Ulu Ayar of the Upper Kapuas in Western Dutch Borneo[518]. With the
exception of certain peoples such as Europeans, Indians, Chinese, and
Orang-Maláyu, whose foreign origin is obvious, the population as a whole
may be regarded as being composed of two main races, the Indonesian and
Proto-Malay. Probably all tribes are of mixed origin, but some, such as
the _Murut_, _Dusun_, _Kalabit_, and _Land Dayak_ are more Indonesian
while the _Iban_ (_Sea Dayak_) are distinctly Proto-Malay. The _Land
Dayak_ have doubtless been crossed with Indo-Javans.

Scattered over a considerable part of the jungle live the nomad _Punan_
and _Ukit_. They are a slender pale people with a slightly broad head.
They are grouped in small communities and inhabit the dense jungle at
the head waters of the principal rivers of Borneo. They live on
whatever they can find in the jungle, and do not cultivate the soil, nor
live in permanent houses. Their few wants are supplied by barter from
friendly settled peoples, or in return for iron implements, calico,
beads, tobacco, etc., they offer jungle produce, mainly gutta,
indiarubber, camphor, dammar and ratans. They are very mild savages, not
head-hunters, they are generous to one another, moderately truthful,
kind to the women and very fond of their children.

Hose and Haddon have introduced the term _Klemantan_ (_Kalamantan_) for
the weak agricultural tribes such as the _Murut_, _Kalabit_, _Land
Dayak_, _Sebop_, _Barawan_, _Milanau_, etc.[519] Brook Low[520], who
knew the Land Dayak well, gives a very favourable account of the people
and this opinion has been confirmed by other travellers. They are
described as amiable, honest, grateful, moral and hospitable. Crimes of
violence, other than head-hunting, are unknown. The circular _panga_ is
a "house set apart for the residence of young unmarried men, in which
the trophy-heads are kept, and here also all ceremonial receptions take
place[521]." The _baloi_ of the Ot Danom of the Kahajan river is very
similar[522]. The very energetic and dominating _Bahau-Kenyah-Kayan_
group are rather short in stature, with slightly broad heads. They
occupy the best tracts of land which lie in the undulating hills at the
upper reaches of the rivers, between the swampy low country and the
mountains. The Kayan more especially have almost exterminated some of
the smaller tribes. The Klemantan and Kenyah-Kayan tribes are
agriculturalists. They clear the jungle off the low hills that flank the
tributaries of the larger rivers, but always leave a few scattered trees
standing; irrigation is attempted by the Kalabits only, as _padi_ rice
is grown like any other cereals on dry ground; swamp _padi_ is also
grown on the low land. In their gardens they grow yams, pumpkins, sugar
cane, bananas, and sometimes coconuts and other produce. They hunt all
land animals that serve as food, and fish, usually with nets, in the
rivers, or spear those fish that have been stupefied with _tuba_; river
prawns are also a favourite article of diet.

They all live in long communal houses which are situated on the banks of
the rivers. Among the Klemantan tribes the headman has not much
influence, unless he is a man of exceptional power and energy, but among
the larger tribes and especially among the Kayan and Kenyah the headmen
are the real chiefs and exercise undisputed sway. The Kenyah are perhaps
the most advanced in social evolution, holding their own by superior
solidarity and intelligence against the turbulent Kayan.

All the agricultural tribes are artistic, but in varying degrees; they
are also musical and sing delightful chorus songs. In some tribes the
ends of the beams of the houses are carved to represent various animals,
in some the verandah is decorated with boldly carved planks, or with
painted boards and doors. The bamboo receptacles carved in low relief,
the bone handles of their swords and the minor articles of daily life,
are decorated in a way that reveals the true artistic spirit. Both
Kenyah and Kayan smelt iron and make spear heads and sword blades, the
former being especially noted for their good steel. The forge with two
bellows is the form widely spread in Malaysia.

The truculent _Iban_ (_Sea Dayak_) have spread from a restricted area in
Sarawak[523]. They are short and have broader heads than the other
tribes; the colour is on the whole darker than among the cinnamon
coloured inland tribes. They have the same long, slightly wavy, black
hair showing a reddish tinge in certain lights, that is characteristic
of the Borneans generally. Most of the Iban inhabit low lying land; they
prefer to live on the low hills, but as this is not always practicable
they plant swamp _padi_; all those who settle at the heads of rivers
plant _padi_ on the hills in the same manner as the up-river natives.
They also cultivate maize, sugar cane, sweet potatoes, gourds, pumpkins,
cucumbers, melons, mustard, ginger and other vegetables. Generally
groups of relations work together in the fields. Although essentially
agricultural, they are warlike and passionately devoted to head-hunting.
The Iban of the Batang Lupar and Saribas in the olden days joined the
Malays in their large war praus on piratical raids along the coast and
up certain rivers and they owe their name of Sea Dayaks to this
practice. The raids were organised by Malays who went for plunder but
they could always ensure the aid of Iban by the bribe of the heads of
the slain as their share. The Iban women weave beautiful cotton cloths
on a very simple loom. Intricate patterns are made by tying several warp
strands with leaves at varying intervals, then dipping the whole into
the dye which does not penetrate the tied portions. This process is
repeated if a three-colour design is desired. The pattern is produced
solely in the warp, the woof threads are self-coloured and are not
visible in the fabric, which is therefore a cotton rep. Little tattooing
is seen among the Iban women though the men have adopted the custom from
the Kayan.

It is probable that the Iban belong to the same stock as the original
Malay and if so, their migration may be regarded as the first wave of
the movement that culminated in the Malay Empire. The Malays must have
come to Borneo not later than the early part of the fifteenth century as
Brunei was a large and wealthy town in 1521. Probably the Malays came
directly from the Malay Peninsula, but they must have mixed largely with
the _Kadayan_, _Milanau_ and other coastal people. The Sarawak and
Brunei Malays are probably mainly coastal Borneans with some Malay
blood, but they have absorbed the Malay culture, spirit and religion.

From the sociological point of view the Punan, living by the chase and
on exploitation of jungle produce, represent the lowest grade of culture
in Borneo. Without social organisation they are alike incapable of real
endemic improvement or of seriously affecting other peoples. The purely
agricultural tribes that cultivate _padi_ on the low hills or in the
swamps form the next social stratum. These indigenous tillers of the
soil have been hard pressed by various swarms of foreigners.

The Kenyah-Kayan migration was that of a people of a slightly higher
grade of culture. They were agriculturalists, but the social
organisation was firmer and they were probably superior in physique. If
they introduced iron weapons, this would give them an enormous
advantage. These immigrant agricultural artisans, directed by powerful
chiefs, had no difficulty in taking possession of the most desirable
land.

From an opposite point of the compass in early times came another
agricultural people who strangely enough have strong individualistic
tendencies, the usually peaceable habits of tillers of the soil having
been complicated by a lust for heads and other warlike propensities. But
the Iban do not appear to have gained much against the Kenyah and Kayan.
Conquest implies a strong leader, obedience to authority and concerted
action. The Iban appear to be formidable only when led and organised by
Europeans.

The Malay was of a yet higher social type. His political organisation
was well established, and he had the advantage of religious enthusiasm,
for Islam has no small share in the expansion of the Malay. He is a
trader, and still more an exploiter, having a sporting element in his
character not altogether compatible with steady trade. Then appeared on
the scene the Anglo-Saxon overlord. The quality of firmness combined
with justice made itself felt. At times the lower social types hurled
themselves, but in vain, against the instrument that had been forged and
tempered in a similar turmoil of Iberian, Celt, Angle and Viking in
Northern Europe. Now they acknowledge that safety of life and property
and almost complete liberty are fully worth the very small price that
they have to pay for them[524].

The cult of omen animals, most frequently birds, is indigenous to
Borneo. These are possessed with the spirit of certain invisible beings
above, and bear their names, and are invoked to secure good crops,
freedom from accident, victory in war, profit in exchange, skill in
discourse and cleverness in all native craft. The Iban have a belief in
_Ngarong_ or spirit-helpers, somewhat resembling that of the _Manitu_ of
North America. The _Ngarong_ is the spirit of a dead relative who visits
a dreamer, who afterwards searches for the outward and visible sign of
his spiritual protector, and finds it in some form, perhaps a natural
object, or some one animal, henceforth held in special respect[525].

In Sumatra there occur some remains of Hindu temples[526], as well as
other mysterious monuments in the Passumah lands inland from Benkulen,
relics of a former culture, which goes back to prehistoric times. They
take the form of huge monoliths, which are roughly shaped to the
likeness of human figures, with strange features very different from the
Malay or Hindu types. The present Sarawi natives of the district, who
would be quite incapable of executing such works, know nothing of their
origin, and attribute them to certain legendary beings who formerly
wandered over the land, turning all their enemies into stone. Further
research may possibly discover some connection between these relics of a
forgotten past and the numerous prehistoric monuments of Easter Island
and other places in the Pacific Ocean. Of all the Indonesian peoples
still surviving in Malaysia, none present so many points of contact with
the Eastern Polynesians, as do the natives of the Mentawi Islands which
skirt the south-west coast of Sumatra. "On a closer inspection of the
inhabitants the attentive observer at once perceives that the Mentawi
natives have but little in common with the peoples and tribes of the
neighbouring islands, and that as regards physical appearance, speech,
customs, and usages they stand almost entirely apart. They bear such a
decided stamp of a Polynesian tribe that one feels far more inclined to
compare them with the inhabitants of the South Sea Islands[527]."

The survival of an Indonesian group on the western verge of Malaysia is
all the more remarkable since the _Nias_ islanders, a little farther
north, are of Mongol stock, like most if not all of the inhabitants of
the Sumatran mainland. Here the typical Malays of the central districts
(Menangkabau, Korinchi, and Siak) merge southwards in the mixed
Malayo-Javanese peoples of the _Rejang_, _Palembang_, and _Lampong_
districts. Although Muhammadans probably since the thirteenth century,
all these peoples had been early brought under Hindu influences by
missionaries and even settlers from Java, and these influences are still
apparent in many of the customs, popular traditions, languages, and
letters of the South Sumatran settled communities. Thus the Lampongs,
despite their profession of Islam, employ, not the Arabic characters,
like the Malays proper, but a script derived from the peculiar Javanese
writing system. This system itself, originally introduced from India
probably over 2000 years ago, is based on some early forms of the
Devanagari, such as those occurring in the rock inscriptions of the
famous Buddhist king As'oka (third century B.C.)[528]. From Java, which
is now shown beyond doubt to be the true centre of dispersion[529], the
parent alphabet was under Hindu influences diffused in pre-Muhammadan
times throughout Malaysia, from Sumatra to the Philippines.

But the thinly-spread Indo-Javanese culture, in few places penetrating
much below the surface, received a rude shock from the Muhammadan
irruption, its natural development being almost everywhere arrested, or
else either effaced or displaced by Islam. No trace can any longer be
detected of graphic signs in Borneo, where the aborigines have retained
the savage state even in those southern districts where Buddhism or
Brahmanism had certainly been propagated long before the arrival of the
Muhammadan Malays. But elsewhere the Javanese stock alphabet has shown
extraordinary vitality, persisting under diverse forms down to the
present day, not only amongst the semi-civilised Mussulman peoples, such
as the Sumatran Rejangs[530], Korinchi, and Lampongs, the Bugis and
Mangkassaras of Celebes, and the (now Christian) Tagalogs and Visayas
of the Philippines, but even amongst the somewhat rude and pagan Palawan
natives, the wild Manguianes of Mindoro, and the cannibal Battas[531] of
North Sumatra.

These Battas, however, despite their undoubted cannibalism[532], cannot
be called savages, at least without some reserve. They are skilful
stock-breeders and agriculturists, raising fine crops of maize and rice;
they dwell together in large, settled communities with an organised
government, hereditary chiefs, popular assemblies, and a written civil
and penal code. There is even an effective postal system, which utilises
for letter-boxes the hollow tree-trunks at all the cross-roads, and is
largely patronised by the young men and women, all of whom read and
write, and carry on an animated correspondence in their degraded
Devanagari script, which is written on palm-leaves in vertical lines
running upwards and from right to left. The Battas also excel in several
industries, such as pottery, weaving, jewellery, iron work, and
house-building, their picturesque dwellings, which resemble Swiss
chalets, rising to two stories above the ground-floor reserved for the
live stock. For these arts they are no doubt largely indebted to their
Hindu teachers, from whom also they have inherited some of their
religious ideas, such as the triune deity--Creator, Preserver, and
Destroyer--besides other inferior divinities collectively called
_diebata_, a modified form of the Indian _devaté_[533].

In the strangest contrast to these survivals of a foreign culture which
had probably never struck very deep roots, stand the savage survivals
from still more ancient times. Conspicuous amongst these are the
cannibal practices, which if not now universal still take some
peculiarly revolting forms. Thus captives and criminals are, under
certain circumstances, condemned to be eaten alive, and the same fate is
or was reserved for those incapacitated for work by age or infirmities.
When the time came, we are told by the early European observers and by
the reports of the Arabs, the "grandfathers" voluntarily suspended
themselves by their arms from an overhanging branch, while friends and
neighbours danced round and round, shouting, "when the fruit is ripe it
falls." And when it did fall, that is, as soon as it could hold on no
longer, the company fell upon it with their krisses, hacking it to
pieces, and devouring the remains seasoned with lime-juice, for such
feasts were generally held when the limes were ripe[534].

Grouped chiefly round about Lake Toba, the Battas occupy a very wide
domain, stretching south to about the parallel of Mount Ophir, and
bordering northwards on the territory of the Achin people. These valiant
natives, who have till recently stoutly maintained their political
independence against the Dutch, were also at one time Hinduized, as is
evident from many of their traditions, their Malayan language largely
charged with Sanskrit terms, and even their physical appearance,
suggesting a considerable admixture of Hindu as well as of Arab blood.
With the Arab traders and settlers came the Koran, and the Achinese
people have been not over-zealous followers of the Prophet since the
close of the twelfth century. The Muhammadan State, founded in 1205,
acquired a dominant position in the Archipelago early in the sixteenth
century, when it ruled over about half of Sumatra, exacted tribute from
many vassal princes, maintained powerful armaments by land and sea, and
entered into political and commercial relations with Egypt, Japan, and
several European States.

There are two somewhat distinct ethnical groups, the _Orang-Tunong_ of
the uplands, a comparatively homogeneous Malayan people, and the mixed
_Orang-Baruh_ of the lowlands, who are described by A. Lubbers[535] as
taller than the average Malay (5 feet 5 or 6 in.), also less
round-headed (index 80.5), with prominent nose, rather regular features,
and muscular frames; but the complexion is darker than that of the
Orang-Maláyu, a trait which has been attributed to a larger infusion of
Dravidian blood (Klings and Tamuls) from southern India. The charge of
cruelty and treachery brought against them by the Dutch may be received
with some reserve, such terms as "patriot" and "rebel" being
interchangeable according to the standpoints from which they are
considered. In any case no one denies them the virtues of valour and
love of freedom, with which are associated industrious habits and a
remarkable aptitude for such handicrafts as metal work, jewellery,
weaving, and ship-building. The Achinese do not appear to be very strict
Muhammadans; polygamy is little practised, their women are free to go
abroad unveiled, nor are they condemned to the seclusion of the harem,
and a pleasing survival from Buddhist times is the _Kanduri_, a solemn
feast, in which the poor are permitted to share. Another reminiscence of
Hindu philosophy may perhaps have been an outburst of religious fervour,
which took the form of a pantheistic creed, and was so zealously
preached, that it had to be stamped out with fire and sword by the
dominant Moslem monotheists[536].

Since the French occupation of Madagascar, the Malagasy problem has
naturally been revived. But it may be regretted that so much time and
talent have been spent on a somewhat thrashed-out question by a number
of writers, who did not first take the trouble to read up the literature
of the subject.

By what race Madagascar was first peopled it is no longer possible to
say. The local reports or traditions of primitive peoples, either
extinct or still surviving in the interior, belong rather to the sphere
of Malagasy folklore than to that of ethnological research. In these
reports mention is frequently made of the _Kimos_, said to be now or
formerly living in the Bara country, and of the _Vazimbas_, who are by
some supposed to have been Gallas (_Ba-Simba_)--though they had no
knowledge of iron--whose graves are supposed to be certain monolithic
monuments which take the form of menhirs disposed in circles, and are
believed by the present inhabitants of the land to be still haunted by
evil spirits, that is, the ghosts of the long extinct Vazimbas.

Much of the confusion prevalent regarding the present ethnical relations
may be avoided if certain points (ably summarised by T. A. Joyce[537])
are borne in mind. The greater part of the population is negroid; the
language spoken over the whole of the island and many institutions and
customs are Malayo-Polynesian. A small section (Antimerina commonly
called Hovas)--forming the dominant people in the nineteenth century--is
of fairly pure Malay (or Javanese) blood, but is composed of
sixteenth-century immigrants, whereas the language belongs to a very
early branch of the Malayo-Polynesian (Austronesian) family. It would be
natural to suppose that the negroid element was African[538], for in
later times large numbers of Africans have been brought over by Arabs
and other slavers; but there are several objections to this view. In the
first place, the natives of the neighbouring coast are not seamen, and
the voyage to Madagascar offers peculiar difficulties owing to the
strong currents. In the second place, it seems impossible that the first
inhabitants, supposing them to be African, should have abandoned their
own language in favour of one introduced by a small minority of
immigrants; the few Bantu words found in Madagascar may well have been
adopted from the slaves. In the third place, the culture exhibits no
distinctively African features, but is far more akin to that of
south-east Asia. There is much to be said, therefore, for the view that
the earliest and negroid inhabitants of Madagascar were Oceanic
negroids, who have always been known as expert seamen.

Since the coming of the negroid population, which probably arrived in
very early days, various small bands of immigrants or castaways have
landed on the shores of Madagascar and imposed themselves as reigning
dynasties on the surrounding villages, each thus forming the nucleus of
what now appears as a tribe. Among these were immigrants from Arabia,
and J. T. Last, who identifies Madagascar with the island of
_Menuthias_ described by Arrian in the third century A.D.[539], suggests
the "possibility that Madagascar may have been reached by Arabs before
the Christian era." This "possibility" is converted almost into a
certainty by the analysis of the Arabo-Malagasy terms made by Dahle, who
clearly shows that such terms "are comparatively very few," and also
"very ancient," in fact that, as already suggested by Fleischer of
Leipzig, many, perhaps the majority of them, "may be traced back to
Himyaritic influence[540]," that is, not merely to pre-Muhammadan, but
to pre-Christian times, just like the Sanskritic elements in the Oceanic
tongues.

The evidence that Malagasy is itself one of these Oceanic tongues, and
not an offshoot of the comparatively recent standard Malay is
overwhelming, and need not here detain us[541]. The diffusion of this
Austronesian language over the whole island--even amongst distinctly
Negroid Bantu populations, such as the Betsileos and Tanalas--to the
absolute exclusion of all other forms of speech, is an extraordinary
linguistic phenomenon more easily proved than explained. There are, of
course, provincialisms and even what may be called local dialects, such
as that of the Antankarana people at the northern extremity of the
island who, although commonly included in the large division of the
western Sakalavas, really form a separate ethnical group, speaking a
somewhat marked variety of Malagasy. But even this differs much less
from the normal form than might be supposed by comparing, for instance,
such a term as _maso-mahamay_, sun, with the Hova _maso-andro_, where
_maso_ in both means "eye," _mahamay_ in both = "burning," and _andro_
in both = "day." Thus the only difference is that one calls the sun
"burning eye," while the Hovas call it the "day's eye," as do so many
peoples in Malaysia[542].

So also the fish-eating _Anorohoro_ people, a branch of the _Sihanakas_
in the Alaotra valley, are said to have "quite a different dialect from
them[543]." But the statement need not be taken too seriously, because
these rustic fisherfolk, who may be called the Gothamites of Madagascar,
are supposed, by their scornful neighbours, to do everything
"contrariwise." Of them it is told that once when cooking eggs they
boiled them for hours to make them soft, and then finding they got
harder and harder threw them away as unfit for food. Others having only
one slave, who could not paddle the canoe properly, cut him in two,
putting one half at the prow, the other at the stern, and were surprised
at the result. It was not to be expected that such simpletons should
speak Malagasy properly, which nevertheless is spoken with surprising
uniformity by all the Malayan and Negro or Negroid peoples alike.

In Madagascar, however, the fusion of the two races is far less complete
than is commonly supposed. Various shades of transition between the two
extremes are no doubt presented by the _Sakalavas_ of the west, and the
_Betsimisarakas_, _Sitanakas_, and others of the east coast. But,
strange to say, on the central tableland the two seem to stand almost
completely apart, so that here the politically dominant Hovas still
present all the essential characteristics of the Oceanic Mongol, while
their southern neighbours, the _Betsileos_, as well as the _Tanalas_ and
_Ibaras_, are described as "African pure and simple, allied to the
south-eastern tribes of that continent[544]."

Specially remarkable is the account given by a careful observer, G. A.
Shaw, of the Betsileos, whose "average height is not less than six feet
for the men, and a few inches less for the women. They are large-boned
and muscular, and their colour is several degrees darker than that of
the Hovas, approaching very close to a black. The forehead is low and
broad, the nose flatter, and the lips thicker than those of their
conquerors, whilst their hair is _invariably_ crisp and woolly. No pure
Betsileo is to be met with having the smooth long hair of the Hovas. In
this, as in other points, there is a very clear departure from the
Malayan type, and a close approximation to the Negro races of the
adjacent continent[545]."

Now compare these brawny negroid giants with the wiry undersized Malayan
Hovas. As described by A. Vouchereau[546], their type closely resembles
that of the Javanese--short stature, yellowish or light leather
complexion, long, black, smooth and rather coarse hair, round head
(85.25), flat and straight forehead, flat face, prominent cheek-bones,
small straight nose, tolerably wide nostrils, small black and slightly
oblique eyes, rather thick lips, slim lithesome figure, small
extremities, dull restless expression, cranial capacity 1516 c.c.,
superior to both Negro and Sakalava[547].

Except in respect of this high cranial capacity, the measurements of
three Malagasy skulls in the Cambridge University Anatomical Museum,
studied by W. L. H. Duckworth[548], correspond fairly well with these
descriptions. Thus the cephalic index of the reputed Betsimisaraka
(Negroid) and that of the Betsileo (Negro) are respectively 71 and 72.4,
while that of the Hova is 82.1; the first two, therefore, are
long-headed, the third round-headed, as we should expect. But the cubic
capacity of the Hova (presumably Mongoloid) is only 1315 as compared
with 1450 and 1480 of two others, presumably African Negroes. Duckworth
discusses the question whether the black element in Madagascar is of
African or Oceanic (Melanesian-Papuan) origin, about which much
diversity of opinion still prevails, and on the evidence of the few
cranial specimens available he decides in favour of the African.

Despite the low cubic capacity of Duckworth's Hova, the mental powers of
these, and indeed of the Malagasy generally, are far from despicable.
Before the French occupation the London Missionary Society had succeeded
in disseminating Christian principles and even some degree of culture
among considerable numbers both in the Hova capital and surrounding
districts. The local press had been kept going by native compositors who
had issued quite an extensive literature both in Malagasy and English.
Agricultural and industrial methods had been improved, some engineering
works attempted, and the Hova craftsmen had learnt to build but not to
complete houses in the European style, because, although they could
master European processes, they could not, Christians though they were,
get the better of the old superstitions, one of which is that the owner
of a house always dies within a year of its completion. Longevity is
therefore ensured by not completing it, with the curious result that the
whole city looks unfinished or dilapidated. In the house where Mrs
Colvile stayed, "one window was framed and glazed, the other nailed up
with rough boards; part of the stair-banister had no top-rail; outside
only a portion of the roof had been tiled; and so on throughout[549]."

The culture has been thus summarised by T. A. Joyce[550]. Clothing is
entirely vegetable, and the Malay _sarong_ is found throughout the east;
bark-cloth in the south-east and west. Hairdressing varies considerably,
and among the Bara and Sakalava is often elaborate. Silver ornaments are
found amongst the Antimerina and some other eastern tribes, made chiefly
from European coins dating from the sixteenth century. Circumcision is
universal. In the east the tribes are chiefly agricultural; in the
north, west and south, pastoral. Fishing is important among those tribes
situated on coast, lake or river. Houses are all rectangular and
pile-dwellings are found locally. Rice is the staple crop and the cattle
are of the humped variety. The Antimerina excel the rest in all crafts.
Weaving, basket-work (woven variety) and iron-working are all good; the
use of iron is said to have been unknown to the Bara and Vazimba until
comparatively recent times. Pottery is poor. Carvings in the round (men
and animals) are found amongst the Sakalava and Bara, in relief
(arabesques, etc.) among the Betsileo and others. Before the
introduction of firearms, the spear was the universal weapon; bows are
rare and possibly of late introduction; slings and the blowgun are also
found. Shields are circular, made of wood covered with hide. The early
system of government was patriarchal, and villages were independent; the
later immigrants introduced a system of feudal monarchy with themselves
as a ruling caste. Thus the Antimerina have three main castes;
_Andriana_ or nobles (_i.e._ pure-blooded descendants of the
conquerors), _Hova_, or freemen (descendants of the incorporated Vazimba
more or less mixed with the conquerors), and _Andevo_ or slaves. The
king was regarded almost as a god. An institution thoroughly suggestive
of Malayo-Polynesian sociology is that of _fadi_ or tabu, which enters
into every sphere of human activity. An indefinite creator-god was
recognized, but more important were a number of spirits and fetishes,
the latter with definite functions. Signs of tree worship and of belief
in transmigration are sporadic. At the present time, half the population
of the island is, at least nominally, Christian.

A good deal of fancy is displayed in the oral literature, comprising
histories, or at least legends, fables, songs, riddles, and a great mass
of folklore, much of which has already been rescued from oblivion by the
"Malagasy Folklore Society." Some of the stories present the usual
analogies to others in widely separated lands, stories which seem to be
perennial, and to crop up wherever the surface is a little disturbed by
investigators. One of those in Dahle's extensive collection, entitled
the "History of Andrianarisainaboniamasoboniamanoro" might be described
as a variant of our "Beauty and the Beast." Besides this prince with the
long name, called _Bonia_ "for short," there is a princess "Golden
Beauty," both being of miraculous birth, but the latter a cripple and
deformed, until found and wedded by Bonia. Then she is so transfigured
that the "Beast" is captivated and contrives to carry her off. Thereupon
follows an extraordinary series of adventures, resulting of course in
the rescue of Golden Beauty by Bonia, when everything ends happily, not
only for the two lovers, but for all other people whose wives had also
been abducted. These are now restored to their husbands by the hero, who
vanquishes and slays the monster in a fierce fight, just as in our
nursery tales of knights and dragons.

In the Philippines, where the ethnical confusion is probably greater
than in any other part of Malaysia, the great bulk of the inhabitants
appear to be of Indonesian and proto-Malayan stocks. Except in the
southern island of Mindanao, which is still mainly Muhammadan or
heathen, most of the settled populations have long been nominal Roman
Catholics under a curious theocratic administration, in which the true
rulers are not the civil functionaries, but the priests, and especially
the regular clergy[551]. One result has been over three centuries of
unstable political and social relations, ending in the occupation of the
archipelago by the United States (1898). Another, with which we are here
more concerned, has been such a transformation of the subtle Malayan
character that those who have lived longest amongst the natives
pronounce their temperament unfathomable. Having to comply outwardly
with the numerous Christian observances, they seek relief in two ways,
first by making the most of the Catholic ceremonial and turning the many
feast-days of the calendar into occasions of revelry and dissipation,
connived at if not even shared in by the padres[552]; secondly by
secretly cherishing the old beliefs and disguising their true feelings,
until the opportunity is presented of throwing off the mask and
declaring themselves in their true colours. A Franciscan friar, who had
spent half his life amongst them, left on record that "the native is an
incomprehensible phenomenon, the mainspring of whose line of thought and
the guiding motive of whose actions have never yet been, and perhaps
never will be, discovered. A native will serve a master satisfactorily
for years, and then suddenly abscond, or commit some such hideous crime
as conniving with a brigand band to murder the family and pillage the
house[553]."

In fact nobody can ever tell what a Tagal, and especially a Visaya, will
do at any moment. His character is a succession of surprises; "the
experience of each year brings one to form fresh conclusions, and the
most exact definition of such a kaleidoscopic creature is, after all,
hypothetical."

After centuries of misrule, it was perhaps not surprising that no kind
of sympathy was developed between the natives and the whites. Foreman
fells us that everywhere in the archipelago he found mothers teaching
their little ones to look on their white rulers as demoniacal beings,
evil spirits, or at least something to be dreaded. "If a child cries, it
is hushed by the exclamation, _Castila!_ (Spaniard); if a white man
approaches a native dwelling, the watchword always is _Castila!_ and the
children hasten to retreat from the dreadful object."

For administrative purposes the natives were classed in three social
divisions--_Indios_, _Infieles_, and _Moros_--which, as aptly remarked
by F. H. H. Guillemard, is "an ecclesiastical rather than a scientific
classification[554]." The _Indios_ were the Christianized and more or
less cultured populations of all the towns and of the settled
agricultural districts, speaking a distinct Malayo-Polynesian language
of much more archaic type than the standard Malay. According to the
census of 1903 the total population of the islands was 7,635,428, of
whom nearly 7,000,000 were classed as civilised, and the rest as wild,
including 23,000 Negritoes (_Aeta_, see p. 156). At the time of the
Spanish occupation in the sixteenth century the _Visayas_ of the central
islands and part of Mindanao were the most advanced among the native
tribes, but this distinction is now claimed for the _Tagalogs_, who form
the bulk of the population in Manila and other parts of Luzon, and also
in Mindanao, and whose language is gradually displacing other dialects
throughout the archipelago. Other civilised tribes are the _Ilocano_,
_Bicol_, _Pangasinan_, _Pampangan_ and _Cagayan_, all of Luzon. Less
civilised tribes are the _Manobo_, _Mandaya_, _Subano_ and _Bagobo_ of
Mindanao, the _Bukidnon_ of Mindanao and the central islands, the
_Tagbanua_ and _Batak_ of Palawan, and the _Igorots_ of Luzon, some of
whom are industrious farmers, while among others, head-hunting is still
prevalent. These have been described by A. E. Jenks in a monograph[555].
The head form is very variable. Of 32 men measured by Jenks the
extremes of cephalic index were 91.48 and 67.48. The stature is always
low, averaging 1.62 m. (5 ft. 4 in.) but with an appearance of greater
height. The hair is black, straight, lank, coarse and abundant but "I
doubt whether to-day an entire tribe of perfectly straight-haired
primitive Malayan people exists in the archipelago[556]."

Under _Moros_ ("Moors") are comprised the Muhammadans exclusively, some
of whom are Malayans (chiefly in Mindanao, Basilan, and Palawan), some
true Malays (chiefly in the Sulu archipelago). Many of these are still
independent, and not a few, if not actually wild, are certainly but
little removed from the savage state. Yet, like the Sumatran Battas,
they possess a knowledge of letters, the Sulu people using the Arabic
script, as do all the Orang-Maláyu, while the Palawan natives employ a
variant of the Devanagari prototype derived directly from the Javanese,
as above explained. They number nearly 280,000, of whom more than one
half are in Mindanao, and they form the bulk of the population in some
of the islands of the Sulu archipelago.

Some of these Sulu people, till lately fierce sea-rovers, get baptized
now and then; but, says Foreman, "they appeared to be as much Christian
as I was Mussulman[557]." They keep their harems all the same, and when
asked how many gods there are, answer "four," presumably Allah plus the
Athanasian Trinity. So the Ba-Fiots of Angola add crucifying to their
"penal code," and so in King M'tesa's time the Baganda scrupulously kept
two weekly holidays, the Mussulman Friday, and the Christian Sunday.
Lofty creeds superimposed too rapidly on primitive beliefs are apt to
get "mixed"; they need time to become assimilated.

That in the aborigines of Formosa are represented both Mongol
(proto-Malayan) and Indonesian elements may now probably be accepted as
an established fact. The long-standing reports of Negritoes also, like
the Philippine Aeta, have never been confirmed, and may be dismissed
from the present consideration. Probably five-sixths of the whole
population are Chinese immigrants, amongst whom are a large number of
Hakkas and Hok-los from the provinces of Fo-Kien and Kwang-tung[558].
They occupy all the cultivated western lowlands, which from the
ethnological standpoint may be regarded as a seaward outpost of the
Chinese mainland. The rest of the island, that is, the central highlands
and precipitous eastern slopes, may similarly be looked on as a
north-eastern outpost of Malaysia, being almost exclusively held by
Indonesian and Malayan aborigines from Malaysia (especially the
Philippines), with possibly some early intruders both from Polynesia and
from the north (Japan). All are classed by the Chinese settlers after
their usual fashion in three social divisions:--

1. The _Pepohwans_ of the plains, who although called "Barbarians," are
sedentary agriculturists and quite as civilised as their Chinese
neighbours themselves, with whom they are gradually merging in a single
ethnical group. The Pepohwans are described by P. Ibis as a fine race,
very tall, and "fetishists," though the mysterious rites are left to the
women. Their national feasts, dances, and other usages forcibly recall
those of the Micronesians and Polynesians. They may therefore, perhaps,
be regarded as early immigrants from the South Sea Islands, distinct in
every respect from the true aborigines.

2. The _Sekhwans_, "Tame Savages[559]," who are also settled
agriculturists, subject to the Chinese (since 1895 to the Japanese)
administration, but physically distinct from all the other
Formosans--light complexion, large mouth, thick lips, remarkably long
and prominent teeth, weak constitution. P. Ibis suspects a strain of
Dutch blood dating from the seventeenth century. This is confirmed by
the old books and other curious documents found amongst them, which have
given rise to so much speculation, and, it may be added, some
mystification, regarding a peculiar writing system and a literature
formerly current amongst the Formosan aborigines[560].

3. The _Chinhwans_, "Green Barbarians"--that is, utter savages--the true
independent aborigines, of whom there are an unknown number of tribes,
but regarding whom the Chinese possess but little definite information.
Not so their Japanese successors, one of whom, Kisak Tamai[561], tells
us that the Chinhwans show a close resemblance to the Malays of the
Malay Peninsula and also to those of the Philippines, and in some
respects to the Japanese themselves. When dressed like Japanese and
mingling with Japanese women, they can hardly be distinguished from
them. The vendetta is still rife amongst many of the ruder tribes, and
such is their traditional hatred of the Chinese intruders that no one
can either be tattooed or permitted to wear a bracelet until he has
carried off a Celestial head or two. In every household there is a frame
or bracket on which these heads are mounted, and some of their warriors
can proudly point to over seventy of such trophies. It is a relief to
hear that with their new Japanese masters they have sworn friendship,
these new rulers of the land being their "brothers and sisters." The
oath of eternal alliance is taken by digging a hole in the ground,
putting a stone in it, throwing earth at each other, then covering the
stone with the earth, all of which means that "as the stone in the
ground keeps sound, so do we keep our word unbroken."

It is interesting to note that this Japanese ethnologist's remarks on
the physical resemblances of the aborigines are fully in accord with
those of European observers. Thus to Hamy "they recalled the Igorrotes
of North Luzon, as well as the Malays of Singapore[562]." G. Taylor
also, who has visited several of the wildest groups in the southern and
eastern districts[563] (_Tipuns_, _Paiwans_, _Diaramocks_, _Nickas_,
_Amias_ and many others), traces some "probably" to Japan (Tipuns);
others to Malaysia (the cruel, predatory Paiwan head-hunters); and
others to the Liu-Kiu archipelago (the Pepohwans now of Chinese speech).
He describes the Diaramocks as the most dreaded of all the southern
groups, but doubts whether the charge of cannibalism brought against
them by their neighbours is quite justified.

Whether the historical Malays from Singapore or elsewhere, as above
suggested, are really represented in Formosa may be doubted, since no
survivals either of Hindu or Muhammadan rites appear to have been
detected amongst the aborigines. It is of course possible that they may
have reached the island at some remote time, and since relapsed into
savagery, from which the Orang-laut were never very far removed. But in
the absence of proof, it will be safer to regard all the wild tribes as
partly of Indonesian, partly of proto-Malayan origin.

This view is also in conformity with the character of the numerous
Formosan dialects, whose affinities are either with the Gyarung and
others of the Asiatic Indonesian tongues, or else with the Austronesian
organic speech generally, but not specially with any particular member
of that family, least of all with the comparatively recent standard
Malay. Thus Arnold Schetelig points out that only about a sixth part of
the Formosan vocabulary taken generally corresponds with modern
Malay[564]. The analogies of all the rest must be sought in the various
branches of the Oceanic stock language, and in the Gyarung and the
non-Chinese tongues of Eastern China[565]. Formosa thus presents a
curious ethnical and linguistic connecting link between the Continental
and Oceanic populations.

In the Nicobar archipelago are distinguished two ethnical groups, the
coast people, _i.e._ the _Nicobarese_[566] proper, and the _Shom Pen_,
aborigines of the less accessible inland districts in Great Nicobar. But
the distinction appears to be rather social than racial, and we may now
conclude with E. H. Man that all the islanders belong essentially to the
Mongolic division, the inlanders representing the pure type, the others
being "descended from a mongrel Malay stock, the crosses being probably
in the majority of cases with Burmese and occasionally with natives of
the opposite coast of Siam, and perchance also in remote times with such
of the Shom Pen as may have settled in their midst[567]."

Among the numerous usages which point to an Indo-Chinese and Oceanic
connection are pile-dwellings; the chewing of betel, which appears to be
here mixed with some earthy substance causing a dental incrustation so
thick as even to prevent the closing of the lips; distention of the
ear-lobe by wooden cylinders; aversion from the use of milk; and the
_couvade_, as amongst some Bornean Dayaks. The language, which has an
extraordinarily rich phonetic system (as many as 25 consonantal and 35
vowel sounds), is polysyllabic and untoned, like the Austronesian, and
the type also seems to resemble the Oceanic more than the Continental
Mongol subdivision. Mean height 5 ft. 3 in. (Shom Pen one inch less);
nose wide and flat; eyes rather obliquely set; cheekbones prominent;
features flat, though less so than in the normal Malayan; complexion
mostly a yellowish or reddish brown (Shom Pen dull brown); hair a dark
rusty brown, rarely quite black, straight, though not seldom wavy and
even ringletty, but Shom Pen generally quite straight.

On the other hand they approach nearer to the Burmese in their mental
characters; in their frank, independent spirit, inquisitiveness, and
kindness towards their women, who enjoy complete social equality, as in
Burma; and lastly in their universal belief in spirits called _iwi_ or
_síya_, who, like the _nats_ of Indo-China, cause sickness and death
unless scared away or appeased by offerings. Like the Burmese, also,
they place a piece of money in the mouth or against the cheek of a
corpse before burial, to help in the other world.

One of the few industries is the manufacture of a peculiar kind of rough
painted pottery, which is absolutely confined to the islet of Chowra, 5
miles north of Teressa. The reason of this restriction is explained by a
popular legend, according to which in remote ages the Great Unknown
decreed that, on pain of sudden death, an earthquake, or some such
calamity, the making of earthenware was to be carried on only in Chowra,
and all the work of preparing the clay, moulding and firing the pots,
was to devolve on the women. Once, a long time ago, one of these women,
when on a visit in another island, began, heedless of the divine
injunction, to make a vessel, and fell dead on the spot. Thus was
confirmed the tradition, and no attempt has since been made to infringe
the "Chowra monopoly[568]."

All things considered, it may be inferred that the archipelago was
originally occupied by primitive peoples of Malayan stock now
represented by the Shom Pen of Great Nicobar, and was afterwards
re-settled on the coastlands by Indo-Chinese and Malayan intruders, who
intermingled, and either extirpated or absorbed, or else drove to the
interior the first occupants. Nicobar thus resembles Formosa in its
intermediate position between the continental and Oceanic Mongol
populations. Another point of analogy is the absence of Negritoes from
both of these insular areas, where anthropologists had confidently
anticipated the presence of a dark element like that of the Andamanese
and Philippine Aeta.


FOOTNOTES:

[492] Here E. T. Hamy finds connecting links between the true Malays and
the Indonesians in the Bicols of Albay and the Bisayas of Panay ("Les
Races Malaïques et Américaines," in _L'Anthropologie_, 1896, p. 136).
Used in this extended sense, Hamy's _Malaïque_ corresponds generally to
our _Malayan_ as defined presently.

[493] Ethnically Malayo-Polynesian is an impossible expression, because
it links together the Malays, who belong to the Mongol, and the
Polynesians, who belong to the Caucasic division. But as both
undoubtedly speak languages of the same linguistic stock the expression
is permitted in philology, although, as P. W. Schmidt points out,
"Malay" and "Polynesian" are not of equal rank: and the combination is
as unbalanced as "Indo-Bavarian" for "Indo-Germanic"; it is best
therefore to adopt Schmidt's term _Austronesian_ for this family of
languages (_Die Mon-Khmer Völker_, 1906, p. 69).

[494] Indonesian type: undulating black hair, often tinged with red;
tawny skin, often rather light; low stature, 1.54 m.-1.57 m. (5 ft.
0-1/2 in.-5 ft. 1-3/4 in.); mesaticephalic head (76-78) probably
originally dolichocephalic; cheek-bones sometimes projecting; nose often
flattened, sometimes concave. It is difficult to isolate this type as it
has almost everywhere been mixed with a brachycephalic Proto-Malay
stock, but the Muruts of Borneo (cranial index 73) are probably typical
(A. C. Haddon, _The Races of Man_, 1909, p. 14).

[495] Recent literature on this area includes F. A. Swettenham, _The
Real Malay_, 1900, _British Malaya_, 1906; W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_,
1900; N. Annandale and H. C. Robinson, _Fasciculi Malayenses_, 1903; W.
W. Skeat and C. O. Blagden, _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_, 1903.

[496] J. Leyden, _Malay Annals_, 1821, p. 44.

[497] In some places quite recent, as in Rembau, Malay Peninsula, whose
inhabitants are mainly immigrants from Sumatra in the seventeenth
century; and in the neighbouring group of petty Negri Sembilan States,
where the very tribal names, such as _Anak Acheh_, and _Sri Lemak
Menangkabau_, betray their late arrival from the Sumatran districts of
Achin and Menangkabau.

[498] _The Malay Archipelago_, p. 310.

[499] For Celebes see Von Paul und Fritz Sarasin, _Reisen in Celebes
ausgeführt in den Jahren 1893-6 und 1902-3_, 1905, and _Versuch einer
Anthropologie der Insel Celebes_, 1905.

[500] In 1898 a troop of Javanese minstrels visited London, and one of
them, whom I addressed in a few broken Malay sentences, resented in his
sleepy way the imputation that he was an Orang-Maláyu, explaining that
he was _Orang Java_, a Javanese, and (when further questioned) _Orang
Solo_, a native of the Solo district, East Java. It was interesting to
notice the very marked Mongolic features of these natives, vividly
recalling the remark of A. R. Wallace, on the difficulty of
distinguishing between a Javanese and a Chinaman when both are dressed
alike. The resemblance may to a small extent be due to "mixture with
Chinese blood" (B. Hagen, _Jour. Anthrop. Soc._ Vienna, 1889); but
occurs over such a wide area that it must mainly be attributed to the
common origin of the Chinese and Javanese peoples.

[501] A. H. Keane, _Eastern Geography_, 2nd ed. 1892, p. 121.

[502] _Academy_, May 1, 1897, p. 469.

[503] Cool, p. 139.

[504] _The Malay Archipelago_, p. 175.

[505] In _Malay Sketches_, 1895.

[506] Cf. M. A. Czaplicka on Arctic Hysteria in _Aboriginal Siberia_,
1914, p. 307.

[507] On these national pastimes see Sir Hugh Clifford, _In Court and
Kampong_, 1897, p. 46 sq.

[508] _Cujo officio he rubar e pescar_, "whose business it is to rob and
fish" (Barros). Many of the Bajaus lived entirely afloat, passing their
lives in boats from the cradle to the grave, and praying Allah that they
might die at sea.

[509] Thucydides, _Pel. War_, I. 1-16.

[510] These are the noted _Illanuns_, who occupy the south side of the
large Philippine island of Mindanao, but many of whom, like the Bajaus
of Celebes and the Sulu Islanders, have formed settlements on the
north-east coast of Borneo. "Long ago their warfare against the
Spaniards degenerated into general piracy. Their usual practice was not
to take captives, but to murder all on board any boat they took. Those
with us [British North Borneo] have all settled down to a more orderly
way of life" (W. B. Pryer, _Journ. Anthr. Inst._ 1886, p. 231).

[511] _The Malay Archipelago_, p. 341.

[512] In Central Africa "the belief in 'were' animals, that is to say in
human beings who have changed themselves into lions or leopards or some
such harmful beasts, is nearly universal. Moreover there are individuals
who imagine they possess this power of assuming the form of an animal
and killing human beings in that shape." Sir H. H. Johnston, _British
Central Africa_, p. 439.

[513] _In Court and Kampong_, p. 63.

[514] _Journ. Anthr. Inst._ 1886, p. 227. The Rajah gives the leading
features of the character of his countrymen as "pride of race and birth,
extraordinary observance of punctilio, and a bigoted adherence to
ancient custom and tradition."

[515] _The Pygmies_ (Translation), 1895, p. 26, fig. 15.

[516] _The Distribution of the Negritos_, 1899, p. 50.

[517] In the Appendix to C. Hose and W. McDougall, _The Pagan Tribes of
Borneo_, 1912, p. 311.

[518] J. H. Kohlbrugge, _L'Anthropologie_, IX. 1898.

[519] A. C. Haddon, "A Sketch of the Ethnography of Sarawak," _Archivio
per l'Antropologia e l'Etnologia_, XXXI. 1901; C. Hose and W. McDougall,
_The Pagan Tribes of Borneo_, 1912, Appendix, p. 314.

[520] H. Ling Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo_,
1896.

[521] O. Beccari, _Wanderings in the Great Forests of Borneo_, 1904, p.
54.

[522] Schwaner, in H. Ling Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak_, etc., 1896.

[523] A. C. Haddon, _Head-Hunters, Black, White and Brown_, 1901, p.
324.

[524] A. C. Haddon, _Head-Hunters, Black, White and Brown_, 1901, pp.
327-8.

[525] For further literature on Borneo see W. H. Furness, _The Home-life
of the Borneo Head-Hunters_, 1902; A. W. Nieuwenhuis, _Quer durch
Borneo_, 1904; E. H. Gomes, _Seventeen Years among the Sea-Dyaks of
Borneo_, 1911; C. Hose and W. McDougall, _Journ. Anthr. Inst._, XXXI.
1901, and _The Pagan Tribes of Borneo_, 1912.

[526] Not only in the southern districts for centuries subject to
Javanese influences, but also in Battaland, where they were first
discovered by H. von Rosenberg in 1853, and figured and described in
_Der Malayische Archipel_, Leipzig, 1878, Vol. I. p. 27 sq. "Nach ihrer
Form und ihren Bildwerken zu urtheilen, waren die Gebäude Tempel, worin
der Buddha-Kultus gefeiert wurde" (p. 28). These are all the more
interesting since Hindu ruins are otherwise rare in Sumatra, where there
is nothing comparable to the stupendous monuments of Central and East
Java.

[527] Von Rosenberg, _op. cit._ Vol. I. p. 189. Amongst the points of
close resemblance may be mentioned the outriggers, for which Mentawi has
the same word (_abak_) as the Samoan (_va'r_ = _vaka_); the funeral
rites; taboo; the facial expression; and the language, in which the
numerical systems are identical; cf. Ment. _limongapula_ with Sam.
_limagafulu_, the Malay being _limapulah_ (fifty), where the Sam. infix
_ga_ (absent in Malay) is pronounced _gna_, exactly as in Ment.

[528] See Fr. Müller, _Ueber den Ursprung der Schrift der Malaiischen
Völker_, Vienna, 1865; and my Appendix to Stanford's _Australasia_,
First Series, 1879, p. 624.

[529] _Die Mangianenschrift von Mindoro, herausgegeben von A. B. Meyer
u. A. Schadenberg_, speciell bearbeitet von W. Foy, Dresden, 1895; see
also my remarks in _Journ. Anthr. Inst._ 1896, p. 277 sq.

[530] The Rejang, which certainly belongs to the same Indo-Javanese
system as all the other Malaysian alphabets, has been regarded by Sayce
and Renan as "pure Phoenician," while Neubauer has compared it with that
current in the fourth and fifth centuries B.C. The suggestion that it
may have been introduced by the Phoenician crews of Alexander's admiral,
Nearchus (_Archaeol. Oxon._ 1895, No. 6), could not have been made by
anyone aware of its close connection with the Lampong of South, and the
Batta of North Sumatra (see also Prof. Kern, _Globus_, 70, p. 116).

[531] Sing. _Batta_, pl. _Battak_, hence the current form _Battaks_ is a
solecism, and we should write either _Battas_ or _Battak_. Lassen
derives the word from the Sanskrit _b'háta_, "savage."

[532] Again confirmed by Volz and H. von Autenrieth, who explored
Battaland early in 1898, and penetrated to the territory of the
"Cannibal Pakpaks" (_Geogr. Journ._, June, 1898, p. 672); not however
"for the first time," as here stated. The Pakpaks had already been
visited in 1853 by Von Rosenberg, who found cannibalism so prevalent
that "Niemand Anstand nimmt das essen von Menschenfleisch einzugestehen"
(_op. cit._ 1. p. 56).

[533] It is interesting to note that by the aid of the Lampong alphabet,
South Sumatra, John Mathew reads the word _Daibattah_ in the legend on
the head-dress of a gigantic figure seen by Sir George Grey on the roof
of a cave on the Glenelg river, North-west Australia ("The Cave
Paintings of Australia," etc., in _Journ. Anthr. Inst._ 1894, p. 44
sq.). He quotes from Coleman's _Mythology of the Hindus_ the statement
that "the Battas of Sumatra believe in the existence of one supreme
being, whom they name _Debati Hasi Asi_. Since completing the work of
creation they suppose him to have remained perfectly quiescent, having
wholly committed the government to his three sons, who do not govern in
person, but by vakeels or proxies." Here is possibly another
confirmation of the view that early Malayan migrations or expeditions,
some even to Australia, took place in pre-Muhammadan times, long before
the rise and diffusion of the Orang-Maláyu in the Archipelago.

[534] _Memoir of the Life etc. of Sir T. S. Raffles_, by his widow,
1830.

[535] "Anthropologie des Atjehs," in _Rev. Med._, Batavia, XXX. 6, 1890.

[536] See C. Snouck Hurgronje, _The Achenese_, 1906.

[537] _Handbook to the Ethnographical Collections, British Museum_,
1910, p. 245.

[538] This opinion is still held by many competent authorities. Cf. J.
Deniker, _The Races of Man_, 1900, p. 469 ff.

[539] "His remarks would scarcely apply to any other island off the East
African coast, his descriptions of the rivers, crocodiles,
land-tortoises, canoes, sea-turtles, and wicker-work weirs for catching
fish, apply exactly to Madagascar of the present day, but to none of the
other islands" (_Journ. Anthr. Inst._ 1896, p. 47).

[540] _Loc. cit._ p. 77. Thus, to take the days of the week, we
have:--Malagasy _alahady_, _alatsinainy_; old Arab. (Himyar.)
_al-áhadu_, _al-itsnáni_; modern Arab. _el-áhad_, _el-etnén_ (Sunday,
Monday), where the Mal. forms are obviously derived not from the
present, but from the ancient Arabic. From all this it seems reasonable
to infer that the early Semitic influences in Madagascar may be due to
the same Sabaean or Minaean peoples of South Arabia, to whom the
Zimbabwe monuments in the auriferous region south of the Zambesi were
accredited by Theodore Bent.

[541] Those who may still doubt should consult M. Aristide Marre, _Les
Affinités de la Langue Malgache_, Leyden, 1884; Last's above quoted
Paper in the _Journ. Anthr. Inst._ and R. H. Codrington's _Melanesian
Languages_, Oxford, 1885.

[542] Malay _mata-ari_; Bajau _mata-lon_; Menado _mata-ro[=u]_; Salayer
_mato-allo_, all meaning literally "day's eye" (_mata_, _mato_ =
Malagasy _maso_ = eye; _ari_, _allo_, etc. = day, with normal
interchange of _r_ and _l_).

[543] J. Sibree, _Antananarivo Annual_, 1877, p. 62.

[544] W. D. Cowan, _The Bara Land_, Antananarivo, 1881, p. 67.

[545] "The Betsileo, Country and People," in _Antananarivo Annual_,
1877, p. 79.

[546] "Note sur l'Anthropologie de Madagascar," etc., in
_L'Anthropologie_, 1897, p. 149 sq.

[547] The contrast between the two elements is drawn in a few bold
strokes by Mrs Z. Colvile, who found that in the east coast districts
the natives (Betsimisarakas chiefly) were black "with short, curly hair
and negro type of feature, and showed every sign of being of African
origin. The Hovas, on the contrary, had complexions little darker than
those of the peasantry of Southern Europe, straight black hair, rather
sharp features, slim figures, and were unmistakably of the Asiatic type"
(_Round the Black Man's Garden_, 1893, p. 143). But even amongst the
Hovas a strain of black blood is betrayed in the generally rather thick
lips, and among the lower classes in the wavy hair and dark skin.

[548] _Journ. Anthr. Inst._ 1897, p. 285 sq.

[549] _Journ. Anthr. Inst._ 1897, p. 153.

[550] _Handbook to the Ethnological Collection, British Museum_, 1910,
pp. 246-7.

[551] Augustinians, Dominicans, Recollects (Friars Minor of the Strict
Observance), and Jesuits.

[552] In fact there is no great parade of morality on either side, nor
is it any reflection on a woman to have children by the priest.

[553] J. Foreman, _The Philippine Islands_, 1899, p. 181.

[554] _Australasia_, 1894, II. p. 49.

[555] _The Bontoc Igorot_, Eth. Survey Pub. Vol. I. 1904. Further
information concerning the Philippines is published in the _Census
Report in 1903_, 1905; _Ethnological Survey Publications_, 1904- ; C. A.
Koeze, _Crania Ethnica Philippinica, ein Beitrag zur Anthropologie der
Philippinen_, 1901- ; Henry Gannett, _People of the Philippines_, 1904;
R. B. Bean, _The Racial Anatomy of the Philippine Islanders_, 1910;
Fay-Cooper Cole, _Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao_, 1913.

[556] A. E. Jenks, _The Bontoc Igorot_, 1904, p. 41.

[557] _Op. cit._ p. 247.

[558] Girard de Rialle, _Rev. d'Anthrop._, Jan. and April, 1885. These
studies are based largely on the data supplied by M. Paul Ibis and
earlier travellers in the island. Nothing better has since appeared
except G. Taylor's valuable contributions to the _China Review_ (see
below). The census of 1904 gave 2,860,574 Chinese, 51,770 Japanese and
104,334 aborigines.

[559] Lit. "ripe barbarians" (_barbares mûrs_, Ibis).

[560] See facsimiles of bilingual and other MSS. from Formosa in T. de
Lacouperie's _Formosa Notes on MSS., Languages, and Races_, Hertford,
1887. The whole question is here fully discussed, though the author
seems unable to arrive at any definite conclusion even as to the _bona_
or _mala fides_ of the noted impostor George Psalmanazar.

[561] _Globus_, 70, p. 93 sq.

[562] "Les Races Malaïques," etc., in _L'Anthropologie_, 1896.

[563] "The Aborigines of Formosa," in _China Review_, XIV. p. 198 sq.,
also xvi. No. 3 ("A Ramble through Southern Formosa"). The services
rendered by this intelligent observer to Formosan ethnology deserve more
general recognition than they have hitherto received. See also the
_Report on the control of the Aborigines of Formosa_, Bureau of
Aboriginal Affairs, Formosa, 1911.

[564] "Sprachen der Ureinwohner Formosa's," in _Zeitschr. f.
Völkerpsychologie_, etc., v. p. 437 sq. This anthropologist found to his
great surprise that the Polynesian and Maori skulls in the London
College of Surgeons presented striking analogies with those collected by
himself in Formosa. Here at least is a remarkable harmony between speech
and physical characters.

[565] De Lacouperie, _op. cit._ p. 73.

[566] The natives of course know nothing of this word, and speak of
their island homes as _Mattai_, a vague term applied equally to land,
country, village, and even the whole world.

[567] "The Nicobar Islanders," in _Journ. Anthr. Inst._ 1889, p. 354 sq.
Cf. C. B. Kloss, _In the Andamans and Nicobars_, 1903.

[568] E. H. Man, _Journ. Anthr. Inst._ 1894, p. 21.



CHAPTER VIII

THE NORTHERN MONGOLS

    Domain of the Mongolo-Turki Section--Early Contact with Caucasic
    Peoples--Primitive Man in Siberia--and Mongolia--Early Man in Korea
    and Japan--in Finland and East Europe--Early Man in Babylonia--The
    Sumerians--The Akkadians--Babylonian Chronology--Elamite
    Origins--Historical Records--Babylonian Religion--Social
    System--General Culture--The Mongols Proper--Physical Type--Ethnical
    and Administrative Divisions--Buddhism--The Tunguses--Cradle and
    Type--Mental Characters--Shamanism--The Manchus--Origins and Early
    Records--Type--The Dauri--Mongolo-Turki Speech--Language and Racial
    Characters--Mongol and Manchu Script--The Yukaghirs--A Primitive
    Writing System--Chukchis and Koryaks--Chukchi and Eskimo
    Relations--Type and Social State--Koryaks and Kamchadales--The
    Gilyaks--The Koreans--Ethnical Elements--Korean Origins and
    Records--Religion--The Korean Script--The Japanese--Origins--
    Constituent Elements--The Japanese Type--Japanese and Liu-Kiu
    Islanders--Their Languages and Religions--Cult of the Dead--
    Shintoism and Buddhism.


CONSPECTUS.

#Present Range.# _The Northern Hemisphere from Japan to Lapland, and
from the Arctic Ocean to the Great Wall and Tibet_; _Aralo-Caspian
Basin_; _Parts of Irania_; _Asia Minor_; _Parts of East Russia, Balkan
Peninsula, and Lower Danube_.

#Hair#, _generally the same as South Mongol, but in Mongolo-Caucasic
transitional groups brown, chestnut, and even towy or light flaxen, also
wavy and ringletty_; _beard mostly absent except amongst the Western
Turks and some Koreans_.

#Colour#, _light or dirty yellowish amongst all true Mongols and
Siberians_; _very variable (white, sallow, swarthy) in the transitional
groups (Finns, Lapps, Magyars, Bulgars, Western Turks), and many Manchus
and Koreans_; _in Japan the unexposed parts of the body also white_.

#Skull#, _highly brachycephalic in the true Mongol(80 to 85)_; _variable
(sub-brachy and sub-dolicho) in most transitional groups and even some
Siberians (Ostyaks and Voguls 77)_. #Jaws#, #cheek-bones#, #nose#, _and_
#eyes# _much the same as in South Mongols_; _but nose often large and
straight, and eyes straight, greyish, or even blue in Finns, Manchus,
Koreans, and some other Mongolo-Caucasians_.

#Stature#, _usually short (below 1.68 m., 5 ft. 6 in.), but many Manchus
and Koreans tall, 1.728 m. to 1.778 m. (5 ft. 8 or 10 in.)_. #Lips#,
#arms#, #legs#, _and_ #feet#, _usually the same as South Mongols_; _but
Japanese legs disproportionately short_.

#Temperament#, _of all true Mongols and many Mongoloids, dull, reserved,
somewhat sullen and apathetic_; _but in some groups (Finns, Japanese)
active and energetic_; _nearly all brave, warlike, even fierce, and
capable of great atrocities, though not normally cruel_; _within the
historic period the character has almost everywhere undergone a marked
change from a rude and ferocious to a milder and more humane
disposition_; _ethical tone higher than South Mongol, with more
developed sense of right and wrong_.

#Speech#, _very uniform_; _apparently only one stock language_
(#Finno-Tatar# _or_ #Ural-Altaic Family#), _a highly typical
agglutinating form with no prefixes, but numerous postfixes attached
loosely to an unchangeable root, by which their vowels are modified in
accordance with subtle laws of vocalic harmony_; _the chief members of
the family (Finnish, Magyar, Turkish, Mongol, and especially Korean and
Japanese) diverge greatly from the common prototype_.

#Religion#, _originally spirit-worship through a mediator_ (Shaman),
_perhaps everywhere, and still exclusively prevalent amongst Siberian
and all other uncivilised groups_; _all Mongols proper, Manchus, and
Koreans nominal Buddhists_; _all Turki peoples Moslem_; _Japanese
Buddhists and Shintoists_; _Finns, Lapps, Bulgars, Magyars, and some
Siberians real or nominal Christians_.

#Culture#, _rude and barbaric rather than savage amongst the Siberian
aborigines, who are nearly all nomadic hunters and fishers with
half-wild reindeer herds but scarcely any industries_; _the Mongols
proper, Kirghiz, Uzbegs and Turkomans semi-nomadic pastors_; _the
Anatolian and Balkan Turks, Manchus, and Koreans settled agriculturists,
with scarcely any arts or letters and no science_; _Japanese, Finns,
Bulgars and Magyars civilised up to, and in some respects beyond the
European average (Magyar and Finnish literature, Japanese art)_.

#Mongol Proper.# _Sharra (Eastern), Kalmak (Western), Buryat (Siberian)
Mongol._

#Tungus.# _Tungus proper, Manchu, Gold, Oroch, Lamut._

#Korean#; #Japanese# _and_ #Liu-Kiu#.

#Turki.# _Yakut; Kirghiz; Uzbeg; Taranchi; Kara-Kalpak; Nogai; Turkoman;
Anatolian; Osmanli._

#Finno-Ugrian.# _Baltic Finn; Lapp; Samoyed; Cheremiss; Votyak; Vogul;
Ostyak; Bulgar; Magyar._

#East Siberian.# _Yukaghir; Chukchi; Koryak; Kamchadale; Gilyak._

       *       *       *       *       *

By "Northern Mongols" are here to be understood all those branches of
the Mongol Division of mankind which are usually comprised under the
collective geographical expression _Ural-Altaic_, to which corresponds
the ethnical designation _Mongolo-Tatar_, or more properly
_Mongolo-Turki_[569]. Their domain is roughly separated from that of the
Southern Mongols (Chap. VI.) by the Great Wall and the Kuen-lun range,
beyond which it spreads out westwards over most of Western Asia, and a
considerable part of North Europe, with many scattered groups in Central
and South Russia, the Balkan Peninsula, and the Middle Danube basin. In
the extreme north their territory stretches from the shores of the
Pacific with Japan and parts of Sakhalin continually westwards across
Korea, Siberia, Central and North Russia to Finland and Lapland. But its
southern limits can be indicated only approximately by a line drawn from
the Kuen-lun range westwards along the northern escarpments of the
Iranian plateau, and round the southern shores of the Caspian to the
Mediterranean. This line, however, must be drawn in such a way as to
include Afghan Turkestan, much of the North Persian and Caucasian
steppes, and nearly the whole of Asia Minor, while excluding Armenia,
Kurdestan, and Syria.

Nor is it to be supposed that even within these limits the North Mongol
territory is everywhere continuous. In East Europe especially, where
they are for the most part comparatively recent intruders, the Mongols
are found only in isolated and vanishing groups in the Lower and Middle
Volga basin, the Crimea, and the North Caucasian steppe, and in more
compact bodies in Rumelia, Bulgaria, and Hungary. Throughout all these
districts, however, the process of absorption or assimilation to the
normal European physical type is so far completed that many of the Nogai
and other Russian "Tartars," as they are called, the Volga and Baltic
Finns, the Magyars, and Osmanli Turks, would scarcely be recognised as
members of the North Mongol family but for their common Finno-Turki
speech, and the historic evidence by which their original connection
with this division is established beyond all question.

In Central Asia also (North Irania, the Aralo-Caspian and Tarim basins)
the Mongols have been in close contact with Caucasic peoples probably
since the New Stone Age, and here intermediate types have been
developed, by which an almost unbroken transition has been brought about
between the yellow and the white races.

During recent years much light has been shed on the physiographical
conditions of Central Asia in early times. Stein's[570] explorations in
1900-1 and 1906-8 in Chinese Turkestan, the Pumpelly Expeditions[571] in
1903 and 1904 in Russian Turkestan, the travels of Sven Hedin[572] in
1899-1902, and 1906-8, of Carruthers[573] in N.W. Mongolia, and the
researches of Ellsworth Huntington[574] (a member of the first Pumpelly
Expedition) in 1905-7 all bear testimony to the variation in climate
which the districts of Central Asia have undergone since glacial times.
There has been a general trend towards arid conditions, alternating with
periods of greater humidity, when tracts, now deserted, were capable of
maintaining a dense population. Abundant evidence of man's occupation
has been found in delta oases formed by snow-fed mountain streams, or on
the banks of vanished rivers, where now-a-days all is desolation,
though, as T. Peisker[575] points out, climate was not the sole or even
the main factor in many areas. In some places, as at Merv, the earliest
occupation was only a few centuries before the Christian era, but at
Anau near Askhabad some 300 miles east of the Caspian, explored by the
Pumpelly Expedition, the earliest strata contained remains of Stone Age
culture. The North Kurgan or tumulus, rising some 40 or 50 feet above
the plain, showed a definite stratification of structures in sun-dried
bricks, raised by successive generations of occupants. H. Schmidt, who
was in charge of the excavations, was able to collect a valuable series
of potsherds, showing a gradual evolution in form, technique and
ornamentation, from the earliest to the latest periods. One point of
great significance for establishing cultural if not physical
relationships in this obscure region is the resemblance between the
geometrical designs on pots of the early period and similar pottery
found by MM. Gautier and Lampre[576] at Mussian, and by M. J. de
Morgan[576] at Susa, while clay figurines from the South Kurgan (copper
culture) are clearly of Babylonian type, the influence of which is seen
much later in terra-cotta figurines discovered by Stein[577] at Yotkan.

With the progress of archaeological research, it becomes daily more
evident that the whole of the North Mongol domain, from Finland to
Japan, has passed through the Stone and Metal Ages, like most other
habitable parts of the globe. During his wanderings in Siberia and
Mongolia in the early nineties, Hans Leder[578] came upon countless
prehistoric stations, kurgans (barrows), stone circles, and many
megalithic monuments of various types. In West Siberia the barrows,
which consist solely of earth without any stone-work, are by the present
inhabitants called _Chudskiye Kurgani_, "Chudish Graves," and, as in
North Russia, this term "Chude" is ascribed to a now vanished unknown
race which formerly inhabited the land. To them, as to the "Toltecs" in
Central America, all ancient monuments are credited, and while some
regard them as prehistoric Finns, others identify them with the historic
Scythians, the Scythians of Herodotus.

There are reasons, however, for thinking that the Chudes may represent
an earlier race, the men of the Stone Age, who, migrating from north
Europe eastwards, had reached the Tom valley (which drains to the Obi)
before the extinction of the mammoth, and later spread over the whole of
northern Asia, leaving everywhere evidence of their presence in the
megalithic monuments now being daily brought to light in East Siberia,
Mongolia, Korea, and Japan. This view receives support from the
characters of two skulls found in 1895 by A. P. Mostitz in one of the
five prehistoric stations on the left bank of the Sava affluent of the
Selenga river, near Ust-Kiakta in Trans-Baikalia. They differ markedly
from the normal Buryat (Siberian Mongol) type, recalling rather the
long-shaped skulls of the South Russian kurgans, with cephalic indices
73.2 and 73.5, as measured by M. J. D. Talko-Hryncewicz[579]. Thus, in
the very heart of the Mongol domain, the characteristically round-headed
race would appear to have been preceded, as in Europe, by a long-headed
type.

In East Siberia, and especially in the Lake Baikal region, Leder found
extensive tracts strewn with kurgans, many of which have already been
explored, and their contents deposited in the Irkutsk museum. Amongst
these are great numbers of stone implements, and objects made of bone
and mammoth tusks, besides carefully worked copper ware, betraying
technical skill and some artistic taste in the designs. In
Trans-Baikalia, still farther east, with the kurgans are associated the
so-called _Kameni Babi_, "Stone Women," monoliths rough-hewn in the form
of human figures. Many of these monoliths bear inscriptions, which,
however, appear to be of recent date (mostly Buddhist prayers and
formularies), and are not to be confounded with the much older rock
inscriptions deciphered by W. Thomsen through the Turki language.

Continuing his investigations in Mongolia proper, Leder here also
discovered earthen kurgans, which, however, differed from those of
Siberia by being for the most part surmounted either with circular or
rectangular stone structures, or else with monoliths. They are called
_Kürüktsúr_ by the present inhabitants, who hold them in great awe, and
never venture to touch them. Unfortunately strangers also are unable to
examine their contents, all disturbance of the ground with spade or
shovel being forbidden under pain of death by the Chinese officials, for
fear of awakening the evil spirits, now slumbering peacefully below the
surface. The Siberian burial mounds have yielded no bronze, a fact which
indicates considerable antiquity, although no date can be set for its
introduction into these regions. Better evidence of antiquity is found
in the climatic changes resulting in recent desiccation, which must
have taken place here as elsewhere, for the burials bear witness to the
existence of a denser population than could be supported at the present
time[580].

Such an antiquity is indeed required to explain the spread of neolithic
remains to the Pacific seaboard, and especially to Korea and Japan. In
Korea W. Gowland examined a dolmen 30 miles from Seul, which he
describes and figures[581], and which is remarkable especially for the
disproportionate size of the capstone, a huge undressed megalith 14-1/2
by over 13 feet. He refers to four or five others, all in the northern
part of the peninsula, and regards them as "intermediate in form between
a cist and a dolmen." But he thinks it probable that they were never
covered by mounds, but always stood as monuments above ground, in this
respect differing from the Japanese, the majority of which are all
buried in tumuli. In some of their features these present a curious
resemblance to the Brittany structures, but no stone implements appear
to have been found in any of the burial mounds, and the Japanese
chambered tombs, according to Hamada, Professor of Archaeology in Kyoto
University, are usually attributed to the Iron Age (fifth to seventh
centuries A.D.[582]).

In many districts Japan contains memorials of a remote past--shell
mounds, cave-dwellings, and in Yezo certain pits, which are not occupied
by the present Ainu population, but are by them attributed to the
_Koro-pok-guru_, "People of the Hollows," who occupied the land before
their arrival, and lived in huts built over these pits. Similar remains
on an islet near Nemuro on the north-east coast of Yezo are said by the
Japanese to have belonged to the _Kobito_, a dwarfish race exterminated
by the Ainu, hence apparently identical with the Koro-pok-guru. They are
associated by John Milne with some primitive peoples of the Kurile
Islands, Sakhalin, and Kamchatka, who, like the Eskimo of the American
coast, had extended formerly much farther south than at present.

In a kitchen-midden, 330 by 200 feet, near Shiidzuka in the province of
Ibaraki, the Japanese antiquaries S. Yagi and M. Shinomura[583] have
found numerous objects belonging to the Stone Age of Japan. Amongst them
were flint implements, worked bones, ashes, pottery, and a whole series
of clay figures of human beings. The finders suggest that these remains
may have belonged to a homogeneous race of the Stone Period, who,
however, were not the ancestors of the Ainu--hitherto generally regarded
as the first inhabitants of Japan. In the national records vague
reference is made to other aborigines, such as the "Long Legs," and the
"Eight Wild Tribes," described as the enemies of the first Japanese
settlers in Kiu-shiu, and reduced by Jimmu Tenno, the semi-mythical
founder of the present dynasty; the _Ebisu_, who are probably to be
identified with the Ainu; and the _Seki-Manzi_, "Stone-Men," also
located in the southern island of Kiu-shiu. The last-mentioned, of whom,
however, little further is known, seem to have some claim to be
associated with the above described remains of early man in Japan[584].

In the extreme west the present Mongol peoples, being quite recent
intruders, can in no way be connected with the abundant prehistoric
relics daily brought to light in that region (South Russia, the Balkan
Peninsula, Hungary). The same remark applies even to Finland itself,
which was at one time supposed to be the cradle of the Finnish people,
but is now shown to have been first occupied by Germanic tribes. From an
exhaustive study of the bronze-yielding tumuli A. Hackman[585] concludes
that the population of the Bronze Period was Teutonic, and in this he
agrees both with Montelius and with W. Thomsen. The latter holds on
linguistic grounds that at the beginning of the new era the Finns still
dwelt east of the Gulf of Finland, whence they moved west in later
times.

It is unfortunate that, owing probably to the character of the country,
remains of the Stone Age in Babylonia are wanting so that no comparison
can yet be made with the neolithic cultures of Egypt and the Aegean. The
constant floods to which Babylonia was ever subject swept away all
traces of early occupations until the advent of the Sumerians, who built
their cities on artificial mounds. The question of Akkado-Sumerian[586]
origins is by no means clear, for many important cities are unexplored
and even unidentified, but the general trend of recent opinion may be
noted. The linguistic problem is peculiarly complicated by the fact that
almost all the Sumerian texts show evidence of Semitic influence, and
consist to a great extent of religious hymns and incantations which
often appear to be merely translations of Semitic ideas turned by
Semitic priests into the formal religious Sumerian language. J. Halévy,
indeed, followed by others, regarded Sumerian as no true language, but
merely a priestly system of cryptography[587], based on Semitic. As
regards linguistic affinities, K. A. Hermann[588] endeavoured to
establish a connection between the early texts and Ural-Altaic, more
especially with Ugro-Finnish. A more recent suggestion that the language
is of Indo-European origin and structure rests on equally slight
resemblances. The comparison with Chinese has already been noticed. J.
D. Prince[589] utters a word of caution against comparing ancient texts
with idioms of more recent peoples of Western Asia, in spite of many
tempting resemblances, and claims that until further light has been shed
on the problem Sumerian should be regarded as standing quite alone, "a
prehistoric philological remnant."

E. Meyer[590] claims for the Sumerians not only linguistic but also
physical isolation. The Sumerian type as represented on the monuments
shows a narrow pointed nose, with straight bridge and small nostrils,
cheeks and lips not fleshy, like the Semites, with prominent
cheek-bones, small mouth, narrow lips finely curved, the lower jaw very
short, with angular sharply projecting chin, oblique Mongolian eyes, low
forehead, usually sloping away directly from the root of the nose. In
fact the nose has almost the appearance of a bird's beak, projecting far
in advance of mouth and chin, while the forehead almost disappears. The
hair and beard are closely shaven. The Sumerians were undoubtedly a
warlike people, fighting not like the Semites in loosely extended battle
array, but in close phalanx, their large shields protecting their bodies
from neck to feet, forming a rampart beyond which projected the inclined
spears of the foremost rank. Battle axe and javelin were also used.
Helmets protected head and neck. Besides lance or spear the royal
leaders carried a curved throwing weapon, formed of three strands bound
together at intervals with thongs of leather or bands of metal; this
seems to have developed later into a sign of authority and hence into a
sceptre. The bow, the typical weapon of the Semites and the mountainous
people to the east, was unrepresented. The gods carried clubs with stone
heads. It is important to notice that, in direct contrast to the
Sumerians themselves, their gods had abundant hair on their heads,
carefully curled and dressed, and a long curly beard on the chin, though
cheeks and lips were closely shaven; these fashions recall those of the
Semites. Thus, although the general view is to regard the Sumerians as
the autochthones and the Semites as the later intruders in Babylonia,
the Semitic character of the Sumerian gods points to an opposite
conclusion. But the time has not yet come for any definite conclusion to
be reached. All that can be said is that according to our present
knowledge the assumption that the earliest population was Sumerian and
that the Semites were the conquering intruders is only slightly more
probable than the reverse[591].

Recent archaeological discoveries make Sumerian origins a little
clearer. Explorations in Central Asia (as mentioned above p. 257) show
that districts once well watered, and capable of supporting a large
population, have been subject to periods of excessive drought, and this
no doubt is the prime cause of the racial unrest which has ever been
characteristic of the dwellers in these regions. A cycle of drought may
well have prompted the Sumerian migration of the fourth millennium B.C.,
as it is shown to have prompted the later invasions of the last two
thousand years[592]. Although there is no evidence to connect the
original home of the Sumerians with any of the oases yet excavated in
Central Asia, yet signs of cultural contact are not wanting, and it may
safely be inferred that their civilisation was evolved in some region to
the east of the Euphrates valley before their entrance into
Babylonia[593].

Since Semitic influence was first felt in the north of Babylonia, at
Akkad, it is assumed that the immigration was from the north-west from
Arabia by way of the Syrian coastlands, and in this case also the
impulse may have been the occurrence of an arid period in the centre of
the Arabian continent. The Semites are found not as barbarian invaders,
but as a highly cultivated people. They absorbed several cultural
elements of the Sumerians, notably their script, and were profoundly
influenced by Sumerian religion. The Akkadians are represented with
elaborately curled hair and beard, and hence, in contradistinction to
the shaven Sumerians, are referred to as "the black-headed ones." Their
chief weapon was the bow, but they had also lances and battle axes. As
among the Sumerians the sign of kingship was a boomerang-like
sceptre[594]. Except for Babylon and Sippar, which throw little light on
the early periods, no systematic excavation has been undertaken in
northern Babylonia, and the site of Akkad is still unidentified.

The chronology of this early age of Babylonia is much disputed. The very
high dates of 5000 or 6000 B.C. formerly assigned by many writers to the
earliest remains of the Sumerians and the Babylonian Semites, depended
to a great extent on the statement of Nabonidus (556 B.C.) that 3200
years separated his own age from that of Naram-Sin, the son of Sargon of
Agade; for to Sargon, on this statement alone, a date of 3800 has
usually been assigned[595]. This date presents many difficulties,
leaving many centuries unrepresented by any royal names or records. Even
the suggested emendation of the text reducing the estimate by a thousand
years is not generally acceptable. Most authorities hesitate to date any
Babylonian records before 3000 B.C.[596] and agree that the time has not
arrived for fixing any definite dates for the early period.

Despite the legendary matter associated with his memory,
Shar-Gani-sharri, commonly called Sargon of Akkad, about 2500 B.C.
(Meyer), 2650 B.C. (King), was beyond question a historical person
though it seems that there has been some confusion with Sharru-gi, or
Sharrukin, also called Sargon, earliest king of Kish[597]. Tradition
records how his mother, a royal princess, concealed his birth by placing
him in a rush basket closed with bitumen and sending him adrift on the
stream, from which he was rescued by Akki the water-carrier, who brought
him up as his own child. The incident, about which there is nothing
miraculous, presents a curious parallel to, if it be not the source of,
similar tales related of Moses, Cyrus, and other ancient leaders of men.
Sargon also tells us that he ruled from his capital, Agade, for 45 years
over Upper and Lower Mesopotamia, governed the black-headed ones, as the
Akkads are constantly called, rode in bronze chariots over rugged lands,
and made expeditions thrice to the sea-coast. The expeditions are
confirmed by inscriptions from Syria, though the cylinder of his son,
Naram-Sin, found by Cesnola in Cyprus, is now regarded as of later
date[598]. As they also penetrated to Sinai their influence appears to
have extended over the whole of Syria and North Arabia. They erected
great structures at Nippur, which was at that time so ancient that
Naram-Sin's huge brick platform stood on a mass 30 feet thick of the
accumulated debris of earlier buildings. Among the most interesting of
recent discoveries at Nippur are pre-Semitic tablets containing accounts
similar to those recorded in the book of Genesis, from which in some
cases the latter have clearly been derived. The "Deluge Fragment"
published in 1910 relates the warning given by the god Ea to
Utnapishtim, the Babylonian Noah, and the directions for building a ship
by means of which he and his family may escape, together with the beasts
of the field and the birds of heaven[599]. A still later discovery
agrees more closely with the Bible version, giving the name of the one
pious man as Tagtog, Semitic Nûhu, and assigning nine months as the
period of the duration of the flood. The same tablet also contains an
account of the Fall of Man; but it is Noah, not Adam, who is tempted
and falls, and the forbidden fruit is cassia[600].

Sennacherib's grandson, Ashurbanipal, who belongs to the late Assyrian
empire when the centre of power had been shifted from Babylonia to
Nineveh, has left recorded on his brick tablets how he overran Elam and
destroyed its capital, Susa (645 B.C.). He states that from this place
he brought back the effigy of the goddess, Nana, which had been carried
away from her temple at Erech by an Elamite king by whom Akkad had been
conquered 1635 years before, _i.e._ 2280 B.C. Over Akkad Elam ruled 300
years, and it was a king of this dynasty, Khudur-Lagamar, who has been
identified by T. G. Pinches with the "Chedorlaomer, king of Elam" routed
by Abraham (Gen. xiv. 14-17)[601]. Thus is explained the presence of
Elamites at this time so far west as Syria, their own seat being amid
the Kurdish mountains in the Upper Tigris basin.

The Elamites do not appear to have been of the same stock as the
Sumerians. They are described as peaceful, industrious, and skilful
husbandmen, with a surprising knowledge of irrigating processes. The
non-Semitic language shows possible connections with Mitanni[602]. Yet
the type would appear to be on the whole rather Semitic, judging at
least from the large arched nose and thick beard of the Susian god,
Ramman, brought by Ashurbanipal out of Elam, and figured in Layard's
_Monuments of Nineveh_, 1st Series, Plate 65. This, however, may be
explained by the fact that the Elamites were subdued at an early date by
intruding Semites, although they afterwards shook off the yoke and
became strong enough to conquer Mesopotamia and extend their expeditions
to Syria and the Jordan. The capital of Elam was the renowned city of
Susa (Shushan, whence Susiana, the modern Khuzistan). Recent
excavations show that the settlement dates from neolithic times[603].

Even after the capture of Susa by Ashurbanipal, Elam again rose to great
power under Cyrus the Great, who, however, was no Persian adventurer, as
stated by Herodotus, but the legitimate Elamite ruler, as inscribed on
his cylinder and tablet now in the British Museum:--"Cyrus, the great
king, the king of Babylon, the king of Sumir and Akkad, the king of the
four zones, the son of Kambyses, the great king, the king of Elam, the
grandson of Cyrus the great king," who by the favour of Merodach has
overcome the black-headed people (_i.e._ the Akkads) and at last entered
Babylon in peace. On an earlier cylinder Nabonidus, last king of
Babylon, tells us how this same Cyrus subdued the Medes--here called
_Mandas_, "Barbarians"--and captured their king Astyages and his capital
Ekbatana. But although Cyrus, hitherto supposed to be a Persian and a
Zoroastrian monotheist, here appears as an Elamite and a polytheist, "it
is pretty certain that although descended from Elamite kings, these were
[at that time] kings of Persian race, who, after the destruction of the
old [Elamite] monarchy by Ashurbanipal, had established a new dynasty at
the city of Susa. Cyrus always traces his descent from Achæmenes, the
chief of the leading Persian clan of Pasargadæ[604]." Hence although
wrong in speaking of Cyrus as an adventurer, Herodotus rightly calls him
a Persian, and at this late date Elam itself may well have been already
Aryanised in speech[605], while still retaining its old Sumerian
religion. The Babylonian pantheon survived, in fact, till the time of
Darius Hystaspes, who introduced Zoroastrianism with its supreme gods,
Ahura-Mazda, creator of all good, and Ahriman, author of all evil.

It is now possible to gain some idea of the gradual growth of the city
states of Babylonia. Beginning with a mere collection of rude reed huts,
these were succeeded by structures of sun-dried bricks, built in a group
for mutual protection, probably around a centre of a local god, and
surrounded by a wall. The land around the settlement was irrigated by
canals, and here the corn and vegetables were grown and the flocks and
herds were tended for the maintenance of the population. The central
figure was always the god, who occasionally gave his name to the site,
and who was the owner of all the land, the inhabitants being merely his
tenants who owed him rent for their estates. It was the god who waged
wars with the neighbours, and with whom treaties were made. The treaty
between Lagash and Umma fixing the limitations of their boundaries, a
constant matter of dispute, was made by Ningirsu, god of Lagash, and the
city god of Umma, under the arbitration of Enlil, the chief of the gods,
whose central shrine was at Nippur.

With the growth of the cities disputes of territory were sure to arise,
and either by conquest or amalgamation, cities became absorbed into
states. The problem then was the adjustment of the various city gods,
each reigning supreme in his own city, but taking a higher or lower
place in the Babylonian pantheon. When one city gained a supremacy over
all its neighbours, its governor might assume the title of king. But the
king was merely the _patesi_, the steward of the city god. Even when the
supremacy was sufficiently permanent for the establishment of a dynasty,
this was a dynasty of the city rather than of a family, for the
successive kings were not necessarily of the same family[606].

Among the city gods who developed into powerful deities were Anu of Uruk
(Erech), Enlil of Nippur and Ea of Eridu (originally a sea-port). These
became the supreme triad, Anu ruling over the heavens, enthroned on the
northern pole, as king and father of the gods; Enlil, the Semitic Bel,
god of earth, lord of the lands, formerly chief of all the gods; and Ea,
god of the water-depths, whose son was ultimately to eclipse his father
as Marduk of Babylon. A second triad is composed of the local deities
who developed into Sin, the moon-god of Ur, Shamash the sun-god of
Larsa, and the famous Ishtar, the great mother, goddess of love and
queen of heaven. The realm of the dead was a dark place under the earth,
where the dead lived as shadows, eating the dust of the earth. Their lot
depended partly on their earlier lives, and partly on the devotion of
their surviving relatives. Although their dead kings were deified there
seems to be no evidence for a belief in a general resurrection or in the
transmigration of souls. The hymns and prayers to the gods however show
a very high religious level in spite of the important part played by
soothsaying and exorcism, relics of earlier culture. The permanence of
these may be partly ascribed to the essentially theocratic character of
Babylonian government. The king was merely the agent of the god, whose
desires were interpreted by the priestly soothsayers and exorcists, and
no action could be undertaken in worldly or in religious concerns
without their superintendence. The kings occasionally attempted to free
themselves from the power of the priests, but the attempt was always
vain. The power of the priests had often a sound economic basis, for the
temples of the great cities were centres of vast wealth and of
far-reaching trade, as is proved by the discovery of the commercial
contracts stored in the temple archives[607].

How the family expands through the clan and tribe into the nation, is
clearly seen in the Babylonian social system, in which the inhabitants
of each city were still "divided into clans, all of whose members
claimed to be descended from a common ancestor who had flourished at a
more or less remote period. The members of each clan were by no means
all in the same social position, some having gone down in the world,
others having raised themselves; and amongst them we find many different
callings--from agricultural labourers to scribes, and from merchants to
artisans. No natural tie existed among the majority of these members
except the remembrance of their common origin, perhaps also a common
religion, and eventual rights of succession or claims upon what belonged
to each one individually[608]." The god or goddess, it is suggested, who
watched over each man, and of whom each was the son, was originally the
god or goddess of the clan (its totem). So also in Egypt, the members of
the community were all supposed to come of the same stock (_páit_), and
to belong to the same family (_páitu_), whose chiefs (_ropáitu_) were
the guardians of the family, several groups of such families being under
a _ropáitú-há_, or head chief[609].

Amongst the local institutions, it is startling to find a fully
developed ground-landlord system, though not quite so bad as that still
patiently endured in England, already flourishing ages ago in Babylonia.
"The cost of repairs fell usually on the lessee, who was also allowed to
build on the land he had leased, in which case it was declared free of
all charges for a period of about ten years; but the house and, as a
rule, all he had built, then reverted to the landlord[610]."

In many other respects great progress had been made, and it is the
belief of von Ihring[611], Hommel[612] and others that from Babylonia
was first diffused a knowledge of letters, astronomy, agriculture,
navigation, architecture, and other arts, to the Nile valley, and mainly
through Egypt to the Western World, and through Irania to China and
India. In this generalisation there is probably a large measure of
truth, although it will be seen farther on that the Asiatic origin of
Egyptian culture is still far from being proved[613].

One element the two peoples certainly had in common--a highly developed
agricultural system, which formed the foundation of their greatness, and
was maintained in a rainless climate by a stupendous system of
irrigation works. Such works were carried out on a prodigious scale by
the ancient Babylonians six or eight thousand years ago. The plains of
the Lower Euphrates and Tigris, since rendered desolate under Turkish
misrule, are intersected by the remains of an intricate network of
canalisation covering all the space between the two rivers, and are
strewn with the ruins of many great cities, whose inhabitants, numbering
scores of thousands, were supported by the produce of a highly
cultivated region, which is now an arid waste varied only by crumbling
mounds, stagnant waters, and the camping-grounds of a few Arab
tent-dwellers.

       *       *       *       *       *

Those who attach weight to distinctive racial qualities have always
found a difficulty in attributing this wonderful civilisation to the
same Mongolic people, who in their own homes have scarcely anywhere
advanced beyond the hunting, fishing, or pastoral states. But it has
always to be remembered that man, like all other zoological forms,
necessarily reflects the character of his environment. The Mongols might
in time become agriculturalists in the alluvial Mesopotamian lands,
though the kindred people who give their name to the whole ethnical
division and present its physical characters in an exaggerated form,
ever remain tented nomads on the dry Central Asiatic steppe, which
yields little but herbage, and is suitable for tillage only in a few
more favoured districts. Here the typical Mongols, cut off from the
arable lands of South Siberia by the Tian-shan and Altai ranges, and to
some extent denied access to the rich fluvial valleys of the Middle
Kingdom by the barrier of the Great Wall, have for ages led a pastoral
life in the inhabitable tracts and oases of the Gobi wilderness and the
Ordos region within the great bend of the Hoang-ho. During the historic
period these natural and artificial ramparts have been several times
surmounted by fierce Mongol hordes, pouring like irresistible
flood-waters over the whole of China and many parts of Siberia, and
extending their predatory or conquering expeditions across the more open
northern plains westwards nearly to the shores of the Atlantic. But such
devastating torrents, which at intervals convulsed and caused
dislocations amongst half the settled populations of the globe, had
little effect on the tribal groups that remained behind. These continued
and continue to occupy the original camping-grounds, as changeless and
uniform in their physical appearance, mental characters, and social
usages as the Arab bedouins and all other inhabitants of monotonous
undiversified steppe lands.

De Ujfalvy's suggestion that the typical Mongols of the plains, with
whom we are now dealing, were originally a long-headed race, can
scarcely be taken seriously. At present and, in fact, throughout
historic times, all true Mongol peoples are and have been distinguished
by a high degree of brachycephaly, with cephalic index generally from 87
upwards, and it may be remembered that the highest known index of any
undeformed skull was that of Huxley's Mongol (98.21). But, as already
noticed, those recovered from prehistoric, or neolithic kurgans, are
found to be dolichocephalous like those of palaeolithic and early
neolithic man in Europe.

Taken in connection with the numerous prehistoric remains above recorded
from all parts of Central Asia and Siberia, this fact may perhaps help
to bring de Ujfalvy's view into harmony with the actual conditions.
Everything will be explained by assuming that the proto-Mongolic tribes,
spreading from the Tibetan plateau over the plains now bearing their
name, found that region already occupied by the long-headed Caucasic
peoples of the Stone Ages, whom they either exterminated or drove north
to the Altai uplands, and east to Manchuria and Korea, where a strong
Caucasic strain still persists. De Ujfalvy's long-heads would thus be,
not the proto-Mongols who were always round-headed, but the long-headed
neolithic pre-Mongol race expelled by them from Mongolia who may
provisionally be termed proto-Nordics.

That this region has been their true home since the first migrations
from the south there can be no doubt. Here land and people stand in the
closest relation one to the other; here every conspicuous physical
feature recalls some popular memory; every rugged crest is associated
with the name of some national hero, every lake or stream is still
worshipped or held in awe as a local deity, or else the abode of the
ancestral shades. Here also the Mongols proper form two main divisions,
_Sharra_ in the east and _Kalmúk_ in the west, while a third group, the
somewhat mixed _Buryats_, have long been settled in the Siberian
provinces of Irkutsk and Trans-Baikalia. Under the Chinese semi-military
administration all except the Buryats, who are Russian subjects, are
constituted since the seventeenth century in 41 _Aimaks_ (large tribal
groups or principalities with hereditary khans) and 226 _Koshungs_,
"Banners," that is, smaller groups whose chiefs are dependent on the
khans of their respective Aimaks, who are themselves directly
responsible to the imperial government. Subjoined is a table of these
administrative divisions, which present a curious but effective
combination of the tribal and political systems, analogous to the
arrangement in Pondoland and some other districts in Cape Colony, where
the hereditary tribal chief assumes the functions of a responsible
British magistrate.

   Tribal or Territorial          Aimaks       Koshungs
         Divisions           (Principalities)  (Banners)

          Khalkas                    4            86
  Inner Mongolia with Ordos         25            51
          Chakars                    1             8
          Ala-Shan                   1             3
    Koko-nor and Tsaidam             5            29
          Sungaria                   4            32
          Uriankhai                  1            17
                                    --           ---
                                    41           226

Since their organisation in Aimaks and Koshungs, the Mongols have ceased
to be a terror to the surrounding peoples. The incessant struggles
between these tented warriors and the peaceful Chinese populations,
which began long before the dawn of history, were brought to a close
with the overthrow of the Sungarian power in the eighteenth century,
when their political cohesion was broken, and the whole nation reduced
to a state of abject helplessness, from which they cannot now hope to
recover. The arm of Chinese rule could be replaced only by the firmer
grip of the northern autocrat, whose shadow already lies athwart the
Gobi wilderness.

Thus the only escape from the crushing monotony of a purely pastoral
life, no longer relieved by intervals of warlike or predatory
expeditions, lies in a survival of the old Shamanist superstitions, or a
further development of the degrading Tibetan lamaism represented at Urga
by the _Kutukhtu_, an incarnation of the Buddha only less revered than
the Dalai Lama himself[614]. Besides this High Priest at Urga, there are
over a hundred smaller incarnations--_Gigens_, as they are called--and
these saintly beings possess unlimited means of plundering their
votaries. The smallest favour, the touch of their garments, a pious
ejaculation or blessing, is regarded as a priceless spiritual gift, and
must be paid for with costly offerings. Even the dead do not escape
these exactions. However disposed of, whether buried or cremated, like
the khans and lamas, or exposed to beasts and birds of prey, as is the
fate of the common folk, "masses," which also command a high price, have
to be said for forty days to relieve their souls from the torments of
the Buddhist purgatory.

It is a singular fact, which, however, may perhaps admit of explanation,
that nearly all the true Mongol peoples have been Buddhists since the
spread of Sakya-Muni's teachings throughout Central Asia, while their
Turki kinsmen are zealous followers of the Prophet. Thus is seen, for
instance, the strange spectacle of two Mongolic groups, the Kirghiz of
the Turki branch and the Kalmuks of the West Mongol branch, encamped
side by side on the Lower Volga plains, the former all under the banner
of the Crescent, the latter devout worshippers of all the incarnations
of Buddha. But analogous phenomena occur amongst the European peoples,
the Teutons being mainly Protestants, those of neo-Latin speech mainly
Roman Catholics, and the Easterns Orthodox. From all this, however,
nothing more can be inferred than that the religions are partly a
question of geography, partly determined by racial temperament and
political conditions; while the religious sentiment, being universal, is
above all local or ethnical considerations.

Under the first term of the expression _Mongolo-Turki_ (p. 256) are
comprised, besides the Mongols proper, nearly all those branches of the
division which lie to the east and north-east of Mongolia, and are in
most respects more closely allied with the Mongol than with the Turki
section. Such are the _Tunguses_, with the kindred _Manchus_, _Golds_,
_Orochons_, _Lamuts_, and others of the Amur basin, the Upper Lena
head-streams, the eastern affluents of the Yenisei, and the shores of
the Sea of Okhotsk; the _Gilyaks_ about the Amur estuary and in the
northern parts of Sakhalin; the _Kamchadales_ in South Kamchatka; in the
extreme north-east the _Koryaks_, _Chukchis_, and _Yukaghirs_; lastly
the _Koreans_, _Japanese_, and _Liu-Kiu (Lu-Chu) Islanders_. To the
Mongol section thus belong nearly all the peoples lying between the
Yenisei and the Pacific (including most of the adjacent archipelagos),
and between the Great Wall and the Arctic Ocean. The only two exceptions
are the _Yakuts_ of the middle and Lower Lena and neighbouring Arctic
rivers, who are of Turki stock; and the _Ainus_ of Yezo, South Sakhalin,
and some of the Kurile Islands, who belong to the Caucasic division.

M. A. Czaplicka proposes a useful classification of the various peoples
of Siberia, usually grouped on account of linguistic affinities as
Ural-Altaians, and as "no other part of the world presents a racial
problem of such complexity and in regard to no other part of the world's
inhabitants have ethnologists of the last hundred years put forward such
widely differing hypotheses of their origin[615]," her tabulation may
serve to clear the way. She divides the whole area[616] into
_Palaeo-Siberians_, representing the most ancient stock of dwellers in
Siberia, and _Neo-Siberians_, comprising the various tribes of Central
Asiatic origin who are sufficiently differentiated from the kindred
peoples of their earlier homes as to deserve a generic name of their
own. The Palaeo-Siberians thus include the _Chukchi_, _Koryak_,
_Kamchadale_, _Ainu_, _Gilyak_, _Eskimo_, _Aleut_, _Yukaghir_,
_Chuvanzy_ and _Ostyak_ of Yenisei. The Neo-Siberians include the Finnic
Tribes (Ugrian _Ostyak_, and _Vogul_), Samoyedic Tribes, Turkic Tribes
(_Yakut_ and Turko-Tatars of Tobolsk and Tomsk Governments), Mongolic
Tribes (Western Mongols or _Kalmuk_, Eastern Mongols, and _Buryat_), and
Tungusic Tribes (_Tungus_, _Chapogir_, _Gold_, _Lamut_, _Manchu_,
_Manyarg_, _Oroch_, _Orochon_ ("Reindeer Tungus"), _Oroke_).

A striking illustration of the general statement that the various
cultural states are a question not of race, but of environment, is
afforded by the varying social conditions of the widespread Tungus
family, who are fishers on the Arctic coast, hunters in the East
Siberian woodlands, and for the most part sedentary tillers of the soil
and townspeople in the rich alluvial valleys of the Amur and its
southern affluents. The Russians, from whom we get the term Tungus[617],
recognise these various pursuits, and speak of _Horse_, _Cattle_,
_Reindeer_, _Dog_, _Steppe_, and _Forest_ Tunguses, besides the settled
farmers and stock-breeders of the Amur. Their original home appears to
have been the Shan-alin uplands, where they dwelt with the kindred
_Niu-chi_ (Manchus) till the thirteenth century, when the disturbances
brought about by the wars and conquests of Jenghiz-Khan drove them to
their present seat in East Siberia. The type, although essentially
Mongolic in the somewhat flat features, very prominent cheek-bones,
slant eyes, long lank hair, yellowish brown colour and low stature,
seems to show admixture with a higher race in the shapely frame, the
nimble, active figure, and quick, intelligent expression, and especially
in the variable skull. While generally round (indices 80° to 84°), the
head is sometimes flat on the top, like that of the true Mongol,
sometimes high and short, which, as Hamy tells us, is specially
characteristic of the Turki race[618].

All observers speak in enthusiastic language of the temperament and
moral qualities of the Tunguses, and particularly of those groups that
roam the forests about the Tunguska tributaries of the Yenisei, which
take their name from these daring hunters and trappers. "Full of
animation and natural impulse, always cheerful even in the deepest
misery, holding themselves and others in like respect, of gentle manners
and poetic speech, obliging without servility, unaffectedly proud,
scorning falsehood, and indifferent to suffering and death, the Tunguses
are unquestionably an heroic people[619]."

A few have been brought within the pale of the Orthodox Church, and in
the extreme south some are classed as Buddhists. But the great bulk of
the Tungus nation are still Shamanists. Indeed the very word _Shaman_ is
of Tungus origin, though current also amongst the Buryats and Yakuts. It
is often taken to be the equivalent of priest; but in point of fact it
represents a stage in the development of natural religion which has
scarcely yet reached the sacerdotal state. "Although in many cases the
shamans act as priests, and take part in popular and family festivals,
prayers, and sacrifices, their chief importance is based on the
performance of duties which distinguish them sharply from ordinary
priests[620]." Their functions are threefold, those of the medicine-man
(the leech, or healer by supernatural means); of the soothsayer (the
prophet through communion with the invisible world); and of the priest,
especially in his capacity as exorcist, and in his general power to
influence, control, or even coerce the good and evil spirits on behalf
of their votaries. But as all spirits are, or were originally,
identified with the souls of the departed, it follows that in its
ultimate analysis Shamanism resolves itself into a form of
ancestry-worship.

The system, of which there are many phases reflecting the different
cultural states of its adherents, still prevails amongst all the
Siberian aborigines[621], and generally amongst all the uncivilised
Ural-Altaic populations, so that here again the religions strictly
reflect the social condition of the peoples. Thus the somewhat cultured
Finns, Turks, Mongols, and Manchus are all either Christians,
Muhammadans, or Buddhists; while the uncultured but closely related
Samoyeds, Ostyaks, Orochons, Tunguses, Golds, Gilyaks, Koryaks, and
Chukchi, are almost without exception Shamanists.

The shamans do not appear to constitute a special caste or sacerdotal
order, like the hierarchies of the Christian Churches. Some are
hereditary, some elected by popular vote, so to say. They may be either
men, or women (_shamanka_), married or single; and if "rank" is spoken
of, it simply means greater or less proficiency in the performance of
the duties imposed on them. Everything thus depends on their personal
merits, which naturally gives rise to much jealousy between the members
of the craft. Thus amongst the "whites" and the "blacks," that is, those
whose dealings are with the good and the bad spirits respectively, there
is in some districts a standing feud, often resulting in fierce
encounters and bloodshed. The Buryats tell how the two factions throw
axes at each other at great distances, the struggle usually ending in
the death of one of the combatants. The blacks, who serve the evil
spirits, bringing only disease, death, or ill-luck, and even killing
people by eating up their souls, are of course the least popular, but
also the most dreaded. Many are credited with extraordinary and even
miraculous powers, and there can be no doubt that they often act up to
their reputation by performing almost incredible conjuring tricks in
order to impose on the credulity of the ignorant, or outbid their rivals
for the public favour. Old Richard Johnson of Chancelour's expedition to
Muscovy records how he saw a Samoyed shaman stab himself with a sword,
then make the sword red hot and thrust it through his body, so that the
point protruded at the back, and Johnson was able to touch it with his
finger. They then bound the wizard tight with a reindeer-rope, and went
through some performances curiously like those of the Davenport brothers
and other modern conjurers[622].

To the much-discussed question whether the shamans are impostors, the
best answer has perhaps been given by Castrèn, who, speaking of the same
Samoyed magicians, remarks that if they were merely cheats, we should
have to suppose that they did not share the religious beliefs of their
fellow-tribesmen, but were a sort of rationalists far in advance of the
times. Hence it would seem much more probable that they deceived both
themselves and others[623], while no doubt many bolster up a waning
reputation by playing the mountebank where there is no danger of
detection.

"Shamanism amongst the Siberian peoples," concludes our Russian
authority, "is at the present time in a moribund condition; it must die
out with those beliefs among which alone such phenomena can arise and
flourish. Buddhism on the one hand, and Muhammadanism on the other, not
to mention Christianity, are rapidly destroying the old ideas of the
tribes among whom the shamans performed. Especially has the more ancient
Black Faith suffered from the Yellow Faith preached by the lamas. But
the shamans, with their dark mysterious rites, have made a good struggle
for life, and are still frequently found among the native Christians and
Muhammadans. The mullahs and lamas have even been obliged to become
shamans to a great extent, and many Siberian tribes, who are nominally
Christians, believe in shamans, and have recourse to them."

Of all members of the Tungusic family the Manchus alone can be called a
historical people. If they were really descended from the _Khitans_ of
the Sungari valley, then their authentic records will date from the
tenth century A.D., when these renowned warriors, after overthrowing the
Pu-haï (925), founded the Liao dynasty and reduced a great part of North
China and surrounding lands. The Khitans, from whom China was known to
Marco Polo as _Khitai_ (Cathay), as it still is to the Russians, were
conquered in 1125 by the _Niu-chi_ (_Yu-chi, Nu-chin_) of the Shan-alin
uplands, reputed cradle of the Manchu race. These Niu-chi, direct
ancestors of the Manchus, founded (1115) the State known as that of the
"Golden Tartars," from _Kin_, "gold," the title adopted by their chief
Aguta, "because iron (in reference to the _Liao_, 'Iron' dynasty) may
rust, but gold remains ever pure and bright." The Kins, however,
retained their brightness only a little over a century, having been
eclipsed by Jenghiz-Khan in 1234. But about the middle of the fourteenth
century the Niu-chi again rose to power under Aishiu-Gioro, who,
although of miraculous birth and surrounded by other legendary matter,
appears to have been a historical person. He may be regarded as the true
founder of the Manchu dynasty, for it was in his time that this name
came into general use. Sing-tsu, one of his descendants, constructed the
palisade, a feeble imitation of the Great Wall, sections of which still
exist. Thai-tsu, a still more famous member of the family, greatly
extended the Manchu Kingdom (1580-1626), and it was his son Tai-dsung
who first assumed the imperial dignity under the title of Tai-Tsing.
After his death, the Ming dynasty having been overthrown by a rebel
chief, the Manchus were invited by the imperialists to aid in restoring
order, entered Peking in triumph, and, finding that the last of the
Mings had committed suicide, placed Tai-dsung's nephew on the throne,
thus founding the Manchu dynasty (1644) which lasted down to 1912.

Such has been the contribution of the Manchu people to history; their
contributions to arts, letters, science, in a word, to the general
progress of mankind, have been _nil_. They found the Middle Kingdom,
after ages of a sluggish growth, in a state of absolute stagnation, and
there they have left it. On the other hand their assumption of the
imperial administration brought about their own ruin, their effacement,
and almost their very extinction as a separate nationality[624].
Manchuria, like Mongolia, is organised in a number of half military,
half civil divisions, the so-called _Paki_, or "Eight Banners," and the
constant demand made on these reserves, to support the dynasty and
supply trustworthy garrisons for all the strongholds of the empire, has
drawn off the best blood of the people, in fact sapped its vitality at
the fountain-head. Then the rich arable tracts thus depleted were
gradually occupied by agricultural settlers from the south, with the
result that the Manchu race has nearly disappeared. From the ethnical
standpoint the whole region beyond the Great Wall as far north as the
Amur has practically become an integral part of China, and from the
political standpoint since 1898 an integral part of the Russian empire.
Towards the middle of the nineteenth century the Eight Banners numbered
scarcely more than a quarter of a million, and about that time the Abbé
Huc declared that "the Manchu nationality is destroyed beyond recovery.
At present we shall look in vain for a single town or a single village
throughout Manchuria which is not exclusively inhabited by Chinese. The
local colour has been completely effaced, and except a few nomad groups
nobody speaks Manchu[625]."

Similar testimony is afforded by later observers, and Henry Lansdell,
amongst others, remarks that "the Manchu, during the two centuries they
have reigned in China, may be said to have been working out their own
annihilation. Their manners, language, their very country has become
Chinese, and some maintain that the Manchu proper are now extinct[626]."

But the type, so far from being extinct, may be said to have received a
considerable expansion, especially amongst the populations of north-east
China. The taller stature and greatly superior physical appearance of
the inhabitants of Tien-tsin and surrounding districts[627] over those
of the southern provinces (Fokien, Kwang-tung), who are the chief
representatives of the Chinese race abroad, seem best explained by
continual crossings with the neighbouring Manchu people, at least since
the twelfth century, if not earlier.

Closely related to the Manchus (of the same stock says Sir H. H.
Howorth, the distinction being purely political) are the _Dauri_, who
give their name to the extensive Daur plateau, and formerly occupied
both sides of the Upper Amur. Daur is, in fact, the name applied by the
Buryats to all the Tungus peoples of the Amur basin. The Dauri proper,
who are now perhaps the best representatives of the original Manchu
type, would seem to have intermingled at a remote time with the
long-headed pre-Mongol populations of Central Asia. They are "taller and
stronger than the Oronchons [Tungus groups lower down the Amur]; the
countenance is oval and more intellectual, and the cheeks are less
broad. The nose is rather prominent, and the eyebrows straight. The skin
is tawny, and the hair brown[628]." Most of these characters are such as
we should expect to find in a people of mixed Mongolo-Caucasic descent,
the latter element being derived from the long-headed race who had
already reached the present Mongolia, Manchuria, Korea, and the adjacent
islands during neolithic times. Thus may be explained the tall stature,
somewhat regular features, brown hair, light eyes, and even florid
complexion so often observed amongst the present inhabitants of
Manchuria, Korea, and parts of North China.

But no admixture, except of Chinese literary terms, is seen in the
Manchu language, which, like Mongolic, is a typical member of the
agglutinating Ural-Altaic family. Despite great differences, lexical,
phonetic, and even structural, all the members of this widespread order
of speech have in common a number of fundamental features, which justify
the assumption that all spring from an original stock language, which
has long been extinct, and the germs of which were perhaps first
developed on the Tibetan plateau. The essential characters of the system
are:--(1) a "root" or notional term, generally a closed syllable,
nominal or verbal, with a vowel or diphthong, strong or weak (hard or
soft) according to the meaning of the term, hence incapable of change;
(2) a number of particles or relational terms somewhat loosely postfixed
to the root, but incorporated with it by the principle of (3) vowel
harmony, a kind of vocal concordance, in virtue of which the vowels of
all the postfixes must harmonise with the unchangeable vowel of the
root. If this is strong all the following vowels of the combination, no
matter what its length, must be strong; if weak they must conform in the
same way. With nominal roots the postfixes are necessarily limited to
the expression of a few simple relations; but with verbal roots they are
in principle unlimited, so that the multifarious relations of the verb
to its subject and object are all incorporated in the verbal compound
itself, which may thus run at times to inordinate lengths. Hence we have
the expression "incorporating," commonly applied to this agglutinating
system, which sometimes goes so far as to embody the notions of
causality, possibility, passivity, negation, intensity, condition, and
so on, besides the direct pronominal objects, in one interminable
conglomerate, which is then treated as a simple verb, and run through
all the secondary changes of number, person, tense, and mood. The result
is an endless number of theoretically possible verbal forms, which,
although in practice naturally limited to the ordinary requirements of
speech, are far too numerous to allow of a complete verbal paradigm
being constructed of any fully developed member of the Ural-Altaic
group, such, for instance, as Yakut, Tungus, Turki, Mordvinian, Finnish,
or Magyar.

In this system the vowels are classed as strong or hard (_a, o, u_),
weak or soft (the same _umlauted_: _ä_, _ö_, _ü_), and neutral
(generally _e_, _i_), these last being so called because they occur
indifferently with the two other classes. Thus, if the determining root
vowel is _a_ (strong), that of the postfixes may be either _a_ (strong),
_e_ or _i_ (neutral); if _ä_ (weak), that of the postfixes may be either
_ä_ (weak), or _e_ or _i_ as before. The postfixes themselves no doubt
were originally notional terms worn down in form and meaning, so as to
express mere abstract relation, as in the Magyar _vel_ = with, from
_veli_ = companion. Tacked on to the root _fa_ = tree, this will give
the ablative case, first unharmonised, _fa-vel_, then harmonised,
_fa-val_ = tree-with, with a tree. In the early Magyar texts of the
twelfth century inharmonic compounds, such as _halál-nek_, later
_halák-nak_ = at death, are numerous, from which it has been inferred
that the principle of vowel harmony is not an original feature of the
Ural-Altaic languages, but a later development, due in fact to phonetic
decay, and still scarcely known in some members of the group, such as
Votyak and Highland Cheremissian (Volga Finn). But M. Lucien Adam holds
that these idioms have lost the principle through foreign (Russian)
influence, and that the few traces still perceptible are survivals from
a time when all the Ural-Altaic tongues were subject to progressive
vowel harmony[629].

But however this be, Dean Byrne is disposed to regard the alternating
energetic utterance of the hard, and indolent utterance of the soft
vowel series, as an expression of the alternating active and lethargic
temperament of the race, such alternations being themselves due to the
climatic conditions of their environment. "Certainly the life of the
great nomadic races involves a twofold experience of this kind, as they
must during their abundant summer provide for their rigorous winter,
when little can be done. Their character, too, involves a striking
combination of intermittent indolence and energy; and it is very
remarkable that this distinction of roots is peculiar to the languages
spoken originally where this great distinction of seasons exists. The
fact that the distinction [between hard and soft] is imparted to all the
suffixes of a root proves that the radical characteristic which it
expresses is thought with these; and consequently that the radical idea
is retained in the consciousness while these are added to it[630]."

This is a highly characteristic instance of the methods followed by Dean
Byrne in his ingenious but hopeless attempt to explain the subtle
structure of speech by the still more subtle temperament of the speaker,
taken in connection with the alternating nature of the climate. The
feature in question cannot be due to such alternation of mood and
climate, because it is persistent throughout all seasons, while the hard
and soft elements occur simultaneously, one might say, promiscuously, in
conversation under all mental states of those conversing.

The true explanation is given by Schleicher, who points out that
progressive vocal assimilation is the necessary result of agglutination,
which by this means binds together the idea and its relations in their
outward expression, just as they are already inseparately associated in
the mind of the speaker. Hence it is that such assonance is not confined
to the Ural-Altaic group, analogous processes occurring at certain
stages of their growth in all forms of speech, as in Wolof, Zulu-Xosa,
Celtic (expressed by the formula of Irish grammarians: "broad to broad,
slender to slender"), and even in Latin, as in such vocalic concordance
as: _annus, perennis_; _ars, iners_; _lego, diligo_. In these examples
the root vowel is influenced by that of the prefix, while in the
Mongolo-Turki family the root vowel, coming first, is unchangeable, but,
as explained, influences the vowels of the postfixes, the phonetic
principle being the same in both systems.

Both Mongol and Manchu are cultivated languages employing modified forms
of the Uiguric (Turki) script, which is based on the Syriac introduced
by the Christian (Nestorian) missionaries in the seventh century. It was
first adopted by the Mongols about 1280, and perfected by the scribe
Tsorji Osir under Jenezek Khan (1307-1311). The letters, connected
together by continuous strokes, and slightly modified, as in Syriac,
according to their position at the beginning, middle, or end of the
word, are disposed in vertical columns from left to right, an
arrangement due no doubt to Chinese influence. This is the more probable
since the Manchus, before the introduction of the Mongol system in the
sixteenth century, employed the Chinese characters ever since the time
of the Kin dynasty.

None of the other Tungusic or north-east Siberian peoples possess any
writing system except the Yukaghirs of the Yasachnaya affluent of the
Kolymariver, who were visited in 1892 by the Russian traveller, S.
Shargorodsky. From his report[631], it appears that this symbolic
writing is carved with a sharp knife out of soft fresh birch-bark, these
simple materials sufficing to describe the tracks followed on hunting
and fishing expeditions, as well as the sentiments of the young women in
their correspondence with their sweethearts. Specimens are given of
these curious documents, some of which are touching and even pathetic.
"Thou goest hence, and I bide alone, for thy sake still to weep and
moan," writes one disconsolate maid to her parting lover. Another with a
touch of jealousy: "Thou goest forth thy Russian flame to seek, who
stands 'twixt thee and me, thy heart from me apart to keep. In a new
home joy wilt thou find, while I must ever grieve, as thee I bear in
mind, though another yet there be who loveth me." Or again: "Each youth
his mate doth find; my fate alone it is of him to dream, who to another
wedded is, and I must fain contented be, if only he forget not me." And
with a note of wail: "Thou hast gone hence, and of late it seems this
place for me is desolate; and I too forth must fare, that so the
memories old I may forget, and from the pangs thus flee of those bright
days, which here I once enjoyed with thee."

Details of domestic life may even be given, and one accomplished maiden
is able to make a record in her note-book of the combs, shawls, needles,
thimble, cake of soap, lollipops, skeins of wool, and other sundries,
which she has received from a Yakut packman, in exchange for some
clothes she has made him. Without illustrations no description of the
process would be intelligible. Indeed it would seem these primitive
documents are not always understood by the young folks themselves. They
gather at times in groups to watch the process of composition by some
expert damsel, the village "notary," and much merriment, we are told, is
caused by the blunders of those who fail to read the text aright.

It is not stated whether the system is current amongst the other
Yukaghir tribes, who dwell on the banks of the Indigirka, Yana,
Kerkodona, and neighbouring districts. They thus skirt the Frozen Ocean
from near the Lena delta to and beyond the Kolyma, and are conterminous
landwards with the Yakuts on the south-west and the Chukchi on the
north-east. With the Chukchi, the Koryaks, the Kamchadales, and the
Gilyaks they form a separate branch of the Mongolic division sometimes
grouped together as "Hyperboreans," but distinguished from other
Ural-Altaic peoples perhaps strictly on linguistic grounds. Although now
reduced to scarcely 1500, the Yukaghirs were formerly a numerous people,
and the popular saying that their hearths on the banks of the Kolyma at
one time outnumbered the stars in the sky seems a reminiscence of more
prosperous days. But great inroads have been made by epidemics, tribal
wars, the excessive use of coarse Ukraine tobacco and of bad spirits,
indulged in even by the women and children. "A Yukaghir, it is said,
never intoxicates himself alone, but calls upon his family to share the
drink, even children in arms being supplied with a portion[632]." Their
language, which A. Schiefner regards as radically distinct from all
others[633], is disappearing even more rapidly than the people
themselves, if it be not already quite extinct. In the eighties it was
spoken only by about a dozen old persons, its place being taken almost
everywhere by the Turki dialect of the Yakuts[634].

There appears to be a curious interchange of tribal names between the
Chukchi and their Koryak neighbours, the term _Koryak_ being the Chukchi
_Khorana_, "Reindeer," while the Koryaks are said to call themselves
_Chauchau_, whence some derive the word _Chukchi_. Hooper, however,
tells us that the proper form of Chukchi is _Tuski_, "Brothers," or
"Confederates[635]," and in any case the point is of little consequence,
as Dittmar is probably right in regarding both groups as closely
related, and sprung originally from one stock[636]. Jointly they occupy
the north-east extremity of the continent between the Kolyma and Bering
Strait, together with the northern parts of Kamchatka; the Chukchi lying
to the north, the Koryaks to the south, mainly round about the
north-eastern inlets of the Sea of Okhotsk. Reasons have already been
advanced for supposing that the Chukchi were a Tungus people who came
originally from the Amur basin. In their arctic homes they appear to
have waged long wars with the Onkilon (Ang-kali) aborigines, gradually
merging with the survivors and also mingling both with the Koryaks and
Chuklukmiut Eskimo settled on the Asiatic side of Bering Strait.

But their relations to all these peoples are involved in great
obscurity, and while some connect them with the Itelmes of
Kamchatka[637], by others they have been affiliated to the Eskimo, owing
to the Eskimo dialect said to be spoken by them. But this "dialect" is
only a trading jargon, a sort of "pidgin Eskimo" current all round the
coast, and consisting of Chukchi, Innuit, Koryak, English, and even
Hawaii elements, mingled together in varying proportions. The true
Chukchi language, of which Nordenskiöld collected 1000 words, is quite
distinct from Eskimo, and probably akin to Koryak[638], and the Swedish
explorer aptly remarks that "this race, settled on the primeval route
between the Old and New World, bears an unmistakable stamp of the
Mongols of Asia and the Eskimo and Indians of America." He was much
struck by the great resemblance of the Chukchi weapons and household
utensils to those of the Greenland Eskimo, while Signe Rink shows that
even popular legends have been diffused amongst the populations on both
sides of Bering Strait[639]. Such common elements, however, prove little
for racial affinity, which seems excluded by the extremely round shape
of the Chukchi skull, as compared with the long-headed Eskimo. But the
type varies considerably both amongst the so-called "Fishing Chukchi,"
who occupy permanent stations along the seaboard, and the "Reindeer
Chukchi," who roam the inland districts, shifting their camping-grounds
with the seasons. There are no hereditary chiefs, and little deference
is paid to the authority even of the owner of the largest reindeer
herds, on whom the Russians have conferred the title of _Jerema_,
regarding him as the head of the Chukchi nation, and holding him
responsible for the good conduct of his rude subjects. Although nominal
Christians, they continue to sacrifice animals to the spirits of the
rivers and mountains, and also to practise Shamanist rites. They believe
in an after-life, but only for those who die a violent death. Hence the
resignation and even alacrity with which the hopelessly infirm and the
aged submit, when the time comes, to be dispatched by their kinsfolk, in
accordance with the tribal custom of _kamitok_, which still survives in
full vigour amongst the Chukchi, as amongst the Sumatran Battas, and may
be traced in many other parts of the world.

"The doomed one," writes Harry de Windt, "takes a lively interest in the
proceedings, and often assists in the preparation for his own death. The
execution is always preceded by a feast, where seal and walrus meat are
greedily devoured, and whisky consumed till all are intoxicated. A
spontaneous burst of singing and the muffled roll of walrus-hide drums
then herald the fatal moment. At a given signal a ring is formed by the
relations and friends, the entire settlement looking on from the
background. The executioner (usually the victim's son or brother) then
steps forward, and placing his right foot behind the back of the
condemned, slowly strangles him to death with a walrus-thong. A kamitok
took place during the latter part of our stay[640]."

This custom of "voluntary death" is sometimes due to sorrow at the death
of a near relative, a quarrel at home, or merely weariness of life, and
Bogoras thinks that the custom of killing old people does not exist as
such, but is voluntarily chosen in preference to the hard life of an
invalid[641].

Most recent observers have come to look upon the Chukchi and _Koryaks_
as essentially one and the same people, the chief difference being that
the latter are if possible even more degraded than their northern
neighbours[642]. Like them they are classed as sedentary fisherfolk or
nomad reindeer-owners, the latter, who call themselves Tumugulu,
"Wanderers," roaming chiefly between Ghiyiginsk Bay and the Anadyr
river. Through them the Chukchi merge gradually in the _Itelmes_, who
are better known as Kamchadales, from the Kamchatka river, where they
are now chiefly concentrated. Most of the Itelmes are already Russified
in speech and--outwardly at least--in religion; but they still secretly
immolate a dog now and then, to propitiate the malevolent beings who
throw obstacles in the way of their hunting and fishing expeditions. Yet
their very existence depends on their canine associates, who are of a
stout, almost wolfish breed, inured to hunger and hardships, and
excellent for sledge work.

Somewhat distinct both from all these Hyperboreans and from their
neighbours, the Orochons, Golds, Manegrs and other Tungus peoples, are
the _Gilyaks_, formerly widespread, but now confined to the Amur delta
and the northern parts of Sakhalin[643]. Some observers have connected
them with the Ainu and the Korean aborigines, while A. Anuchin detects
two types--a Mongoloid with sparse beard, high cheek-bones, and flat
face, and a Caucasic with bushy beard and more regular features[644].
The latter traits have been attributed to Russian mixture, but, as
conjectured by H. von Siebold, are more probably due to a fundamental
connection with their Ainu neighbours[645].

Mentally the Gilyaks take a low position--H. Lansdell thought the lowest
of any people he had met in Siberia[646]. Despite the zeal of the
Russian missionaries, and the inducements to join the fold, they remain
obdurate Shamanists, and even fatalists, so that "if one falls into the
water the others will not help him out, on the plea that they would thus
be opposing a higher power, who wills that he should perish.... The soul
of the Gilyak is supposed to pass at death into his favourite dog, which
is accordingly fed with choice food; and when the spirit has been prayed
by the shamans out of the dog, the animal is sacrificed on his master's
grave. The soul is then represented as passing underground, lighted and
guided by its own sun and moon, and continuing to lead there, in its
spiritual abode, the same manner of life and pursuits as in the
flesh[647]."

A speciality of the Gilyaks, as well as of their Gold neighbours, is the
fish-skin costume, made from the skins of two kinds of salmon, and from
this all these aborigines are known to the Chinese as _Yupitatse_,
"Fish-skin-clad-People." "They strip it off with great dexterity, and by
beating with a mallet remove the scales, and so render it supple.
Clothes thus made are waterproof. I saw a travelling-bag, and even the
sail of a boat, made of this material[648]."

Like the Ainu, the Gilyaks may be called bear-worshippers. At least this
animal is supposed to be one of their chief gods, although they ensnare
him in winter, keep him in confinement, and when well fattened tear him
to pieces, devouring his mangled remains with much feasting and
jubilation.

Since the opening up of Korea, some fresh light has been thrown upon the
origins and ethnical relations of its present inhabitants. In his
monograph on the Yellow Races[649] Hamy had included them in the Mongol
division, but not without reserve, adding that "while some might be
taken for Tibetans, others look like an Oceanic cross; hence the
contradictory reports and theories of modern travellers." Since then the
study of some skulls forwarded to Paris has enabled him to clear up some
of the confusion, which is obviously due to interminglings of different
elements dating from remote (neolithic) times. On the data supplied by
these skulls Hamy classes the Koreans in three groups:--1. The natives
of the northern provinces (Ping-ngan-tao and Hienking-tao), strikingly
like their Mongol [Tungus] neighbours; 2. Those of the southern
provinces (Klingchang-tao and Thsiusan-lo-tao), descendants of the
ancient Chinhans and Pien-hans, showing Japanese affinities; 3. Those of
the inner provinces (Hoanghae-tao and Ching-tsing-tao), who present a
transitional form between the northerns and southerns, both in their
physical type and geographical position[650].

Caucasic features--light eyes, large nose, hair often brown, full beard,
fair and even white skin, tall stature--are conspicuous, especially
amongst the upper classes and many of the southern Koreans[651]. They
are thus shown to be a mixed race, the Mongol element dominating in the
north, as might be expected, and the Caucasic in the south.

These conclusions seem to be confirmed by what is known of the early
movements, migrations, and displacements of the populations in
north-east Asia about the dawn of history. In these vicissitudes the
Koreans, as they are now called[652], appear to have first taken part in
the twelfth century B.C., when the peninsula was already occupied, as it
still is, by Mongols, the _Sien-pi_, in the north, and in the south by
several branches of the _Hans_ (_San-San_), of whom it is recorded that
they spoke a language unintelligible to the Sien-pi, and resembled the
Japanese in appearance, manners, and customs. From this it may be
inferred that the Hans were the true aborigines, probably direct
descendants of the Caucasic peoples of the New Stone Age, while the
Sien-pi were Mongolic (Tungusic) intruders from the present Manchuria.
For some time these Sien-pi played a leading part in the political
convulsions prior and subsequent to the erection of the Great Wall by
Shih Hwang Ti, founder of the Tsin dynasty (221-209 B.C.)[653]. Soon
after the completion of this barrier, the _Hiung-nu_, no longer able to
scour the fertile plains of the Middle Kingdom, turned their arms
against the neighbouring _Yué-chi_, whom they drove westwards to the
Sungarian valleys. Here they were soon displaced by the _Usuns_
(_Wusun_), a fair, blue-eyed people of unknown origin, who have been
called "Aryans," and even "Teutons," and whom Ch. de Ujfalvy identifies
with the tall long-headed western blonds (de Lapouge's _Homo
Europaeus_), mixed with brown round-headed hordes of white
complexion[654]. Accepting this view, we may go further, and identify
the Usuns, as well as the other white peoples of the early Chinese
records, with the already described Central Asiatic Caucasians of the
Stone Ages, whose osseous remains we now possess, and who come to the
surface in the very first Chinese documents dealing with the turbulent
populations beyond the Great Wall. The white element, with all the
correlated characters, existed beyond all question, for it is
continuously referred to in those documents. How is its presence in East
Central Asia, including Manchuria and Korea, to be explained? Only on
two assumptions--_proto-historic_ migrations from the Far West, barred
by the proto-historic migrations from the Far East, as largely
determined by the erection of the Great Wall; or _pre-historic_
(neolithic) migrations, also from the Far West, but barred by no serious
obstacle, because antecedent to the arrival of the proto-Mongolic tribes
from the Tibetan plateau. The true solution of the endless ethnical
complications in the extreme East, as in the Oceanic world, will still
be found in the now-demonstrated presence of a Caucasic element
antecedent to the Mongol in those regions.

When the Hiung-nu[655] power was weakened by their westerly migrations
to Sungaria and south-west Siberia (Upper Irtysh and Lake Balkash
depression), and broken into two sections during their wars with the two
Han dynasties (201 B.C.-220 A.D.), the Korean Sien-pi became the
dominant nation north of the Great Wall. After destroying the last
vestiges of the unstable Hiung-nu empire, and driving the Mongolo-Turki
hordes still westwards, the Yuan-yuans, most powerful of all the Sien-pi
tribes, remained masters of East Central Asia for about 400 years and
then disappeared from history[656]. At least after the sixth century
A.D. no further mention is made of the Sien-pi principalities either in
Manchuria or in Korea. Here, however, they appear still to form a
dominant element in the northern (Mongol) provinces, calling themselves
Ghirin (Khirin), from the Khirin (Sungari) valley of the Amur, where
they once held sway.

Since those days Korea has been alternately a vassal State and a
province of the Middle Kingdom, with interludes of Japanese ascendancy,
interrupted only by the four centuries of Koraï ascendancy (934-1368).
This was the most brilliant epoch in the national records, when Korea
was rather the ally than the vassal of China, and when trade, industry,
and the arts, especially porcelain and bronze work, flourished in the
land. But by centuries of subsequent misrule, a people endowed with
excellent natural qualities have been reduced to the lowest state of
degradation. Before the reforms introduced by the political events of
1895-96, "the country was eaten up by officialism. It is not only that
abuses without number prevailed, but the whole system of government was
an abuse, a sea of corruption, without a bottom or a shore, an engine of
robbery, crushing the life out of all industry[657]." But an improvement
was speedily remarked. "The air of the men has undergone a subtle and
real change, and the women, though they nominally keep up their habits
by seclusion, have lost the hang-dog air which distinguished them at
home. The alacrity of movement is a change also, and has replaced the
conceited swing of the _yang-ban_ [nobles] and the heartless lounge of
the peasant." This improvement was merely temporary. The last years of
the century were marked by the waning of Japanese influence, due to
Russian intrigues, the restoration of absolute monarchy together with
its worst abuses, the abandonment of reforms and a retrograde movement
throughout the kingdom. The successes of Japan in 1904-5 resulted in the
restoration of her ascendancy, culminating in 1910 in the cession of
sovereignty by the emperor of Korea to the emperor of Japan.

The religious sentiment is perhaps less developed than among any other
Asiatic people. Buddhism, introduced about 380 A.D., never took root,
and while the _literati_ are satisfied with the moral precepts of
Confucius, the rest have not progressed beyond the nature-worship which
was the ancient religion of the land. Every mountain, pass, ford or even
eddy of a river has a spirit to whom offerings are made. Honour is also
paid to ancestors, both royal and domestic, at their temples or altars,
and chapels are built and dedicated to men who have specially
distinguished themselves in loyalty, virtue or lofty teaching.

Philologists now recognise some affinity between the Korean and
Japanese languages, both of which appear to be remotely connected with
the Ural-Altaic family. The Koreans possess a true alphabet of 28
letters, which, however, is not a local invention, as is sometimes
asserted. It appears to have been introduced by the Buddhist monks about
or before the tenth century, and to be based on some cursive form of the
Indian (Devanagari) system[658], although scarcely any resemblance can
now be traced between the two alphabets. This script is little used
except by the lower classes and the women, the _literati_ preferring to
write either in Chinese, or else in the so-called _nido_, that is, an
adaptation of the Chinese symbols to the phonetic expression of the
Korean syllables. The _nido_ is exactly analogous to the Japanese
_Katakana_ script, in which modified forms of Chinese ideographs are
used phonetically to express 47 syllables (the so-called _I-ro-fa_
syllabary), raised to 73 by the _nigori_ and _maru_ diacritical marks.

The present population of Japan, according to E. Baelz, shows the
following types. The first and most important is the Manchu-Korean type,
characteristic of North China and Korea, and most frequent among the
upper classes in Japan. The stature is conspicuously tall, the effect
being heightened by slender and elegant figure. The face is long, with
more or less oblique eyes but no marked prominence of the cheek-bones.
The nose is aquiline, the chin slightly receding. With this type is
associated a narrow chest, giving an air of elegance rather than of
muscularity, an effect which is enhanced by the extremely delicate hands
with long slender fingers. The second type is the Mongol, and presents a
distinct contrast, with strong and squarely built figure, broad face,
prominent cheek-bones, oblique eyes, flat nose and wide mouth. This type
is not common in the Japanese Islands. The third type, more conspicuous
than either of the preceding, is the Malay. The stature is small, with
well-knit frame, and broad, well-developed chest. The face is generally
round, the nose short, jaws and chin frequently projecting. None of
these three types represents the aboriginal race of Japan, for there
seems to be no doubt that the Ainu, who now survive in parts of the
northern island of Yezo, occupied a greater area in earlier times and to
them the prehistoric shell-mounds and other remains are usually
attributed[659]. The Ainu are thickly and strongly built, but differ
from all other Oriental types in the hairiness of face and body. The
head is long, with a cephalic index of 77.8. Face and nose are broad,
and the eyes are horizontal, not oblique, lacking the Mongolian fold.

It is generally assumed that this population represents the easterly
migration of that long-headed type which can be traced across the
continents of Europe and Asia in the Stone Age, and that their entrance
into the islands was effected at a time when the channel separating them
from the mainland was neither so wide nor so deep as at the present
time. Later Manchu-Korean invaders from the West, Mongols from the
South, and Malays from the East pressed the aborigines further and
further north, to Yezo, Sakhalin and the Kuriles. But it is possible
that the Ainu were not the earliest inhabitants of Japan, for they
themselves bear witness to predecessors, the _Koro-pok-guru_, mentioned
above (p. 260). Neither is the assumption of kinship between the Ainu
and prehistoric populations of Western Europe accepted without demur.
Deniker, while acknowledging the resemblance to certain European types,
classes the Ainu as a separate race, the _Palaeasiatics_. For while in
head-length, prominent superciliary ridges, hairiness and the form of
the nose they may be compared to Russians, Todas, and Australians, their
skin colour, prominent cheek-bones, and other somatic features make any
close affinity impossible[660].

In spite of these various ingredients the Japanese people may be
regarded as fairly homogeneous. Apart from some tall and robust persons
amongst the upper classes, and athletes, acrobats, and wrestlers, the
general impression that the Japanese are a short finely moulded race is
fully borne out by the now regularly recorded military measurements of
recruits, showing for height an average of 1.585 m. (5 ft. 2-1/2 in.) to
1.639 m. (5 ft. 4-1/2 in.), for chest 33 in., and disproportionately
short legs. Other distinctive characters, all tending to stamp a certain
individuality on the people, taken as a whole and irrespective of local
peculiarities, are a flat forehead, great distance between the eyebrows,
a very small nose with raised nostrils, no glabella, no perceptible
nasal root[661]; an active, wiry figure; the exposed skin less yellow
than the Chinese, and rather inclining to a light fawn, but the covered
parts very light, some say even white; the eyes also less oblique, and
all other characteristically Mongol features generally softened, except
the black lank hair, which in transverse section is perhaps even rounder
than that of most other Mongol peoples[662].

With this it will be instructive to compare F. H. H. Guillemard's
graphic account of the Liu-Kiu islanders, whose Koreo-Japanese
affinities are now placed beyond all doubt: "They are a short race,
probably even shorter than the Japanese, but much better proportioned,
being without the long bodies and short legs of the latter people, and
having as a rule extremely well-developed chests. The colour of the skin
varies of course with the social position of the individual. Those who
work in the fields, clad only in a waist-cloth, are nearly as dark as a
Malay, but the upper classes are much fairer, and are at the same time
devoid of any of the yellow tint of the Chinaman. To the latter race
indeed they cannot be said to bear any resemblance, and though the type
is much closer to the Japanese, it is nevertheless very distinct.... In
Liu-Kiu the Japanese and natives were easily recognised by us from the
first, and must therefore be possessed of very considerable differences.
The Liu-Kiuan has the face less flattened, the eyes are more deeply set,
and the nose more prominent at its origin. The forehead is high and the
cheek-bones somewhat less marked than in the Japanese; the eyebrows are
arched and thick, and the eyelashes long. The expression is gentle and
pleasing, though somewhat sad, and is apparently a true index of their
character[663]."

This description is not accepted without some reserve by Chamberlain,
who in fact holds that "the physical type of the Luchuans resembles that
of the Japanese almost to identity[664]." In explanation however of the
singularly mild, inoffensive, and "even timid disposition" of the
Liu-Kiuans, this observer suggests "the probable absence of any
admixture of Malay blood in the race[665]." But everybody admits a
Malay element in Japan. It would therefore appear that Guillemard must
be right, and that, as even shown by all good photographs, differences
do exist, due in fact to the presence of this very Malay strain in the
Japanese race.

Elsewhere[666] Chamberlain has given us a scholarly account of the
Liu-Kiu language, which is not merely a "sister," as he says, but
obviously an _elder_ sister, more archaic in structure and partly in its
phonetics, than the oldest known form of Japanese. In the verb, for
instance, Japanese retains only one past tense of the indicative, with
but one grammatical form, whereas Liu-Kiuan preserves the three original
past tenses, each of which possesses a five-fold inflection. All these
racial, linguistic, and even mental resemblances, such as the
fundamental similarity of many of their customs and ways of thought, he
would explain with much probability by the routes followed by the first
emigrants from the mainland. While the great bulk spread east and north
over the great archipelago, everywhere "driving the aborigines before
them," a smaller stream may have trended southward to the little
southern group, whose islets stretch like stepping-stones the whole way
from Japan to Great Liu-Kiu[667].

Amongst the common mental traits, mention is made of the Shinto
religion, "the simplest and most rustic form" of which still survives in
Liu-Kiu. Here, as in Japan, it was originally a rude system of
nature-worship, the normal development of which was arrested by Chinese
and Buddhist influences. Later it became associated with spirit-worship,
the spirits being at first the souls of the dead, and although there is
at present no cult of the dead, in the strict sense of the expression,
the Liu-Kiu islanders probably pay more respect to the departed than any
other people in the world.

In Japan, Shintoism, as reformed in recent times, has become much more a
political institution than a religious system. The _Kami-no-michi_, that
is, the Japanese form of the Chinese _Shin-to_, "way of the Gods," or
"spirits," is not merely the national faith, but is inseparably bound up
with the interests of the reigning dynasty, holding the Mikado to be the
direct descendant of the Sun-goddess Hence its three cardinal precepts
now are:--1. Honour the _Kami_ (spirits), of whom the emperor is the
chief representative on earth; 2. Revere him as thy sovereign; 3. Obey
the will of his Court, and that is the whole duty of man. There is no
moral code, and loyal expositors have declared that the Mikado's will is
the only test of right and wrong.

But apart from this political exegesis, Shintoism in its higher form may
be called a cultured deism, in its lower a "blind obedience to
governmental and priestly dictates[668]." There are dim notions about a
supreme creator, immortality, and even rewards and penalties in the
after-life. Some also talk vaguely, as a pantheist might, of a sublime
being or essence pervading all nature, too vast and ethereal to be
personified or addressed in prayer, identified with the _tenka_,
"heavens," from which all things emanate, to which all return. Yet,
although a personal deity seems thus excluded, there are Shinto temples,
apparently for the worship of the heavenly bodies and powers of nature,
conceived as self-existing personalities--the so-called _Kami_,
"spirits," "gods," of which there are "eight millions," that is, they
are countless.

One cannot but suspect that some of these notions have been grafted on
the old national faith by Buddhism, which was introduced about 550 A.D.
and for a time had great vogue. It was encouraged especially by the
Shoguns, or military usurpers of the Mikado's[669] functions, obviously
as a set-off against the Shinto theocracy. During their tenure of power
(1192-1868 A.D.) the land was covered with Buddhist shrines and temples,
some of vast size and quaint design, filled with hideous idols, huge
bells, and colossal statues of Buddha.

But with the fall of the Shogun the little prestige still enjoyed by
Buddhism came to an end, and the temples, spoiled of their treasures,
have more than ever become the resort of pleasure-seekers rather than of
pious worshippers. "To all the larger temples are attached regular
spectacles, playhouses, panoramas, besides lotteries, games of various
sorts, including the famous 'fan-throwing,' and shooting-galleries,
where the bow and arrow and the blow-pipe take the place of the rifle.
The accumulated treasures of the priests have been confiscated, the
monks driven from their monasteries, and many of these buildings
converted into profane uses. Countless temple bells have already found
their way to America, or have been sold for old metal[670]."

Besides these forms of belief, there is a third religious, or rather
philosophic system, the so-called _Siza_, based on the ethical teachings
of Confucius, a sort of refined materialism, such as underlies the whole
religious thought of the nation. Siza, always confined to the
_literati_, has in recent years found a formidable rival in the "English
Philosophy," represented by such writers as Buckle, Mill, Herbert
Spencer, Darwin, and Huxley, most of whose works have already been
translated into Japanese.

Thus this highly gifted people are being assimilated to the western
world in their social and religious, as well as their political
institutions. Their intellectual powers, already tested in the fields of
war, science, diplomacy, and self-government, are certainly superior to
those of all other Asiatic peoples, and this is perhaps the best
guarantee for the stability of the stupendous transformation that a
single generation has witnessed from an exaggerated form of medieval
feudalism to a political and social system in harmony with the most
advanced phases of modern thought. The system has doubtless not yet
penetrated to the lower strata, especially amongst the rural
populations. But their natural receptivity, combined with a singular
freedom from "insular prejudice," must ensure the ultimate acceptance of
the new order by all classes of the community.


FOOTNOTES:

[569] As fully explained in _Eth._ p. 303.

[570] Mark Aurel Stein, _Sand-buried Cities of Khotan_, 1903, and _Geog.
Journ._, July, Sept. 1909.

[571] R. Pumpelly, _Explorations in Turkestan_, 1905, and _Explorations
in Turkestan; Expedition of 1904_, 1908.

[572] Sven Hedin, _Scientific Results of a Journey in Central Asia_,
1899-1902, 1906, and _Geog. Journ._, April, 1909.

[573] Douglas Carruthers, _Unknown Mongolia_, 1913 (with bibliography).

[574] Ellsworth Huntington, _The Pulse of Asia_, 1910.

[575] "The Asiatic Background," _Cambridge Medieval History_, Vol. I.
1911.

[576] _Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse; Recherches archéologiques_
(from 1899).

[577] _Sand-buried Cities of Khotan_, 1903.

[578] "Ueber Alte Grabstätten in Sibirien und der Mongolei," in _Mitt.
d. Anthrop. Ges._, Vienna, 1895, XXV. 9.

[579] Th. Volkov, in _L'Anthropologie_, 1896, p. 82.

[580] Too much stress must not, however, be laid upon the theory of
gradual desiccation as a factor in depopulation. There are many causes
such as earthquake, water-spouts, shifting of currents, neglect of
irrigation and, above all, the work of enemies to account for the
sand-buried ruins of populous cities in Central Asia. See T. Peisker,
"The Asiatic Background," _Cambridge Medieval History_, Vol. I. 1911, p.
326.

[581] _Journ. Anthr. Inst._ 1895, p. 318 sq.

[582] Cf. _Archæologia Cambrensis_, 6th Ser. XIV. Part 1, 1914, p. 131,
and _Zeitschr. f. Ethnol._ 1910, p. 601.

[583] "Zur Prähistorik Japans," _Globus_, 1896, No. 10.

[584] The best account of the archaeology of Japan will be found in
_Prehistoric Japan_, by N. G. Munro, 1912.

[585] _Die Bronzezeit Finnlands_, Helsingfors, 1897.

[586] "Akkadian," first applied by Rawlinson to the non-Semitic texts
found at Nineveh, is still often used by English writers in place of the
more correct _Sumerian_, the Akkadians being now shown to be Semitic
immigrants into Northern Babylonia (p. 264).

[587] Cf. L. W. King, _History of Sumer and Akkad_, 1910, pp. 5, 6.

[588] _Ueber die Summerische Sprache_, Paper read at the Russian
Archaeological Congress, Riga, 1896.

[589] "Sumer and Sumerian," _Ency. Brit._ 1911, with references.

[590] _Geschichte des Altertums_, I. 2, 2nd ed. 1909, p. 404.

[591] E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_, I. 2, 2nd ed. 1909, p. 406.
L. W. King (_History of Sumer and Akkad_, 1910) discusses Meyer's
arguments and points out that the earliest Sumerian gods appear to be
free from Semitic influence (p. 51). He is inclined, however, to regard
the Sumerians as displacing an earlier Semitic people (Hutchinson's
_History of the Nations_, 1914, pp. 221 and 229).

[592] Ellsworth Huntington, _The Pulse of Asia_, 1910, p. 382.

[593] L. W. King, _History of Sumer and Akkad_, 1910, p. 357.

[594] E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_, I. 2, 2nd ed. 1909, p. 463.

[595] L. W. King, _History of Sumer and Akkad_, 1910, p. 61, and the
article, "Chronology. Babylonia and Assyria," _Ency. Brit._ 1911. Cf.
also E. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_, I. 2, 2nd ed. 1909, §§ 329
and 383.

[596] The cylinder-seals and tablets of Fara, excavated by Koldewey,
Andrae and Noeldeke in 1902-3 may go back to 3400 B.C. Cf. L. W. King,
_loc. cit._ p. 65.

[597] C. H. W. Johns, _Ancient Babylonia_, 1913, regards Sharrukin as
"Sargon of Akkad," p. 39.

[598] L. W. King, _History of Sumer and Akkad_, 1910, pp. 234, 343,
where the seal is referred to a period not much earlier than the First
Dynasty of Babylon.

[599] H. V. Hilprecht, _The Babylonian Expedition of the University of
Pennsylvania_, Series D, Vol. v. 1. 1910.

[600] See _The Times_, June 24, 1914.

[601] "Babylonia and Elam Four Thousand Years Ago," in _Knowledge_, May
1, 1896, p. 116 sq. and elsewhere.

[602] The term "Elam" is said to have the same meaning as "Akkad"
(_i.e._ Highland) in contradistinction to "Sumer" (Lowland). It should
be noted that neither Akkad nor Sumer occurs in the oldest texts, where
Akkad is called _Kish_ from the name of its capital, and Sumer _Kiengi_
(_Kengi_), probably a general name meaning "the land." Kish has been
identified with the Kush of Gen. x., one of the best abused words in
Palethnology. For this identification, however, there is some ground,
seeing that Kush is mentioned in the closest connection with "Babel, and
Erech, and Accad, and Calneh, in the land of Shinar" (Mesopotamia) _v._
10.

[603] J. de Morgan, _Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse_, 1899-1906.

[604] S. Laing, _Human Origins_, p. 74.

[605] And it has remained so ever since, the present Lur and Bakhtiari
inhabitants of Susiana speaking, not the standard Neo-Persian, but
dialects of the ruder Kurdish branch of the Iranian family, as if they
had been Aryanised from Media, the capital of which was Ekbatana. We
have here, perhaps, a clue to the origin of the Medes themselves, who
were certainly the above-mentioned Mandas of Nabonidus, their capital
being also the same Ekbatana. Now Sayce (_Academy_, Sept. 7, 1895, p.
189) identified the Kimmerians with these Manda nomads, whose king
Tukdammé (Tugdammé) was the Lygdanis of Strabo (I. 3, 16), who led a
horde of Kimmerians into Lydia and captured Sardis. We know from
Esarhaddon's inscriptions that by the Assyrians these Kimmerians were
called Manda, their prince Teupsa (Teispe) being described as "of the
people of the Manda." An oracle given to Esar-haddon begins: "The
Kimmerian in the mountains has set fire in the land of Ellip," _i.e._
the land where Ekbatana was afterwards founded, which is now shown to
have already been occupied by the Kimmerian or Manda hordes. It follows
that Kimmerians, Mandas, Medes with their modern Kurd and Bakhtiari
representatives, were all one people, who were almost certainly of Aryan
speech, if not actually of proto-Aryan stock. "The Kurds are the
descendants of Aryan invaders and have maintained their type and their
language for more than 3300 years," F. v. Luschan, "The Early
Inhabitants of Western Asia," _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XLI. 1911, p.
230. For a classification of Kurds see Mark Sykes, "The Kurdish Tribes
of the Ottoman Empire," _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XXXVIII. 1908, p.
451. Cf. also D. G. Hogarth, _The Nearer East_, 1902.

[606] C. H. W. Johns, _Ancient Babylonia_, 1913, p. 27.

[607] Cf. H. Zimmern, article "Babylonians and Assyrians," _Ency.
Religion and Ethics_, 1909.

[608] G. Maspero, _Dawn of Civilisation_, p. 733.

[609] _Ibid._ p. 71.

[610] _Ibid._ p. 752.

[611] _Vorgeschichte_, etc., Book II. _passim_.

[612] _Geschichte Babyloniens u. Assyriens._

[613] G. Maspero, _The Struggle of the Nations, Egypt, Syria and
Assyria_, 1910.

[614] It is noteworthy that _Dalai_, "Ocean," is itself a Mongol word,
though _Lama_, "Priest," is Tibetan. The explanation is that in the
thirteenth century a local incarnation of Buddha was raised by the then
dominant Mongols to the first rank, and this title of _Dalai Lama_, the
"Ocean Priest," _i.e._ the Priest of fathomless wisdom, was bestowed on
one of his successors in the sixteenth century, and still retained by
the High Pontiff at Lhasa.

[615] _Aboriginal Siberia_, 1914, p. 13.

[616] _Loc. cit._ pp. 18-21.

[617] Either from the Chinese _Tunghu_, "Eastern Barbarians," or from
the Turki _Tinghiz_, as in Isaac Massa: _per interpretes se Tingoesi
vocari dixerunt_ (_Descriptio_, etc., Amsterdam, 1612). But there is no
collective national name, and at present they call themselves _Don-ki_,
_Boía_, _Boíe_, etc., terms all meaning "Men," "People." In the Chinese
records they are referred to under the name of _I-lu_ so early as 263
A.D., when they dwelt in the forest region between the Upper Temen and
Yalu rivers on the one hand and the Pacific Ocean on the other, and paid
tribute in kind--sable furs, bows, and stone arrow-heads. Arrows and
stone arrow-heads were also the tribute paid to the emperors of the
Shang dynasty (1766-1154 B.C.) by the _Su-shen_, who dwelt north of the
Liao-tung peninsula, so that we have here official proof of a Stone Age
of long duration in Manchuria. Later, the Chinese chronicles mention the
_U-ki_ or _Mo-ho_, a warlike people of the Sungari valley and
surrounding uplands, who in the 7th century founded the kingdom of
_Pu-ha[=i]_, overthrown in 925 by the Khitans of the Lower Sungari below
its Noni confluence, who were themselves Tunguses and according to some
Chinese authorities the direct ancestors of the Manchus.

[618] "C'est la tendance de la tête à se développer en hauteur, juste en
sens inverse de l'aplatissement vertical du Mongol. La tête du Turc est
donc à la fois plus haute et plus courte" (_L'Anthropologie_, VI. 3, p.
8).

[619] Reclus, VI.; Eng. ed. p. 360.

[620] V. M. Mikhailovskii, _Shamanism in Siberia and European Russia_,
translated by Oliver Wardrop, _Journ. Anthr. Inst._ 1895, p. 91.

[621] M. A. Czaplicka, _Aboriginal Siberia_, 1914. Part III. discusses
Shamanism, pp. 166-255.

[622] Hakluyt, 1809 ed., I. p. 317 sq.

[623] Quoted by Mikhailovskii, p. 144.

[624] Cf. H. A. Giles, _China and the Manchus_, 1912.

[625] _Souvenirs d'un voyage dans la Tartarie_, 1853, I. 162.

[626] _Through Siberia_, 1882, Vol. II. p. 172.

[627] European visitors often notice with surprise the fine physique of
these natives, many of whom average nearly six feet in height. But there
is an extraordinary disparity between the two sexes, perhaps greater
than in any other country. The much smaller stature and feebler
constitution of the women is no doubt due to the detestable custom of
crippling the feet in childhood, thereby depriving them of natural
exercise during the period of growth. It may be noted that the
anti-foot-bandaging movement is making progress throughout China, the
object being to abolish the cruel practice by making the _kin lien_
("golden lilies") unfashionable, and the _ti mien_, the "heavenly
feet,"--_i.e._ the natural--popular in their stead.

[628] H. Lansdell, _Through Siberia_, 1882, II. p. 172.

[629] _De l'Harmonie des Voyelles dans les Langues Uralo-Altaïques_,
1874, p. 67 sq.

[630] _General Principles of the Structure of Language_, 1885, Vol. I.
p. 357. The evidence here chiefly relied upon is that afforded by the
Yakutic, a pure Turki idiom, which is spoken in the region of extremest
heat and cold (Middle and Lower Lena basin), and in which the principle
of progressive assonance attains its greatest development.

[631] Explained and illustrated by General Krahmer in _Globus_, 1896, p.
208 sq.

[632] H. Lansdell, _Through Siberia_, 1882, I. p. 299.

[633] "Ueber die Sprache der Jukagiren," in _Mélanges Asiatiques_, 1859,
III. p. 595 sq.

[634] W. I. Jochelson recently discovered two independent Yukaghir
dialects. "Essay on the Grammar of the Yukaghir Language," _Annals N. Y.
Ac. Sc._ 1905; _The Yukaghir and the Yukaghirized Tungus._ _Memoir of
the Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, Vol. IX. 1910. For the Koryak see
his monograph in the same series, Vol. VI. 1905-8.

[635] _Ten Months among the Tents of the Tuski._

[636] "Ueber die Koriaken u. ihnen nahe verwandten Tchouktchen," _in
Bul. Acad. Sc._, St Petersburg, XII. p. 99.

[637] Peschel, _Races of Man_, p. 391, who says the Chukchi are "as
closely related to the Itelmes in speech as are Spaniards to
Portuguese."

[638] _Petermann's Mitt._ Vol. 25, 1879, p. 138.

[639] "The Girl and the Dogs, an Eskimo Folk-tale," _Amer.
Anthropologist_, June 1898, p. 181 sq.

[640] _Through the Gold Fields of Alaska to Bering Strait_, 1898.

[641] Cf. W. Bogoras, _The Chukchee, Memoir of the Jesup North Pacific
Expedition_, Vol. VII. 1904-10

[642] This, however, applies only to the fishing Koryaks, for G. Kennan
speaks highly of the domestic virtues, hospitality, and other good
qualities of the nomad groups (_Tent Life in Siberia_, 1871).

[643] See L. Sternberg, _The Tribes of the Amur River, Memoirs of the
Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, Vol. IV. 1900.

[644] _Mem. Imp. Soc. Nat. Sc._ XX. Supplement, Moscow, 1877.

[645] "Scheinen grosse Aenlichkeit in Sprache, Gesichtsbildung und
Sitten mit den Aino zu haben" (_Ueber die Aino_, Berlin, 1881, p. 12).

[646] _Through Siberia_, 1882, II. p. 227.

[647] _Ibid._ p. 235.

[648] _Ibid._ p. 221.

[649] _L'Anthropologie_, VI. No. 3.

[650] _Bul. du Muséum d'Hist. Nat._ 1896, No. 4. All the skulls were
brachy or sub-brachy, varying from 81 to 83.8 and 84.8. The author
remarks generally that "photographes et crânes diffèrent, du tout au
tout, des choses similaires venues jusqu'à présent de Mongolie et de
Chine, et font plutôt penser au Japon, à Formose, et d'une manière plus
générale à ce vaste ensemble de peuples maritimes que Lesson désignait
jadis sous le nom de 'Mongols-pélasgiens,'" p. 3.

[651] On this juxtaposition of the yellow and blond types in Korea V. de
Saint-Martin's language is highly significative: "Cette dualité de type,
un type tout à fait caucasique à côté du type mongol, est un fait commun
à toute la ceinture d'îles qui couvre les côtes orientales de l'Asie,
depuis les Kouriles jusqu'à Formose, et même jusqu'à la zone orientale
de l'Indo-Chine" (_Art. Corée_, p. 800).

[652] From _Koraï_, in Japanese _Kome_ (Chinese _Kaoli_), name of a
petty state, which enjoyed political predominance in the peninsula for
about 500 years (tenth to fourteenth century A.D.). An older designation
still in official use is _Tsio-sien_, that is, the Chinese _Chao-sien_,
"Bright Dawn" (Klaproth, _Asia Polyglotta_, p. 334 sq.).

[653] This stupendous work, on which about 1,000,000 hands are said to
have been engaged for five years, possesses great ethnical as well as
political importance. Running for over 1500 miles across hills, valleys,
and rivers along the northern frontier of China proper, it long arrested
the southern movements of the restless Mongolo-Turki hordes, and thus
gave a westerly direction to their incursions many centuries before the
great invasions of Jenghiz-Khan and his successors. It is strange to
reflect that the ethnological relations were thus profoundly disturbed
throughout the eastern hemisphere by the work of a ruthless despot who
reigned only twelve years, and in that time waged war against all the
best traditions of the empire, destroying the books of Confucius and the
other sages, and burying alive 460 men of letters for their efforts to
rescue those writings from total extinction.

[654] _Les Aryens au Nord et au Sud de l'Hindou-Kouch_, 1896, p. 25.
This writer does not think that the Usuns should be identified with the
tall race of horse-like face, large nose, and deep-set eyes mentioned in
the early Chinese records, because no reference is made to "blue eyes,"
which would not have been omitted had they existed. But, if I remember,
"green eyes" are spoken of, and we know that none of the early writers
use colour terms with strict accuracy.

[655] I have not thought it desirable to touch on the interminable
controversy respecting the ethnical relations of the Hiung-nu, regarding
them, not as a distinct ethnical group, but like the Huns, their later
western representatives, as a heterogeneous collection of Mongol,
Tungus, Turki, and perhaps even Finnish hordes under a Mongol military
caste. At the same time I have little doubt that Mongolo-Tungus elements
greatly predominated in the eastern regions (Mongolia proper, Manchuria)
both amongst the Hiung-nu and their Yuan-yuan (Sien-pi) successors, and
that all the founders of the first great empires prior to that of the
Turki Assena in the Altai region (sixth century A.D.) were full-blood
Mongols, as indeed recognised by Jenghiz-Khan himself. For the
migrations of these and neighbouring peoples, consult A. C. Haddon, _The
Wanderings of Peoples_, 1911, pp. 16 and 28.

[656] On the authority of the Wei-Shu documents contained in the
Wei-Ch[=i], E. H. Parker gives (in the _China Review_ and _A Thousand
Years of the Tartars_, Shanghai, 1895) the dates 386-556 A.D. as the
period covered by the "Sien-pi Tartar dynasty of Wei." This is not to be
confused with the Chinese dynasty of Wei (224-264, or according to Kwong
Ki-Chiu 234-274 A.D.). The term "Tartar" (Ta-Ta), it may be explained,
is used by Parker, as well as by the Chinese historians generally, in a
somewhat wide sense, so as to include all the nomad populations north of
the Great Wall, whether of Tungus (Manchu), Mongol, or even Turki stock.
The original tribes bearing the name were Mongols, and Jenghiz-Khan
himself was a Tata on his mother's side.

[657] Mrs Bishop, _Korea and Her Neighbours_, 1898.

[658] T. de Lacouperie says on "a Tibeto-Indian base" (_Beginnings of
Writing in Central and Eastern Asia_, 1894, p. 148); and E. H. Parker:
"It is demonstrable that the Korean letters are an adaptation from the
Sanskrit," _i.e._ the Devanagari (_Academy_, Dec. 21, 1895, p. 550).

[659] See p. 261. Also Koganei, "Ueber die Urbewohner von Japan," _Mitt.
d. Deutsch. Gesell. f. Natur- u. Völkerkunde Ostasiens_, IX. 3, 1903,
containing an exhaustive review of recent literature, and N. G. Munro,
_Prehistoric Japan_, 1912.

[660] J. Deniker, _Races of Man_, 1900, pp. 371-2. See also J.
Batchelor, _The Ainu of Japan_, 1892, and the article "Ainus" in _Ency.
of Religion and Ethics_, 1908.

[661] G. Baudens, _Bul. Soc. Geogr._ X. p. 419.

[662] See especially E. Baelz, "Die körperlichen Eigenschaften der
Japaner," in _Mitt. der Deutsch. Gesell. f. Natur- u. Völkerkunde
Ostasiens_, 28 and 32.

[663] _Cruise of the Marchesa_, 1886, I. p. 36.

[664] _Geogr. Journ._ 1895, II. p. 318.

[665] _Geogr. Journ._ 1895, II. p. 460.

[666] _Journ. Anthrop. Soc._ 1897, p. 47 sq.

[667] _Ibid._ p. 58.

[668] Ripley and Dana, _Amer. Cyc._ IX. 538.

[669] _Shogun_ from _Sho_ = general, and _gún_ = army, hence
Commander-in-chief; _Mikado_ from _mi_ = sublime, and _kado_ = gate,
with which cf. the "Sublime Porte" (J. J. Rein, _Japan nach Reisen u.
Studien,_ 1881, I. p. 245). But Mikado has become somewhat antiquated,
being now generally replaced by the title _Kotei,_ "Emperor."

[670] Keane's _Asia_, I. p. 487.



CHAPTER IX

THE NORTHERN MONGOLS (_continued_)

    The Finno-Turki Peoples--Assimilation to the Caucasic Type--Turki
    Cradle--Ural-Altaian Invasions--The Scythians--Parthians and
    Turkomans--Massagetae and Yué-chi--Indo-Scythians and
    Graeco-Baktrians--Dahae, Ját, and Rájput Origins--The "White
    Huns"--The Uigurs--Orkhon Inscriptions--The Assena Turki
    Dynasty--Toghuz-Uigur Empire--Kashgarian and Sungarian
    Populations--The Oghuz Turks and their Migrations--Seljuks and
    Osmanli--The Yakuts--The Kirghiz--Kazák and Kossack--The
    Kara-Kirghiz--The Finnish Peoples--Former and Present Domain--Late
    Westward Spread of the Finns--The Bronze and Iron Ages in the
    Finnish Lands--The Baltic Finns--Relations to Goths, Letts, and
    Slavs--Finno-Russ Origins--Tavastian and Karelian Finns--The
    Kwæns--The Lapps--Samoyeds and Permian Finns--Lapp Origins and
    Migrations--Temperament--Religion--The Volga Finns--The Votyak
    Pagans--Human Sacrifices--The Bulgars--Origins and Migrations--An
    Ethnical Transformation--Great and Little Bulgaria--Avars and
    Magyars--Magyar Origins and early Records--Present Position of the
    Magyars--Ethnical and Linguistic Relations in Eastern Europe.


In a very broad way all the western branches of the North Mongol
division may be comprised under the collective designation of
Finno-Turki Mongols. Jointly they constitute a well-marked section of
the family, being distinguished from the eastern section by several
features which they have in common, and the most important of which is
unquestionably a much larger infusion of Caucasic blood than is seen in
any of the Mongolo-Tungusic groups. So pronounced is this feature
amongst many Finnish as well as Turkish peoples, that some
anthropologists have felt inclined to deny any direct connection between
the eastern and western divisions of Mongolian man and to regard the
Baltic Finns, for instance, rather as "Allophylian Whites" than as
original members of the yellow race. Prichard, to whom we owe this now
nearly obsolete term "Allophylian," held this view[671], and even Sayce
is "more than doubtful whether we can class the Mongols physiologically
with the Turkish-Tatars [the Turki peoples], or the Ugro-Finns[672]."

It may, indeed, be allowed that at present the great majority of the
Finno-Turki populations occupy a position amongst the varieties of
mankind which is extremely perplexing for the strict systematist. When
the whole division is brought under survey, every shade of transition is
observed between the Siberian Samoyeds of the Finnic branch and the
steppe Kirghiz of the Turki branch on the one hand, both of whom show
Mongol characters in an exaggerated form, and on the other the Osmanli
Turks and Hungarian Magyars, most of whom may be regarded as typical
Caucasians. Moreover, the difficulty is increased by the fact, already
pointed out, that these mixed Mongolo-Caucasic characters occur not only
amongst the late historic groups, but also amongst the earliest known
groups--"Chudes," Usuns, Uigurs and others--who may be called
Proto-Finnish and Proto-Turki peoples. But precisely herein lies the
solution of the problem. Most of the region now held by Turki and
Finnish nations was originally occupied by long-headed Caucasic men of
the late Stone Ages (see above). Then followed the Proto-Mongol
intruders from the Tibetan table-land, who partly submerged, partly
intermingled with their neolithic neighbours, many thus acquiring those
mixed characters by which they have been distinguished from the earliest
historic times. Later, further interminglings took place according as
the Finno-Turki hordes, leaving their original seats in the Altai and
surrounding regions, advanced westwards and came more and more into
contact with the European populations of Caucasic type.

We may therefore conclude that the majority of the Finno-Turki were
almost from the first a somewhat mixed race, and that during historic
times the original Mongol element has gradually yielded to the Caucasic
in the direction from east to west. Such is the picture now presented by
these heterogeneous populations, who in their primeval eastern seats are
still mostly typical Mongols, but have been more and more assimilated to
the European type in their new Anatolian, Baltic, Danubian, and Balkan
homes.

Observant travellers have often been impressed by this progressive
conformity of the Mongolo-Turki to Europeans. During his westward
journey through Central Asia Younghusband, on passing from Mongolia to
Eastern Turkestan, found that the people, though tall and fine-looking,
had at first more of the Mongol cast of feature than he had expected.
"Their faces, however, though somewhat round, were slightly more
elongated than the Mongol, and there was considerably more intelligence
about them. But there was more roundness, less intelligence, less
sharpness in the outlines than is seen in the inhabitants of Kashgar and
Yarkand." Then he adds: "As I proceeded westwards I noticed a gradual,
scarcely perceptible, change from the round of a Mongolian type to a
sharper and yet more sharp type of feature.... As we get farther away
from Mongolia, we notice that the faces become gradually longer and
narrower; and farther west still, among some of the inhabitants of
Afghan Turkestan, we see that the Tartar or Mongol type of feature is
almost entirely lost[673]." To complete the picture it need only be
added that still further west, in Asia Minor, the Balkan Peninsula,
Hungary, and Finland, the Mongol features are often entirely lost. "The
Turks of the west have so much Aryan and Semitic blood in them, that the
last vestiges of their original physical characters have been lost, and
their language alone indicates their previous descent[674]."

Before they were broken up and dispersed over half the northern
hemisphere by Mongol pressure from the east, the primitive Turki tribes
dwelt, according to Howorth, mainly between the Ulugh-dagh mountains and
the Orkhon river in Mongolia, that is, along the southern slopes and
spurs of the Altai-Sayan system from the head waters of the Irtysh to
the valleys draining north to Lake Baikal. But the Turki cradle is
shifted farther east by Richthofen, who thinks that their true home lay
between the Amur, the Lena, and the Selenga, where at one time they had
their camping-grounds in close proximity to their Mongol and Tungus
kinsmen. There is nothing to show that the Yakuts, who are admittedly of
Turki stock, ever migrated to their present northern homes in the Lena
basin, which has more probably always been their native land[675].

But when they come within the horizon of history the Turki are already a
numerous nation, with a north-western and south-eastern division[676],
which may well have jointly occupied the whole region from the Irtysh to
the Lena, and both views may thus be reconciled. In any case the Turki
domain lay west of the Mongol, and the Altai uplands, taken in the
widest sense, may still be regarded as the most probable zone of
specialisation for the Turki physical type. The typical characteristics
are a yellowish white complexion, a high brachycephalic head, often
almost cuboid, due to parieto-occipital flattening (especially
noticeable among the Yakuts), an elongated oval face, with straight,
somewhat prominent nose, and non-Mongolian eyes. The stature is
moderate, with an average of 1.675 m. (5 ft. 6 in.), and a tendency to
stoutness.

Intermediate between the typical Turki and the Mongols Hamy places the
Uzbegs, Kirghiz, Bashkirs, and Nogais; and between the Turks and Finns
those extremely mixed groups of East Russia commonly but wrongly called
"Tartars," as well as other transitions between Turk, Slav, Greek, Arab,
Osmanli of Constantinople, Kurugli of Algeria and others, whose study
shows the extreme difficulty of accurately determining the limits of the
Yellow and the White races[677].

Analogous difficulties recur in the study of the Northern (Siberian)
groups--Samoyeds, Ostyaks, Voguls and other Ugrians--who present great
individual variations, leading almost without a break from the Mongol to
the Lapp, from the Lapp to the Finn, from Finn to Slav and Teuton. Thus
may be shown a series of observations continuous between the most
typical Mongol, and those aberrant Mongolo-Caucasic groups which answer
to Prichard's "Allophylian races." Thus also is confirmed by a study of
details the above broad generalisation in which I have endeavoured to
determine the relation of the Finno-Turki peoples to the primary Mongol
and Caucasic divisions.

Peisker's description of the Scythian invasions of Irania[678] may be
taken as typical of the whole area, and explains the complexity of the
ethnological problems. The steppes and deserts of Central Asia are an
impassable barrier for the South Asiatics, the Aryans, but not for the
North Asiatic, the Altaian; for him they are an open country, providing
him with the indispensable winter pastures. On the other hand, for the
South Asiatic Aryan these deserts are an object of terror, and besides
he is not impelled towards them as he has winter pastures near at hand.
It is this difference in the distance of summer and winter pastures that
makes the North Asiatic Altaian an ever-wandering herdsman, and the
grazing part of the Indo-European race cattle-rearers settled in limited
districts. Thus, while the native Iranian must halt before the trackless
region of steppes and deserts and cannot follow the well-mounted
robber-nomad thither, Iran itself is the object of greatest longing to
the nomadic Altaian. Here he can plunder and enslave to his heart's
delight, and if he succeeds in maintaining himself for a considerable
time among the Aryans, he learns the language of the subjugated people
and, by mingling with them, loses his Mongol characteristics more and
more. If the Iranian is now fortunate enough to shake off the yoke, the
dispossessed iranised Altaian intruder inflicts himself upon other
lands. So it was with the Scythians. Leaving their families behind in
the South Russian steppes, the Scythians invaded Media _c._ B.C. 630,
and advanced into Mesopotamia as far as Egypt.

In Media they took Median wives and learned the Median language. After
being driven out by Cyaxares, on their return, some 28 years later, they
met with a new generation, the offspring of the wives and daughters whom
they had left behind, and slaves of an alien race. A hundred and fifty
years later Hippocrates remarked their yellowish red complexion,
corpulence, smooth skins, and their consequent eunuch-like
appearance--all typically Mongol characteristics. Hippocrates was the
most celebrated physician and natural philosopher of the ancient world.
His evidence is unshakeable and cannot be invalidated by the Aryan
speech of the Scythians. Their Mongol type was innate in them, whereas
their Iranian speech was acquired and is no refutation of Hippocrates'
testimony. On the later Greek vases from South Russian excavations they
already appear strongly demongolised and the Altaian is only suggested
by their hair, which is as stiff as a horse's mane--hence Aristotle's
epithet [Greek: euthytriches]--the characteristic that survives
longest among all Ural-Altaian hybrid peoples.

E. H. Parker unfortunately lent the weight of his authority to the
statement that the word "Türkö" [Turki] "goes no farther back than the
fifth century of our era," and that "so far as recorded history is
concerned the name of Turk dates from this time[679]." But Turki tribes
bearing this national name had penetrated into East Europe hundreds of
years before that time, and were already seated on the Tanais (Don)
about the new era. They are mentioned by name both by Pomponius
Mela[680] and by Pliny[681], and to the same connection belonged, beyond
all doubt, the warlike _Parthians_, who 300 years earlier were already
seated on the confines of Iran and Turan, routed the legions of Crassus
and Antony, and for five centuries (250 B.C.-229 A.D.) usurped the
throne of the "King of Kings," holding sway from the Euphrates to the
Ganges, and from the Caspian to the Indian Ocean. Direct descendants of
the Parthians are the fierce Turkoman nomads, who for ages terrorised
over all the settled populations encircling the Aralo-Caspian
depression. Their power has at last been broken by the Russians, but
they are still politically dominant in Persia[682]. They have thus been
for many ages in the closest contact with Caucasic Iranians, with the
result that the present Turkoman type is shown by J. L. Yavorsky's
observations to be extremely variable[683].

Both the Parthians and the _Massagetae_ have been identified with the
_Yué-chi_, who figured so largely in the annals of the Han dynasties,
and are above mentioned as having been driven west to Sungaria by the
Hiung-nu after the erection of the Great Wall. It has been said that,
could we follow the peregrinations of the Yué-chi bands from their early
seats at the foot of the Kinghan mountains to their disappearance amid
the snows of the Western Himalayas, we should hold the key to the
solution of the obscure problems associated with the migrations of the
Mongolo-Turki hordes since the torrent of invasion was diverted
westwards by Shih Hwang Ti's mighty barrier. One point, however, seems
clear enough, that the Yué-chi were a different people both from the
Parthians who had already occupied Hyrcania (Khorasan) at least in the
third century B.C., if not earlier, and from the Massagetae. For the
latter were seated on the Yaxartes (Sir-darya) in the time of Cyrus
(sixth century B.C.), whereas the Yué-chi still dwelt east of Lake Lob
(Tarim basin) in the third century. After their defeat by the Hiung-nu
and the Usuns (201 and 165 B.C.), they withdrew to Sogdiana
(Transoxiana), reduced the _Ta-Hia_ of Baktria, and in 126 B.C.
overthrew the Graeco-Baktrian kingdom, which had been founded after the
death of Alexander towards the close of the fourth century. But in the
Kabul valley, south of the Hindu-Kush, the Greeks still held their
ground for over 100 years, until Kadphises I., king of the Kushans--a
branch of the Yué-chi--after uniting the whole nation in a single
Indo-Scythian state, extended his conquests to Kabul and succeeded
Hermaeus, last of the Greek dynasty (40-20 B.C.?). Kadphises' son
Kadaphes (10 A.D.) added to his empire a great part of North India,
where his successors of the Yué-chi dynasty reigned from the middle of
the first to the end of the fourth century A.D. Here they are supposed
by some authorities to be still represented by the _Játs_ and _Rájputs_,
and even Prichard allows that the supposition "does not appear
altogether preposterous," although "the physical characters of the Játs
are very different from those attributed to the Yuetschi [Yué-chi] and
the kindred tribes [Suns, Kushans, etc.] by the writers cited by
Klaproth and Abel Remusat, who say that they are of sanguine complexion
with blue eyes[684]."

We now know that these characters present little difficulty when the
composite origin of the Turki people is borne in mind. On the other hand
it is interesting to note that the above-mentioned Ta-Hia have by some
been identified with the warlike Scythian Dahae[685], and these with the
Dehiya or Dhé one of the great divisions of the Indian Játs. But if
Rawlinson[686] is right, the term _Dahae_ was not racial but social,
meaning _rustici_,--the peasantry as opposed to the nomads; hence the
Dahae are heard of everywhere throughout Irania, just as _Dehwar_[687]
is still the common designation of the Tajik (Persian) peasantry in
Afghanistan and Baluchistan. This is also the view taken by de Ujfalvy,
who identifies the Ta-Hia, not with the Scythian Dahae, or with any
other particular tribe, but with the peaceful rural population of
Baktriana[688], whose reduction by the Yué-chi, possibly Strabo's
Tokhari, was followed by the overthrow of the Graeco-Baktrians. The
solution of the puzzling Yué-chi-Ját problem would therefore seem to be
that the Dehiya and other Játs, always an agricultural people, are
descended from the old Iranian peasantry of Baktriana, some of whom
followed the fortunes of their Greek rulers into Kabul valley, while
others accompanied the conquering Yué-chi founders of the Indo-Scythian
empire into northern India.

Then followed the overthrow of the Yué-chi themselves by the _Yé-tha_
(_Ye-tha-i-li-to_) of the Chinese records, that is, the _Ephthalites_,
or so-called "White Huns," of the Greek and Arab writers, who about 425
A.D. overran Transoxiana, and soon afterwards penetrated through the
mountain passes into the Kabul and Indus valleys. Although confused by
some contemporary writers (Zosimus, Am. Marcellinus) with Attila's Huns,
M. Drouin has made it clear that the Yé-tha were not Huns (Mongols) at
all, but, like the Yué-chi, a Turki people, who were driven westwards
about the same time as the Hiung-nu by the Yuan-yuans (see above). Of
Hun they had little but the name, and the more accurate Procopius was
aware that they differed entirely from "the Huns known to us, not being
nomads, but settled for a long time in a fertile region." He speaks also
of their white colour and regular features, and their sedentary
life[689] as in the Chinese accounts, where they are described as
warlike conquerors of twenty kingdoms, as far as that of the A-si
(Arsacides, Parthians), and in their customs resembling the Tu-Kiu
(Turks), being in fact "of the same race." On the ruins of the
Indo-Scythian (Yué-chi) empire, the White Huns ruled in India and the
surrounding lands from 425 to the middle of the sixth century. A little
later came the Arabs, who in 706 captured Samarkand, and under the
Abassides were supreme in Central Asia till scattered to the winds by
the Oghuz Turki hordes.

From all this it has been suggested that--while the Baktrian peasants
entered India as settlers, and are now represented by the agricultural
Játs--the Yué-chi and Yé-tha, both of fair Turki stock, came as
conquerors, and are now represented by the Rájputs, "Sons of Kings," the
warrior and land-owning race of northern India. It is significant that
these Thákur, "feudal lords," mostly trace their genealogies from about
the beginning of the seventh century, as if they had become Hinduized
soon after the fall of the foreign Yé-tha dynasty, while on the other
hand "the country legends abound with instances of the conflict between
the Rájput and the Bráhman in prehistoric times[690]." This supports the
conjecture that the Rájputs entered India, not as "Aryans" of the
Kshatriya or military caste, as is commonly assumed, but as aliens
(Turki), the avowed foes of the true Aryans, that is, the Bráhman or
theocratic (priestly) caste. Thus also is explained the intimate
association of the Rájputs and the Játs from the first--the Rájputs
being the Turki leaders of the invasions; and the Játs their peaceful
Baktrian subjects following in their wake.

The theory that the haughty Rájputs are of unsullied "Aryan blood" is
scarcely any longer held even by the Rájputs themselves; they are
undoubtedly of mixed origin. But the definite physical type which H. H.
Risley[691] describes as characteristic of Rájputs and Játs in the
Kashmir Valley, Punjab and Rajputana, shows them to be wavy-haired
dark-skinned dolichocephals, linked rather with the "Caucasic" than the
"Mongolian" division.

Nearly related to the White Huns were the _Uigurs_, the _Kao-che_ of the
Chinese annals, who may claim to be the first Turki nation that founded
a relatively civilised State in Central Asia. Before the general
commotion caused by the westward pressure of the Hiung-nu, they appear
to have dwelt in eastern Turkestan (Kashgaria) between the Usuns and the
Sacae, and here they had already made considerable progress under
Buddhist influences about the fourth or fifth century of the new era.
Later, the Buddhist missionaries from Tibet were replaced by Christian
(Nestorian) evangelists from western Asia, who in the seventh century
reduced the Uigur language to written form, adapting for the purpose the
Syriac alphabet, which was afterwards borrowed by the Mongols and the
Manchus.

This Syriac script--which, as shown by the authentic inscription of
Si-ngan-fu, was introduced into China in 635 A.D.--is not to be confused
with that of the Orkhon inscriptions[692] dating from 732 A.D., and
bearing a certain resemblance to some of the Runic characters, as also
to the Korean, at least in form, but never in sound. Yet although
differing from the Uiguric, Prof. Thomsen, who has successfully
deciphered the Orkhon text, thinks that this script may also be derived,
at least indirectly through some of the Iranian varieties, from the same
Aramean (Syriac) form of the Semitic alphabet that gave birth to the
Uiguric[693].

It is more important to note that all the non-Chinese inscriptions are
in the Turki language, while the Chinese text refers by name to the
father, the grandfather, and the great-grandfather of the reigning Khan
Bilga, which takes us back nearly to the time when Sinjibu (Dizabul),
Great Khan of the Altai Turks, was visited by the Byzantine envoy,
Zimarchus, in 569 A.D. In the still extant report of this embassy[694]
the Turks ([Greek: Tourkoi]) are mentioned by name, and are described as
nomads who dwelt in tents mounted on wagons, burnt the dead, and raised
to their memory monuments, statues, and cairns with as many stones as
the foes slain by the deceased in battle. It is also stated that they
had a peculiar writing system, which must have been that of these Orkhon
inscriptions, the Uiguric having apparently been introduced somewhat
later.

Originally the Uigurs comprised nineteen clans, which at a remote period
already formed two great sections:--the On-Uigur ("Ten Uigurs") in the
south, and the Toghuz-Uigur ("Nine Uigurs") in the north. The former had
penetrated westwards to the Aral Sea[695] as early as the second century
A.D., and many of them undoubtedly took part in Attila's invasion of
Europe.

Later, all these Western Uigurs, mentioned amongst the hordes that
harassed the Eastern Empire in the fifth and sixth centuries, in
association especially with the Turki Avars, disappear from history,
being merged in the Ugrian and other Finnish peoples of the Volga basin.
The Toghuz section also, after throwing off the yoke of the Mongol or
Tungus Geugen (Jeu-Jen) in the fifth century, were for a time submerged
in the vast empire of the Altai Turks, founded in 552 by Tumen of the
House of Assena (A-shi-na), who was the first to assume the title of
Kha-Khan, "Great Khan," and whose dynasty ruled over the united Turki
and Mongol peoples from the Pacific to the Caspian, and from the Frozen
Ocean to the confines of China and Tibet. Both the above-mentioned
Sinjibu, who received the Byzantine envoy, and the Bilga Khan of the
Orkhon _stele_, belonged to this dynasty, which was replaced in 774 by
Pei-lo (Huei-hu), chief of the Toghuz-Uigurs. This is how we are to
understand the statement that all the Turki peoples who during the
somewhat unstable rule of the Assena dynasty from 552 to 774 had
undergone many vicissitudes, and about 580 were even broken into two
great sections (Eastern Turks of the Karakoram region and Western Turks
of the Tarim basin), were again united in one vast political system
under the Toghuz-Uigurs. These are henceforth known in history simply as
Uigurs, the On branch having, as stated, long disappeared in the West.
The centre of their power seems to have oscillated between Karakoram and
Turfan in Eastern Turkestan, the extensive ruins of which have been
explored by D. A. Klements, Sven Hedin and M. A. Stein. Their vast
dominions were gradually dismembered, first by the _Hakas_, or
_Ki-li-Kissé_, precursors of the present Kirghiz, who overran the
eastern (Orkhon) districts about 840, and then by the Muhammadans of
Máwar-en-Nahar (Transoxiana), who overthrew the "Lion Kings," as the
Uigur Khans of Turfan were called, and set up several petty Mussulman
states in Eastern Turkestan. Later they fell under the yoke of the
Kara-Khitais, and were amongst the first to join the devastating hordes
of Jenghiz-Khan; their name, which henceforth vanishes from
history[696], has been popularly recognised under the form of "Ogres,"
in fable and nursery tales, but the derivation lacks historical
foundation.

At present the heterogeneous populations of the Tarim basin (Kashgaria,
Eastern Turkestan), where the various elements have been intermingled,
offer a striking contrast to those of the Ili valley (Sungaria), where
one invading horde has succeeded and been superimposed on another. Hence
the complexity of the Kashgarian type, in which the original "horse-like
face" everywhere crops out, absorbing the later Mongolo-Turki arrivals.
But in Sungaria the Kalmuk, Chinese, Dungan, Taranchi, and Kirghiz
groups are all still sharply distinguished and perceptible at a glance.
"Amongst the Kashgarians--a term as vague ethnically as
'Aryan'--Richthofen has determined the successive presence of the Su,
Yué-chi, and Usun hordes, as described in the early Chinese
chronicles[697]."

The recent explorations of M. A. Stein have thrown some light on the
ethnology of this region, and a preliminary survey of results was
prepared and published by T. A. Joyce. He concludes that the original
inhabitants were of Alpine type, with, in the west, traces of the
Indo-Afghan, and that the Mongolian has had very little influence upon
the population[698].

In close proximity to the Toghuz-Uigurs dwelt the _Oghuz_ (_Ghuz, Uz_),
for whom eponymous heroes have been provided in the legendary records of
the Eastern Turks, although all these terms would appear to be merely
shortened forms of Toghuz[699]. But whether true Uigurs, or a distinct
branch of the Turki people, the Ghuz, as they are commonly called by
the Arab writers, began their westward migrations about the year 780.
After occupying Transoxiana, where they are now represented by the
Uzbegs[700] of Bokhara and surrounding lands, they gradually spread as
conquerors over all the northern parts of Irania, Asia Minor, Syria, the
Russian and Caucasian steppes, Ukrainia, Dacia, and the Balkan
Peninsula. In most of these lands they formed fresh ethnical
combinations both with the Caucasic aborigines, and with many kindred
Turki as well as Mongol peoples, some of whom were settled in these
regions since neolithic times, while others had either accompanied
Attila's expeditions, or followed in his wake (Pechenegs, Komans, Alans,
Kipchaks, Kara-Kalpaks), or else arrived later in company with
Jenghiz-Khan and his successors (Kazan and Nogai "Tatars"[701]).

In Russia, Rumania (Dacia), and most of the Balkan Peninsula these
Mongolo-Turki blends have been again submerged by the dominant Slav and
Rumanian peoples (Great and Little Russians, Servo-Croatians,
Montenegrini, Moldavians, and Walachians). But in south-western Asia
they still constitute perhaps the majority of the population between the
Indus and Constantinople, in many places forming numerous compact
communities, in which the Mongolo-Turki physical and mental characters
are conspicuous. Such, besides the already mentioned Turkomans of
Parthian lineage, are all the nomad and many of the settled inhabitants
of Khiva, Ferghana, Karategin, Bokhara, generally comprised under the
name of Uzbegs and "Sartes." Such also are the Turki peoples of Afghan
Turkestan, and of the neighbouring uplands (Hazaras and Aimaks who claim
Mongol descent, though now of Persian speech); the Aderbaijani and many
other more scattered groups in Persia; the Nogai and Kumuk tribes of
Caucasia, and especially most of the nomad and settled agricultural
populations of Asia Minor. The Anatolian peasantry form, in fact, the
most numerous and compact division of the Turki family still surviving
in any part of their vast domain between the Bosporus and the Lena.

Out of this prolific Oghuz stock arose many renowned chiefs, founders of
vast but somewhat unstable empires, such as those of the Gasnevides, who
ruled from Persia to the Indus; the Seljuks, who first wrested the
Asiatic provinces from Byzantium; the Osmanli, so named from Othman, the
Arabised form of Athman, who prepared the way for Orkhan (1326-60), true
builder of the Ottoman power, which has alone survived the shipwreck of
all the historical Turki states. The vicissitudes of these monarchies,
looked on perhaps with too kindly an eye by Gibbon, belong to the domain
of history, and it will suffice here to state that from the ethnical
standpoint the chief interest centres in that of the Seljukides,
covering the period from about the middle of the eleventh to the middle
of the thirteenth century. It was under Togrul-beg of this dynasty
(1038-63) that "the whole body of the Turkish nation embraced with
fervour and sincerity the religion of Mahomet[702]." A little later
began the permanent Turki occupation of Asia Minor, where, after the
conquest of Armenia (1065-68) and the overthrow of the Byzantine emperor
Romanus Diogenes (1071), numerous military settlements, followed by
nomad Turkoman encampments, were established by the great Seljuk rulers,
Alp Arslan and Malek Shah (1063-92), at all the strategical points.
These first arrivals were joined later by others fleeing before the
Mongol hosts led by Jenghiz-Khan's successors down to the time of
Timur-beg. But the Christians (Greeks and earlier aborigines) were not
exterminated, and we read that, while great numbers apostatised, "many
thousand children were marked by the knife of circumcision; and many
thousand captives were devoted to the service or the pleasures of their
masters" (_ib._). In other words, the already mixed Turki intruders were
yet more modified by further interminglings with the earlier inhabitants
of Asia Minor. Those who, following the fortunes of the Othman dynasty,
crossed the Bosporus and settled in Rumelia and some other parts of the
Balkan Peninsula, now prefer to call themselves _Osmanli_, even
repudiating the national name "Turk" still retained with pride by the
ruder peasant classes of Asia Minor. The latter are often spoken of as
"Seljuk Turks," as if there were some racial difference between them and
the European Osmanli, and for the distinction there is some foundation.
As pointed out by Arminius Vambéry[703], the Osmanli have been
influenced and modified by their closer association with the Christian
populations of the Balkan lands, while in Anatolia the Seljuks have been
able better to preserve the national type and temperament. The true
Turki spirit ("das Türkentum") survives especially in the provinces of
Lykaonia and Kappadokia, where the few surviving natives were not only
Islamised but ethnically fused, whereas in Europe most of them
(Bosnians, Albanians) were only Islamised, and here the Turki element
has always been slight.

At present the original Turki type and temperament are perhaps best
preserved amongst the remote _Yakuts_ of the Lena, and the _Kirghiz_
groups (_Kirghiz Kazaks_ and _Kara Kirghiz_) of the West Siberian steppe
and the Pamir uplands. The Turki connection of the Yakuts, about which
some unnecessary doubts had been raised, has been set at rest by V. A.
Sierochevsky[704], who, however, describes them as now a very mixed
people, owing to alliances with the Tunguses and Russians. They are of
short stature, averaging scarcely 5 ft. 4 in., and this observer thought
their dark but not brilliant black eyes, deeply sunk in narrow orbits,
gave them more of a Red Indian than of a Mongol cast. They are almost
the only progressive aboriginal people in Siberia, although numbering
not more than 200,000 souls, concentrated chiefly along the river banks
on the plateau between the Lena and the Aldan.

In the Yakuts we have an extreme instance of the capacity of man to
adapt himself to the _milieu_. They not merely exist, but thrive and
display a considerable degree of energy and enterprise in the coldest
region on the globe. Within the isothermal of -72° Fahr., Verkhoyansk,
in the heart of their territory, is alone included, for the period from
November to February, and in this temperature, at which the quicksilver
freezes, the Yakut children may be seen gambolling naked in the snow. In
midwinter R. Kennan met some of these "men of iron," as Wrangel calls
them, airily arrayed in nothing but a shirt and a sheepskin, lounging
about as if in the enjoyment of the balmy zephyrs of some genial
sub-tropical zone.

Although nearly all are Orthodox Christians, or at least baptized as
such, they are mere Shamanists at heart, still conjuring the powers of
nature, but offering no worship to a supreme deity, of whom they have a
vague notion, though he is too far off to hear, or too good to need
their supplications. The world of good and evil spirits, however, has
been enriched by accessions from the Russian calendar and pandemonium.
Thanks to their commercial spirit, the Yakut language, a very pure Turki
idiom, is even more widespread than the race, having become a general
medium of intercourse for Tungus, Russian, Mongol and other traders
throughout East Siberia, from Irkutsk to the Sea of Okhotsk, and from
the Chinese frontier to the Arctic Ocean[705].

To some extent W. Radloff is right in describing the great Kirghiz Turki
family as "of all Turks most nearly allied to the Mongols in their
physical characters, and by their family names such as Kyptshak
[Kipchak], Argyn, Naiman, giving evidence of Mongolian descent, or at
least of intermixture with Mongols[706]." But we have already been
warned against the danger of attaching too much importance to these
tribal designations, many of which seem, after acquiring renown on the
battle-field, to have passed readily from one ethnic group to another.
There are certain Hindu-Kush and Afghan tribes who think themselves
Greeks or Arabs, because of the supposed descent of their chiefs from
Alexander the Great or the Prophet's family, and genealogical trees
spring up like the conjurer's mango plant in support of such illustrious
lineage. The Chagatai (Jagatai) tribes, of Turki stock and speech, take
their name from a full-blood Mongol, Chagatai, second son of
Jenghiz-Khan, to whom fell Eastern Turkestan in the partition of the
empire.

In the same way many Uzbeg and Kirghiz Turki tribes are named from
famous Mongol chiefs, although no one will deny a strain of true Mongol
blood in all these heterogeneous groups. This is evident enough from the
square and somewhat flat Mongol features, prominent cheek-bones, oblique
eyes, large mouth, feet and hands, yellowish brown complexion, ungainly
obese figures and short stature, all of which are characteristic of
both sections, the Kara-Kirghiz highlanders, and the Kazaks of the
lowlands. Some ethnologists regard these Kirghiz groups, not as a
distinct branch of the Mongolo-Turki race, but rather as a confederation
of several nomad tribes stretching from the Gobi to the Lower Volga, and
mingled together by Jenghiz-Khan and his successors[707].

The true national name is _Kazák_, "Riders," and as they were originally
for the most part mounted marauders, or free lances of the steppe, the
term came to be gradually applied to all nomad and other horsemen
engaged in predatory warfare. It thus at an early date reached the South
Russian steppe, where it was adopted in the form of _Kossack_ by the
Russians themselves. It should be noted that the compound term
Kirghiz-Kazak, introduced by the Russians to distinguish these nomads
from their own Cossacks, is really a misnomer. The word "Kirghiz,"
whatever its origin, is never used by the Kazaks in reference to
themselves, but only to their near relations, the Kirghiz, or
Kara-Kirghiz[708], of the uplands.

These highlanders, who roam the Tian-Shan and Pamir valleys, form two
sections:--_On_, "Right," or East, and _Sol_, "Left," or West. They are
the _Diko Kamennyi_, that is, "Wild Rock People," of the Russians,
whence the expression "Block Kirghiz" still found in some English books
of travel. But they call themselves simply Kirghiz, claiming descent
from an original tribe of that name, itself sprung from a legendary
Kirghiz-beg, from whom are also descended the Chiliks, Kitars and
others, all now reunited with the Ons and the Sols.

The Kazaks also are grouped in long-established and still jealously
maintained sections--the _Great_, _Middle_, _Little_, and _Inner
Horde_--whose joint domain extends from Lake Balkash round the north
side of the Caspian down to the Lower Volga[709]. All accepted the
teachings of Islam many centuries ago, but their Muhammadanism[710] is
of a somewhat negative character, without mosques, mollahs, or
fanaticism, and in practice not greatly to be distinguished from the old
Siberian Shamanism. Kumiss, fermented mare's milk, their universal
drink, as amongst the ancient Scythians, plays a large part in the life
of these hospitable steppe nomads.

One of the lasting results of Castrèn's labours has been to place beyond
reasonable doubt the Altai origin of the Finnish peoples[711]. Their
cradle may now be localised with some confidence about the head waters
of the Yenisei, in proximity to that of their Turki kinsmen. Here is the
seat of the _Soyotes_ and of the closely allied _Koibals_,
_Kamassintzi_, _Matores_, _Karagasses_ and others, who occupy a
considerable territory along both slopes of the Sayan range, and may be
regarded as the primitive stock of the widely diffused Finnish race.
Some of these groups have intermingled with the neighbouring Turki
peoples, and even speak Turki dialects. But the original Finnish type
and speech are well represented by the Soyotes, who are here indigenous,
and "from these their ... kinsmen, the Samoyeds have spread as breeders
of reindeer to the north of the continent from the White Sea to the Bay
of Chatanga[712]." Others, following a westerly route along the foot of
the Altai and down the Irtysh to the Urals, appear to have long occupied
both slopes of that range, where they acquired some degree of culture,
and especially that knowledge of, and skill in working, the precious and
other metals, for which the "White-eyed Chudes" were famous, and to
which repeated reference is made in the songs of the _Kalevala_[713].
As there are no mines or minerals in Finland itself, it seems obvious
that the legendary heroes of the Finnish national epic must have dwelt
in some metalliferous region, which could only be the Altai or the
Urals, possibly both.

In any case the Urals became a second home and point of dispersion for
the Finnish tribes (_Ugrian Finns_), whose migrations--some prehistoric,
some historic--can be followed thence down the Pechora and Dvina to the
Frozen Ocean[714], and down the Kama to the Volga. From this artery,
where permanent settlements were formed (_Volga Finns_), some conquering
hordes went south and west (_Danubian Finns_), while more peaceful
wanderers ascended the great river to Lakes Ladoga and Onega, and thence
to the shores of the Baltic and Lapland (_Baltic and Lake Finns_).

Thus were constituted the main branches of the widespread Finnish
family, whose domain formerly extended from the Katanga beyond the
Yenisei to Lapland, and from the Arctic Ocean to the Altai range, the
Caspian, and the Volga, with considerable _enclaves_ in the Danube
basin. But throughout their relatively short historic life the Finnish
peoples, despite a characteristic tenacity and power of resistance, have
in many places been encroached upon, absorbed, or even entirely
eliminated, by more aggressive races, such as the Siberian "Tatars" in
their Altai cradleland, the Turki Kirghiz and Bashkirs in the West
Siberian steppes and the Urals, the Russians in the Volga and Lake
districts, the Germans and Lithuanians in the Baltic Provinces (Kurland,
Livonia, Esthonia), the Rumanians, Slavs, and others in the Danube
regions, where the Ugrian Bulgars and Magyars have been almost entirely
assimilated in type (and the former also in speech) to the surrounding
European populations.

Few anthropologists now attach much importance to the views not yet
quite obsolete regarding a former extension of the Finnish race over
the whole of Europe and the British Isles. Despite the fact that all the
Finns are essentially round-headed, they were identified first with the
long-headed cavemen, who retreated north with the reindeer, as was the
favourite hypothesis, and then with the early neolithic races who were
also long-headed. Elaborate but now forgotten essays were written by
learned philologists to establish a common origin of the Basque and the
Finnic tongues, which have nothing in common, and half the myths,
folklore, and legendary heroes of the western nations were traced to
Finno-Ugrian sources.

Now we know better, and both archaeologists and philologists have made
it evident that the Finnish peoples are relatively quite recent arrivals
in Europe, that the men of the Bronze Age in Finland itself were not
Finns but Teutons, and that at the beginning of the new era all the
Finnish tribes still dwelt east of the Gulf of Finland[715].

Not only so, but the eastern migrations themselves, as above roughly
outlined, appear to have taken place at a relatively late epoch, long
after the inhabitants of West Siberia had passed from the New Stone to
the Metal Ages. J. R. Aspelin, "founder of Finno-Ugrian archaeology,"
points out that the Finno-Ugrian peoples originally occupied a
geographical position between the Indo-Germanic and the Mongolic races,
and that their first Iron Age was most probably a development, between
the Yenisei and the Kama, of the so-called Ural-Altai Bronze Age, the
last echoes of which may be traced westwards to Finland and North
Scandinavia. In the Upper Yenisei districts iron objects had still the
forms of the Bronze Age, when that ancient civilisation, associated with
the name of the "Chudes," was interrupted by an invasion which
introduced the still persisting Turki Iron Age, expelled the aboriginal
inhabitants, and thus gave rise to the great migrations first of the
Finno-Ugrians, and then of the Turki peoples (Bashkirs, Volga "Tatars"
and others) to and across the Urals. It was here, in the Permian
territory between the Irtysh and the Kama, that the West Siberian
(Chudish) Iron Age continued its normal and unbroken evolution. The
objects recovered from the old graves and kurgans in the present
governments of Tver and Iaroslav, and especially at Ananyino on the
Kama, centre of this culture, show that here took place the transition
from the Bronze to the Iron Age some 300 years before the new era, and
here was developed a later Iron Age, whose forms are characteristic of
the northern Finno-Ugrian lands. The whole region would thus appear to
have been first occupied by these immigrants from Asia after the
irruption of the Turki hordes into Western Siberia during the first Iron
Age, at most some 500 or 600 years before the Christian era. The
Finno-Ugrian migrations are thus limited to a period of not more than
2600 years from the present time, and this conclusion, based on
archaeological grounds, agrees fairly well with the historical,
linguistic, and ethnical data.

It is especially in this obscure field of research that the eminent
Danish scholar, Vilhelm Thomsen, has rendered inestimable services to
European ethnology. By the light of his linguistic studies A. H.
Snellman[716] has elucidated the origins of the Baltic Finns, the
Proto-Esthonians, the now all but extinct Livonians, and the quite
extinct Kurlanders, from the time when they still dwelt east and
south-east of the Baltic lands, under the influence of the surrounding
Lithuanian and Gothic tribes, till the German conquest of the Baltic
provinces. We learn from Jordanes, to whom is due the first authentic
account of these populations, that the various Finnish tribes were
subject to the Gothic king Hermanarich, and Thomsen now shows that all
the Western Finns (Esthonians, Livonians, Votes, Vepses, Karelians,
Tavastians, and others of Finland) must in the first centuries of the
new era have lived practically as one people in the closest social
union, speaking one language, and following the same religious, tribal,
and political institutions. Earlier than the Gothic was the
Letto-Lithuanian contact, as shown by the fact that its traces are
perceptible in the language of the Volga Finns, in which German
loan-words are absent. From these investigations it becomes clear that
the Finnish domain must at that time have stretched from the present
Esthonia, Livonia, and Lake Ladoga south to the western Dvina.

The westward movement was connected with the Slav migrations. When the
Slavs south of the Letts moved west, other Slav tribes must have pushed
north, thus driving both Letts and Finns west to the Baltic provinces,
which had previously been occupied by the Germans (Goths). Some of the
Western Finns must have found their way about 500 A.D., scarcely
earlier, into parts of this region, where they came into hostile and
friendly contact with the Norsemen. These relations would even appear to
be reflected in the Norse mythology, which may be regarded as in great
measure an echo of historic events. The wars of the Swedish and Danish
kings referred to in these oral records may be interpreted as plundering
expeditions rather than permanent conquests, while the undoubtedly
active intercourse between the east and west coasts of the Baltic may be
explained on the assumption that, after the withdrawal of the Goths, a
remnant of the Germanic populations remained behind in the Baltic
provinces.

From Nestor's statement that all three of the Varangian princes settled,
not amongst Slavish but amongst Finnish peoples, it may be inferred that
the Finnish element constituted the most important section in the newly
founded Russian State; and it may here be mentioned that the term "Russ"
itself has now been traced to the Finnish word _Ruost_ (_Ruosti_), a
"Norseman." But although at first greatly outnumbering the Slavs, the
Finnish peoples soon lost the political ascendancy, and their subsequent
history may be summed up in the expression--gradual absorption in the
surrounding Slav populations. This inevitable process is still going on
amongst all the Volga, Lake and Baltic Finns, except in Finland and
Lapland, where other conditions obtain[717].

Most Finnish ethnologists agree that however much they may now differ in
their physical and mental characters and usages, Finns and Lapps were
all originally one people. Some variant of _Suoma_[718] enters into the
national name of all the Baltic groups--_Suomalaiset_, the Finns of
Finland, _Somelaïzed_, those of Esthonia, _Samelats_ (Sabmelad), the
Lapps, _Samoyad_, the Samoyeds. In Ohthere's time the Norsemen called
all the Lapps "Finnas" (as the Norwegians still do), and that early
navigator already noticed that these "Finns" seemed to speak the same
language as the Beormas, who were true Finns[719]. Nor do the present
inhabitants of Finland, taken as a whole, differ more in outward
appearance and temperament from their Lapp neighbours than do the
Tavastians and the Karelians, that is, their western and eastern
sections, from each other. The Tavastians, who call themselves
Hémelaiset, "Lake People," have rather broad, heavy frames, small and
oblique blue or grey eyes, towy hair and white complexion, without the
clear florid colour of the North Germanic and English peoples. The
temperament is somewhat sluggish, passive and enduring, morose and
vindictive, but honest and trustworthy.

Very different are the tall, slim, active Karelians (_Karialaiset_,
"Cowherds," from _Kari_, "Cow"), with more regular features, straight
grey eyes, brown complexion, and chestnut hair, like that of the hero of
the Kalevala, hanging in ringlets down the shoulders. Many of the
Karelians, and most of the neighbouring _Ingrians_ about the head of the
Gulf of Finland, as well as the Votes and Vepses of the great lakes,
have been assimilated in speech, religion, and usages to the surrounding
Russian populations. But the more conservative Tavastians have hitherto
tenaciously preserved the national sentiment, language, and traditions.
Despite the pressure of Sweden on the west, and of Russia on the east,
the Finns still stand out as a distinct European nationality, and
continue to cultivate with success their harmonious and highly poetical
language. Since the twelfth century they have been Christians, converted
to the Catholic faith by "Saint" Eric, King of Sweden, and later to
Lutheranism, again by the Swedes[720]. The national university, removed
in 1827 from Abo to Helsingfors, is a centre of much scientific and
literary work, and here E. Lönnrot, father of Finnish literature,
brought out his various editions of the _Kalevala_, that of 1849
consisting of some 50,000 strophes[721].

A kind of transition from these settled and cultured Finns to the Lapps
of Scandinavia and Russia is formed by the still almost nomad, or at
least restless _Kwæns_, who formerly roamed as far as the White Sea,
which in Alfred's time was known as the _Cwen Sæ_ (Kwæn Sea). These
Kwæns, who still number nearly 300,000, are even called nomads by J. A.
Friis, who tells us that there is a continual movement of small bands
between Finland and Scandinavia. "The wandering Kwæns pass round the
Gulf of Bothnia and up through Lappmarken to Kittalä, where they
separate, some going to Varanger, and others to Alten. They follow the
same route as that which, according to historians, some of the Norsemen
followed in their wanderings from Finland[722]." The references of the
Sagas are mostly to these primitive Bothnian Finns, with whom the
Norsemen first came in contact, and who in the sixth and following
centuries were still in a rude state not greatly removed from that of
their Ugrian forefathers. As shown by Almqvist's researches, they lived
almost exclusively by hunting and fishing, had scarcely a rudimentary
knowledge of agriculture, and could prepare neither butter nor cheese
from the milk of their half-wild reindeer herds.

Such were also, and in some measure still are, the kindred Lapps, who
with the allied _Yurak Samoyeds_ of Arctic Russia are the only true
nomads still surviving in Europe. A. H. Cocks, who travelled amongst all
these rude aborigines in 1888, describes the Kwæns who range north to
Lake Enara, as "for the most part of a very rough class," and found that
the Russian Lapps of the Kola Peninsula, "except as to their clothing
and the addition of coffee and sugar to their food supply, are living
now much the same life as their ancestors probably lived 2000 or more
years ago, a far more primitive life, in fact, than the Reindeer Lapps
[of Scandinavia]. They have not yet begun to use tobacco, and reading
and writing are entirely unknown among them. Unlike the three other
divisions of the race [the Norwegian, Swedish, and Finnish Lapps], they
are a very cheerful, light-hearted people, and have the curious habit
of expressing their thoughts aloud in extempore sing-song[723]."

Similar traits have been noticed in the Samoyeds, whom F. G. Jackson
describes as an extremely sociable and hospitable people, delighting in
gossip, and much given to laughter and merriment[724]. He gives their
mean height as nearly 5 ft. 2 in., which is about the same as that of
the Lapps (Von Düben, 5 ft. 2 in., others rather less), while that of
the Finns averages 5 ft. 5 in. (Topinard). Although the general Mongol
appearance is much less pronounced in the Lapps than in the Samoyeds, in
some respects--low stature, flat face with peculiar round outline--the
latter reminded Jackson of the Ziryanians, who are a branch of the
Beormas (Permian Finns), though like them now much mixed with the
Russians. The so-called prehistoric "Lapp Graves," occurring throughout
the southern parts of Scandinavia, are now known from their contents to
have belonged to the Norse race, who appear to have occupied this region
since the New Stone Age, while the Lapp domain seems never to have
reached very much farther south than Trondhjem.

All these facts, taken especially in connection with the late arrival of
the Finns themselves in Finland, lend support to the view that the Lapps
are a branch, not of the Suomalaiset, but of the Permian Finns, and
reached their present homes, not from Finland, but from North Russia
through the Kanin and Kola Peninsulas, if not round the shores of the
White Sea, at some remote period prior to the occupation of Finland by
its present inhabitants. This assumption would also explain Ohthere's
statement that Lapps and Permians seemed to speak nearly the same
language. The resemblance is still close, though I am not competent to
say to which branch of the Finno-Ugrian family Lapp is most nearly
allied.

Of the Mongol physical characters the Lapp still retains the round low
skull (index 83), the prominent cheek-bones, somewhat flat features, and
ungainly figure. The temperament, also, is still perhaps more Asiatic
than European, although since the eighteenth century they have been
Christians--Lutherans in Scandinavia, Orthodox in Russia. In pagan times
Shamanism had nowhere acquired a greater development than among the
Lapps. A great feature of the system were the "rune-trees," made of
pine or birch bark, inscribed with figures of gods, men, or animals,
which were consulted on all important occasions, and their mysterious
signs interpreted by the Shamans. Even foreign potentates hearkened to
the voice of these renowned magicians, and in England the expression
"Lapland witches" became proverbial, although it appears that there
never were any witches, but only wizards, in Lapland. Such rites have
long ceased to be practised, although some of the crude ideas of a
material after-life still linger on. Money and other treasures are often
buried or hid away, the owners dying without revealing the secret,
either through forgetfulness, or more probably of set purpose in the
hope of thus making provision for the other world.

Amongst the kindred Samoyeds, despite their Russian orthodoxy, the old
pagan beliefs enjoy a still more vigorous existence. "As long as things
go well with him, he is a Christian; but should his reindeer die, or
other catastrophe happen, he immediately returns to his old god _Num_ or
_Chaddi_.... He conducts his heathen services by night and in secret,
and carefully screens from sight any image of Chaddi[725]." Jackson
noticed several instances of this compromise between the old and the
new, such as the wooden cross supplemented on the Samoyed graves by an
overturned sledge to convey the dead safely over the snows of the
under-world, and the rings of stones, within which the human sacrifices
were perhaps formerly offered to propitiate Chaddi; and although these
things have ceased, "it is only a few years ago that a Samoyad living on
Novaia Zemlia sacrificed a young girl[726]."

Similar beliefs and practices still prevail not only amongst the
Siberian Finns--Ostyaks of the Yenisei and Obi rivers, Voguls of the
Urals--but even amongst the Votyaks, Mordvinians, Cheremisses and other
scattered groups still surviving in the Volga basin. So recently as the
year 1896 a number of Votyaks were tried and convicted for the murder of
a passing mendicant, whom they had beheaded to appease the wrath of
Kiremet, Spirit of Evil and author of the famine raging at that time in
Central Russia. Besides Kiremet, the Votyaks--who appear to have
migrated from the Urals to their present homes between the Kama and the
Viatka rivers about 400 A.D., and are mostly heathens--also worship
Inmar, God of Heaven, to whom they sacrifice animals as well as human
beings whenever it can be safely done. We are assured by Baron de Baye
that even the few who are baptized take part secretly in these
unhallowed rites[727].

To the Ugrian branch, rudest and most savage of all the Finnish peoples,
belong these now moribund Volga groups, as well as the fierce Bulgar and
Magyar hordes, if not also their precursors, the _Jazyges_ and
_Rhoxolani_, who in the second century A.D. swarmed into Pannonia from
the Russian steppe, and in company with the Germanic Quadi and
Marcomanni twice (168 and 172) advanced to the walls of Aquileia, and
were twice arrested by the legions of Marcus Aurelius and Verus. Of the
once numerous Jazyges, whom Pliny calls Sarmates, there were several
branches--_Maeotae_, Metanastae, _Basilii_ ("Royal")--who were first
reduced by the Goths spreading from the Baltic to the Euxine and Lower
Danube, and then overwhelmed with the Dacians, Getae, Bastarnae, and a
hundred other ancient peoples in the great deluge of the Hunnish
invasion.

From the same South Russian steppe--the plains watered by the Lower Don
and Dnieper--came the _Bulgars_, first in association with the Huns,
from whom they are scarcely distinguished by the early Byzantine
writers, and then as a separate people, who, after throwing off the yoke
of the Avars (635 A.D.), withdrew before the pressure of the Khazars
westwards to the Lower Danube (678). But their records go much farther
back than these dates, and while philologists and archaeologists are
able to trace their wanderings step by step north to the Middle Volga
and the Ural Mountains, authentic Armenian documents carry their history
back to the second century B.C. Under the Arsacides numerous bands of
Bulgars, driven from their homes about the Kama confluence by civil
strife, settled on the banks of the Aras, and since that time (150-114
B.C.) the Bulgars were known to the Armenians as a great nation dwelling
away to the north far beyond the Caucasus.


Originally the name, which afterwards acquired such an odious notoriety
amongst the European peoples, may have been more geographical than
ethnical, implying not so much a particular nation as all the
inhabitants of the _Bulga_ (Volga) between the Kama and the Caspian. But
at that time this section of the great river seems to have been mainly
held by more or less homogeneous branches of the Finno-Ugrian family,
and palethnologists have now shown that to this connection beyond all
question belonged in physical appearance, speech, and usages those bands
known as Bulgars, who formed permanent settlements in Moesia south of
the Lower Danube towards the close of the seventh century[728]. Here
"these bold and dexterous archers, who drank the milk and feasted on the
flesh of their fleet and indefatigable horses; whose flocks and herds
followed, or rather guided, the motions of their roving camps; to whose
inroads no country was remote or impervious, and who were practised in
flight, though incapable of fear[729]," established a powerful state,
which maintained its independence for over seven hundred years
(678-1392).

Acting at first in association with the Slavs, and then assuming "a
vague dominion" over their restless Sarmatian allies, the Bulgars spread
the terror of their hated name throughout the Balkan lands, and were
prevented only by the skill of Belisarius from anticipating their Turki
kinsmen in the overthrow of the Byzantine Empire itself. Procopius and
Jornandes have left terrible pictures of the ferocity, debasement, and
utter savagery, both of the Bulgars and of their Slav confederates
during the period preceding the foundation of the Bulgar dynasty in
Moesia. Wherever the Slavs (Antes, Slavini) passed, no soul was left
alive; Thrace and Illyria were strewn with unburied corpses; captives
were shut up with horse and cattle in stables, and all consumed
together, while the brutal hordes danced to the music of their shrieks
and groans. Indescribable was the horror inspired by the Bulgars, who
killed for killing's sake, wasted for sheer love of destruction, swept
away all works of the human hand, burnt, razed cities, left in their
wake nought but a picture of their own cheerless native steppes. Of all
the barbarians that harried the Empire, the Bulgars have left the most
detested name, although closely rivalled by the Slavs.

To the ethnologist the later history of the Bulgarians is of exceptional
interest. They entered the Danubian lands in the seventh century as
typical Ugro-Finns, repulsive alike in physical appearance and mental
characters. Their dreaded chief, Krum, celebrated his triumphs with
sanguinary rites, and his followers yielded in no respects to the Huns
themselves in coarseness and brutality. Yet an almost complete moral if
not physical transformation had been effected by the middle of the ninth
century, when the Bulgars were evangelised by Byzantine missionaries,
exchanged their rude Ugrian speech for a Slavonic tongue, the so-called
"Church Slav," or even "Old Bulgarian," and became henceforth merged in
the surrounding Slav populations. The national name "Bulgar" alone
survives, as that of a somewhat peaceful southern "Slav" people, who in
our time again acquired the political independence of which they had
been deprived by Bajazet I. in 1392.

Nor did this name disappear from the Volga lands after the great
migration of Bulgar hordes to the Don basin during the third and fourth
centuries A.D. On the contrary, here arose another and a greater Bulgar
empire, which was known to the Byzantines of the tenth century as "Black
Bulgaria," and later to the Arabs and Western peoples as "Great
Bulgaria," in contradistinction to the "Little Bulgaria" south of the
Danube[730]. It fell to pieces during the later "Tatar" wars, and
nothing now remains of the Volga Bulgars, except the Volga itself from
which they were named.

In the same region, but farther north[731], lay also a "Great Hungary,"
the original seat of those other Ugrian Finns known as Hungarians and
Magyars, who followed later in the track of the Bulgars, and like them
formed permanent settlements in the Danube basin, but higher up in
Pannonia, the present kingdom of Hungary. Here, however, the Magyars had
been preceded by the kindred (or at least distantly connected) Avars,
the dominant people in the Middle Danube lands for a great part of the
period between the departure of the Huns and the arrival of the
Magyars[732]. Rolling up like a storm cloud from the depths of Siberia
to the Volga and Euxine, sweeping everything before them, reducing
Kutigurs, Utigurs, Bulgars, and Slavs, the Avars presented themselves in
the sixth century on the frontiers of the empire as the unwelcome allies
of Justinian. Arrested at the Elbe by the Austrasian Franks, and hard
pressed by the Gepidae, they withdrew to the Lower Danube under the
ferocious Khagan Bayan, who, before his overthrow by the Emperor
Mauritius and death in 602, had crossed the Danube, captured Sirmium,
and reduced the whole region bordering on the Byzantine empire. Later
the still powerful Avars with their Slav followers, "the Avar viper and
the Slav locust," overran the Balkan lands, and in 625 nearly captured
Constantinople. They were at last crushed by Pepin, king of Italy, who
reoccupied Sirmium in 799, and brought back such treasure that the value
of gold was for a time enormously reduced.

Then came the opportunity of the _Hunagars_ (Hungarians), who, after
advancing from the Urals to the Volga (550 A.D.), had reached the Danube
about 886. Here they were invited to the aid of the Germanic king
Arnulf, threatened by a formidable coalition of the western Slavs under
the redoubtable Zventibolg, a nominal Christian who would enter the
church on horseback followed by his wild retainers, and threaten the
priest at the altar with the lash. In the upland Transylvanian valleys
the Hunagars had been joined by eight of the derelict Khazar tribes,
amongst whom were the _Megers_ or _Mogers_, whose name under the form of
_Magyar_ was eventually extended to the united Hunagar-Khazar nation.
Under their renowned king Arpad, son of Almuth, they first overthrew
Zventibolg, and then with the help of the surviving Avars reduced the
surrounding Slav populations. Thus towards the close of the ninth
century was founded in Pannonia the present kingdom of Hungary, in
which were absorbed all the kindred Mongol and Finno-Turki elements
that still survived from the two previous Mongolo-Turki empires,
established in the same region by the Huns under Attila (430-453), and
by the Avars under Khagan Bayan (562-602).

After reducing the whole of Pannonia and ravaging Carinthia and Friuli,
the Hunagars raided Bavaria and Italy (899-900), imposed a tribute on
the feeble successor of Arnulf (910), and pushed their plundering
expeditions as far west as Alsace, Lorraine, and Burgundy, everywhere
committing atrocities that recalled the memory of Attila's savage
hordes. Trained riders, archers and javelin-throwers from infancy, they
advanced to the attack in numerous companies following hard upon each
other, avoiding close quarters, but wearing out their antagonists by the
persistence of their onslaughts. They were the scourge and terror of
Europe, and were publicly proclaimed by the Emperor Otto I. (955) the
enemies of God and humanity.

This period of lawlessness and savagery was closed by the conversion of
Saint Stephen I. (997-1038), after which the Magyars became gradually
assimilated in type and general culture, but not in speech, to the
western nations[733]. Their harmonious and highly cultivated language
still remains a typical member of the Ural-Altaic family, reflecting in
its somewhat composite vocabulary the various Finno-Ugric and Turki
elements (Ugrians and Permians from the Urals, Volga Finns, Turki Avars
and Khazars), of which the substratum of the Magyar nation is
constituted[734].

"The modern Magyars," says Peisker, "are one of the most varied
race-mixtures on the face of the earth, and one of the two chief Magyar
types of today--traced to the Arpad era [end of ninth century] by
tomb-findings--is dolichocephalic with a narrow visage. There we have
before us Altaian origin, Ugrian speech and Indo-European type
combined[735]."

Politically the Magyars continue to occupy a position of vital
importance in Eastern Europe, wedged in between the northern and
southern Slav peoples, and thus presenting an insurmountable obstacle to
the aspirations of the Panslavist dreamers. The fiery and vigorous
Magyar nationality, a compact body of about 8,000,000 (1898), holds the
boundless plains watered by the Middle Danube and the Theiss, and thus
permanently separates the Chechs, Moravians, and Slovaks of Bohemia and
the northern Carpathians from their kinsmen, the Yugo-Slavs ("Southern
Slavs") of Servia and the other now Slavonised Balkan lands. These
Yugo-Slavs are in their turn severed by the Rumanians of Neo-Latin
speech from their northern and eastern brethren, the Ruthenians, Poles,
Great and Little Russians. Had the Magyars and Rumanians adopted any of
the neighbouring Slav idioms, it is safe to say that, like the Ugrian
Bulgarians, they must have long ago been absorbed in the surrounding
Panslav world, with consequences to the central European nations which
it would not be difficult to forecast. Here we have a striking
illustration of the influence of language in developing and preserving
the national sentiment, analogous in many respects to that now witnessed
on a larger scale amongst the English-speaking populations on both sides
of the Atlantic and in the Austral lands. From this point of view the
ethnologist may unreservedly accept Ehrenreich's trenchant remark that
"the nation stands and falls with its speech[736]."


FOOTNOTES:

[671] _Natural History of Man_, 1865 ed. pp. 185-6.

[672] _Science of Language_, 1879, II. p. 190.

[673] _The Heart of a Continent,_ 1896, p. 118.

[674] O. Peschel, _Races of Man,_ 1894, p. 380.

[675] See Ch. de Ujfalvy, _Les Aryens_, etc., 1896, p. 25. Reference
should perhaps be also made to E. H. Parker's theory (_Academy_, Dec.
21, 1895) that the Turki cradle lay, not in the Altai or Altun-dagh
("Golden Mountains") of North Mongolia, but 1000 miles farther south in
the "Golden Mountains" (_Kin-shan_) of the present Chinese province of
Kansu. But the evidence relied on is not satisfactory, and indeed in one
or two important instances is not evidence at all.

[676] J. B. Bury, _English Historical Rev.,_ July, 1897.

[677] _L'Anthropologie,_ VI. No. 3.

[678] T. Peisker, "The Asiatic Background," _Cambridge Medieval
History,_ Vol. I. 1911, p. 354.

[679] _Academy,_ Dec. 21, 1895, p. 548.

[680] "Budini Gelonion urbem ligneam habitant; juxta Thyssagetae
_Turcaeque_ vastas silvas occupant, alunturque venando" (I. 19, p. 27 of
Leipzig ed. 1880).

[681] "Dein Tanain amnem gemino ore influentem incolunt Sarmatae ...
Tindari, Thussagetae, _Tyrcae_, usque ad solitudines saltuosis
convallibus asperas, etc." (Bk. VIII. 7, Vol. I. p. 234 of Berlin ed.
1886). The variants _Turcae_ and _Tyrcae_ are noteworthy, as indicating
the same vacillating sound of the root vowel (_u_ and _y = ü_) that
still persists.

[682] Not only was the usurper Nadir Shah a Turkoman of the Afshár tribe
but the present reigning family belongs to the rival clan of Qajar
Turkomans long settled in Khorasan, the home of their Parthian
forefathers.

[683] Of 59 Turkomans the hair was generally a dark brown; the eyes
brown (45) and light grey (14); face orthognathous (52) and prognathous
(7); eyes mostly _not_ oblique; cephalic index 68.69 to 81.76, mean
75.64; dolicho 28, sub-dolicho 18, 9 mesati, 4 sub-brachy. Five skulls
from an old graveyard at Samarkand were also very heterogeneous,
cephalic index ranging from 77.72 to 94.93. This last, unless deformed,
exceeds in brachycephaly "le célèbre crâne d'un Slave vende qu'on cite
dans les manuels d'anthropologie" (Th. Volkov, _L'Anthropologie,_ 1897,
pp. 355-7).

[684] Quoted by W. Crooke, who points out that "the opinion of the best
Indian authorities seems to be gradually turning to the belief that the
connection between Játs and Rájputs is more intimate than was formerly
supposed" (_The Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and
Oudh_, Calcutta, 1896, III. p. 27).

[685] Virgil's "indomiti Dahae" (_Aen._ VIII. 728): possibly the
Dehavites (Dievi) of Ezra iv. 9.

[686] _Herodotus_, Vol. I. p. 413.

[687] From Pers. [Arabic Symbol], _dih, dah_, village (Parsi _dahi_).

[688] _Les Aryens_, etc., p. 68 sq.

[689] _De Bello Persico, passim._

[690] Crooke, _op. cit._ IV. p. 221.

[691] _The Tribes and Castes of Bengal_, 1892; _The People of India_,
1908.

[692] Discovered in 1889 by N. M. Yadrintseff in the Orkhon valley,
which drains to the Selenga affluent of Lake Baikal. The inscriptions,
one in Chinese and three in Turki, cover the four sides of a monument
erected by a Chinese emperor to the memory of Kyul-teghin, brother of
the then reigning Turki Khan Bilga (Mogilan). In the same historical
district, where stand the ruins of Karakoram--long the centre of Turki
and later of Mongol power--other inscribed monuments have also been
found, all apparently in the same Turki language and script, but quite
distinct from the glyptic rock carvings of the Upper Yenisei river,
Siberia. The chief workers in this field were the Finnish
archaeologists, J. R. Aspelin, A. Snellman and Axel O. Heikel, the
results of whose labours are collected in the _Inscriptions de
l'Jénisséi recueillies et publiées par la Société Finlandaise
d'Archéologie_, Helsingfors, 1889; and _Inscriptions de l'Orkhon_, etc.,
Helsingfors, 1892.

[693] "La source d'où est tirée l'origine de l'alphabet turc, sinon
immédiatement, du moins par intermédiaire, c'est la forme de l'alphabet
sémitique qu'on appelle araméenne" (_Inscriptions de l'Orkhon
déchiffrées_, Helsingfors, 1894).

[694] See Klaproth, _Tableau Historique de l'Asie_, p. 116 sq.

[695] They are the _Onoi_, the "Tens," who at this time dwelt beyond the
Scythians of the Caspian Sea (Dionysius Periegetes).

[696] It still persists, however, as a tribal designation both amongst
the Kirghiz and Uzbegs, and in 1885 Potanin visited the _Yegurs_ of the
Edzin-gol valley in south-east Mongolia, said to be the last surviving
representatives of the Uigur nation (H. Schott, "Zur Uigurenfrage," in
_Abhandl. d. k. Akad. d. Wiss._, Berlin, 1873, pp. 101-21).

[697] Ch. de Ujfalvy, _Les Aryens au Nord et au Sud de l'Hindou-Kouch_,
p. 28.

[698] "Notes on the Physical Anthropology of Chinese Turkestan and the
Pamirs," _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XLII. 1912.

[699] "The Uzi of the Greeks are the Gozz [Ghuz] of the Orientals. They
appear on the Danube and the Volga, in Armenia, Syria, and Chorasan, and
their name seems to have been extended to the whole Turkoman [Turki]
race" [by the Arab writers]; Gibbon, Ch. LVII.

[700] Who take their name from a mythical Uz-beg, "Prince Uz" (_beg_ in
Turki = a chief, or hereditary ruler).

[701] Both of these take their name, not from mythical but from
historical chiefs:--_Kazan Khan_ of the Volga, "the rival of Cyrus and
Alexander," who was however of the house of Jenghiz, consequently not a
Turk, like most of his subjects, but a true Mongol (_ob._ 1304); and
_Noga_, the ally and champion of Michael Palaeologus against the Mongols
marching under the terrible Holagu almost to the shores of the Bosporus.

[702] Gibbon, Chap. LVII. By the "Turkish nation" is here to be
understood the western section only. The Turks of Máwar-en-Nahar and
Kashgaria (Eastern Turkestan) had been brought under the influences of
Islam by the first Arab invaders from Persia two centuries earlier.

[703] "Die Stellung der Türken in Europa," in _Geogr. Zeitschrift_,
Leipzig, 1897, Part 5, p. 250 sq.

[704] "Ethnographic Researches," edited by N. E. Vasilofsky for the
_Imperial Geogr. Soc._ 1896, quoted in _Nature_, Dec. 3, 1896, p. 97.

[705] A. Erman, _Reise um die Erde_, 1835, Vol. III. p. 51.

[706] Quoted by Peschel, _Races of Man_, p. 383.

[707] M. Balkashin in _Izvestia Russ. Geogr. Soc._, April, 1883.

[708] _Kara_ = "Black," with reference to the colour of their round felt
tents.

[709] On the obscure relations of these Hordes to the Kara-Kirghiz and
prehistoric Usuns some light has been thrown by the investigations of N.
A. Aristov, a summary of whose conclusions is given by A. Ivanovski in
_Centralblatt für Anthropologie_, etc., 1896, p. 47.

[710] Although officially returned as Muhammadans of the Sunni sect,
Levchine tells as that it is hard to say whether they are Moslem, Pagan
(Shamanists), or Manichean, this last because they believe God has made
good angels called _Mankir_ and bad angels called _Nankir_. Two of these
spirits sit invisibly on the shoulders of every person from his birth,
the good on the right, the bad on the left, each noting his actions in
their respective books, and balancing accounts at his death. It is
interesting to compare these ideas with those of the Uzbeg prince who
explained to Lansdell that at the resurrection, the earth being flat,
the dead grow out of it like grass; then God divides the good from the
bad, sending these below and those above. In heaven nobody dies, and
every wish is gratified; even the wicked creditor may seek out his
debtor, and in lieu of the money owing may take over the equivalent in
his good deeds, if there be any, and thus be saved (_Through Central
Asia_, 1887, p. 438).

[711] See especially his _Reiseberichte u. Briefe aus den Jahren
1845-49_, p. 401 sq.; and _Versuch einer Koibalischen u. Karagassischen
Sprachlehre_, 1858, Vol. I. _passim_. But cf. J. Szinnyei,
_Finnisch-ugrische Sprachwissenschaft_, 1910, pp. 19-20.

[712] Peschel, _Races of Man_, p. 386.

[713] In a suggestive paper on this collection of Finnish songs C. U.
Clark (_Forum_, April, 1898, p. 238 sq.) shows from the primitive
character of the mythology, the frequent allusions to copper or bronze,
and the almost utter absence of Christian ideas and other indications,
that these songs must be of great antiquity. "There seems to be no doubt
that some parts date back to at least 3000 years ago, before the Finns
and the Hungarians had become distinct peoples; for the names of the
divinities, many of the customs, and even particular incantations and
bits of superstitions mentioned in the Kalevala are curiously duplicated
in ancient Hungarian writings."

[714] When Ohthere made his famous voyage round North Cape to the Cwen
Sea (White Sea) all this Arctic seaboard was inhabited, not by Samoyeds,
as at present, but by true Finns, whom King Alfred calls _Beormas_,
_i.e._ the _Biarmians_ of the Norsemen, and the _Permiaki_ (_Permians_)
of the Russians (_Orosius_, I. 13). In medieval times the whole region
between the White Sea and the Urals was often called Permia; but since
the withdrawal southwards of the Zirynians and other Permian Finns this
Arctic region has been thinly occupied by Samoyed tribes spreading
slowly westward from Siberia to the Pechora and Lower Dvina.

[715] See A. Hackman, _Die Bronzezeit Finnlands_, Helsingfors, 1897;
also M. Aspelin, O. Montelius, V. Thomsen and others, who have all, on
various grounds, arrived at the same conclusion. Even D. E. D.
Europaeus, who has advanced so many heterodox views on the Finnish
cradleland, and on the relations of the Finnic to the Mongolo-Turki
languages, agrees that "vers l'époque de la naissance de J. C.,
c'est-à-dire bien longtemps avant que ces tribus immigrassent en
Finlande, elles [the western Finns] étaient établies immédiatement au
sud des lacs d'Onéga et de Ladoga." (_Travaux Géographiques exécutés en
Finlande jusqu'en_ 1895, Helsingfors, 1895, p. 141.)

[716] _Finska Forminnesföreningens Tidskrift, Journ. Fin. Antiq. Soc._
1896, p. 137 sq.

[717] "Les Finnois et leurs congénères ont occupé autrefois, sur
d'immenses espaces, les vastes régions forestières de la Russie
septentrionale et centrale, et de la Sibérie occidentale; mais plus
tard, refoulés et divisés par d'autres peuples, ils furent réduits à des
tribus isolées, dont il ne reste maintenant que des débris épars"
(_Travaux Géographiques_, p. 132).

[718] A word of doubtful meaning, commonly but wrongly supposed to mean
_swamp_ or _fen_, and thus to be the original of the Teutonic _Finnas_,
"Fen People" (see Thomsen, _Einfluss d. ger. Spr. auf die
finnisch-lappischen_, p. 14).

[719] "Þa Finnas, him þuhte, and þa Beormas spræcon neah án geðeode"
(Orosius, I. 14).

[720] See my paper on the Finns in Cassel's _Storehouse of Information_,
p. 296.

[721] The fullest information concerning Finland and its inhabitants is
found in the _Atlas de Finlande_, with _Texte_ (2 vols.) published by
the _Soc. Géog. Finland_ in 1910.

[722] _Laila_, Earl of Ducie's English ed., p. 58. The Swedish _Bothnia_
is stated to be a translation of _Kwæn_, meaning low-lying coastlands;
hence _Kainulaiset_, as they call themselves, would mean "Coastlanders."

[723] _A Boat Journey to Inari_, Viking Club, Feb. 1, 1895.

[724] _The Great Frozen Land_, 1895, p. 61.

[725] _The Great Frozen Land_, p. 84.

[726] Cf. M. A. Czaplicka, _Aboriginal Siberia_, 1914, pp. 162, 289 _n._

[727] _Notes sur les Votiaks payens des Gouvernements de Kazan et
Viatka_, Paris, 1897. They are still numerous, especially in Viatka,
where they numbered 240,000 in 1897.

[728] See especially Schafarik's classical work _Slavische Alterthümer_,
II. p. 159 sq. and V. de Saint-Martin, _Études de Géographie Ancienne et
d'Ethnographie asiatique_, II. p. 10 sq., also the still indispensable
Gibbon, Ch. XLII., etc.

[729] _Decline and Fall_, XLII.

[730] Rubruquis (thirteenth century): "We came to the Etil, a very large
and deep river four times wider than the Seine, flowing from 'Great
Bulgaria,' which lies to the north." Farther on he adds: "It is from
this Great Bulgaria that issued those Bulgarians who are beyond the
Danube, on the Constantinople side" (quoted by V. de Saint-Martin).

[731] Evidently much nearer to the Ural Mountains, for Jean du Plan
Carpin says this "Great Hungary was the land of _Bascart_," that is,
_Bashkir_, a large Finno-Turki people, who still occupy a considerable
territory in the Orenburg Government about the southern slopes of the
Urals.

[732] With them were associated many of the surviving fugitive On-Uigurs
(Gibbon's "Ogors or Varchonites"), whence the report that they were not
true Avars. But the Turki genealogies would appear to admit their claim
to the name, and in any case the Uigurs and Avars of those times cannot
now be ethnically distinguished. _Kandish_, one of their envoys to
Justinian, is clearly a Turki name, and _Varchonites_ seems to point to
the Warkhon (Orkhon), seat in successive ages of the eastern Turks, the
Uigurs, and the true Mongols.

[733] _Ethnology_, p. 309.

[734] Vambéry, perhaps the best authority on this point, holds that in
its structure Magyar leans more to the Finno-Ugric, and in its
vocabulary to the Turki branch of the Ural-Altaic linguistic family. He
attributes the effacement of the physical type partly to the effects of
the environment, partly to the continuous interminglings of the Ugric,
Turki, Slav, and Germanic peoples in Pannonia ("Ueber den Ursprung der
Magyaren," in _Mitt. d. K. K. Geograph. Ges._, Vienna, 1897, XL. Nos. 3
and 4).

[735] T. Peisker, "The Asiatic Background," _Cambridge Medieval
History_, Vol. I. 1911, p. 356.

[736] "Das Volk steht und fällt mit der Sprache" (_Urbewohner
Brasiliens_, 1897, p. 14).



CHAPTER X

THE AMERICAN ABORIGINES

    American Origins--Fossil Man in America--The Lagoa-Santa
    Race--Physical Type in North America--Cranial Deformation--The
    Toltecs--Type of N.W. Coast Indians--Date of Migrations--Evidence
    from Linguistics--Stock Languages--Culture--Classification--
    By Linguistics--Ethnic Movements--Archaeological
    Classification--Cultural Classification--_Eskimo Area_--Material
    Culture--Origin and Affinities--Physical Type--Social
    Life--_Mackenzie Area_--The Déné--Material Culture--Physical
    Type--Social Life--_North Pacific Coast Area_--Material
    Culture--Physical Type--Social Life--_Plateau Area_--Material
    Culture--Interior Salish--Social Organisation--_Californian
    Area_--Material Culture--Social Life--_Plains Area_--Material
    Culture--Dakota--Religion--The Sun Dance--Pawnee--Blackfeet--
    Arapaho--Cheyenne--_Eastern Woodland Area_--Material Culture--
    Central Group--Eastern Group--Iroquoian Tribes: Ojibway--
    Religion--Iroquois--_South-eastern Area_--Material Culture--
    Creeks--Yuchi--Mound-Builders--_South-western Area_--Material
    Culture--Transitional or Intermediate Tribes--Pueblos--Cliff
    Dwellings--Religion--Physical Type--Social Life.


CONSPECTUS.

#Present Range.# _N. W. Pacific Coastlands; the shores of the Arctic
Ocean, Labrador, and Greenland; the unsettled parts of Alaska and the
Dominion; Reservations and Agencies in the Dominion and the United
States; parts of Florida, Arizona, and New Mexico; most of Central and
South America with Fuegia either wild and full-blood, or semi-civilised
half-breeds._

#Hair#, _black, lank, coarse, often very long, nearly round in
transverse section; very scanty on face and practically absent on body_;
#Colour#, _differs, according to localities, front dusky yellowish white
to that of solid chocolate, but the prevailing colour is brown_;
#Skull#, _generally mesaticephalous (79), but with wide range from 65
(some Eskimo) to 89 or 90 (some British Columbians, Peruvians); the_ #os
Incae# _more frequently present than amongst other races, but the_ #os
linguae# _(hyoid bone) often imperfectly developed_; #Jaws#, _massive,
but moderately projecting_; #Cheek-bone#, _as a rule rather prominent
laterally, and also high_; #Nose#, _generally large, straight or even
aquiline, and mesorrhine_; #Eyes#, _nearly always dark brown, with a
yellowish conjunctiva, and the eye-slits show a prevailing tendency to a
slight upward slant_; #Stature#, _usually above the medium 1.728 m. (5
ft. 8 or 10 in.), but variable--under 1.677 m. (5 ft. 6 in.) on the
western plateaux (Peruvians, etc.), also in Fuegia and Alaska; 1.829 m.
(6 ft.) and upwards in Patagonia (Tehuelches), Central Brazil (Bororos)
and Prairie (Algonquians, Iroquoians); the relative proportions of the
two elements of the arms and of the legs (radio-humeral and
tibio-femoral indices) are intermediate between those of whites and
negroes_.

#Temperament#, _moody, reserved, and wary; outwardly impassive and
capable of enduring extreme physical pain; considerate towards each
other, kind and gentle towards their women and children, but not in a
demonstrative manner; keen sense of justice, hence easily offended, but
also easily pacified. The outward show of dignity and a lofty air
assumed by many seems due more to vanity or ostentation than to a
feeling of true pride. Mental capacity considerable, much higher than
the Negro, but on the whole inferior to the Mongol_.

#Speech#, _exclusively polysynthetic, a type unknown elsewhere; is not a
primitive condition, but a highly specialised form of agglutination, in
which all the terms of the sentence tend to coalesce in a single
polysyllabic word; stock languages very numerous, perhaps more so than
all the stock languages of all the other orders of speech in the rest of
the world_.

#Religion#, _various grades of spirit and nature worship, corresponding
to the various cultural grades; a crude form of shamanism prevalent
amongst most of the North American aborigines, polytheism with sacrifice
and priestcraft amongst the cultured peoples (Aztecs, Mayas, etc.); the
monotheistic concept nowhere clearly evolved; belief in a natural
after-life very prevalent, if not universal_.

#Culture#, _highly diversified, ranging from the lowest stages of
savagery through various degrees of barbarism to the advanced social
state of the more or less civilised Mayas, Aztecs, Chibchas, Yungas,
Quichuas, and Aymaras; amongst these pottery, weaving, metal-work,
agriculture, and especially architecture fairly well developed; letters
less so, although the Maya script seems to have reached the true
phonetic state; navigation and science rudimentary or absent; savagery
generally far more prevalent and intense in South than in North
America, but the tribal state almost everywhere persistent_.

     I. _Eskimo._

    II. _Mackenzie Area._ Déné tribes.
          1 Yellow Knives, 2 Dog Rib, 3 Hares, 4 Slavey, 5 Chipewyan,
          6 Beaver, 7 Nahane, 8 Sekani, 9 Babine, 10 Carrier,
          11 Loucheux, 12 Ahtena, 13 Khotana.

   III. _North Pacific Area._
          14 Tlingit, 15 Haida, 16 Kwakiutl, 17 Bellacoola,
          18 Coast Salish, 19 Nootka, 20 Chinook, 21 Kalapooian.

    IV. _Plateau Area._
          22 Shahapts or Nez Percés, 23 Shoshoni, 24 Interior Salish,
          Thompson, 25 Lillooet, 26 Shushwap.

     V. _Californian Area._
          27 Wintun, 28 Pomo, 29 Miwok, 30 Yokut.

    VI. _Plains Area._
          31 Assiniboin, 32 Arapaho, 33 Siksika or Blackfoot, 34 Blood,
          35 Piegan, 36 Crow, 37 Cheyenne, 38 Comanche, 39 Gros Ventre,
          40 Kiowa, 41 Sarsi, 42 Teton-Dakota (Sioux), 43 Arikara,
          Hidatsa, Mandan, 44 Iowa, 45 Missouri, 46 Omaha, 47 Osage,
          48 Oto, 49 Pawnee, 50 Ponca, 51 Santee-Dakota (Sioux),
          52 Yankton-Dakota (Sioux), 53 Wichita, 54 Wind River Shoshoni,
          55 Plains-Ojibway, 56 Plains-Cree.

   VII. _Eastern Woodland Area._
          57 Ojibway, 58 Saulteaux, 59 Wood Cree, 60 Montagnais,
          61 Naskapi, 62 Huron, 63 Wyandot, 64 Erie, 65 Susquehanna,
          66 Iroquois, 67 Algonquin, 68 Ottawa, 69 Menomini, 70 Sauk
          and Fox, 71 Potawatomi, 72 Peoria, 73 Illinois, 74 Kickapoo,
          75 Miami, 76 Abnaki, 77 Micmac.

  VIII. _South-eastern Area._
          78 Shawnee, 79 Creek, 80 Chickasaw, 81 Choctaw, 82 Seminole,
          83 Cherokee, 84 Tuscarora, 85 Yuchi, 86 Powhatan, 87 Tunican,
          88 Natchez.

    IX. _South-western Area._ Pueblo tribes.
          89 Hopi, 90 Zuñi, 91 Rio Grande, 92 Navaho, 93 Pima,
          94 Mohave, 95 Jicarilla, 96 Mescalero.

  [Illustration: MAP OF AREAS OF MATERIAL CULTURE IN NORTH AMERICA
  (after C. Wissler, _Am. Anth._ XVI. 1914).]

#North America#: _Eskimauan_ (Innuit, Aleut, Karalit); _Athapascan_
(Déné, Pacific division, Apache, Navaho); _Koluschan_; _Algonquian_
(Delaware, Abnaki, Ojibway, Shawnee, Arapaho, Sauk and Fox, Blackfeet);
_Iroquoian_ (Huron, Mohawk, Tuscarora, Seneca, Cayuga, Onondaga);
_Siouan_ (Dakota, Omaha, Crow, Iowa, Osage, Assiniboin); _Shoshonian_
(Comanche, Ute); _Salishan_; _Shahaptian_; _Caddoan_; _Muskhogean_
(Creek, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Seminole); _Pueblo_ (Zuñian, Keresan,
Tanoan).

#Central America#: _Nahuatlan_ (Aztec, Pipil, Niquiran); _Huaxtecan_
(Maya, Quiché); _Totonac_; _Miztecan_; _Zapotecan_; _Chorotegan_;
_Tarascan_; _Otomitlan_; _Talamancan_; _Choco_.

#South America#: _Muyscan_ (Chibcha); _Quichuan_ (Inca, Aymara);
_Yungan_ (Chimu); _Antisan_; _Jivaran_; _Zaparan_; _Betoyan_; _Maku_;
_Pana_ (Cashibo, Karipuna, Setebo); _Ticunan_; _Chiquitan_; _Arawakan_
(Arua, Maypure, Vapisiana, Ipurina, Mahinaku, Layana, Kustenau, Moxo);
_Cariban_ (Bakaïri, Nahuqua, Galibi, Kalina, Arecuna, Macusi, Ackawoi);
_Tupi-Guaranian_ (Omagua, Mundurucu, Kamayura, Emerillon); _Gesan_
(Botocudo, Kayapo, Cherentes); _Charruan_; _Bororo_; _Karayan_;
_Guaycuruan_ (Abipones, Mataco, Toba); _Araucanian_ or _Moluchean_;
_Patagonian_ or _Tehuelchean_ (Pilma, Yacana, Ona); _Enneman_ (Lengua,
Sanapana, Angaites); _Fuegian_ (Yahgan, Alakaluf).

       *       *       *       *       *

It is impossible to dissociate the ethnological history of the New World
from that of the Old. The absence from America at any period of the
world's history not only of anthropoid apes but also of the
_Cercopithecidae_, in other words of the Catarrhini, entirely precludes
the possibility of the independent origin of man in the western
hemisphere. Therefore the population of the Americas must have come from
the Old World. In prehistoric times there were only two possible routes
for such immigration to have taken place. For the mid-Atlantic land
connection was severed long ages before the appearance of man, and the
connection of South America with Antarctica had also long
disappeared[737]. We are therefore compelled to look to a farther
extension of land between North America and northern Europe on the one
hand, and between north-west America and north-east Asia on the other.
We know that in late Tertiary times there was a land-bridge connecting
north-west Europe with Greenland, and Scharff[738] believes that the
Barren-ground reindeer took this route to Norway and western Europe
during early glacial times, but that "towards the latter part of the
Glacial period the land-connection ... broke down." Other authorities
are of opinion that the continuous land between the two continents in
higher latitudes remained until post-glacial times. Brinton[739]
considered that it was impossible for man to have reached America from
Asia, because Siberia was covered with glaciers and not peopled until
late Neolithic times, whereas man was living in both North and South
America at the close of the Glacial Age. He acknowledged frequent
communication in later times between Asia and America, but maintained
that the movement was rather from America to Asia than otherwise. He was
therefore a strong advocate of the European origin of the American race.
There is no doubt that North America was connected with Asia in Tertiary
times, though some geologists assert that "the far North-west did not
rise from the waves of the Pacific Ocean (which once flowed with a
boundless expanse to the North Pole) until after the glacial period." In
that case "the first inhabitants of America certainly did not get there
in this way, for by that time the bones of many generations were already
bleaching on the soil of the New World[740]." The "Miocene Bridge," as
the land connecting Asia and America in late geological times has been
called, was probably very wide, one side would stretch from Kamchatka to
British Columbia, and the other across Behring Strait. If, as seems
probable, this connection persisted till, or was reconstituted during,
the human period, tribes migrating to America by the more northerly
route would enter the land east of the great barrier of the Rocky
Mountains. The route from the Old World to the New by the Pacific margin
probably remained nearly always open. Thus, while not denying the
possibility of a very early migration from North Europe to North America
through Greenland, it appears more probable that America received its
population from North Asia.

We have next to determine what were the characteristics of the earliest
inhabitants of America, and the approximate date of their arrival. There
have been many sensational accounts of the discoveries of fossil man in
America, which have not been able to stand the criticism of scientific
investigation. It must always be remembered that the evidence is
primarily one of stratigraphy. Assuming, of course, that the human
skeletal remains found in a given deposit are contemporaneous with the
formation of that deposit and not subsequently interred in it, it is for
the geologist to determine the age. The amount of petrifaction and the
state of preservation of the bones are quite fallacious nor can much
reliance be placed upon the anatomical character of the remains.
Primordial human remains may be expected to show ancestral characters to
a marked degree, but as we have insufficient data to enable us to
determine the rate of evolution, anatomical considerations must fit into
the timescale granted by the geologist.

Apart from pure stratigraphy associated animal remains may serve to
support or refute the claims to antiquity, while the presence of
artifacts, objects made or used by man, may afford evidence for
determining the relative date if the cultural stratigraphy of the area
has been sufficiently established.

Fortunately the fossil human remains of America have been carefully
studied by a competent authority who says, "Irrespective of other
considerations, in every instance where enough of the bones is preserved
for comparison the somatological evidence bears witness against the
geological antiquity of the remains and for their close affinity to, or
identity with those of the modern Indian. Under these circumstances but
one conclusion is justified, which is that thus far on this continent,
no human bones of undisputed geological antiquity are known[741]."
Hrdli[vc]ka subsequently studied the remains of South America and says,
"A conscientious, unbiased study of all the available facts has shown
that the whole structure erected in support of the theory of
geologically ancient man on that continent rests on very imperfectly and
incorrectly interpreted data and in many instances on false premises,
and as a consequence of these weaknesses must completely collapse when
subjected to searching criticism.--As to the antiquity of the various
archaeological remains from Argentina attributed to early man, all
those to which particular importance has been attached have been found
without tenable claim to great age, while others, mostly single objects,
without exception fall into the category of the doubtful[742]."

The conclusions of W. H. Holmes, Bailey Willis, F. E. Wright and C. N.
Fenner, who collaborated with Hrdli[vc]ka, with regard to the evidence
thus far furnished, are that, "it fails to establish the claim that in
South America there have been brought forth thus far tangible traces of
either geologically ancient man himself or of any precursors of the
human race[743]." Hrdli[vc]ka is careful to add, however, "This should
not be taken as a categorical denial of the existence of early man in
South America, however improbable such a presence may now appear."

According to J. W. Gidley[744] the evidence of vertebrate paleontology
indicates (1) That man did not exist in North America at the beginning
of the Pleistocene although there was a land connection between Asia and
North America at that time permitting a free passage for large mammals.
(2) That a similar land connection was again in existence at the close
of the last glacial epoch, and probably continued up to comparatively
recent times, as indicated by the close resemblance of related living
mammalian species on either side of the present Behring Strait. (3) That
the first authentic records of prehistoric man in America have been
found in deposits that are not older than the last glacial epoch, and
probably of even later date, the inference being that man first found
his way into North America at some time near the close of the existence
of this last land bridge. (4) That this land bridge was broad and
vegetative, and the climate presumably mild, at least along its southern
coast border, making it habitable for man.

Rivet[745] points out that from Brazil to Terra del Fuegia on the
Atlantic slope, in Bolivia and Peru, on the high plateaux of the Andes,
on the Pacific coast and perhaps in the south of California, traces of a
distinct race are met with, sometimes in single individuals, sometimes
in whole groups. This race of Lagoa Santa is an important primordial
element in the population of South America, and has been termed by
Deniker the Palaeo-American sub-race[746].

The men were of low stature but considerable strength, the skull was
long, narrow and high, of moderate size, prognathous, with strong brow
ridges, but not a retreating forehead. There is no reliable evidence as
to the age of these remains. Hrdli[vc]ka, after reviewing all the
evidence says, "Besides agreeing closely with the dolichocephalic
American type, which had an extensive representation throughout Brazil,
including the Province of Minas Geraes, and in many other parts of South
America, it is the same type which is met with farther north among the
Aztec, Tarasco, Otomi, Tarahumare, Pima, Californians, ancient Utah
cliff dwellers, ancient north-eastern Pueblos, Shoshoni, many of the
Plains Tribes, Iroquois, Eastern Siouan, and Algonquian. But it is apart
from the Eskimo, who form a distinct subtype of the yellow-brown strain
of humanity[747]."

Rivet[748] adds that an examination of the present distribution of the
descendants of the Lagoa-Santa type shows that they are all border
peoples, in East Brazil, and the south of Patagonia and Terra del
Fuegia, where the climate is rigorous, in desert islands of west and
southern Chili, on the coast of Ecuador, and perhaps in California. This
suggests that they have been driven out in a great eccentric movement
from their old habitat, into new environment producing fresh crossings.

There is an absence of this high narrow-headed type throughout the
northern part of South America, and a prevalence of medium or
sub-brachycephalic heads which are always low in the crown. These are
now represented by the Caribs and Arawaks, but there was more than one
migration of brachycephalic peoples from the north.

To return to North America. As we have just seen Hrdli[vc]ka recognises
a dolichocephalic element in North America, and various ethnic groups
range to pronounced brachycephaly. Nevertheless he believes in the
original unity of the Indian race in America, basing his conclusions on
the colour of the skin, which ranges from yellowish white to dark brown,
the straight black hair, scanty beard, hairless body, brown and often
more or less slanting eye, mesorrhine nose, medium prognathism,
skeletal proportions and other essential features. In all these
characters the American Indians resemble the yellowish brown peoples of
eastern Asia and a large part of Polynesia[749]. He also believes that
there were many successive migrations from Asia.

The differences of opinion between Hrdli[vc]ka and other students is
probably more a question of nomenclature than of fact. The eastern
Asiatics and Polynesians are mixed peoples, and if there were numerous
migrations from Asia, spread over a very long period of time, people of
different stocks would have found their way into America. "It is indeed
probable," Hrdli[vc]ka adds, "that the western coast of America, within
the last two thousand years, was on more than one occasion reached by
small parties of Polynesians, and that the eastern coast was similarly
reached by small groups of whites; but these accretions have not
modified greatly, if at all, the mass of the native population[750]."

The inhabitants of the plains east of the Rocky Mountains and the
eastern wooded area are characterised by a head which varies about the
lower limit of brachycephaly, and by tall stature. This stock probably
arrived by the North Pacific Bridge before the end of the last Glacial
period, and extended over the continent east of the great divide.
Finally bands from the north, east and south migrated into the prairie
area. The markedly brachycephalic immigrants from Asia appear to have
proceeded mainly down the Pacific slope and to have populated Central
and South America, with an overflow into the south of North America. It
is probable that there were several migrations of allied but not similar
broad-headed peoples from Asia in early days, and we know that recently
there have been racial and cultural drifts between the neighbouring
portions of America and Asia[751]. Indeed Bogoras[752] suggests that
ethnographically the line separating Asia and America should lie from
the lower Kolyma River to Gishiga Bay.

Owing to these various immigrations and subsequent minglings the cranial
forms show much variation, and are not sufficiently significant to serve
as a basis of classification. In parts of North America the round-headed
mound-builders and others were encroached upon by populations of
increasingly dolichocephalic type--Plains Indians and Cherokees,
Chichimecs, Tepanecs, Acolhuas. Even still dolichocephaly is
characteristic of Iroquois, Coahuilas, Sonorans, while the intermediate
indices met with on the prairies and plateaux undoubtedly indicate the
mixture between the long-headed invaders and the round-heads whom they
swept aside as they advanced southwards. Thus the Minnetaris are highly
dolicho; the Poncas and Osages sub-brachy; the Algonquians variable,
while the Siouans oscillate widely round a mesaticephalous mean.

The Athapascans alone are homogeneous, and their sub-brachycephaly
recurs amongst the Apaches and their other southern kindred, who have
given it an exaggerated form by the widespread practice of artificial
deformation, which dates from remote times. The most typical cases both
of brachy and dolicho deformation are from the Cerro de las Palmas
graves in south-west Mexico. Deformation prevails also in Peru and
Bolivia, as well as in Ceara and the Rio Negro on the Atlantic side. The
flat-head form, so common from the Columbia estuary to Peru, occurs
amongst the broad-faced Huaxtecs, their near relations the Maya-Quichés,
and the Nahuatlans. It is also found amongst the extinct Cebunys of
Cuba, Hayti and Jamaica, and the so-called "Toltecs," that is, the
people of Tollan (Tula), who first founded a civilised state on the
Mexican table-land (sixth and seventh centuries A.D.), and whose name
afterwards became associated with every ancient monument throughout
Central America. On this "Toltec question" the most contradictory
theories are current; some hold that the Toltecs were a great and
powerful nation, who after the overthrow of their empire migrated
southwards, spreading their culture throughout Central America; others
regard them as "fabulous," or at all events "nothing more than a sept of
the Nahuas themselves, the ancestors of those Mexicans who built
Tenochtitlan," _i.e._ the present city of Mexico. A third view, that of
Valentini, that the Toltecs were not Nahuas but Mayas, is now supported
both by E. P. Dieseldorff[753] and by Förstemann[754]. T. A. Joyce[755]
suggests that the vanguard of the Nahuas on reaching the Mexican valley
adopted and improved the culture of an agricultural people of Tarascan
affinities whose culture was in part due to Mayan inspiration, whom they
found settled there. Later migrations of Nahua were greatly impressed
with the "Toltec" culture which had thus arisen through the impact of a
virile hunting people on more passive agriculturalists.

On the North-west Pacific Coast similar ethnical interminglings recur,
and Franz Boas[756] here distinguishes as many as four types, the
Northern (Tsimshian and others), the Kwakiutl, the Lillooet of the
Harrison Lake region and the inland Salishan (Flat-heads, Shuswaps,
etc.). All are brachycephalic, but while the Tsimshians are of medium
height 1.675 m. (5 ft. 6 in.) with low, concave nose, very large head,
and enormously broad face, exceeding the average for North America by 6
mm., the Kwakiutls are shorter 1.645 m. (5 ft. 4-3/4 in.) with very high
and relatively narrow hooked nose, and quite exceptionally high face;
the Harrison Lake very short 1.600 m. (5 ft 3 in.) with exceedingly
short and broad head (C. I. nearly 89), "surpassing in this respect all
other forms known to exist in North America"; lastly, the inland Salish
of medium height 1.679 m. (5 ft. 6 in.) with high and wide nose of the
characteristic Indian form and a short head.

It would be difficult to find anywhere a greater contrast than that
which is presented by some of these British Columbian natives, those,
for instance, of Harrison Lake with almost circular heads (88.8), and
some of the Labrador Eskimo with a degree of dolichocephaly not exceeded
even by the Fijian Kai-Colos (65)[757]. But this violent contrast is
somewhat toned by the intermediate forms, such as those of the Tlingits,
the Aleutian islanders, and the western (Alaskan) Eskimo, by which the
transition is effected between the Arctic and the more southern
populations. It is not possible at present to indicate even in outline
the chronology of any of the ethnic movements outlined above. Warren K.
Moorehead[758] agrees with the great majority of American archaeologists
in holding the existence of palaeolithic man in North America as not
proven[759], the so-called palaeoliths being either rejects or rude
tools for rough purposes. When man migrated to America from North and
East Asia whenever that period may have been, he appears to have been in
that stage of culture--or rather of stone technique--which we term
Neolithic, and the drifting movement ceased before he had learnt the use
of metals.

A further proof of the antiquity of the migrations is afforded by
linguistics. A. F. Chamberlain asserts[760] that "it may be said with
certainty, so far as all data hitherto presented are concerned, that no
satisfactory proof whatever has been put forward to induce us to believe
that any single American Indian tongue or group of tongues has been
derived from any Old World form of speech now existing or known to have
existed in the past. In whatever way the multiplicity of American Indian
languages and dialects may have arisen, one can be reasonably sure that
the differentiation and divergence have developed here in America and
are in no sense due to the occasional intrusion of Old World tongues
individually or _en masse_.... Certain real relationships between the
American Indians and the peoples of north-eastern Asia, known as
'Paleo-Asiatics,' have, however, been revealed as a result of the
extensive investigations of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition.... The
general conclusion to be drawn from the evidence is that the so-called
'Paleo-Asiatic' peoples of north-eastern Asia, _i.e._ the Chukchee,
Koryak, Kamchadale, Gilyak, Yukaghir, etc. really belong physically and
culturally with the aborigines of north-western America.... Like the
modern Asiatic Eskimo they represent a reflex from America and Asia, and
not _vice versa_.... It is the opinion of good authorities also that the
'Paleo-Asiatic' peoples belong linguistically with the American Indians
rather than with the other tribes and stocks of northern or southern
Asia. Here we have then the only real relationship of a linguistic
character that has ever been convincingly argued between tongues of the
New World and tongues of the Old."

It is not merely that the American languages differ from other forms of
speech in their general phonetic, structural and lexical features; they
differ from them in their very morphology, as much, for instance, as in
the zoological world class differs from class, order from order. They
have all of them developed on the same polysynthetic lines, from which
if a few here and there now appear to depart, it is only because in the
course of their further evolution they have, so to say, broken away from
that prototype[761]. Take the rudest or the most highly cultivated
anywhere from Alaska to Fuegia--Eskimauan, Iroquoian, Algonquian, Aztec,
Tarascan, Ipurina, Peruvian, Yahgan--and you will find each and all
giving abundant evidence of this universal polysynthetic character, not
one true instance of which can be found anywhere in the eastern
hemisphere. There is incorporation with the verb, as in Basque, many of
the Caucasus tongues, and the Ural-Altaic group; but it is everywhere
limited to pronominal and purely relational elements.

But in the American order of speech there is no such limitation, and not
merely the pronouns, which are restricted in number, but the nouns with
their attributes, which are practically numberless, all enter
necessarily into the verbal paradigm. Thus in Tarascan (Mexico):
_hopocuni_ = to wash the hands; _hopodini_ = to wash the ears, from
_hoponi_ = to wash, which cannot be used alone[762]. So in Ipurina
(Amazonia): _nicuçacatçaurumatinií_ = I draw the cord tight round your
waist, from _ni_, I; _cuçaca_, to draw tight; _tça_, cord; _túruma_,
waist; _tini_, characteristic verbal affix; _í_, thy, referring to
waist[763].

We see from such examples that polysynthesis is not a primitive
condition of speech, as is often asserted, but on the contrary a
highly developed system, in which the original agglutinative process
has gone so far as to attract all the elements of the sentence to
the verb, round which they cluster like swarming bees round their
queen. In Eskimauan the tendency is shown in the construction of
nouns and verbs, by which other classes of words are made almost
unnecessary, and one word, sometimes of interminable length, is
able to express a whole sentence with its subordinate clauses. H. Rink,
one of the first Eskimo scholars of modern times, gives the instance:
"Suérúkame-autdlásassoq-tusaramiuk-tuningingmago-iluarín-gilát = they
did not approve that he (_a_) had omitted to give him (_b_) something,
as he (_a_) heard that he (_b_) was going to depart on account of being
destitute of everything[764]." Such monstrosities "are so complicated
that in daily speech they could hardly ever occur; but still they are
correct and can be understood by intelligent people[765]."

He gives another and much longer example, which the reader may be
spared, adding that there are altogether about 200 particles, as many as
ten of which may be piled up on any given stem. The process also often
involves great phonetic changes, by which the original form of the
elements becomes disguised, as, for instance, in the English _hap'oth_ =
half-penny-worth. The attempt to determine the number of words that
might be formed in this way on a single stem, such as _igdlo_, a house,
had to be given up after getting as far as the compound
_igdlorssualiortugssarsiumavoq_ = he wants to find one who will build a
large house.

It is clear that such a linguistic evolution implies both the postulated
isolation from other influences, which must have disturbed and broken up
the cumbrous process, and also the postulated long period of time to
develop and consolidate the system throughout the New World. But time is
still more imperiously demanded by the vast number of stock languages,
many already extinct, many still current all over the continent, all of
which differ profoundly in their vocabulary, often also in their
phonesis, and in fact have nothing in common except this extraordinary
polysynthetic groove in which they are cast. There are probably about 75
stock languages in North America, of which 58 occur north of Mexico.

But even that conveys but a faint idea of the astonishing diversity of
speech prevailing in this truly linguistic Babel. J. W. Powell[766]
points out that the practically distinct idioms are far more numerous
than might be inferred even from such a large number of mother tongues.
Thus, in the Algonquian[767] linguistic family he tells us there are
about 40, no one of which could be understood by a people speaking
another; in Athapascan from 30 to 40; in Siouan over 20; and in
Shoshonian a still greater number[768]. The greatest linguistic
diversity in a relatively small area is found in the state of
California, where, according to Powell's classification, 22 distinct
stocks of languages are spoken. R. B. Dixon and A. L. Kroeber[769] show
however that these fall into three morphological groups which are also
characterised by certain cultural features. It is the same, or perhaps
even worse, in Central and in South America, where the linguistic
confusion is so great that no complete classification of the native
tongues seems possible. Clements R. Markham in the third edition of his
exhaustive list of the Amazonian tribes[770] has no less than 1087
entries. He concludes that these may be referred to 485 distinct tribes
in all the periods, since the days of Acuña (1639). Deducting some 111
as extinct or nearly so, the total amounts to "323 at the outside" (p.
135). But for such linguistic differences, large numbers of these groups
would be quite indistinguishable from each other, so great is the
prevailing similarity in physical appearance and usages in many
districts. Thus Ehrenreich tells us that, "despite their
ethnico-linguistic differences, the tribes about the head-waters of the
Xingu present complete uniformity in their daily habits, in the
conditions of their existence, and their general culture[771]," though
it is curious to note that the art of making pottery is restricted here
to the Arawak tribes[772]. Yet amongst them are represented three of
the radically distinct linguistic groups of Brazil, some (Bakaïri and
Nahuqua) belonging to the Carib, some (Auetö and Kamayura) to the
Tupi-Guarani, and some (Mehinaku and Vaura) to the Arawak family.
Obviously these could not be so discriminated but for their linguistic
differences. On the other hand the opposite phenomenon is occasionally
presented of tribes differing considerably in their social relations,
which are nevertheless of the same origin, or, what is regarded by
Ehrenreich as the same thing, belong to the same linguistic group. Such
are the Ipurina, the Paumari and the Yamamadi of the Purus valley, all
grouped as Arawaks because they speak dialects of the Arawakan stock
language. At the same time it should be noted that the social
differences observed by some modern travellers are often due to the
ever-increasing contact with the whites, who are now encroaching on the
Gran Chaco plains, and ascending every Amazonian tributary in quest of
rubber and the other natural produce abounding in these regions. The
consequent displacement of tribes is discussed by G. E. Church[773].

In the introduction to his valuable list Clements Markham observes that
the evidence of language favours the theory that the Amazonian tribes,
"now like the sands on the sea-shore for number, originally sprang from
two or at most three parent stocks. Dialects of the _Tupi_ language
extend from the roots of the Andes to the Atlantic, and southward into
Paraguay ... and it is established that the differences in the roots,
between the numerous Amazonian languages, are not so great as was
generally supposed[774]." This no doubt is true, and will account for
much. But when we see it here recorded that of the Carabuyanas (Japura
river) there are or were 16 branches, that the Chiquito group (Bolivia)
comprises 40 tribes speaking "seven different languages"; that of the
Juris (Upper Amazons) there are ten divisions; of the Moxos (Beni and
Mamoré rivers) 26 branches, "speaking nine or, according to Southey,
thirteen languages"; of the Uaupés (Rio Negro) 30 divisions, and so on,
we feel how much there is still left to be accounted for. Attempts have
been made to weaken the force of the linguistic argument by the
assumption, at one time much in favour, that the American tongues are of
a somewhat evanescent nature, in an unstable condition, often changing
their form and structure within a few generations. But, says Powell,
"this widely spread opinion does not find warrant in the facts
discovered in the course of this research. The author has everywhere
been impressed with the fact that savage tongues are singularly
persistent, and that a language which is dependent for its existence
upon oral tradition is not easily modified[775]." A test case is the
Delaware (Leni Lenapé), an Algonquian tongue which, judging from the
specimens collected by Th. Campanius about 1645, has undergone but
slight modification during the last 250 years.

In this connection the important point to be noticed is the fact that
some of the stock languages have an immense range, while others are
crowded together in indescribable confusion in rugged upland valleys, or
about river estuaries, or in the recesses of trackless woodlands, and
this strangely irregular distribution prevails in all the main divisions
of the continent. Thus of Powell's 58 linguistic families in North
America as many as 40 are restricted to the relatively narrow strip of
coastland between the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific, ten are dotted
round the Gulf of Mexico from Florida to the Rio Grande, and two
disposed round the Gulf of California, while nearly all the rest of the
land--some six million square miles--is occupied by the six widely
diffused Eskimauan, Athapascan, Algonquian, Iroquoian, Siouan, and
Shoshonian families. The same phenomenon is presented by Central and
South America, where less than a dozen stock languages--Opatan,
Nahuatlan, Huastecan, Chorotegan, Quichuan, Arawakan, Gesan (Tapuyan),
Tupi-Guaranian, Cariban--are spread over millions of square miles, while
many scores of others are restricted to extremely narrow areas. Here the
crowding is largely determined, as in Caucasia, by the altitude (Andes
in Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia; Sierras in Mexico).

It is strongly held by many American ethnologists that the various
cultures of America are autochthonous, nothing being borrowed from the
Old World. J. W. Powell[776], who rendered such inestimable services to
American anthropology, affirmed that "the aboriginal peoples of America
cannot be allied preferentially to any one branch of the human race in
the Old World"; that "there is no evidence that any of the arts of the
American Indians were borrowed from the Orient"; that "the industrial
arts of America were born in America, America was inhabited by tribes
at the time of the beginning of industrial arts. They left the Old World
before they had learned to make knives, spear and arrowheads, or at
least when they knew the art only in its crudest state. Thus primitive
man has been here ever since the invention of the stone knife and the
stone hammer." He further contended that "the American Indian did not
derive his forms of government, his industrial or decorative arts, his
languages, or his mythological opinions from the Old World, but
developed them in the New"; and that "in the demotic characteristics of
the American Indians, all that is common to tribes of the Orient is
universal, all that distinguishes one group of tribes from another in
America distinguishes them from all other tribes of the world."

This view has been emphasised afresh by Fewkes[777], though of recent
years it has met with vigorous opposition. At the conclusion of his
article "Die melanesische Bogenkultur und ihre Verwandten[778]" Graebner
attempts to trace the cultural connection of South America with
South-east Asia rather than with the South Seas, the main links being
represented by head-hunting, certain types of skin-drum and of basket,
and in particular three types of crutch-handled paddle. According to him
the spread of culture has taken place by the land route and Behring
Strait, not across the Pacific by way of the South Seas, a view to which
he adheres in his later work. An ingenious and detailed attempt has also
been made by Pater Schmidt[779] to trace the various cultures determined
for Oceania and Africa in South America. Apart from the great linguistic
groups usually adopted as the basis of classification, Schmidt would
divide the South American Indians according to their stage of economic
development into collectors, cultivators, and civilised peoples of the
Andean highlands. Though this series may have the appearance of
evolution, in point of fact "each group is composed of peoples differing
absolutely in language and race, who brought with them to South America
in historically distinct migrations at all events the fundamentals of
their respective cultures.... As we pass in review the cultural elements
of the separate groups, their weapons, implements, dwellings, their
sociology, mythology, and religion we discover the innate similarity of
these groups to the culture-zones of the Old World in all essential
features[780]." The author proceeds to work out his theory in great
detail; the earlier cultures he too considers have travelled by the
enormously lengthy land route by way of North America, only the "free
patrilineal culture" (Polynesia and Indonesia) having reached the west
coast directly by sea[781].

W. H. Holmes[782] draws attention to analogies between American and
foreign archaeological remains, for example the stone gouge of New
England and Europe. He hints at influences coming from the Mediterranean
and even from Africa. "Even more remarkable and diversified are the
correspondences between the architectural remains of Yucatan and those
of Cambodia and Java in the far East. On the Pacific side of the
American continent strange coincidences occur in like degree, seeming to
indicate that the broad Pacific has not proved a complete bar to
intercourse of peoples of the opposing continents ... it seems highly
probable considering the nature of the archaeological evidence, that the
Western World has not been always and wholly beyond the reach of members
of the white, Polynesian, and perhaps even the black races."

Walter Hough[783] gives various cultural parallels between America and
the other side of the Pacific but does not commit himself. S. Hagar[784]
brings forward some interesting correspondences between the astronomy of
the New and of the Old Worlds, but adopts a cautious attitude.

More recently the problem has been attacked with great energy by G.
Elliot Smith[785]. His investigations into the processes of
mummification and the tombs of ancient Egypt led him to comparative
studies, and he notes that certain customs seem to be found in
association, forming what is known as a culture-complex. For example,
"in most regions the people who introduced the habit of megalithic
building and sun worship also brought with them the practice of
mummification." Also associated with these are:--stories of dwarfs and
giants, belief in the indwelling of gods and great men in megalithic
monuments, the use of these structures in a particular manner for
special council, the practice of hanging rags on trees in association
with such monuments, serpent worship, tattooing, distension of the lobe
of the ear, the use of pearls, the conch-shell trumpet, etc. In a map
showing the distribution of this "heliolithic" culture-complex he
indicates the main lines of migration to America, one across the
Aleutian chain and down the west coast to California, the other and more
important one, across the Pacific to Peru, and thence to various parts
of South America, through Central America to the southern half of the
United States. Contrary to Schmidt, Elliot Smith postulates contact of
cultures rather than actual migrations of people; he considers it
possible that a small number of aliens arriving by sea in Peru, for
example, might introduce customs of a highly novel and subversive
character which would take root and spread far and wide. The Peruvian
custom of embalming the dead certainly presents analogies to that of
ancient Egypt, and Elliot Smith is convinced that "the rude megalithic
architecture of America bears obvious evidence of the same inspiration
which prompted that of the Old World." In a later paper Elliot
Smith[786] adduces further evidence in support of his thesis "that the
essential elements of the ancient civilization of India, Further Asia,
the Malay Archipelago, Oceania, and America were brought in succession
to each of these places by mariners, whose oriental migrations (on an
extensive scale) began as trading intercourse between the Eastern
Mediterranean and India some time after 800 B.C. and continued for many
centuries." This dissemination was in the first instance due to the
Phoenicians and there are "unmistakable tokens that the same Phoenician
methods which led to the diffusion of this culture-complex in the Old
World also were responsible for planting it in the New[787] some
centuries after the Phoenicians themselves had ceased to be" (_l.c._ p.
27). Further evidence along the same lines is offered by W. J.
Perry[788] who has noted the geographical distribution of terraced
cultivation and irrigation and finds that it corresponds to a remarkable
extent with that of the "heliolithic" culture-complex, and by J.
Wilfrid Jackson[789] who has investigated the Aztec Moon-cult and its
relation to the Chank cult of India, the money cowry as a sacred object
among North American Indians[790], shell trumpets and their distribution
in the Old and New World[791] and the geographical distribution of the
shell purple industry[792]. He points out that we have ample evidence of
the practice of this ancient industry in several places in Central
America, and refers to Zelia Nuttall's interesting paper on the
subject[793]. Elliot Smith also discusses "Pre-Columbian Representations
of the Elephant in America[794]" and remarks "coincidences of so
remarkable a nature cannot be due to chance. They not only confirm the
identification of the elephant in designs in America, but also
incidentally point to the conclusion that the Hindu god Indra was
adopted in Central America with practically all the attributes assigned
to him in his Asiatic home." Elliot Smith believes that practically
every element of the early civilisation of America was derived from the
Old World. Small groups of immigrants from time to time brought certain
of the beliefs, customs, and inventions of the Mediterranean area,
Egypt, Ethiopia, Arabia, Babylonia, Indonesia, Eastern Asia and Oceania,
and the confused jumble of practices became assimilated and
"Americanised" in the new home across the Pacific as the result of the
domination of the great uncultured aboriginal populations by small bands
of more cultured foreigners. These highly suggestive studies will force
adherents of the theory of the indigenous origin of American culture to
reconsider the grounds for their opinions and will lead them to turn
once more to the writings of Bancroft[795], Tylor[796], Nuttall[797],
Macmillan Brown[798], Enoch[799] and others.

There is no satisfactory scheme of classification of the American
peoples. Although there is a good deal of scattered information about
the physical anthropology of the natives it has not yet been
systematised and no classification can at present be based thereon. A
linguistic classification is therefore usually adopted, but a
geographical or cultural grouping, or a combination of the two, has much
practical convenience. As Farrand[800] points out "It must never be
forgotten that the limits of physical, linguistic and cultural groups do
not correspond; and the overlapping of stocks determined by those
criteria is an unavoidable complication."

An inspection of the map of the distribution of linguistic stocks of
North America prepared by J. W. Powell[801] which represents the
probable state of affairs about 1500 A.D. shows that a few linguistic
stocks have a wide distribution while there is a large number of
restricted stocks crowded along the Pacific slope. The following are the
better known tribes of the more important stocks together with their
distribution.

_Eskimauan_ (Eskimo), along the Arctic coasts from 60° N. lat. in the
west, to 50° in the east. _Athapascan_, northern group, Déné or Tinneh
(including many tribes), interior of Alaska, northern British Columbia
and the Mackenzie basin, and the Sarsi of south-eastern Alberta and
northern Montana; southern group, Navaho and Apache in Arizona, New
Mexico and northern Mexico; the Pacific group, a small band in southern
British Columbia, others in Washington, Oregon and northern California.
_Algonquian_, south and west of Canada, the United States east of the
Mississippi, the whole valley of the Ohio, and the states of the
Atlantic coast. Blackfoot of Montana, Alberta, south and further east,
Cheyenne and Arapaho of Minnesota. The main group of dialects is divided
into the Massachusett, Ojibway (Ojibway, Ottawa, Illinois, Miami, etc.)
and Cree types. The latter include the Cree, Montagnais, Sauk and Fox,
Menomini, Shawnee, Abnaki, etc. _Iroquoian_, in the provinces of Ontario
and Quebec; Hurons in the valley of the St Lawrence and lake Simcoe.
Neutral confederacy in western New York and north and west of lake Erie.
The great confederacy of the Iroquois or "Five Nations" (Seneca, Cayuga,
Oneida, Onondaga and Mohawk, to which the Tuscarora were added in 1712)
in central New York; the Conestoga and Susquehanna to the south. A
southern group was located in eastern Virginia and north Carolina, and
the Cherokee, centred in the southern Appalachians from parts of
Virginia and Kentucky to northern Alabama. _Muskhogean_ of Georgia,
Alabama and Mississippi, including the Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek,
Seminole, etc. and the Natchez. There are several small groups about the
mouth of the Mississippi. _Caddoan_. The earliest inhabitants of the
central and southern plains beyond the Missouri belonged to this stock,
the largest group occupied parts of Louisiana, Arkansas, Oklahoma and
Texas, it consists of the Caddo, Wichita, etc. and the Kichai, the
Pawnee tribes in parts of Nebraska and Kansas and an offshoot, the
Arikara in North Dakota. _Siouan_, a small group in Virginia, Carolina,
Catawba, etc. and a very large group, practically occupying the basins
of the Missouri and Arkansas, with a prolongation through Wisconsin,
where were the Winnebago. The main tribes are the Mandan, Crow, Dakota,
Assiniboin, Omaha and Osage. _Shoshonian_ of the Great Plateau and
southern California. The two outlying tribes were the Hopi of north
Arizona and the Comanche who ranged over the southern plains. Among the
plateau tribes are the Ute, Shoshoni, Mono and Luiseño. _Yuman_, from
Arizona to Lower California.

From the data available J. R. Swanton and R. B. Dixon draw the following
conclusions[802]. "It appears that the origin of the tribes of several
of our stocks may be referred back to a swarming ground, usually of
rather indefinite size but none the less roughly indicated. That for the
Muskhogeans, including probably some of the smaller southern stocks,
must be placed in Louisiana, Arkansas and perhaps the western parts of
Mississippi and Tennessee, although a few tribes seem to have come from
the region of the Ohio. That for the Iroquoians would be along the Ohio
and perhaps farther west, and that of the Siouans on the lower Ohio and
the country to the north including part at least of Wisconsin. The
dispersion area for the Algonquians was farther north about the Great
Lakes and perhaps also the St Lawrence, and that for the Eskimo about
Hudson Bay or between it and the Mackenzie river. The Caddoan peoples
seem to have been on the southern plains from earliest times. On the
north Pacific coast we have indications that the flow of population has
been from the interior to the coast. This seems certain in the case of
the Indians of the Chimmesayan stock and some Tlinglit subdivisions.
Some Tlinglit clans, however, have moved from the neighbourhood of the
Nass northward. Looking farther south we find evidence that the coast
Salish have moved from the inner side of the coast ranges, while a small
branch has subsequently passed northward to the west of it. The
Athapascan stock in all probability has moved southward, sending one arm
down the Pacific coast, and a larger body presumably through the Plains
which reached as far as northern Mexico. Most of the stocks of the Great
Plateau and of Oregon and California show little evidence of movement,
such indications as are present, however, pointing toward the south as a
rule. The Pueblo Indians appear to have had a mixed origin, part of them
coming from the north, part from the south. In general there is to be
noted a striking contrast between the comparatively settled condition of
those tribes west of the Rocky mountains and the numerous movements,
particularly in later times, of those to the east."

With regard to the Pacific coast Dixon[803] notes that it "has
apparently been occupied from the earliest times by peoples differing
but little in their culture from the tribes found in occupancy in the
sixteenth century. Cut off from the rest of the country by the great
chain of the Cordilleras and the inhospitable and arid interior
plateaus, the tribes of this narrow coastal strip developed in
comparative seclusion their various cultures, each adopted to the
environment in which it was found....

"In several of the ingenious theories relating to the development and
origin of American cultures in general, it has been contended that
considerable migrations both of peoples and of cultural elements passed
along this coastal highway from north to south. If, however, the
archaeological evidence is to be depended on, such great sweeping
movements, involving many elements of foreign culture, could hardly have
taken place, for no trace of their passage or modifying effect is
apparent.... We can feel fairly sure that the prehistoric peoples of
each area were in the main the direct ancestors of the local tribes of
today....

"In comparison with the relative simplicity of the archaeological record
on the Pacific coast, that of the eastern portion of the continent is
complex, and might indeed be best described as a palimpsest. This
complexity leads inevitably to the conclusion that here there have been
numerous and far-reaching ethnic movements, resulting in a
stratification of cultures."

W. H. Holmes has compiled a map marking the limits of eleven areas which
can be recognised by their archaeological remains[804]. He points out
that the culture units are, as a matter of course, not usually
well-defined. Cultures are bound to over-lap and blend along the borders
and more especially along lines of ready communication. In some cases
evidence has been reported of early cultures radically distinct from the
type adopted as characteristic of the areas, and ancestral forms grading
into the later and into the historic forms are thought to have been
recognised. Holmes frankly acknowledges the tentative character of the
scheme, which forms part of a synthesis that he is preparing of the
antiquities of the whole American continent.

North America is customarily divided into nine areas of material
culture, and though this is convenient, a more correct method, as C.
Wissler points out[805], is to locate the respective groups of typical
tribes as culture centres, classifying the other tribes as intermediate
or transitional. The geographical stability of the material culture
centres is confirmed by archaeological evidence which suggests that the
striking individuality they now possess resulted from a more or less
gradual expansion along original lines. The material cultures of these
centres possess great vitality and are often able completely to dominate
intrusive cultural unity. Thus tribes have passed from an intermediate
state to a typical, as when the Cheyenne were forced into the Plains
centre, and the Shoshonian Hopi adopted the typical Pueblo culture.
Wissler comes to the conclusion that "the location of these centres is
largely a matter of ethnic accident, but once located and the
adjustments made, the stability of the environment doubtless tends to
hold each particular type of material culture to its initial locality,
even in the face of many changes in blood and language." It is from his
valuable paper that the material culture traits of the following areas
have been obtained.

I. Eskimo Area. The fact that the Eskimo live by the sea and chiefly
upon sea food does not differentiate them from the tribes of the North
Pacific coast, but they are distinguished from the latter by the habit
of camping in winter upon sea ice and living upon seal, and in the
summer upon land animals. The kayak and "woman's boat," the lamp,
harpoon, float, woman's knife, bowdrill, snow goggles, trussed-bow, and
dog traction are almost universal. The type of winter shelter varies
considerably, but the skin tent is general in summer and the snow house,
as a more or less permanent winter house, prevails east of Point Barrow.

The mode of life of all the Eskimo, as F. Boas[806] has pointed out, is
fairly uniform and depends on the distribution of food at the different
seasons. The migrations of game compel the natives to move their
habitations from time to time, and as the inhospitable country does not
produce vegetation to an extent sufficient to support human life they
are forced to depend entirely upon animal food. The abundance of seals
in Arctic America enables man to withstand the inclemency of the climate
and the sterility of the soil. The skins of seals furnish the materials
for summer garments and for the tent, their flesh is almost their only
food, and their blubber their indispensable fuel during the long dark
winter when they live in solid snow houses. When the ice breaks up in
the spring the Eskimo establish their settlements at the head of the
fiords where salmon are easily caught. When the snow on the land has
melted in July the natives take hunting trips inland in order to obtain
the precious skins of the reindeer, or of the musk-ox, of whose heavy
pelts the winter garments are made. Walrus and the ground seal also
arrive and birds are found in abundance and eaten raw.

The Eskimo[807] occupy more than 5000 miles of seaboard from north-east
Greenland to the mouth of the Copper river in western Alaska. Many views
have been advanced as to the position of their centre of dispersion;
most probably it lay to the west of Hudson Bay. Rink[808] is of opinion
that they originated as a distinct people in Alaska, where they
developed an Arctic culture; but Boas[809] regards them "as,
comparatively speaking, new arrivals in Alaska, which they reached from
the east." A westward movement is supported by myths and customs, and by
the affinities of the Eskimo with northern Asiatics. There was always
hostility between the Eskimo and the North American Indians, which,
apart from their very specialised mode of life, precluded any Eskimo
extension southwards. The expansion of the Eskimo to Greenland is
explained by Steensby[810] as follows:--the main southern movement would
have followed the west coast from Melville Bay, rounded the southern
point and proceeded some distance up the east coast. From the Barren
Grounds north-west of Hudson Bay the Polar Eskimo followed the musk-ox,
advanced due north to Ellesmere Land, then crossed to Greenland, and,
still hunting the musk-ox, advanced along the north coast and down the
east coast towards Scoresby Sound. Another line of migration apparently
started from the vicinity of Southampton Island and pursued the reindeer
northwards into Baffin Land; on reaching Ponds Inlet these
reindeer-hunting Eskimo for the most part turned along the east coast.

Physically the Eskimo constitute a distinct type. They are of medium
stature, but possess uncommon strength and endurance; their skin is
light brownish yellow with a ruddy tint on the exposed parts; hands and
feet are small and well formed; their heads are high, with broad faces,
and narrow high noses, and eyes of a Mongolian character. But great
varieties are found in different parts of the vast area over which they
range. The Polar Eskimo of Greenland, studied by Steensby, were more of
American Indian than of Asiatic type[811]. Of their psychology this
writer says, "For the Polar Eskimos life is deadly real and sober, a
constant striving for food and warmth which is borne with good humour,
and all dispensations are accepted as natural consequences, about which
it is of no use to reason or complain." "The hard struggle for existence
has not permitted the Polar Eskimo to become other than a confirmed
egoist, who knows nothing of disinterestedness. Towards his enemies he
is crafty and deceitful--he does not attack them openly, but indulges
in backbiting.... It is only during the hunt that a common interest and
a common danger engender a deeper feeling of comradeship[812]."

Still less Mongolian in type are the "blond Eskimo" recently encountered
by Stefánsson in south-west Victoria Island[813], who are regarded by
him as very possibly the mixed descendants of Scandinavian ancestors who
had drifted there from west Greenland. It is known that Eric the Red
discovered Greenland in the year 982 and that 3 years later settlers
went there from the Norse colony in Iceland.

The winter snow houses, which are about 12 × 15 ft. in diameter and 12
ft. high, usually with annexes, are always occupied by two families,
each woman having her own lamp and sitting on the ledge in front of it.
If more families join in making a snow house, they make two main rooms.
Whenever it is possible the men spend the short days in hunting and each
woman prepares the food for her husband. The long nights are mainly
spent in various recreations. The social life in the summer settlement
is somewhat different. The families do not cook their own meals, but a
single one suffices for the whole settlement. The day before it is her
turn to cook the woman goes to the hills to fetch enough shrubs for the
fire. When a meal is ready the master of the house calls out and
everybody comes out of his tent with a knife, the men sit in one circle
and the women in another. These dinners, which are always held in the
evening, are almost always enlivened by a mimic performance. The great
religious feasts take place just before the beginning of winter.

There are three forms of social grouping: the Family, House-mates, and
Place-mates. (1) The family consists of a man, his wife or wives, their
children and adopted children; widows and their children may be adopted,
but the woman retains her own fireplace. Sometimes men are adopted, such
as bachelors without any relatives, cripples, or impoverished men. Joint
ownership and use of a boat and house, and common labour and toil in
obtaining the means of support define the real community of the family.
(2) House-mates are families that join together to build and occupy and
maintain the same house. This form of establishment is especially common
in Greenland, but each family keeps its separate establishment inside
the common house. (3) Place-fellows. The inhabitants of the same hamlet
or winter establishment form one community although no chief is elected
or authority acknowledged.

Generally children are betrothed when very young. The newly married pair
usually live at first with the wife's family. Both polygyny and
polyandry occur. A man may lend or exchange his wife for a whole season
or longer, as a sign of friendship. On certain occasions it is even
commanded by religious law. There is no government, but there is a kind
of chief in the settlement, though his authority is very limited. He is
called the "pimain," _i.e._ he who knows everything best. He decides the
proper time to shift the huts from one place to another, he may ask some
men to go sealing, others to go deer hunting, but there is not the
slightest obligation to obey him. The men in a community may form
themselves into an informal council for the regulation of affairs. The
decorative art of the Eskimo is not remarkably developed, but the
pictorial art consists of clever sketches of everyday scenes and there
is a well developed plastic art. Many of the carvings are toys and are
made for the pleasure of the work. "The religious views and practices of
the Eskimo while, on the whole, alike in their fundamental traits, show
a considerable amount of differentiation in the extreme east and in the
extreme west. It would seem that the characteristic traits of shamanism
are common to all the Eskimo tribes. The art of the shaman (angakok) is
acquired by the acquisition of guardian spirits.... Besides the spirits
which may become guardian spirits of men, the Eskimo believes in a great
many others which are hostile and bring disaster and death.... The
ritualistic development of Eskimo religion is very slight[814]."

II. Mackenzie Area. Skirting the Eskimo area is a belt of semi-Arctic
lands almost cut in two by Hudson Bay. To the west are the Déné tribes,
who are believed to fall into three culture groups, an eastern group,
Yellow Knives, Dog Rib, Hares, Slavey, Chipewyan and Beaver; a
south-western group, Nahane, Sekani, Babine and Carrier; and a
north-western group, comprising the Kutchin, Loucheux, Ahtena and
Khotana. The material culture of the south-western group is deduced
from the writings of Father Morice[815]. All the tribes are hunters of
large or small game, caribou are often driven into enclosures, small
game taken in snares or traps; various kinds of fish are largely used,
and a few of the tribes on the head waters of the Pacific take salmon;
large use of berries is made, they are mashed and dried by a special
process; edible roots and other vegetable foods are used to some extent;
utensils are of wood and bark; there is no pottery; bark vessels are
used for boiling with or without stones; travel in summer is largely by
canoe, in winter by snowshoe; dog sleds are used to some extent, but
chiefly since trade days, the toboggan form prevailing; clothing is of
skins; mittens and caps are worn; there is no weaving except rabbit-skin
garments, but fine network occurs on snowshoes, bags, and fish nets,
materials being of bark fibre, sinew and babiche; there is also a
special form of woven quill work; the typical habitation seems to be the
double lean-to, though many intrusive forms occur; other material
culture traits include the making of fish-hooks and spears; a limited
use of copper; and poorly developed work in stone.

The physical characteristics vary very much from tribe to tribe. The
Sekani, according to Morice, are slender and bony, in stature rather
below the average, with a narrow forehead, hollow cheeks, prominent
cheekbones, small eyes deeply sunk in their orbit, the upper lip very
thin and the lower somewhat protruding, the chin very small and the nose
straight. The Carriers, on the contrary, are tall and stout, without as
a rule being too corpulent. The men average 1.66 m. in height. Their
forehead is much broader than that of the Sekani, and less receding than
is usual with American aborigines. The face is full, and the nose
aquiline. All the tribes are remarkably unwarlike, timid, and even
cowardly. Weapons are seldom used and in personal combat, which consists
in a species of wrestling, knives are previously laid aside. The fear of
enemies is a marked feature, due in part, doubtless, to traditional
recollection of the raids of earlier days. Their honesty is noted by all
travellers. Morice records that among the Sekani a trader will sometimes
go on a trapping expedition, leaving his store unlocked, without fear
of any of its contents going amiss. Meantime a native may call in his
absence, help himself to as much powder and shot or any other item as he
may need, but he will never fail to leave there an exact equivalent in
furs.

The eastern Déné are nomad hunters who gather berries and roots, while
the western are semi-sedentary, living for most of the year in villages
when they subsist largely on salmon. The former are patrilineal and the
latter are grouped into matrilineal exogamic totemic clans. The headmen
of the clans formed a class of privileged nobles who alone owned the
hunting grounds. Morice speaks of clan, honorific and personal totems.
The first two were adopted from coastal tribes, the honorific was
assumed by some individuals in order to attain a rank to which they were
not entitled by heredity. The "personal totem" is the guardian spirit or
genius, the belief in which is common to nearly all North American
peoples. Shamanism prevails throughout the area. The mythology almost
always refers to a "Transformer" who visited the world when incomplete
and set things in order. They have the custom of the potlatch[816]. If a
man desires another man's wife he can challenge the husband to a
wrestling match, the winner keeps the woman[817].

III. North Pacific Coast Area. This culture is rather complex with
tribal variations, but it can be treated under three subdivisions, a
northern group, Tlingit, Haida and Tsimshian; a central group, the
Kwakiutl tribes and the Bellacoola; and a southern group, the Coast
Salish, Nootka, Chinook, Kalapooian, Waiilatpuan, Chimakuan and some
Athapascan tribes. The first of these seem to be the type and are
characterised by: the great dependence upon sea food, some hunting upon
the mainland, large use of berries (dried fish, clams and berries are
the staple food); cooking with hot stones in boxes and baskets; large
rectangular gabled houses of upright cedar planks with carved posts and
totem poles; travel chiefly by water in large seagoing dug-out canoes
some of which had sails; no pottery nor stone vessels, except mortars;
baskets in checker, those in twine reaching a high state of excellence
among the Tlingit; coil basketry not made; mats of cedar bark and soft
bags in abundance; no true loom, the warp hanging from a bar and weaving
with the fingers downwards; clothing rather scanty, chiefly of skin, a
wide basket hat (the only one of the kind on the continent, apparently
for protection against rain); feet usually bare, but skin moccasins and
leggings occasionally made; for weapons the bow, club and a peculiar
dagger, no lances; slat, rod and skin armour; wooden helmets, no
shields; practically no chipped stone tools, but nephrite or green stone
used; wood work highly developed; work in copper possibly aboriginal
but, if so, weakly developed. The central group differs in a few minor
points; twisted and loosely woven bark or wool takes the place of skins
for clothing and baskets are all in checkerwork. Among the southern
group appears a strong tendency to use stone arrowheads, and a peculiar
flat club occurs, vaguely similar to the New Zealand type[818].

Physically the typical North Pacific tribes are of medium stature, with
long arms and short bodies. Among the northern branches the stature
averages 1.675 m. (5 ft. 6 in.), the head is very large with an average
index of 82.5. The face is very broad, the nose concave or straight,
seldom convex, with slight elevation. Among the southern tribes, notably
the Kwakiutl, the stature averages 1.645 m. (5 ft. 4-3/4 in.), the
cephalic index is 84.5, the face very broad but also of great length,
the nose very high, rather narrow and frequently convex.

The social relations of these peoples vary from tribe to tribe, but on
the whole they fall into a sequence from north to south. In the northern
portion descent is matrilineal, but patrilineal in the south. J. G.
Frazer does not accept the view of Boas "that the Northern Kwakiutl have
borrowed both the rule of maternal descent and the division into totemic
clans from their more northerly neighbours of alien stocks; in other
words, that totemism and mother-kin have spread southward among a people
who had father-kin and no totemic system[819]." He inclines "to the
other view, formerly favoured by Boas himself, namely, that the
Kwakiutl are in a stage of transition from mother-kin to
father-kin[820]."

Each village is autonomous and originally may have been restricted to a
single totem clan. The population is divided into three ranks, nobles,
common people and a low caste consisting of poor people and serfs who
cannot participate in the secret societies. In addition there is a
totemic grouping. There may be several totemic clans in one village and
the same totem may not only occur in every village, but may extend from
one tribe to another. This suggests that there were originally two, or
in some cases more than two, totemic clans which in process of time
became subdivided into sub-clans; these, while retaining the crest of
the original clan, acquired fresh ones, and the families contained in
each sub-clan may have their special crest or crests in addition. New
crests and names are constantly being introduced. Marriage is forbidden
between people of the same crest, irrespective of the tribe. The natives
according to Boas do not consider themselves descendants from their
totem. A wife brings her father's position, crest and privileges as a
dower to her husband, who is not allowed to use them himself, but
acquires them for the use of his son, in other words this inheritance is
in the female line.

The widely spread American custom of a youth acquiring a guardian spirit
is far more prevalent among the southern section than the northern, but
among the Kwakiutl he can only obtain as his patron, one or more of a
limited number of spirits which are hereditary in his clan. In the
northern tribes the secret societies are coextensive with the totemic
clans; among the Kwakiutl they are connected with guardian spirits and
it is significant that during the summer, when the people are scattered,
society is based on the old clan system, but when the people live
together in villages in the winter, society is reorganised on the basis
of the secret societies. There is a highly developed system of barter of
which the blanket is now the unit of value, formerly the units were
elk-skins, canoes or slaves. Certain symbolic objects have attained
fanciful values. A vast credit system has grown up based on the custom
of loaning property at high interest, at the great festivals called
"potlatch" and by it the giver gains great honour. The religion is
closely related to the totemic beliefs; supernatural aid is given by
the spirits to those who win their favour. The raven is the chief figure
in the mythology; he regulates the phenomena of nature, procures fire,
daylight, and fresh water, and teaches men the arts.

To the south, and extending inland to the divide, forming a much less
characteristic group are the Salish or Flat-heads who are allied to the
Athapascans. The coastal Salish assimilate the culture just described,
but the plateau Salish are more democratic, less settled and more
individualistic in religious matters[821]. The Chinooks or Flat-heads of
the lower reaches of the Columbia river are nearly extinct. They
deformed the heads of infants. These tribes and the Shahapts or Nez
Percés are differentiated by garments of raw hides, cranial deformation,
absence of tattooing and plain bows, but they still have communal houses
though without totem posts. They cook by means of heated stones and have
zoomorphic masks[822].

IV. Plateau Area. The Plateau area lies between the North Pacific Coast
area and the Plains. It is far less uniform than either in its
topography, the south being a veritable desert while the north is moist
and fertile. The traits may be summarised as: extensive use of salmon,
deer, roots (especially camas) and berries; the use of a handled digging
stick, cooking with hot stones in holes and baskets; the pulverisation
of dried salmon and roots for storage; winter houses, semi-subterranean,
a circular pit with a conical roof and smoke hole entrance; summer
houses, movable or transient, mat or rush-covered tents and the lean-to,
double and single; the dog sometimes used as a pack animal; water
transportation weakly developed, crude dug-outs and bark canoes being
used; pottery not known; basketry highly developed, coil, rectangular
shapes, imbricated technique; twine weaving in flexible bags and mats;
some simple weaving of bark fibre for clothing; clothing for the entire
body usually of deerskins; skin caps for the men, and in some cases
basket caps for women; blankets of woven rabbit-skin; the sinew-backed
bow prevailed; clubs, lances, and knives, and rod and slat armour were
used in war, also heavy leather shirts; fish spears, hooks, traps and
bag nets were used; dressing of deerskins highly developed; upright
stretching frames and straight long handled scrapers; wood work more
advanced than among Plains tribes, but insignificant compared to North
Pacific Coast area; stone work confined to the making of tools and
points, battering and flaking; work in bone, metal, and feathers very
weak[823].

Of the tribes of this area, the interior Salish, the Thompson, Shushwap
and Lillooet, appear to be the most typical of those concerning which
any information is available. The Shahapts or Nez Percés, and the
Shoshoni show some marked Plains traits. "The interior Salish are
landsmen and hunters, and from time immemorial have been accustomed to
follow their game over mountainous country. This mode of life has
engendered among them an active, slender, athletic type of men; they are
considerably taller and possess a much finer physique than their
congeners of the coastal region, who are fishermen, passing the larger
portion of their time on the water squatting in their canoes, never
walking to any place if they can possibly reach it by water. The typical
coast Salish are a squat thick-set people, with disproportionate legs
and bodies, slow and heavy in their movements, and as unlike their
brothers of the interior as it is possible for them to be[824]."

The Thompsons represented the Salish at their highest and best, both
morally and physically, and their ethical precepts and teaching set a
very high standard of virtue before the advent of the Europeans.
Hill-Tout says that receptiveness and a wholesale adoption of foreign
fashions and customs are their striking qualities, and "if they have
fallen away from these high standards, as we fear they have, the fault
is not theirs but ours.... We assumed a grave responsibility when we
undertook to civilise these races[825]."

The simplest form of social organisation is found among the interior
hunting tribes, where a state of pure anarchy may be said to have
formerly prevailed, each family being a law unto itself and
acknowledging no authority save that of its own elderman. Each local
community was composed of a greater or less number of these self-ruling
families. There was a kind of headship or nominal authority given to the
oldest and wisest of the eldermen in some of the larger communities,
where occasion called for it or where circumstances arose in which it
became necessary to have a central representative. This led in some
centres to the regular appointing of local chiefs or heads whose
business it was to look after the material interest of the commune over
which they presided; but the office was always strictly elective and
hedged with manifold limitations as to authority and privilege. For
example, the local chief was not necessarily the head of all
undertakings. He would not lead in war or the chase unless he happened
to be the best hunter or the bravest and most skilful warrior among
them; and he was subject to deposition at a moment's notice if his
conduct did not meet with the approval of the elders of the commune. His
office or leadership was therefore purely a nominal one. All hunting,
fishing, root, and berry grounds were common property and shared in by
all alike.... In one particular tribe even the food was held and meals
were taken in common, the presiding elder or headman calling upon a
certain family each day to provide and prepare the meals for all the
rest, every one, more or less, taking it in turn to discharge this
social duty[826].

V. Californian Area. Of the four sub-culture areas noted by Kroeber[827]
the central group is the most extensive and typical. Its main
characteristics are: acorns as the chief vegetable food, supplemented by
wild seeds, while roots and berries are scarcely used; the acorns are
made into bread by a roundabout process; hunting is mostly of small
game, fishing wherever possible; the houses are of many forms, all
simple shelters of brush or tule, or more substantial conical lean-to
structures of poles; the dog was not used for packing and there were no
canoes, but rafts of tule were used for ferrying; no pottery but high
development of basketry both coil and twine; bags and mats scanty; cloth
or other weaving of simple elements not known; clothing simple and
scanty; feet usually bare; the bow the only weapon, usually
sinew-backed; work in skins, wood, bone etc., weak, in metals absent, in
stone work not advanced. In the south modifications enter with large
groups of Yuman and Shoshonian tribes where pottery, sandals and wooden
war clubs are intrusive. The extinct Santa Barbara were excellent
workers in stone, bone and shell, and made plank canoes.

Topographical variation produces consequent changes in mode of life as
the well watered and wooded country of Oregon and Northern California
gradually merges into the warm dry climate of South California with
decreasing moisture towards the tropics. As Kroeber says[828], "From the
time of the first settlement of California, its Indians have been
described as both more primitive and more peaceful than the majority of
the natives of North America.... The practical arts of life, the social
institutions and the ceremonies of the Californian Indians are unusually
simple and undeveloped. There was no war for its own sake, no
confederation of powerful tribes, no communal stone pueblos, no totems,
or potlatches. The picturesqueness and the dignity of the Indians are
lacking. In general rudeness of culture the Californian Indians are
scarcely above the Eskimo.... If the degree of civilisation attained by
people depends in any large measure on their habitat, as does not seem
likely, it might be concluded from the case of the Californian Indians
that natural advantages were an impediment rather than an incentive to
progress.... It is possible to speak of typical Californian Indians and
to recognise a typical Californian culture area. A feature that should
not be lost sight of is the great stability of population.... The social
organisation was both simple and loose.... Beyond the family the only
bases of organisation were the village and the language." In so simple a
condition of society difference of rank naturally found but little
scope. The influence of chiefs was comparatively small, and distinct
classes, as of nobility or slaves, were unknown. Individual property
rights were developed and what organisation of society there was, was
largely on the basis of property. The ceremonies are characterised by a
very slight development of the extreme ritualism that is so
characteristic of the American Indians, and by an almost entire absence
of symbolism of any kind. Fetishism is also unusual. One set of
ceremonies was usually connected with a secret religious society; during
initiation members were disguised by feathers and paint, but masks were
not worn. There was also an annual tribal spectacular ceremony held in
remembrance of the dead. In the north-west portion of the state a
somewhat more highly developed and specialised culture existed which has
some affinities with that of the north-west tribes, as is indicated by a
greater advance in technology, a social organisation largely upon a
property basis and a system of mythology that is suggestive of those
further north. The now extinct tribes of the Santa Barbara islands and
adjacent mainland were more advanced. They alone employed a plank-built
canoe instead of the balsas or canoe-shaped bundles of rushes of the
greater part of California. They made stone bowls and did inlaid work.
Like the North Californians and tribes further north they buried instead
of burning their dead. The eastern tribes shade off into their
neighbours. The Luiseño, the southernmost of the Shoshonians, had
puberty rites for girls and boys[829]. The belief in a succession of
births "is reminiscent of Oceanic and Asiatic ways of thought[830]."
[About] 1788 a secret cult arose inculcating, with penalties, obedience,
fasting, and self-sacrifice on initiates[831].

VI. Plains Area. The chief traits of this culture are the dependence
upon the bison ("buffalo") and the very limited use of roots and
berries; absence of fishing; lack of agriculture; the _tipi_ or tent as
the movable dwelling and transportation by land only, with the dog and
the travois (in historic times, with the horse); no baskets, pottery, or
true weaving; clothing of bison and deerskins; there is high development
of work in skins and special bead technique and raw-hide work
(parfleche, cylindrical bag etc.), and weak development of work in wood,
stone and bone. This typical culture is manifested in the Assiniboin,
Arapaho, Blackfoot, Crow, Cheyenne, Comanche, Gros Ventre, Kiowa,
Kiowa-Apache, Sarsi and Teton-Dakota[832]. Among the tribes of the
eastern border a limited use of pottery and basketry may be added, some
spinning and weaving of bags, and rather extensive agriculture. Here the
tipi alternates with larger and more permanent houses covered with
grass, bark or earth, and there was some attempt at water
transportation. These tribes are the Arikara, Hidatsa, Iowa, Kansa,
Mandan, Missouri, Omaha, Osage, Oto, Pawnee, Ponca, Santee-Dakota[833],
Yankton-Dakota[833] and Wichita.

On the western border other tribes (Wind River Shoshoni, Uinta and
Uncompahgre Ute) lack pottery but produce a rather high type of
basketry, depending far less on the bison but more on deer and small
game, making large use of wild grass seeds.

On the north-eastern border the Plains-Ojibway and Plains-Cree combine
many traits of the forest hunting tribes with those found in the Plains.

The Dakota or Sioux are universally conceded to be of the highest type,
physically, mentally and probably morally of any of the western tribes.
Their bravery has never been questioned by white or Indian and they
conquered or drove out every rival except the Ojibway. Their physical
characteristics are as follows: dark skin faintly tinged with red,
facial features more strongly marked than those of the Pacific Coast
Indians, nose and lower jaw particularly prominent and heavy, head
generally mesocephalic and not artificially deformed. They are a free
and dominant race of hunters and warriors, necessarily strong and
active. Their weapons of stone, wood, bone and horn are tomahawk, club,
flint knife, and bow and arrow. All their habits centre in the bison,
which provided the staple materials of nutrition and industry. Drawing
and painting were done on prepared bison skins and elaborately carved
pipes were made for ceremonial use.

They are divided into kinship groups, with inheritance as a rule in the
male line. The woman is autocrat of the home. Exogamy was strictly
enforced in the clan but marriage within the tribe or with related
tribes was encouraged. The marriage was arranged by the parents and
polygyny was common where means would permit. Government consisted in
chieftainship acquired by personal merit, and the old men exercised
considerable influence.

Religious conceptions were based on a belief in _Wakonda_ or
_Manito_[834], an all-pervading spirit force, whose cult involved
various shamanistic ceremonials consisting of dancing, chanting,
feasting and fasting. Most distinctive of these is the Sun dance,
practised by almost all the tribes of the plains except the Comanche. It
is an annual festival lasting several days, in honour of the sun, for
the purpose of obtaining abundant produce throughout the year.

The Sun dance was not only the greatest ceremony of the Plains tribes
but was a condition of their existence. More than any other ceremony or
occasion, it furnished the tribe the opportunity for the expression of
emotion in rhythm, and was the occasion of the tribe becoming more
closely united. It gave opportunity for the making and renewing of
common interests, the inauguration of tribal policies, and the renewing
of the rank of the chiefs; for the exhibition, by means of mourning
feasts, of grief over the loss of members of families; for the
fulfilment of social obligations by means of feasts; and, finally, for
the exercise and gratification of the emotions of love on the part of
the young in the various social dances which always formed an
interesting feature of the ceremony[835].

Being strongly opposed by the missionaries because it was utterly
misunderstood[836], and finding no favour in official circles, the Sun
dance has been for many years an object of persecution, and in
consequence is extinct among the Dakota, Crows, Mandan, Pawnee, and
Kiowa, but it is still performed by the Cree, Siksika (Blackfoot),
Arapaho, Cheyenne, Assiniboin, Ponca, Shoshoni and Ute, though in many
of these tribes its disappearance is near at hand, for it has lost part
of its rites and has become largely a spectacle for gain rather than a
great religious ceremony[837].

The Pawnee do not differ at all widely from the Dakota, but have a
somewhat finer cast of features. They are more given to agriculture,
raising crops of maize, pumpkins, etc. The Pawnee type of hut is
characteristic, consisting of a circular framework of poles or logs,
covered with brush, bark and earth. Their religious ceremonies were
connected with the cosmic forces and the heavenly bodies. The dominating
power was Tirawa generally spoken of as "Father." The winds, thunder,
lightning and rain were his messengers. Among the Skidi the morning and
evening stars represented the masculine and feminine elements, and were
connected with the advent and perpetuation on earth of all living forms.
A series of ceremonies relative to the bringing of life and its increase
began with the first thunder in the spring and culminated at the summer
solstice in human sacrifice, but the series did not close until the
maize, called "mother corn," was harvested. At every stage of the series
certain shrines or "bundles" became the centre of a ceremony. Each
shrine was in charge of an hereditary keeper, but its rituals and
ceremonies were in the keeping of a priesthood open to all proper
aspirants. Through the sacred and symbolic articles of the shrines and
their rituals and ceremonies a medium of communication was believed to
be opened between the people and the supernatural powers, by which food,
long life and prosperity were obtained. The mythology of the Pawnee is
remarkably rich in symbolism and poetic fancy and their religious system
is elaborate and cogent. The secret societies, of which there were
several in each tribe, were connected with the belief in supernatural
animals. The functions of these societies were to call the game, to heal
diseases, and to give occult powers. Their rites were elaborate and
their ceremonies dramatic[838].

The Blackfeet or Siksika[839], an Algonquian confederacy of the northern
plains, agree in culture with the Plains tribes generally, though there
is evidence of an earlier culture, approximately that of the eastern
woodland tribes. They are divided into the Siksika proper, or Blackfeet,
the Kainah or Bloods, and the Piegan, the whole being popularly known as
Blackfoot or Blackfeet. Formerly bison and deer were their chief food
and there is no evidence that they ever practised agriculture, though
tobacco was grown and used entirely for ceremonial purposes. The doors
of their tipis always faced east. They have a great number of
dances--religious, war and social--besides secret societies for various
purposes, together with many "sacred bundles" around every one of which
centres a ritual. Practically every adult has his personal "medicine."
The principal deities are the Sun, and a supernatural being known as
_Napi_ "Old Man," who may be an incarnation of the same idea. The
religious activity of a Blackfoot consists in putting himself into a
position where the cosmic power will take pity upon him and give him
something in return. There was no conception of a single personal
god[840].

The Arapaho, another Algonquian Plains tribe, were once according to
their own traditions a sedentary agricultural people far to the north of
their present range, apparently in North Minnesota. They have been
closely associated with the Cheyenne for many generations[841]. The
annual Sun Dance is their greatest tribal ceremony, and they were active
propagators of the ghost-dance religion of the last century which
centred in the belief in the coming of a messiah and the restoration of
the country to the Indians[842].

The Cheyenne, also of agricultural origin, have been for generations a
typical prairie tribe, living in skin tipis, following the bison over
large areas, travelling and fighting on horseback. In character they are
proud, contentious, and brave to desperation, with an exceptionally high
standard for women. Under the old system they had a council of 44
elective chiefs, of whom four constituted a higher body, with power to
elect one of their number as head chief of the tribe. In all councils
that concerned the relations with other tribes, one member of the
council was appointed to argue as proxy or "devil's advocate" for the
alien people. The council of 44 is still symbolised by a bundle of 44
invitation sticks, kept with the sacred medicine-arrows, and formerly
sent round when occasion arose to convene the assembly. The four
medicine-arrows constitute the tribal palladium which they claim to have
had from the beginning of the world. It was exposed once a year with
appropriate rites, and is still religiously preserved. No woman, white
man, or even mixed blood of the tribe has ever been allowed to come near
the sacred arrows. In priestly dignity the keepers of the
medicine-arrows and the priests of the Sun dance rites stood first and
equal[843].

VII. Eastern Woodland Area[844]. The culture north of the Great Lakes
and east of the St Lawrence is comparable to that of the Déné (see p.
361), the main traits being: the taking of caribou in pens; the snaring
of game; the importance of small game and fish, also of berries; the
weaving of rabbit-skins; the birch canoe; the toboggan; the conical skin
or bark-covered shelter; the absence of basketry and pottery and the use
of bark and wooden utensils. To this northern group belong the Ojibway
north of the lakes, including the Saulteaux, the Wood Cree, the
Montagnais and the Naskapi. Further south the main body falls into three
large divisions: Iroquoian tribes (Huron, Wyandot, Erie, Susquehanna and
Five Nations); Central Algonquian to the west of the Iroquois (some
Ojibway, Ottawa, Menomini, Sauk and Fox[845], Potawatomi, Peoria,
Illinois, Kickapoo, Miami, Piankashaw, Shawnee and Siouan Winnebago);
Eastern Algonquian (Abnaki group and Micmac).

The Central group west of the Iroquois appears to be the most typical
and the best known and the following are the main culture traits: maize,
squashes and bean were cultivated, wild rice where available was a great
staple, and maple sugar was manufactured; deer, bear and even bison were
hunted; also wild fowl; fishing was fairly developed, especially
sturgeon fishing on the lakes; pottery poor, but formerly used for
cooking vessels, vessels of wood and bark common; some splint basketry;
two types of shelter prevailed, a dome-shaped bark or mat-covered lodge
for winter and a rectangular bark house for summer, though the Ojibway
used the conical type of the northern border group; dug-out and bark
canoes and snowshoes were used, occasionally the toboggan and dog
traction; weaving was of bark fibre (downward with fingers), and soft
bags, pack lines and fish nets were made; clothing was of skins;
soft-soled moccasins with drooping flaps, leggings, breech-cloth and
sleeved shirts for men, for women a skirt and jacket, though a one-piece
dress was known; robes of skin or woven rabbit-skin; no armour or
lances; bows of plain wood and clubs; in trade days, the tomahawk; work
in wood, stone and bone weakly developed; probably considerable use of
copper in prehistoric times; feather-work rare.

In the eastern group agriculture was more intensive (except in the
north) and pottery was more highly developed. Woven feather cloaks were
common, there was a special development of work in steatite, and more
use was made of edible roots.

The Iroquoian tribes were even more intensive agriculturalists and
potters. They made some use of the blow-gun, developed cornhusk weaving,
carved elaborate masks from wood, lived in rectangular houses of
peculiar pattern, built fortifications and were superior in bone
work[846].

In physical type the Ojibways[847], who may be taken as typical of the
central Algonquians, were 1.73 m. (5 ft. 8 in.) in height, with
brachycephalic heads (82 in the east, 80 in the west, but variable),
heavy strongly developed cheek-bones and heavy and prominent nose. They
were hard fighters and beat back the raids of the Iroquois on the east
and of the Foxes on the south, and drove the Sioux before them out upon
the Plains. According to Schoolcraft, who was personally acquainted with
them and married a woman of the tribe, the warriors equalled in physical
appearance the best formed of the North-West Indians, with the possible
exception of the Foxes.

They were organised in many exogamous clans; descent was patrilineal
although it was matrilineal in most Algonquian tribes. The clan system
was totemic. There was a clan chief and generally a tribal chief as
well, chosen from one clan in which the office was hereditary. His
authority was rather indefinite.

As regards religion W. Jones[848] notes their belief in a cosmic mystery
present throughout all Nature, called "Manito." It was natural to
identify the Manito with both animate and inanimate objects and the
impulse was strong to enter into personal relations with the mystic
power. There was one personification of the cosmic mystery; and this was
an animate being called the Great Manito. Although they have long been
in friendly relations with the whites Christianity has had but little
effect on them, largely owing to the conservatism of the native
medicine-men. The _Medewiwin_, or grand medicine society, was a powerful
organisation, which controlled all the movements of the tribe[849].

The Iroquois[850] are not much differentiated in general culture from
the stocks around them, but in political development they stand unique.
The Five Nations, Mohawk, Onondaga, Oneida, Cayuga and Seneca
(subsequently joined by the Tuscarora), formed the famous League of the
Iroquois about the year 1570. Each tribe remained independent in matters
of local concern, but supreme authority was delegated to a council of
elected sachems. They were second to no other Indian people north of
Mexico in political organisation, statecraft and military prowess, and
their astute diplomats were a match for the wily French and English
statesmen with whom they treated. So successful was this confederacy
that for centuries it enjoyed complete supremacy over its neighbours,
until it controlled the country from Hudson Bay to North Carolina. The
powerful Ojibway at the end of Lake Superior checked their north-west
expansion, and their own kindred the Cherokee stopped their progress
southwards.

The social organisation was as a rule much more complex and cohesive
than that of any other Indians, and the most notable difference was in
regard to the important position accorded to the women. Among the
Cherokee, the Iroquois and the Hurons the women performed important and
essential functions in their government. Every chief was chosen and
retained his position and every important measure was enacted by the
consent and cooperation of the child-bearing women, and the candidate
for a chieftainship was nominated by the suffrages of the matrons of
this group. His selection from among their sons had to be confirmed by
the tribal and the federal councils respectively, and finally he was
installed into office by federal officers. Lands and the "long houses"
of related families belonged solely to the women.

VIII. South-eastern Area. This area is conveniently divided by the
Mississippi, the typical culture occurring in the east. The Powhatan
group and the Shawnee are intermediate, and the chief tribes are the
Muskhogean (Creek, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Seminole, etc.) and Iroquoian
tribes (Cherokee and Tuscarora) with the Yuchi, Eastern Siouan, Tunican
and Quapaw. The main culture traits are: great use of vegetable food and
intensive agriculture; maize, cane (a kind of millet), pumpkins,
watermelons and tobacco being raised. Large use of wild vegetables, the
dog, the only domestic animal, eaten; later chickens, hogs, horses and
cattle quickly adopted; large game, deer, bear and bison, in the west;
turkeys and small game also hunted; some fishing (with fish poison); of
manufactured foods bears' oil, hickory-nut oil, persimmon bread and
hominy are noteworthy, together with the famous black drink[851]; houses
generally rectangular with curved roofs, covered with thatch or bark,
often with plaster walls, reinforced with wicker work; towns were
fortified with palisades; dug-out canoes were used for transport.
Clothing chiefly of deerskins and bison robes, shirt-like garments for
men, skirts and toga-like, upper garments for women, boot-like moccasins
in winter; there were woven fabrics of bark fibre, fine netted feather
cloaks, and some bison hair weaving in the west (the weaving being
downwards with the fingers); baskets of cane and splints, the double or
netted basket and the basket meal sieve being special forms; knives of
cane, darts of cane and bone; blow-guns in general use; pottery good,
coil process, with paddle decorations; a particular method of skin
dressing (macerated in mortars), good work in stone, but little in
metal[852].

The Creek women were short though well formed, while the warrior
according to Pickett[853] was "larger than the ordinary race of
Europeans, often above 6 ft. in height, but was invariably well formed,
erect in his carriage, and graceful in every movement. They were proud,
haughty and arrogant, brave and valiant in war." As a people they were
more than usually devoted to decoration and ornament; they were fond of
music and ball play was their most important game. Each Creek town had
its independent government, under an elected chief who was advised by
the council of the town in all important matters. Certain towns were
consecrated to peace ceremonies and were known as "white towns," while
others, set apart for war ceremonials, were known as "red towns." The
solemn annual festival of the Creeks was the "busk" or _puskita_, a
rejoicing over the first-fruits of the year. Each town celebrated its
busk whenever the crops had come to maturity. All the worn-out clothes,
household furniture, pots and pans and refuse, grain and other
provisions were gathered together into a heap and consumed. After a
fast, all the fires in the town were extinguished and a priest kindled a
new fire from which were made all the fires in the town. A general
amnesty was proclaimed, all malefactors might return to their towns and
their offences were forgiven. Indeed the new fire meant the new life,
physical and moral, which had to begin with the new year[854].

The Yuchi houses are grouped round a square plot of ground which is held
as sacred, and here the religious ceremonies and social gatherings take
place. On the edges stand four ceremonial lodges, in conformity with the
four cardinal points, in which the different clan groups have assigned
places. The square ground symbolises the rainbow, where in the
sky-world, Sun, the mythical culture-hero, underwent the ceremonial
ordeals which he handed down to the first Yuchi. The Sun, as chief of
the sky-world, author of the life, the ceremonies and the culture of the
people, is by far the most important figure in their religious life.
Various animals in the sky-world and vegetation spirits are recognised,
besides the totemic ancestral spirits, who play an important part.

According to Speck[855] "the members of each clan believe that they are
relatives and, in some vague way, the descendants of certain
pre-existing animals whose names and identity they now bear. The animal
ancestors are accordingly totemic. In regard to the living animals,
they, too, are the earthly types and descendants of the pre-existing
ones, hence, since they trace their descent from the same sources as the
human clans, the two are consanguinely related." Thus the members of a
clan feel obliged not to do violence to the wild animals having the form
or name of their tutelaries, though the flesh and fur may be obtained
from the members of other clans who are under no such obligations. The
different individuals of the clan inherit the protection of the clan
totems at the initiatory rites, and thenceforth retain them as their
protectors through life.

Public religious worship centres in the complex annual ceremony
connected with the corn harvest and includes the making of new fire,
clan dances impersonating totemic ancestors, dances to propitiate
maleficent spirits and acknowledge the assistance of beneficent ones in
the hope of a continuance of their benefits, scarification of the males
for sacrifice and purification, taking an emetic as a purifier, the
partaking of the first green corn of the season, and the performance of
a characteristic ball game with two sticks.

The middle and lower portions of the Mississippi valley with out-lying
territories exhibit archaeological evidence of a remarkable culture,
higher than that of any other area north of Mexico. This culture
was characterised by "well established sedentary life, extensive
practice of agricultural pursuits, and construction of permanent
works--domiciliary, religious, civic, defensive and mortuary, of great
magnitude and much diversity of form." The people, some, if not all of
whom were mound-builders, were of numerous linguistic stocks, Siouan,
Algonquian, Iroquoian, Muskhogean, Tunican, Chitimachan, Caddoan and
others, and "these historic peoples, remnants of which are still found
within the area, were doubtless preceded by other groups not of a
distinct race but probably of the same or related linguistic families.
This view, in recent years, has gradually taken the place of the early
assumption that the mound culture belonged to a people of high cultural
attainments who had been succeeded by Indian tribes. That mound building
continued down to the period of European occupancy is a well established
fact, and many of the burial mounds contain as original inclusions
articles of European make[856]."

These general conclusions are in no way opposed to De Nadaillac's
suggestion that the mounds were certainly the work of Indians, but of
more civilised tribes than the present Algonquians, by whom they were
driven south to Florida, and there found with their towns,
council-houses, and other structures by the first white settlers[857].
It would appear, however, from F. H. Cushing's investigations, that
these tribal council-houses of the Seminole Indians were a local
development, growing up on the spot under conditions quite different
from those prevailing in the north. Many of the vast shell-mounds,
especially between Tampa and Cape Sable, are clearly of artificial
structure, that is, made with definite purpose, and carried up
symmetrically into large mounds comparable in dimensions with the Indian
mounds of the interior. They originated with pile dwellings in shallow
water, where the kitchen refuse, chiefly shells, accumulates and rises
above the surface, when the building appears to stand on posts in a low
mound. Then this type of structure comes to be regarded as the normal
for house-building everywhere. "Through this natural series of changes
in type there is a tendency to the development of mounds as sites for
habitations and for the council-house of the clan or tribe, the sites
being either separate mounds or single large mounds, according to
circumstances. Thus the study of the living Seminole Indians and of the
shell-mounds in the same vicinity ... suggests a possible origin for a
custom of mound-building at one time so prevalent among the North
American Indians[858]." But if this be the genesis of such structures,
the custom must have spread from the shores of the Gulf inland, and not
from the Ohio valley southwards to Florida.

IX. South-western Area. On account of its highly developed state and its
prehistoric antecedents, the Pueblo culture appears as the type, though
this is by no means uniform in the different villages. Three
geographical groups may be recognised, the Hopi[859], the Zuñi[860] and
the Rio Grande[861].

The culture of the whole may be characterised by: main dependence upon
maize and other cultivated foods (men doing the cultivating and
cloth-weaving instead of women); use of a grinding stone instead of a
mortar; the art of masonry; loom or upward weaving; cultivated cotton as
a textile material; pottery decorated in colour; unique style of
building and the domestication of the turkey. Though the main dependence
was on vegetable food there was some hunting; the eastern villages
hunted bison and deer, especially Taos. Drives of rabbits and antelopes
were practised, the unique hunting weapon being the curved rabbit stick.
Woven robes were usual. Men wore aprons and a robe when needed. Women
wore a garment reaching from shoulder to knee fastened on the right
shoulder only. In addition to cloth robes some were woven of rabbit-skin
and some netted with turkey feathers. Hard-soled moccasins were worn,
those for women having long strips of deerskin wound round the leg.
Pottery was highly developed, not only for practical use. Basketry was
known but not so highly developed as among the non-Pueblo tribes. The
dog was not used for transportation and there were no boats. Work in
stone and wood not superior to that of other areas; some work in
turquoise, but none in metal.

Many tribes appear to be transitional to the Pueblo type. Thus the Pima
once lived in adobe houses, though not of Pueblo type, they developed
irrigation but also made extensive use of wild plants, raised cotton,
wove cloth, were indifferent potters but experts in basketry. The
Mohave, Yuma, Cocopa, Maricopa and Yavapai built a square flat-roofed
house of wood, had no irrigation, were not good basket-makers (except
the Yavapai) but otherwise resembled the Pima. The Walapai and Havasupai
were somewhat more nomadic.

The Athapascan tribes to the east show intermediate cultures. The
Jicarilla and Mescalero used the Plains tipi, gathered wild vegetable
food, hunted bison, had no agriculture or weaving, but dressed in skins,
and had the glass-bead technique of the Plains. The western Apache
differed little from these, but rarely used tipis and gave a little more
attention to agriculture. In general the Apache have certain undoubted
Pueblo traits, they also remind one of the Plains, the Plateaus, and, in
a lean-to like shelter, of the Mackenzie area. The Navaho seem to have
taken their most striking features from European influence, but their
shelter is of the northern type, while costume, pottery and feeble
attempts at basketry and formerly at agriculture suggest Pueblo
influence[862].

Pueblo culture takes its name from the towns or villages of stone or
adobe houses which form the characteristic feature of the area. These
vary according to the locality, those in the north being generally of
sandstone, while adobe or sun-dried brick was employed to the south. The
groups of dwellings were generally compact structures of several
stories, with many small rooms, built in terrace fashion, the roof of
one storey forming a promenade for the storey next above. Thus from the
front the structure is like a gigantic staircase, from the back a
perpendicular wall. The upper houses were and still are reached by means
of movable ladders and a hatchway in the roof. Mainly in the north but
scattered throughout the area are the remains of dwellings built in
natural recesses of cliffs, while in some places the cliff face is
honeycombed with masonry to provide habitations.

Although doubtless designed for purposes of hiding and defence, many of
the cliff houses were near streams and fields and were occupied because
they afforded shelter and were natural dwelling places; many were
storage places for maize and other property: others again were places
for outlook from which the fields could be watched or the approach of
strangers observed. In some districts evidence of post-Spanish occupancy
exists. From intensive investigation of the cliff dwellings it is
evident that the inhabitants had the same material culture as that of
existing Pueblo Indians, and from the ceremonial objects which have been
discovered and the symbolic decoration that was employed it is equally
clear that their religion was essentially similar. Moreover the various
types of skulls that have been recovered are similar to those of the
present population of the district. It may therefore be safely said that
there is no evidence of the former general occupancy of the region by
peoples other than those now classed as Pueblo Indians or their
neighbours.

J. W. Fewkes points out that the district is one of arid plateaus,
separated and dissected by deep cañons, frequently composed of
flat-lying rock strata forming ledge-marked cliffs by the erosive action
of the rare storms. "Only along the few streams heading in the mountains
does permanent water exist, and along the cliff lines slabs of rock
suitable for building abound; and the primitive ancients, dependent as
they were on environment, naturally produced the cliff dwellings. The
tendency toward this type was strengthened by intertribal relations; the
cliff dwellers were probably descended from agricultural or
semi-agricultural villagers who sought protection against enemies, and
the control of land and water through aggregation in communities....
Locally the ancient villages of Canyon de Chelly are known as Aztec
ruins, and this designation is just so far as it implies relationship
with the aborigines of moderately advanced culture in Mexico and Central
America, though it would be misleading if regarded as indicating
essential difference between the ancient villagers and their modern
descendants and neighbours still occupying the pueblos[863]."

Each pueblo contains at least one _kiva_, either wholly or partly
underground, entered by means of a ladder and hatchway, forming a sacred
chamber for the transaction of civil or religious affairs, and also a
club for the men. In some villages each totemic clan has its own _kiva_.
The Indians are eminently a religious people and much time is devoted to
complicated rites to ensure a supply of rain, their main concern, and
the growth of crops. Among the Hopi from four to sixteen days in every
month are employed by one society or another in the carrying out of
religious rites. The secret portions of these complicated ceremonies
take place in the _kiva_, while the so-called "dances" are performed in
the open.

The clan ancestors may be impersonated by masked men, called _katcinas_,
the name being also applied to the religious dramas in which they
appear[864].

In reference to J. Walter Fewkes' account of the "Tusayan Snake
Ceremonies," it is pointed out that "the Pueblo Indians adore a
plurality of deities, to which various potencies are ascribed. These
zoic deities, or beast gods, are worshipped by means of ceremonies which
are sometimes highly elaborate; and, so far as practicable, the mystic
zoic potency is represented in the ceremony by a living animal of
similar species or by an artificial symbol. Prominent among the animate
representatives of the zoic pantheon throughout the arid region is the
serpent, especially the venomous and hence mysteriously potent
rattlesnake. To the primitive mind there is intimate association, too,
between the swift-striking and deadly viper and the lightning, with its
attendant rain and thunder; there is intimate association, too, between
the moisture-loving reptile of the subdeserts and the life-giving storms
and freshets; and so the native rattlesnake plays an important rôle in
the ceremonies, especially in the invocations for rain, which
characterize the entire arid region[865]."

Fewkes pursues the same fruitful line of thought in his monograph on
_The Feather Symbol in Ancient Hopi Designs_[866], showing how amongst
the Tusayan Pueblos, although they have left no written records, there
survives an elaborate paleography, the feather _motif_ in the pottery
found in the old ruins, which is in fact "a picture writing often highly
symbolic and complicated," revealing certain phases of Hopi thought in
remote times. "Thus we come back to a belief, taught by other reasoning,
that ornamentation of ancient pottery was something higher than simple
effort to beautify ceramic wares. The ruling motive was a religious one,
for in their system everything was under the same sway. Esthetic and
religious feelings were not differentiated, the one implied the other,
and to elaborately decorate a vessel without introducing a religious
symbol was to the ancient potter an impossibility[867]."

Physically the Pueblo Indians are of short stature, with long, low head,
delicate face and dark skin. They are muscular and of great endurance,
able to carry heavy burdens up steep and difficult trails, and to walk
or even run great distances. It is said to be no uncommon thing for a
Hopi to run 40 miles over a burning desert to his cornfield, hoe his
corn, and return home within 24 hours. Distances of 140 miles are
frequently made within 36 hours[868]. In disposition they are mild and
peaceable, industrious, and extraordinarily conservative, a trait shown
in the fidelity with which they retain and perpetuate their ancient
customs[869]. Labour is more evenly divided than among most Indian
tribes. The men help the women with the heavier work of house-building,
they collect the fuel, weave blankets and make moccasins, occupations
usually regarded as women's work. The women carry the water, and make
the pottery for which the region is famous[870].

A. L. Kroeber has made a careful study of Zuñi sociology[871] and come
to the conclusion that the family is fundamental and the clan secondary,
though kinship terms are applied to clan mates in a random fashion, and
even the true kinship terms are applied loosely. In view of the obvious
preëminence of the woman, who receives the husband into her and her
mother's house, it is worthy of note that she and her children recognise
her husband's relatives as their kin as fully as he adopts hers. The
Zuñi are not a woman-ruled people. As regards government, women neither
claim nor have any voice whatever, nor are there women priests, nor
fraternity officers. Even within the house, so long as a man is a
legitimate inmate thereof, he is master of it and of its affairs. They
are a monogamous people. Divorce is more easy than marriage, and most
men and women of middle age have been married to several partners.
Marriage in the mother's clan is forbidden; in the father's clan,
disapproved. The phratries have no social significance, there is no
central clan house, no recognised head, no meeting, council or any
organisation, nor does the clan as such ever act as a body. The clans
have little connection with the religious societies or fraternities.
There are no totemic tabus nor is there worship of the clan totem.
People are reckoned as belonging to the father's clan almost as much as
to that of the mother. If one of the family of a person who belongs to a
fraternity falls sick the fraternity is called in to cure the patient,
who is subsequently received into its ranks. The Zuñi fraternity is
largely a body of religious physicians, membership is voluntary and not
limited by sex. At Hopi we hear of rain-making more than of doctoring,
more of "priests" than of "theurgists." The religious functions of the
Zuñi are most marked in the ceremonies of the Ko-tikkyanne, the
"god-society" or "masked-dancer society," and it is with these that the
_kivas_ are associated. They are almost wholly concerned with rain. Only
men can become members and entrance is compulsory. Kroeber believes that
"the truest understanding of Zuñi life, other than its purely practical
manifestation, can be had by setting the ettowe ['fetish'] as a centre.
Around these, priesthoods, fraternities, clan organisation, as well as
most esoteric thinking and sacred tradition, group themselves; while, in
turn, kivas, dances, and acts of public worship can be construed as but
the outward means of expression of the inner activities that radiate
around the nucleus of the physical fetishes and the ideas attached to
them[872]."


FOOTNOTES:

[737] A. C. Haddon, _The Wanderings of Peoples_, 1911, p. 72.

[738] R. F. Scharff, _The History of the European Fauna_, 1899, pp. 155,
186.

[739] D. G. Brinton, _The American Race_, 1891.

[740] K. Haebler, _The World's History_ (ed. Helmolt), I. 1901, p. 181.

[741] A. Hrdli[vc]ka, "Skeletal Remains suggesting or attributed to
Early Man in North America," _Bureau Am. Eth. Bull._ 33, 1907, p. 98.

[742] A. Hrdli[vc]ka, "Early Man in South America," _Bureau Am. Eth.
Bull._ 52, 1912.

[743] _Loc. cit._ pp. 385-6.

[744] _American Anthropologist_, XIV. 1912, p. 22.

[745] P. Rivet, "La Race de Lagoa-Santa chez les populations
précolombiennes de l'Équateur," _Bull. Soc. d'Anth._ V. 2, 1908, p. 264.

[746] J. Deniker, _The Races of Man_, 1900, p. 512.

[747] _Bur. Am. Eth. Bull._ 52, 1912, pp. 183-4.

[748] _Loc. cit._ p. 267.

[749] A. Hrdli[vc]ka, _Am. Anth._ XIV. 1912, p. 10.

[750] _Ibid._ p. 12.

[751] A. C. Haddon, _The Wanderings of Peoples_, 1911, pp. 78-9.

[752] W. Bogoras, _Am. Anth._ IV. 1902, p. 577.

[753] _Bur. Am. Eth. Bull._ 28, 1904, p. 535.

[754] _Globus_, LXX. No. 3.

[755] _Mexican Archaeology_, 1914, p. 7 ff.

[756] "The Social Organization, etc. of the Kwakiutl Indians," _Rep.
U.S. Nat. Mus._ 1895, Washington (1897), p. 321 sq. and _Ann. Arch.
Rep._ 1905, Toronto, 1906, p. 84.

[757] W. L. H. Duckworth, _Journ. Anthr. Inst._, August, 1895.

[758] _The Stone Age in North America_, 1911.

[759] On the other hand there are a few American archaeologists who
believe in the occurrence of implements of palaeolithic type in the
United States, but there is no corroborative evidence on the part of
contemporaneous fossils. See N. H. Winchell, "The weathering of
aboriginal stone artifacts," No. 1. _Collection of the Minnesota Hist.
Soc._ Vol. XVI. 1913.

[760] _Am. Anth._ XIV. 1912, p. 55.

[761] Such disintegration is clearly seen in the Carib still surviving
in Dominica, of which J. Numa Rat contributed a somewhat full account to
the _Journ. Anthr. Inst._ for Nov. 1897, p. 293 sq. Here the broken form
_arametakuahátina buka_ appears to represent the polysynthetic
_arametakuanientibubuka_ (root _arameta_, to hide), as in Père Breton's
_Grammaire Caraibe_, p. 45, where we have also the form
_arametakualubatibubasubutuiruni_ = know that he will conceal thee (p.
48). It may at the same time be allowed that great inroads have been
made on the principle of polysynthesis even in the continental (South
American) Carib, as well as in the Colombian Chibcha, the Mexican Otomi
and Pima, and no doubt in some other linguistic groups. But that the
system must have formerly been continuous over the whole of America
seems proved by the persistence of extremely polysynthetic tongues in
such widely separated regions as Greenland (Eskimo), Mexico (Aztec),
Peru (Quichuan), and Chili (Araucanian).

[762] R. de la Grasserie and N. Léon, _Langue Tarasque_, Paris, 1896.

[763] J. E. R. Polak, _Ipurina Grammar_, etc., London, 1894.

[764] _The Eskimo Tribes, their Distribution and Characteristics_,
Copenhagen, 1887, I. p. 62 sq.

[765] In fact this very word was first given "as an ordinary example" by
Kleinschmidt, _Gram. d. Grönlandischen Sprache_, Sect. 99, and is also
quoted by Byrne, who translates: "They disapproved of him, because he
did not give to him, when he heard that he would go off, because he had
nothing" (_Principles_, etc., I. p. 140).

[766] "Indian Linguistic Families of America north of Mexico," _Seventh
Ann. Rept. Bureau of Ethnology_, 1885-6 (1891). See also the "Handbook
of American Indian Languages," Part I by Franz Boas and others, _Bureau
of American Ethnology, Bulletin 40_, 1911. The Introduction by F. Boas
gives a good general idea of the characteristics of these languages and
deals shortly with related problems.

[767] Following this ethnologist's convenient precedent, I use both in
_Ethnology_ and here the final syllable _an_ to indicate stock races and
languages in America. Thus _Algonquin_ = the particular tribe and
language of that name; _Algonquian_ = the whole family; _Iroquois_,
_Iroquoian_, _Carib_, _Cariban_, etc.

[768] _Forum_, Feb. 1898, p. 683.

[769] Studies of these languages by Kroeber and others will be found in
_University of California Publications; American Archaeology and
Ethnology_, L. 1903 onwards. Cf. also A. L. Kroeber, "The Languages of
the American Indians," _Pop. Sci. Monthly_, LXXVIII. 1911.

[770] _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XL. 1910, p. 73.

[771] _Urbewohner Brasiliens_, 1897, p. 46.

[772] Karl v. d. Steinen, _Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens_,
1894, p. 215.

[773] _Aborigines of South America_, 1912.

[774] _Loc. cit._ p. 75.

[775] _Indian Linguistic Families_, p. 141.

[776] "Whence came the American Indians?" _Forum_, Feb. 1898.

[777] J. Walter Fewkes, "Great Stone Monuments in History and
Geography," _Pres. Add. Anthrop. Soc., Washington_, 1912.

[778] F. Graebner, _Anthropos_, IV. 1909, esp. pp. 1013-24. Cf. also his
_Ethnologie_, 1914.

[779] W. Schmidt, "Kulturkreise und Kulturschichten in Südamerika,"
_Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, Jg. 45, 1913, p. 1014 ff.

[780] _Loc. cit._ pp. 1020, 1021.

[781] _Ibid._ p. 1093; cf. also p. 1098 where the Peruvian sailing balsa
is traced to Polynesia, sailing rafts being still used in the Eastern
Paumotu islands.

[782] _Am. Anth._ XIV. 1912, pp. 34-6.

[783] _Loc. cit._ p. 39.

[784] _Loc. cit._ p. 43.

[785] G. Elliot Smith, _The Migrations of Early Culture_, 1915.

[786] G. Elliot Smith, "The Influence of Ancient Egyptian Civilization
in the East and in America," _Bull. of the John Rylands Library_,
Jany.--March, 1916, pp. 3, 4.

[787] Cf. W. J. Perry, "The Relationship between the Geographical
Distribution of Megalithic Monuments and Ancient Mines," reprinted from
_Manchester Memoirs_, Vol. LX. (1915), pt. 1.

[788] W. J. Perry, _Mem. and Proc. Manchester Lit. and Phil. Soc._ LX.
1916, No. 6.

[789] _Loc. cit._ No. 5.

[790] _Loc. cit._ No. 4.

[791] _Loc. cit._ No. 8.

[792] _Loc. cit._ No. 7.

[793] _Putnam Anniversary Volume_, 1909, p. 365.

[794] _Nature_, Nov. 25 and Dec. 16, 1915.

[795] H. H. Bancroft, _The Native Races of the Pacific States of North
America_, 1875.

[796] E. B. Tylor, "On the game of Patolli in Ancient Mexico and its
probably Asiatic origin," _Journ. Anthr. Inst._ VIII. 1878, p. 116.
_Rep. Brit. Ass._ 1894, p. 774.

[797] Zelia Nuttall, "The Fundamental Principles of Old and New World
Civilisations," _Arch. and Eth. Papers, Peabody Mus. Cambridge, Mass._
II. 1901.

[798] J. Macmillan Brown, _Maori and Polynesian_, 1907.

[799] C. R. Enoch, _The Secret of the Pacific_, 1912.

[800] Livingston Farrand, _Basis of American History_, 1904, pp. 88-9.

[801] _7th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1885-6_ (1891).

[802] "Primitive American History," _Am. Anth._ XVI. 1914, pp. 410-11.

[803] Roland B. Dixon, _Am. Anth._ XV. 1913, pp. 538-9.

[804] "Areas of American culture characterization tentatively outlined
as an aid in the study of the Antiquities," _Am. Anth._ XVI. 1914, pp.
413-46.

[805] Clark Wissler, "Material Cultures of the North American Indians,"
_Am. Anth._ XVI. 1914, pp. 447-505.

[806] "The Central Eskimo," _6th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1884-5_ (1888),
p. 419.

[807] The name is said to come from the Abnaki _Esquimantsic_, or from
_Ashkimeq_, the Ojibway equivalent, meaning "eaters of raw flesh." They
call themselves Innuit, meaning "people."

[808] H. Rink, "The Eskimo Tribes, their Distribution and
Characteristics," _Meddelelser om Grönland_, II. 1887.

[809] F. Boas, "Ethnological Problems in Canada," _Journ. Roy. Anthr.
Inst._ XL. 1910, p. 529.

[810] H. P. Steensby, "Contributions to the Ethnology and
Anthropogeography of the Polar Eskimos," _Meddelelser om Grönland_,
XXXIV. 1910.

[811] H. P. Steensby, _loc. cit._ p. 384.

[812] _Loc. cit_. pp. 366, 376.

[813] V. Stefánsson, _My life with the Eskimo_, 1913, p. 194 ff.

[814] F. Boas, "The Eskimo," _Annual Archaeological Report_, 1905,
Toronto (1906), p. 112 ff.

[815] A. G. Morice, "Notes on the Western Dénés," _Trans. Canadian
Inst._ IV. 1895; "The Western Dénés," _Proc. Canadian Inst._ XXV. (3rd
Series, VII.) 1890; "The Canadian Dénés," _Ann. Arch. Rep. 1905_ (1906),
p. 187.

[816] From the Nootka word _potlatsh_, "giving" or "a gift," so called
because these great winter ceremonials were especially marked by the
giving away of quantities of goods, commonly blankets. Cf. J. R. Swanton
in _Handbook of American Indians_ (F. W. Hodge, editor), 1910.

[817] Besides C. Wissler, _loc. cit._ p. 457 and A. G. Morice, _loc.
cit._, cf. J. Jette, _Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst._ XXXVII. 1907, p. 157; C.
Hill-Tout, _British North America_, 1907; and G. T. Emmons, "The Tahltan
Indians," _Anthr. Pub. University of Pennsylvania_, IV. 1, 1911.

[818] C. Wissler, _loc. cit._ p. 454.

[819] J. G. Frazer, _Totemism and Exogamy_, III. 1910, p. 319.

[820] _Loc. cit._ p. 333.

[821] See p. 367.

[822] F. Boas, _Brit. Ass. Reports_, 1885-98; _Social Organisation of
the Kwakiutl Indians_, 1897; A. P. Niblack, "The Coast Indians," _U.S.
Nat. Mus. Report_, 1898.

[823] For this area consult J. Teit, "The Thompson Indians of British
Columbia," "The Lillooet Indians," and "The Shushwap," in _Memoirs, Am.
Mus. Nat. Hist._ Vol. II. 4, 1900; Vol. IV. 5, 1906; and Vol. IV. 7,
1909; F. Boas, "The Salish Tribes of the Interior of British Columbia,"
_Ann. Arch. Rep._ 1905 (Toronto, 1906); C. Hill-Tout, "The Salish Tribes
of the Coast and Lower Fraser Delta," _Ann. Arch. Rep._ 1905 (Toronto,
1906); H. J. Spinden, "The Nez Percés Indians," _Memoirs, Am. Anth.
Ass._ II. 3, 1908; R. H. Lowie, "The Northern Shoshone," _Anth. Papers,
Am. Mus. Nat. Hist._ II. 2, 1908; A. B. Lewis, "Tribes of the Columbia
Valley," etc., _Memoirs, Am. Anth. Ass._ I. 2, 1906.

[824] C. Hill-Tout, _British North America_, 1907, p. 37.

[825] _Loc. cit._ p. 50.

[826] _Loc. cit._ pp. 158-9.

[827] A. L. Kroeber, "Types of Indian Culture in California,"
_University of California Publications Am. Arch. and Eth._ II. 3, 1904;
cf. also the special anthropological publications of the University of
California.

[828] _Loc. cit._ p. 81 ff.

[829] P. S. Spartman, _University of California Publications, Am. Arch.
and Eth._ VIII. 1908, p. 221 ff.; A. L. Kroeber, "Types of Indian
Culture in California," _ibid._ II. 1904, p. 81 ff.

[830] A. L. Kroeber, _ibid._ VIII. 1908, p. 72.

[831] C. G. DuBois, "The Religion of the Luiseño Indians," _tom. cit._
p. 73 ff.

[832] Dakota is the name of the largest division of the Siouan
linguistic family, commonly called Sioux; Santee, Yankton and Teton
constituting, with the Assiniboin, the four main dialects.

[833] See note 4, p. 370.

[834] _Wakonda_ is the term employed "when the power believed to animate
all natural forms is spoken to or spoken of in supplications or rituals"
by many tribes of the Siouan family. _Manito_ is the Algonquian name for
"the mysterious and unknown potencies and powers of life and of the
universe." "_Wakonda_," says Miss Fletcher, "is difficult to define, for
exact terms change it from its native uncrystallized condition to
something foreign to aboriginal thought. Vague as the concept seems to
be to one of another race, to the Indian it is as real and as mysterious
as the starry night or the flush of the coming day," "Handbook of
American Indians" (ed. F. W. Hodge), _Bur. Am. Eth. Bull._ 30, 1907.

[835] See G. A. Dorsey, "Handbook of American Indians" (ed. F. W.
Hodge), _Bur. Am. Eth. Bull._ 30, 1907.

[836] G. B. Grinnell points out that the personal torture often
associated with the ceremonies has no connection with them, but
represents the fulfilment of individual vows. "The Cheyenne Medicine
Lodge," _Am. Anth._ XVI. 1914, p. 245.

[837] See G. A. Dorsey, "Arapaho Sun Dance," _Pub. Field Col. Mus.
Anth._ IV. 4 (Chicago), 1903; "The Cheyenne," _tom. cit._ IX. 1905.

[838] A. C. Fletcher, in "Handbook of American Indians" (ed. F. W.
Hodge), _Bur. Am. Eth.,_ Bull. 30, 1907; _Am. Anth._ IV. 4, 1902; "The
Hako, a Pawnee Ceremony," _22nd Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1900-1_, 2
(1904); G. A. Dorsey, "Traditions of the Skidi Pawnee," _Mem. Am.
Folklore Soc._ VIII. 1904.

[839] From _siksinam_ "black," and _ka_, the root of _oqkatsh_ "foot."
The origin of the name is commonly given as referring to the blackening
of their moccasins by the ashes of the prairie fires.

[840] J. Mooney, "Handbook of American Indians" (ed. F. W. Hodge), _Bur.
Am. Eth._, Bull. 30, 1907; C. Wissler, "Material culture of the
Blackfoot Indians," _Anth. Papers, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist._ V. 1, 1910; J.
W. Schultz, _My Life as an Indian_, 1907.

[841] A. L. Kroeber. "The Arapaho," _Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist._ XVIII.
1900; G. A. Dorsey and A. L. Kroeber, "Traditions of the Arapaho," _Pub.
Field Col. Mus. Anth._ V. 1903; G. A. Dorsey, "Arapaho Sun Dance," _ib._
IV. 1903.

[842] J. Mooney, "The Ghost Dance Religion," _14th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am.
Eth._ 1896.

[843] G. A. Dorsey, "The Cheyenne," _Pub. Field Col. Mus. Anth._ IX.
1905; G. B. Grinnell, "Social organisation of the Cheyennes," _Rep. Int.
Cong. Am._ XIII. 1902.

[844] Consult the following: A. C. Parker, "Iroquois uses of Maize and
other Food Plants," Bull. 144, _University of California Pub., Arch. and
Eth._ VII. 4, 1909; W. J. Hoffman, "The Menomini Indians," _14th Ann.
Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1892-3_, I. (1896); A. E. Jenks, "The Wild Rice
Gatherers of the Upper Lakes," _19th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1897-8_,
II. (1912); A. F. Chamberlain, "The Kootenay Indians and Indians of the
Eastern Provinces of Canada," _Ann. Arch. Rep. 1905_ (1906); A. Skinner,
"Notes on the Eastern Cree and Northern Saulteaux," _Anth. Papers, Am.
Mus. Nat. Hist._ IX. 1, 1911; _The Indians of Greater New York_, 1914;
J. N. B. Hewitt, "Iroquoian Cosmology," _21st Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth._
1899-1900 (1903), etc.

[845] For the Foxes (properly Musquakie) see M. A. Owen, _Folklore of
the Musquakie Indians_, 1904.

[846] C. Wissler, _loc. cit._ p. 459.

[847] Ojibway, meaning "to roast till puckered up," referred to the
puckered seam on the moccasins. Chippewa is the popular adaptation of
the word.

[848] W. Jones, _Ann. Arch. Rep._ 1905 (Toronto), 1906, p. 144. Cf. note
on p. 372.

[849] W. J. Hoffman, "The Midewiwin or 'grand medicine society' of the
Ojibwa," _7th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth._ 1886 (1891).

[850] From the Algonkin word meaning "real adders" with French suffix.

[851] A decoction made by boiling the leaves of _Ilex cassine_ in water,
employed as "medicine" for ceremonial purification. It was a powerful
agent for the production of the nervous state and disordered imagination
necessary to "spiritual" power.

[852] C. Wissler,_ loc. cit._ pp. 462-3.

[853] A. J. Pickett, _Hist. of Alabama_, 1851 (ed. 1896), p. 87.

[854] Cf. A. S. Gatschet, "A migration legend of the Creek Indians,"
_Trans. Acad. Sci. St Louis_, V. 1888.

[855] F. G. Speck, "Some outlines of Aboriginal Culture in the S. E.
States," _Am. Anth._ N. S. IX. 1907; "Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians,"
_Anth. Pub. Mus. Univ. Pa._ I. 1, 1909.

[856] W. H. Holmes, "Areas of American Culture," etc., _Am. Anth._ XVI.
1914, p. 424.

[857] _L'Anthropologie_, 1897, p. 702 sq.

[858] _16th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth._, Washington, 1897, p. lvi sq.

[859] Walpi, Sichumovi, Hano (Tewa), Shipaulovi, Mishongnovi, Shunopovi
and Oraibi.

[860] Zuñi proper, Pescado, Nutria and Ojo Caliente.

[861] Taos, Picuris, San Juan, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, Tesuque,
Pojoaque, Nambe, Jemez, Pecos, Sandia, Isleta, all of Tanoan stock; San
Felipe, Cochiti, Santo Domingo, Santa Ana, Sia Laguna and Acoma, of
Keresan stock.

[862] For this area see A. F. Bandelier, "Final Report of Investigations
among the Indians of the S. W. United States," _Arch. Inst. of Am.
Papers_, 1890-2; P. E. Goddard, "Indians of the Southwest," _Handbook
Series, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist._ 2, 1913; F. Russell, "The Pima Indians,"
_26th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth._ 1904-5 (1908); G. Nordenskiöld, _The
Cliff Dwellers of Mesa Verde, S. W. Colorado_, 1893; C. Mindeleff,
"Aboriginal Remains in Verde Valley, Arizona," _13th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am.
Eth._ 1891-2 (1896). For chronology cf. L. Spier, _Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.
Anth._ XVIII.

[863] _16th Ann. Report_, p. xciv. Cf. E. Huntington, "Desiccation in
Arizona," _Geog. Journ._, Sept. and Oct. 1912.

[864] For the religion consult F. H. Cushing, "Zuñi Creation Myths,"
_13th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth._ 1891-2 (1896); _Zuñi Folk Tales_, 1901;
Matilda C. Stevenson, "The Religious Life of the Zuñi Child," _5th Ann.
Rep. Bur. Am. Eth._ 1887; "The Zuñi Indians, their mythology, esoteric
fraternities, and ceremonies," _23rd Rep._ 1904; J. W. Fewkes, "Tusayan
Katcinas," _15th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth._ 1893-4 (1897); "Tusayan Snake
Ceremonies," _16th Rep._ 1894-5 (1897); "Tusayan Flute and Snake
Ceremonies," _19th Rep._ 1897-8, 11. (1900); "Hopi Katcinas," _21st
Rep._ 1899-1900 (1903), and other papers. For dances see W. Hough, _Moki
Snake dance_, 1898; G. A. Dorsey and H. R. Voth, "Mishongnovi Ceremonies
of the Snake and Antelope Fraternities," _Pub. Field Col. Mus. Anth._
III. 3, 1902; J. W. Fewkes, "Snake Ceremonials at Walpi," _Jour. Am.
Eth. and Arch._ IV. 1894 and "Tusayan Snake Ceremonies," _16th Ann, Rep.
Bur. Am. Eth._ 1897; H. Hodge, "Pueblo Snake Ceremonies," _Am. Anth._
IX. 1896.

[865] p. xcvii.

[866] _Amer. Anthropologist_, Jan. 1898.

[867] p. 13.

[868] G. W. James, _Indians of the Painted Desert Region_, 1903, p. 90.

[869] L. Farrand, _Basis of American History_, 1904, p. 184.

[870] W. H. Holmes, "Pottery of the ancient Pueblos," _4th Ann. Rep.
Bur. Am. Eth. 1882-3_ (1886); F. H. Cushing, "A study of Pueblo
Pottery," etc., _ib,_; J. W. Fewkes, "Archaeological expedition to
Arizona," _17th Rep. 1895-6_ (1898); W. Hough, "Archaeological field
work in N.E. Arizona" (1901), _Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus._ 1903.

[871] "Zuñi Kin and Clan," _Anth. Papers, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist._ XVIII.
1917, p. 39.

[872] p. 167.



CHAPTER XI

THE AMERICAN ABORIGINES (_continued_)

    Mexican and Central American Cultures--Aztec and Maya Scripts and
    Calendars--Nahua and Shoshoni--Chichimec and Aztec Empires--
    Uncultured Mexican Peoples: _Otomi_; _Seri_--Early Man in
    Yucatan--The Maya to-day--Transitions from North to South
    America--_Chontal_ and _Choco_--The _Catio_--Cultures of the Andean
    area--The Colombian _Chibcha_--Empire of the Inca--_Quichuan_ Race
    and Language--Inca Origins and History--The _Aymara_--_Chimu_
    Culture--Peruvian Politico-Social System--The _Araucanians_--The
    _Pampas Indians_--The _Gauchos_--_Patagonians_ and _Fuegians_--
    Linguistic Relations--The _Yahgans_--The _Cashibo_--The _Pana
    Family_--The _Caribs_--_Arawakan Family_--The _Ges (Tapuyan)
    Family_--The _Botocudo_--The _Tupi-Guaranian Family_--The
    _Chiquito_--_Mataco_ and _Toba_ of the Gran Chaco.


In Mexico and Central America interest is centred chiefly in two great
ethnical groups--the _Nahuatlan_ and _Huaxtecan_--whose cultural,
historical, and even geographical relations are so intimately interwoven
that they can scarcely be treated apart. Thus, although their
civilisations are concentrated respectively in the Anahuac (Mexican)
plateau and Yucatan and Guatemala, the two domains overlap completely at
both ends, so that there are isolated branches of the Huaxtecan family
in Mexico (the Huaxtecs (Totonacs) of Vera Cruz, from whom the whole
group is named, and of the Nahuatlan in Nicaragua (Pipils, Niquirans,
and others)[873].

This very circumstance has no doubt tended to increase the difficulties
connected with the questions of their origins, migrations, and mutual
cultural influences. Some of these difficulties disappear if the
"Toltecs" be eliminated (see p. 342), who had hitherto been a great
disturbing element in this connection, and all the rest have in my
opinion been satisfactorily disposed of by E. Förstemann, a leading
authority on all Aztec-Maya questions[874]. This eminent archaeologist
refers first to the views of Seler[875], who assumes a southern movement
of Maya tribes from Yucatan, and a like movement of Aztecs from Tabasco
to Nicaragua, and even to Yucatan. On the other hand Dieseldorff holds
that Maya art was independently developed, while the link between it and
the Aztec shows that an interchange took place, in which process the
Maya was the giver, the Aztec the recipient. He further attributes the
overthrow of the Maya power 100 or 200 years before the conquest to the
Aztecs, and thinks the Aztecs or Nahuas took their god Quetzalcoatl from
the "Toltecs," who were a Maya people. Ph. J. Valentini also infers that
the Maya were the original people, the Aztecs "mere parasites[876]."

Now Förstemann lays down the principle that any theory, to be
satisfactory, should fit in with such facts as:--(1) the agreement and
diversity of both cultures; (2) the antiquity and disappearance of the
mysterious Toltecs; (3) the complete isolation at 22° N. lat. of the
Huaxtecs from the other Maya tribes, and their difference from them; (4)
the equally complete isolation of the Guatemalan Pipils, and of the
other southern (Nicaraguan) Aztec groups from the rest of the Nahua
peoples; (5) the remarkable absence of Aztec local names in Yucatan,
while they occur in hundreds in Chiapas, Guatemala, Honduras and
Nicaragua, where scarcely any trace is left of Maya names.

To account for these facts he assumes that in the earliest known times
Central America from about 23° to 10° N. was mainly inhabited by Maya
tribes, who had even reached Cuba. While these Mayas were still at quite
a low stage of culture, the Aztecs advanced from as far north as at
least 26° N. but only on the Pacific side, thus leaving the Huaxtecs
almost untouched in the east. The Aztecs called the Mayas "Toltecs"
because they first came in contact with one of their northern branches
living in the region about Tula (north of Mexico city)[877]. But when
all the relations became clearer, the Toltecs fell gradually into the
background, and at last entered the domain of the fabulous.

Now the Aztecs borrowed much from the Mayas, especially gods, whose
names they simply translated. A typical case is that of Cuculcan, which
becomes Quetzalcoatl, where _cuc_ = _quezal_ = the bird _Trogon
resplendens_, and _can_ = _coatl_ = snake[878]. With the higher culture
developed in Guatemala the Aztecs came first in contact after passing
through Mixtec and Zapotec territory, not long before Columbian times,
so that they had no time here to consolidate their empire and assimilate
the Mayas. On the contrary the Aztecs were themselves merged in these,
all but the Pipils and the settlements on Lake Nicaragua, which retained
their national peculiarities.

But whence came the hundreds of Aztec names in the lands between Chiapas
and Nicaragua? Here it should be noted that these names are almost
exclusively confined to the more important stations, while the less
prominent places have everywhere names taken from the tongues of the
local tribes. But even the Aztec names themselves occur properly only in
official use, hence also on the charts, and are not current to-day
amongst the natives who have kept aloof from the Spanish-speaking
populations. Hence the inference that such names were mainly introduced
by the Spaniards and their Mexican troops during the conquest of those
lands, say, up to about 1535, and do not appear in Yucatan which was not
conquered from Mexico. Förstemann reluctantly accepts this view,
advanced by Sapper[879], having nothing better to suggest.

The coastal towns of Yucatan visited by Spaniards from Cuba in 1517 and
onwards were decidedly inferior architecturally to the great temple
structures of the interior, though doubtless erected by the same people.
The inland cities of Chichen-Itza and Uxmal by that time had fallen from
their ancient glory though still religious centres[880].

The Maya would thus appear to have stood on a higher plane of culture
than their Aztec rivals, and the same conclusion may be drawn from
their respective writing systems. Of all the aborigines these two alone
had developed what may fairly be called a script in the strict sense of
the term, although neither of them had reached the same level of
efficiency as the Babylonian cuneiforms, or the Chinese or the Egyptian
hieroglyphs, not to speak of the syllabic and alphabetic systems of the
Old World. Some even of the barbaric peoples, such as most of the
prairie Indians, had reached the stage of graphic symbolism, and were
thus on the threshold of writing at the discovery. "The art was
rudimentary and limited to crude pictography. The pictographs were
painted or sculptured on cliff-faces, boulders, the walls of caverns,
and even on trees, as well as on skins, bark, and various artificial
objects. Among certain Mexican tribes, also, autographic records were in
use, and some of them were much better differentiated than any within
the present area of the United States. The records were not only painted
and sculptured on stone and moulded in stucco, but were inscribed in
books or codices of native parchment and paper; while the characters
were measurably arbitrary, _i.e._ ideographic rather than
pictographic[881]."

The Aztec writing may be best described as pictographic, the pictures
being symbolical or, in the case of names, combined into a rebus. No
doubt much diversity of opinion prevails as to whether the Maya symbols
are phonetic or ideographic, and it is a fact that no single text,
however short, has yet been satisfactorily deciphered. It seems that
many of the symbols possessed true phonetic value and were used to
express sounds and syllables, though it cannot be claimed that the Maya
scribes had reached that advanced stage where they could indicate each
letter sound by a glyph or symbol[882]. According to Cyrus Thomas, a
symbol was selected because the name or word it represented had as its
chief phonetic element a certain consonant sound or syllable. If this
were _b_ the symbol would be used where _b_ was the prominent element of
the word to be indicated, no reference, however, to its original
signification being necessarily retained. Thus the symbol for _cab_,
'earth,' might be used in writing _Caban_, a day name, or _cabil_,
'honey,' because _cab_ is their chief phonetic element.... One reason
why attempts at decipherment have failed is a misconception of the
peculiar character of the writing, which is in a transition stage from
the purely ideographic to the phonetic[883]. From the example here
given, the Maya script would appear to have in part reached the rebus
stage, which also plays so large a part in the Egyptian hieroglyphic
system. _Cab_ is obviously a rebus, and the transition from the rebus to
true syllabic and alphabetic systems has already been explained[884].
The German Americanists on the other hand have always regarded Maya
writing as more ideographic, and H. Beuchat adopts this view, for "no
symbol has ever been read phonetically with a different meaning from
that which it possesses as an ideogram[885]."

But not only were the Maya day characters phonetic; the Maya calendar
itself, afterwards borrowed by the Aztecs, has been described as even
more accurate than the Julian itself. "Among the Plains Indians the
calendars are simple, consisting commonly of a record of winters
('winter counts'), and of notable events occurring either during the
winter or during some other season; while the shorter time divisions are
reckoned by 'nights' (days), 'dead moons' (lunations), and seasons of
leafing, flowering, or fruiting of plants, migrating of animals, etc.,
and there is no definite system of reducing days to lunations or
lunations to years. Among the Pueblo Indians calendric records are
inconspicuous or absent, though there is a much more definite calendric
system which is fixed and perpetuated by religious ceremonies; while
among some of the Mexican tribes there are elaborate calendric systems
combined with complete calendric records. The perfection of the calendar
among the Maya and Nahua Indians is indicated by the fact that not only
were 365 days reckoned as a year, but the bissextile was
recognized[886]."

In another important respect the superiority of the Maya-Quiché peoples
over the northern Nahuans is incontestable. When their religious systems
are compared, it is at once seen that at the time of the discovery the
Mexican Aztecs were little better than ruthless barbarians newly clothed
in the borrowed robes of an advanced culture, to which they had not had
time to adapt themselves properly, and in which they could but
masquerade after their own savage fashion.

It has to be remembered that the Aztecs were but one branch of the
Nahuatlan family, whose affinities Buschmann[887] has traced northwards
to the rude Shoshonian aborigines who roamed from the present States of
Montana, Idaho, and Oregon down into Utah, Texas, and California[888].
To this Nahuatlan stock belonged the barbaric hordes who overthrew the
civilisation which flourished on the Anahuac (Mexican) table-land about
the sixth century A.D. and is associated with the ruins of Tula and
Cholula. It now seems clear that the so-called "Toltecs," the
"Pyramid-builders," were not Nahuatlans but Huaxtecans, who were
absorbed by the immigrants or driven southwards.

To north and north-west of the settled peoples of the valley lived
nomadic hunting tribes called Chichimec[889], merged in a loose
political system which was dignified in the local traditions by the name
of the "Chichimec Empire." The chief part was played by tribes of Nahuan
origin[890], whose ascendancy lasted from about the eleventh to the
fifteenth century, when they were in their turn overthrown and absorbed
by the historical Nahuan confederacy of the _Aztecs_[891] whose capital
was Tenochtitlan (the present city of Mexico), the _Acolhuas_ (capital
Tezcuco), and the _Tepanecs_ (capital Tlacopan).

Thus the Aztec Empire reduced by the Conquistadores in 1520 had but a
brief record, although the Aztecs themselves as well as many other
tribes of Nahuatl speech, must have been in contact with the more
civilised Huaxtecan peoples for centuries before the appearance of the
Spaniards on the scene. It was during these ages that the Nahuas
"borrowed much from the Mayas," as Förstemann puts it, without greatly
benefiting by the process. Thus the Maya gods, for the most part of a
relatively mild type like the Maya themselves, become in the hideous
Aztec pantheon ferocious demons with an insatiable thirst for blood, so
that the teocalli, "god's houses," were transformed to human shambles,
where on solemn occasions the victims were said to have numbered tens of
thousands[892].

Besides the Aztecs and their allies, the elevated Mexican plateaus were
occupied by several other relatively civilised nations, such as the
_Miztecs_ and _Zapotecs_ of Oajaca, the _Tarasco_ and neighbouring
_Matlaltzinca_, of Michoacan[893], all of whom spoke independent stock
languages, and the _Totonacs_ of Vera Cruz, who were of Huaxtecan
speech, and were in touch to the north with the Huaxtecs, a primitive
Maya people. The high degree of civilisation attained by some of these
nations before their reduction by the Aztecs is attested by the
magnificent ruins of Mitla, capital of the Zapotecs, which was captured
and destroyed by the Mexicans in 1494[894]. Of the royal palace
Viollet-le-Duc speaks in enthusiastic terms, declaring that "the
monuments of the golden age of Greece and Rome alone equal the beauty of
the masonry of this great building[895]." In general their usages and
religious rites resembled those of the Aztecs, although the Zapotecs,
besides the civil ruler, had a High Priest who took part in the
government. "His feet were never allowed to touch the ground; he was
carried on the shoulders of his attendants; and when he appeared all,
even the chiefs themselves, had to fall prostrate before him, and none
dared to raise their eyes in his presence[896]." The Zapotec language is
still spoken by about 260 natives in the State of Oajaca.

Farther north the plains and uplands continued to be inhabited by a
multitude of wild tribes speaking an unknown number of stock languages,
and thus presenting a chaos of ethnical and linguistic elements
comparable to that which prevails along the north-west coast. Of these
rude populations one of the most widespread are the Otomi of the central
region, noted for the monosyllabic tendencies of their language, which
Najera, a native grammarian, has on this ground compared with Chinese,
from which, however, it is fundamentally distinct. Still more primitive
are the Seri Indians of Tiburon island in the Gulf of California and the
adjacent mainland, who were visited in 1895 by W. J. McGee, and found to
be probably more isolated and savage than any other tribe remaining on
the North American Continent. They hunt, fish, and collect vegetable
food, and most of their food is eaten raw, they have no domestic animals
save dogs, they are totally without agriculture, and their industrial
arts are few and rude. They use the bow and arrow but have no knife.
Their houses are flimsy huts. They make pottery and rafts of canes. The
Seri are loosely organised in a number of exogamic, matrilineal, totemic
clans. Mother-right obtains to a greater extent perhaps than in any
other people. At marriage the husband becomes a privileged guest in the
wife's mother's household, and it is only in the chase or on the
war-path that men take an important place. Polygyny prevails. The most
conspicuous ceremony is the girls' puberty feast. The dead are buried in
a contracted position. "The strongest tribal characteristic is
implacable animosity towards aliens.... In their estimation the
brightest virtue is the shedding of alien blood, while the blackest
crime in their calendar is alien conjugal union[897]."

It is noteworthy that but few traces of such savagery have yet been
discovered in Yucatan. The investigations of Henry Mercer[898] in this
region lend strong support to Förstemann's views regarding the early
Huaxtecan migrations and the general southward spread of Maya culture
from the Mexican table-land. Nearly thirty caves examined by this
explorer failed to yield any remains either of the mastodon, mammoth,
and horse, or of early man, elsewhere so often associated with these
animals. Hence Mercer infers that the Mayas reached Yucatan already in
an advanced state of culture, which remained unchanged till the
conquest. In the caves were found great quantities of good pottery,
generally well baked and of symmetrical form, the oldest quite as good
as the latest where they occur in stratified beds, showing no progress
anywhere.

The caves of Loltun (Yucatan) and Copan (Honduras), examined by E. H.
Thompson and G. Byron-Gordon, yielded pre-Mayan débris from the deep
strata. Perhaps this very ancient population was of the same race as the
little known tribes still living in the forests of Honduras and San
Salvador[899].

Since the conquest the Aztecs, and other cultured nations of Anahuac,
have yielded to European influences to a far greater extent than the
Maya-Quiché of Yucatan and Guatemala. In the city of Mexico the Nahuatl
tongue has almost died out, and this place has long been a leading
centre of Spanish arts and letters[900]; yet the Mexicans yearly
celebrate a feast in memory of their great ancestors who died in defence
of their country[901]. But Merida, standing on the site of the ancient
Ti-hoó, has almost again become a Maya town, where the white settlers
themselves have been largely assimilated in speech and usages to the
natives. The very streets are still indicated by the carved images of
the hawk, flamingo, or other tutelar deities, while the houses of the
suburbs continue to be built in the old Maya style, two or three feet
above the street level, with a walled porch and stone bench running
round the enclosure.

One reason for this remarkable contrast may be that the Nahua culture,
as above seen, was to a great extent borrowed in relatively recent
times, whereas the Maya civilisation is now shown to date from the epoch
of the Tolan and Cholulan pyramid-builders. Hence the former yielded to
the first shock, while the latter still persists to some extent in
Yucatan. Here about 1000 A.D. the cities of Chichen-Itza, Uxmal and
Mayapan formed a confederacy in which each was to share equally in the
government of the country. Under the peaceful conditions of the next two
centuries followed the second and last great Maya epoch, the Age of
Architecture, as it has been termed, as opposed to the first epoch, the
Age of Sculpture, from the second to the sixth century A.D. During this
earlier epoch flourished the great cities of the south, Palenque,
Quirigua, Copan, and others[902]. Despite their more gentle
disposition, as expressed in the softer and almost feminine lines of
their features, the Mayas held out more valiantly than the Aztecs
against the Spaniards, and a section of the nation occupying a strip of
territory between Yucatan and British Honduras, still maintains its
independence. The "barbarians," as the inhabitants of this district are
called, would appear to be scarcely less civilised than their
neighbours, although they have forgotten the teachings of the padres,
and transformed the Catholic churches to wayside inns. Even as it is the
descendants of the Spaniards have to a great extent forgotten their
mother-tongue, and Maya-Quiché dialects are almost everywhere current
except in the Campeachy district. Those also who call themselves
Catholics preserve and practise many of the old rites. After burial the
track from the grave to the house is carefully chalked, so that the soul
of the departed may know the way back when the time comes to enter the
body of some new-born babe. The descendants of the national astrologers
everywhere pursue their arts, determining events, forecasting the
harvests and so on by the conjunctions of the stars, and every village
has its native "Zadkiel" who reads the future in the ubiquitous crystal
globe. Even certain priests continue to celebrate the "Field Mass," at
which a cock is sacrificed to the Mayan Aesculapius, with invocations to
the Trinity and their associates, the four genii of the rain and crops.
"These tutelar deities, however, have taken Christian names, the Red, or
God of the East, having become St Dominic; the White, or God of the
North, St Gabriel; the Black, or God of the West, St James; and the
'Yellow Goddess' of the South, Mary Magdalene[903]."

       *       *       *       *       *

To the observer passing from the northern to the southern division of
the New World no marked contrasts are at first perceptible, either in
the physical appearance, or in the social condition of the aborigines.
The substantial uniformity, which in these respects prevails from the
Arctic to the Austral waters, is in fact well illustrated by the
comparatively slight differences presented by the primitive populations
dwelling north and south of the Isthmus of Panama.

At the discovery the West Indies were inhabited by two distinct
peoples, both apparently of South American origin. The populations of
the Greater Antilles, Cuba, Jamaica, Santo Domingo and Porto Rico were
of Arawak stock, as were also the Lucayans of the Bahamas. The Lesser
Antilles were peopled by Caribs, whose culture had been somewhat
modified by the Arawaks who had preceded them. As regards influences
from the north-west and west, Joyce considers that intercourse between
Yucatan and Western Cuba was confined to occasional trading voyages and
did not long antedate the arrival of the Spaniards. The same applies to
Florida where, however, Antillean influences may be traced, especially
in pottery designs[904]. According to Beuchat, however, the Guacanabibes
of Cuba are of common origin with the Tekestas of Florida. Other tribes
from Florida spread to the Bahamas, Cuba[905], and perhaps Hayti, but
were checked by Arawaks from South America who mastered the whole of the
West Indies. Last came the more vigorous but less advanced Caribs, also
from the southern mainland (of Arawak origin according to Joyce and
Beuchat). The statement of Columbus that the Lucayans[906] were "of good
size, with large eyes and broader foreheads than he had ever seen in any
other race of men" is fully borne out by the character of some old
skulls from the Bahamas measured by W. K. Brooks, who regarded them as
belonging to "a well-marked type of the North American Indian race which
was at that time distributed over the Bahama Islands, Hayti, and the
greater part of Cuba. As these islands are only a few miles from the
peninsula of Florida, this race must at some time have inhabited at
least the south-eastern extremity of the continent, and it is therefore
extremely interesting to note that the North American crania which
exhibit the closest resemblance to those from the Bahama Islands have
been obtained from Florida[907]." This observer dwells on the solidity
and massiveness of the Lucayan skulls, which bring them into direct
relation with the races both of the Mississippi plains and of the
Brazilian and Venezuelan coast-lands, though the general ethnography of
Panama and Costa Rica reveals no active influence exerted by tribes of
Colombia and Venezuela, except in eastern Panama[908].

Equally close is the connection established between the surviving
Isthmian and Colombian peoples of the Atrato and Magdalena basins. The
Chontal of Nicaragua are scarcely to be distinguished from some of the
Santa Marta hillmen, while the Choco and perhaps the Cuna of Panama have
been affiliated to the Choco of the Atrato and San Juan rivers. The
cultural connection between the tribes of the Isthmus and of Colombia
appears especially in the gold-work and pottery of the Chiriqui; at the
Chiriqui Lagoon, however, Nahuan influence is perceptible[909].
Attempts, which however can hardly be regarded as successful, have even
been made to establish linguistic relations between the Costa Rican
Guatuso and the Timote of the Merida uplands of Venezuela, who are
themselves a branch of the formerly widespread Muyscan family.

But with these Muyscans we at once enter a new ethnical and cultural
domain, in which may be studied the resemblances due to the common
origin of all the American aborigines, and the divergences due obviously
to long isolation and independent local developments in the two
continental divisions. In general the southern populations present more
violent contrasts than the northern in their social and intellectual
developments, so that while the wild tribes touch a lower depth of
savagery, some at least of the civilised peoples rise to a higher degree
of excellence, if not in letters--where the inferiority is
manifest--certainly in the arts of engineering, architecture,
agriculture, and political organisation. Thus we need not travel many
miles inland from the Isthmus without meeting the Catio, a wild tribe
between the Atrato and the Cauca, more degraded even than the Seri of
Tiburon island, most debased of all North American hordes. These Catio,
a now nearly extinct branch of the Choco stock, were said to dwell like
the anthropoid apes, in the branches of trees; they mostly went naked,
and were reported, like the Mangbattus and other Congo negroes, to
"fatten their captives for the table." Their Darien neighbours of the
Nore valley, who gave an alternative name to the Panama peninsula, were
accustomed to steal the women of hostile tribes, cohabit with them, and
carefully bring up the children till their fourteenth year, when they
were eaten with much rejoicing, the mothers ultimately sharing the same
fate[910]; and the Cocoma of the Marañon "were in the habit of eating
their own dead relations, and grinding their bones to drink in their
fermented liquor. They said it was better to be inside a friend than to
be swallowed up by the cold earth[911]." In fact of the Colombian
aborigines Herrera tells us that "the living are the grave of the dead;
for the husband has been seen to eat his wife, the brother his brother
or sister, the son his father; captives also are eaten roasted[912]."

Thus is raised the question of cannibalism in the New World, where at
the discovery it was incomparably more prevalent south than north of the
equator. Compare the Eskimo and the Fuegians at the two extremes, the
former practically exonerated of the charge, and in distress sparing
wives and children and eating their dogs; the latter sparing their dogs
because useful for catching otters, and smoking and eating their old
women because useless for further purposes[913]. In the north the taste
for human flesh had declined, and the practice survived only as a
ceremonial rite, chiefly amongst the British Columbians and the Aztecs,
except of course in case of famine, when even the highest races are
capable of devouring their fellows. But in the south cannibalism in some
of its most repulsive forms was common enough almost everywhere. Killing
and eating feeble and aged members of the tribe in kindness is still
general; but the Mayorunas of the Upper Amazon waters do not wait till
they have grown lean with years or wasted with disease[914]; and it was
a baptized member of the same tribe who complained on his death-bed that
he would not now provide a meal for his Christian friends, but must be
devoured by worms[915].

In the southern continent the social conditions illustrated by these
practices prevailed everywhere, except on the elevated plateaus of the
western Cordilleras, which for many ages before the discovery had been
the seats of several successive cultures, in some respects rivalling,
but in others much inferior to those of Central America. When the
Conquistadores reached this part of the New World, to which they were
attracted by the not altogether groundless reports of fabulous wealth
embodied in the legend of _El Dorado_, the "Man of Gold," they found it
occupied by a cultural zone which extended almost continuously from the
present republic of Colombia through Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia right
into Chili. In the north the dominant people were the semi-civilised
Chibcha, already mentioned under the name of Muysca[916], who had
developed an organised system of government on the Bogota table-land,
and had succeeded in extending their somewhat more refined social
institutions to some of the other aborigines of Colombia, though not to
many of the outlying members of their own race. As in Mexico many of the
Nahuatlan tribes remained little better than savages to the last, so in
Colombia the civilised Muyscans were surrounded by numerous kindred
tribes--Coyaima, Natagaima, Tocaima and others, collectively known as
Panches--who were real savages with scarcely any tribal organisation,
wearing no clothes, and according to the early accounts still addicted
to cannibalism.

The Muysca proper had a tradition that they owed their superiority to
their culture-hero Bochica, who came from the east long ago, taught them
everything, and was then placed with Chiminigagua, the creator, at the
head of their pantheon, and worshipped with solemn rites and even human
sacrifices. Amongst the arts thus acquired was that of the goldsmith, in
which they surpassed all other peoples of the New World. The precious
metal was even said to be minted in the shape of discs, which formed an
almost solitary instance of a true metal currency amongst the American
aborigines[917]. Brooches, pendants, and especially grotesque figurines
of gold, often alloyed with silver and copper, have been found in great
numbers and still occasionally turn up on the plateau. These finds are
partly accounted for by the practice of offering such objects in the
open air to the personified constellations and forces of nature, for the
primitive religion of all the Andean tribes consisted of nature-, in
particular sun-cults. Near Bogota was a temple of the Sun, where
children were reared for sacrifice[918]. Any mysterious sound emanating
from a forest, a rock, a mountain pass, or gloomy gorge, was accepted as
a manifestation of some divine presence; a shrine was raised to the
embodied spirit, and so the whole land became literally crowded with
local deities. This world itself was upborne on the shoulders of
Chibchacum, a national Atlas, who now and then eased himself by shifting
the burden, and thus caused earthquakes. In most lands subject to
underground disturbances analogous ideas prevail, and when their source
is so obvious, it seems unreasonable to seek for explanations in racial
affinities, contacts, foreign influences, and so forth.

It has often been remarked that at the advent of the whites the native
civilisations seemed generally stricken as if by the hand of death, so
that even if not suddenly arrested by the intruders they must sooner or
later have perished of themselves. Such speculations are seldom
convincing, because we never know what recuperative forces may be at
work to ward off the evil day. When the Spaniards arrived in Colombia
they found at one end of the scale naked and savage cannibals, at the
other a people with a feudal form of government, whose political system
was progressive, who, though possessing no form of writing, had a system
of measures and a calendar, and who were skilled in the arts of weaving,
pottery, and metallurgy[919]. The chiefs of the Chibcha were all
absolute monarchs and the appointment of priests rested with them.
Succession to the chieftainship was matrilineal, and installation in the
office was attended by much ceremony. A great gulf separated nobles and
commoners; slavery existed as an institution but slaves were well
treated. Polygyny was permitted, but relatives within certain degrees
might not marry[920]. This feebly organised political system broke to
pieces at the first shock from without, and so disheartened had the
people become under their half theocratic rulers, that they scarcely
raised a hand in defence of a government which in their minds was
associated only with tyranny and oppression. The conquest was in any
case facilitated by the civil war at the time raging between the
northern and southern kingdoms which with several other semi-independent
states constituted the Muyscan empire. This empire was almost
conterminous southwards with that of the Incas. At least the numerous
terms occurring in the dialects of the Paes, Coconucos, and other South
Colombian tribes, show that Peruvian influences had spread beyond the
political frontiers far to the north, without, however, quite reaching
the confines of the Muyscan domain.

But for several centuries prior to the discovery the sway of the
Peruvian Incas had been established throughout nearly the whole of the
Andean lands, and the territory directly ruled by them extended from the
Quito district about the equator for some 2500 miles southwards to the
Rio Maule in Chili, with an average breadth of 400 miles between the
Pacific and the eastern slopes of the Cordilleras. Their dominion thus
comprised a considerable part of the present republics of Ecuador, Peru,
Bolivia, Chili, and Argentina, with a roughly estimated area of
1,000,000 square miles, and a population of over 10,000,000. Here the
ruling race were the Quichua, whose speech, called by themselves
_ruma-simi_, "the language of men," is still current in several
well-marked dialects throughout all the provinces of the old empire. In
Lima and all the seaports and inland towns Spanish prevails, but in the
rural districts Quichuan remains the mother-tongue of over 2,000,000
natives, and has even become the _lingua franca_ of the western regions,
just as Tupi-Guarani is the _lingoa geral_, "general language," of the
eastern section of South America. The attempts to find affinities with
Aryan (especially Sanskrit), and other linguistic families of the
eastern hemisphere, have broken down before the application of sound
philological principles to these studies, and Quichuan is now recognised
as a stock language of the usual American type, unconnected with any
other except that of the Bolivian Aymaras. Even this connection is
regarded by some students as verbal rather than structural, an
interchange of a considerable number of terms being easily explained by
the close contact in which the two peoples have long dwelt.

As to the origin of the Incas we cannot do better than follow the views
of Sir Clements Markham, who has made a careful study of the various
early authorities. His account (_The Incas of Peru,_ 1910) is based
largely on the works of Spanish military writers such as Ciezo de Leon
and Pedro Pizarro (cousin of the conqueror), of priests like Molina,
Montesinos, and the half-breed Blas Valera, and on those of the Inca
Garcilasso de la Vega, son of a Spanish knight and an Inca princess. The
megalithic ruins of Tiahuanacu, at the southern end of Lake Titicaca,
mark the earliest known centre of culture in southern Peru. They are
situated on a lofty plateau, over 13,000 feet above the sea, and are the
remains of a great city built by highly skilled masons who used enormous
stones. The placing of such monoliths, unrivalled except by those of
ancient Egypt, indicates a dense and well-organised population. The
famous monolithic doorway is elaborately carved, the central figure
apparently representing the deity, while on either side are figures,
human- or bird-headed, kneeling in adoration (_op. cit._, pls. at pp.
26, 28). Now it seems probable that the builders of this megalithic city
were the ancestors of the Incas, assuming that a substratum of truth
underlies the Paccari-tampu myth.

The end of the early civilisation is stated to have been caused by a
great invasion from the south, when the king was killed in a battle in
the Collao, north of Lake Titicaca. A state of barbarism ensued. A
remnant of the royal house took refuge in a district called Tampu-Tocco
("Window Tavern")[921] and there preserved a vestige of their ancient
traditions and civilisation. Elsewhere religion deteriorated to nature
worship, here the kings declared themselves to be children of the sun.
Montesinos' list of kings gives 27 names for this period of Tampu-Tocco,
which may cover 650 years.

The myth, which is "certainly the outcome of a real tradition, ... the
fabulous version of a distant historical event," tells how Manco Ccapac
and the three other Ayars, his brothers, the children of the sun, came
forth with their wives from the central opening or window in the hill
Tampu-Tocco. They advanced slowly at the head of several _ayllus_
(lineages). Ayar Manco took the lead, and he had with him a falcon-like
bird revered as sacred, and a golden staff which he flung ahead; when it
reached soil so fertile that the whole length sank in, there the final
halt was to be made. This happened in the fertile vale of Cuzco. The
date of these events would be about four centuries before the Spanish
conquest.

Farther north at about 15° S. lat. the Inca civilisation was preceded,
according to Uhle, by the very ancient one of Ica and Nazca, where dwelt
a people who made pottery but were ignorant of weaving. The same
authority has also discovered about Lima the remains of a tall people,
who made rude pottery, nets, and objects of bone[922].

Manco established himself in the Cuzco valley, his third successor
finally subjugating the tribes there. The early position of the Incas,
cemented by judicious marriages, seems to have been one of priority in a
very loose confederacy. The rise of the Incas was due to the ambition of
the lady Siuyacu whose son, Inca Rocca, appears to have been the pioneer
of empire; material prosperity began under him, schools were erected and
irrigation works begun. Then from a strip of land 250 miles long between
the gorge of the Apurimac and the wide fertile valley of Vilcamayu, the
empire was extended to form the Ttahua-ntin-suyu, "the four provinces,"
of which the northern one, Chinchay-suyu, reached to Quito, and the
southern, Colla-suyu, into Chili. This southward extension was due to
the efforts of Pachacuti who succeeded after hard fighting in annexing
the region around Lake Titicaca, and the new territory was named after
the Collas, the largest and most powerful tribe thereabouts. In order to
pacify the region permanently large numbers of Collas were sent as
_mitimaes_, or colonists, as far as the borders of Quito, while their
places were filled by loyal colonists from Inca districts. Among these
were a number of Aymaras from the Quichuan region of the Pachachaca, a
left bank tributary of the Apurimac, who were settled among the
remaining Lupacas on the west shore of Lake Titicaca at Juli. Thither
came Jesuit fathers in 1572 and learnt the language of the Lupacas from
these Aymara colonists, who had been there three generations; the name
Aymara was given by the priests not only to the Lupaca language but to
those spoken by Collas and other Titicacan tribes. Thus the name Aymara
is now generally but quite erroneously applied to the language and
people of this region; it was first so used in 1575. It must be pointed
out, however, that other authorities regard the Aymara and Quichua as
entirely distinct. A. Chervin[923] discusses the physical differences at
great length and concludes that they are two separate brachycephalic
peoples.

The Peruvians were primarily agriculturists, maize and at higher
altitudes the potato being their chief crops. Their aqueducts and
irrigation systems moved the admiration of early chroniclers, as did
also their roads and suspension bridges[924]. The supreme deity and
creator was Uira-cocha, who was worshipped by the more intellectual and
had a temple at Cuzco. The popular religion was the worship of the
founder of each _ayllu_, or clan, and all joined in adoration of the sun
as ancestor of the sovereign Incas. Sun-worship was attended by a
magnificent ritual, the high priest was an official of highest rank,
often a brother of the sovereign, and there were over 3000 Virgins of
the Sun (_aclla_) connected with the cult at Cuzco. The peasants put
their trust in _conopas_, or household gods, which controlled their
crops and their llamas. The calendar had been calculated with
considerable ingenuity, and certain festivals took place annually and
were usually accompanied with much chicha-drinking. It is remarkable
that so advanced a people kept all their elaborate records by means of
_quipus_ (coloured strings with knots).

Here is not the place to enter into the details of the astonishing
architectural, engineering, and artistic remains, often assigned to the
Incas, whose empire had absorbed in the north the old civilisation of
the _Chimu_, perhaps of the _Atacameño_, and other cultured peoples
whose very names have perished. The Yunga (Mochica or Chimu), conquered
by the Inca Tupac Yupanqui, had a language radically distinct from
Quichuan, but have long been assimilated to their conquerors.

The ruins of Grand Chimu (modern Trujillo) cover a vast area, nearly 15
miles by 6, which is everywhere strewn with the remains of palaces,
reservoirs, aqueducts, ramparts, and especially _huacas_, that is,
truncated pyramids not unlike those of Mexico, whence the theory that
the Chimus, of unknown origin, were "Toltecs" from Central America. One
of these huacas is described by Squier as 150 feet high with a base 580
feet square, and an area of 8 acres, presenting from a distance the
appearance of a huge crater[925]. Still larger is the so-called "Temple
of the Sun," 800 by 470 feet, 200 feet high, and covering an area of 7
acres. An immense population of hundreds of thousands was assigned to
this place in pre-Inca times; but from some rough surveys made in 1897
it would appear that much of the space within the enclosures consists of
waste lands, which had never been built over, and it is calculated that
at no time could the number of inhabitants have greatly exceeded 50,000.

We need not stop to describe the peculiar civil and social institutions
of the Peruvians, which are of common knowledge. Enough to say that here
everything was planned in the interests of the theocratic and
all-powerful Incas, who were more than obeyed, almost honoured with
divine worship by their much bethralled and priest-ridden subjects. "The
despotic authority of the Incas was the basis of government; that
authority was founded on the religious respect yielded to the descendant
of the sun, and supported by a skilfully combined hierarchy[926]." From
remote antiquity the peoples of this area were organised into _ayllus_
each occupying part of a valley or a limited area. It was a patriarchal
system, land belonging to the _ayllu_, which was a group of families.
The Incas systematised this institution, the _ayllu_ was made to
comprise 100 families under a village officer who annually allotted land
to the heads of families. Each family was divided by the head into 10
classes based on age. Ten _ayllus_ (now termed _pachacas_) formed a
_huaranca_. A valley with a varying number of _huarancas_ was termed a
_hunu_; over four _hunus_ there was an imperial officer. "This was
indeed Socialism," Markham observes, "existing under an inexorable
despotism" (p. 169).

Beyond the Maule, southernmost limits of all these effete civilisations,
man reasserted himself in the "South American Iroquois," as those
Chilian aborigines have been called who called themselves _Molu-che_,
"Warriors," but are better known by their Quichuan designation of
_Aucaes_, "Rebels," whence the Spanish Aucans (Araucan, Araucanian).
These "Rebels," who have never hitherto been overcome by the arms of any
people, and whose heroic deeds in the long wars waged by the white
intruders against their freedom form the topic of a noble Spanish epic
poem[927], still maintain a measure of national autonomy as the friends
and faithful allies of the Chilian republic. Individual freedom and
equality were leading features of the social system which was in the
main patriarchal. The Araucanians were led by four independent chiefs,
each supported by five _ulmen_, or district chiefs, whose office was
hereditary but whose authority was little more than nominal. It was only
in time of national warfare that the tribes united under a
war-chief[928]. Not only are all the tribes absolutely free, but the
same is true of every clan, sept, and family group. Needless to say,
there are no slaves or serfs. "The law of retaliation was the only one
understood, although the commercial spirit of the Araucano led him to
forego personal revenge for its accruing profit. Thus every injury had
its price[929]."

The basis of their belief is a rude form of nature worship, the
principal deities being malignant and requiring propitiation. The chief
god was Pillan, the thunder god. Spirits of the dead go west over the
sea to a place of abundance where no evil spirits have entry[930]. And
this simple belief is almost the only substitute for the rewards and
punishments which supply the motive for the observance of an artificial
ethical code in so many more developed religious systems.

In the sonorous Araucanian language, which is still spoken by about
40,000 full-blood natives, the term _che_, meaning "people," occurs as
the postfix of several ethnical groups, which, however, are not tribal
but purely territorial divisions. Thus, while _Molu-che_ is the
collective name of the whole nation, the _Picun-che_, _Huilli-che_, and
_Puel-che_ are simply the North, South, and East men respectively. The
Central and most numerous division are the _Puen-che_, that is, people
of the pine district, who are both the most typical and most intelligent
of all the Araucanian family. Ehrenreich's remark that many of the
American aborigines resemble Europeans as much as or even more than the
Asiatic Mongols, is certainly borne out by the facial expression of
these Puenche. The resemblance is even extended to the mental
characters, as reflected in their oral literature. Amongst the specimens
of the national folklore preserved in the Puenche dialect and edited
with Spanish translations by Rodolfo Lenz[931], is the story of a
departed lover, who returns from the other world to demand his betrothed
and carries her off to his grave. Although this might seem an adaptation
of Bürger's "Lenore," Lenz is of opinion that it is a genuine Araucanian
legend.

Of the above-mentioned groups the Puelche are now included politically
in Argentina. Their original home seems to have been north of the Rio
Negro, but they raided westwards and some adopted the Araucanian
language[932] and to them also the Chilian affix _che_ has also been
extended. Indeed the term Puelche, meaning simply "Easterns," is applied
not only to the Argentine Moluche, whose territory stretches east of the
Cordilleras as far as Mendoza in Cuyo, but also to all the aborigines
commonly called _Pampeans_ (_Pampas Indians_) by the Europeans and
_Penek_ by the Patagonians. Under the designation of Puelche would
therefore be comprised the now extinct _Ranqualche_ (Ranqueles), who
formerly raided up to Buenos-Ayres and the other Spanish settlements on
the Plate River, the _Mapoche_ of the Lower Salado, and generally all
the nomads as far south as the Rio Negro.

These aborigines are now best represented by the _Gauchos_, who are
mostly Spaniards on the father's side and Indians on the mother's, and
reflect this double descent in their half-nomadic, half-civilised life.
These Gauchos, who are now also disappearing before the encroachments
of the "Gringos[933]," _i.e._ the white immigrants from almost every
country in Europe, have been enveloped in an ill-deserved halo of
romance, thanks mainly to their roving habits, splendid horsemanship,
love of finery, and genial disposition combined with that innate grace
and courtesy which belongs to all of Spanish blood. But those who knew
them best described them as of sordid nature, cruel to their women-kind,
reckless gamblers and libertines, ruthless political partisans, at times
even religious fanatics without a spark of true religion, and at heart
little better than bloodthirsty savages.

Beyond the Rio Negro follow the gigantic Patagonians, that is, the
_Tehuelche_ or _Chuelche_ of the Araucanians, who have no true
collective name unless it be _Tsoneca_, a word of uncertain use and
origin. Most of the tribal groups--_Yacana_, _Pilma_, _Chao_ and
others--are broken up, and the former division between the Northern
Tehuelche (Tehuelhet), comprising the _Callilehet_ (Serranos or
Highlanders) of the Upper Chupat, with the Calilan between the Rios
Chupat and Negro, and the Southern Tehuelche (Yacana, Sehuan, etc.),
south to Fuegia, no longer holds good since the general displacement of
all these fluctuating nomad hordes. A branch of the Tehuelche are
unquestionably the _Ona_ of the eastern parts of Fuegia, the true
aborigines of which are the _Yahgans_ of the central and the _Alakalufs_
of the western islands.

Hitherto to the question whence came these tall Patagonians, no answer
could be given beyond the suggestion that they may have been specialised
in their present habitat, where nevertheless they seem to be obviously
intruders. Now, however, one may perhaps venture to look for their
original home amongst the _Bororo_ of Matto Grosso, a once powerful race
who held the region between the Rios Cuyaba and Paraguay. These Bororo,
who had been heard of by Martius, were visited by Ehrenreich[934] and by
Karl von den Steinen[935], who found them to be a nomadic hunting people
with a remarkable social organisation centring in the men's club-house
(_baitó_). Their physical characters, as described by the former
observer, correspond closely with those of the Patagonians: "An
exceptionally tall race rivalling the South Sea Islanders, Patagonians,
and Redskins; by far the tallest Indians hitherto discovered within the
tropics," their stature ranging nearly up to 6 ft. 4 in., with very
large and rounded heads (men 81.2; women 77.4). With this should be
compared the very large round old Patagonian skull from the Rio Negro,
measured by Rudolf Martin[936]. The account reads like the description
of some forerunner of a prehistoric Bororo irruption into the Patagonian
steppe lands.

To the perplexing use of the term Puelche above referred to is perhaps
due the difference of opinion still prevailing on the number of stock
languages in this southern section of the Continent. D'Orbigny's
emphatic statement[937] that the Puelche spoke a language fundamentally
distinct both from the Araucanian and the Patagonian has been questioned
on the strength of some Puelche words, which were collected by Hale at
Carmen on the Rio Negro, and differ but slightly from Patagonian. But
the Rio Negro lies on the ethnical divide between the two races, which
sufficiently accounts for the resemblances, while the words are too few
to prove anything. Hale calls them "Southern Puelche," but they were in
fact Tehuelche (Patagonian), the true Pampean Puelche having disappeared
from that region before Hale's time[938]. I have now the unimpeachable
authority of T. P. Schmid, for many years a missionary amongst these
aborigines, for asserting that d'Orbigny's statement is absolutely
correct. His Puelche were the Pampeans, because he locates them in the
region between the Rios Negro and Colorado, that is, north of Patagonian
and east of Araucanian territory, and Schmid assures me that all
three--Araucanian, Pampean, and Patagonian--are undoubtedly stock
languages, distinct both in their vocabulary and structure, with nothing
in common except their common polysynthetic form. In a list of 2000
Patagonian and Araucanian words he found only two alike, _patac_ = 100,
and _huarunc_ = 1000, numerals obviously borrowed by the rude Tehuelche
from the more cultured Moluche. In Fuegia there is at least one
radically distinct tongue, the Yahgan, studied by Bridges. Here the Ona
is probably a Patagonian dialect, and Alakaluf perhaps remotely allied
to Araucanian. Thus in the whole region south of the Plate River the
stock languages are not known to exceed four: Araucanian; Pampean
(Puelche); Patagonian (Tehuelche); and Yahgan.

Few aboriginal peoples have been the subject of more glaringly
discrepant statements than the Yahgans, to whom several lengthy
monographs have been devoted during the last few decades. How
contradictory are the statements of intelligent and even trained
observers, whose good faith is beyond suspicion and who have no cause to
serve except the truth, will best be seen by placing in juxtaposition
the accounts of the family relations by G. Bove, a well-known Italian
observer, and P. Hyades of the French Cape Horn Expedition, both
summarised[939]:--

    _Bove._

    The women are treated as slaves. The greater the number of wives or
    slaves a man has the easier he finds a living; hence polygamy is
    deep-rooted and four wives common. Owing to rigid climate and bad
    treatment the mortality of children under 10 years is excessive; the
    mother's love lasts till the child is weaned, after which it rapidly
    wanes, and is completely gone when the child attains the age of 7 or
    8 years. The Fuegian's only lasting love is the love of self. As
    there are no family ties, the word "authority" is devoid of meaning.

    _Hyades._

    The Fuegians are capable of great love which accounts for the
    jealousy of the men over their wives and the coquetry sometimes
    manifested by the women and girls.

    Some men have two or more wives, but monogamy is the rule.

    Children are tenderly cared for by their parents, who in return are
    treated by them with affection and deference.

    The Fuegians are of a generous disposition and like to share their
    pleasures with others. The husbands exercise due control, and punish
    severely any act of infidelity.

These seeming contradictions may be partly explained by the general
improvement in manners due to the beneficent action of the English
missionaries in recent years, and great progress has certainly been made
since the accounts of King, Fitz-Roy and Darwin[940].

But even in the more favoured regions of the Parana and Amazon basins
many tribes are met which yield little if at all to the Fuegians of the
early writers in sheer savagery and debasement. Thus the _Cashibo_ or
_Carapache_ of the Ucayali, who are described as "white as Germans, with
long beards[941]," may be said to answer almost better than any other
human group to the old saying, _homo homini lupus_. They roam the
forests like wild beasts, living almost entirely upon game, in which is
included man himself. "When one of them is pursuing the chase in the
woods and hears another hunter imitating the cry of an animal, he
immediately makes the same cry to entice him nearer, and, if he is of
another tribe, he kills him if he can, and (as is alleged) eats him."
Hence they are naturally "in a state of hostility with all their
neighbours[942]."

These Cashibo, _i.e._ "Bats," are members of a widespread linguistic
family which in ethnological writings bears the name of _Pano_, from the
Pano of the Huallaga and Marañon, who are now broken up or greatly
reduced, but whose language is current amongst the Cashibo, the Conibo,
the Karipuna, the Setebo, the Sipivio (Shipibo) and others about the
head waters of the Amazons in Peru, Bolivia, and Brazil, as far east as
the Madeira. Amongst these, as amongst the Moxo and so many other
riverine tribes in Amazonia, a slow transformation is in progress. Some
have been baptized, and while still occupying their old haunts and
keeping up the tribal organisation, have been induced to forego their
savage ways and turn to peaceful pursuits. They are beginning to wear
clothes, usually cotton robes of some vivid colour, to till the soil,
take service with the white traders, or even trade themselves in their
canoes up and down the tributaries of the Amazons. Beyond the Rubber
Belt, however, many tribes are quite untouched b